Bullarium Hellenicum. Pope Honorius III's Letters to Frankish Greece and Constantinople 9782503554648

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3 Editorial Coordinator Evelien Chayes Editorial Board Lorenzo Calvelli Christopher Celenza Evelien Chayes Gilles Grivaud Martin Hinterberger Michalis Olympios Christopher Schabel

Bullarium Hellenicum Pope Honorius III’s Letters to Frankish Greece and Constantinople (1216-1227) Edited by William O. Duba Christopher D. Schabel

© 2015 Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without prior permission of the publisher.

D/2015/0095/72 ISBN 978-2-503-55464-8 Printed on acid-free paper

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 7 POPE HONORIUS III (1216-1227) AND ROMANIA 9 The Latin Empire and the Kingdom of Thessaloniki 15 The Latin Patriarchate 30 The Prelates and Dioceses of Romania 41 The Agreements of the 1220s I: Church Property 54 The Agreements of the 1220s II:The Lower Greek Secular Clergy in Greek Lands under Frankish Rule 59 The Regular Clergy 72 Conclusion 84 INTRODUCTION TO THE EDITION 89

A Note on Reading Papal Letters 95 Correspondence Table 101 TABULA LITTERARUM 103 BIBLIOGRAPHY WITH ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE EDITION 115 MAPS 129 THE LETTERS 133 INDEX MANUSCRIPTORUM 579 INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM 581 INDEX RERUM 601

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The process that led to the publication of this volume began in the fall of 2002, in the development of a University of Cyprus seminar on medieval Latin palaeography taught by Chris Schabel. Schabel used the letters of Pope Honorius III to Frankish Greece for the section of the course on diplomatics, some of which letters were transcribed by two graduate students and an undergraduate, Christina Kaoulla.The importance of the material became readily apparent the following semester, during a seminar on Frankish Greece 1204-1261. A University of Cyprus research grant made the project possible, bringing Bill Duba to Cyprus for the 20042005 academic year to work on the present volume. By the end of the year, we had a full transcription and rough summaries of almost all the letters. The publication has been delayed, however, due to our other obligations and the difficulty in checking the edition against the later copies and against previous publications of various letters, mostly scattered in nineteenth-century and older works that could not be accessed in Cyprus. Work continued sporadically, until the habilitation and PhD projects of Pierre-Vincent Claverie, Nikolaos Chrissis, and Ludivine Voisin, who employed our transcriptions, provided incentive to finish the project. We returned to the Bullarium Hellenicum in January 2013, when the Internet had progressed to the point where we could access most of the older editions. A number of institutions and individuals have assisted in bringing this volume to completion. As mentioned, the book is the product of an internal University of Cyprus research program.The Archivio

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Segreto Vaticano – especially the prefect, Bishop Sergio Pagano, and his secretary, Marco Grilli – has been very helpful as always. During our visits to the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris, the Biblioteca Vallicelliana and the Archivio Storico del Laterano in Rome, the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, and other libraries we always enjoyed the pleasant hospitality of the staffs, even when told we could not see the materials. Nikolaos Bakirtzis, PierreVincent Claverie (a new Eubel), Christoph Egger, Charalambos Gasparis, Bob Jordan, Christina Kaoulla, Rosemary Morris, Peter Toth, Demetrios Tsougarakis, and Ludivine Voisin offered scholarly advice and kindly provided us with materials.We sent a penultimate draft to Nikolaos Chrissis, Pierre-Vincent Claverie, Gilles Grivaud, Martin Hinterberger, David Jacoby, Michalis Olympios, and Nickiphoros Tsougarakis, all of whom we thank for their corrections and excellent suggestions. W. O. D. and C. D. S., Rome, April 2014

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POPE HONORIUS III (1216-1227) AND ROMANIA

Two basic facts pertinent to the present volume need to be stated. First, the letters of Pope Honorius III and succeeding popes have never been published in full. Second, although like any other source they require caution on the part of the interpreter, these letters are indispensable for the information they provide for areas formerly under Latin rule where few local archives survive for the Middle Ages, above all the Kingdom of Jerusalem and its vassal states, the Kingdom of Armenia in Cilicia, the Kingdom of Cyprus, and the Latin Empire of Constantinople and its vassal states that were not under Venetian or Genoese control.1 Regarding the first fact, for the period when the papal registers survive more or less intact, starting in 1198, only the correspondence of the first pope, Innocent III (1198-1216), has been printed in full,2 despite claims to the contrary.3 For the remaining 1 For a survey of surviving archival sources for the medieval Eastern Mediterranean, see Alexander D. Beihammer, “Eastern Mediterranean Diplomatics: The Present State of Research,” in idem, Maria G. Parani, and Chris D. Schabel, eds., Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500: Aspects of Cross-Cultural Communication, Leiden: Brill, 2008 (The Medieval Mediterreanean, 74), pp. 1-24, at pp. 4-18. 2 In volumes 214-216 of Migne’s Patrologia Latina, and now in Die Register Innocenz’ III., ed. Othmar Hageneder et al., Graz and Cologne: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1964-1968, and Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1977-, which is nearing completion. 3 E.g., in Robert Lee Wolff, “Politics in the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204-1261,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 8 (1954), pp. 225-318; reprinted in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London:Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no. IX, at p. 233: “As students of the period are well aware, we possess printed editions of the full texts of the letters of all the

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popes of the next century, all letters in the registers have been at least summarized, but the proportion of letters that have been edited in full varies from pope to pope. For the period from 1316 to 1378, when the popes resided in Avignon, even the effort at summarization is far from complete, and after 1378 the papal registers are largely terra incognita.4 One of the early popes whose letters are largely available in mere summary form is Innocent III’s successor, Pope Honorius III. The full text of the 76 letters of Honorius dealing with Cyprus has been published recently in Bullarium Cyprium, while the Bullarium Terrae Sanctae, Honorius’ 150 letters concerning the crusader mainland, including Cilician Armenia, is now available in Pierre-Vincent Claverie’s Honorius III et l’Orient.5 The present volume contains the complete text of this pope’s 2776 surviving letters involving Frankish Greece and Constantinople, the first of what is hoped to be a series of volumes of papal letters for the history of what was known as Romania. The second fact is demonstrated in the prominence of citations of papal letters in the footnotes of the major secondary works on these areas.7 With growing international interest and the increasthirteenth-century Popes except for Honorius III.” Having edited the papal letters to Cyprus down to 1314, I can attest that this is false. 4 For a survey linked to the present context, see Chris Schabel, “The Bullarium Cyprium: The Ongoing Mission...,” in Sabine Rogge et al., eds., Cyprus in Medieval Times – A Place of Cultural Encounter, Münster: Waxmann, forthcoming (Schriften des Instituts für Interdisziplinäre Zypern-Studien). 5 Bullarium Cyprium, vol. I: Papal Letters Involving Cyprus 1196-1261, ed. Chris Schabel, with an Historical Introduction by Jean Richard, Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 2010 (Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, 64.1), pp. 179286; Pierre-Vincent Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient (1216-1227). Étude et publication de sources inédites des Archives vaticanes (ASV), Leiden: Brill, 2013 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 97), pp. 279-478. A few letters are common to both editions. 6 This figure is approximate: more letters may eventually turn up, letters that are only tangentially related to Romania have not been included, while one letter is actually addressed to Honorius (no. 148). 7 Since 1900 one can cite, e.g., Walter Norden, Das Papsttum und Byzanz. Die Trennung der beiden Mächte und das Problem ihrer Wiedervereinigung bis zum Untergange des byzantinischen Reichs (1453), Berlin: B. Behr, 1903, esp. pp. 297-305; Rennell Rodd, The Princes of Achaia and the Chronicles of Morea. A Study of Greece in the Middle Ages, 2 vols, London: Edward Arnold, 1907; William Miller, The Latins in the Levant. A History of Frankish Greece (1204-1566), London: John Murray, 1908; Jean Longnon, L’Empire latin de Constantinople et la principauté de Morée, Paris: Payot, 1949; Antoine Bon, La Morée franque. Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d’Achaïe (1205-1430), Paris: Boccard, 1969 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 213); Antonio Carile, Per una

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ing participation of Greeks in the scholarship on Romania, the study of the former Byzantine lands conquered during and after the Fourth Crusade is finally reaching maturity.The past five years alone have seen the publication of significant monographs on the sources, political structure, nobility, crusading activities, Latin religious orders, and Greek monasticism of the Latin Empire, often thoroughly or partially revisionist in nature.8 All of these works employ papal letters to a degree, and with such an intense focus on Romania, a complete edition of this important source is called for, starting with Pope Honorius III. Since some of the recent monographs utilize previous drafts of the present edition,9 this introduction will merely outline in general what Honorius’ letters tell us about the period.10 storia dell’impero latino di Costantinopoli (1204-1261), Bologna: Pàtron, 1972; Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571). Volume I. The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976, especially pp. 44-53; Joseph Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy 1198-1400, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1979, especially pp. 48-61; Michael S. Kordoses, Southern Greece under the Franks (1204-1262): a Study of the Greek Population and the Orthodox Church under Frankish Domination, Ioannina: School of Letters, University of Ioannina, 1987; Aneta Ilieva, Frankish Morea (1205-1262). Socio-cultural Interaction between the Franks and the Local Population, Athens: Historical Publications St. D. Basilopoulos, 1991; Peter Lock, The Franks in the Aegean, 12041500, London: Longman, 1995. 8 Teresa Shawcross, The Chronicle of Morea. Historiography in Crusader Greece, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009; Filip Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium: The Empire of Constantinople (1204-1228), trans. Peter Longbottom, Leiden: Brill, 2011 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 90); Ludivine Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’: les monastères grecs sous domination latine (XIIIe XVIe siècle), 2 vols, PhD dissertation, Université de Rouen, 2011; Nickiphoros I. Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders in Medieval Greece, 1204-1500, Turnhout: Brepols, 2012 (Medieval Church Studies, 18); Nikolaos G. Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece. A Study of Byzantine-Western Relations and Attitudes, 1204-1282, Turnhout: Brepols, 2012 (Medieval Church Studies, 22); Isabelle Ortega, Les lignages nobiliaires dans la Morée latine (XIIIe-XVe siècle). Permanences et mutations,Turnhout: Brepols, 2012 (Histoire de famille. La parenté au moyen âge, 12); Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient. See also Sharon E. J. Gerstel, ed., Viewing the Morea: Land and People in the Late Medieval Peloponnese, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013, and Nikolaos G. Chrissis and Mike Carr, eds., Contact and Conflict in Frankish Greece and the Aegean, 1204-1453, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014. 9 Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, and Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient. Since we have added letters recently, at the end of the introduction there is a correspondence table between the document numbers as cited in the preliminary edition and the current ones. 10 Parts of this introduction were read as papers: “The Ravennica Agreement and the Greek Clergy in Early Frankish Greece,” at the conference “Medieval Dip-

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Latin Christians had conquered Byzantine territories in Southern Italy already in the eleventh century,11 but it was roughly a century after the First Crusade that lands subject to Constantinople and inhabited predominantly by Greek-speaking Christians first became the targets of western crusaders. Richard the Lionheart conquered Cyprus in the course of the Third Crusade in 1191, while the Fourth Crusade was diverted to Constantinople and resulted in 1204 in the further capture and dismemberment of the Byzantine Empire, a cause of and prelude to, it appears, what Greeks often popularly refer to as “the dark centuries of Latin and Ottoman rule.” Despite Pope Innocent III’s vehement opposition to the diversion and the chaotic series of accidents that led to 1204, historians used to see the conquest of Constantinople as a carefully orchestrated plan to punish the schismatic Byzantines and pillage the empire. With their early rhetorical efforts to justify their actions to the papacy, the crusaders themselves provided support for this view, as did Innocent III’s own initial belief that, despite the fact that the conquest was accomplished by excommunicates, it had to be part of God’s providential plan to heal the schism and unite the Church under the Roman pontiff. Innocent soon learned that it was not so simple, but he was presented with a series of faits accomplis that he could only react to as best he could.12 lomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean: Aspects of Intercultural Communication,” University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus, 7-9 April 2006; “Clergy and Class in Early Frankish Cyprus” at the conference “Symbioses et identités culturelles en Méditerranée orientale (XIIIe-XVIe siècles),” Université de Picardie Jules Verne, Amiens, France, 15 October 2012; “Pope Honorius III (1216-1227) and the Greek East,” in the context of the Onassis Foundation’s University Seminars Program, 2 May 2013, University of Iowa, Iowa City. I thank the organizers and the audience members for their comments. 11 See now Annick Peters-Custot, Les Grecs de l’Italie méridionale post-byzantine: Une acculturation en douceur, Rome: École Française de Rome, 2009 (Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 420). 12 The recent literature on the Fourth Crusade and Innocent III’s attitude is immense, without always reaching a consensus. Since the 800th anniversary a decade ago, numerous volumes have appeared, for example Michael Angold, The Fourth Crusade. Event and Context, Harlow: Longman, 2003; Angeliki E. Laiou, ed., Urbs Capta.The Fourth Crusade and Its Consequences, Paris: Lethielleux, 2005 (Réalités byzantines, 10); Jonathan Phillips, The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople, London: Penguin, 2005; Guerardo Ortalli, Giorgio Ravegnani, and Peter Schreiner, eds., Quarta Crociata.Venezia, Bisanzio, Impero Latino, 2 vols,Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 2006; Pierantonio Piatti, ed., The

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By the time of Innocent III’s death in 1216, Cyprus was a stable kingdom under the rule of Hugh I Lusignan (1205-1218), Venice controlled Crete and a few ports, and the Emperor Henry of Constantinople (1206-1216) had managed to take his empire to its apogee, with several Frankish vassal states, notably the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, the Principality of Achaia in the Peloponnese, and what would later be called the Duchy of Athens. Honorius would carry on correspondence with the leaders of these states and also wrote on occasion to the lords of Negroponte (Euboea) [letters 226 and 245 below] and Count Matthew of Cephalonia [136]. For a time Emperor Henry had also managed to make vassals of non-Latins, notably the Bulgarian Alexius Slav (or Sthlabos, fl. 1208-1228), who ruled part of Thrace on the present border between Bulgaria and Greece, and, less completely, Michael Komnenos Doukas, despot of Epirus (1205-1215),13 while Henry had made peace with Emperor Theodore Lascaris of Nicaea (1205-1221). Indeed, although Innocent hoped that Latin strength in the Aegean would be of much assistance to the planned Fifth Crusade, Filip Van Tricht’s recent monograph portrays Henry of Hainaut’s empire as a mosaic of vassal states led by Latins, Greeks, and others who pledged and displayed differing levels of loyalty.14 The empire’s heterogeneous nature included the substantial participation of Greeks in the bureaucracy, but also a number of Greek prelates in the Kingdom of Thessaloniki and, according again to Van Tricht, the Empire of Constantinople proper.15 In other lands conquered after the Fourth Crusade, however, the Greek bishops had been replaced by Latins. In contrast, although a Latin episcopal hierarchy had been established in Cyprus in 1196, the Greek dioceses there continued to exist in parallel.The fate of Greek monasticism differed from place to place, but most regions Fourth Crusade Revisited. Atti della Conferenza Internazionale nell’ottavo centenario della IV Crociata 1204-2004. Andros (Grecia) 27-30 maggio 2004,Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2008 (Pontificio Comitato di scienze, Atti e Documenti, 22); Thomas F. Madden, ed., The Fourth Crusade. Event, Aftermath, and Perceptions, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008. 13 Michael had set out with Boniface of Montferrat on the latter’s conquest in Greece, and one wonders whether Michael split from Boniface to conquer Epirus or was sent there with Boniface’s blessings, just as in the case of William of Champlitte in the Morea. 14 Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 239-244 and passim. 15 Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 322-334.

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now saw the establishment of the western military and monastic orders, especially the Cistercians. The ruling aristocracy was now Latin, although Greek landowners remained in some areas. Numerous western merchants lived in Constantinople and Candia (Herakleion) in Crete, and commercial communities were growing elsewhere.The peasantry, exclusively Greek, was composed of individuals of different status reflecting Byzantine categories, from serfs to free tenants.16 Innocent III’s successor inherited this situation. Cencio Savelli was already an experienced papal administrator when he became a cardinal in 1193. Upon his election to the papal throne 23 years later, on 18 July 1216, and his consecration on 24 July, the date of the beginning of each regnal year in his letters, Cardinal Cencio assumed the name Honorius III.17 Honorius continued to view the results of the Fourth Crusade in the same way Innocent had over a decade earlier: By his ineffable power, [Christ] surrendered into the hands of the Latins the Empire of the Greeks, which had fallen into the crime of schism, so that the schismatics who had raised their heel against the Roman Church, the mother and mistress of all the faithful, would at last come humbly to her, from whom they had rashly withdrawn, and worship her footprints [letter 23].

The situation in the East indeed gave the capable new pope reason for optimism: strong rulers and somewhat stable states had been created in former Byzantine lands, and with their help and that of Emperor Frederick II (†1250) there was every hope that the Fifth Crusade would recapture Jerusalem. The crusade ended disastrously, however, and Frankish Greece and Constantinople faced a number of new internal problems and external enemies, 16 In contrast, Cyprus did have some non-Greek peasants. For Cyprus’ political, ecclesiastical, and social history in the early Frankish period, see recently Peter W. Edbury, The Kingdom of Cyprus and the Crusades 1191-1374, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991; Nicholas Coureas, The Latin Church in Cyprus 1195-1312, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1997; and Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel, eds., Cyprus – Society and Culture 1191-1374, Leiden: Brill, 2005 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 58). For early Frankish Greece, see the works cited above, notes 7-8. 17 For Cencio’s early career, see Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 18-20 (and passim) and the literature cited there.

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as the rival Greek states established in Epirus and Nicaea renewed pressure from west and east respectively. By Honorius’ death in 1227, the Kingdom of Thessaloniki had fallen and the Empire of Constantinople itself was in danger of complete collapse. Honorius’ reign also witnessed significant developments in the regulation of ecclesiastical-secular relations, the organization of the Latin Church, and the final subordination of the Greek clergy. Despite the intrinsic interest of these years, our sources for this period of the history of Frankish Greece are extremely limited: the chronicle of Henri de Valenciennes ends before Honorius’ reign begins and the Chronicle of the Morea cannot be trusted for the early period.We have a few paragraphs in general western chronicles and some Byzantine sources, but for many topics we rely almost exclusively on Honorius’ letters.18 The main advantages of these letters are that they are contemporary to the events and often the papal chancery relays unaltered what had been reported in Rome.The primary disadvantage of the letters, perhaps, is that they focus on problems and do not inform us on the normal situation, when things were running smoothly.

The Latin Empire and the Kingdom of Thessaloniki19 Innocent III had intended the Fourth Crusade to capture Jerusalem, not Constantinople. Honorius III’s chancery composed as 18 For recent and detailed discussions of the sources, see the works cited above, note 8. 19 For Honorius’ involvement in the defense of Thessaloniki and Constantinople, see especially Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, pp. 57-82, idem, “New Frontiers: Frankish Greece and the Development of Crusading in the Early Thirteenth Century,” in idem and Carr, eds., Contact and Conflict, pp. 17-41, and Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 79-92 and 195-205, and from the other side, see Donald M. Nicol, The Despotate of Epiros (1204-1261), Oxford: Blackwell, 1957, pp. 50-64. For general surveys of the political history of early Frankish Greece, see Robert Lee Wolff, “The Latin Empire of Constantinople, 1204-1261,” pp. 187-233, and Jean Longnon, “The Frankish States in Greece, 1204-1311,” pp. 234-275, both in Robert Lee Wolff and Harry W. Hazard, eds. The Later Crusades, 1189-1311, Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1969 (= Kenneth M. Setton, ed., A History of the Crusades, vol. II), with Wolff ’s reprinted in Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London:Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no. I; David Jacoby, “The Latin Empire of Constantinople and the Frankish States in Greece,” in David S. H. Abulafia, ed., The New Cambridge Medieval History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 525-542; idem, “The Lat-

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many letters (ca. 35020) strictly in support of the Fifth Crusade and later efforts in Outremer as he did regarding all former Byzantine lands combined, not including a number of other letters merely mentioning the subsidium Terre Sancte in passing. Honorius and succeeding popes stressed that the primary utility of Frankish Greece was its role in achieving what was always the higher goal. Instead, Frankish Greece was trouble from the start for Honorius, a drain on resources. Honorius began his reign in late July of 1216 by announcing his coronation to Emperor Henry and Patriarch Gervase of Constantinople [1-2], although, contrary to what Horoy suggests, Honorius added nothing about schismatics, Saracens, or Greeks in writing to the emperor of Constantinople.21 Honorius was unaware of Emperor Henry’s death in June (reportedly by poison), and even on 12 August the pope was still urging the patriarch to cooperate with Henry [4]. Henry’s passing caused the leader of the Fifth Crusade, King Andrew II of Hungary, to declare that he would depart before the set time of 1 June 1217, because he and his father-in-law Peter of Courtenay, count of Auxerre, were the candidates for the imperial throne of Constantinople, as Andrew explained to the pope. Andrew asked the pope to inform the crusaders that he would proceed overland, presumably to pass through the Latin Empire. The pope agreed to urge the crusaders to depart around Easter (26 March) and accompany him, warning him not to delay [6]. In the end Andrew traveled by sea from Split, sailing in September after negotiations

in Empire of Constantinople and the Frankish States,” in Jonathan Shepard, ed., The Cambridge History of the Byzantine Empire, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009, pp. 759-778. 20 For the Firth Crusade, the figure of ca. 350 is based on the calculation of ca. 6% in Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 23. 21 Horoy – Honorii III romani pontificis opera omnia quae exstant, vel edita, sed in pluribus locis et voluminibus dispersa, vel inedita, in quantum fieri potuit..., ed. César Auguste Horoy, 5 vols, Paris: Imprimerie de la Bibliothèque Ecclésiastique, 18791882 (Medii Aevi Bibliotheca Patristica seu ejusdem temporis Patrologia, series prima, 1-5) – vol. II, part 2, cols. 5-6, no. 3 (our no. 2), did not employ the actual papal registers, but a later copy made by La Porte du Theil (see below, on the edition), and thus Horoy’s assertion in note 1 that “Adjiciuntur (in Regesto Pontificio) litterae ad imperatorem Constantinopolitanum” concerning these matters, citing “La Porte du Theil,” is confused and has nothing to do with the contents of the actual register, where there is no such information. Unfortunately, Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, p. 59, was led astray by this.

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with Venice,22 because Peter of Courtenay had accepted the position of emperor. Peter, who had also taken the cross [212],23 was, through his wife,Yolanda, brother-in-law of the previous Latin emperors, Baldwin (1204-1205) and Henry of Flanders/Hainaut. Peter journeyed with Yolanda to Rome for his coronation in April of 1217 [12]. Earlier Honorius had taken under his wing the young King Demetrius of Thessaloniki (born 1205), the son of the crusader Marquis Boniface of Montferrat (†1207) [3].While in Rome, the new Emperor Peter invested Demetrius’ older half-brother Marquis William of Montferrat, Boniface’s son by an earlier marriage, with care of the kingdom, although William was still in the West, and Honorius reiterated his support of Thessaloniki [19; cf. 13, 18]. With high hopes Honorius assigned Cardinal Giovanni Colonna (†1248) as legate throughout the empire [20]. Disaster struck. On their way to Constantinople, while passing through the Despotate of Epirus, the emperor and legate were captured by Theodore Komnenos Doukas (1215-1230), successor of his half-brother Michael, who had been assassinated a couple of years earlier. Clearly Michael’s subordination to Emperor Henry did not survive their deaths.24 Furious, in late July of 1217 Honorius wrote the despot: Behold the detestable crime: you rashly extended your hands on our beloved son Giovanni, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, the legate of the Apostolic See, not shrinking from holding him captive. It was thought until now that wisdom reigned among the Greeks, but you, by what maturity of

Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 43. See also Reg. Vat. 10, f. 203v, no. 823 (= Regesta Honorii papae III iussu et munificentia Leonis XIII pontificis maximi ex Vaticanis archetypis aliisque fontibus, ed. Petrus Pressutti, 2 vols, Rome: Typographia Vaticana, 1888-1895 [hereafter: Pressutti], no. 2553, also in Horoy III, coll. 476-477, no. 178, and other older editions), from 12 July 1220, concerning the defense of Auxerre, assigned to the bishop of Paris and his brother Robert of Courtenay “a karissimo in Christo filio nostro P., Constantinopolitano Imperatore illustri crucesignato,” the point being that no one should attack the lands of a crusader. 24 Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 239-244 and passim, gives possible reasons for Theodore’s revolt against Peter and the change in loyalty, just as his predecessor Michael had reason to attack neighboring Latins following Boniface of Montferrat’s death in 1207. 22

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counsel, by what providence of reason did you dare even to come to consider this plan, let alone carry it out? [30]

The pope was careful not to mention the emperor and focused on Theodore’s sin against God, but to King Andrew Honorius related his concern that the action of the wicked and treacherous Theodore, who not only captured Emperor Peter and the legate, but also killed many of those who were with them, would result in a domino effect: the perfidy of the Greeks would increase, the Latins in Romania would be in a serious crisis, the Christians living in Outremer (the Crusader States) who were expecting aid from the empire would be struck dumb, the ferocity of the pagans (the Muslims) would become audacious, and thus the whole of Christendom would be affected [31]. Honorius addressed similar letters to the regent Conon of Béthune and the patriarch of Constantinople, the doge and people of Venice, and Geoffrey I Villehardouin, prince of Achaia (1209-1228), asking them to apply pressure for the captives’ release [32-34]. In letters to the archbishop of Epiphensis, perhaps the Greek Archbishop Nicholas Mesarites of Ephesus, outside Latin control, and the archdeacon of Thessaloniki, who may also have been a Greek, Honorius urged them to work for the cardinal and never mentioned the emperor, carefully separating his spiritual and temporal roles when addressing those who may have lacked sympathy for Peter of Courtenay [35-36].25 Meanwhile Honorius regrouped. Because the empire was “shaken and stunned,” first by Emperor Henry’s death and then by “the deplorable misfortune” of Emperor Peter and the legate, the pope informed Patriarch Gervase of Constantinople that the dispute over lay control of ecclesiastical property would be put on hold, 25 For example, Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 83, n. 13, and 198, assumes that the first addressee is the metropolitan of Ephesus, the Epiphensis being an error for Ephesiensis (or Effesiensi; cf. no. 121). Just three years before, Mesarites had been sent to Constantinople to talk with Cardinal Pelagius, so Mesarites would have been a good candidate to intercede with Theodore: see Michael Angold, Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-1261, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, pp. 519-520. In private correspondence, however, Nikolaos Chrissis expresses strong doubts about this identification and proposes instead a Greek archbishop in Theodore’s dominions in Epirus. In this case, one could guess that Epiphensis is a slip for Epirensis, the primate of Epirus (Ochrid?), although I have not found other contemporary uses of the term. For the archdeacon, since the Kingdom of Thessaloniki continued to have a number of higher Greek clerics, why not also the archdeacon of the cathedral itself?

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lest the “malice of the Greeks” rise further and exploit Latin divisions. Honorius advised that all disputes be put aside for the preservation of the empire and any sentences of excommunication related to these issues be relaxed, since the princes would be afraid to risk death in war against the enemies of the empire while excommunicated. In any case, as Honorius told Gervase privately, the death of the Emperor Henry and Pope Innocent had negative legal repercussions for ongoing court cases [40]. The next day, 11 August 1217, Honorius wrote the patriarch concerning “the horrible crime” of Alexius Slav, “prince of Philippi,” who, breaking a peace treaty confirmed by oath, had his henchmen enter the church while Archbishop William of Philippi was celebrating Mass, seize the archbishop, humiliate and torture him, kill him and throw his body “into a vile place outside the cemetery” [41]. Perhaps Alexius’ loyalty to the empire had also died with Emperor Henry, although admittedly Honorius later relayed a report that Archbishop William was killed by Bulgarians while on the road [66]. Honorius deliberated about what to do, worried that “the whole Empire of Romania, which was conquered with great glory, be lost for the lack of an emperor,” as he wrote to the prelates of France in November of 1217. He considered sending the army of the Fifth Crusade against the Despot Theodore, but feared, he wrote, that the diversion of an army prepared for Christ’s service would offend the Lord. Clearly the Holy Land was the higher priority. So he instructed the prelates to preach a crusade against Theodore to help the empire, not targeting those who had already taken up the cross to go to the Holy Land, since they were to proceed without delay, but only those who had not. Honorius made an exception for Peter of Courtenay’s younger brother Robert of CourtenayChampignelles (not to be confused with Peter’s son), whom the prelates were told to send to Rome: Honorius would remit Robert’s punishment of a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, which he had incurred for attacking King John and England against the Church’s prohibition, if Robert would instead go to his brother’s relief [42]. Honorius’ threats were persuasive. By January 1218 Theodore Doukas had declared his spiritual obedience to the pope, requested to be taken under papal protection, and taken an oath to release the cardinal. Honorius had sent two Greeks of Calabria, Bishop 19

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John of Crotone and the Hermit Ephraim, as his nuncios in Epirus, and they reported that Theodore was treating Giovanni Colonna well. The pope addressed two letters to Theodore, adopting him as his spiritual son and extending his protection to the despot’s lands and possessions, but urging and warning him to keep his promises and to free the captives who were of no use to him, especially the poor ones [47-48]. It is noteworthy that Honorius made no mention of the emperor, clearly keeping to his spiritual role as pope. In his letter to the bishop of Crotone, moreover, the pope instructed him to absolve Theodore of all sentences once the cardinal reached Brindisi or another safe harbor [49]. As Theodore requested, the pope even wrote to the clergy of the port cities of Venice and Ancona, whence many crusaders would sail, to forbid the crusaders from harming Theodore or his lands on pain of excommunication, writing another open letter to the crusaders on the same subject [50-51]. Curiously, Theodore sent Bishop Gregory of Trogir to the pope to relay “difficult things” that “require diligent treatment,” which things Honorius would not state in writing, sending instead Archbishop Pellegrino of Brindisi to Theodore to discuss the complicated business [63]. One could speculate that Theodore requested some form of official recognition for a title. For the next couple of years, in secular affairs in the East, Honorius’ focus was almost exclusively on the Fifth Crusade. Besides Theodore’s oath to remain obedient, John of Crotone was to obtain an oath from the Latins with Theodore to pay a tithe for three years in support of the Holy Land [49]. Honorius realized that the situation in Romania was highly unstable, in the summer of 1218 allowing Geoffrey of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, to retain the crusaders from his land for its defense, but only because it was “very useful for the Holy Land” [73-74]. In September of 1219, in a letter to Pelagius, cardinal-bishop of Albano (†1230), papal legate in Damietta, Egypt, and in charge of the crusade, Honorius affirmed: Of those who had taken the cross to aid the Holy Land, we sent none at all to Provence or Greece. Since the heretical Albigensians were worse than the Saracens in rising up against the Church, however, and, on the other hand, the Empire of Constantinople was said to face the imminent danger of be-

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ing lost, through our letters we incited the faithful who had not taken the cross to provide assistance, writing in our letters that no one who had taken the cross to aid the Holy Land was to divert his journey elsewhere.26

When Honorius’ legate in Romania, Giovanni Colonna, was finally able to reach Romania, he reported a long list of abuses: Greek laymen were repudiating their wives at will and taking new ones, and they were working on Sundays and feast days; Greek and Latin barons and knights were occupying abbeys and churches and refusing to pay tithes; the archdeacon of Negroponte was allowing illegal trade with Muslim Alexandria; and so on. In August 1218 Honorius told his legate to apply existing laws, but to be discreet and to consider the empire’s weak condition [78]. In July 1220, after the death of Patriarch Gervase, Honorius repeated to Giovanni Colonna that he should consider the empire’s condition in his actions until the empire is provided with a patriarch and emperor. Giovanni had also requested to go to the Holy Land, but the pope refused, stating that his absence would be dangerous for Romania [97]. By late 1220 Theodore Doukas was menacing the entire Kingdom of Thessaloniki, however, and in December Honorius ordered his legate to protect the lands of King Demetrius and his brother Marquis William of Montferrat [102]. Theodore was excommunicated along with his Latin mercenaries, and Honorius wrote to the prelates of the Italian port cities ordering that they prohibit on pain of excommunication any other Latins from going to Theodore’s aid [103]. To Honorius, the Greek threat had become so great that even he warned Queen Alice of Cyprus (1218-1233), a kingdom that was relatively safe from both external and internal threats, to control the Greek bishops there, lest

26 Reg.Vat. 10, f. 128r, no. 561 (= Pressutti, no. 2195, also in Horoy III, coll. 299-301, no. 19, and other older editions, although they give dates that are not in the register, where the letter is undated, as Pressutti relates): “Sane in Provinciam aut in Greciam nullos omnino pro subsidio Terre Sancte crucesignatos direximus, sed, cum heretici Albigenses adversus Ecclesiam deteriores insurgerent Sarracenis, et ex alia parte Constantinopolitano Imperio ammissionis diceretur periculum imminere, fideles non crucesignatos ad succurrendum per nostras litteras incitavimus, expresso in litteris ipsis ut nullus crucesignatus ad Terre Sancte subsidium alio convertetur iter suum.”

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they instigate a spiritual rebellion against the Church and a temporal one against the Franks.27 When all hope for his release had gone,28 Peter of Courtenay’s son Robert (†1228) was crowned emperor in early 1221 after Robert’s older brother Philip had refused the post. The Fifth Crusade ended disastrously later that year, and by the summer of 1222 Honorius turned his attention to Romania. A long-standing dispute over ecclesiastical property, which I will discuss later, had been resolved when Honorius wrote to the emperor and to all nobles and knights in the empire in late June, telling them that, as long as they were united and devoted to the Church, the Lord protected them, but that their internal discord had emboldened their enemies. Honorius ordered them to be vigilant and stand together against these enemies, looking out for each other. To assist them, the pope had granted a crusading indulgence to a former regent of Thessaloniki, Count Uberto di Biandrate, and his associates, who were coming to the aid of the empire, and he had beaten down with excommunication anyone who dared to join or provide assistance to the Greeks against them [144-145]. Clearly many Latin knights cared more about the Greeks’ temporal rewards than the pope’s spiritual punishments. Robert of Courtenay is not regarded as a strong and able emperor.29 In September of 1222, Honorius tried to encourage the emperor not to worry and to show strength in the face of adversity [158]. Theodore Doukas’ advance from the West is manifested in the pope’s efforts to find a way to house and care for exiled prelates as befitted their station, for example the archbishop of Larissa in October of 1222 [162]. The master and brothers catering to the poor and sick in the Hospital of St Sampson of Constantinople had requested to have horses and arms ready and to use them to defend the empire against Greek attacks, and Honorius’ Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 223-225, no. c-35. In late 1220 some were already “certi de obitu clare memorie P. Imperatoris Constantinopolitani”: Reg. Vat. 11, f. 39v, no. 198 (= Pressutti, no. 2810, also in Horoy III, coll. 581-582, no. 115, and other older editions); others still thought him alive in captivity in early 1224 (no. 228 below). 29 Although his reputation for total incompetence is unfair and based on an uncritical reading of the sources, according to Filip Van Tricht, “Robert of Courtenay (1221-1227): An Idiot on the Throne of Constantinople?” Speculum 88.4 (2013), pp. 996-1034. 27

28

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approval has even been interpreted as the creation of a new military order [151].30 Unfortunately, we have relatively little information about the role the brothers of St Sampson played in the defense of Romania, or even about the main military orders: we merely hear about an old dispute over Gardiki Castle in Thessaly between the bishop of Gardiki and the Hospitallers [53] and of Honorius’ granting the Templars in Romania the right to receive and retain bequests for the support of the Holy Land [115].31 To Theodore Doukas the pope wrote “in the spirit of wiser counsel,” omitting the usual salutations and blessings, which the papacy only skipped in the case of the very naughty. Honorius recounted how Theodore had offended him, was forgiven, and now offended him again. The cardinal legate had said nice things about Theodore, so Honorius was favorably disposed, but unless Theodore followed the pope’s advice and made peace with Emperor Robert, the pope would have to consider his options [159]. But as in the case of his overlord in the West, Emperor Frederick II, King Demetrius of Thessaloniki’s older half-brother, the Marquis William of Montferrat, had not managed to depart on crusade, despite numerous promises and attempts. Honorius had high hopes in May 1223 when he wrote a circular to all the faithful, relating that the marquis was preparing for the defense of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and emphasizing how useful the marquis’ arrival in his kingdom would be not only for the whole Empire of Constantinople, but indirectly for the Holy Land as well. Nevertheless, rather than divert anyone who had taken the cross from the Holy Land to Thessaloniki, Honorius merely granted them a term of two years if they helped William with his project, starting from 24 June, since Frederick II’s next crusade departure was scheduled for 24 June 1225. Honorius added that if they died in the process their sins would be forgiven, assuming they were contrite and had confessed, of course [175].The [arch]bishop of Arles was even told to publish this “indulgence” throughout his province [178]. William had apparently told the pope in person that the lord of Tan30 Dionysis Stathakopoulos, “Discovering a Military Order of the Crusades: The Hospital of St Sampson of Constantinople,” Viator 37 (2006), pp. 255-273. 31 See, e.g., Peter Lock, “The Military Orders in Mainland Greece,” in Malcolm Barber, ed., The Military Orders, vol. I: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1994, pp. 333-339.

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lay, William of Courtenay, brother of the late Emperor Peter, was prepared to go with him to Greece, so Honorius addressed a letter to William of Courtenay granting him and those who accompanied him the same remission of sins, since it would help the cause of the Holy Land. Since Honorius does not mention that William of Courtenay had taken up the cross, the pope seems to be giving him a crusade indulgence solely for Greece [177]. Meanwhile, Honorius also wrote to the cathedral chapter of Brindisi, demanding that they publicize the sentence of excommunication against Theodore Doukas for his continued attacks on the land of King Demetrius, but also that they excommunicate again all the Latins with Theodore and anyone supplying him with horses, arms, food, knights, or other aid or who transported these things to him by ship [176]. It was not simply the Latins with Theodore who made life difficult for Honorius, but Prince Geoffrey of Villehardouin of Achaia had been using the Greek threat as a pretext to seize and hold Church property and to force Greek clerics to fulfill servile obligations, as we shall see. Under the circumstances, even when Geoffrey came to an agreement with the Church, Honorius was forced to postpone much of its implementation for twenty years [182-184, 193, 197; cf. 191]. Unfortunately for the pope and Frankish Greece, in February 1224 Honorius had to repeat his call for crusaders to help Marquis William of Montferrat, who was still in the West preparing for the defense of Thessaloniki. This time the pope gave them a term of one year, from 24 June 1224 until the start of Emperor Frederick’s crusade. Anyone who had taken an oath to accompany the marquis or had been paid to do so was to be forced to go. Although he still linked the effort to the cause of the Holy Land, this time Honorius – generalizing what he had offered William of Courtenay the previous May – explicitly offered a full indulgence of forgiveness of sins to those who had not taken and would not take up the cross, if they went to Greece with William. The pope wrote to ten archbishops and their suffragans and to ten other prelates to have them advertise this indulgence for the defense of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki [223]. Accordingly, as he did for crusaders, Honorius told William that, while they were absent, he was taking under papal protection his lands, goods, and men and those of “the barons and knights of Lombardy, Tuscany, Burgun24

POPE HONORIUS III (1216-1227) AND ROMANIA

dy and other areas” who would go with him, “until your return or death is known with great certainty” [221]. Finally Honorius gave the marquis 15,000 silver marks of money earmarked for the Holy Land, again with the justification that the defense of Thessaloniki would be good for the empire and by extension the Holy Land itself [224]. Marquis William had apparently secured from Count Alamanno da Costa an agreement whereby the count would accompany him to Greece with “two ships, two galleys, and a certain number of warriors,” in exchange for 100 military fiefs in Greece, or, if this could not be done, 1000 silver marks.32 Honorius wrote the count to strengthen the arrangement, which appears to have aimed at a permanent military settlement in the Kingdom of Thessaloniki [225]. Honorius thus had cause for optimism when he cautioned Robert of Courtenay, now oppressed by the new Emperor John III Vatatzes of Nicaea (1221-1254) in the East, not to overextend himself, but to defend his cities and castles and wait for the marquis. Robert should not be discouraged, because with the Lord’s help the combined strength of the emperor and marquis, Honorius asserted, would so humiliate the schismatic Greeks that “henceforth they will not dare to raise their heel against the emperor or the Apostolic See” [224]. Preparations intensified for the long-awaited campaign. Honorius’ letters provide details in some cases, as part of his propaganda to drum up support. In May 1224, the pope related to Blanche of Castile, queen of France, how God had transferred the Empire of Romania into the hands of the French, who had governed it so far, creating almost a “new France” there. The pope told her that, during the reign of Emperor Robert, cousin of her husband King Louis VIII (1223-1226), the power of the French had diminished and continued to diminish, with their adversaries growing much stronger, so that, without quick relief, irreparable loss would befall the Latins and inestimable damage to the French race generally. It would be not only very impious, but also inhuman, Honorius wrote, if the emperor and the French race should suffer loss when the king of France was in a position to assist.The pope had urged the king to send quick and fitting aid to the emperor, while 32 The amount seems low if it is meant to equal all the fiefs and high if it is for each fief.

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it could still be done comfortably, for the honor of the French race. Clearly believing that Blanche was powerful even before Louis’ death in 1226, Honorius asked the queen to use her influence with her husband [229]. By summer, as Honorius would write on 28 November 1224, with the support of much Church money and apostolic indulgences the marquis had gathered an army so great that he would have arrived in Romania with such force that the task would have been smooth and easy. As it happened, the pope continued, William of Montferrat was seized by a sudden illness at the time of departure. The marquis did not abandon his plans, and upon his recovery he again gathered his large army of knights and foot soldiers and set off for Brindisi. His arrival there coincided with the coming of winter weather, however, and this and lack of provisions prevented him from proceeding [243]. Thus the spring, summer, and fall of 1224 came and went without the expedition’s departure. In desperation, but holding out some hope, Honorius wrote to the higher clergy in Romania in late October, informing them that he was sending in the company of the army a legate to the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, Bishop Nicholas of Reggio Emilia, with funds and 20 horsemen supplied by the clergy of Romania. Nicholas was given the power to absolve anyone in the army in the empire who came to the legate personally who realized that he had incurred the sentence of excommunication for sacrilege, arson, pillage, or violence against clerics, even those who had been excommunicated for adhering or having adhered to Theodore Doukas, if they wished to transfer themselves to the aid of the marquis – or even Theodore himself, if he made peace with William of Montferrat. On the other hand, the new legate could also excommunicate any Latin or Greek who joined or assisted “the foul excommunicate” Theodore against William and the army [239]. Honorius’ letter of 28 November was addressed to the entire Latin and Greek regular and secular clergy of the Empire of Romania west of the coastal town of Makri, about 30 km west of the current Turkish border, that is, the Kingdom of Thessaloniki and the remainder of the Greek peninsula.The pope began by remarking that there was no need to describe to them the enormity of the crisis that they were experiencing. But he tried to console 26

POPE HONORIUS III (1216-1227) AND ROMANIA

them with the assurance that, since the cause of the Holy Land depended in part on the health of the empire, he was supporting the marquis’ efforts to come to their rescue, providing funds and encouraging William’s neighbors to join the expedition. The army, wintering in Brindisi, was now set to depart in March, but the marquis had informed the pope of his dire financial straits. Since the addressees stood to gain from the campaign, and without it they might lose everything, the pope ordered them to grant the marquis a full half of their income for a year in addition to half of their movable goods in the empire or their value, except for church treasuries and normal items of daily use. Not even the Hospitallers,Templars, and Cistercians would be exempt, nor would those who lived elsewhere but possessed benefices in Romania [243]. The clergy east of Makri, now mostly in Constantinople itself and its immediate surroundings, were to pay to the Emperor Robert only 10%, along with a quarter of their movable goods, since they had lost their lands in Asia Minor. Robert had pawned his crown to the clergy of Hagia Sophia for a loan of 10,000 hyperpera based on the silver ciborium of the cathedral, which money Honorius exempted because it stemmed from the cathedral treasury [243, 245, 248-250]. Over the next few weeks Honorius wrote to all lay Latins in the empire, informing them of his plan to fund William of Montferrat’s campaign and expressing his hope that the emperor and marquis combined would strike the enemy with a double terror. The pope urged everyone to unite against the excommunicates and schismatics, because a quick victory would earn them a long rest and prepare the way for the relief of the Holy Land.The pope informed them that he had finally decided to absolve crusaders and other pilgrims residing in the empire of their oath to go to the Holy Land or to contribute to that cause, if they would fight in or pay for the campaign in Greece, along with full remission of sins. Even those with feudal obligations to fight for the empire could receive this forgiveness if they contributed financially to the cause as well [244-245, 248-249]. In his letter of 28 November, Honorius noted that the marquis’ goal was to “pursue justice” for himself and his brother King Demetrius, and the pope concluded by stating that William, the king, and the other barons of the expedition should swear an oath 27

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to repay the money if they regained all or most of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki.This suggests that the pope knew that it might already be too late to defend Thessaloniki and that the effort would be to retake the city or punish Theodore while trying [243]. Between 13 (or perhaps 27) January [249-250] and 12 February 1225 the news that the city of Thessaloniki had in fact fallen reached the pope in Rome. Although the spirits of the Latins in the Empire of Romania were shaken by the capture of the city, Honorius related in letters to the prelates of the Empire of Romania west of Makri, all the barons of Frankish Greece, and the doge and people of Venice, he believed that they had not been crushed by the loss. Rather, their virtue had advanced in adversity, awaking from the slumber of complacency. Since they still had control of so many cities and fortifications, including Constantinople itself, why should they collapse at the fall of only one city, instead of being confident in its recovery? He reminded them that at one time they had nothing, but they managed to conquer what they had lost and much more, since God surrendered the schismatics into their hands.The pope hoped that God would not allow these schismatics to prevail over the “catholics,” as he called them. He insisted that William of Montferrat was rushing to their aid, and he urged the secular addressees to join the marquis’ cause.Whether it comforted them or not, Honorius added that, in his care for them and the Holy Land, which depended in part on the condition of the empire, he had given significant funds to the marquis [251-252]. Despite his professed optimism in February, in May Honorius was still announcing the future arrival of the marquis, telling the higher clergy west of Bodonitsa in Boeotia that the key stronghold of Bodonitsa Castle, which the previous year the pope had ordered Geoffrey of Villehardouin to help Guido Pallavicino defend [226; cf. 261], had benefitted from the addressees’ pledge of 1300 hyperpera in response to a papal request and could hold out until relief came from William of Montferrat. Since, however, they were so impoverished by the enemies’ advance and they surrendered half of one year’s income and of their movable goods to the marquis, following the pope’s directive faithfully, the pope cancelled the Bodonitsa pledge out of concern for their welfare [261]. 28

POPE HONORIUS III (1216-1227) AND ROMANIA

Honorius closed his letter with the hope that God would turn the storm they faced into a breeze, bringing clear skies after the overcast. But it was not to be. The marquis fell ill again and only set off in the spring of 1226, dying in Thessaly in September without having achieved anything.33 Although the significance for the Latin Empire of the fall of Thessaloniki in 1224 could be compared to that of the fall of Edessa in 1144 for the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the reaction in the West was anything but comparable. Europe answered the shock of Edessa with the Second Crusade, but the loss of Thessaloniki provoked no real response beyond Marquis William’s already planned expedition.34 Nikolaos Chrissis has carefully traced the evolution of the crusading rhetoric against the Greeks during Honorius’ reign,35 but by the time the pope died in March 1227, he had not managed to send additional forces to the aid of Frankish Greece. Much of southern Greece would remain in Latin hands for the next two centuries, but little if anything remained of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, in which Bishop Nicholas of Reggio Emilia was supposedly remaining as legate as late as July 1226 [271], and Emperor Robert’s direct authority covered only a tiny area around Constantinople. Already in 1222 Honorius could write to Prince Geoffrey of Achaia that in the empire God “has glorified and enriched you in many ways” [127]. In contrast, the walls of Constantinople, the rivalry between Theodore Komnenos Doukas in Thessaloniki and John Vatatzes in Nicaea, and the Bulgarian ruler John Asen’s protection of the Latin emperor (for his own ambitions) were all that kept Robert 33 Historians variously report that William set off and died in 1225 or 1226, and the entries for “Guglielmo VI” and his son “Bonifacio II” in the Dizionario biografico degli Italiani disagree, with Aldo A. Settia (vol. 60, Rome, 2003, pp. 761764) arguing that William was active in ordinary administration until August 1225 and could only have left in early 1226, dying in the Thessaly on 17 September, while Alex Goria, writing on Boniface II (vol. 12, Rome, 1971, pp. 124-128), had earlier given the 1225 dates. Honorius’ correspondence would suggest that 1226 is correct. See Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 92. 34 On western apathy in general, see Malcolm Barber, “Western Attitudes to Frankish Greece in the Thirteenth Century,” in Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton and David Jacoby, eds., Latins & Greeks in the East Mediterranean, Ilford: Frank Cass, 1989, pp. 111-128. 35 Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, 57-82.Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, sees a failure of the policy of the newcomer Courtenays, who excluded Greeks. Theodore of Epirus’ success against the Courtenay family inspired anti-Latin propaganda as well.

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of Courtenay from being a mere titular emperor, a fate reserved for his younger brother Baldwin II after Michael VIII Palaiologos’ (1259-1282) recapture of Constantinople itself in 1261.

The Latin Patriarchate36 As much as the fall of Thessaloniki and the near disappearance of the Empire of Constantinople were a defeat for Pope Honorius III, it is clear that the political survival of these entities was not his top priority. Even when the future of the empire appeared the darkest, Honorius explicitly linked his support for the empire with its utility for the cause of the Holy Land, which he saw as his spiritual duty. Moreover, he was prepared to adopt Greeks as his spiritual sons and to offer them protection even when their secular ambitions were opposed to the interest of Latin laymen.This continued to be the case under future popes, for whom real spiritual obedience from the Byzantines, that is, true Church union, would have compensated for the demise of the Latin Empire.37 Pope Innocent III was not only faced with a fait accompli with the conquest of Constantinople in 1204, but also with the de facto deposition of the Greek patriarch of Constantinople and his replacement with a Latin patriarch, in this case a Venetian patrician, Thomas Morosini (1204-1211), a grave blow to hopes for religious reconciliation with the Greeks. As the conquest of former Byzantine territories progressed, Innocent had to react to requests to confirm more and more secular appointments, as every Latin 36 See Leo Santifaller, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Lateinischen Patriarchats von Konstantinopel (1204-1261) und der venezianischen Urkunde,Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1938 (Historisch-Diplomatische Forschungen, Band 3), passim;Wolff, “Politics,” pp. 227-255 and especially 274-285; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople and Greece, 1204-1276,” Traditio 14 (1958), pp. 63-120, at pp. 96-107; Giorgio Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. I, 2nd edition,Verona: Casa editrice Mazziana, 1981 (Studi religiosi, 3), pp. 235-282;William Duba, “The Status of the Patriarch of Constantinople,” in Alexander D. Beihammer, Maria G. Parani, and Chris Schabel, eds., Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500: Aspects of Cross-Cultural Communication, Leiden: Brill, 2008 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 74), pp. 63-92; Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 221-230; and the wider context in Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 135-192. 37 At least after Honorius III’s successor, Gregory IX. For a recent history of papal actions regarding Byzantium in the middle decades of the thirteenth century, see Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, pp. 135-178.

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ruler wanted his own Latin archbishop. Innocent tried to retain the Greek incumbents, especially where the Greeks remained the overwhelming majority of the population, asking only that the Greek prelates take the oath of fealty and obedience to the pope that was standard for the Latin episcopacy. This policy does not seem to have worked very well in the Principality of Achaia and the Lordship of Athens, not only because most Greeks refused to swear such allegiance and often preferred exile, but probably also because the Franks were not enthusiastic about being subject to bishops of the Greek rite.There were some Greek bishops subject to Archbishop Warin of Thessaloniki, however, and Van Tricht argues that the popes’ failure to assign administrative tasks to many bishops in the empire proper, reflected in the silence of the papal registers, suggests that many of those were Greek as well.38 Innocent III annulled Thomas Morosini’s election, but appointed the same man as patriarch. Innocent then replaced the election system inaugurated by the crusaders with one that diminished the ecclesiastical power of Venice, which system Honorius would confirm in 1218 [56]. According to the Fourth Lateran Council, the patriarch would also receive the pallium from the pope, to whom he would take an oath of fealty and obedience [85]. Thus establishing his control over the patriarch, Innocent proceeded to reverse centuries of papal resistance, not only recognizing unequivocally the patriarchal status of Constantinople, but also, after a long search for a metaphorical or real model that would assure his own supremacy, ranking it second behind Rome: the pope was analogous to Christ and the four patriarchs to the four evangelists, with “the last,” that is, John or Constantinople, “made first.”39 38 See Robert Lee Wolff, “The Organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204-1261,” Traditio 6 (1948), pp. 33-60, especially pp. 34-41, reprinted in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London:Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no.VIII; the succinct revisionary discussion of all ecclesiastical affairs in Jean Richard, “The Establishment of the Latin Church in the Empire of Constantinople, 1204-1277,” in Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton, and David Jacoby, eds., Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean, Ilford: Frank Cass, 1989, pp. 45-62, reprinted in idem, Croisades et États latins d’Orient, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 383), no.VI; and Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 322-334, which expands on Richard’s thoughts for the empire. 39 For the popes and the patriarchs, see now Duba, “The Status of the Patriarch of Constantinople,” and Nikolaos Chrissis, “The City and the Cross: The Image

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The new arrangement was codified by the Fourth Lateran Council just before Innocent’s death and Honorius’ assumption of the papacy. Accordingly, with the exception of Cyprus, which had already been Latinized before 1204 and depended directly on the pope,40 Innocent placed the former Byzantine territories under the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Constantinople, subject ultimately to himself, naturally. Honorius accepted Constantinople’s second rank [56], but, whether consciously or not, he set about limiting the patriarch’s power and reorganizing the ecclesiastical structure of Frankish Greece. As William Duba explains, when the patriarch’s privileges and sources of revenue impinged upon regional ecclesiastical administration, those precedents were discarded as abuses of the schismatic church leaders during the ‘bad old days’ of the Greeks; when precedents, such as exemption from jurisdiction, limited the power, prestige or revenue of the patriarch, they were upheld. As the Empire of Constantinople weakened, so did the administrative power of the patriarchs.41

Regarding Honorius’ most blatant infringement on clear patriarchal prerogatives, his coronation of Peter of Courtenay as emperor in early 1217, Honorius was rather apologetic to Patriarch Gervase (1215-1219). Peter, his wife Yolanda, and many others allegedly begged the pope many times to crown them, but the pope refused, not wanting to harm the church of Constantinople. Fearing damage to Peter and the empire, however, the pope finally relented and the ceremony was performed in San Lorenzo fuori le mura, probably to avoid insulting the Roman Emperor Frederick II. Honorius explained to the patriarch that it happened, he believed, by divine command and that the patriarch must accept what the Lord wanted the pope to do [12]. A few months later, after Emperor Peter’s capture, the pope suspended the great lawsuit over the secular seizure of ecclesiastical property that plagued Romania for two decades after the conquest. Honorius told Paof Constantinople and the Latin Empire in Thirteenth-Century Papal Crusading Rhetoric,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 36 (2012), pp. 20-37, at pp. 33-37. 40 Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 146-152 and 307-308, nos. b-28 and d-15. 41 Duba, “The Status of the Patriarch of Constantinople,” p. 64.

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triarch Gervase not to be upset or confused by his actions, which he did not for lack of love, but for the patriarch’s own good, because unless regnum and sacerdotium stood together against the malicious Greeks, the empire would fall [40]. Yet if Honorius did not lack love for Gervase, he certainly lacked respect. After asking Patriarch Gervase to assist Emperor Henry upon the pope’s accession in August 1216 [4], the second time Honorius wrote Gervase, in February 1217, reacting to a complaint of Prince Geoffrey of Villehardouin of Achaia and Lord Otto de la Roche of Athens (1204-1234), the pope pointedly ordered Gervase to relax the sentences of excommunication and interdict that he had promulgated against them and their lands [7]. In another early case, the pope reversed a patriarchal decision to allow the bishop of Davleia to possess also the church of Avlonari, granting it instead to the bishop of Kastorion out of consideration for his poverty [54-55]. Gervase had claimed as patriarchal some monasteries in Thebes, because “in each of them he found a cross that the Greek patriarch of good memory had placed in them as a sign of the prayer that had to be said for him there every day,” a reference to the stauropegiac monasteries of Byzantium.42 Even though he and the archbishop and chapter had agreed on arbitration in the case, the Thebans appealed to the pope after the arbiters decided in favor of Gervase, claiming also that the patriarch had despoiled them of the Church of “Our Lady of the Market” in their city and other churches [9-10; cf. 62]. The pope ordered an investigation and eventually decided against the patriarch, if his corresponding decisions for churches and abbeys in the Principality of Achaia, the Lordship of Athens, and elsewhere are any guide [45, 76]. The archbishop and chapter of Thebes also charged that Gervase was trying to usurp their jurisdiction “like a legate,” through an agent hearing all cases in the province without waiting for the appeal process, excommunicating and absolving excommunicates without proper consultation or satisfaction, and conferring positions and prebends before their collation had devolved on him. For the 42 See Alexander P. Kazhdan and Alice Mary Talbot, “Stauropegion,” in Alexander P. Kazhdan, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991, vol. 3, pp. 1946-1947: “stauropegial monasteries acknowledged the jurisidiction of the patriarch, commemorated him in the diptychs, and paid him the kanonikon.”

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Thebans, the implication was that Patriarch Gervase should rank below the papal legate in his own patriarchate [8]. Honorius acted within the supposed patriarchate of Constantinople as he tried to do everywhere else, confirming monastic and collegiate possessions and privileges in Constantinople itself and elsewhere [5, 1517, 24-25, 38, 52, 57], fixing the size of cathedral and collegiate church chapters in Thebes, Constantinople, Thessaloniki, and so on [11, 14, 39, 58, 60], punishing or forgiving wayward clerics [21, 43, 61], confirming episcopal elections [44], deciding interesting disputes among ecclesiastical persons and entities [54, 75, 86], exempting imperial chapels from patriarchal sentences and imperial clerics from residence requirements [94-95], etc. When Honorius sent Giovanni Colonna as legate to Romania, it was with the power to depose bishops, divide and unite churches, receive resignations, authorize transferals, absolve excommunicates, remove interdicts, and impose punishments [20, 22; cf. 80]. Things came to a head when the pope heard the details about the activities of what really turned out to be Gervase’s own legates. In March 1218 Honorius warned Gervase that in dealing with what had been committed to him he should not be so arrogant as to take away what belonged to others and the Apostolic See, which had raised him to the patriarchate in the first place. The Apostolic See, Honorius continued, was accustomed to dealing harshly with the ungrateful, and he who abused his power deserved to lose it. Not only did Gervase assign legates, but he and the legates ignored appeals to the pope. Honorius enumerated a series of specific infringements by Gervase’s legates that fleshes out and expands on the general Theban accusations from the previous year, indicating the usurpation of the prerogatives of the pope himself and those he had assigned to Giovanni Colonna. No matter how sparkling Gervase’s rank was, Honorius asserted, the patriarch should know that he was subject to the pope, who judged when he chose. The pope ordered Gervase to revoke his legates’ actions, lest, in damnably usurping what was alien to him, he would be justly deprived of what belonged to him [59]. In August of 1218 a furious Honorius had to write Gervase yet again on the same matter, ordering the patriarch to correct his own abuses so that someone else would not have to [77]. 34

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It must have been embarrassing for Gervase when he had to ask Honorius to warn and urge the prelates of the city and diocese of Constantinople to reimburse Gervase for the expenses he had incurred by attending the Fourth Lateral Council [28].When the archbishop of Nicomedia in Asia Minor had lost almost all of his possessions to the Empire of Nicaea, then under Theodore Lascaris, and wanted to resign rather than beg for his sustenence against his honor, Honorius refused the resignation and ordered Gervase to provide for the archbishop, even though he had actually resigned into the patriarch’s hands. Only if Gervase was unable to do so fittingly, Honorius added, could he then accept the archbishop’s resignation [64]. Once Giovanni Colonna finally arrived in Romania following his adventures in captivity, we hear little of the issue of patriarchal power until after Gervase’s death (in late 1219) and Honorius’ appointment of Patriarch Matthew (died late 1226) in early 1221, following a request from the chapter and the prelates of the Franks in Constantinople, who had a say in patriarchal election and who were clearly opposed to the Venetian canons of Hagia Sophia [107]. At first Honorius seems to have treated Matthew like any other subordinate, making almost all important decisions himself or through his legate. It appears that whatever powers Matthew had beyond being bishop of Constantinople – certain absolutions and the ability to anoint “kings of the Empire of Constantinople” – derived directly and specifically from Honorius, rather than from his position as patriarch [105]. It is perhaps in this context that, probably in January 1221, we find Honorius confirming the possessions of Patriarch Angelo Barozzi of Grado, mostly churches in Venice itself, but also the Church of Hagios Akindynos in Constantinople, in Venetian hands since 1090, along with the tithes of its parishioners. The Latin communities in Constantinople before 1204 had their churches, for example St Peter of the Pisans [179], but this letter shows that, in reissuing a concession of Pope Innocent III from before the conquest, Honorius thereby reiterated a limitation on the rights of the Latin patriarch of Constantinople.43 43 The letter, together with related letters of Pope Celestine III (11 February 1192, col. 1133) and that of Innocent (13 May 1200, col. 1133), is found in Ferdinando Ughelli, Italia Sacra sive de episcopis Italiae et insularum adjacentium, vol. V, 2nd ed., Venice: Sebastiano Coleti, 1720, coll. 1135-1136: “Eapropter, ‹venerabi-

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Honorius soon took further steps in this direction. By May 1222, after Colonna had returned to Rome with a report, Honorius wrote to Matthew that he was afraid to say that he regretted having made him patriarch. Matthew’s shortcomings were sometimes different from those of Gervase: as soon as Matthew arrived in Constantinople, he alienated Church property in front of the legate’s eyes, even stripping the copper and lead of the churches of the city. He rarely celebrated Mass, consorted with excommunicates, was biased in favor of his homeland,Venice, and was blind to Venetian abuses;44 he absolved those excommunicated by the legate, ignored appeals to the pope, and did so many other things contrary to his duty that the pope wrote that it would take too long to list them. Even more strongly than with Gervase, Honorius told Matthew to correct himself, so that the pope would not be forced to destroy the man he had created and take an axe to the unfruitful tree, concluding: “Would that this rebuke goads the unfruitful fig tree such that, with the manure of correction ap-

lis› in Christo frater, tuis iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, ad exemplar felicis recordationis Innocentii papae praedecessoris nostri, ecclesias... in Venetia, ecclesiam etiam Sancti Akidani baptismalem in Constantinopoli, cum omni iure institutionis eorum, et decimis burgensium parochianorum suorum qui ‹in› praedicta ecclesia Sancti Akidani ecclesiastica percipiunt sacramenta... sicut eas iuste possides et quiete, tibi ‹ac› per te Gradensi ecclesiae authoritate apostolica confirmamus et praesentis scripti patrocinio communimus... Datum Laterani, 6 Kalendas Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno 4.” Ughelli’s date is 27 January 1220, but since the curia was in Viterbo on that day, Horoy III, col. 688, no. 230, tacitly reads Ughelli’s “4” as “quarto” and corrects to “quinto,” 27 January 1221. If, however, Ughelli read “IIII” or “IV” in his manuscript, it could instead be an error for “VI,” 1222, or “VII,” 1223, when the curia was also in the Lateran. Potthast (Regesta pontificum romanorum inde ab anno post Christum natum 1198 ad annum 1304, ed. August Potthast, 2 vols, Berlin: Rudolph Decker, 1874-1875), no. 6530, describes and accepts Horoy’s tacit correction, although his summary does not mention the Church of Akindynos. Pressutti, no. 3040, copies Potthast’s reference verbatim and thus omits the reference to the church, even though he cites Horoy (incorrectly as col. 658). Perhaps for this reason Raymond Janin, “Les sanctuaires des colonies latines à Constantinople,” Revue des études byzantines 4 (1946), pp. 163-177, does not mention Honorius’ letter in his discussion of the church on pp. 166-167 and passim 168-171. 44 Santifaller, Beiträge, pp. 69-71, publishes a charter of Patriarch Matthew dated Rome, 31 January 1221, in which Matthew claims that the Venetian churches were never subject to the Greek patriarchs or had any spiritual or temporal obligation, so although Honorius had granted him full jurisdiction, Matthew renounces any rights he might have, making the churches exempt. Canons Philip and John Istrego signed as procurators of the chapter.

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plied, it bears the required fruit and does not have to be cut down in the future” [138]. Perhaps Honorius was still angry a few weeks later, when he wrote to the archbishop and chapter of Patras, likely acting on Giovanni Colonna’s recommendation from as early as 1218 [78]: “Seeing that the church of Patras and several other churches of the Empire of Constantinople were in antiquity immediately subject to the Apostolic See,” Honorius wrote, “although in the time of the Schism it, like the others, withdrew from such subjection,” the pope confirmed the legate’s exempting the church and the entire province of Patras from the jurisdiction of the patriarch,45 and the pope also exempted the church of Maydos, near Constantinople itself, at the same time [147]. Whatever little power Matthew had in the Principality of Achaia and in many other regions was now removed, and Honorius made sure that nothing that Giovanni Colonna had done would be reversed without papal permission [150]. Continuing to admonish Matthew for his abuses and to enforce his own will [e.g., 212-217], Honorius appears to have succeeded in rendering the patriarch harmless and obedient. In 1225 the pope proceeded to support what he considered Matthew’s just actions and proper jurisdiction within his own diocese and province, which had been undermined by papal and legatine moves to cut the patriarch down to size [253-256, 259]. The efforts of the patriarchs of Constantinople, especially Gervase, to behave like popes in their own patriarchate evoke the case of Antioch in the 1130s, when Patriarch Ralph of Domfront (1135-1140) went so far as to argue that his patriarchate was founded by the Prince of the Apostles, St Peter, before Rome and therefore had precedence over the so-called Apostolic See.That brief experiment ended the same way that Gervase’s and Matthew’s did.46

45 Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy, pp. 54 and 269, n. 28, claims that this was “to restore the ancient situation of a vicariate of Thessalonica,” although this is not mentioned in the letter. 46 Bernard Hamilton, “Ralph of Domfront, Patriarch of Antioch (1135-1140),” Nottingham Medieval Studies 28 (1984), pp. 1-21, reprinted in idem, Crusaders, Cathars and the Holy Places, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 656), no.VII.

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If the patriarchs of Constantinople saw their patriarchal jurisdiction undercut at the same time that their proper territorial jurisdiction was being reduced to the area around the capital itself, Constantinople remained a wealthy city with a great number of ecclesiastical establishments, about which Honorius’ letters provide valuable information. Nevertheless, by 1225 the church of Constantinople’s incomes had been so reduced that the chapter requested a reduction in the number of prebends, which Giovanni Colonna had set at 38. Honorius approved a gradual decrease to 24, and dying or resigning canons were not to be replaced until that number was reached [264]. Claverie notes that the chapter of Paris then had 52 prebends and there were 30 canons in London.47 Probably for the same reason, if we are correct that a letter of 1218 to an unnamed chapter pertains to Constantinople, Honorius granted the chapter’s request to reduce the number of archdeaconates in the church from three to two, which was the number in ancient times [60], although there are references to an archdeacon of Constantinople in the singular [113, 248, 250].48 In addition to the usual complement of officials, presumably dean [215], cantor [87, 184], and treasurer [170], the chapter also supported a chancellor, who had one and a half prebends and drafted the chapter’s correspondence.The chapter had apparently removed Chancellor Walter from his post, depriving him of his incomes and the seal of the chapter. Chancellor Walter sued for lost incomes and damages, claiming to have an exemption from weekly services, but the chapter countered that this was not true and that the chancellor should not have the extra half prebend unless he fulfilled his obligation for that position by teaching in a faculty of theology. In Rome, Cardinal Pelagius was assigned to the case and imposed a compromise, specifying that Walter was teaching canon law, and in 1225 Honorius ordered the decision enforced [262]. The members of the chapter and all the prelates of the conventual churches in Constantinople were responsible for the election of the patriarch, at their own expense, for which purpose they gathered in Hagia Sophia [56, 263]. The predominantly Venetian chapter and Frankish prelates failed to agree following the deaths 47 48

Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 142. Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 140, accepts our hypothesis.

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of both Gervase and Matthew. We have seen that in the first case Honorius appointed Matthew [107], but, following Matthew’s death, Honorius himself had difficulties. Although just before Christmas of 1226 he had decided to transfer Archbishop John (Halgrin) of Besançon to Constantinople [277], the archbishop declined the offer to relocate to the now isolated city on the Bosphoros. Exactly who were the prelates of the conventual churches who were supposed to join the canons in electing the patriarch? Honorius gives an explanation in a letter to Emperor Robert dated 28 September 1222 [161]. Just after the Fourth Crusade, the legate Pietro Capuano, cardinal-priest of San Marcello, established 32 priorates in Constantinople to be conferred by the emperor himself.The occupants of these priorates were among those who were to participate in the patriarchal elections, according to Innocent III’s arrangement, but later the legate Benedict, cardinalpriest of Santa Susanna, reduced their number from 32 to seven, although in a letter of 1217 Honorius confirmed Benedict’s suppression of only 23 priorates, not 25 [39]. In the 1222 letter, based on information from Giovanni Colonna, Honorius restored the number to 32.49 Other letters give hints as to which priors or provosts were involved. The canons of the Lord’s Sepulcher had a house with a prior and brothers in the capital [100, 144, 250], as did St Peter of the Pisans [179, 215], Our Lady of Bethlehem (with chapter) [213, 215], the Church of the Forty Saints [120], the Church of the Holy Apostles (with chapter, but experiencing financial difficulties) [67-68, 70-71, 101, 262], and St Mark [241]. The Church of St Anastasia in Constantinople, which had a dean and chapter, owned Lavinia Castle in the diocese of Philippi [37].50 We also hear from Honorius’ letters about Cistercian and Greek monasteries in the capital (see below), the Hospital of St Sampson men-

49 A letter of Innocent III reports that Patriarch Thomas Morosini and Emperor Henry complained that, of the “30” posts, Benedict actually took 23 himself: see Wolff, “Politics,” p. 245 and n. 59. 50 Letter no. 37 does not mention Constantinople, but given that the church had a dean and chapter, it must be the Hagia Anastasis in the capital, although the letter is not mentioned in Raymond Janin, “Les sanctuaires de Byzance sous la domination latine (1204-1261)”, Études byzantines 2 (1944), pp. 134-184, at pp. 162-163.

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tioned above [98, 151], and the churches of St Julian and St Jonas, which belonged to St Theodosios [5]. The most important churches in the capital aside from Hagia Sophia, however, and which also had a say in the election of the patriarch, were the former Greek monastery of St George of Mangana, the palace churches of St Michael of Boukoleon and Our Lady of Blachernae, and St Paul, all of which had deans and chapters and were frequently assigned papal business [17, 135, 149-150, 196, 250, 262]. They were also sometimes at odds with the chapter of Constantinople, with excommunications directed at both sides [241-242]. For St Michael of Boukoleon we have some extra details, such as its possession of the monastery of St Phocas, the subject of an agreement with the Cistercian abbey of St Angelus [15-17]. In 1218 we learn of a controversy between the dean and chapter of St Michael of Boukoleon and the bishop-elect and chapter of the church of Arkheion (Ortaköy), a suburb of Constantinople [75].The dean and chapter of St Michael claimed that Pelagius had granted them Arkheion at least temporarily until the pope provided for the churches of the capital. Patriarch Gervase and the archbishop-elect of Kyzikos installed instead Radulph as prior and others as canons in Arkheion, who proceeded to occupy the church and its possessions and other goods and to elect a bishop. Speaking for his canons, the bishop-elect countered that Innocent III had arranged for the churches of Constantinople at the Fourth Lateran Council, so the canons elected him canonically and the patriarch and archbishop-elect, his superiors, confirmed the election. When the bishop-elect and canons appealed to the pope against the occupation of the church by the dean and chapter of St Michael, the dean excommunicated them, managing to get a papal letter sent to the dean of Our Lady of Blachernae on the matter, against which the bishop-elect and canons also appealed, citing the letter’s failure to mention the arrangement of Lateran IV and the fact that they were being dragged more than two days’ journey for the case, contrary to the same Council. Honorius instructed Giovanni Colonna to investigate the matter, but we do not know the outcome. These collegiate churches in the capital were obviously wealthy and powerful. For St Michael of Boukoleon, Cardinal Pelagius had established the number of canons in the chapter at sixteen 40

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[14], which was larger than all the – admittedly small – cathedral chapters in Romania after Hagia Sophia itself: Giovanni Colonna apparently fixed at for twelve to be the number of canons in the churches, presumably the cathedrals of archdioceses [140].

The Prelates and Dioceses of Romania51 Since the patriarchs had generally lost their battle for real patriarchal jurisdiction by the time Patriarch Matthew and Pope Honorius died, the patriarch of Constantinople was no longer the most important cleric in the lands conquered by the army of the Fourth Crusade. Instead, the archbishop of Patras increasingly played that role, not only because he was the primate of the strongest remaining Frankish state, the Principality of Achaia in the Peloponnese, which actually increased in strength and its hegemony over neighboring territories until Prince William II of Villehardouin’s disastrous defeat at the Battle of Pelagonia in 1259, but also because within the principality the archbishop of Patras was on his way to becoming the most powerful lord after the prince himself. Throughout the reigns of Innocent III, Honorius III, and Gregory IX (1227-1241), a former Cluniac, Cistercian, and Benedictine monk from Burgundy named Antelm sat on the archiepiscopal throne in Patras.52 Suffice it to say that he was clever and ruthless, managing to escape from even the patriarch’s nominal ju51 See also Wolff, “The Organization,” for the structure, and Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 135-192 passim for details. 52 On Antelm and the archbishopric of Patras in these years, see Chris Schabel, “Antelm the Nasty, First Latin Archbishop of Patras (1205-ca. 1241),” in Alexander D. Beihammer, Maria G. Parani, and Chris D. Schabel, eds., Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500: Aspects of Cross-Cultural Communication, Leiden: Brill, 2008 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 74), pp. 93-137, building on Ernst Gerland, Neue Quellen zur Geschichte des lateinischen Ertzbistums Patras, Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1903 (Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana. Scriptores Graeci, 5); Dionysios A. Zakythinos, “Ὁ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Ἄντελμος καὶ τὰ πρῶτα ἔτη τῆς λατινικῆς ἐκκλησίας Πατρῶν,” Ἐπετηρὶς Ἑταιρείας Βυζαντινῶν Σπουδῶν 1 (1933), pp. 401-417; Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. I, pp. 325341. Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 159-161, adds early prosopographical details: he was at Cluny in the 1180s assisting Abbot Hugh of Clermont, joined the Cistercians, became a Benedictine at La Chaise-Dieu, and left the regular clergy at the time of the Fourth Crusade, before forming part of the initial chapter at Patras. Canon Lantelm of Patras was probably his relative. Late in his career he forged a document for Cluny.

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risdiction, as we have seen, but also fighting numerous other battles on other fronts. I have told Antelm’s story in detail elsewhere, his long struggle with his own chapter, his many alleged crimes, his relatively mild punishment finally given in 1224, and his ingracious behavior afterwards [see 61, 104, 123, 192, 220, 230-233, 235]. Why would Honorius tolerate an archbishop found guilty on many of these counts, which involved celebrating the divine office while unabsolved, suspended, or excommunicated, squandering the goods of his church, negligence, destruction of property, theft, extortion, forgery, incontinence, supporting Greeks over Latins, personal violence against Latin clerics, having others severely beaten, gouging out eyes, torture, piracy, and murder, including that of at least three Greek clerics [230]? These were not the white-mitre crimes of a genteel archbishop. One of the milder accusations, that he employed against a subordinate what the Byzantines called a thriambos, will serve to illustrate Antelm’s character: Because a certain priest could not give [Archbishop Antelm] a sum of money that the archbishop was trying to extort unjustly from him, having laid violent hands on him, he had him severely whipped and then put on an ass, with his hands tied behind his back, and his feet bound around the ass’s stomach, and, backwards, with his face towards the tail, had him led through Andreville, not without severe whipping, to the scandal of many people [230].

This is not the only such instance of ecclesiastical malfeasance recorded in Honorius’ letters, but Antelm’s case is much more extreme than the second worst one, that of his own suffragan Bishop Peter of Olena, who was accused of only nine crimes in May 1226 [270]. Peter was described as newly elected in 1217, formerly the prior of Andreville [44], probably the same prior whom Antelm himself was later accused of having excommunicated [230]. The accusations against Peter provide otherwise unknown local information. Peter installed and removed chaplains in churches that belonged entirely to the chapter of Olena, according to the constitution that Cardinal Pelagius had made in the reign of Innocent III, while he had priests who had been excommunicated by Giovanni Colonna celebrate mass and he deposed priests that the legate had installed. Bishop Peter and the chapter had purchased Olena Castle together, but against his sworn oath the 42

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bishop “does violence to them” concerning the castle. Peter also allegedly made illiterate and illegitimate men canons of Olena and beyond the fixed number, encouraged adultery in clerics and laymen rather than instill morals, imprisoned clerics for the purpose of extorting money from them, and ignored appeals to the pope and punished those who appealed. One accusation warrants quoting here: He so savagely tortures and afflicts men of the church of Olena, in order to extort money from them, that he hangs some with a noose, he drives reeds into the nerves between the flesh and the fingernails of others, and others he almost suffocates and kills by having them tied to a column with a sharp stake inserted under their throat and subjected to the smoke of contaminated straw [270].

Honorius’ source for these accusations may be the papal scribe Master Alessandro da Montefiascone, to whom the pope had granted the office of cantor of Olena. When poor Alessandro arrived with the papal letter of concession, the bishop sent his nephew and some henchman to kill him. They chased Alessandro with their swords drawn and he barely escaped, perhaps because of the sacrifice of one of his servants, who died as a result. In order to cover his tracks, somehow, we are told, the bishop himself hastened to Alessandro’s house with armed men and stole animals, grain, wine, and other items. He prevented Alessandro from occupying his prebend afterwards, of course, and threatened to imprison him if he ever caught him! Although Bishop Peter witnessed a sale in the Lateran Palace on 12 April 1223, which is how we know his name, three years later Honorius ordered an investigation into Peter’s affairs, having him summoned again to Rome.53

53 For Peter’s witnessing the sale, in front of Cardinal Pelagius, among others, see ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, ff. 81v-82r, no. 307 (R). The summary in Pressutti, no. 5614, gives the wrong register number (10) and merely provides the date of the papal letter in which the sale act is contained, 28 August 1225. The Brepols database Ut per litteras apostolicas... corrects the register reference, but of course does not add anything else.The letter deserves publication, but here are the important items: “...Episcopo et capitulo Zamorensibus. Cum necessitas licitum faciat... In nomine Domini, amen. Anno Incarnationis Christi millesimo ducentesimo vicesimo tertio, pontificatus domini Honorii pape tertii anno septimo, mense Aprili, die duodecima, Indictione undecima. Cum monasterium Sancti Angeli de Ursa-

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One can only guess that times were rough in the days around the fall of Thessaloniki, with Constantinople itself in grave danger, and Honorius made the best of a bad situation, preferring to avoid struggles with tough but nominally obedient prelates rather than appoint more pious but possibly less effective ones, especially considering the dual role of bishop and baron that the higher clergy of the Morea played, according to the description of the distribution of fiefs in the Chronicle of the Morea.54 The diocese of Olena is an anomaly in some ways. The Achaian capital of Andreville, today’s Andravida, lay within the boundaries of the Greek diocese. Arrangements were apparently made to create a new diocese of Andreville, but no bishop was installed in Innocent III’s time, only four canons. Nevertheless, there was a link between Andreville and Olena: in 1217, the prior of Andreville, the future Bishop Peter, went to Rome with some of his “co-canons” and asked the pope to provide for the vacant see of Olena. Honorius gave them the power to elect a bishop, and they chose Peter, whom the pope consecrated, compensating another claimant,W[illiam?], with Sparta, which was then vacant [44].Were Peter and his “co-canons” members of the chapter of Andreville or Olena, or both? In early 1218 we learn that Patriarch Gervase’s “legates” conferred on someone the archdeaconate of Andreville, in the diocese of Olena [59], while by 1224 the pope had written to the archdeacon of Olena [230]: was this the same post or two different ones? Assuming that they were different, since canons, a cantor, and the chapter of Olena are mentioned [230, 270], and assuming that Andreville was a separate collegiate church, two questions remain: did the two chapters participate in the election of the bishops of Olena, and did the bishop and chapter of Olena reside in Olena or Andreville, the capital? The election of Peter suggests that both chapters had a say, but the purchase of Oleria, Troiane diocesis... [R 82r]... Actum est hoc Lateranensis in palatio in presentia... Petri episcopi Olenensis...” 54 The Chronicle of Morea. A History in Political Verse, Relating the Establishment of Feudalism in Greece by the Franks in the Thirteenth Century, ed. John Schmitt, London: Methuen, 1904, lines 1955-1961 (pp. 132-133); Chronique de Morée (1204-1205): Livre de la conqueste de la princée de l’Amorée, ed. Jean Longnon, Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1911 (Publications pour la Société de l’histoire de France, 353), par. 128; The Chronicle of Morea, trans. Harold E. Lurier, Crusaders as Conquerors:The Chronicle of Morea, New York: Columbia University Press, 1964, pp. 127-128 and n. 58.

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na Castle by the bishop and chapter indicates that they had a close connection to the town itself, even if they may have spent time in Andreville [270]. At any rate, Andreville makes several appearances in these letters, including a 1218 letter listing and confirming the extensive possessions of the master and brothers of the Hospital of St James of Andreville [65].55 Concerning other archbishops and their suffragans, Honorius’ letters provide comparatively little information. In the process of the conquest, the second archdiocese in the Principality of Achaia, Corinth, lost much of its power vis-à-vis Patras. Early in Honorius’ reign the bishop of Coron was elected archbishop of Corinth, and he was active in papal business throughout. Even before his transfer, he was involved in the investigation of Archbishop Antelm and at one point he was even assigned Patras’ temporal affairs [61, 230]. Our identifying Eudes of Villehardouin, the prince’s apparently unlettered [257] nephew, as the new archbishop of Corinth, adds an interesting element to the struggle between Antelm and Geoffrey of Villehardouin over property and other matters. The only personal item we learn is that Eudes failed to abide by Pelagius’ decision to provide Archdeacon James of Corinth (with whom he was supposed to share control over Patras’ temporal affairs) with a benefice, leaving James with nothing but the title. Honorius ordered Archbishop Eudes to comply [86]. Archdeacon James had been Antelm’s agent at one point [61], so one wonders if the dispute with the archdeacon was related to a conflict between Antelm and Eudes. James may have learned something from Antelm: he persuaded Giovanni Colonna to grant him the tithes from Panagia Abbey because of his meager income [139]. James and Cantor G. also told Honorius that the legate had decided that, presumably aside from the dean [61], the chapter of Corinth (and supposedly all other churches in Romania) would consist of twelve canons and only two officers, that is, the archdeacon and cantor themselves, so Honorius granted them the in55 The hospital was founded in Innocent III’s reign, in the 1230s the Teutonic Knights made a failed attempt to take over, and finally Innocent IV awarded it to the Templars in 1246. Ernestus Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici ex tabularii regii Berolinensis codice potissumum, Berlin: Weidmann, 1869, published documents for the hospital dated 1214 and 1237-1241: nos. 129-140 (pp. 129-140). See also Schabel, “Antelm the Nasty,” p. 136 and n. 143.

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come of the suppressed position of treasurer in 1222 [140]. Since in 1226 Honorius actually assigned the treasurer of Corinth to investigate the crimes of Bishop Peter of Olena, Archdeacon James and Cantor G. may have been lying [270]. Via a vaguely dated reshuffling of the archdioceses of Patras and Corinth, by which Patras de facto traded Sparta to Corinth in exchange for Cephalonia, and via the elimination of several dioceses under Honorius that is discussed below, at the pope’s death in 1227, Patras had three suffragans besides Olena: Cephalonia, about which we hear little except for its absorbing the diocese of Zakynthos in 1222, and Coron and Modon, both under Venetian control (see below). Corinth probably had only two suffragans, Sparta and Argos. Besides information on Argos’ dispute over property with the secular authorities, also discussed below, we merely have a mention of a cantor [142]. As we shall see, the see of Nikli was absorbed into that of Sparta in early 1222, but the old and infirm Bishop Hugh of Nikli and his chapter were apparently allowed to remain until his death, since Giovanni Colonna absolved him and Archdeacon Leo of the sentences of excommunication they had incurred for remaining in an area under interdict, where Hugh even conferred a benefice on an excommunicate. The legate nevertheless deprived Leo of his post and suspended Hugh from wearing his vestments, conferring benefices, and promulgating sentences without his chapter’s consent. The chapter and bishop could never agree, and Hugh found it indecent to celebrate without his vestments, so Honorius relaxed the suspension, restoring Leo to his archdeaconate as well [152, 154]. Honorius also had Hugh absolved from his pilgrimage vow on account of his age and weakness, if he paid for warriors to go to the Holy Land [153]. In 1224 Honorius could still write to the dean of Nikli, so presumably Hugh was still alive [233]. Thebes and Athens were the archdioceses in the Lordship of Athens.We know that, like that of Corinth, the chapters of Thebes [11] and Athens [116] had twelve canons. The staff of the Parthenon also had at least a dean and treasurer [59, 61, 116, 200], while a dean, archdeacon, and cantor are known to have served in Thebes [43, 55, 59, 87, 208]. Much of the ecclesiastical history of the region can be found in Kenneth Setton’s study of the papacy in the Levant, primarily the Athenian Church, with some 46

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notes on that of Thebes.56 It should at least be mentioned here that Honorius assigned various tasks to the prior of the Temple of the Lord in Athens [7-10, 45, 222]57 and, as we shall see, nearby Cistercian Daphni Abbey played a prominent role as well. In 1223 Honorius granted the archbishop of Athens (probably Conrad) the faculty to absolve pirates called “Capellecti” in the vernacular. In Thebes mention has been made of the Church of Our Lady of the Market (Agora) and some monasteries [9-10], presumably including Kalama [62] and Dyasito [162]. In 1225 Honorius wrote to the chapter of Thebes reporting that Giovanni Colonna and Patriarch Matthew had complained that they had elected an at least partially illiterate man as archbishop, probably the former imperial chaplain Hardouin, and although the legate was right to reserve the post for the pope, Honorius allowed them to elect another whenever the time came, as long as they would not repeat their negligence [257]. Athens had an important suffragan outside Otto de la Roche’s control in Negroponte, with a chapter of ten canons led by a dean [208-209], and the church grew wealthy under Honorius, as we shall see. The Church of St Angelus in Thessaloniki was granted to the Crociferi of Negroponte, who were given permission to contruct a hospital for the poor there [171],58 while conversely the monastery of the Archangel in the bishopric of Negroponte was in the possession of Cistercian Chortaïton Abbey near Thessaloniki in Honorius’ time.59 An indication of the degree of Venetian control over the ecclesiastical affairs of its Greek territories is the fact that Honorius mentions Crete in only ten letters contained in the registers and, of 56 Setton, The Papacy in the Levant, especially pp. 405a-419b; see also Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. I, pp. 298-302 and 310-316. 57 Contrary to Brown, “The Cistercians,” pp. 97 and 99, this was not a Templar house, and contrary to Setton, The Papacy in the Levant, p. 46a, and Hussey, p. 193, the canons and prior of the Temple did not occupy Athens Cathedral, the Parthenon, but the Church of the Holy Trinity (see Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, p. 266). Unless the Order of the Lord’s Sepulcher also had a house in Athens, no. 222’s reference to that prior is erroneous. 58 On the Crociferi in Romania, see Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, pp. 213-232. 59 According to a letter of Bishop John of Negroponte quoted in a letter of Honorius’ successor, Gregory IX: Les registres de Grégoire IX, ed. Lucien Auvray et al., 4 vols, Paris 1890-1955 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2nd Series), nos. 1618-1619.

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the sixteen involving Venetian Coron and/or Modon, the only two that deal with matters of those churches proper concern the dispute over ecclesiastical property with Frankish lords (treated below), not the Venetian State. Luckily, we possess much more documentary evidence for Venetian lands than for any other area of Hellenism under Latin rule. For Coron and/or Modon, the Venetian archives contain copies of five letters involving the excommunication of the castellans by the bishop of Coron [272-276], although here again the context was the general dispute over ecclesiastical proptery. For the church of Crete,60 in addition to one letter that survives elsewhere [218], copies of at least ten letters of Honorius are preserved in the Venetian archives, although three are also in the registers. Of these eighteen total letters, only four can be interpreted as dealing with the internal affairs of the church of Crete. Honorius wrote these four letters to or concerning Archbishop Giacomo Madro of Crete, or Candia (Herakleion), in March of 1219. Honorius extended the arrangement of Cardinal Pelagius under Innocent III whereby the archbishop’s meager incomes were supplemented by those of the nearby bishopric of Hagios Myron, which the pope conceded to the archbishop until further notice [90].61 Honorius also allowed the archbishop to absolve with prudence excommunicates on Crete who would have great difficulty traveling to the papal curia, as long as no legate was in the area [99]. Conversely, the pope wrote to a canon of Hierapetra, the prior of St Mary of the Crociferi in the Candia diocese (our first mention of this house), and the provost of Rieux in France, probably the one southwest of Toulouse, instructing them to force those who harm the archbishop to desist, so that the archbishop himself does not have to journey to Rome for every lawsuit [93]. Finally, Honorius ordered the archbishop to correct and reform his subordinate “suffragan bishops, abbots, and clerics, both Greek and Latin,” when they require it [92].Taken together, the letters suggest that the archbishop was in Rome about to set off for Crete, which is why we hear about the island at all. Thus For a survey, see Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. I, pp. 377-392. Giorgio Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente.Vol. II: Hierarchia latina Orientis, Verona: Casa editrice Mazziana, 1976 (Studi religiosi, 3), p. 199, reports that Pelagius made the arrangement in 1214 and that it was continued by subsequent popes until at least 1258. 60 61

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Honorius’ other fourteen letters involving Crete concern absentee property owners [e.g., 255], mostly the monastery of St Catherine on Mount Sinai, some of whom were having trouble with their claims (see below). In the Kingdom of Thessaloniki,62 the archbishops of Neopatras (Ypati), Larissa, and Serres were obviously not doing well in the face of Theodore Doukas’ advance. The archbishop of Neopatras was assigned one administrative task in early 1218 [53], but his town soon fell and we only hear of him a little in the context of the Church-State property struggle discussed below [87-88]. The archbishop of Larissa was in exile by 1222 [162], as we shall see, as was his counterpart in Serres, northeast of Thessaloniki [129]. Many of their suffragan bishops must have been in a similar situation, but all we know of the bishop of Gardiki, Bartholomew, is that Innocent III had removed him from power because of certain charges and that in 1210 he had been involved in a dispute with the Hospitallers over Gardiki Castle, which they occupied [21, 53]. In the capital of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, the great Cathedral of Hagia Sophia housed Archbishop Warin of Thessaloniki and the chapter, consisting of a dean, archdeacon, cantor, treasurer, and probably a dozen canons [36, 66, 82, 87-88, 126, 131, 238].The Crociferi of Negroponte’s Church of St Angelus in the city has been mentioned [171], and besides the cathedral there was also a collegiate Church of St Demetrius, another famous Byzantine monument. By Honorius III’s time, St Demetrius had its own dean and chapter, established by Cardinal Pelagius at six canons and overseen by a prior [53, 58, 238]. Not long after the Frankish conquest, however, if we are to believe the prior and convent, canons of the “Order of the Lord’s Sepulcher” in the Holy Land, which also had a church in Constantinople, had occupied St Demetrius [100, 155]. At some point in Innocent III’s reign, secular canons were installed, but the archbishop arranged that the canons of the Lord’s Sepulcher in Thessaloniki would have a share of the church’s possessions, which arrangement Honorius confirmed [155]. On the other hand, we also learn that the prior and canons of the Lord’s Sepulcher were themselves obliged to maintain six perma62

For the archbishopric, see Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. I, pp. 287-297.

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nent vicars in St Demetrius, which the dean and chapter claimed they were not doing [238]. Honorius did his best to confirm and protect the urban and rural possessions of both groups, including the Order of the Lord’s Sepulcher’s claim to Hosios Loukas, which had been granted by Boniface of Montferrat [57, 155-156], but the bitter lawsuits over positions that began under Innocent [66] continued right down to the fall of Thessaloniki in 1224 [238]. Most of the archbishops further east and in the Empire of Constantinople proper were soon no better off than those in the bulk of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki.63 As we have seen, Archbishop William of Philippi was murdered by Bulgarians [41, 66] and the archbishop of Nicomedia had almost nothing left of his possessions [64]. In 1221 Honorius confirmed the number of only eleven canons in the chapter of the archiepiscopal see of Herakleia, dignities included [106], and in 1223 a former archbishop had fallen on hard times [188, 206], although Honorius later addressed a letter to the (new?) archbishop [214]. As the northern territories dwindled as a result of the victories of the Greeks, Honorius and his legate Giovanni Colonna set about overhauling the entire diocesan and economic structure of the remaining Latin Church in Frankish Greece. Cyprus and Greece, like some parts of Italy, had been carved up into innumerable tiny bishoprics in Late Antiquity, and after nearly a millennium they no longer corresponded to the current centers of population and wealth. Making matters worse, the advance of the Greeks of Epirus and Nicaea necessitated frequent adjustments along the contracting borders. In Cyprus, the situation was different: the island enjoyed stability, and when the Latin hierarchy was established in 1196, five years after Richard the Lionheart’s conquest of Cyprus during the Third Crusade, Pope Celestine III more or less ignored the Greek bishops in creating a Nicosia archdiocese for the capital and three suffragan bishoprics in the main coastal towns of Paphos, Limassol, and Famagusta. The fourteen or so Greek sees, some of which were in mere villages or even deserted sites, were left alone until Honorius’ legate Cardinal Pelagius of Albano dealt with them in 1222: ten were suppressed and the four that remained were subordinated to the Latin dioceses in which they were situ63

See Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 321-334.

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ated, taking advantage of a decision of the recent Fourth Lateran Council (canon 9) that allowed for vicars to be appointed in areas where the population consisted of people of different languages and rites. In this way, for the next 350 years of Latin rule, a Greek episcopal hierarchy remained on Cyprus, with four Greek bishops subordinated to their four Latin counterparts.64 In Greece, by contrast, Latins were often installed in existing Greek sees right at the conquest and the pope was left to approve a fait accompli. A few new bishoprics were created and several old ones suppressed, but in some regions the Greek structure remained when Honorius assumed office in 1216, even if provincial boundaries sometimes changed.65 We have seen that Honorius approved Pelagius’ earlier assignment of Hagios Myron to Candia in 1219 for economic reasons [90]. Giovanni Colonna was given the power to divide and unite dioceses [22], but Honorius could not act on his legate’s initial recommendation in August of 1218 because most of the cardinals had deserted the infernal summer heat of the Eternal City and the pope had no advisors [78]. It was not until March of 1222 that Honorius approved in a single sitting Giovanni Colonna’s elimination of no less than fifteen bishoprics, which were absorbed into others. Some of these changes were linked to the advance of the Greeks: in the eastern Aegean, Assos (now Behramkale) on the coast of Asia Minor and Chios, subjected to the “rebellious” archbishops of Ephesus and Rhodes respectively, were absorbed into the archbishopric of Mytilene on Lesbos, as was Mithymna, also on Lesbos [119, 121].66 Farther north on the European side of the Hellespont, Maydos See, e.g., Coureas, The Latin Church, pp. 3-11 and 251-274. See Wolff, “The Organization,” pp. 44-46. 66 Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, p. 323 and n. 75, claims that Troas (Troy) had a Latin bishop and chapter in 1222-1223 (following Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. II, p. 233), but this is a confusion with Troia in Apulia, the ecclesia Troiana (both cities are linked to the legend of the Trojan War). Numbers 4571-4572 in Pressutti, which Van Tricht cites, refer to an Apulian daughter-house of Cistercian Fossanova (cf. Pressutti, nos. 5018 and 6021). Nevertheless, there was at least a titular Latin bishop of “Great Troy” in Honorius’ reign, Henry, former abbot of Cistercian Hautcrêt Abbey in Switzerland: see Francesco Ciardo, “Henri de Hautcrêt – Mont-Sainte-Marie,” Cîteaux 45 (1995), pp. 339353. Of all the letters involving this church in Pressutti, only two (our nos. 123124), referring to the dean, may mean Troy in Asia Minor, although the dean of Troia could also be a papal agent in the East. 64 65

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(Eceabat) received Ainos (Enez), next to the current border with Greece [125], while in September the former Archbishop Nicholas of Herakleia (Marmara Ereg˘lisi) on the European shore of the Sea of Marmara, having resigned his post, was granted Marmara (probably Marmara Island, Prokonnesos) for his sustenence as long as he lived, although afterwards Marmara was apparently to be united with Herakleia [188, 206]. In April 1225, Constantinople itself received Chalcedon, farther east on the north shore, and Lemnos (Stealiminsis) in the Aegean [256].67 In the Peloponnese, in March of 1222 the archbishopric of Corinth took over the (obviously neighboring) poor and therefore vacant bishopric of “Zemenon” and half of the diocese of Damalas, which never had a Latin bishop or Latin inhabitants, the other half going to Argos. Kernitsa was united to the adjacent archbishopric of Patras.The former archiepiscopal see of “Christiana” was split between Modon and Coron, with the latter receiving also Viligurdensis, no doubt Veligosti.68 Nikli was “restored” to Sparta (Lacedaemon), having been taken away in the time of the Greeks [125]. In September 1223 the church of Helos, which had not yet had a Latin bishop and was occupied by a lay power, apparently Geoffrey of Villehardouin, was also added to Sparta [203].69 Thus seven dioceses were erased, leaving seven sees in Latin hands, since Monemvasia remained under Greek control until 1248. According to the terms of settlement of the dispute over Church property in September of 1223, Geoffrey of Villehardouin had to compensate all seven dioceses, except that Otto de la Roche, lord of Athens, ruled over half of the Argos bishopric and therefore split the indemnity of that diocese with Prince Geoffrey [184]. Across the isthmus, Megara was joined to the archdiocese of Athens, while in the Ionian Sea the island diocese of Zakynthos (Zante) was incorporated into that of Cephalonia [125].

67 Wolff, “The Organization,” did not identify Ainos, while Lemnos, not mentioned in Wolff, is identified in Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, p. 324, n. 79. Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 171 and n. 85, equates it with Stillariensis, Stelari. 68 Wolff, “The Organization,” did not identify Veligosti, while Miller, The Latins in the Levant, p. 63, conflates Veligosti and Christiana (Christianopolis). 69 Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 170, identifies Helos as Elis, but it is rather modern Elos.

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Things did not always go smoothly. In the biggest letter of March 1222, involving the suppression of a dozen dioceses, three were united with Negroponte (Chalcis): Oreoi on the extreme northwest of the island, Karystos on the extreme southeast, and Avlonari on the east opposite Chalcis [125]. As we have seen, in 1218 Avlonari had been granted to the poor bishop of Kastorion, just north of the Gulf of Corinth, although the bishop of Davleia, closer by in Boeotia, was occupying the see against papal orders [54-55]. In October of 1222 Davleia itself was granted to the exiled archbishop of Larissa, along with the churches of Thermopylai and Cheronea [162]. Neither of these concessions involved formal mergers of dioceses, however, and since all of these churches were subject to the archbishopric of Athens, there was a reaction. In October 1223 Honorius assured the archbishop of Athens that, should the archbishop of Larissa be able to return to his see, the archbishop of Athens would be able to arrange the affairs of Davleia,Thermopylai, and Cheronea [211].70 In a letter of the previous month, Honorius wrote that the suffragan bishopric of Negroponte seemed to have grown larger than the diocese of Athens itself. Honorius therefore compensated Athens by enlarging that diocese on the mainland at the expense of Negroponte, describing the new borders in detail and reiterating Negroponte’s financial obligations as suffragan to Athens, although allowing Negroponte to keep its property that was within the Athens diocese [200].71 Meanwhile, the bishop of Oreoi had travelled to the papal curia, and in January 1224 we learn that the reason he had gone to Rome was to complain that the bishop of Negroponte had initially tricked Giovanni Colonna into joining Oreoi to his church. Afterwards, however, the legate left the bishop of Oreoi in control of that church’s spiritual and temporal affairs, but after the cardinal’s departure the bishop of Negroponte usurped these pow70 Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy, p. 55, apparently reads the “cum poterit” clause as “since he is able to return” rather than “when he is able to return,” as in “if.” 71 Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 170, suggests that the union of the three dioceses with Negroponte was thereby revoked, but this does not seem to be the case. On the church of Negroponte in this era, see Johannes Koder Negroponte. Untersuchungen zur Topographie und Siedlungsgeschichte der Insel Euboia während der Zeit der Venezianerherrschaft, Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1973 (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für die Tabula Imperii Byzantini, 1), pp. 133-138.

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ers, installing a Greek vicar and attempting to prevent the bishop of Oreoi from journeying to Rome. Honorius ordered the archbishops of Athens and Thebes, along with the prior of the Temple of the Lord at Athens, to reverse this, have satisfaction done, and protect the bishop of Oreoi, if his story should be confirmed [222]. The item about the Greek vicar is doubly intriguing, since Bishop Theodore of Negroponte was one of the Greeks who had managed, with difficulty, to retain his see in the beginning, offering the customary oath of Latin bishops. Robert Lee Wolff asserted that the bishop of Negroponte in the early 1220s was still Theodore, since it is “unlikely” that anyone but a Greek would have assigned a Greek vicar in Oreoi. But a letter of Gregory IX dated 1233 quotes in full a letter dated 29 March 1223 of Bishop John of Negroponte, whom Giorgio Fedalto presumes to be a Latin.72 Jean Richard wonders whether the Greek vicar in Oreoi, a protopapas, was appointed in accordance with the decision of Lateran IV noted above, and, if so, whether he considered himself to be bishop of Oreoi, as the Greek bishops of sees within the Latin dioceses on Cyprus did.Were Greek vicars appointed in other suppressed Greek sees in Frankish Greece? Were these vicars among the Greek bishops who were ordaining priests in Latin dioceses [78]?73 Whatever the case, the story demonstrates how complicated the issue of Greek or Latin identity can be when we have so little explicit information.

The Agreements of the 1220s I: Church Property At the same time that Honorius and his legates, Cardinals Pelagius and Giovanni Colonna, were busy dealing with the issue of creating viable dioceses in the Kingdom of Cyprus and Romania, they faced a much more difficult problem. In the aftermath of the conquests of Cyprus and Greece, the would-be crusaders confiscated ecclesiastical property. In Cyprus it is impossible to tell what portion of the possessions of local churches and monasteries was seized, nor do we have any surviving reaction from Pope Celes72 Wolff, “The Organization,” p. 36; Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. II, p. 176; Les registres de Grégoire IX, ed. Auvray et al., nos. 1618-1619. 73 Richard, “The Establishment of the Latin Church,” p. 48.

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tine III, who established the Latin ecclesiastical hierarchy on the island. There was a five-year hiatus before the Latin bishops were installed, and by then hundreds of fiefs had been distributed and there was little left for the Latin prelates: each of the three suffragan bishoprics received one village along with some urban property, and the archbishopric of Nicosia was granted two. Most of the church’s income would have to come from tithes, but the laity and clergy could not come to an arrangement on tithes until Pelagius got involved in 1220 and 1222, and even then the crown and nobility resisted paying their tithes in full as agreed for several more decades. Moreover, despite Honorius’ request for a full return of property belonging to the Greek Church before 1191, the status quo was fixed at 1222: whatever the Greek churches and monasteries had at that point would remain theirs, and the same for the Latin churches and monasteries, but in the future the only changes would be by purchase or donation.74 The situation in Greece was more complicated, but since it has been discussed elsewhere at length, this shall be a mere summary.75 Although we cannot compare the proportion of clerical wealth seized in various places in Frankish Greece and Cyprus, we do know much more about the struggle over the property afterwards. Complicating matters in Greece was the constant threat from Greek incursions, which the secular powers used as a justification not only for retaining Church property, but also for renewed seizures. In the case of Prince Geoffrey of Villehardouin, the dispute takes up a sizeable section of the early part of the Chronicle of the Morea, which is even wrongly claimed to give a secure date of 1220-1223 for the famous construction of Chlemoutsi Castle (also called Clermont).76 74 The Cartulary of the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom of Nicosia, ed. Nicholas Coureas and Chris Schabel, Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 1997 (Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, 25), pp. 75-82, 85-93, 208-209, and 213-236, nos. 1-4, 8-9, 80, and 82-91; Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 124-127, 220-221, 228-231, 239-245, nos. b-10-13, c-32, c-38-39, c-47. See, e.g., Coureas, The Latin Church, pp. 11-31. 75 For the empire proper and the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, see especially the extensive discussion in Wolff, “Politics,” pp. 255-274, and for the Principality of Achaia see Schabel, “Antelm the Nasty,” pp. 108-121; see also Setton, The Papacy in the Levant, pp. 39b-41a and 47b-49b; Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 135-192 passim. 76 The claim is ubiquitous; see, e.g., Demetrios Athanasoulis, “The Triangle of Power. Building Projects in the Metropolitan Area of the Crusader Principal-

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Needless to say, the refusal of the secular rulers to return seized ecclesiastical possessions led to their repeated excommunication by both local prelates and the pope and his legates, which the princes and barons mostly ignored. The quarrel takes up much of the text of the letters of Honorius III to Frankish Greece, perhaps the most of any one issue. For the area east of Makri, the Latin Empire proper, Emperor Henry had agreed to compensate the Church with one fifteenth of all property. Later, however, Cardinal Pelagius cancelled this and negotiated a pact with Henry, which Pope Innocent III approved, whereby the Church would have one twelfth of all property [69-70], far less than what was generally the case either in the West or, before 1204, in Byzantium, but much more than the previous fifteenth and what the Latin Church obtained in Cyprus.77 Patriarch Gervase asked Honorius to implement the arrangement and to make some adjustments in 1217, requesting that the provisions be extended to Venetian secular possessions with respect to the twelfth due to the churches of Constantinople itself [23], but the pope postponed all action on the property question because of the power vacuum in the capital [40]. As a result, the patriarch and his chapter complained of extreme poverty in 1218 [69]. When Honorius eventually did take action, he made little headway. For the area between Thessaloniki and Corinth, the ecclesiastical and secular authorities had come to an agreement in Ravennika in May 1210, whereby all Church property and incomes were ity of the Morea,” in Sharon E. J. Gerstel, ed., Viewing the Morea: Land and People in the Late Medieval Peloponnese, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013, pp. 111-151, at p. 127b: “According to the Chronicle of the Morea, the castle was built by Prince Geoffrey I of Villehardouin between 1220 and 1223.” Actually, the confused chronicle assigns the construction to Geoffrey II, without giving any date. Rather than shed more light on the episode, my research (Schabel, “Antelm the Nasty,” pp. 121-126) has only served to show that the Chronicle, so inaccurate for these decades, could equally be describing events that took place around 1210 rather than 1220, and this includes the building of Chlemoutsi Castle. An historical analysis of the Chronicle would shed light on its original composition, but Shawcross, The Chronicle of Morea, p. 210, n. 14, not only refrains from doing so (not even noting the Chronicle’s incorrect attribution of the castle to Geoffrey II), but she merely cites a Byzantinist’s analysis (Joan M. Hussey, The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986, pp. 192-197), rather than Wolff ’s long treatment in “Politics.” 77 Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, p. 9, cites Peter Lock as giving the figure of one fifth for the West.

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returned, but somehow a couple of years later Pope Innocent’s legate, Pelagius, obtained worse terms for the Church. In January 1216 Innocent approved the Ravennika agreement, asking that it be extended to all areas west of Makri and declaring that both Greeks and Latins should pay tithes as stipulated in the recent Fourth Lateran Council. In January 1219 Honorius confirmed Innocent’s decision, including in his letter the text of the 1216 letter, which incorporated the 1210 pact [87]. Later that same year, in December 1219, Conon of Béthune, the regent of Constantinople, came to a very complicated agreement with the Church for the territories east of Makri, involving the payment of an eleventh, rather than a twelfth, to the Church, which pact Emperor Robert approved in June 1221 followed by Honorius himself in March 1222, the pope’s letter preserving the earlier texts. The Frankish clergy of Constantinople was so overjoyed at Giovanni Colonna’s efforts to conclude the negotiations that they gave Pope Honorius and the cardinals a gift of land [148]! William of Montferrat also accepted the pact for the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, effectively replacing the Ravennika accord there [128].78 Details remained to be ironed out a year later, when disputes continued among the various clerical groups [214] and the Venetians were still persisting in their refusal to accept the arrangement [170-174]. Indeed, as late as October 1226 the castellans of Venetian Modon and Coron were asking to be absolved from the sentence of excommunication they had incurred for failing to abide, since they were “prepared” to come to an agreement [272-276]. Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, who had never agreed to Ravennika in the first place, was impressively defiant, and the pope describes his crimes against the Church and clergy in some detail. In March 1222 Honorius gave him the choice between the Ravennika agreement and the one brokered for the area east of Makri in 1219 [127]. Otto de la Roche, lord of Athens, on the other hand, had agreed to Ravennika in 1210 and it applied to most of his lands [87], yet he also refused to implement the pact. Honorius ordered that Geoffrey and Otto and their vassals be threatened with a return to excommunication if they did not comply in four months [137]. Eventually Geoffrey and Otto 78

See Wolff, “Politics,” pp. 267-271, for a full analysis.

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agreed to a modified Ravennika pact in 1223, with for example Otto paying an annual indemnity of 500 hyperpera to the churches in his territory, 126 to Athens, 100 to Thebes, 74 to Davleia, and 200 to Argos (Geoffrey was also to pay 60 to Argos) [184-185]. In Rome the bishop and chapter of Argos fought a legal battle with Otto’s agents, agreeing with the mediation of three cardinals, among them Pelagius and Giovanni Colonna, that Otto would return all property that the church of Argos possessed before 1204 and any revenues collected since Otto had accepted the Ravennika pact. But the properties mentioned in the praktika79 (written records or inventories) of Argos for which the church could not prove ownership before 1204 were to be held in escrow. If Otto did not bring the matter of these properties to court within a year, they were to be turned over to Argos [181]. The remainder of the bishops and chapters of the Peloponnese opposed Geoffrey’s agent in Rome and reached a parallel agreement [198], although further investigation was required in the case of Patras [190, 204]. Geoffrey of Villehardouin still managed to obtain a delay of 20 years for some of the terms of the agreement and a partial exemption from repaying incomes received from Church property [182-183, 191, 193, 197, 201], and Otto de la Roche received a similar exemption, although it did not apply to Argos [205], and also a delay for the property owned by the churches of Constantinople since the time of the Greeks that were located in his lands, in exchange for a rent of 60 hyperpera. Meanwhile, an investigation into the value and state of this property, including possessions, rights, papades (priests), and the akrostichon80 (a kind of land tax) owed to laymen, was begun, obliging the two parties – the local secular and ecclesiastical authorities – to swear oaths, produce witnesses, and show praktika and other documents [208].The men on Otto’s land who had been excommunicated were to be absolved without having to go to Rome, although they were to apply the equivalent expenses of the journey to the strengthening of Salona Castle (Amfissa) near Delphi [207]. 79 Mark C. Bartusis, “Praktikon,” in Alexander P. Kazhdan, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991, vol. 3, p. 1711. 80 See Ioannis E. Karagiannopoulos, Λεξικό βυζαντινής ορολογίας. Οικονομικοί όροι, vol. 1, Thessaloniki: Aristotle University, Center of Byzantine Research, 2000, p. 89.

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The Agreements of the 1220s II:The Lower Greek Secular Clergy in Greek Lands under Frankish Rule By 1223 the rulers of Frankish Greece had thus come to a series of agreements that Honorius confirmed, whereby, unlike in Cyprus, the crown and nobility returned a substantial amount of property and money to the Church. The financial details of the agreements are of course quite important, but the most controversial aspects of the accords are the clauses that relate to the lower Greek clergy. The controversy stems from the fact that the object of these clauses has both an “ethnic” and a “social” element. For conservative traditions in the modern historiography of the Eastern Mediterranean, religion and language, or both together as “ethnicity,” are by far the most important markers of cultural identity, such that real symbiosis between Greeks and Latins is a priori hardly possible.Yet the category of social class played an equally if not more important role in medieval society. In the Middle Ages inequality was not simply the reality, but the ideal, the way things were meant to be. This of course also held true for social classes, as the Templar of Tyre remarked in response to the rise of people of “base origins” and “vile birth” in Cyprus who profited from the refugees fleeing from Acre in 1291: And though we are all creatures of God, still, it is not right that all should have the same status. It was by the will of God that Abraham placed Ishmael beneath the feet of Isaac, who though younger was begotten of the lady wife. Ishmael was considered a serf, for he was a bastard, born of a serf-girl.81

But even the anonymous Templar’s assertion that we are all creatures of God does not entail spiritual equality. Not only did medieval people make hierarchical distinctions between heretics and orthodox, but they routinely did so among different groups of those whom they considered orthodox. In Palestine before the First Crusade the bishops were not locally elected, Arabic-speaking orthodox, but rather Greeks appointed from Constantinople.The 81 The ‘Templar of Tyre’. Part III of the ‘Deeds of the Cypriots’, trans. Paul Crawford, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003 (Crusade Texts in Translation, 6), p. 126, ll. 125-133. See also the critical edition by Laura Minervini, Cronaca del Templare di Tiro (12431314). La caduta degli Stati Crociati nec racconto di un testimone oculare, Naples: Liguori, 2000 (Nuovo Medioevo, 59), pp. 244 and 246, verses 33-35 of §294 (530).

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Typikon of St Sabas makes clear that, although the Syrians were orthodox, they nevertheless had a lower status than the Greeks, who held the positions of authority in the monastery.82 Gilles Grivaud has illustrated how the Greek Church of Cyprus attempted to subordinate the other Christian rites during the Turkish Period.83 These two inequalities have received very unequal attention in the historiography of the medieval Eastern Mediterranean: that of “ethnicity” is omnipresent, it seems, while that of social class is curiously subordinated, sometimes to the point of non-existence.84 In what follows, however, I will not deal with the extensive recent literature on ethnic identity, since to emphasize ethnic identity at all for the peasantry in the thirteenth century, to use the words of David Jacoby, “is an anachronistic backward projection of a modern prospective,” because “it is hardly plausible that the bulk of the indigenous population, composed of Greek peasants, shared any identity beyond the limits of their family or village community.”85 Since a miniscule proportion of the once abundant archives of the Eastern Mediterranean survives today, in order to untangle 82 Trans. Gianfranco Fiaccadori in Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents. A Complete Translation of the Surviving Founders’ Typika and Testaments, ed. John Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero, Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2000 (Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 35), pp. 1317: “We ordain that no Syrian should be appointed to the office of superior.” 83 Gilles Grivaud, “Les minorités orientales à Chypre (époques médiévale et moderne),” in Yannis I. Ioannou, Françoise Métral, and Marguerite Yon, eds., Chypre et la Méditerranée orientale, Lyon: Maison de l’Orient Méditerranéen, 2000, pp. 43-70. 84 In the past decade alone, numerous conferences and collective volumes have been devoted to the issue. There are too many to mention, but see for example Sabine Fourrier and Gilles Grivaud, eds., Identités croisées en un milieu méditerranéen: le cas de Chypre: Antiquité – Moyen Âge, Mont-Saint-Aignan: Publications des Universités de Rouen et du Havre, 2006; Judith Herrin and Guillaume Saint-Guillain, eds., Identities and Allegiances in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204, Farnham: Ashgate, 2011; Guillaume Saint-Guillain and Dionysios C. Stathakopoulos, eds., Liquid and Multiple: Individuals and Identities in the Thirteenth-Century Aegean, Paris: Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance, 2012 (Monographies, 35). 85 David Jacoby, review of Shawcross, The Chronicle of Morea, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift 104 (2011), pp. 780-783, at p. 782. For the general context, see David Jacoby, “The Encounter of Two Societies: Western Conquerors and Byzantines in the Peloponnesus after the Fourth Crusade,” American Historical Review 78 (1973), pp. 873-906, reprinted in idem, Recherche sur la Méditerranée Orientale du XIIe au XIV e siècle. Peuples, sociétés, économies, London:Variorum, 1979 (Collected Studies Series, 105), no. II.

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the “ethnic” and “social” elements of the agreements of the 1220s and understand their context, we are forced to conjecture on the basis of what happened at different times and different places in order to fill in the gaps. In the Western tradition since antiquity, slaves and serfs were unfree, coming under the control of others, and therefore unable to join the clergy without permission from their owners or lords. This was such a basic element of life that it only appears in a legal formula in Honorius III’s letters to Romania. Confirming the possessions, rights, and privileges of the wealthy Cistercian nunnery of Perchay in Constantinople in 1221, Honorius includes the standard phrase, “You are allowed to receive for conversion and retain without any contradiction free and absolved persons fleeing from the world” [109], and this phrase is also included in a letter to a Greek monastery [5].86 With Latin rule over Greeks, therefore, a complex problem arose: on the one hand – with the telling exception of Genoese territories and Venetian lands, most notably Crete – the conquered areas of Hellenism were more dependent on the papacy for recognition or assistance than most areas of the West, and after the Gregorian reform the papacy strove for the independence and hence freedom of the clergy, along with the union of all Christian sects under the pope’s rule. On the other hand, the Latin clergy could not fulfill the spiritual needs of the Greek peasantry, so at the lowest levels, at least, Greek priests would have to come from the servile population – the workforce of the Frankish aristocracy. Further complicating matters was the fact that Greek priests could have children, as well as the fact that the lower clergy received support from the Greek bishops and patriarch, who belonged to a separate ecclesiastical tradition and were opposed to union under Rome. So in all areas of Hellenism under Frankish rule, a compromise had to be reached among three groups: the Frankish lords, who wished to keep their serfs but probably did not care much about the spiritual obedience of the Greeks; the Greek clergy, who aspired to personal freedom, the continuation of their rites and traditions, and independence from the Latin clergy; and the Roman 86 For the entire issue of the Greek regular clergy and servile vs. free status, see Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. I, pp. 271-309.

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Church, which wanted personal freedom for the Greek clergy but required spiritual obedience. The Kingdom of Sicily provided one example:87 the free Greek peasantry in Calabria was largely reduced to serfdom following the Norman conquest. One of the miracles described in the life of the Greek St Luke, a southern Italian who died in the early twelfth century, is that post mortem Luke punished a Frankish lord who was subjecting Greek priests to servile dues.88 The Church probably cried out against such abuses, and so in the Assizes of King Roger,89 apparently dating from the 1140s, clause 8 states that “we quite prohibit priests, though not [deacons, subdeacons, and those below], from being subject to personal servile dues (angaria).” So perhaps via compromise Greek priests, at least, would be exempted from these obligations. Yet clause 10 opens by forbidding bishops to ordain serfs without their lords’ will and assent, and any serfs so ordained would be defrocked and returned to their servile condition. But if the lords refused in all cases, the Greek peasantry would perhaps be left without pastoral guidance. Thus the same clause continues: If there shall have been priests assigned to a church in the country or in a village, and after their deaths others must be substituted, and the lord of the country place or village refuses to allow the bishop to make a substitution from among the serfs, especially when the bishop is looking for a suitable person from among these serfs, it appears worthy and most just to our clemency that on the just petition of the Church the lord of the serfs should be corrected by the law.

87 On ecclesiastical affairs there, see Peter Herde, “The Papacy and the Greek Church in Southern Italy between the Eleventh and the Thirteenth Centuries,” in Graham A. Loud and Alex Metcalfe, eds., The Society of Norman Italy, Leiden: Brill, 2002 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 38), pp. 213-251, and Graham A. Loud, The Latin Church in Norman Italy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 88 Vita di S. Luca, vescovo di isola Capo Rizzuto, ed. Giuseppe Schirò, Palermo: Istituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neogreci, 1954 (Vite dei santi siciliani, 1), pp. 120-123. 89 From Graham A. Loud’s translation, “The Laws of King Roger II,” pp. 177178, in Katherine Jansen, Joanna Drell, and Frances Andrews, eds., Medieval Italy: Texts in Translation, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009. For the Latin, Loud recommends the edition in Gennaro Maria Monti, Lo stato normanno suevo: lineamenti et ricerche, Trani:Vecchi, 1945 (R. Deputazione di storia patria per le Puglie, Documenti e monografie, 26), pp. 83-184.

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But the sons of a deceased priest should be returned to the condition of serfs.

So several decades after the conquest of Sicily and Southern Italy, the Church had secured the exemption from servile dues and status quo in terms of numbers for the rural Greek clergy, although the Norman nobility successfully kept this number limited and secured the services of the deceased priests’ children. Presumably the number of priests in Italy became fixed over time, and the exact situation must have been known in each location. Following the Italian example, Cyprus and Greece would require similar solutions. In the Ravennika agreement of 1210, the entire clergy was “freed and absolved from all angarias, perangarias (corvées), duties, services, and any obligations” to the barons, except for the akrostichon, a land-tax that all clerics at all levels, both Latin and Greek, owed to the barons “for whatever lands they held from them,” as was the case before 1204. After paying the akrostichon, the Greek monks, priests, and other clerics, even in minor orders, would “always remain absolutely free and absolved in all things”; but if the Greek clerics did not pay the akrostichon, the barons were not to capture their wives and children, if the clerics had movable goods that could be seized. This implies that, if they did not have sufficient movable goods, their wives and children could be detained.The children of priests were to retain their servile status, unless they were ordained by the archbishops or bishops or with their permission, in which case they were to be free [87]. Perhaps even more clearly than in the Kingdom of Sicily, Greek clerics in general, and not just priests, were personally free from servile dues, but not their children. But it is unclear just how much land was subject to the akrostichon and how much was exempt, and hence how many Greek priests were free of that burden. Moreover, unless the text is flawed and in reality the lord’s permission was also required for ordination, the 1210 pact seems to have a loophole in that no limit is placed on the number of priests that the prelates can ordain. In 1216, Pope Innocent III confirmed the Ravennika pact, although the earliest surviving copy is Honorius III’s confirmation of 1219. But Honorius learned that, in the Principality of Achaia, where the Ravennika accord did not apply, Greek prelates were indiscriminately promoting anyone to the priesthood in exchange 63

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for payment, and Prince Geoffrey used this as an excuse to keep the priests – papades – as his peasants, for which practice he was excommunicated. As we have seen, eventually Geoffrey agreed to a modified Ravennika pact [184; cf. 128]. The new agreement kept the clause about the akrostichon but shut the loophole in the first agreement. As must have been the case in the Kingdom of Sicily, the secular authorities allowed a certain number of priests according to population: a casale or village with 25 to 70 households – probably an error for 75 – would be permitted two papades who, along with their families, would be “completely free and immune from lay jurisdiction and under ecclesiastical control,” unless the children were living outside their father’s house. For casalia with between 70 (likely 75) and 125 households, there would be four papades and their families “free and immune,” and so on, presumably meaning that every 50 households would justify two more papades and their families free and exempt from lay jurisdiction. In casalia with fewer than 25 households, neighboring casalia would have to be joined to reach the required number. In the cities, the same numbers were to apply, but in addition any “Greek papades or clerics of the cathedral churches” alive at the time were also to be “free in every way” in the manner of their rural counterparts. This is interesting confirmation that the staffs of the cathedral churches, by then headed by Latin prelates, contained Greek members administering to the Greek population. However, the mention of them as “living” suggests that they were “survivors” of the pre-1204 clergy (who neither fled nor were expelled), but it also implies that after their deaths they would not be replaced. Rural and urban priests beyond the set number or outside the cathedral churches would not enjoy these privileges.Their number would gradually be reduced, because a final clause states: “From now on the prelates will not appoint nor promote to holy orders anyone of the men of the lay [lords], either in the cathedral churches or in the other churches of cities or casalia, beyond the prefixed number of papades, without the will of the lay [lords].”The clause is as interesting for what it does not say as for what it does, for it reminds us that Greeks who were not “men of the lay [lords],” either because they were personally free or serfs on ecclesiasti64

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cal estates, could be ordained without restriction. It also implies that the Latin bishops did not need permission to replace Greek papades within the fixed number – although they must have had to inform their lords – and that it was possible to ordain Greek priests beyond the number, although only with their lords’ license. If in the Kingdom of Sicily King Roger could fix the status quo for the Greek priests in the 1140s, perhaps because several decades had gone by and a natural equilibrium had been reached, this was not the case in Frankish Greece. Here the Frankish lords and the Latin Church agreed on a ratio of one priest per 25 households, except that the minimum number of priests for the first 25 households was two, thus ensuring continuity in case of the illness or death of one of them. This does not mean that Romania obtained a new arrangement, however, for the system adopted in 1223 conformed with the spirit and perhaps even the letter of Emperor Manuel Komnenos’ regulations from the middle of the previous century. That is, even in the Byzantine era, some dependent serfs (paroikoi) could become priests and exempt from taxes and services except for the akrostichon, but beyond that limited number, at least on imperial lands, the remaining priests were subject to taxes and services as were other paroikoi, even if they were legally “free,” in the sense that, in principle, they could apply to the imperial courts. And it was the Latin Church that demanded that the Greek papades and other clerics be “completely free and immune from lay jurisdiction and under ecclesiastical control,” while the Frankish lords insisted on the limitation of their numbers.90 For the Greek papades, the price for the advocacy of the Latin Church was no doubt spiritual obedience to the Latin prelates as members of the Roman Church. It should be noted, of course, that the terms “free” and “freedom” are equivocal. In Byzantium a dependent paroikos was theoretically “free” with respect to the public courts, but “he was subject also to personal restrictions and was tied to his lord by links of 90 For the continuity and the motivations, see also David Jacoby, “From Byzantium to Latin Romania: Continuity and Change,” in Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton, and David Jacoby, eds., Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean, Ilford: Frank Cass, 1989, pp. 1-44, reprinted in idem, Byzantium, Latin Romania and the Mediterranean, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 703), no. II, at pp. 15-16.

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dependence of a legal nature.” If these ties were dissolved, the paroikos became “free” in the sense of “free of any specific fiscal obligations toward the state and of dependence on a specific lord.”91 Likewise, in Frankish lands the legal function of the Byzantine State was privatized, so “free” could apply to peasants vis-à-vis the lack of servile obligations in terms of crops and labor, hence the distinction between villani servi angarie and villani franchi.92 Yet a “free” peasant might also be able to leave his domain, and here it is unclear whether the Greek clerics who were “completely free and immune from lay jurisdiction and under ecclesiastical control” enjoyed this sort of “freedom.” They probably were not, but more on this below. In Venetian lands, by contrast, the Republic continued the Byzantine tradition and maintained the State, insisting also on an institutional say in ecclesiastical affairs, having some of the powers that the pope and local Latin hierarchy enjoyed elsewhere.93 A bull of Pope Clement IV dated 1266 informs us of an agreement between the Venetian State and Archbishop Leonardo Pantaleo of Candia (Herakleion), whereby the archbishop is given control of 130 Greek clerics, clearly of the servile classes: “The archbishop of Crete... shall have in his city and diocese 130 clerics of 91 David Jacoby, “Social Evolution in Latin Greece,” in Harry W. Hazard and Norman P. Zacour, eds., The Impact of the Crusades on Europe, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989 (=Kenneth M. Setton, ed., A History of the Crusades, vol. VI), pp. 175-221, at pp. 180 and 187, discussing the controversial subject of the Byzantine paroikos on pp. 185-189. 92 Although referring to Venetian documents, David Jacoby notes this distinction between “villani servi angarie and villani franchi, respectively dependent and free peasants”: David Jacoby, “Peasant Mobility across the Venetian, Frankish and Byzantine Borders in Latin Romania,Thirteenth-Fifteenth Centuries,” in Chryssa Maltezou, Angeliki Tzavara, and Despina Vlassi, eds., I Greci durante la venetocrazia: uomini, spazio, idee (XIII-XVIII sec.): atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Venezia, 3-7 dicembre 2007, Venice: Istituto ellenico di studi bizantini e postbizantini di Venezia, 2009 (Convegni, 13), pp. 525-539, at p. 525. 93 For the following concerning Crete, see especially Zacharias N. Tsirpanlis, “Νέα στοιχεῖα σχετικὰ μὲ τὴν ἐκκλησιαστικὴ ἱστορία τῆς βενετοκρατούμενης Κρήτης 13ος - 17ος αἰώνας ἀπὸ ἀνέκδοτα βενετικὰ ἔγγραφα,” Ἑλληνικά 20 (1967), pp. 42-106, with documents of 1268, 1322, 1323, and 1324 on pp. 86-96.Tsirpanlis built on Stergios S. Spanakis, “Συμβολὴ στὴν ἐκκλησιαστικὴ ἱστορία τῆς Κρήτης,” Κρητικὰ Χρονικά 13 (1959), pp. 243-288, with a document of 1323 in Latin and Greek translation, and Silvano Borsari, Il dominio veneziano a Creta nel XIII secolo, Naples: Fausto Fiorentino, 1963 (Università di Napoli, Seminario di storia medioevale e moderna, 1), with a papal bull of 1266 on pp. 139-143.

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the Greek clerics of the cities of Crete [Candia] and Hagios Myron.” When the number dropped below 130, it would be filled with the children of papades, and if they were not enough, from the children of “other peasants.” The 130 priests at that time are named in a Venetian document of 1268, some called “priest” (papa) and others simply “cleric.” The number was retained for the rest of the Venetian period, and the authorities always knew the exact identification of the individual priests. Zacharias Tsirpanlis shows that over 100 of the 130 were from Candia or the vicinity. If we take four as a low estimate of the average number of people per household, then each priest in the Morea free from lay jurisdiction served 100 people. Applying this to Candia, perhaps we could guess that the 130 papades served around 13,000 parishioners. In the sixteenth century the city had a population of 16,000: perhaps, then, the 130 served most of the needs of the Greek population of the region. The 130 would be exempt from lay control under the authority of the archbishop. In addition, any clerics who came to Crete from elsewhere would also be subject to the archbishop and not counted among the 130. That the Venetian State was more involved in ecclesiastical affairs than the Frankish lords is indicated by other clauses. There were more than 130 priests in this region, and according to a document of 1323 the archbishop would not have anything to do with the temporal affairs of these other priests, but only their spiritual affairs.Yet a document from 1324 specifies that even this spiritual jurisdiction was restricted, for the archbishop could exercise this power only to the extent that he had spiritual jurisdiction over laymen subject to him, regarding “the crime of heresy, sacrilege, simony, perjury, adultery, marriage cases, and any mortal sin for which temporal punishments are not imposed.” Thus they were not really under his ecclesiastical control as clerics. More importantly, the leading Greek priests, the protopapades, were chosen by the secular government. Although we have no way of knowing how many Greek priests were subject to Venice rather than the archbishop, Tsirpanlis argues that the result was that, except for the 130, the Greek clergy on Crete enjoyed autonomy under their protopapades and independence from the Latins. But perhaps Venice also succeeded in thereby reducing the personal freedom of the Greek papades 67

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who were not among the 130, making them all subject ecclesiastically to the State. The Latin archbishop, on the other hand, may have been seeking the freedom of the Greek papades from servile dues as much as their spiritual obedience, and had to settle for 130. Tsirpanlis believes that the specific solution did not predate the Venetian occupation of Crete, but he admits that the Byzantine State may have exercised certain rights over the priests that Venice then claimed to inherit.94 Angevin Corfu presents a parallel case, where by the end of the thirteenth century 32 priests in the city of Corfu, led by a protopapas, and 33 rural priests known as leftheriotes enjoyed special privileges, including hereditary exemption from certain servile obligations and part of the akrostichon. According to Spiros Asonites, these arrangements go back to the Byzantine era and the period of rule by Epirus, and I think that this claim can probably be generalized for all of Romania.95 On Corfu the priests came under Latin archiepiscopal control to a degree, although they went outside the island for their ordination.96 The 130 on Crete took an oath of obedience to Rome and required the permission of the archbishop for ordination, but they went to Greek bishops for the ceremony, mostly outside Crete, sometimes in Cyprus. In 1322 the Venetian legal experts answered a query of the archbishop and chapter of Candia by determining that a Greek who had been ordained by a Greek bishop in Cyprus, obedient to the Roman Church, would still be subject to the Greek bishop who ordained him if he committed any crimes – that is, he would neither be subject to Venice nor to the Latin archbishop of Candia.97 Honorius III was fully aware of the situation in Southern Italy and Romania when the future status of the Greek lower clergy of Cyprus was worked out in an agreement of 1222, between the Latin prelates and the crown and nobility, on many points expressly according to the model of “the Kingdom of Jerusalem.”98 Tsirpanlis, “Νέα στοιχε͂ια,” pp. 47-48. Spiros N. Asonites, Ανδηγαυική Κέρκυρα (13ος-14ος αι.), Corfu: Apostrophos, 1999, pp. 233-234. 96 Asonites, Ανδηγαυική Κέρκυρα, pp. 232-236. 97 Tsirpanlis, “Νέα στοιχε͂ια,” pp. 56-57. 98 Cartulary, pp. 216-219 and 249-252, nos. 83 and 95; Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 239-245, no. c-47; Coureas, The Latin Church, pp. 274-280. 94 95

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The same factors were at play: until then, some Greek priests and deacons were paying the poll tax and performing angariae, but the Greeks were spiritually independent of the Latins with their own hierarchy. According to the agreement, the secular authorities “granted freedom (libertas) to all Greek priests and deacons, such that for their persons they will not give the poll taxes (chevagia) or perform corvées (angariae) as they were accustomed to do before.” What the Latins obtained for Greek priests and deacons exceeded the guarantees of the Kingdom of Sicily, and the Greeks probably desired this, but, again, this was at the expense of spiritual obedience to the Latins, which the Greeks wished to avoid. As elsewhere, the next issue was one of numbers: having lost control over the Greek lower clergy, the lords demanded strict limitations on numbers. Since a great multitude of Greek priests and deacons existed, they would have to stay in their casalia until the number was reduced. Clearly they had specific numbers in mind, but they did not specify them in the surviving general agreement. Since less than a year later Honorius III confirmed the arrangement for Prince Geoffrey’s lands, it is possible that the numbers in Achaia followed the Cypriot example. On Cyprus the ordination of Greek serfs required the permission of the lord as well as the permission of the local Latin diocesan. If a Latin bishop ordained a Greek without permission, he had to find a replacement serf. As mentioned above, the same agreement, while reducing the number of Greek bishops from fourteen to four and subjecting them to their Latin counterparts, guaranteed the permanent existence of those four Greek bishops, so that all Greeks were to be ordained by their Greek bishop. Since, however, the permission of the Latin superior was needed, Greek bishops who ordained serfs without permission would be suspended and the priests “returned to the customary servitude.” We must assume that, once the number of Greek priests and deacons was reduced to the agreed level, replacements were made with the automatic consent of the lord and Latin prelate, but again, this is not spelled out in the agreement. Moreover, once that number was reached, “it shall be licit for Greek priests and deacons who will be ordained from now on to go wherever they wish, namely 69

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from one casale or land to another.” Lest this be interpreted as the complete “freedom” to leave one’s domain, strings were attached: “without their sons and daughters, saving the right of their lords, with the permission of the [Latin] archbishop and their bishops,” because the Latin prelates were obliged to find a replacement. It is not clear what happened to the wives and children of the Greek clerics. One assumes that they, too, were exempt from servile dues during the lifetime of the cleric, as in the Principality of Achaia, but it is explicit that they could not leave their casalia to accompany the cleric if he went elsewhere. Again, nothing is stated about the ordination of free Greeks. To the Greek bishops and abbots, who no doubt came from the free classes, it was the requirement of spiritual obedience that provoked their ire.To them the freedom from obligations of the lower Greek clergy, formerly servile, may have been small consolation, especially if Greek paroikoi who became clerics had been subject to certain obligations to the secular authorities even in Byzantine times. In other words, the pope and the Latin hierarchy on Cyprus would not put up with a servile clergy, and so they reached a compromise with the Frankish aristocracy, but the already free Greek hierarchy cared less about this than about their own spiritual independence – after all, they themselves had Greek serfs working their lands, and on Crete and Cyprus Greek priests and monks are even known to have bought and sold Greek slaves.99 Thus it was the Greek archbishop, bishops, “abbots, monks, and superior priests” who went into exile in the late 1230s, threatening to excommunicate the Greek clerics who remained if they obeyed the Latins.100 99 See, e.g., The Synodicum Nicosiense and Other Documents of the Latin Church of Cyprus, 1196-1373, ed. and trans. Chris Schabel, Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 2001 (Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, 39), p. 346, no. X.38.5, for an example of a Greek bishop on Cyprus having serfs in the early fourteenth century, while there are numerous examples of Greek monasteries possessing Greek serfs in Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. I, pp. 335, 354, 359, 385, and 401-429 passim. For Greek clerics buying and selling slaves around the same time, see examples in Johannes Pahlitzsch, “Slavery and the Slave Trade in Byzantium in the Palaiologan Period,” in Reuven Amitai and Christoph Cluse, eds., Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean (c. 1000-1500 ce), forthcoming in this series. 100 Cartulary, pp. 177-184, nos. 71-74; Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 333-340, nos. d-35-38.

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In 1250, after their return from exile, the Greek archbishop and bishops requested of the pope, among other things, that “the canonical taking of ecclesiastical orders and the free choice of the monastic profession be undisturbed with them, just as it was before the land was put under the dominion of the Latins.”101 This should not be interpreted as a request for free ordination and entry into monasteries for serfs, but rather as a demand that permission of the Latin diocesan not be required. And indeed, as in some other cases, this was granted to the Greeks in Pope Alexander IV’s Bulla Cypria of 1260, which declared as follows: The Greek bishops of that island are to have and to obtain, in the monasteries, churches, clergy, and people entrusted to them, everything that is known to pertain by common right to the office of episcopal rank or order. The Latin bishops should usurp none of these except only in those cases where the metropolitan can legally exercise jurisdiction over the subjects of his suffragan.102

That is, the Latin bishop’s jurisdiction over his Greek counterpart was the same as the Latin archbishop’s jurisdiction over his Latin suffragan bishops, which did not include such things as interference in ordinations. Nevertheless, as Archbishop Ranulph reminded the Greeks around 1280, for serfs the permission of the lord was required.103 In the case of the lower Greek clergy in Latin-held lands, it is clear that there are common elements: the demands of Rome, the lay rulers, and the Greek clergy. In all cases a compromise was reached. It is the Greek Cypriot clergy that ultimately obtained the best terms, for the freedom of clerics from servile dues, entry into monasteries, the ordination of priests, and the permanent survival of the episcopacy. Pope Honorius III’s approach to the Greek secular clergy was consistent with that of Innocent III and with Innocent’s ecclesiology in general. Despite Innocent’s intention to incorporate the existing Greek hierarchy into the Universal Church, by the 1220s Synodicum Nicosiense, p. 303, no. 18.3; Bullarium Cyprium, p. 383, no. e-42. Synodicum Nicosiense, p. 316, no. X.25.17; Cartulary, p. 199, no. 78; Bullarium Cyprium, p. 510, no. f-35. 103 Synodicum Nicosiense, pp. 134-135, no. B.13f. 101

102

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there were few Greek bishops left in areas under Latin control in Greece. In Cyprus, Honorius’ policy was to enforce Innocent’s decisions at the Fourth Lateran Council and accept Greek bishops as long as they took the same oath as their Latin counterparts, and this policy functioned for the next three and a half centuries. For the lower levels, in both Greece and Cyprus Honorius insisted that Greek priests and deacons, at least, be free of servile dues in labor, money, and kind. He tolerated the Greek practice of clerical marriage, but had to compromise on the status of children of priests. Naturally, free Greeks were not restricted, but one assumes that their ordination involved the same oath as that taken by Latin priests. Since the Roman liturgy and Latin practices such as the use of unleavened bread in the sacrament of the altar were not forced on the Greeks, this oath is the extent of the “ultimate Romanization of the Greek Church” at which the popes supposedly aimed.104

The Regular Clergy Ludivine Voisin has shown that Honorius implemented the same policy for the Greek regular clergy as he did for seculars.105 In Greece and Constantinople, Innocent III was faced with confiscations of monastic lands and even some monasteries themselves, following either the ejection of some monks by Frankish lords or the voluntary exile of the monks, evading the oath to the pope or simply Frankish rule in general. For years, the disobedient Greek abbot and monks of Rufiano, near Chalcedon, refused to swear the oath and eventually, after Giovanni Colonna warned them one last time, they chose instead to abandon their monastery derelict, so the legate conferred it on the Cistercian monastery of St Angelus of Pera, the suburb of Constantinople [135]. From the monastery of “Kehiriani,” in the diocese of Constan104 The quotation is from Hussey, The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire, p. 187. On unleavened bread, see Chris Schabel, “The Quarrel over Unleavened Bread in Western Theology, 1234-1439,” in Martin Hinterberger and Chris Schabel, eds., Greeks, Latins, and Intellectual History 1204-1500, Leuven: Peeters, 2011 (Recherches de Théologie et Philosophie médiévales – Bibliotheca, 11), pp. 85-127. 105 For Greek monasticism under Latin rule in general, in which Honorius III’s reign plays an important part, see especially Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. I, pp. 533-586.

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tinople, “whose schismatic and rebellious monks have so far never wanted to obey the Holy Roman Church,” Giovanni took the metochion of Mileas and gave it to the abbot and convent of Santa Prassede in Rome, with the pope’s approval. [143]. The legate also confiscated possessions of disobedient, rebellious, and schismatic monks from Mt Athos and elsewhere [143, 146, 171]. As Latin control in Asia Minor collapsed, the Greek monks switched their allegiance from the pope to the individual who – according to Honorius’ no doubt confused source, the archbishop of Nicomedia – called himself “patriarch of Nicaea,” that is, the aggressive Patriarch Germanos II [194]. In general, however, Honorius sought to protect Greek monks and monastic property under Latin rule.To make it more palatable for Greeks to remain, in 1220 Honorius relaxed the requirement of the oath for Greek monks and hermits this time, accepting another form of promise instead, which the Greeks themselves had proposed [91]. One could argue that the horrible alleged crimes of Archbishop Antelm of Patras against Greek priests, monks, and monasteries are only known to us because those who informed Honorius assumed that the pope would be outraged [230]. Under Innocent a papal legate had given the Greek monastery of the Theotokos Evergetis just outside Constantinople to Monte Cassino, although on condition that the Greek monks not be expelled in any manner. Honorius confirmed the donation with this explicit condition, and there is no evidence that the Greeks ever departed [24-25, 163-165].106 Likewise, Honorius approved the actions of his own legate, Giovanni Colonna, who granted the monastery of Hagios Angelos tou Kyr Klemes107 to the prior and Church of St Peter of the Pisans in Constantinople, “as long as the monks persisting in devotion to the Apostolic See and obedience to the diocesan are not in any way expelled from the monastery” 106 Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. II, p. 149. See now Robert H. Jordan and Rosemary Morris, The Hypotyposis of the Monastery of the Theotokos Evergetis, Constantinople (11th-12th Centuries): Introduction, Translation and Commentary, Farnham: Ashgate, 2012. Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 184, dates no. 165 to 1221, citing Gattola, part 2, p. 492, but the text is in part 1, p. 292, and dates to 1222. 107 On this church, see Raymond Janin, Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Bithynie, Hellespont, Latros, Galèsios, Trébizonde, Athènes, Thessalonique), Paris: Institut Français d’Études Byzantines, 1975, p. 59.

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[179]. Before he learned of Thessaloniki’s fall, in December 1224 Honorius wrote to the former Empress Margaret, who had rebuilt and endowed a monastery of Greek nuns that had been destroyed, at a place called Pacenasiense. Although the nunnery may not have been in Frankish Greece, but rather in Hungary, the fact that Honorius defended Margaret’s ius patronatus over the monastery shows how pleased he was that the Greek nuns had changed their ways and were now obeying the Roman Church [246].108 These examples demonstrate that Greek monks could remain even after their monasteries had been granted to others, who owned the property and enjoyed its revenues. Honorius mentions the rule of St Basil only in relation to St Theodosios in Palestine and St Catherine of Sinai [5, 269],109 so the lack of evidence concerning which rite was observed in some institutions makes it difficult to discern whether a given monastery, such as the monastery of St Phocas, a possession of Latin clerics in Constantinople, was inhabited by Greeks, or, in St Phocas’ case, Cistercians from St Angelus [15-17].110 We do not know who occupied the monastery of Kalama, the ius patronatus over which Emperor Henry gave to the archbishop and chapter of Thebes [62]; the abbeys of Galea and Gerokomeion that Archbishop Antelm of Patras is said to have destroyed, leading to their abandonment [230]; Panagia Abbey, the tithes from which Giovanni Colonna granted to Archdeacon James of Corinth [139]; Our Lady of Cathicio in the Empire of Romania and the monastery of Chalcedon, conceded to the prior and canons of the Lateran in Rome in the times of Innocent III and Honorius III respectively [166-167]; the monastery of Monomach in the diocese of Chalcedon, granted to the convent of San Paolo in Rome and run by the prior of St George of Mangana [117]; St George of Mangana itself, which still host108 In his note to Tautu (Acta Honorii III), no. 131, on pp. 177-178, Ludovic (Aloysius) Tautu suggested some places in Hungary, but admitted that it could even be in Thessaly or Macedonia. Later Tautu argued for southern Hungary in “Margherita di Ungheria Imperatrice di Bisanzio,” Antemurale 3 (1956), pp. 51-79, at p. 65, which had been argued in the Hungarian bibliography, but others place it in Thessaly, such as Johannes Koder and Friedrich Hild, Hellas und Thessalia.Tabula Imperil Byzantini, vol. 1,Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1976, p. 232. I thank Peter Toth for these last references. 109 On the papal attempts to create an Order of St Basil, see Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. I, pp. 608-619. 110 Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. II, pp. 149-150.

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ed at least some Greeks, since St Catherine of Sinai maintained a connection there [38];111 Our Lady of “Hytria,” probably Hodegetria, in the capital, whose metochion of Tosipa was granted to the canons of Santi Cosma e Damiano in Rome [146]; and the monastery of Matzukes, whose metochion of Rhaiktor in the diocese of Chalcedon was granted to the prior and Church of St Peter of the Pisans in Constantinople [179]. In late 1217 Honorius wrote that the bishop of Davleia had informed him that the abbot of Stiris, or Hosios Loukas, in his diocese was leading a dissolute life and squandering and consuming the abbey’s goods, claiming exemption when the bishop tried to correct him [43, 156]. Kenneth Setton assumes the abbot was a Latin, but the evidence points to a Greek community in Hosios Loukas at least until 1309.112 Overall, Jean Richard holds the opinion that many Greek monasteries submitted to the Latins and that many concessions to Latins were made “without interrupting the religious life of these institutions.”113 Perhaps, if we do not hear otherwise, monasteries adhered to the Greek rite.114 It should be stated that the grants of metochia and some of the monasteries mentioned above were made in the context of the struggle between the Church and laymen over ecclesiastical property. Hagios Angelos tou Kyr Klemes and the metochion of Rhaiktor are even described as “recently extracted from the hands of laymen with great difficulty.” Thus the Latin Church of the Holy Savior Apologothetes,115 in Pisan hands since just after the conquest, recovered its metochion of Hagios Elias Giuro only in the same context [179]. One could see these moves as the protecVoisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. II, pp. 150-151. Setton, p. 414b. See Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. I, pp. 571-573, and II, pp. 156-157. 113 Richard, “The Establishment of the Latin Church,” pp. 47 and 53-54. 114 One might add that Santifaller, Beiträge, pp. 100-101, edits a charter of Patriarch Gervase, dated Corinth, 29 May 1216, addressing Guerric, prior of the Holy Savior in the diocese of Modon, in which he strengthens the concession made by Bishop O. of Coron (Eudes of Villehardouin; see no. 61) of the Church of St Loup of Troyes with half of the tithes on the land of Simon de Lagny, now held by Roes de Lagny, to Guerric and the Church of the Holy Savior, which is called the “abbey of Saphadinus”! 115 On this church, see Raymond Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l’empire byzantin, première partie, Le siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat œcuménique, tome III, Les églises et les monastères, Paris: Institut Français d’Études Byzantines, 2nd ed., 1969, p. 574. 111

112

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tion of Church property as much as, or instead of, indications of Greek-Latin animosity.116 Indeed, one of Honorius’ first acts was to take the extensive Cypriot and Constantinopolitan property of the Greek monastery of St Theodosios in Palestine under his protection and to exempt it from tithes under certain conditions, since tithing was not a Greek tradition [5].117 Because of the ambassadorial services of Brother Ephraim with Theodore Doukas, Honorius extended the monastery’s tithe exemption [46]. He made similar arrangements for the Cypriot, Constantinopolitan, and Cretan possessions of the Greek cathedral/monastery of St Catherine on Mount Sinai, repeatedly attempting to protect the brothers and their property on Crete from encroachments [26-27, 38, 157, 260, 266, 267, 269].118 When the archbishop of Crete tried to claim possessions of St Catherine and extort tithes from the monastery’s property, excommunicating those who refused, Honorius corrected the archbishop and annulled the excommunication [219, 227, 265, 268].119 For houses squarely under Latin rule, Honorius granted partial tithe exemptions to four Greek monasteries in the Athens area, three on Mt Penteli (St Angelos of “Kypolusto,” St Nicholas of Kalissia, and the Holy Savior of Platania) and Hosios Meletios on Mt Myoupolis (or Mt Kithairon) [84], taking Hosios Meletios and its property under his personal protection, confirming its possessions, liberties, and immunities, and 116 Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 316-320, discusses these grants, but in a different context, without emphasizing the recent agreements over Church property. 117 On this see Jean Richard, “Un monastère grec de Palestine et son domaine chypriote: le monachisme orthodoxe et l’établissement de la domination franque,” in Πρακτικά τού Δευτέρου Διεθνούς Kυπριολογικού Συνεδρίου, 3 vols, Nicosia: Society for Cypriot Studies, 1985-1987, vol. 2, pp. 61-75, reprinted in idem, Croisades et États latins d’Orient, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1992 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 383), no. XIV. For the question of tithes and Greek monasteries in general, see Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. I, pp. 587-607. 118 See Nicholas Coureas, “The Greek Monastery of Sinai and its Properties on Crete and Cyprus,” in Michel Balard, ed., Autour de la Première Croisade, Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1996, pp. 475-484. One might add that in 1216 Doge Pietro Ziani himself wrote the duke and archbishop of Crete ordering that the monks be protected: Guido Scaffini, Notizie intorno ai primi cento anni della dominazione veneta in Creta, Alessandria: Società Poligrafica, 1907, p. 10, no. 10. 119 Among others, Gill, Byzantium and the Papacy, p. 52, says that no. 265 refers to Troyes (Trecensis), but this is no doubt a scribal error for Crete (Cretensis), which also explains the reference to the archbishop, which Troyes did not have. See also Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 154.

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re-affirming that its monks should elect their abbots [83].120 Of course, Honorius was unhappy to be informed that some Greeks merely pretended to be loyal to the Roman Church in order to obtain tithe exemptions [120]. The same 1222 agreement that regulated the upper and lower Greek secular clergy on Cyprus provided for the continuation of Greek monasticism with a controlled number of Greek serfs allowed to replace deceased monks in monasteries on the land of the Frankish lords. Free Greeks were of course able to enter monasteries without restriction.The Ravennika agreement freed all persons attached to Greek monasteries from labor dues for the lay lords and almost all taxation in the areas where that pact applied [87]. Prince Geoffrey of Villehardouin’s treatment of clerics in general appears to have been terribly abusive [127], but Honorius had to face reality, allowing the prince of Achaia to continue to demand services and aids from Greek abbots and monks in his lands for another 20 years following the pact agreed to in 1223 [193, 197]. Honorius’ attitude toward the Greeks was consistent with that of Innocent: if Greek clerics, secular and regular, took the oath and thereby accepted papal jurisdiction as did Latin clerics, they were to be left alone, although greedy laymen might not follow the papal policy. If they did not acknowledge the pope’s position, the Greek clerics were labeled schismatics, like most Greeks outside Latin control, and could face problems. Whether absentee Greek ecclesiastical landlords who secured papal protection gave signs of obedience is unknown, but in any case the only factor at play was the pope’s role as head of the Universal Church. When Giovanni Colonna reported that some Greek clerics celebrated the divine offices while excommunicated, “stubbornly adhering to the Greek rites” [78], this could be an indirect reference to criticism of Latin rites, such as the use of unleavened bread. This is the closest we get to doctrine becoming an issue, and the only mention of heresy in these letters is the accusation that Archbishop Antelm of Patras “maintained heretics,” which, if true, could mean Latins [230].121 120 According to Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, vol. II, pp. 155-156, this is the nunnery of Hosios Meletios, but the letter is addressed to the abbot and monks. 121 For heresy in Frankish Greece, see Nickiphoros I. Tsougarakis and Christo-

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The lack of accusations of Greek heresy explains why there is no hint in Honorius’ letters that Latin monks had any “mission to the orthodox” within Romania, which his predecessor Innocent had allegedly assigned to the Cistercians.122 In fact, there is no evidence that Innocent had this in mind either, which should not be surprising, given that, aside from the language, the Greek and Latin creeds differ by one word (Filioque), and the only thing the Latins actively required from the Greeks was recognition of the pope’s role as leader of Christendom. Thus in Nickiphoros Tsougarakis’ recent survey of the history of the Latin regular clergy in Romania, he demonstrates that the primary function of western monks and even mendicants in Frankish Greece was catering to the spiritual needs of the Latin aristocracy and townspeople.123 By Honorius’ time, each major Frankish state had at least one Cistercian monastery, although not all are mentioned in the surviving letters. Honorius assigned papal business to formerly Greek Daphni Abbey, the beautiful Byzantine monastery near Athens (given to the Cistercians by Otto de la Roche) [7-10, 45, 59], to formerly Greek Chortaïton Abbey near Thessaloniki (by Boniface of Montferrat) [66, 243], and to St Angelus Abbey in Pera (associated with Hautecombe Abbey in Savoy) [241, 258].124 In October and November 1223, Honorius also wrote concerning Cistercian St Stephen in the diocese of Constantinople (a daughter of Venetian San Tommaso di Torcello)125 and the nunnery of Our Lady of pher D. Schabel, “Of Burning Monks, Unidentified Churches and the Last Cistercian Foundation in the East: Our Lady of Camina in the Principality of Achaia,” Journal of Medieval History 41 (2015), forthcoming. 122 As Brenda Bolton, “A Mission to the Orthodox? The Cistercians in Romania,” Studies in Church History 13 (1976), pp. 169-181, reprinted in eadem, Innocent III. Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1995 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 490), no. XVII, claimed. For the Cistercians in Romania, see especially Brown, “The Cistercians,” pp. 78-96 and 110-119, and Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, pp. 35-78 (with map on p. 36) and passim, along with my review in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 16 (2013), pp. 238241. See also Tsougarakis – Schabel, “Of Burning Monks,” forthcoming, and my “The Myth of the White Monks’ Mission to the Orthodox: Innocent III, the Cistercians and the Greeks,” forthcoming. 123 Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders. 124 See also Brown, “The Cistercians,” pp. 96-107. 125 Brown, “The Cistercians,” p. 82 and n. 103, records a disagreement about the location of St Stephen, whether in or only near the capital, with Honorius’ letter supporting that it was outside the city.

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Perchay (de Percheio) in Constantinople itself, exempting all three Constantinopolitan houses from certain financial obligations to the bishops, archbishops, and patriarchs [214, 216-217], although a year later he expressly demanded that the Cistercians of Romania contribute to the defense of Thessaloniki [243]. The case of the wealthy Perchay Abbey, formerly “Ysostis,” is interesting.126 On 27 February 1221 Honorius took Abbess Beatrice and the sisters’ monastery under papal protection and confirmed their numerous possessions, giving a long and detailed list that has recently been re-edited and re-analyzed [108].127 It should be noted, however, that no mention is made of the Cistercians, which indicates that the nunnery had not yet joined the order. The phantom 1222 reissuing of the privilege on the same day (27 February) – where the pope now mentions explicitly that the nuns follow the Benedictine rule and the practices (instituta) of the Cistercian brothers and confirms the possessions that “the monastery possessed before taking up the practices of the Cistercian Order” – is nowhere in the registers, contrary to the assertion of the first “editor,” the seventeenth-century bishop of Badajoz Ángel Manrique [118].128 One could claim that Manrique was merely supplying the elided text in the authentic 1221 privilege and just got the year and the name of the papal vice-chancellor wrong, but Manrique also adds “of the Cistercian Order” to the intitulatio it126 There is some question whether Perchay had been a Greek monastery (see Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, pp. 61-62), but the wording of the text makes it likely, and although Cistercian abbeys were sometimes named after the Mother of God, here it might be taken over from the Greek “Theotokos.” 127 In Guillaume Saint-Guillain, “Propriétés et bienfaiteurs de l’abbaye constantinopolitaine de Sainte-Marie du Perchay,” Θησαυρίσματα 41/42 (2012), pp. 9-39, with a helpful map on p. 36. Besides discussions in Brown, “The Cistercians,” and Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, see also Jean-Marie Martin, Errico Cuozzo, and Bernadette Martin-Hisard, “Un acte de Baudouin II en faveur de l’abbaye cistercienne de Sainte-Marie de Percheio (octobre 1241),” Revue des études byzantines 57 (1999), pp. 211-223, and Guillaume Saint-Guillain, “SainteMarie du Perchay, abbaye cistercienne à Constantinople,” in Errico Cuozzo,Vincent Déroche, Annick Peters-Custot, and Vivien Prigent, eds., Puer Apuliae. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Marie Martin, Paris: Centre de recherche d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance, 2008 (Monographies, 30), vol. II, pp. 593-603. Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 173 and 185, labels it “Sainte-Marie d’Aberkios.” 128 Ángel Manrique, Cistercienses seu verius ecclesiastici annales a condito Cistercio, vol. 4, Lyon: Boissat et Anisson, 1659, p. 240b; see discussion in Pressutti, “Appendix,” for no. 3123; Brown, “The Cistercians,” p. 92, n. 153, and now Saint-Guillain, “Propriétés et bienfaiteurs,” pp. 11-12.

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self, which is certainly not warranted. In any case, the elided text should only say that “the monastic order according to God and the rule of St Benedict, which is known to have been established in the same monastery, should be observed there without violation for all times.”129 Thus, although the nunnery followed the Benedictine rule, the 1222 text constitutes a bizarre “forgery” of sorts in the posthumous publication of Manrique, who appears to have wanted to make a point about the wide expansion of the Cistercian nuns, who were popping up from Belgium to the Bosphoros. In the previous letter that he inserted, to a Cistercian abbey in Flanders, he (correctly) changed the addressee from “abbot” to “abbess,” then concluded after his Perchay entry: “Thus, just like the monks, the holy Cistercian nuns were reaching the outer limits of the Christian world”!130 Accidentally, Manrique’s text may contain an element of truth, however, since on 9 September 1223 we learn that the abbot of Cîteaux has received Perchay, now described as belonging to the Cistercian Order, as a special daughter house of Cîteaux, that with the assent of the General Chapter he has annulled agreements that the house had with the Cistercian convent of St Mary Magdalen in Acre, and that visitation would be assigned exclusively to St Angelus, because Cîteaux was too far away [189].131 Given parallel cases, such as that of the nun129 The elision occurs in ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 81v, in a standard formula: “...presentis scripti privilegio. In primis siquidem statuentes etc. nichil mutato usque observetur. Preterea, quascumque possessiones...” The “etc. with nothing changed until” refers to the previous instance of the clause in the register, on f. 76v: “...abbati monasterii Sancti Benedicti de Grana eiusque fratribus tam presentibus quam futuris religiosam vitam professis imperpetuum. Religiosam vitam eligentibus etc. usque infringat. Eapropter... et presentis scripti privilegio communimus. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticus qui secundum Deum et beati Benedicti regulam in eodem monasterio institutus esse dinoscitur perpetuis ibidem temporibus inviolabiliter observetur. Preterea, quascumque possessiones...”. 130 Manrique, Cistercienses, p. 240b: “Ergo, ut monachi, ita et sanctimoniales Cistercienses usque ad ultimos fines penetrabant Christiani orbis.” The previous letter, in ASV, Reg. Vat. 13, f. 63v, is incorrectly addressed to “abbati ac conventui de Braella Cisterciensis Ordinis,” and not “abbatissae,” as Manrique has it on f. 240a. The letter concerns a female recluse in Flanders who wished to enter a (known) Cistercian nunnery. 131 The letters of October and November 1223 [213, 216-217] alluded to above have been seen as proof of the abbey’s existence and Cistercian identity as far back as 1214; e.g., Martin – Cuozzo – Martin-Hisard, “Un acte de Baudouin II,” pp. 215-216. This is a misreading: Honorius reports that Patriarch Matthew and others were now using a constitution of Cardinal Pelagius from ca. 1214, re-

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nery of St Theodore in Nicosia, Cyprus, which was not incorporated into the Cistercian Order until after its foundation,132 Perchay’s link to St Mary Magdalen in Acre and the Cistercian Order may have been quite recent, made in the same context that the Acre house established an abbey of the same name in Nicosia in 1222. I should note in passing that St Mary Magdalen in Acre was not, as has been suggested, a daughter house of Cistercian Laurus, which was somewhere in Romania, but rather it was subject to Belmont near Tripoli.133 We have seen that St Angelus, “dedicated” by Cardinal Pelagius in the mid-1210s, also had unspecified ties to St Phocas and was assigned Rufiano on 29 March 1222 [16-17, 135]. The latter was in partial compensation for possessions lost to the advancing Greeks of Nicaea. Since Rufiano was considered prestigious, the abbot of St Angelus promised to transfer the monks there, if the General Chapter approved. The monks were unaware of this and objected that many noble Latins had been buried in St Angelus, which bodies would be difficult to move, and the monks were reluctant to give up the protection of the empire for that of another lordship, Rufiano being in Asia Minor near Chalcedon. They asked to send merely four monks to Rufiano, which request Honorius approved, giving them five years to found a Cistercian daugher house. Failing this, the patriarch and chapter would give St Angelus land in exchange for the monastery. By 1227, however, Rufiano was no longer in Latin hands and Cistercian Rufiano existed in name only.134

newed by Giovanni Colonna, in order to demand money from Perchay (and the two other Cistercian houses in the capital, which Honorius addressed separately); there is no indication that Pelagius had Perchay or any particular monastery in mind in 1214, and this is why Honorius had written a general letter on 19 October 1223 on the same subject to all prelates and chapters of the Franks of Constantinople concerning Patriarch Matthew’s exactions [212]. 132 Joseph-Marie Canivez, ed., Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786, vol. 2, Louvain: Bureaux de la Revue, 1934, p. 171, no. 15; Cartulary, p. 170, no. 64. 133 Cartulary, pp. 168-170, no. 63, trans. Constance H. Berman, Women and Monasticism in Medieval Europe: Sisters and Patrons of the Cistercian Reform, Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2002 (TEAMS Documents of Practice Series), no. 3, pp. 25-26. For the suggested link to Laurus, see Brown, “The Cistercians,” p. 95, citing Janauschek. 134 See Brown, “The Cistercians,” pp. 88-90.

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The mother house of St Stephen in Constantinople, Cistercian San Tommaso di Torcello near Venice, had possessions on Crete, although there is some doubt whether it founded a daughter house on the island. Nevertheless, it turns out that the claim that the monks of San Tommaso farmed a certain property on Crete, concerning which Honorius supported their request to “have a place where they can rest their head,” is based on an apparent forgery. Whereas the 1749 edition of Cornelio (a.k.a. Cornaro) of the letter in question, dated 1223 and addressed to Archbishop Giacomo Madro of Crete, relates that “the abbot and convent of San Tommaso di Torcello of the Cistercian Order in Montana Nigra in your diocese farm certain lands given to them in alms,” we have found that the original charter, preserved in Venice, states instead that “the abbot and convent of Jubin in Montana Nigra, of the Cistercian Order, farm certain lands in your diocese...” Thus there is no need to search for a mysterious Montana Nigra on Crete, because the document refers to the famous Black Mountain near Antioch in Syria, where Cistercian Jubin Abbey was located. Although we can now assert that Jubin, too, had Cretan property, there is no evidence that Honorius was able to persuade the archbishop to allow the foundation of a Cistercian monastery, nor that Jubin ever did so [218].135 Daphni Abbey would be the last remaining Cistercian house in Romania. In 1222, in the midst of the struggle over ecclesiastical property, Honorius was furious to learn that the Cistercians of Daphni adhered to Otto de la Roche against Giovanni Colonna, ignoring the legate’s sentence of interdict promulgated against the abbey. The cardinal responded by excommunicating the monks, but they ignored even this sentence for three years. Honorius de135 The previous bibliography is based on Cornelio/Cornaro. In general, Brown, “The Cistercians,” pp. 84-85, believes that there were Cistercian houses on Crete, but Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, pp. 57-61, is skeptical, especially after 1300. Santifaller, Beiträge, pp. 101-103 (and Plate 1), publishes an original charter of Patriarch Gervase dated Hagia Sophia, 30 May 1218, pp. 102-103, confirming the grant to San Tommaso of the existing monastery of Gerghiri on Crete, made by his vicars and legates on Crete Canons T. and P., as long as the Cistercian rule is observed there. On Jubin, see, e.g., Jean Richard, “L’Abbaye cistercienne de Jubin de le Prieuré Saint-Blaise de Nicosie,” Eπετηρίδα του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών 3 (1969-1970), pp. 63-74, reprinted in idem, Orient et Occident au Moyen Age: contacts et relations (XIIe-XV e s.), London:Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 49), no. XIX, at pp. 63-68.

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cided to eject the monks from Daphni altogether, ordering the bishop and archdeacon of Negroponte to carry out his mandate, leaving three monks and three conversi to care for the monastery and its property, in addition to the care exercised by the addressees, although the monks were not to act as clerics or celebrate the divine offices until further notice.The monks were to restore any goods they had belonging to the late bishop of Thermopylai or which they had received from excommunicates and people under interdict, and they were even instructed to exhume any bodies they had buried in and around the abbey while under interdict [134]. Two years later we learn that eight cloistered monks remained, but the monastic officials who had been in charge of the possessions and goods of the abbey had in fact been expelled. The newly installed abbot and monks, who presumably joined the other eight, complained to Honorius that they did not know enough about Daphni’s property and incomes to deal fittingly with the abbey’s temporal affairs. The pope therefore granted them leave to recall two of the officials who could best assist in these matters [237]. The Cistercians in Romania were hardly in a position to conduct missionary activities among the Greeks, even if this had been requested of them, which was not the case. By Honorius III’s time, the new mendicant orders, the Franciscans and the Dominicans, were becoming the primary instrument of papal efforts to deal with heretics and infidels. Yet the friars soon spread everywhere in the West, preaching to the urban populace regardless of whether they were tainted by heresy or not. Without explicit evidence either way, it is impossible to determine if the early mendicant presence in the East was mainly due to their “missionary activities,” whether initiated by the pope or otherwise, because even if there had not been any Greek population at all, the mendicants would have arrived anyway. The only letters of Honorius III mentioning the mendicants in Romania are dated 9 December 1220 and 18 February 1221 and concern a controversy [101, 108]. According to John, prior of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, his jealous rivals spread the false rumor that John had been a monk and had vowed to join the Friars Minor. Giovanni Colonna apparently asked John to respond to the allegations, join an order, and to establish a dean in his church, even though Patriarch Gervase had assigned the spiritual and tempo83

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

ral affairs of the church to John, with the chapter’s assent, and the church could not afford to pay a dean as well as a prior. In the end, Honorius nullified the legate’s moves, and “Friar Luca, master of the Friars Minor in areas of Romania,” who is said to have received John’s vow, dropped the case in the pope’s presence. As for the Friars Preacher, judging from the information we have for Cyprus, the Dominicans would have arrived in Constantinople by the mid-1220s, but we have no actual trace.136

Conclusion Honorius III did not place all Greeks into one category, but differentiated between schismatics outside Latin control, disobedient Greeks residing in areas under Latin rule, and obedient Greeks in the same territories, although he may have seen the vast majority of the Greek population as serfs first and Greeks second. When Greek monks were obedient, since tithing was not their custom, Honorius was willing to exempt them from paying tithes on lands they cultivated with their own hands or at their own expense, if they possessed those lands before the recent Fourth Lateran Council, canon 55 of which stipulated that such tithes should be paid [5, 84]. He took obedient Greek monasteries under his protection [e.g., 83] and protected Greek monks whose houses had been conferred on Latins [25]. When Greek monks and hermits had been excommunicated for disobedience, Honorius compromised on the conditions for allowing them back into the fold: they could avoid the oath usually demanded of Latins and Greeks

136 For evidence of early Dominican presence in Cyprus, including a clash with the Greeks that ended in the execution of thirteen monks, see the various studies in Chris Schabel, Greeks, Latins, and the Church in Early Frankish Cyprus, Farnham: Ashgate, 2010 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 949), II, pp. 267-268, and III, pp. 7-8. For the Franciscans in Romania, see Robert Lee Wolff, “The Latin Empire of Constantinople and the Franciscans,” Traditio 2 (1944), pp. 213-237, reprinted in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London:Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no.VII, on Prior John pp. 213-214. Wolff assumes (p. 213 and note 2) that both Franciscans and Dominicans were in Constantinople for “their missionary activities,” although “the Dominicans seem to have got their missionary activies in Romania started considerably later.” The data collected by Tsougarakis, The Latin Religious Orders, pp. 103-211, however, demonstrate that their main function was to cater to local Latins.

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and promise obedience by hand, as the monks and hermits themselves proposed [99]. When Greek monks refused to obey, however, they were ejected from their houses or they abandoned their monasteries of their own accord, although our best evidence shows that they were given several years to conform [135]. If, on the other hand, Greek monks had once professed their obedience to the pope and then backslid, professing their loyalty to Patriarch Germanos II in Nicaea, who was in a way aiming to become the pope of the Greeks,137 they were to be compelled to obey the pope by the secular arm, if necessary [194]. Honorius also won personal freedom for Greek monks, just as Latin monks enjoyed in the tradition of the Gregorian Reform. Yet monasteries in Achaia that were established on secular lands had a tradition of owing services to the lay lords, perhaps from Byzantine times, but certainly in the first couple of decades after the conquest. Honorius had to compromise temporarily in this case, ordering in the context of the final agreements between the Church and the lay powers in the early 1220s that the Greek abbots, monks, and other religious whose abbeys lay on Prince Geoffrey’s lands were to perform the customary services and aids for twenty years, although spiritually they were subject to their diocesans [193, 197]. Afterwards, they were supposed to be personally free, although everyone, whether Latin or Greek, had to pay the akrostichon where it applied. If Honorius could not protect all innocent Latins, he was probably even less able to prevent the abuse of Greeks. Archbishop Antelm of Patras allegedly imprisoned Greek abbots, shaved off the beard of one, had an eye gouged out of two of them, and had the foot of another mutilated, resulting in his death. Besides destroying two monasteries, Antelm was said to have hanged a Greek cleric and thrown a Greek priest into the sea, thus killing him [230]. The fact that these charges were made by Antelm’s Latin subordinates, however, suggests that they thought that Honorius would be outraged. When Giovanni Colonna informed Honorius that

137 My interpretation of his actions goes further than that of Angold, Church and Society in Byzantium, pp. 520-522 and 547-554, and idem, The Fourth Crusade, pp. 206-207.

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Latins attacked Greek clerics frequently, either by mistake, or because they were not wearing their clerical garb, or because they were completely disobedient and rebellious toward the Roman Church and engaged in tricks and plots against the Latins, the legate asked for the means to absolve them [129]. This indicates that Greeks were frequently abused and that the Latins who did so were sometimes punished spiritually.The pope’s willingness to permit the absolution of Franks in the East is not an indication of anti-Greek feelings, since in some cases it parallels what he allowed for the abuse of any and all clerics [e.g., 105, 239]. One question that we cannot answer concerns the number of Greek bishops in Romania. There is evidence, for example, that the Kingdom of Thessaloniki always had some Greek bishops, the Greek Bishop Theodore of Negroponte remained for some years after the conquest, and his Latin successor even appointed a Greek vicar in the church of Oreoi [222].Yet we generally lack specific information.What should we make of Honorius’ ordering the archbishop of Crete to correct his suffragan bishops as well as the abbots and clerics subject to his metropolitan authority, both Greek and Latin, who fell away from the straight path [92]? Were there still Greek bishops on Crete, and if so, how many? Honorius is more explicit when relaying the report that in Romania some Greeks secretly received holy orders from bishops other than their own. No doubt their ordinaries were Latins, but did the presumably Greek bishops who ordained them preside in other areas under Latin rule, or in Greek-held lands, or both? When it was complained that Greek and Latin bishops performed consecrations in alien bishoprics and collected tithes in them, to the prejudice of the local bishops and against custom, we can be sure that the Greek bishops involved were at least physically present in Latin lands, even if their sees may have been elsewhere [78]. Thus in Achaia, Honorius complained, Greek “prelates” were indiscriminately promoting to the priesthood anyone who paid a fee [184]! With so little information on the identity of most bishops, we remain in the dark about the remaining Greek episcopate in Latin Romania, and we will never know if any Greek bishops are meant when Honorius addressed letters to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and all clerics, both Greeks and Latins, in Romania [243], or referred to all clerics of the empire, both prel86

POPE HONORIUS III (1216-1227) AND ROMANIA

ates and subordinated, Latins and Greeks, in Frankish Greece and Constantinople [244]. Honorius continued to assert that the conquest of Constantinople and much of Byzantium during and after the Fourth Crusade was divine retribution against the schismatics: “He transferred the empire to the Latins because of the Greeks’ stubborn disobedience” [127]. But it was also meant to humble the disobedient Greeks and heal the schism [224]. Like Innocent before him, Honorius believed that, in fact, the schism was partially healed, and all obedient Greeks within the Latin territories were the proof. But both Honorius and his predecessor also knew that most Greeks outside Latin political control remained disobedient. The attacks of these Greeks made the empire unsafe [151], to these Greeks Archbishop Antelm was accused of surrendering Latins and their land [230], helping these Greeks, “the enemies of the orthodox faith,” warranted excommunication [144-145], these Greeks were the “enemies of God” [229], to these Greeks Honorius applied all the negative stereotypes: the treacherous [31], malicious [40], fraudulent, and even timid Greeks [42] will take advantage of Latin misfortune and division and rise up against the Empire of Romania! These Greeks became the object of crusading. On the other hand, Honorius could utilize positive stereotypes when addressing a Greek whom he otherwise characterized as “the foul excommunicate Theodore” [239]: “It was thought until now that wisdom reigned among the Greeks” [30]. Honorius was of course concerned with the fall of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki to Theodore Komnenos Doukas and the decline of the Empire of Constantinople, but the Holy Land was much more important, and probably Church union as well. Even Theodore could be admitted back into the fold by professing his obedience and releasing the captive legate. Given Honorius III’s attitude, it is not surprising that, just before their deaths in late 1254, Pope Innocent IV came close to accepting John III Vatatzes as emperor and Manuel II as patriarch in Constantinople in exchange for true union under the administrative and doctrinal leadership of the pope.138

138

Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece, pp. 159-172.

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INTRODUCTION TO THE EDITION

The subtitle of César Auguste Horoy’s edition of the so-called Opera Omnia of Pope Honorius III, published in 1879-1882 in five volumes, still holds as the rationale for the present volume of his letters to Frankish Greece and Constantinople: omnia quae exstant, vel edita, sed in pluribus locis et voluminibus dispersa, vel inedita, in quantum fieri potuit.This volume leverages recent developments in digital humanities to produce a more complete and more accurate record than ever before, and to apply it to a region of Europe that only in recent decades has attracted serious scholarly attention, as witnessed by the explosion in studies on the medieval Mediterranean.The transnational, transcultural reality of thirteenth-century Greece can best be served by editions of sources that are as faithful and exhaustive as possible. The volume contains the text of 277 letters of Pope Honorius III involving Frankish Greece and Constantinople (although one, no. 118, is a phantom, and no. 148 is addressed to Honorius). To these 277, one could add 54 others sent to other addressees in the area “in the same way” (In eundem modum), usually almost the same text “with the words suitably modified” (verbis competenter mutatis), but sometimes with substantial differences, for example in number 184. In most cases, this involves one extra letter, but numbers 20 and 125 are sent to twelve and eleven other recipients respectively, and the differences in no. 125 are significant. So one could state that originally 331 separate letters were sent (not including a few letters merely mentioning the empire, for example), but in this volume we count them as 277.

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The vast majority (253, or 91%), of these 277 letters come from the series of papal registers Registra Vaticana in the Vatican Archives, numbers 9-13, five volumes of copies of outgoing papal mail containing some 6,288 letters on 1167 folios.1 Unfortunately, only a small percentage of letters issued by the papal chancery were copied into the registers in the early thirteenth century, less than 20% in the case of Cyprus and perhaps as low as 10%,2 and for Honorius III the first years of his papacy are much better represented than the end of his reign. Nothing appears to have survived in Greece and Constantinople themselves. Although the records of the Venetians in the East have faired much better, paradoxically, since Venice controlled much of the ecclesiastical affairs, Honorius was not involved in business in these territories on the same level as he was elsewhere, so our numbers are low. Nevertheless, we should note that the statistics that we do have correspond to the results for Cyprus: the Venetian archives preserve (at least) sixteen letters of Honorius III involving Crete, Coron, and Modon, of which only three (less than 20%) are also in the registers.3 It is probable, then, that Honorius originally addressed well over 1500 letters to Frankish Greece and Constantinople and perhaps over 3000. In his continuation of Cesare Baronio’s Annales ecclesiastici, in the mid-seventeenth century Odorico Raynaldi had access to the Registra Vaticana, utilizing roughly 50 of the letters of Honorius III, which he summarized, quoted at length, or, in about seven cases, incorporated whole into his narrative. It is from Raynaldi’s efforts that many papal letters were copied into volumes in the Biblio1 Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 279-281, for general statistics for the registers of Honorius III. 2 See the calculations for Cyprus in Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 75-78, and general statements in Paul Rabikauskas, Diplomatica Pontificia: (Praelectionum lineamenta): Ad usum auditorum, 6th ed., Rome: Università Gregoriana, 1998. 3 Ten letters from Honorius III involving Mount Sinai (three of them also in the registers) are found in the Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai: 14 pages, parchment, ca. 1360, containing copies of ducal and papal bulls; these were first edited by Scaffini and Hofmann, “Lettere,” who describes the file on pp. 284-285 under its former name: B 10, Actorum N. I Quaderno.The Liber Plegiorum of the same archive contains copies of five letters relating to the castellans of Coron and Modon, first edited by Cessi. Finally, the archive’s San Tommaso dei Borgognoni, b 3 pergamene, preserves an original letter relating to a Cistercian property on Crete [218].

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teca Vallicelliana in Rome, often just rubrics, but sometimes the full text. We have found that about 120 of the letters in this volume (43%) are in the Vallicelliana volumes in some way. In the later eighteenth century Gabriel de la Porte du Theil had volumes of copies of papal letters made, from which Louis de Mas-Latrie had volumes of rubrics compiled in the nineteenth century, and these volumes are now housed in the Bibliothèque nationale de France in the Collection Moreau. Because many of these volumes are at present inaccessible due to preservation issues, we have only been able to find about 20 copies or summaries of our 277 letters, but if Cyprus is any guide, the Collection Moreau contains texts or summaries of about half of these.4 Some of the editions from the nineteenth century and earlier stem not from the original papal registers in the Vatican, but from the copies in the Vallicelliana or Collection Moreau, or even Raynaldi. By 1874, when August Potthast published the first volume of his continuation of Philipp Jaffé’s calendar of papal letters, 50 of the letters of Honorius III in this volume had been published, although aside from Raynaldi never more than four in one place. Potthast included summaries of only about 50 of the pertinent letters, or less than one fifth. Thus when César Auguste Horoy published five volumes of the Opera Omnia of Honorius in 18791882, the 45 letters he published in full was a major achievement, 10 of them appearing for the first time. In 1885 Jean Baptiste Pitra published another 23 of Honorius’ letters, 20 being editiones principes. This set the stage for the work of Pietro Pressutti, who did a tremendous service in locating and summarizing whatever he found in the registers of Honorius III. In his two volumes published in 1888-1895, Pressutti did not simply summarize the papal registers, however, but he also searched the extant bibliography thoroughly for letters that survived elsewhere, and in this way he managed to locate ten stray letters pertinent to our volume in manuscripts or older editions in the West, mostly pertaining to Monte Cassino and other western owners 4 See also discussion in Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 80-82, and Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 281, although he does not note that some of the Vallicelliana copies are full texts.There are in addition other later manuscript copies of about seven letters, especially in the Biblioteca Casanatense in Rome, and six found their way into canon law collections [78, 194, 212, 246, 254, 263].

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of property in Constantinople.We have not improved very much on his efforts in this regard, finding only one [179] that he missed and thirteen others that were located and published later, including twelve in Venice and one in Paris [180]. It is probable that there are still others that have eluded us, and we hope that they will come to light in the future. Since Pressutti’s time, numerous other publications have added to the number of Honorius’ letters to Frankish Greece and Cyprus available in print, notably Spyridon Lampros in 1904 and above all Aloysius L.Tautu’s 1950 CICO volume of the letters of Honorius III and Gregory IX pertaining to the Eastern Churches. Not every editor was aware if what he or she claimed to be an editio princeps of a letter was in fact previously unpublished, given the haphazard nature of the previous publications. Here is a rough chart of the editions (column A = number of letters published; column B = number of letters published for the first time; column C = number of letters not republished until now): Editor (date) Pre-1874 publications combined

A 50

B 50

C 7

César Auguste Horoy (1879-82)

45

10

7

Jean Baptiste Pitra (1885)

23

20

3

Paul Fabre (1895)

1

1

1

Walter Norden (1903)

5

5

5

Spyridon Lampros (1904)

16

15

11

Guido Scaffini (1907)

9

6

3

Georg Hofmann (1927 + 1951)

9

1

1

Roberto Cessi (1931

5

5

5

Leo Santifaller (1938)

2

1

1

Aloysius L. Tautu (1950)

69

32

30

Robert Lee Wolff (1954)

7

3

3

Elizabeth A.R. Brown (1958)

2

1

1

Andreas Kiesewetter (2006)

1

1

1

Guillaume Saint-Guillain (2012)

1

0

0

151

79

Totals

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Thus of these 277 letters almost half (126, or 45%) have not been published in full before, as far as we know. Granted, they have all been at least summarized, many of those that are here published in full for the first time are somewhat brief, and on a few occasions the text of a previously unpublished letter is close to one that has been published, although it is also true that older editions sometimes omit sections. Nevertheless, the amount of completely new information provided here is substantial, and some of these new letters are truly amazing [e.g., 230, 270]. Moreover, while most previous editions of individual letters are accurate, they do sometimes contain serious errors, even errors of omission per homoeoteleuton [87, 125, 161, 175, 184]. In any case, even if the complete text of a slim majority of these letters is already available in print, 79 of them have only been published once, and gathering them together in one volume will certainly facilitate further research. Yet we offer more than the complete Latin text here. It has come to our attention over the years that the mastery of Latin among medievalists (not to mention Byzantinists) was probably never as complete in the past as one would think, and it hardly needs to be said that the present situation is much worse by comparison. Papal letters can be complicated, and we have found that it is only too easy to understand the opposite of the intent of a papal letter. The previous editions often have no summaries at all or provide summaries in the language of the letters themselves: Latin! Thus we have decided to provide rather exhaustive English summaries of these letters, sometimes full translations, but usually close paraphrases of all the important information they contain.This procedure has certainly improved our edition, notably the punctuation, but the main reason for this is to provide a reliable guide to the Latin text for those who have insufficient knowledge of Latin or none at all, although it will also save time for those who have mastered the language completely – something we would not claim for ourselves (indeed, this practice makes our own shortcomings more evident). We have relied on the secondary literature, especially Fedalto’s La Chiesa latina in Oriente, to identify place names for the summaries (and the introduction), trying as far as possible to give modern equivalents. Starting from Pressutti, we have transcribed all the letters from digital images of the manuscripts of the papal registers.These tran93

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scriptions are complete with few exceptions, for example when letters contain long lists of possessions both inside and outside our territory, in which case have transcribed only what is applicable, the full text being available elsewhere.We have not expanded formulaic material that has been elided with etc. or etc. usque. Gradually such formulae increased in number and frequency of use, but in Honorius’ time there were only a few (see below). The only other examples of elided formulae are in a handful of privileges for monasteries listing liberties, rights, exemptions, and so forth. Otherwise, when what is omitted with etc. usque (“and so on until”) is not formulaic, it pertains to the contents of previous letters, usually in the present edition. We have tried to locate and inspect as many previous editions as possible, but we certainly have not succeeded in being complete. Pressutti himself failed to list all older editions, and we probably have not found all those that he missed nor even every single letter published after his work was done. This is especially the case for letters that involve a number of important leaders and states in the West, which often have been published numerous times. Regarding summaries, we have only listed those that were published in the form of calendars, except for those of Raynaldi. The apparatus criticus includes any corrections or errors in the Registra Vaticana and in the manuscript copies that do not derive from the registers, but the manuscript copies that stem from the registers, mainly those in the Bibliotheca Vallicelliana and the Collection Moreau, have not been collated, since they add nothing to our knowledge of the text. Although sometimes they merely repeat what was found in these later manuscript copies, or even in earlier editions, any errors in the editions of Raynaldi, Horoy, Pitra, Fabre, Norden, Lampros, Scaffini, Hofmann, Cessi, Santifaller,Tautu,Wolff, Brown, Kiesewetter, and Saint-Guillain are also noted, as are those of other editions in the case of letters that have never been printed elsewhere. Collating our edition against earlier publications has helped us uncover our own errors, but in a few cases the errors in older editions are useful for explaining previous interpretative mistakes as well. Having edited many texts ourselves, it would be rash for us to assert that no errors remain. Finally, we have kept the notes to a minimum, although the introduction provides much information. 94

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A Note on Reading Papal Letters5 Interpreting a papal letter requires the same caution as with any other source.6 Some idea of the structure of this type of source is therefore useful. Although the science of diplomatics applies the term “bull” to specific kinds of letters in this particular era, all papal letters were then and still are commonly referred to as “bulls,” because they came with a lead bull or seal attached by a silk or hemp cord. For Honorius III we distinguish two basic types of papal letters, privilegia (“privileges,” in earlier times sometimes known as “great bulls”) and litterae (“letters,” formerly called at times “little bulls”) – although, again, the term privilegium was often used loosely for both types. Privilegia, which usually protected the property and rights of monasteries, religious orders, or churches, were much rarer, represented here by numbers 5, 38, 52, 109, and 269, as well as the phantom 118. As with other like documents, the text (then called the tenor) of each papal letter had three basic parts, the protocol, the contextus, and the eschatocol. The appearance and external characteristics of the originals nevertheless differed between the two broad classes, since, unlike litterae, privilegia had a rota (a circular figure with an outer ring containing an inscription beginning from a cross at the top, and a center divided into four quarters, with “St Peter” in the top left, “St Paul” in the top right, and the name and number of the pope below) and “Bene Valete” written with the eschatocol. There are also significant differences in the texts of the protocol and eschatocol of these two types. By Honorius’ reign the protocol always started with the intitulatio with Honorius episcopus and the title servus servorum Dei, “the servant of the servants of God.” In copies of the letters in the papal registers, the intitulatio is almost always missing, which explains its absence in most of the letters in this volume. The reader can easily fill in this information, which 5 This reproduces, mutatis mutandis, what is written in Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 83-90. 6 The science of diplomatics is complex and specialized. For a nice historical overview with bibliography, see Leonard E. Boyle, “Diplomatics,” in James M. Powell, ed., Mediaeval Studies. An Introduction, 2nd ed., Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1992, pp. 82-113.There are many guides to reading papal letters, including the introductions to the CICO series and Die Register Innocenz’ III., and Rabikauskas, Diplomatica Pontificia.

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would have been present in the original.The protocol almost always continued with an inscriptio containing the name of the addressee(s) (destinarius/i). In litterae, with a few exceptions, the protocol ended with the salutatio or greeting salutem et apostolicam benedictionem, roughly “greetings and apostolic blessings,” which is almost always omitted in copies in the registers. Exceptions are when the destinarius is not on good terms with the papacy, as excommunicates or disobedient sons. In such cases, as with numbers 30 and 159, addressed to Theodore Komnenos Doukas, Honorius could write “in the spirit of wiser counsel” (spiritum consilii sanioris). In privilegia, in contrast, the protocol terminated with a clause saying that the letter was for forever, in perpetuum, “in perpetuity,” in the case of the privileges in this volume. This perpetuity clause remains in the papal registers. Privilegia are also distinguished from litterae in that they are subscribed by the pope and cardinals in the eschatocol. In the registers, the subscriptions of the pope and cardinals are omitted.7 In litterae the eschatocol begins with the datatio, the dating clause. In both litterae and privilegia the datatio almost invariably begins with the word Datum, “Given,” followed by the location in the locative, e.g., Datum Laterani, “Given at the Lateran.” The originals of privilegia have in addition the name and title of the chancellor or vice-chancellor, e.g., per manum magistri Guidonis, domini pape notarii, “by the hand of Master Guy, the notary of the lord pope” [269]. All letters then have the date according to month and kalends, nones, and ides, in the accusative, unless it is on the kalends, nones, or ides, e.g., XIII Kalendas Februarii, 20 January. (The reader should refer to manuals on the calendar for the specifics of each month and how to calculate dates.) Privilegia then give the year date according to Indiction (a fifteen-year cycle: again, see a chronology manual for details) and Christ’s Nativity (in both cases the papal chancery began the year on 25 December or 1 January, unlike many other chanceries), for example, Indictione XII, Incarnationis Dominice anno MCCXXV, “In the twelfth Indiction, in the year of the Lord’s Incarnation 1225” 7 The surviving (although damaged) copy of our no. 269 contains the names of the cardinals, but Scaffini did not give them in his incomplete edition. Duba was unable to complete the transcription during a brief visit in early April 2014. Unfortunately our attempt to obtain a reproduction failed, and in a second visit of mid-June Duba was informed that the document had been set aside indefinitely for restoration.

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[269]. Finally, in all letters, the year is given according to Honorius’ regnal year, calculated according to the day of his consecration, 24 July. Litterae just have something like pontificatus nostri anno quinto, “in the fifth year of our pontificate,” but privilegia would add Honorius’ name, e.g., pontificatus vero domini Honorii pape III anno decimo, “in the tenth year of the pontificate of the lord Pope Honorius III” [269]. For most letters in the registers, the words pontificatus nostri, “of our pontificate,” are omitted, and if the date is the same as in the previous letter it is usually merely given as Datum ut supra, “Given as above,” although we have supplied the missing information in the edition in angle brackets. Almost all letters are to specific addressees, although some are more general, for example Universis Christi fidelibus presentem paginam inspecturis, “To all faithful Christians who will see the present page” [175]. Both in the originals and, usually, in the copies in the registers the inscriptio with the addressee(s) is complete, except for words of affection like “beloved sons” (devotis filiis). Many of the letters are addressed to specific groups of people, clergy or lay, in various geographical areas, but of those sent to individuals, there are 15 secular titles involved, clerical positions in 36 named dioceses in Romania, and members of 27 different religious houses, whether monasteries, houses of secular canons, collegiate churches, or hospitals. Below is a chart of the addressees according to position, with subgroups and individuals who were addressed five or more letters. The statistics themselves are revealing, for example of the preference for deans over archdeacons in cathedral churches below metropolitan rank, in contrast to Cyprus, or the relatively high number of letters to prelates in the Peloponnese and the Lordship of Athens, indicative of their independence from the patriarch. Between the protocol and eschatocol we find the context (contextus), or main body (corpus), of the letter. As we have seen, the overwhelming majority of letters are litterae. Litterae can be subdivided into various classes, partly related to physical features that are lost in the copies in the registers. Mandata contained papal orders or instructions of an administrative or judicial nature; their form is simpler and they lack the final decretum and sanctio clauses (see below). Litterae gratiosae were letters of dispensations, donations, confirmations, concessions, etc. With litterae gratiosae in particular we find the classic arrangement of arenga, narratio, and 97

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dispositio, often with the decretum (Nulli ergo...) and sanctio (Si quis autem) (see below). Addressees in East: Secular Clergy No. Addressees in East: Regular Clergy No. Cardinal-Legate Giovanni Colonna Patriarchs of Constantinople Gervase Matthew Archbishops Corinth Athens Crete Patras Thebes Bishops Coron Modon Selymbria Chapters Constantinople Patras Deans St Michael of Boukoleon Patras Our Lady of Blachernae St George of Mangana Archdeacons Treasurers Cantors Canons

26 36 12 24 54 10 9 8 5 5 64 9 8 6 42 11 5 49 8 5 5 5 11 4 5 11

Abbots Latin Greek Daphni (Cistercian) Abbesses Monks (+ Conventus) Nuns (Conventus) Masters of Hospitals Priors Subpriors Canons Regular

20 12 8 5 3 11 3 3 20 1 4

Addressees in East: Laypeople Emperors of Constantinople Robert Empresses (+ former) King of Thessaloniki Prince of Achaia Geoff.Villehardouin Lord of Athens, Otto de la Roche Despot Theodore Komnenos Dukes of Crete Lords of Negroponte Count of Cephalonia Marquis William of Montferrat Podestà of Venetians Officers

10 8 4 2 16 6 5 2 3 2 2 1 5

Often a papal letter begins with an arenga giving a general justification for the letter. Occasionally it was an opportunity for Honorius and his chancery to wax poetic and engage in propaganda, number 97, to the legate Giovanni Colonna, being a excellent example. Many times, however, the arenga was simply repeated from other similar letters and is often abbreviated in the registers. 98

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Honorius employed Iustis petentium... on a dozen or so occasions, usually an abbreviation of Iustis petentium desideriis dignum est nos facilem prebere consensum, et vota que a rationis tramite non discordant effectu prosequente complere: “It is fitting for us to give ready consent to the just wishes of the petitioners and, in pursuing the result, to fulfill the desires that are not in disharmony with the path of reason.” Ten times Honorius begins with Cum a nobis petitur..., short for Cum a nobis petitur quod iustum est et honestum, tam vigor equitatis quam ordo exigit rationis ut id per sollicitudinem officii nostri ad debitum perducatur effectum: “When what is just and decent is requested of us, both the vigor of equity and the order of reason demand that the care of our office bring about the desired result.” In these cases, obviously, Honorius was explaining or justifying his decision to grant a request. Since the context of the letters themselves makes this clear, we have not supplied in the edition what the registers omit. The next section of the context, and often the first, could be a narratio, sometimes the most important part of the entire letter historically.This provides the specific background and justification for the letter. This often began with a word such as Sane, Verum, or simply Recipimus litteras, “We have received the letter...” Further clauses might be marked off by Ceterum, Praeterea, Insuper, Porro, etc. Despite the fact that the narratio is, for us, so valuable as a source, one has to exercise caution. Frequently the letter is merely reiterating the story told by someone else who is seeking (petens) something from the pope, obviously from a subjective point of view. Thus the letter may interject in the narratio with “as is said” (ut dicitur) or “as he asserts” (ut asserit). It is also important to note that in such instances Honorius’ own opinion is seldom expressed in the narratio. Aside from these caveats, one must be on guard for simple human errors, for example with the spelling of dioceses. Following the narratio, frequently we have the petitio in which someone, perhaps the addressee, requests that Pope Honorius do something, often provide a solution. The petitio may simply be a clause within the dispositio (see below), “agreeing to your just entreaties with gracious assent” (vestris iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu). Legally the most important part of many letters was what followed, the dispositio, in which the pope explains what he has 99

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decided, often beginning with Quocirca, Ideoque, Eapropter, Cum igitur, or Ut autem, usually either “ordering through letters” (per apostolica scripta mandamus/mandantes) to “you collectively” (universitati vestre), or “asking, warning, and urging” (rogamus, monemus, et hortamur) “your nobility” (nobilitatem tuam) or “your highness” (celsitudinis tue), “your discretion” (discretionem tuam), etc. Sometimes this section contains various standard clauses. Although they were formulae, their presence or absence was as significant as it is with clauses in legal contracts today. A note of caution with respect to the dispositio: frequently Honorius orders someone to look into a matter, and one must be careful not to assume that he is convinced by the petitioner’s specific or even general claims. For this reason Honorius’ decision is often expressed conditionally, for example, “if it is so” (si est ita). The penultimate segment of the contextus usually consists of preceptive or prohibitive legalistic formulae. In the original letters, of course, these clauses were written out in full, but in the papal registers they were usually abbreviated to the first couple of words. The main one, which we find on about 40 occasions, has Quod si non omnes... often followed by duo vestrum..., short for Quod si non omnes hiis exequendis potueritis interesse, duo vestrum ea nichilominus exequantur, or something close, meaning, “If not all of you are able to be present to carry this out, two of you shall nevertheless accomplish it.” This formula ensures that one (or more) of a larger number of addressees has the legal mandate to carry out the papal orders if one (or more) is unable to do so. On several occasions this concerned an investigation and was preceded by a Testes autem... formula, an abbreviation for this: Testes autem qui fuerint nominati, si se gratia, hodio, vel timore substraxerint, per censuram ecclesiasticam, cessante appellatione, compellas veritati testimonium perhibere, or: “But if the witnesses who are named withdraw themselves for a favor, hatred, or fear, you shall force them to give testimony to the truth with ecclesiastical censure, appeal withdrawn.” The final element in the main body of a papal letter is often the decretum and sanctio warning those who transgress against the letter and threatening them with certain punishments, temporal or eternal, or the benedictio, promising spiritual benefits to the addressee or someone else should he follow the pope’s guidance. This section is also usually formulaic, and so, again, in the registers the full text of the decretum and sanctio is abbreviated to the first 100

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couple of words. In almost 90 of the letters, we read a something like Nulli ergo... Siquis autem... This is an abbreviation for Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre [x] infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum.This translates as “Let no man break the page of this our [x] in any way or go against it with rash audacity. But if anyone should presume to attempt this, he shall know that he incurs the indignation of almighty God and that of Saints Peter and Paul, His apostles,” [x] in our letters standing for applicationis, commissionis, concessionis, confirmationis, constitutionis, diffinitionis, inhibitionis, iussionis, moderationis, preceptionis, protectionis, restitutionis, or subtractionis, or a combination of these.

Correspondence Table Since Voisin, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’, Chrissis, Crusading in Frankish Greece (and “New Frontiers”), and Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, employed a much earlier version of this edition, and we have since added numerous letters, here is a correspondence table for that earlier edition and this final one: Earlier 1-4 5-18 19-21 22-30 31-47 48-109

Current 1-4 7-20 22-24 28-36 38-54 56-117

Earlier 110-138 139-146 147-151 152 153-165 166-169

Current 119-147 149-156 158-162 164 166-178 181-184

101

Earlier 170-202 203-242 243-247 248-251 252

Current 186-218 220-259 261-265 268-271 277

TABULA LITTERARUM

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8-10. 11. 12. 13. 14-16. 17. 18. 19. 20.

Perugia, 25-7-1216, Patriarch [Gervase], archbishops, and bishops in Empire of Constantinople Perugia, 25-7-1216, Emperor B. (read H[enry]) of Constantinople Perugia, 12-8-1216, King [Demetrius] of Thessaloniki Perugia, 12-8-1216, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 25-10-1216, Abbot N[icholas] and monks of St Theodosios Coenobiarcha Rome, Lateran, 30-1-1217, King [Andrew II] of Hungary Rome, Lateran, 11-2-1217, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 14-2-1217, abbot of Daphni in diocese of Athens, prior of Temple of the Lord at Athens, and dean of Davleia Rome, Lateran, 20-2-1217, Archbishop [Hardouin] and chapter of Thebes Rome, Lateran, 12-4-1217, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 13-4-1217, King Demetrius of Thessaloniki Rome, Lateran, 13-4-1217, dean and chapter of St Michael of Boukoleon of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 13-4-1217, deans of Blachernae, St Paul, and St George [of Mangana] of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 14-4-1217, J[ohn, cardinal-]priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate Rome, Lateran, 16-4-1217, all who will see this letter Rome, Lateran, 21-4-1217, archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates and clerics of churches in Empire of Constantinople; i.e.m. counts, barons, and all faithful Christians in empire, podestà of Venice, Milon le Bréban butler of empire, Conon [of Béthune] bailli of empire, Prince Geoffrey [of Villehardouin] of Achaia

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seneschal of empire, Count Berthold [II of Katzenenlbogen] bailli of Kingdom of Thessaloniki, Nicholas of Saint-Omer, Count Matthew [Orsini of Cephalonia], Nariot [of Toucy], lords of Negropont, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, and Emperor [Peter] of Constantinople. 21. Rome, Lateran, 22-4-1217, Bartholomew, former bishop of Gardiki 22. Rome, Lateran, 24-4-1217, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 23. Rome, Lateran, [ca. 27-4-1217], J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 24. Anagni, 5-5-1217, Abbot [Stephen] and convent of Monte Cassino 25. Anagni, 20-5-1217, Abbot [Stephen] and convent of Monte Cassino 26. Anagni, 7-7-1217, Duke [Domenico Delfino] and barons of Crete 27. Anagni, 15-7-1217, Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete 28. Anagni, [ca. 18-7-1217], abbots, deans, archdeacons, and other prelates of churches in city and diocese of Constantinople 29. Anagni, [ca. 18-7-1217], J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 30. Ferentino, [ca. 28-7-1217],Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] 31. Ferentino, 28-7-1217, King [Andrew II] of Hungary 32. Ferentino, [ca. 28-7-1217], [Conon of Béthune] bailli of Empire of Constantinople; i.e.m. Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople 33. Ferentino, [ca. 28-7-1217], Doge [Pietro Ziani] and people of Venice 34. Ferentino, 28-7-1217, Prince [Geoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia 35. Ferentino, [ca. 28-7-1217], archbishop Epiphensis [Nicholas Mesarites of Ephesus?] 36. Ferentino, [ca. 28-7-1217], archdeacon of Thessaloniki 37. Ferentino, 3-8-1217, bishops of Ainos and Makri 38. Ferentino, 6-8-1217, Bishop Simon of Mount Sinai and his successors 39. Ferentino, 9-8-1217, chapter of Constantinople 40. Ferentino,10-8-1217, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople 41. Ferentino, 11-8-1217, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople and suffragans; i.e.m. [Conon of Béthune] bailli and princes of Empire 42. Rome, Lateran, 4-11-1217, Archbishop [Peter of Corbeil] of Sens and suffragans; i.e.m. all other archbishops of France and suffragans 43. Rome, Lateran, 28-11-1217, deans of Athens and Thebes and cantor of Thebes

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44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67-68. 69.

Rome, Lateran, 9-12-1217, Bishop P[eter] of Olena and deans of Cephalonia and Coron Rome, Lateran, 9-1-1218, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople; i.e.m. abbot of Daphni of Cistercian Order and prior of Temple of the Lord in Athens Rome, Lateran, 15-1-1218, Abbot N[icholas] and convent of St Theodosios Coenobiarcha de Berria Rome, Lateran, 25-1-1218, Theodore Komnenos Doukas Rome, Lateran, 25-1-1218, [Theodore Komnenos Doukas] Rome, Lateran, 26-1-1218, Bishop John of Crotone Rome, Lateran, 26-1-1218, Bishop [Mark] and clergy of Venice; i.e.m. bishop and clergy of Ancona Rome, Lateran, 26-1-1218, crusaders to whom this letter arrives Rome, Lateran, 29-1-1218, Abbot N[icholas] and monks of St Theodosios Coenobiarcha Rome, Lateran, 13-2-1218, Archbishop [John] of Neopatras, prior of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki, and episcopal procurator of Domokos Rome, Lateran, 24-2-1218, bishop of Kastorion Rome, Lateran, 27-2-1218, deans of Thebes and Sidon and Master W. of Lille, canon of Thebes Rome, Lateran, 22-3-1218, all clergy of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 28-3-1218, canons of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki Rome, Lateran, 28-3-1218, chapter of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki Rome, Lateran, 31-3-1218, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople; i.e.m. treasurer of Athens and prior and subprior of Daphni of Cisterican Order in diocese of Athens Rome, Lateran, 31-3-1218, chapter of [Constantinople?] Rome, Lateran, 4-4-1218, Archbishop [B.] of Larissa and Archbishop [C.] and dean of Athens Rome, Lateran, 11-4-1218, Archbishop [Hardouin] and chapter of Thebes Rome, St Peter’s, 27-4-1218, Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] Rome, St Peter’s, 19-5-1218, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople; i.e.m. J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate Rome, St Peter’s, 27-5-1218, master and brothers of Hospital of St James of Andreville Rome, St Peter’s, 29-5-1218, abbot of Chortaïton of Cistercian Order in diocese of Thessaloniki, Dean [Alexander] of Thessaloniki, and Master John dean of Kitros Rome, St Peter’s, 9-6-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate Rome, St Peter’s, 11-6-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate

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Rome, St Peter’s, 12-6-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 72. Rome, Lateran, 2-7-1218, Geoffrey of Villehardouin prince of Achaia 73. Rome, Lateran, 4-7-1218, Geoffrey of Villehardouin prince of Achaia 74. Rome, Lateran, 4-7-1218, all crusaders living throughout land of Geoffrey prince of Achaia 75. Rome, Lateran, 18-7-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 76. Rome, Lateran, 13-8-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 77. Rome, Lateran, 18-8-1218, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople; i.e.m. J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 78. Rome, Lateran, 18-8-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 79. Rome, Lateran, 25-8-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 80. Rome, Lateran, 27-8-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 81. Rome, Lateran, 28-8-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 82. Rome, Lateran, 5-9-1218, Bishop-elect Pandulf of Norwich, papal chamberlain, papal legate 83. Rome, Lateran, 28-9-1218, abbot and convent of Hosios Meletios of Mt Myoupolis 84. Rome, Lateran, 1-10-1218, abbot and convent of Lord Meletios; i.e.m. abbot and monks of St Angelos of Kypolusto of Mt Penteli, abbot and monks of St Nicholas of Kalisscia of Mt Penteli, and abbot and monks of Holy Savior of Platania of Mt Penteli. 85. Rome, Lateran, 29-10-1218, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 86. Rome, Lateran, 8-12-1218, Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth 87. Rome, Lateran, 19-1-1219, Archbishops [Warin] of Thessaloniki, [Arnulph] of Serres, [B.] of Larissa, [John] of Neopatras, [Hardouin] of Thebes, [Eudes] of Corinth, and [Antelm] of Patras, and suffragans 88. Rome, Lateran, 21-1-1219, Archbishop [Warin], Dean [Alexander] and archdeacon of Thessaloniki 89. Rome, Lateran, 1-3-1219, Margaret, widow of Emperor I[saac II] of Constantinople 90-91. Rome, Lateran, 11-3-1219, Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete 92. Rome, Lateran, 15-3-1219, Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete 70-71.

106

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Rome, Lateran, 23-3-1219, prior of St Mary of Crociferi in diocese of Crete, provost of Rieux, and Canon Peter of Hierapetra 94. Rieti,2-7-1219, Empress [Yolanda] of Constantinople 95. Rieti, 3-7-1219, Warner, canon of St Michael of Boukoleon 96. Viterbo, 2-6-1220, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 97. Orvieto, 15-7-1220, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 98. Orvieto, 22-7-1220, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 99. Orvieto, 8-8-1220, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 100. Orvieto, 19-8-1220, prior and brothers of Lord’s Sepulcher 101. Rome, Lateran, 9-12-1220, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 102. Rome, Lateran, 11-12-1220, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 103. Rome, Lateran, 11-12-1220, Archbishop [Pellegrino] of Brindisi; i.e.m. archbishops of Messina, Ancona, Bari, Genoa, and Otranto and bishop of Monopoli 104. Rome, Lateran, 7-1-1221, J[ohn], cardinal priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 105. Rome, Lateran, 8-2-1221, Patriarch Matthew of Constantinople 106. Rome, Lateran, 12-2-1221, dean and chapter of Herakleia 107. Rome, Lateran, 16-2-1221, chapter and all clergy of Constantinople 108. Rome, Lateran, 18-2-1221, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople 109. Rome, Lateran, 27-2-1221, Abbess Beatrice of Constantinopolitan monastery of Perchay, formerly called Ysostis, and sisters 110. Rome, Lateran, 5-3-1221, chapter and clergy of Constantinople 111. Rome, Lateran, 6-3-1221, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate 112. Rome, Lateran, 6-3-1221, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, 113. Rome, Lateran, 8-3-1221, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, bishop of Selymbria, and archdeacon of Constantinople; i.e.m. same addressees 114. Rome, Lateran, 10-3-1221, chapter and clergy of Constantinople 115. Rome, Lateran, 10-6-1221, Templar master and brothers in Romania 116. Rome, Lateran, 17-2-1222, dean and chapter of Athens 117. Rome, Lateran, 19-2-1222, abbot and convent of St Paul de Urbe [of Rome] 118. (Phantom Letter published by Manrique) Rome, Lateran, 27-293.

107

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

1222, Abbess Beatrice and sisters of Cistercian Perchay in diocese of Constantinople 119. Anagni, 27-2-1222, Archbishop [John] of Mytilene 120. Anagni, 2-3-1222, bishop and dean of Selymbria and prior of Forty Saints of Constantinople 121-122. Anagni, 9-3-1222, Archbishop [John] of Mytilene 123. Anagni, 10-3-1222, Archbishop [Antelm] and chapter of Patras 124. Anagni, 10-3-1222, chapter of Patras 125. Anagni, 11-3-1222, Archbishop [Eudes] and chapter of Corinth; i.e.m. same addressees; bishop and chapter of Argos; Archbishop [Antelm] and chapter of Patras; bishop and chapter of Coron; bishop and chapter of Coron; bishop-elect and chapter of Modon; bishop and chapter of Cephalonia; Bishop [W.] and chapter of Sparta; Archbishop [C.] and chapter of Athens; Bishop [John] and chapter of Negroponte; bishop and chapter of Maydos 126. Anagni, 14-3-1222, Bishop [Walter of Marvis] of Tournai 127. Anagni, 15-3-1222, Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia 128. Anagni, 17-3-1222, Patriarch [Matthew], archbishops, and bishops of Empire of Constantinople [east of] Makri and of Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and chapters, prelates, and clerics of churches of the Frankish part, and religious of Constantinople 129. Anagni, 17-3-1222, all archbishops and bishops in Empire of Constantinople 130. Anagni, 18-3-1222, Patriarch [Matthew], archbishops, and bishops of Empire of Constantinople [east of] Makri and of Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and chapters, prelates, and clerics of churches of the Frankish part, and religious of Constantinople 131. Anagni, 21-3-1222, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople 132-133. Anagni, 24-3-1222, bishops of Maydos and Adramyti and dean of Troy 134. Anagni, 28-3-1222, Bishop [John] and archdeacon of Negroponte 135. Anagni, 29-3-1222, abbot and convent of St Angelus in Pera of Cistercian Order in diocese of Constantinople; i.e.m. patriarch and chapter of Constantinople, Archbishop [S.] of Nicomedia, and deans of Blachernae and St George of Mangana 136. Anagni, 30-3-1222, Count M[atthew] of Cephalonia 137. Anagni, 1-4-1222, Archbishops [Hardouin] of Thebes and [C.] of Athens and Bishop [John] of Negroponte; i.e.m. Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, bishop of Coron, and [bishop-]elect of Modon 138. Alatri, 18-5-1222, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople 139. Alatri, 26-5-1222, Archdeacon James of Corinth 140. Alatri, 26-5-1222, Archdeacon James and Cantor G. of Corinth 141. Alatri, 28-5-1222, Bishops [Thomas] of Eger, [Briccio] of Vácz, and [Alexander] of Nagy-Varád 142. Alatri, 7-6-1222, Dean [H.] of Patras

108

TABULA LITTERARUM

Alatri, 8-6-1222, abbot and convent of Santa Prassede de Urbe [Rome] 144. Rome, Lateran, 27-6-1222, Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople 145. Rome, Lateran, 27-6-1222, all counts, barons, and other magistrates, Latin knights in Empire of Constantinople 146. Rome, Lateran, 5-7-1222, canons of Church of Santi Cosma e Damiano de Urbe [Rome] 147. Rome, Lateran, 6-7-1222, Archbishop [Antelm], dean, and chapter of Patras; i.e.m. bishop and chapter of Maydos 148. [Constantinople?], [prior to 9-7-1222], clerics of Franks of Constantinople write to Pope Honorius 149-150. Rome, Lateran, 14-7-1222, deans of St Michael of Boukoleon, Blachernae, and St George [of Mangana] of Constantinople 151. Rome, Lateran, 15-7-1222, master and brothers of Hospital of St Sampson of Constantinople 152. Rome, Lateran, 3-8-1222, Bishop Hugh of Nikli 153. Rome, Lateran, 3-8-1222, Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, Bishop [W.] of Sparta, and dean of Modon 154. Rome, Lateran, 6-8-1222, Archdeacon Leo of Nikli 155-156. Rome, Lateran, 9-8-1222, prior and convent of Order of Lord’s Sepulcher at Thessaloniki 157. Rome, Lateran, 2-9-1222, Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete 158. Rome, Lateran, 24-9-1222, Emperor R[obert] of Constantinople 159. Rome, Lateran, 26-9-1222, Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] 160. Rome, Lateran, 27-9-1222, [Emperor Robert of Constantinople] 161. Rome, Lateran, 28-9-1222, [Emperor Robert of Constantinople] 162. Rome, Lateran, 14-10-1222, Archbishop B. of Larissa 163. Rome, Lateran, 31-10-1222, Abbot [Stephen] and convent of Monte Cassino 164. Rome, Lateran, 17-11-1222, abbot and convent of Church of St Mary Evergetis 165. Rome, Lateran, 17-11-1222, vassals of Church of St Mary Evergetis 166-167. Rome, Lateran, 14-2-1223, prior and canons of Lateran 168. Rome, Lateran, 30-3-1223, M[argaret], former empress of Constantinople 169. Rome, Lateran, 31-3-1223, Bishop [Walter of Marvis] of Tournai; i.e.m. [Archdeacon Bernard of Ponthieu and the scholasticus and Master O. canon of Saint-Nicolas in diocese of Amiens] 170. Rome, Lateran, 11-4-1223, Patriarch [Matthew], treasurer, and Canon Alexander, papal subdeacon, of Constantinople 171. Rome, Lateran, 12-4-1223, prior and friars of house of Crociferi of Negroponte 172. Rome, Lateran, 12-4-1223, Doge P[ietro Ziani] of Venice 143.

109

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Rome, Lateran, 12-4-1223, Patriarch [Matthew], treasurer, and Canon Alexander, papal subdeacon, of Constantinople 174. Rome, Lateran, 19-4-1223, Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople 175. Rome, Lateran, 13-5-1223, all faithful who will see this page 176. Rome, Lateran, 13-5-1223, chapter of Brindisi 177. Rome, Lateran, 13-5-1223, W[illiam] of Courtenay 178. Rome, Lateran, 14-5-1223, [Arch]bishop [Hugues Béroard] of Arles 179. Segni, 15-7-1223, prior of Church of Pisans [in Constantinople] 180. Segni, 26-8-1223, clergy of castle of Livadeia 181. Segni, 3-9-1223, Bishop [W.] of Sparta and dean and Archdeacon [ James] of Corinth 182-183. Segni, 4-9-1223, G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia 184. Segni, 4-9-1223, G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia; i.e.m. Otto de la Roche lord of Athens 185. Segni, 4-9-1223, archbishops, bishops, and chapters in land of G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia [west] of pass of Megara of Corinth 186. Segni, 7-9-1223, Bishop [John] of Negroponte 187. Segni, 8-9-1223, G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia 188. Segni, 9-9-1223, N., former archbishop of Herakleia 189. Segni, 9-9-1223, Abbess [Beatrice] and convent of Perchay of Constantinople of Cistercian Order 190. Segni, 9-9-1223, bishops of Coron and of Modon and Archdeacon P. de Christo of Modon 191. Segni, 9-9-1223, bishop of Argos and Master Hugh, papal scribe, canon of Argos 192. Segni, 9-9-1223, Master John of Benevento archdeacon of Patras 193. Anagni, 13-9-1223, G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia 194. Anagni, 13-9-1223, Archbishop [S.] of Nicomedia 195. Anagni, 13-9-1223, archbishops and bishops in Empire of Constantinople [west of] Makri 196. Anagni, 13-9-1223, deans of St Michael of Boukoleon, Blachernae, and St George of Mangana of Constantinople 197. Anagni, 13-9-1223, Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth and Bishop [Hugh] of Nikli and bishop of Modon 198. Anagni, 16-9-1223, Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth and bishops of Modon and of Coron 199. Anagni, 16-9-1223, [Geoffrey of Villehardouin prince of Achaia] 200. Anagni, 18-9-1223, Archbishop [C.] and chapter of Athens 201. Anagni, 19-9-1223, [Geoffrey of Villehardouin prince of Achaia] 202. Anagni, 19-9-1223, [Geoffrey of Villehardouin prince of Achaia]; i.e.m. O[tto] de la Roche lord of Athens 203. Anagni, 19-9-1223, Bishop [W.] of Sparta 173.

110

TABULA LITTERARUM

Anagni, 19-9-1223, Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth and bishops of Coron and of Modon 205. Anagni, 19-9-1223, O[tto] de la Roche lord of Athens 206. Anagni, 21-9-1223, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople and bishops of Panidos and Arcadiopolis 207. Anagni, 25-9-1223, Archbishop [C.] of Athens 208. Anagni, 4-10-1223, deans of Negroponte and Thebes and cantor of Thebes 209. Anagni, 7-10-1223, chapter of Negroponte 210-211. Anagni, 9-10-1223, Archbishop C. of Athens 212. Rome, Lateran, 19-10-1223, prelates and chapters of all Frankish churches of Constantinople 213. Rome, Lateran, 24-10-1223, bishop of Selymbria, abbot of St Angelus of Constantinople of Cistercian Order, and prior of Our Lady of Bethlehem of Constantinople 214. Rome, Lateran, 24-10-1223, archbishop of Herakleia and bishops of Maydos and Selymbria 215. Rome, Lateran, 26-10-1223, Patriarch [Matthew], dean, and chapter of Constantinople 216. Rome, Lateran, 17-11-1223, abbot and convent of St Stephen of Cistercian Order in diocese of Constantinople; i.e.m. abbot and convent of St Angelus of Constantinople of Cistercian Order, and Abbess [Beatrice] and convent of Perchay of Constantinople of Cistercian Order 217. Rome, Lateran, 17-11-1223, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople and archbishops and bishops of Romania; i.e.m. same addressees 218-219. Rome, Lateran, 22-11-1223, Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete 220. Rome, Lateran, 5-1-1224, Bishop [Peter] of Olena 221. Rome, Lateran, 22-1-1224, Marquis William of Montferrat 222. Rome, Lateran, 28-1-1224, Archbishops [C.] of Athens and [Hardouin] of Thebes and prior of Lord’s Sepulcher at Athens 223. Rome, Lateran, 7-2-1224, Archbishop [Otto] of Genoa and suffragans; i.e.m. 19 other prelates, mostly in Italian cities 224. Rome, Lateran, 7-2-1224, Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople; i.e.m. Count Uberto de Biandrate 225. Rome, Lateran, 8-2-1224, Count Alamano [da Costa] 226. Rome, Lateran, 8-2-1224, G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia; i.e.m. O[tto] de la Roche lord of Athens and lords of Negroponte 227. Rome, Lateran, 16-5-1224, Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete 228. Rome, Lateran, 20-5-1224, Bishop [Henry] of Auxerre 229. Rome, Lateran, 20-5-1224, Queen [Blanche] of France 204.

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BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

230. 231. 232. 233. 234. 235. 236. 237. 238. 239.

240. 241. 242. 243.

244. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250.

Rome, Lateran, 10-6-1224, Archbishop [C.] of Athens and dean and Canon Bernard of Corinth Rome, Lateran, 10-6-1224, bishop of Coron and Canon Lantelm of Patras; i.e.m. Dean [H.] and chapter of Patras Rome, Lateran, 27-6-1224, bishop of Coron and Canon Lantelm of Patras Rome, Lateran, 5-7-1224, bishop of Modon and deans of Modon and Nikli Rome, Lateran, 13-7-1224, papal subdeacon, Master Bohemond, canon of Patras Rome, Lateran, 23-7-1224, Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras Rome, Lateran, 27-7-1224, Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth and bishops of Coron and of Modon Rome, Lateran, 8-10-1224, abbot of St Mary of Daphni of Cistercian Order Rome, Lateran, 11-10-1224, Archbishop [B.] of Larissa and cantor and Canon Girard of Besançon of Thebes Rome, Lateran, 21-10-1224, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople and archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of churches in Romania; i.e.m. archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and other prelates in Kingdom of Thessaloniki Rome, Lateran, 21-10-1224, Marquis W[illiam] of Montferrat and army Rome, Lateran, 16-11-1224, bishop of Selymbria, abbot of St Angelus of Cistercian Order, and prior of St Mark of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 25-11-1224, Patriarch [Matthew] of Contantinople Rome, Lateran, 28-11-1224, archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and all clerics, both Greeks and Latins, both prelates and subordinates, regular and secular, Templars and Hospitallers, in Empire of Romania [west of] Makri; also abbot of Chortaïton and Dean [H.] of Patras Rome, Lateran, 30-11-1224, barons, knights, and all Latins in Empire of Romania [west of] Makri Rome, Lateran, 5-12-1224, O[tto] de la Roche lord of Athens; i.e.m. lords of Negroponte and G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia Rome, Lateran, 18-12-1224, M[argaret], former empress of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 9-1-1225, Dean H.of Patras Rome, Lateran, 13-1-1225, barons, knights, and all Latins in Empire of Romania [east of] Makri Rome, Lateran, 13-1-1225, Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople Rome, Lateran, 27-1-1225, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople

112

TABULA LITTERARUM

Rome, Lateran, 12-2-1225, Doge [Pietro Ziani] and people of Venice 252. Rome, Lateran, 13-2-1225, archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of churches in Empire of Romania [west of] Makri; i.e.m. G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin prince of Achaia, O[tto] de la Roche lord of Athens, and all barons and other Latins in Empire of Romania 253. Rome, Lateran, 7-4-1225, all prelates of exempt churches in Empire of Romania 254. Rome, Lateran, 7-4-1225, all abbots and other prelates and convents and clerics in dioceses of Constantinople and Chalcedon 255-256. Rome, Lateran, 8-4-1225, Patriarch [Matthew] and chapter of Constantinople 257. Rome, Lateran, 8-4-1225, chapter of Thebes; i.e.m. chapter of Corinth 258. Rome, Lateran, 10-4-1225, Patriarch [Matthew] and chapter of Constantinople 259. Rome, Lateran, 11-4-1225, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople 260. Rome, Lateran, 25-4-1225, Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople and Bishops [Marcius] of Ario and [Mark] of Mylopotamos 261. Tivoli, 6-5-1225, all archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of churches and clerics [west] of Bodonitsa 262. Tivoli, 16-5-1225, bishop of Selymbria, dean of St Michael of Boukoleon, and prior of Holy Apostles of Constantinople 263-264. Tivoli, 17-5-1225, chapter of Constantinople 265. Rieti, 25-12-1225, Bishop [Simon] and chapter of Mount Sinai 266. Rieti, 7-1-1226, Duke [Paolo Corino?] of Crete 267. Rieti, 9-1-1226, Doge [Pietro Ziani] of Venice 268. Rieti, 12-1-1226, bishop of Hierapetra 269. Rome, Lateran, 20-1-1226, Bishop [Simon] and brothers of Mount Sinai 270. Rome, Lateran, 6-5-1226, archdeacon and treasurer of Corinth and P[ietro] da Malpensa, papal subdeacon, cantor of Modon 271. Lateran, 10-7-1226, archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of churches and all clerics in Kingdom of Thessaloniki and Achaia 272. Rome, Lateran, 21-10-1226, prior of St Mark of Negroponte 273-274. Rome, Lateran, 23-10-1226, bishop of Coron 275-276. Rome, Lateran, 23-10-1226, prior of St Mark of Negroponte 277. Rome, Lateran, 23-12-1226, Archbishop [John Halgrin] of Besançon 251.

113

BIBLIOGRAPHY (with Abbreviations Used in the Edition)

Acta Innocentii III = Acta Innocentii III (1198-1216), ed. Theodosyj Haluscynskyj,Vatican City:Typis Polyglottis Vaticanis, 1944 (Pontificia commissio ad redigendum codicem iuris canonici orientalis. Fontes, series 3, 2). Affarosi = Affarosi, Cammillo, Memorie istoriche del monasterio di s. Prospero de Reggio, Padua: Giovanni Battista Conzatti, 1733. Angold, Michael, Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni, 1081-1261, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Angold, Michael, The Fourth Crusade. Event and Context, Harlow: Longman, 2003. Asonites, Spiros N., Ανδηγαυική Κέρκυρα (13ος-14ος αι.), Corfu: Apostrophos, 1999. ASV = Archivio Segreto Vaticano. Athanasoulis, Demetrios, “The Triangle of Power. Building Projects in the Metropolitan Area of the Crusader Principality of the Morea,” in Sharon E. J. Gerstel, ed., Viewing the Morea: Land and People in the Late Medieval Peloponnese, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013, pp. 111-151. Baluze = Baluze, Étienne, Epistolarum Innocentii III Romani pontificis libri undecim, vol. 2, Paris: François Muguet, 1682. Barber, Malcolm, “Western Attitudes to Frankish Greece in the Thirteenth Century,” in Benjamin Arbel, Bernard Hamilton and David Jacoby, eds., Latins & Greeks in the East Mediterranean, Ilford: Frank Cass, 1989, pp. 111-128. Bartusis, Mark C., “Praktikon,” in Alexander P. Kazhdan, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991, vol. 3, p. 1711. BAV = Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

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Beihammer, Alexander D., “Eastern Mediterranean Diplomatics: The Present State of Research,” in idem, Maria G. Parani, and Chris D. Schabel, eds., Diplomatics in the Eastern Mediterranean 1000-1500: Aspects of Cross-Cultural Communication, Leiden: Brill, 2008 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 74), pp. 1-24. Berman, Constance H., Women and Monasticism in Medieval Europe: Sisters and Patrons of the Cistercian Reform, Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 2002 (TEAMS Documents of Practice Series). Bibliothèque Nationale, Inventaire des manuscrits de la collection Moreau, ed. H. Omont (Paris 1891). BnF = Bibliothèque nationale de France. Bolton, Brenda, “A Mission to the Orthodox? The Cistercians in Romania,” Studies in Church History 13 (1976), pp. 169-181, reprinted in eadem, Innocent III. Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care, Aldershot: Ashgate, 1995 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 490), no. XVII. Bon, Antoine, La Morée franque. Recherches historiques, topographiques et archéologiques sur la principauté d’Achaïe (1205-1430), Paris: Boccard, 1969 (Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 213). Borsari, Silvano, Il dominio veneziano a Creta nel XIII secolo, Naples: Fausto Fiorentino, 1963 (Università di Napoli, Seminario di storia medioevale e moderna, 1). Boyle, Leonard E., “Diplomatics,” in James M. Powell, ed., Mediaeval Studies. An Introduction, 2nd ed., Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1992, pp. 82-113. Brial = Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, vol. 19, ed. Michel-Jean-Joseph Brial, Paris:Victor Palmé, 1880. Brown = Elizabeth A. R. Brown,“The Cistercians in the Latin Empire of Constantinople and Greece, 1204-1276,” Traditio 14 (1958), pp. 63-120. Buchon = Buchon, Jean Alexandre, Recherches et matériaux pour servir à une histoire de la domination française aux XIIIe, XIV e et XV e siècles dans les provinces démembrées de l’empire grec à la suite de la quatrième croisade, Paris: Auguste Desrez, 1840. Bullarium Casinense = Bullarium Casinense seu constitutiones summorum pontificum, imperatorum, regum, principum, decreta sacrarum congregationum, decisiones sac. rotae Romae, aliorumque tribunalium sententiae, pro congregatione Casinensi, vol. 2, ed. Cornelius Margarini, Todi: Vincenzo Galassi, 1670. Bullarium Cyprium = Bullarium Cyprium, vol. I: Papal Letters Involving

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Cyprus 1196-1261, ed. Chris Schabel, with an Historical Introduction by Jean Richard, Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 2010 (Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, 64.1). Bullarium Franciscanum = Bullarium Franciscanum Romanorum pontificum constitutiones, epistolas, ac diplomata continens tribus ordinis Minorum, Clarissarum, et Poenitentium a seraphico patriarcha Sancto Francisco institutis concessa, ed. Joannes Hyacinth Sbaralea, vol. 1, Rome: Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide, 1759. Bullarium Romanum = Bullarum, diplomatorum et privilegiorum sanctorum Romanorum pontificum Taurinensis editio, vol. 3, ed. Luigi Tomassetti, Torino: Seb. Franco, H. Fory et Henrico Dalmazzo, 1858. Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents. A Complete Translation of the Surviving Founders’ Typika and Testaments, ed. John Thomas and Angela Constantinides Hero,Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2000 (Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 35). Canivez, Joseph-Marie, ed., Statuta Capitulorum Generalium Ordinis Cisterciensis ab anno 1116 ad annum 1786, vol. 2, Louvain: Bureaux de la Revue, 1934. Carile, Antonio, Per una storia dell’impero latino di Costantinopoli (12041261), Bologna: Pàtron, 1972. The Cartulary of the Cathedral of Holy Wisdom of Nicosia, ed. Nicholas Coureas and Chris Schabel, Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 1997 (Texts and Studies in the History of Cyprus, 25). Casanatense = Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense. Cessi = Cessi, Roberto, Deliberazioni del Maggior Consiglio di Venezia, volume primo, Bologna: Forni, 1931 (Atti delle assemblee costituzionali Italiane dal medio evo al 1831, 3.1). Chrissis, Nikolaos G., Crusading in Frankish Greece. A Study of Byzantine-Western Relations and Attitudes, 1204-1282, Turnhout: Brepols, 2012 (Medieval Church Studies, 22). Chrissis, Nikolaos G., “The City and the Cross: The Image of Constantinople and the Latin Empire in Thirteenth-Century Papal Crusading Rhetoric,” Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 36 (2012), pp. 20-37. Chrissis, Nikolaos G., “New Frontiers: Frankish Greece and the Development of Crusading in the Early Thirteenth Century,” in idem and Mike Carr, eds., Contact and Conflict in Frankish Greece and the Aegean, 1204-1453, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014, pp. 17-41. Chrissis, Nikolaos G., and Mike Carr, eds., Contact and Conflict in Frankish Greece and the Aegean, 1204-1453, Farnham: Ashgate, 2014. The Chronicle of Morea. A History in Political Verse, Relating the Establish-

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Voisin, Ludivine, ‘Comme un loup poursuivant un mouton...’: les monastères grecs sous domination latine (XIIIe-XVI e siècle), 2 vols, PhD dissertation, Université de Rouen, 2011. Wolff, Robert Lee, “The Latin Empire of Constantinople and the Franciscans,” Traditio 2 (1944), pp. 213-237; reprinted in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London: Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no.VII. Wolff, Robert Lee, “The Organization of the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204-1261: the Social and Administrative Consequences of the Latin Conquest,” Traditio 6 (1948), pp. 33-60; reprinted in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London: Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no. VIII. Wolff, Politics = Wolff, Robert Lee, “Politics in the Latin Patriarchate of Constantinople, 1204-1261,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 8 (1954), pp. 225-318; reprinted in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London: Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no. IX. Wolff, Robert Lee,“The Latin Empire of Constantinople, 1204-1261,” in idem and Harry W. Hazard, eds. The Later Crusades, 1189-1311, Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1969 (= Kenneth M. Setton, ed., A History of the Crusades, vol. II), pp. 187-233; reprinted in idem, Studies in the Latin Empire of Constantinople, London: Variorum, 1976 (Variorum Collected Studies Series, 55), no. I. Zakythinos, Dionysios A., “Ὁ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Ἄντελμος καὶ τὰ πρῶτα ἔτη τῆς λατινικῆς ἐκκλησίας Πατρῶν,” Ἐπετηρὶς Ἑταιρείας Βυζαντινῶν Σπουδῶν 1 (1933), pp. 401-417.

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Map 1: Frankish Greece and Constantinople

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Map 2: The Vicinity of Constantinople

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Map 3: Southern Greece and the Peloponnese

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1 Perugia, 25 July 1216 Honorius writes to the suffragan bishops of the church of Pisa, informing them of the death of Pope Innocent III and his own assumption to the papacy, commending himself to their prayers, and saying that he intends to honor them as leading members of the Church. Honorius writes similar letters to the higher clergy elsewhere, including one to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople and the archbishops and bishops in the Empire of Constantinople. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 1v, no. 3 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 3r-4r; I 53, f. 79r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1216, no. 21; Onorio III, no. 3; Pressutti, no. 3; Santifaller, no. 1. Edition: previously unpublished (but see Horoy II.2, coll. 1-4, nos. 1-2, for elided text, based on ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 1rv, nos. 1-2).

Suffraganeis ecclesie Pisane. Magnus Dominus et laudabilis nimis etc. usque conportetis. Nos enim vos tamquam principalia menbra Ecclesie honorare intendimus etc. usque in finem. ‹Datum Perusii, VIII Kalendas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno primo›.

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In eundem modum patriarche Constantinopolitano et archiepiscopis et episcopis per Constantinopolitanum imperium constitutis. 2 Perugia, 25 July 1216 Honorius writes to Emperor B. (read H[enry]) of Constantinople, announcing his election and exhorting the emperor to persist in his faith to the Roman Church. Honorius writes similar letters to the dukes of Poland, to King [Frederick] of Sicily, Roman emperor-elect, and to other kings and princes individually. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 1v, no. 5 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana I 51, ff. 5r-6r; I 53, f. 79r (summary); Moreau 1178, ff. 1r-2v. Summaries: Onorio III, no. 4; Pressutti, no. 5. Edition: Horoy II.2, coll. 5-6, no. 3 (H, from Moreau; see Horoy II.2, coll. 1-4, nos. 1-2, for elided text, based on ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 1r-v, nos. 1-2).

B., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri. Magnus Dominus etc. usque assumpta et devotione quam ad Romanam Ecclesiam habuisse dinosceris diligenter inspecta, tibi tamquam Ecclesie Romane filio speciali primitias litterarum nostrarum duximus destinandas, excellentiam tuam rogantes attente et monentes et exhortantes in Domino, in remissionem tibi peccaminum iniungendo, quatenus sacrosanctam Romanam Ecclesiam matrem tuam taliter honorare studeas ac etiam revereri quod tue devotionis affectus non videatur ullatenusa) tepuisse, sed suscepisse potius incrementum, nobisque ad regimen Apostolice Sedis assumptis, Domino disponente, prout decet catholicum principem assistasb) humiliter et devote. Nos enim in hiis que ad tuum spectant honorem, quantum cum Deo possumus, libenter intendimus et circa personam tuam paterne gerimus viscera caritatis. ‹Datum Perusii, VIII Kalendas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno primo›. 136

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In eundem modum nobilibus viris ducibus Polonie. In eundem modum regi Sicilie in Romanum imperatorem electo et aliis regibus et principibus singillatim. a) ullatenus] nullatenus H

b) assistas] assistere H

3 Perugia, 12 August 1216 Honorius writes to King [Demetrius] of Thessaloniki, agreeing to his request that his person and his kingdom be taken under the protection of the Apostolic See until he reaches the age of reason, maintaining however the rights of the empire and of the emperor of Constantinople. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 4r, no. 15 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana I 51, ff. 8r-9r; I 53, f. 79r (summary); Moreau 1178, f. 21r-v. Summaries: Raynaldi 1216, no. 25; Onorio III, no. 15; Pressutti, no. 19. Editions: Buchon, p. 65; Horoy II.2, coll. 24-25, no. 15 (H, from Moreau).

Regi Thesalonicensi illustri. Et si singulis teneamur ina) iustis petitionibus favorem apostolicum impertiri, et maxime in etate tenera constitutis, saltem principes, per quos temporaliter machina mundi regitur, eo debemus maternib) lactis dulcedine confovere quo magis in ipsis, cum ad annos discretionis pervenerint, consuevit Ecclesiac) utilius provideri. Tuis igitur, fili in Christo carissime, iustis precibus inclinati, licet donec ad annos discretionis perveneris sub generali Apostolice Sedis protectione consistas, specialiter tamend) personam et regnum tuum, salvo iure imperii et imperatoris Constantinopolitani qui pro tempore fuerit, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nullie) ergo etc.f) paginam nostre protectionis etc. Siquis autem etc. 137

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Datum Perusii, II Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) in om. H b) materni] materne R c) ecclesia] ecclesie R tuam H e) nulli] nullus H f) etc.] hanc add. H

d) tamen]

4 Perugia, 12 August 1216 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that he should cooperate with Emperor Henry of Constantinople so that “what was begun wonderfully is completed more wonderfully.” Thus the patriarch should assist the emperor, as long as it is honorable to God and not against the statutes of the General [Fourth Lateran] Council. They should work together in harmony, “so that the material sword employs the right of the spiritual sword, using arms against those who do not fear the spiritual sword, and the spiritual sword, when necessary, applies the strength of its authority to the temporal sword, duly noting that, since the change of this empire is favorably a change by the Highest, if there be one faith and the same spirit in both of you, then East and West will exalt to the praise and glory of one, namely of Jesus Christ.” Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, ff. 2v-3r, no. 10 (R). Copy: Moreau 1178, ff. 19r-20v. Summaries: Raynaldi 1216, no. 25; Onorio III, no. 16; Pressutti, no. 20; Santifaller, no. 2. Edition: Horoy II.2, coll. 25-26, no. 16 (H, from Moreau).

Patriarche Constantinopolitano, Religiosa fides et fidelis religio, quam circa terram orientalem Oriens ex alto previdit ad corroborationem ipsius, tanto nos efficatius sollicitat et invitat quanto in ipsa honor Romane Ecclesie ineffabilius illustratur. Sane, quia non minor est virtus quam querere parta tueri ad consummandum mirabilius ina) laudem et gloriam Visitantis quod in ea mirabiliter est inceptum, eo studiosius te debes accingere quo maiorem inter alios, auctore Deo, locum ibib) dinosceris obtinere. Verum, cum carissimus in Christo filius noster Henricus, imperator Constantinopolitanus illustris, postc) divinam po138

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tentiam ibidem iudiciumd) exerceat temporale, ac inter omnes ad recuperationem et conservationem dicte terre utilior cum progenitoribus suis extiterit [R 3r] et existat, equissime consonat rationi ut tu et idem imperator, vices vestras communicantes ade) invicem, sic mutue subventionis vobis auxilium mutuetis ut defectus ope vicaria suppleantur etf) uterque alterius perficiat imperfectum. Hinc est quod fraternitatem tuam monemus et exhortamur in Domino, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus, ubi cum Deo et Ecclesie poteris honestate, dispositioni eiusdem imperatoris sic auctoritate pontificali accedas – salvo quod non videamur contra Generalis statuta Concilii aliquid immutare – quasi cor unum et anima una per invicem colligati, quod ad ea que imperio videris expedire animum applices diligentem, nec minus imperialia quam ecclesiastica tibi commissa figures, ad hoc ipsum circa ecclesiastica dictum imperatorem modis omnibus inducendo ut inter vos unitatis et pacis indissolubili federe counitog) nulla possit dissentionis materia suboriri, vobis ipsis in spirituali et temporali gladio taliter suffragantibus ut in eos qui spiritualem non timent gladium iush) ipsius armis gladius materialis alleget, et spiritualis temporali – cum necesse fuerit – sue robur auctoritatis impendat, diligenter attendens quod cum mutatioi) huius imperii dexterej) mutatio sit Excelsi, si una fides et idem spiritus in vobis extiterit, ad unius laudem et gloriam, scilicet Ihesu Christi, exultabit oriens et occasus. Datum Perusii, II Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) in om. H b) ibi] tibi H c) post] per H d) iudicium] officium H e) ad om. H f) et] ut H g) counito] inito H h) ius] iis H i) cum mutatio] commutatio H j) dextere] dextera H

5 Rome, the Lateran, 25 October 1216 Honorius writes to Abbot N[icholas] and the monks of the monastery of St Theodosios Coenobiarcha, responding to their just requests, taking their monastery under papal protection, and strengthening it with this privilege. The letter is a standard and formulaic confirmation of possessions, rights, freedoms, and privileges, with 139

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the following of particular pertinence: the pope establishes that the monastery should continue to observe the rule of St Basil and he confirms all the possessions and goods the monastery now possesses justly and canonically or will obtain in the future through papal concession, royal or princely donation, offerings from the faithful, or other just ways. He then lists individually their possessions in Palestine, Cyprus, Constantinople, and the Balkans. In Constantinople, they have the Church of St Julian along with a hospice, houses, shops, and other holdings and appurtenances; the Church of St Jonas; and other churches subject to their monastery. Moreover, since up until now the Greeks are not accustomed to paying tithes, the pope grants them that no one shall exact or extort tithes from them on lands that they cultivate with their own hands or at their own expense that they possessed before the General Council [Cf. Lateran IV, canon 55], or on feed for their animals, but tithes shall be paid on lands obtained after the Council and on all lands granted to others for cultivation regardless of whether they obtained them before or after the Council. Also, the monastery is allowed to admit clerics and free laymen. Finally, the pope also threatens those who go against his confirmation. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, ff. 10v-11v, no. 42 (R); also ASV, Reg. Vat. 9, ff. 206v-207v, no. 834, dated 29 January 1218 (S) (see no. 52 below). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 53, ff. 79v and 88v (summaries); Moreau 1236, ff. 11r and 100r (summaries). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5681; Pressutti, no. 72 (and 1037); Röhricht, no. 909 (29 January 1218). Editions: Theiner, Vetera, pp. 9-11, no. 16 (and Theiner, Monumenta, p. 151) (1218 version); Horoy II.2, coll. 608-611, no. 118 (H, from Theiner); Pitra, pp. 556-558, no. 1, and coll. 608-611, no. 11 (P); Hurmuzaki, p. 60, no. 45 (not collated); Tautu, pp. 1-17, no. 1 (T, from R and S, supplying all formulae omitted in RS); Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 179-181 and 192, nos. c-1 and c-12 (partial); Claverie, pp. 289-294 and 319-324, nos. 5 and 24.

N.,a) abbati monasterii Sancti Theodosii Cenobiarceb) de Laberia,c) eiusque fratribus tam presentibus quam futuris regularem vitam professis, in perpetuum. Religiosam vitam eligentibus etc. usque infringat. 140

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Eapropter, dilectid) in Domino etc. usque. communimus. In primis siquidem statuentese) etc. usque observetur. Preterea, quascunque possessiones etc. usque illibataf) permaneant. In quibus hec propriis etc. usque [List of Palestinian, Cypriot, and Hungarian possessions omitted here.] [R 11r; S 207r] Et apud Constantinopolitanam civitatem: ecclesiam Sancti Iuliani cum hospitali, domibus, apothecis,g) et aliis omnibus tenimentish) et pertinentiis suis; ecclesiam Sancti Ione; ac alias ecclesias monasterio vestro subiectas. [List of possessions in the Balkans omitted here.] [R 11v; S 207v] Ad hec vobis auctoritate presentium indulgemus ut, cum Greci usque ad hec tempora decimas solvere minime consuerint,i) laborum vestrorum quos propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis de possessionibus habitis usque adj) Concilium Generale, vel de vestrorum animalium nutrimentis, nullus a vobis decimas exigere vel extorquere presumat; dek) habitis post Concilium quas propriis manibus vel sumptibus colitis, decimas soluturis; de his autem quas aliis conceditis excolendas, sive ante sive post Concilium habitis, decime persolvantur.l) Liceatm) vobis clericos etc. usque retinere.n) Prohibemus insuper ut fratrum vestrorumo) etc. usque discedere. Discedentemp) vero etc. usque retinere. Crisma vero etc. usque qualibetq) exhibere. Cum autem generale interdictum etc. usque officia celebrare. Paci quoque etc. usque audeat exercere. Obeunte vero te etc. usque beati Basilii regulam providerint eligendum. Preterea, omnes libertates etc. usque communimus. Decernimus ergo etc. usque profutura. Salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate et in predictis ecclesiis diocesanorum episcoporum canonica iustitia. Siqua igitur etc. usque subiaceat.r) Cunctis autem etc. usque eterne paciss) inveniant. Amen. Datum Laterani, per manum Ranerii, prioris Sancti Frediani Lucensis,t) Sancte Romane Ecclesie vicecancellarii,VIII Kalendas Novembris, Indictione V, Incarnationis Dominice anno MoCCoXVIo, pontificatus vero domini Honorii pape tertii anno primo. (S’s inclusion of additional formulaic material is here ignored) a) n.] nycol. S b) cenobiarce] cenobiarche HP; chenobiarche S c) laberia] laberria HS d) dilecti] dilectus P e) statuentes om. S f) illibata om. R g) apothecis] apotechis R h) tenimentis] terminis R i) consuerint] consuerant

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P j) usque ad] ante S k-l) de... persolvantur om. S m) liceat] quoque add. S n) retinere] tenere P o) ut fratrum vestrorum om. S p) discendentem] discendente P q) qualibet] aliqua HS; quaelibet P r) subiaceat] subiacet H; ultioni add. S s) eterne pacis om. S t) prioris... Lucensis om. S

6 Rome, the Lateran, 30 January 1217 Honorius writes to King [Andrew II] of Hungary, relating among other things that the king had explained in a letter that he had a great desire for the liberation of the Holy Land and intended to set off on crusade at the time [1 June 1217] established by the General Council [Lateran IV, Holy Land decrees]. A difficult situation arose, however, because the whole of the Latins residing in Greece sent nuncios to the king and to Count [Peter of Courtenay] of Auxerre, his father-in-law, for one of them to be elected emperor of Constantinople, forcing him to set off before the set time.Thus the king asked the pope to inform all crusaders that he is about to go by land to the aid of the Holy Land and that they should fulfill their crusading vow with him. The pope rejoices at the king’s exaltation [to the imperial title] and states that he shall urge the crusaders to set off with the king around Easter [26 March], telling the king to make sure that the aid to the Holy Land is not delayed. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 54v, no. 211 (R). Copies: Casanatense, X.VI.2, f. 20 (retro);Vallicelliana I 53, f. 81r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5440; Onorio III, no. 265; Pressutti, no. 291. Editions: Raynaldi 1217, nos. 2-3 (Y); Katona, pp. 231-233; Fejér, pp. 187-188; Theiner, Vetera, pp. 4-5, no. 5; Horoy II.2, coll. 223-224, no. 181 (H, from Theiner).

Illustri regi Ungarie. Illa dilectionis prerogativa tuam personam dileximus hactenus et diligimus quod libenter admittimus preces tuas in quantum cum Deo et nostra possumus honestate, nec tua miretur sublimitas si usque quaque precibus quas nuper nobis per tuas litteras porrexisti ad presens non duximus annuendum, quoniam nobis de hiis que petebantur plene constare non poterat nec de circumstantiis eorundem quas in illis attendi potissimum oportebat. 142

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Ex ipsarum sane accepimus litterarum tenore quod, cum toto desiderio ad Terre Sancte liberationem aspires, firmum habuisti propositum iter peregrinationis arriperea) in termino diffinitob) in Concilio Generali, sed arduus de novo casus emergens, videlicet quod universitas Latinorum in Grecia commorantium ad te suos nuntios destinarunt, in imperatorem Constantinopolitanum te vel nobilem virum comitem Antisiodorensem, tuum socerum, electuros, predictum terminum te prevenire compellit. Unde nobis eisdem litteris supplicasti ut universis crucesignatis nostris curaremus litteris intimare te per terram ad eiusdem terre subsidium profecturum et moneremus eosdem ut, se tuo commitatui adiungentes, tecum votum peregrinationis exequantur assumpte. Nos ergo, de tua exaltatione gaudentes, et illi gratiarum exhibentes multiplices actiones qui ad prefate terre succursum vota tua ex clementia sue bonitatis prevenit, ipsum suppliciter exhoramus ut adiuvando eadem prosequatur, et crucesignatosc) qui ad sepedicte Sancte Terre subsidium terrestri proposuerunt itinere proficisci nostris litteris exortamur ut circa Pasca iter arripiant tecum ad sepedicte terre subsidium profecturi.Tu ergo caveas diligenter ne per hoc Terre Sancte retardetur succursus, qui multa est procuratus sollicitudine ac labore, quoniam hoc in Dei offensam, Apostolice Sedis iniuriam, et tui sempiternum obprobrium redundaret, quod et a nobis non posset in patientia tolerari. Super eo vero quod de regno et natis tuis deliberatione provida ordinasti, exultantes in Domino gratias agimus bonorum omnium Largitori, a quo huiusmodi dispositio creditur provenisse. De aliis equidem que a nobis eisdem litteris postulasti, venerabilis frater noster H., Hostiensisd) episcopus, Apostolice Sedis legatus, cum illice) venerit, cognita veritate ac consideratis circumstantiis universis, auctoritate nostra statuet quod Apostolice Sedis honori et tue saluti viderit expedire. Datum Laterani, III Kalendas Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) arripere] accipere Y b) diffinito] distinctio Y c) crucesignatos] crucesignatis Y d) h hostiensis] ostiensis H; h hostiensis Y e) illic] illuc Y

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7 Rome, the Lateran, 11 February 1217 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin and O[tto] de la Roche had complained to him that the patriarch had, on his own authority, without reasonable cause, and against the statutes of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 47], promulgated a sentence of excommunication against them and placed their lands under interdict. If this is true, Honorius orders the patriarch to relax the sentences within eight days of receiving this letter. Otherwise, he is instructing the abbot of the Cistercian monastery of Daphni of the diocese of Athens, the prior of the Temple of the Lord at Athens, and the dean of Davleia to relax it for him and, afterwards, if there is a case, to decide it without appeal and enforce their decision. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 71r, no. 271 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 302; Pressutti, no. 332; Santifaller, no. 3. Edition: Lampros, pp. 8-9, no. 7 (L).

Patriarche Constantinopolitano. Ex parte nobilis viri G. de Villa Arduini et O. de Rocca nobis est oblata querela quod tu in eos excommunicationis et in terram eorum interdictia) sententias auctoritate propria, sine causa rationabili, contra Generalis statuta Concilii promulgasti. Ideoque fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si est ita, dictas sententias infra octo dies post susceptionem presentium iuxta formam Ecclesie sine difficultate relaxes. Alioquin dilectis filiis abbati de Dafino, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Atheniensis diocesis, priori Dominici Templi Atheniensis, et decano Davaliensi nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut ipsi ex tunc secundum eandem formam sententias ipsas relaxare procurent, audituri postmodum siquid fuerit questionis et, appellatione remota, fine debito decisuri, facientes quod decreverint per censuram ecclesiasticam firmiter observari. Datum Laterani, III Idus Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) interdicti] inderdicti L

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8 Rome, the Lateran, 14 February 12171) Honorius writes to the abbot of Daphni in the diocese of Athens, to the prior of the Temple of the Lord at Athens, and to the dean of Davleia, relating that Archbishop [Hardouin] and the chapter of Thebes have informed him that Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople causes grave harm to the archbishop by the following: A) Against justice he claims for himself the right to hear all cases in the province of Thebes, which are not taken to him at all through appeal. B) He has excommunicated their clerics and parishioners without consulting the prelates and absolved excommunicates who have not done proper satisfaction nor taken a valid oath. C) He confers positions and prebends that are vacant in their churches at will, even though the canonical time of vacancy necessary for him to have this power has not lapsed. Thus he seems to operate like a legate, although he has neither privilege nor apostolic mandate to do so. For this purpose, he has established an agent (procurator) in the province of Thebes to exercise his undue jurisdiction there in these matters, seriously harming the archbishop and chapter. The pope orders the addressees to summon the parties concerned, to find out the truth, and if both parties agree, to determine the case definitively. Otherwise, they are to refer the matter to the pope with sufficient information and set a fitting deadline for the parties to send agents to the pope to receive his decision. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 70r, no. 267 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5459a (25804); Onorio III, no. 312; Pressutti, no. 340; Santifaller, no. 4. Editions: Pitra, pp. 558-559, no. 2 (P); Tautu, pp. 24-25, no. 6 (T).

Abbati de Dalphano, Atheniensis diocesis, et priori Dominici Templi Atheniensis, et decano Davaliensi.a) Ex insinuatione venerabilis fratris nostri archiepiscopi et capituli Thebani nos noveritis accepisse quod venerabilis frater noster Constantinopolitanus patriarcha, in ipsius archiepiscopi grave preiudicium,b) audientiam omnium questionum sibi 145

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contra iustitiam vendicat in sua provincia que ad ipsum per appellationem minime deferuntur; clericos et parrochianos eorum, inconsultis prelatis ipsis, excommunicans et excommunicatos absolvens satisfactione non exhibita competenti neque prestito iuxta formam Ecclesie iuramento; personatus etiam et prebendas quas in eorum ecclesiis vacare contingitc) pro sue voluntatis arbitrio clericis conferendo, quamquam conferendi potestas ad ipsum per canonicum processum temporis minime devolvatur; et sic videtur fungi vice legati, cum hoc sibi nec per aliquod privilegium sit concessum, nec per mandatum Sedis Apostolice speciale. Ad hec, in Thebana provincia suum procuratorem constituit, ut iurisdictionem possit ibidem indebitam exercere super predictis et aliis, prefatis archiepiscopo et capitulo graves iniurias irrogando. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, partibus convocatis et inquisita super premissis plenius veritate, si de partium voluntate processerit, ad diffinitivam sententiam procedatis. Alioquin causamd) sufficienter instructam ad nostrum remittatis examen,e) prefigentes partibus terminum competentem quo sef) per procuratores idoneos nostrog) conspectui representent iustam, auctore Deo, sententiam recepture. Quod si non omnes etc. duo vestrum etc. Datum Laterani, XVI Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 1) T gives the date as 17 January. a) davaliensi] devaliensi PT b) preiudicium] preiudiciam P c) contingit] contingerit T d)-e) causam ... examen] quod inveneritis per vestras nobis litteras intimetis T (!) f) se] tempore P g) nostro] se add. P

9 Rome, the Lateran, 14 February 1217 Honorius writes to the abbot of Daphni in the diocese of Athens, to the prior of the Temple of the Lord at Athens, and to the dean of Davleia, relating that Archbishop [Hardouin] and the chapter of Thebes have informed him that Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople came to Thebes and claimed that some of the monasteries of the city were patriarchal and pertained to him directly, because in each 146

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of them he found a cross that the late Greek patriarch had placed in them as a sign of a prayer that was to be said for him daily. The archbishop of Thebes denied this. Both sides agreed on arbiters, who would inquire into the jurisdiction of each side.The arbiters decided on the basis of the crosses alone that the monasteries in question were patriarchal and belonged directly to the same patriarch. But since the monasteries were not founded by or with the money of the patriarch, the archbishop and chapter of Thebes thought themselves unduly harmed and appealed to the pope. Hence the pope orders the addressees to summon the parties, investigate the matter, and, if the parties agree, to determine the case definitively. Otherwise, they are to write the pope with their findings, and set a fitting deadline for the parties to send agents to the pope to receive his decision. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 70r-v, no. 268 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5459c; Onorio III, no. 313; Pressutti, no. 341; Santifaller, no. 5. Editions: Pitra, pp. 559-560, no. 3 (P); Tautu, pp. 25-26, no. 7 (T).

Ei‹s›dem ‹Abbati de Dalphano, Atheniensis diocesis, et priori Dominici Templi Atheniensis, et decano Davaliensi›. Ex insinuatione venerabilis fratris nostri . . archiepiscopi et capituli Thebanensiuma) nos noveritis accepisse quod, cum venerabilis frater noster Constantinopolitanus patriarcha, dudum ad Thebanam civitatem accedens, quedam ipsius civitatis monasteria ex eo diceret patriarchalia esse ac ad se nullo mediob) pertinere quod in eorum singulis crucem invenit, quam bone memorie patriarcha Grecus in signum orationis que ibidemc) pro eo singulis diebus debebat fieri posuerat in eisdem, acd) dictus archiepiscopus hoc negaret, tandem arbitri ab utraque parte fuerunt electi, qui de utriusque partis iurisdictione diligenter inquirerent habita vel habenda.Verum, quia ipsi arbitri propter solam predictam crucem arbitrari volebant patriarchalia esse ac nullo mediante ad eundem pertinere patriarcham monasteria supradicta, cum in solo vel expensis patriarche ipsa non constet esse fundata, dicti archiepiscopus et capitulum, sentientes indebite se gravari, nostram audientiam appellarunt. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, partibus convocatis et inquisita super premissis ple147

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nius veritate, si de partium voluntate processerit, ad diffinitivam sententiam procedatis. Alioquin [R 70v] quod inveneritis per vestras nobis litteras intimetis, prefigentes partibus terminum competentem quo see) per procuratores idoneos nostrof) conspectui representent iustam, auctore Deo, sententiam recepture. Quod si non omnes etc. duo vestrum etc. Datum Laterani, XVI Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) et capituli thebanensium] thebani P b) medio] mediante T c) que ibidem om. P d) ac] cum add. T e) se] tempore P f) nostro] se add. P

10 Rome, the Lateran, 14 February 1217 Honorius writes to the abbot of Daphni in the diocese of Athens, to the prior of the Temple of the Lord at Athens, and to the dean of Davleia, relating that Archbishop [Hardouin] and the chapter of Thebes informed him that Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople unjustly despoiled them of the Church of Our Lady of the Market in Thebes and of certain other churches. The pope orders the addressees to investigate, determine the case, and enforce their decision. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 70v, no. 269 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 314; Pressutti, no. 342; Santifaller, no. 6. Edition: previously unpublished.

Ei‹s›dem ‹Abbati de Dalphano, Atheniensis diocesis, et priori Dominici Templi Atheniensis, et decano Davaliensi›. Sua nobis venerabilis frater noster archiepiscopus et dilecti filii capitulum Thebanenses insinuatione monstrarunt quod patriarcha Constantinopolitanus ipsos ecclesia beate Marie in foro Thebanarum et quibusdam aliis contra iustitiam spoliavit. Cum igitur spoliatis iniuste etc. usque observari. Testes autem etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, XVI Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno primo›.

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11 Rome, the Lateran, 20 February 1217 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Hardouin] and the chapter of Thebes, relating that they asked that he confirm the establishment of the number of canons at twelve. The pope confirms their establishment and orders that it be observed, unless the Lord makes the capacities of the church grow so much that more canons can and should be suitably supported. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 72r, no. 274 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 331; Pressutti, no. 356. Edition: previously unpublished.

Archiepiscopo et capitulo Thebanis. Nobis humiliter supplicastis ut institutionem a vobis super duodecimo canonicorum numero in posterum observando deliberatione provida in ecclesia vestra factam apostolico dignaremur munimine roborare. Nos igitur, vestris postulationibus inclinati, eandem institutionem, sicut provide facta est, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate precimus inviolabiliter observari, nisi faciente Domino intantum excreverint ipsius ecclesie facultates quod plures possint et debeant ibidem canonici congrue sustentari. Nulli ergo omnino hominum etc. nostre confirmationis et preceptionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 12 Rome, the Lateran, 12 April 1217 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that the Lord has concentrated all power in the Church in the Roman pontiff. Recently, when the throne of the Empire of Constantinople was vacant, Count P[eter of Courtenay] of Auxerre, who has been called to the throne, came with his wife Y[olanda] to the Apos-

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tolic See and asked humbly and repeatedly, with the support of many, that the pope crown them emperor and empress with his plenitude of power.The pope refused many times, lest it be suspected that he did this to the prejudice of the church of Constantinople. But many feared that his refusal would cause serious harm not only to P[eter], but also to the entire empire. So the pope relented and had them crowned in the Church of San Lorenzo fuori le mura, without prejudice to the patriarch or anyone else.The pope believes that this was done by divine command, because at one time the emperors of Constantinople, rising up against the Roman Church by their arrogance, did not recognize it as the mother of all Christ’s faithful, and for this reason their empire has been transferred to the Universal Church, with no vestige of the previous perfidy showing, and this man crowned as a humble and devout son by the highest pontiff. Since it is fitting for the patriarch to yield to the pope, the pope orders the patriarch to accept what he has done, or rather what the Lord wanted him to do, and to receive the emperor happily and benignly. The pope hopes that the emperor will be good for the Church, but the patriarch should know that the pope has enjoined on the emperor to respect the rights and customs of the patriarch and his church. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 129r-v, no. 525 (R). Copies: Casanatense, X.VI.2. f. 174; Vallicelliana I 53, f. 85r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5517; Onorio III, no. 464; Pressutti, no. 497; Santifaller, no. 7. Editions: Raynaldi 1217, nos. 6-7 (Y); Katona, pp. 234-235 (partial); Fejér, pp. 192-194 (most); Bullarium Romanum, pp. 316b-317b, no. 7 (B); Horoy II.2, coll. 360-362, no. 294 (H, from Y).

. . Patriarchea) Constantinopolitano. Qui statuit terminos gentium, secundum numerum angelorum, et utrorumque ministeria ordine miro dispensat, sicut chorosb) angelorum variis dignitatibus que propriis vocabulis teste Apostolo appellantur mirabiliter insignivit, sic et Ecclesiam adhuc militantem in terris diversis tam spiritualium quam temporalium distincxit titulis potestatumc) penes unum, videlicet Romanum pontificem, Christi vicarium, et Apostolorum Principis successorem, omnium magisterio pro firmamento 150

THE LETTERS

fidei remanente, ut pulchra fidelibus et infidelibus terribilis apparens, ut castrorum acies ordinata, procedat prospere, donec regina tandem a dextris Summi Regis vestitu sedeat deaurato, feliciter imperpetuum regnatura. Unde cum constet quod omnis a Domino est potestas, qui solus potestatem habet in regno hominum, et quecumque vult suscitat super illud, nemo illi temere debet resistere, ne, secundum Apostolum1), potestati divine resistere videatur, quin potius tenetur quilibet in operibus manuum Domini exultare, que semper, iuxta Prophetam2), misericordiam et iudicium esse constat. Sane factum est nuper a Domino quod, imperio Constantinopolitano vacante, vocatus ad illud karissimus in Christo filius noster P. Autisiodorensisd) comes, ad Sedem Apostolicam, cum nobili muliere Y.e) uxore sua, ex insperato veniens, nobis oportune inportune in omnimode humilitatis spiritu supplicavit multiplicatis intercessionibus plurimorum, non solum exorantium sed etiam obtestantium in nomine Ihesu Christi, ut dignaremur ipsum in imperatorem et uxorem suam in imperatricem de nostre potestatis plenitudine coronare. Nos autem, licet id pluries denegassemus eisdem, nequis posset quamvis de superfluo suspicari quod idf) in ecclesie Constantinopolitane preiudicium faceremus, quia tamen timebatur a multis ne si sic a nobis confusus abscederet non solum sibi sed universo imperio grave dispendium immineret, condescendentes tandem, ipsos, sine tuo vel alterius preiudicio vel contemptu, in ecclesia beati Laurentii foris muros urbis duximus sollempniter coronandos. Quod ad hoc divino nutu credimus esse actum ut, cum imperatores Constantinopolitani qui fuerunt pro tempore, cornu superbie contra Romanam Ecclesiam erigentes, dedignati fuerint recognoscere ipsam matrem omnium Christi fidelium generalem, propter quod ab eis imperium est translatum nuncg) in ecclesia generali, nech) vestigium appareat perfidie precedentis, isto tamquam devoto et humili filio a summo pontifice coronato, quin potiusi) generatio et generatio laudent opera Domini qui, suscipiens mansuetos, usque ad terram humiliat peccatores. Cum igitur beneplacitis nostris te tamquam honorabile membrum capiti obsequij) deceat humiliter et devote, fraternitatem tuam rogamus et monemus attente per apostolica scripta mandantes quatenus, quod per nos actum est – immo per ministe151

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rium nostrum Dominus voluit operari – gratanter acceptans, imperatorem predictum ad solium suum cum nostre gratie plenitudine accedentem suscipias ylariter et benigne, paternum affectum et effectumk) erga ipsum omnimodis exhibendo. Speramus eniml) quod et ipse, qui vir catholicus extitit, nunc a Domino exaltatus tanto Deum et Ecclesiam studebit humilius revereri quantom) se recognoscet potioremn) gratiam accepisse, et qui hactenus per magnanimitatis virtutem et operum magnificentiam se dignum exhibuit, imperii dignitate provectus de virtute proficiet in virtutem ad honorem et gloriam Ihesu Christi et totius populi Christiani. Noveris autem quod nos eidem iniunximus quod tibi et ecclesie tue de omnibus iuribus et consuetudinibus debeat plenarie respondere. Datum Laterani, [R 129v] II Idus Aprilis, anno primo. 1) Rom 13.2.

2) Is 30.18.

a) patriarche] patriarcha R b) choros] chorus B c) potestatum] potestatem HY d) autisiodorensis] antissiodorensis BHY e) y] i HY f) id om. HY g) nunc] nec B h) nec om. B i) quin potius] quare HY j) obsequi] obsequii R k) et effectum om. HY l) enim] itaque HY; om. B m) quanto] quando H n) potiorem] priorem HY

13 Rome, the Lateran, 13 April 1217 Honorius writes to King Demetrius of Thessaloniki, relating that, due to his young age, and the merits of his brother, Marquis William of Montferrat, and of his ancestors, the pope takes the king, his kingdom, and all their appurtenances and other goods under his and St Peter’s protection until he comes of age. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 95r-v, no. 376 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 105r; Moreau 1178, f. 323r-v. Summary: Pressutti, no. 499. Editions: Buchon, p. 143; Horoy II.2, col. 362, no. 295 (H).

Demetrio, illustri regi Thesalonicensi. ‹E›t tue puerilis etatis inbecillitas exigit et clara dilecti filii nobilis viri Willielmi marchionis Montis Ferrati, fratris tui, 152

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necnon recolende memorie progenitorum tuorum merita promerentur ut Apostolica Sedes, cui semper devoti sicut catholici principes extiterunt, tibi favoris sui gratiam debeat exhibere. Hinc est quod personam et regnum [R 95v] tuum, cum omnibus pertinentiis eius et aliis bonis tuis, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, auctoritate presentium statuentes ut ea tamdiu sub speciali Apostolice Sedis defensione consistant donec legitimam perveneris ad etatem. Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis et constitutionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, Idibus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 14 Rome, the Lateran, 13 April 1217 Honorius writes to the dean and chapter of St Michael of Boukoleon of Constantinople, responding to their request by approving the number of sixteen canons that was established in their church and confirmed by P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate [1213/14]. The pope forbids anyone from forcing them to a greater number, unless perhaps the church’s means increase so much that the number should be increased. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 95v, no. 379 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 106r-107r. Summaries: Onorio III, no. 467; Pressutti, no. 500; Santifaller, no. 8. Edition: previously unpublished.

Decano et capitulo Sancti Michaelis de Buccaleone Constantinopolitanis. Quanto specialius ecclesia vestra ad Apostolicam Sedem pertinere dinoscitur, tanto benignius hiis que pertinent ad ipsius tranquillitatem et statum favorem apostolicum impertimur. Hinc est quod, vestris precibus inclinati, numerum sedecim canonicorum in eadem constitu‹tu›m ecclesia et per venerabilem fratrem nostrum P. Albanensem episcopum, tunc legatum Sedis Apostolice, confirmatum auctoritate apostolica confirmamus, inhibentes nequis ad maiorem numerum vos compel153

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lat, nisi forsan adeo excrescerent ipsius ecclesie facultates quod huiusmodi numerus esset merito ampliandus, salvo in omnibus Apostolice Sedis mandato. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis et inhibitionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, Idibus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 15 Rome, the Lateran, 13 April 1217 Honorius writes to the dean and chapter of St Michael of Boukoleon of Constantinople, responding to their request by confirming their possession of the monastery of St Phocas (Focardus) situated between Mesochori (Mazzuca, now Orkatöy) and Tou Mousicou (Tumusico) next to the sea, with all its appurtenances, which the late B[enedict], cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, papal legate [1205/07], donated to them, since this gift is not to anyone’s prejudice and as is contained more fully in the documents drawn up for this. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 95v, no. 380 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 107r. Summaries: Onorio III, no. 469; Pressutti, no. 501; Santifaller, no. 9. Edition: Tautu, p. 27, no. 9 (T).

Eisdem ‹decano et capitulo Sancti Michaelis de Buccaleone Constantinopolitanis›. Iustis petentium etc. usque. inclinati, monasterium Sancti Focardi, quod est inter Mazzucam et Tumusicos iuxta mare situm, cum pertinentiis suis vobis a bone memorie B., titulia) Sancte Susanne presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, providab) deliberatione donatum, sicut huiusmodi donatio in iuris alieni preiudicium non redundat et in instrumentis exinde confectis plenius continetur, et vos monasterium ipsum pacifice possidetis, vobis et per vos ecclesie vestre auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, Idibus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) tituli om. T

b) provida] provide R

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16 Rome, the Lateran, 13 April 1217 Honorius writes to the dean and chapter of St Michael of Boukoleon of Constantinople, responding to their request by confirming the agreement over the monastery of St Phocas and its appurtenances amicably made between them and the abbot and monks of St Angelus of the Cistercian Order, in the diocese of Constantinople, and confirmed by P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate in those parts [1213/14], as contained more fully in documents drawn up for this. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 96r, no. 381 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 470; Pressutti, no. 502; Santifaller, no. 10. Edition: Tautu, pp. 27-28, no. 10 (T).

Eisdem ‹decano et capitulo Sancti Michaelis de Buccaleone Constantinopolitanis›. Iustis petentium etc. usque assensu, co‹m›positionem super monasterio Sancti Foce ac pertinentiis suis inter vos et abbatem ac monachos Sanctia) Angeli, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Constantinopolitane diocesis, amicabiliter initam et per venerabilem fratrem nostrum P. Albanensem episcopum, tunc in partibus vestris exercentem legationis officium, confirmatam, sicut sine pravitate provide facta est et sponte ab utraque parte recepta et instrumentis inde confectis plenius continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, Idibus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) sancti supralin. R

17 Rome, the Lateran, 13 April 1217 Honorius writes to the deans of Our Lady of Blachernae, of St Paul, and of St George of Constantinople, relating that the dean and chap155

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ter of St Michael of Boukoleon asked him to confirm the agreement over the monastery of St Phocas and its appurtenances amicably made between them and the abbot and monks of St Angelus of the Cistercian Order, in the diocese of Constantinople, done in the presence of [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate [1213/14], and confirmed by both sides, as is more fully contained in the bishop’s letter. The pope instructs the addressees to confirm the agreement. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 96r, no. 382 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 468; Pressutti, no. 503;Tautu, p. 28, no. 10, note; Santifaller, no. 11. Edition: previously unpublished.

Sancte Marie de Blakerna, Sancti Pauli, et Sancti Georgii decanis Constantinopolitanis.a) Dilecti filii . . decanus et capitulum Sancti Michaelis Bucceleonis a nobis suppliciter postularunt ut compositionem inter ipsos, ex parte una, et abbatem et monachos Sancti Angeli, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Constantinopolitane diocesis, ex altera, super monasterio Sancti Foce cum pertinentiis suis, in presentia venerabilis fratris nostri Albanensis episcopi, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, amicabiliterb) initam et ab utraque parte firmatam, sicut in eiusdem episcopi litteris plenius continetur, apostolico dignaremur munimine roborare. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus compositionem sicut sine pravitate etc. Quod si non omnes etc. duo vestrum etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, Idibus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno primo›. a) constantinopolitanis] constantiensibus R

b) amicabiliter mg. R

18 Rome, the Lateran, 14 April 1217 Honorius writes to J[ohn, cardinal-]priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that, in consideration of his youthful age and the merits of his brother, Marquis William of Montferrat, and of his ances-

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tors, he has received King Demetrius of Thessaloniki and his possessions under his and St Peter’s protection until the king comes of age.The pope orders the legate to restore the king’s freedom and to entrust his care to careful and loyal men, warning and inducing his subjects to fulfill their obligations, both in giving fealty and in submitting to his judgment. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 95v, no. 377 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 105r-106r; I 53, f. 83r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 475; Pressutti, no. 506. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Et puerilis etatis carissimi in Christo filii nostri Demetrii, regis Thesalonicensis illustris, inbecillitas exigit et clara dilecti filii nobilis viri Willielmi, marchionis Montis Ferrati, fratris sui, necnon et progenitorum suorum merita promerentur ut Apostolica Sedes, cui semper devoti sicut catholici principes extiterunt, ipsi favoris sui gratiam debeat exhibere. Hinc est quod personam et regnum regis predicti, cum omnibus pertinentiis et aliis bonis suis, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscepimus, statuentes ut ea tamdiu sub speciali Apostolice Sedis defensione consistant donec idem rex legitimam pervenerit ad etatem. Quocirca discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, ipsum regem sue faciens restitui libertati et deputans ad ipsius custodiam viros providos et fideles, quoslibet ipsius regis dominium pertinentes ut eidem regi faciant omnia que tenentur, tam in prestandis fidelitatibus quam in suis iustitiis exhibendis, eique sicut domino suo intendant fideliter et potenter moneas efficaciter et inducas, contradictores siqui fuerint vel rebelles per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, compescens. Datum Laterani, XVIII Kalendas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno primo.

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19 Rome, the Lateran, 16 April 1217 Honorius writes to all who will see this letter, relating that Emperor P[eter] of Constantinople, after receiving the grace of coronation from the pope, in the presence of the pope and the cardinals, invested Marquis William of Montferrat, in his name and in the name of his brother, King Demetrius of Thessaloniki, with all the lands, incomes, honors, and rights with which their father, the late Boniface [†1207], was invested by the emperor’s predecessors. The pope has conceded this letter to the marquis in testimony of this, lest what was done before the pope be called into doubt over time. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 95v, no. 378 (R). Copies: Casanatense, X.VI.2. f. 117; Vallicelliana I 51, f. 106r; I 53, f. 83r (summary); Moreau 1178, f. 327r-v. Summaries: Onorio III, no. 477; Pressutti, no. 508. Editions: Buchon, p. 143; Horoy II.2, coll. 364-365, no. 298 (CCXC‹V›III) (H, from Moreau).

Omnibus presentem paginam inspecturis. Ad comunem notitiam volumus pervenire quod karissimus in Christo filius noster P., Constantinopolitanus imperator illustris, post susceptama) a nobis sue coronationis gratiam, dilectum filium nobilem virum Willielmum, marchionem Montisferrati, receptionemb), nomine suo et carissimi in Christo filii nostri Demetrii, fratris sui, regis Thesalonicensis illustris, de universis terris, redditibus, honoribus, et iustitiis, de quibus clare memorie Bonifacius, pater ipsorum, ab ipsius imperatoris predecessoribus extitit investitus, in nostra et fratrum nostrorum presentia investivit. Unde presentes litteras in testimonium ipsi marchioni concessimus ne quod coram nobis sollempniter factum fuit processu temporis in dubium valeat revocari. Datum Laterani, XVI Kalendas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) susceptam] susceptionem R

b) this word is probably an error

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20 Rome, the Lateran, 21 April 1217 Honorius writes to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates and clerics of churches established throughout the Empire of Constantinople, announcing that, as vicar of Christ, wanting with paternal diligence to make a visitation of the sons and people that the Lord has given him in the Empire of Constantinople, he has committed the full office of legate to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, whose merits he extols. The pope orders the addressees to receive him – or rather the pope in him – and to treat him honorably, obeying his healthy warnings and orders humbly and effectively. Otherwise, the pope will hold firm the sentences the legate brings against rebels. The pope writes similar letters, mutatis mutandis, to the counts, barons, and all faithful Christians in the Empire of Constantinople, to the podestà of the Venetians, to Milon le Bréban the butler (butticularius) of the empire, to Conon [of Béthune] the bailli of the empire, to Prince Geoffrey [of Villehardouin] of Achaia the seneschal of the empire, to Count Berthold [II of Katzenenlbogen] the bailli of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, to Nicholas of Saint-Omer, to Count Matthew [Orsini of Cephalonia], to Nariot [III of Toucy], to the lords of Negroponte, to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, and to Emperor [Peter] of Constantinople. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, ff. 101v-102r, no. 418 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 115r-117r (mutilated); I 53, f. 83v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1217, no. 8 (fragment); Potthast, no. 5527; Onorio III, no. 496; Pressutti, no. 526; Santifaller, no. 12. Edition: previously unpublished.

Archiepiscopis et episcopis et abbatibus ac aliis ecclesiarum prelatis et clericis per Constantinopolitanum imperium constitutis. Si iuxta verbum Prophete1) non potest mater filiorum sui uteri oblivisci, sed prout est inditum a natura ipsa interdum corporalis absentia illos efficit cariores, dum nec loco nec tempore materno affectui prescribente quin potius accrescente affectui quod aspectui derogatur, tanto vis amaris maiori sollicitudine afficit cor maternum, quanto minor est ei de absentibus

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certitudo, multo magis Romana Ecclesia, universorum fidelium Christi mater, in qua spirituales affectus eo iugere debent promptius cum effectu quo principalior et generalior plures in Domino filios generavit, necesse habet ardenti desiderio et sollicitudine indefessa levare in circuitua) oculos et videre filios suos delonge venientes, ut miretur et dilatetur cor suum in Domino salutari, et ut illos erudiat ad salutem, sicut pastor visitat gregem suum, debet illos efficaciter visitare, requirens quod perierat, quod est abiectum reducens, quod confractum alligans, et consolidans quod infirmum, quod pingne, ac forte custodiat et confortet, ut sic illos populum immaculatum et acceptabilem Deo reddat. Nos igitur, qui – licet immeriti – Christib) vicarii constituti eiusdem Ecclesie sponsi sumus, cupientes filios et populum acquisitionis quos in Constantinopolitano imperio Dominus nobis dedit paterna diligentia visitare illius magisterio eruditi qui, et si ubique stabilis manens det cuncta moveri, facit tamen Spiritus suos angelos et ministros et olim cum hominibus conversatus in universum mundum evangelium predicare discipulos suos misit: ecce dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, virum utique providum et honestum, potentem [R 102r] in opere ac sermone, quem proprie meritis probitatis nos et fratres nostri speciali complectimur in Domino caritate,c) quia genere nobilis et geminans animi nobilitate genus se omnibus exhibet gratiosum, pleno sibi concesso legationis officio, illuc tanquam magnum Ecclesie Dei menbrum providimus destinandum, cui vices nostras plenarie committentes, liberam ei contulimus potestatem ut, magnos iudicans sicut pravos, dirigat indirecta et aspera convertat in plana, vindictam in nationibus et increpationes in populis faciendo. Licet autem Salvatoris exemplo quod quibuslibet nostris fit nobis fieri reputemus, quia tamen illos cupimus propensius honorari qui ex se honorabiles in partem assumpte sollic‹i›tudinis honorant in nobis plenitudinem potestatis, universitatem vestram rogamus, monemus, et hortamur attente per apostolica vobis scripta firmiter precipiendo mandantes quatinus, ipsum Apostolice Sedis legatum tanquam personam nostram vel potius nos in ipso recipientes devote ac honeste tractantes, ipsius

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salubria monita et mandata suscipiatis humiliter et efficaciter observetis, ita quod et ipse, ad gloriam Dei vestrumque omnium commodum et salutem, iniunctum sibi mi‹ni›sterium exequi valeat inoffense ac nos devotionem vestram possimus merito commendare. Alioquin sententiam quam idem rite tulerit in rebelles ratam haberi precipimus et firmiter observari. Datum Laterani, XI Kalendas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. In eundem modum comitibus, baronibus, et universis Christi fidelibus sub Constantinopolitano imperio constitutis. In eundem modum potestati Venetorum verbis competenter mutatis. In eundem modum Miloni de Bramantia, butticulario imperii. In eundem modum Cononi, baiulo imperii. In eundem modum Gaufrido, principi Achaie, senescalco imperii. In eundem modum comiti Bertoldo, baiulo regni Thesalonicensis. In eundem modum Nicolao de Sancto Audemario. In eundem modum comiti Maio. In eundem modum Narioth.d) In eundem modum dominis Nigri Pontis. In eundem modum patriarche Constantinopolitano. In eundem modum illustri Constantinopolitano imperatori usque commendare. 1) Is 49.15. a) in circuitu supralin. R b) christi supralin. R Pressutti reads “Comiti Narioth”

161

c) caritate mg. R

d)

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21 Rome, the Lateran, 22 April 1217 Honorius writes to Bartholomew, former bishop of Gardiki, relating that, because of certain charges against Bartholomew, Pope I[nnocent III] removed him from the church of Gardiki, whose governance he possessed. Out of papal clemency, the pope grants that, after he assumes the religious habit, when called upon he can exercise his episcopal office with his pontifical vestments and other insignia. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 97v, no. 392 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 83v (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 497; Pressutti, no. 527. Edition: previously unpublished.

Bartholomeo, quondam episcopo Cardicensi. Licet a Cardicensi ecclesia, cuius regimen obtinebas, fueris propter quedam tibi obiecta a bone memorie I. papa predecessore nostro remotus, nos tamen de Apostolice Sedis clementia tibi auctoritate presentium indulgemus ut, postquam habitum religionis assumpseris, cum fueris invitatus, tibi liceat cum indumentis pontificalibus et insignibus aliis pontificale officium exercere. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 22 Rome, the Lateran, 24 April 1217 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, granting that he can depose bishops solemnly accused before him of a crime for which the canonical constitutions require the punishment of deposition, once the crime has been proven in accordance with the law. He can also divide and unite churches, receive resignations of bishops, authorize translations of bishops if requested and if necessity and utility demand, absolve excommunicates and those under interdict by papal authority, observing the Church’s form, and impose punishments on them as the law re162

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quires. But as a cautious man, he should defer to the Apostolic See when he deems it expedient. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 102r-v, no. 419 (R). Copies: Casanatense, X.VI.2. f. 135 (retro); Paris, BnF, lat. 3934 (H: 4292), p. 103;Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 117r (partial); I 53, f. 83v (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5530; Onorio III, no. 503; Pressutti, no. 536; Santifaller, no. 13. Editions: Raynaldi 1217, no. 9 (partial); Horoy II.2, coll. 374-375, no. 307 (H, from BnF 3934); Tautu, pp. 28-29, no. 11 (T).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Speramus in Domino, in virtutis ipsius potentia confidentes, quod is, qui dat omnibus affluenter et non improperat, tibi, quem habemus et conversationea) cognitum et rerum experientia comprobatum, dabit verbum evangelizanti virtutes eius et profectum annuntianti pacem populo Christiano ut, sicut columba, volente Domino, reversus ad arcam, fructum afferas permanentem, qui et gustu placeat et odoris suavitate delectet. Nos autem, qui personam tuam sincera semper dileximus et diligimus in Domino caritate,b) ac inter fratres nostros specialis dilectionisc) brachiis amplexamur, devotionem tuam volentes prosequi gratia pleniori, ut credite tibi legationis officium in honorem Dei et salutem proficiat animarum, auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus quod, si contigerit coram te aliquem episcopum de aliquo crimine sollempniter recusari,d) quod probatum iuxta constitutiones canonicas penam depositionis inducat, possis contra ipsum, probato crimine secundum iuris ordinem, depositionis sententiam promulgare. Liceat quoque tibi ecclesias dividere ac unire, cessiones episcoporum recipere; necnon [R 102v] si aliquem ipsorum ad episcopatum alium contigerit postulari, postulatione recepta, libere ipsum transferas, si necessitas et utilitas hoc exposcit; excommunicatos nichilominus et auctoritate Sedis Apostolice interdictos absolvas, forma ecclesiastica observata, et eise) iniungas quod de iure fuerit iniungendum. Tu tamen, sicut vir providus et discretus, in hiis honori Sedi Apostolice deferas, cum videris expedire. 163

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Datum Laterani,VIII Kalendas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) conversatione] conversione R (H) b) diligimus in domino caritate] ritate a.c. mg. R; diligimus caritate T c) dilectionis] benedictionis T d) recusari] accusari HTY e) eis] iis H

23 Rome, the Lateran, [ca. 27 April 1217]1) Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that at the request of the late Emperor H[enry] of Constantinople, Pope I[nnocent III] had established and confirmed a provision for the churches of Constantinople of a twelfth of all possessions located beyond [east of] Makri, belonging both to churches and laypersons. Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople added that [Innocent] had ordered, at the request of the emperor, that a twelfth of the possessions of the emperor himself and his barons and knights be given to the churches of Constantinople.The patriarch asked the pope to do the same with a twelfth of the possessions of the podestà and other Venetians living in the empire. The pope orders the legate to consider the circumstances and dispose as he deems expedient for the peace of clerics and laymen. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 103v, n. 425 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 546; Pressutti, no. 584 (fragment); Santifaller, no. 14. Edition: Pitra, pp. 592-593, no. 38 (P).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato.a) Venerabilis frater noster Constantinopolitanus patriarcha nobis fecit humiliter supplicari ut provisionem, quam felicis recordationis I. papa predecessor noster, de comuni consensu fratrum nostrorum, ad petitionem clare memorie H., imperatoris Constantinopolitani, super duodecima omnium possessionum ultra Macram positarum, tam ad ecclesias quam laicos pertinentium, Constantinopolitanis ecclesiis largienda statuisse dinoscitur et suis litteris confirmasse, auctoritate dignaremurb) apostolica confirmare, adiciens ut, quod prefatus predecessor 164

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noster ad petitionem imperatoris eiusdem de duodecima possessionum, tam ab ipso imperatore quam ab eius baronibus et militibusc) possessarum, duxit Constantinopolitanis ecclesiisd) providendum, idem de duodecima possessionum quee) a nobili viro potestate ac reliquis Venetis in imperio constitutis tenentur ecclesiis provideremus eisdem. Nos igitur, de discretione tua plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, rerum circumstantiis provide circumspectis, disponas super hiis quod secundum Deum paci clericorum et laicorum noveris expedire. Datum Laterani. 1) This letter is undated, but the previous one is dated 27 April, and Pressutti argues for before 15 May, when Honorius left Rome, but at least April, when Cardinal John was sent on his legation. a) I ... legato mg. R b) dignaremur] P legit dignaretur in R bus mg. R d) ecclesiis om. P e) que] P legit quin in R

c) et militi-

24 Anagni, 5 May 1217 Honorius writes to Abbot [Stephen] and the convent of Monte Cassino, relating that the late [Benedict, cardinal-]bishop of Porto, then cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna and papal legate [1205/07], conceded to them the Church of St Mary Evergetis (de Virgionis).1) The pope confirms and strengthens the concession to them and their monastery. Original: perhaps in Monte Cassino archives. Papal Register: none. Summaries: Potthast, no. 5541; Onorio III, no. 528; Pressutti, no. 564. Editions: Tosti, vol. 2, p. 301 (T); Spicilegium Liberianum, p. 725, n. 20 (S); Horoy II.2, col. 393, no. 316 (H). Translation: Jordan and Morris, pp. 276-277, B.

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis abbati et conventui Casinensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Iustis petentium desideriis dignum est nos facilem prebere consensum et vota que a rationis tramite non discordant effectu prosequente complere. 165

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Eapropter, dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis petitionibus grato concurrentes assensu, ecclesiam Sancte Marie de Virgionisa) a bone memorie Portuensib) episcopo, tunc titulo Sancte Susanne presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, pia vobis consideratione collatam, sicut eamc) iuste ac pacifice possidetis, vobis et per vos monasterio vestro auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis et protectionis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Laterani, III Nonas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. 1) The original donation of Cardinal Benedict is dated 24 February 1206, printed in Gattola, Historia, p. 491, and Tautu, pp. 30-31, no. 13a, and translated in Jordan and Morris, pp. 275-276, A. a) virgionis] virgion S

b) portuensi] portueni T

c) eam] ea S

25 Anagni, 20 May 1217 Honorius writes to Abbot [Stephen] and the convent of Monte Cassino, relating that Benedict, cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, when he was papal legate in Romania [1205/07], conceded them the monastery of St Mary Evergetis (de Virgioti), located within two miles outside the city of Constantinople, such that, however, the Greek monks who were living there should in no way be expelled, as the pope sees in the cardinal’s document. The pope confirms the concession. Original: perhaps in Monte Cassino archives. Papal Register: none. Summaries: Onorio III, no. 550; Potthast, no. 5552; Pressutti, no. 587; Santifaller, no. 15. Editions: Diarium Italicum, pp. 329-330; Magnum Bullarium Romanum, p. 44a-b; Gattola, Historia, p. 492 (G); Horoy II.2, coll. 415-16, no. 326 (H, from G, without formulae); Tautu, p. 30, no. 13 (T, from G, without formulae). Translation: Jordan and Morris, p. 277, C.

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Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis abbati et conventui Cassinensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum a nobis petitur quod iustum est et honestum, tam vigor equitatis quam ordo exigit rationis ut id per sollicitudinem officii nostri ad debitum perducatura) effectum. Cum igitur bone memorie Benedictus tituli Sancte Susanne presbyter cardinalis, legationis exercens officium in partibus Romanie, monasterium Sancte Marie di Virgioti extra civitatem Constantinopolitanam infra duo miliaria situm, cum universis pertinentiis suis, rationibus, et proprietatibus, auctoritate legationis eiusdem vobis et per vos monasterio concesserit Cassinensi, ita tamen quod monachi Greci commorantes ibidem per vos inde nullatenus expellantur, sicut in eiusdem authentico perspeximus plenius contineri, nos, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, concessionem ipsam, sicut proinde facta est ratam habentes, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum licet hanc paginam nostre confirmationis contraire. Siquis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Anagnie, XIII Kalendas Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) perducatur] producatur GH

26 Anagni, 7 July 1217 Honorius writes to Duke [Domenico Delfino] and the barons of Crete, relating that, as some of the monks of Mount Sinai have told him personally, some wicked men have despoiled and plundered the possessions that the monks have in Christian lands. For that reason, Honorius commands the recipients, insofar as the wrongdoers exist within their domain, to compel them to return everything, to perform fitting satisfaction for damages and injuries, and henceforth to refrain from bothering the monks. Original: lost. Papal Register: none.

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Copy: Editions:

Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 5v (A). Scaffini, pp. 10-11, no. 11 (S, as 9 July); Hofmann, Lettere, p. 298, no. 1 (H).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis nobilibus viris duci Cretensi et baronibus suis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Presentia Domini consecratus mons Sina, cum in tabulis lapideis digito Dei scriptis Moisi tradita est lex vetus, tantoa) est maiori venerationeb) a Christi fidelibus honorandus ac etiam protegendusc) quanto divine gratie continuatione videmus ipsum amplius decorum,d) qui, cum olim fuerit propter micantia fulgura Israelitico populo terribilis et tremendus, nunc nove legis lumine illustratus factus est Christi cultoribus placidus et amandus. Sed quidam filii Belial, hoc minime attendentes, monachis ibidem Domino famulantibus inferunt mala multa et ipsorum bona, que in terra Christianorum possident, diripiunt et predantur, sicut quidam ipsorum fratrum nuper ad nostram presentiam accedentes nobis exponere curaverunt. Volentes igitur ipsos, qui tanquam luminaria in firmamento celi lucent in medio barbare nationis, speciali munimine defensari, universitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus et districtee) precipimus quatenus malefactoresf) eorum in vestro dominio commorantes ut monachis ipsis ablata restituant universa et deg) dampnis et iniuriis irrogatish) satisfactionem exhibeant competentem, ab ipsorum de cetero molestatione indebita desistentes,i) tradita vobis potestate cogatis. Datum Anagnie, Nonisj) Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) tanto] tanta S b) veneratione] veneration S c) etiam protegendus] inprotegendus S d) decorum] decorium a.c. A; decorari S e) districte] distincte AS f) malefactores] molestactores S g) de om. S h) irrogatis] recogatis AS i) desistentes] consistentes AS j) nonis] nono AS

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27 Anagni, 15 July 1217 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), stating that Bishop[-Abbot] S[imon] of Mount Sinai had complained to him that said archbishop had his knights and servants destroy and sack a certain obedience on the island of Crete, from which obedience the abbot and his brothers, the hermits of Mount Sinai, were accustomed to live. Nor was the archbishop content with this, but he violently wrested tithes from the alms that Christian Cretans gave to them out of piety and brought other injuries and burdens upon them. Since it is excessively impious for him to persecute so inhumanely those whom he is supposed to support with his favor, the archbishop is ordered to cease immediately and entirely from committing such injustices and harm, so that he avoids divine offense and human infamy. Otherwise, the pope is sending a letter to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, ordering him to use ecclesiastical censure to compel the archbishop to cease from such unwarranted harassment. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 5v (A). Edition: Scaffini, pp. 13-14, no. 12 (S); Hofmann, Lettere, p. 299, no. 2 (H).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri archiepiscopo Cretensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Venerabilis frater noster S.a) episcopus Montis Sinai gravem ad nos querimoniam destinavit quod tu obedientiam quandam in insula Cretensi positam, de qua ipse cum fratribus suis heremitis montis predicti vivere consuevit, per milites et servientes tuos fecisti destrui et bonis omnibus spoliari. Nec hiis contentus, decimas ab eodem episcopo et fratribus eius de elemosinis, quas Christiani Cretenses eis pietatis officio largiuntur, violenter extorques, alias eis ‹inferens›b) iniurias et iacturas. Propterc) quod tanta laborant inopia quod vix habent unde valeant substentari. Quoniamd) igitur nimise) est impiumf) ut quos pietatis intuitu teneris favorabiliter confovere ita inhumaniterg) persequa-

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ris, fraternitatem tuam monemus attentius, per apostolica tibi scripta firmiter precipiendo mandantes quatenus saltem amodo ab eorum super premissis iniuriis et molestiis penitus conquiescas, ita quod divinam offensam et infamiam ex hoc evites humanam. Alioquin venerabili fratri nostro patriarche Constantinopolitanoh) nostris damus litteris firmiter in preceptis ut te ab eorum molestatione indebita per censuram ecclesiasticam,i) appellatione remota, compescat.j) Datum Anagnie, Idibusk) Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno primo. a) s] d A; dominus S b) ‹inferens›] spat. vac. A; ‹infers› H; om. S c) propter] prope S d) quoniam] quia AS e) nimis] munus S f) impium] ipsius S g) inhumaniter] immaniter AS h) constantinopolitano] constantinopolis S i) ecclesiasticam] ecclesiam sanctam S j) compescat] conquiescas S k) idibus] x S

28 Anagni, [ca. 18 July 1217]1) Honorius writes to the abbots, deans, archdeacons, and other prelates of the churches in the city and diocese of Constantinople, relating that Patriarch [Gervase] was heavily burdened by the expenses he incurred while at the Apostolic See because of his attendance at the General [Fourth Lateran] Council. Since it is unfitting for the person who works for the honor of everyone to bear the burden alone, the pope warns and urges the addressees to subsidize the patriarch. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 125v, no. 510 (R), Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 130r-131r; I 53, f. 84v (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 632; Pressutti, no. 667; Santifaller, no. 16. Edition: previously unpublished.

Abbatibus, decanis, archidiaconis, et aliis ecclesiarum prelatis in civitate Constantinopolitana et diocesi constitutis. Ut lex Christi laudabiliter impleatur, oportet alios aliorum onera comportare quatinus in plures divisa reddantur portantibus leviora et caritatis affectus appareat promptior per effectum. Cum igitur venerabilis frater noster Constantinopolitanus patriarcha, tempore Concilii Generalis apud Sedem Apostolicam constitutus, multa subierit onera expensarum, et sit in170

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decens ut qui pro universorum laboravit honore singulariter onus portet, universitatem vestram monendam duximus et ‹h›ortandam per apostolica scripta mandantes quatinus taliter super hiis subveniatis eidem ut erga eum devotionem videamini gerere filialem ac ipse vobis reddatur favorabilis et benignus. Datum Anagnie. 1) This and the next letter are undated, but the previous two are dated 18 July 1217. They were issued in Anagni, where Honorius resided from 15 May to 19 July.

29 Anagni, [ca. 18 July 1217] Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, as above in no. 23. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 125v, no. 511 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 668; Santifaller, no. 17. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Venerabilis frater noster Constantinopolitanus patriarcha nobis fecit humiliter supplicari ut provisionem, quam felicis recordationis I. papa predecessor noster, de communi consensu fratrum nostrorum, ad petitionem clare memorie H., imperatoris Constantinopolitani, super duodecima omnium possessionum ultra Macram positarum, tam ad ecclesias quam laicos pertinentium, Constantinopolitanis ecclesiis largienda statuisse dinoscitur et suis litteris confirmasse, auctoritate dignaremur apostolica confirmare, adiciens ut, quod prefatus predecessor noster ad petitionem imperatoris eiusdem de duodecima possessionum, tam ab ipso imperatore quam ab eius baronibus et militibus possessarum, duxit Constantinopolitanis ecclesiis providendum, idem de duodecima possessionum que a nobili viro potestate ac reliquis Venetis in imperio constitutis tenentur ecclesiis provideremus eisdem. 171

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Nos igitur, de discretione tua plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, rerum circumstantiis provide circumspectis, disponas super hiis quod secundum Deum paci clericorum et laicorum noveris expedire. Datum Anagnie. 30 Ferentino, [ca. 28 July 1217]1) “To the nobleman Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] in the spirit of wiser counsel. A hard thing, a bitter thing, a thing ruinous by example, a thing of great loss you have undertaken, not fearing the Lord, harming the Church, scorning your reputation, not forseeing the danger to your land. Behold the detestable crime, that you rashly extended your hands on our beloved son J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, the legate of the Apostolic See, not shrinking from holding him captive. It was thought until now that wisdom reigned among the Greeks, but you, by what maturity of counsel, by what providence of reason did you dare even to come to consider this plan, let alone carry it out? You would have acted prudently had you maintained for yourself the special favor of the Apostolic See that your late brother of famous memory, M[ichael, †1215], had at one time specially invoked for you and for himself by solemn nuncios. But behold how you make an adversary of what you should recognize as your mother, and in her you oppose Him Who is the Dominator of kings and, in His kingdom, of men. It was not our purpose to occasion any detriment by disturbance for you and yours, but we are sorry, because you force us. Certainly you can see for yourself what the testimony of the deed requires, if the immensity of the presumption has not robbed you of your judgment of reason. Consider, consider, whether the Apostolic See should hold back the hand of vengeance with an outrage of such presumption, especially when in this business it is avenging an atrocious injury to God, the Universal Church, and the entire clerical order. If you were a catholic, you would do catholic works and extend to the Holy Land a helping hand, not a blocking one, and appease the Lord with service, not provoke Him with injury. But we see that you are giving clear reason and obvious cause for the army of crusaders to be turned against you and yours to avenge 172

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this crime, and thus you expose yourself to dangers and your lands to damages. But let God see and judge, because we cannot refrain nor must we ignore such that because of this we would not incite against you such and so many men that penance will be too late for you after your ruin. “But in such matters the Apostolic See is accustomed to sending the boon of an admonition in advance. Since, although unworthy, on earth we hold the office of Him Who seeks the return of the sinner and wants no one to perish, although you do not do the works of a son, nevertheless we do not want to omit what pertains to a father. Thus we are sending our beloved son Andrew, our subdeacon and chaplain, a prudent and faithful man. We warn and exhort your nobility in the Lord to recognize God as your Creator and the Roman Church, which could be very fruitful for you, thanks to you, if you let the aforesaid cardinal free and unharmed along with his men or permit him to return. In this we are providing for you and yours salubriously, since you must not lie where you must have been afraid lest you die. Otherwise, you reap what you sow, whom warning forewarns not without fatherly threats.” Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 139r, no. 543 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 146r (rubric); I 53, f. 85r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5592; Onorio III, no. 655; Pressutti, no. 687. Editions: Raynaldi 1217, nos. 13-14 (Y); Horoy II.2, coll. 481482, no. 9 (H, from Y).

Nobili viro Theoderoa) Cominiano spiritum consilii sanioris. Rem duram, rem amaram, rem pernitiosam exemplo, rem multi dispendi‹i› es aggressus, Dominum non metuens, Ecclesiam vilipendens, contemptor fame, terre tue periculi non provisor. Ecce detestabile facinus quod in dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, manus temerarias extendisti, non expavescens eum detinere captivum. Porro credebatur hactenus quod sapientia regnaret in Grecis, sed tu, qua maturitate consilii, qua providentia rationis id nedum in executionem facti, sed etiam in deliberationemb) propositi deducere presumpsisti? Prudenter quidem egisses, si conservasses tibi favorem Sedis Apostolice specialem, cuius aliquando patrocinium clare memorie M., frater tuus, pro te sicut pro se ipso, per sollempnes nuntios specialiter invocavit. Sed ecce paras adversariam quam deberes re173

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cognoscere matrem, et in ea illum tibi opponis contrarium qui est regum et in regno hominum Dominator.c) Sane non erat nostri propositi tibi ac tuis alicuius turbationis moliri dispendia, sed dolemus, quoniam tu compellis. Certe quid facti detestatio exigat, si presumptionis immensitas in te non abstulit rationisd) iudicium, videre poteris per te ipsum. Considera, considera si Sedes Apostolica in tante presumptionis excessu manum ultionis remittere debeat, presertim cum in isto negotio atrocem iniuriam persequatur Dei, universalis Ecclesie, ac totius ordinis clericalis. Verum, si catholicus esses, opera catholici exhiberes, et ad Terre Sancte negotium auxilii, non impedimenti, manume) extenderes, et placares servitio Dominum, non iniuria provocares. Sed videmusf) evidentem te dare materiam et manifestam causam ut ad ulciscendum hoc facinus in te ac tuos crucesignatorum exercitus convertatur, et sic ultro te periculis et terram tuam dampnis exponis. Sed videat Deus et iudicet, quia supersedere non possumus nec dissimulare debemus, quin super hoc excitemus adversum te tales et tantos quod erit tibi sera penitentia post ruinam. Verum, quia in talibus bonum commonitionis Sedes Apostolica premittereg) consuevit, cum illius vicem, licet immeriti, geramus in terris, qui peccatoris querit reditum et neminem vult perire, quamvis non exhibueris opera filii, nos tamen, nolentes omittere quod est patris, dilectum filium Andream, subdiaconum et capellanum nostrum, virum utique providum et fidelem, propter hoc destinantes, nobilitatem tuam monemus et exhortamur in Domino quatinus, recongnoscens Deum creatorem tuum et Romanam Ecclesiam, que tibi esse poterit, si per te non steterit, plurimum fructuosa, predictum cardinalem liberum et illesum cum suis vel redire permittas, in hoc tibi ac tuis salubriter providendo, cum iacere non debeas, ubi ne caderes metuere debuisti. Alioquin tibi habes quod imputes, quem monitio non sine paterna comminatione premunit. Datum Ferentini. 1) The letter is undated, but the surrounding letters are from 27-31 July, those on the same topic that are dated being from the 28th.

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a) theodero] theodoro HY b) facti sed etiam in deliberationem iter. R c) dominator] dominatur R d) rationis] rationi R e) manum] manus HY f) videmus] vidimus HY g) premittere] non add. HY

31 Ferentino, 28 July 1217 Honorius writes to King [Andrew II] of Hungary, relating that “the Lord God has fed us absinthe and made us drunk with sorrow, because the voice of lamentation and grief rings in our ears, and we have received the harsh and bitter news” that the wicked and treacherous Theodore [Komnenos Doukas] has treacherously captured Emperor P[eter] of Constantinople and J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, and cruelly killed many of those who were with them. Even if the pope mourns the multitude of those killed and worries continuously about the fate of the emperor and the legate, he is also concerned that, unless God provides, other damages will occur because of this surprising and lamentable event. From this the perfidy of the Greeks will increase; the Latins in Romania will be in a serious crisis; the Christians living in Outremer, who were expecting aid in the form of men and materiel from the Empire of Constantinople, will be struck dumb; and the ferocity of the pagans will become audacious. And thus the sadness of this event affects the whole Christian population, but particularly it effects the pope and the king of Hungary, because they cannot escape injury and scandal from the detention of the legate and emperor, who has a close bond with the king. Therefore the pope urges the king to send without delay nuncios to Theodore seeking the release of the emperor and cardinal, because he is confident that Theodore will fear the king’s army, as, of course, his nuncios could always suggest that the king will use force should entreaties fail. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 139r-v, no. 544 (R). Copies: Casanatense, X.VI.2. f. 185 (retro); Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 85r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 649; Potthast, no. 5590; Pressutti, no. 684. Editions: Raynaldi 1217, nos. 15-16 (Y); Katona, pp. 235-237; Fejér, pp. 203-205; Theiner, Vetera, p. 8, no. 14; Horoy II.2, coll. 479-480, no. 7 (H, from Theiner).

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Illustri regi Ungarie. Cibavit nos Dominus Deus abscintio et inebriavit amaritudine mentem nostram, quia vox lamentationis et doloris auribus nostris insonuit, nuntiumque durum recepimus et amarum, videlicet karissimum in Christo filium nostruma) P., Constantinopolitanum imperatorem illustrem, et dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, a nefando et perfido Theodoro perditionaliterb) captos esse, multis eorum qui cum ipsis erant crudeliter interemptis. In quo, etsi occisorum multitudinem lugeamus, et predictorumc) imperatoris et legati personis continuis curarum angustiis nostrum angentibus animum anxiemur, cogitamus tamen et alia que, nisi illa provideat qui aspera in vias planas [R 139v] et prava in directa convertit,d) ex hoc inopinabili et lamentabili casu evenient detrimenta. Ex hoc enim Grecorum perfidia insolescete); consternabuntur animi Latinorum existentium in partibus Romanie perf) hoc ing) gravi discrimine positorum; Christiani quoque existentes in partibus transmarinis, qui a Constantinopolitano imperio personarum et rerum aux‹il›ium expectabant, hiis auditis rumoribus obstupescent; et assumet audaciam feritas paganorum. Et sic dicti casus tristitia totum tangit populum Christianum, que, cum communis sit aliis, nobis ac tibi esse dinoscitur specialis, cum nec Apostolice Sedis legatus, nec dictus imperator, qui tibi tam propinquo vinculo est coniunctus, sine nostra et tua iniuria et obprobrio valeant detineri. Hortamur igitur serenitatem tuam,h) rogamus, et obsecramusi) in Domino quatinus, omni mora postposita, sollempnes nuntios ad prefatum Theodorum cum omni festinatione transmittas, et ab eo imperatoris et cardinalis personas blandis aspera regaliter admiscendo requiras, quia confidimus quod eos consideratione tua restituatj) libertati, presertim metuens tui exercitus apparatum, quem ipsi nuntii tui sibi poterunt insinuare, prudenter innuendo te usurum viribus, si proficere nequiveris precibus apud eum. Datum Ferentini, V Kalendas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. a) in christo filium nostrum] filium H b) perditionaliter] proditionaliter HY c) predictorum] prodictorum R d) convertit om.Y e) insolescet] insolescit a.c. supralin. R f) per] propter Y g) in] iter. R h) serenitatem tuam inv. H i) obsecramus] obsecramur R j) restituat] restitute Y

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32 Ferentino, [ca. 28 July 1217]1) Honorius writes to the nobleman [Conon of Béthune], the bailli of the Empire of Constantinople, expressing his concerns as above in no. 31 and relating that he is extending his care to him and the other Latins in Romania, since they must be troubled by such a lamentable case. The pope urges him to be strong and exhort others who are with him to be as well, and to strive to be all the more prudent and cautious as the times require.The pope is struggling by incessent study for the liberation of the emperor and the cardinal, for which reason he has sent letters to various people as he saw fit. The pope sends a similar letter to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 139v, no. 545 (R). Summaries: Raynaldi 1217, no. 16; Onorio III, no. 650; Pressutti, no. 688; Santifaller, no.18. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro baiulo Constantinopolitani imperii. Cibavit nos Dominus etc. usque anxiemur. Nichilominus tamen usque ad te ac alios Latinos in Romanie partibus constitutos extendimus curam nostram, cum credamus quod vix esse potest quin animi vestri propter casum tam lamentabilem consternentur. Hortamur ergo tue magnanimitatis constantiam quatinus, assumens fortitudinis spiritum in adversis et exhortans eos qui tecum sunt ut et ipsi contra sementis fortune ictum fortes gerant animos et invictos, tanto prudentius et cautius studeas te habere quanto status temporis maiorem exposcit prudentiam et cautelam, sperans quod ille qui aspera in vias planas et prava in directa convertit faciet in huiusmodi temptatione proventum et contra huiusmodi doloris amaritudinem tempestive consolationis dulcedinem adhibebit. Nos autem, pro liberandis imperatore ac cardinali iamdictis incessanti studio satagentes, propter hoc ad diversos litteras nostras direximus quales vidimus expedire. Datum Ferentini. 177

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In eundem modum patriarche Constantinopolitano. 1) The letter is undated, but the surrounding letters on the same topic that bear a date are from 28 July.

33 Ferentino, [ca. 28 July 1217]1) Honorius writes to Doge [Pietro Ziani] and the people of Venice, expressing his concerns as above in no. 31, adding that the emperor has fought for the Venetians and unless this evil is remedied quickly, the Latins would probably not be able to maintain the empire, whose loss would be very damaging to the Venetians. Honorius urges them to send without delay nuncios to Theodore [Komnenos Doukas] seeking the release of the emperor and cardinal, because he is confident that Theodore will fear their power, as, of course, their nuncios could always suggest that should entreaties fail, force will be used. The pope asserts that working to procure the freedom of these two magnates is the most certain way they can increase their honor and worth and serve the pope and the Roman Church. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 139v, no. 546 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana I 51, f. 258r (listed in table of contents); I 53, f. 85r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1217, no. 16; Onorio III, no. 651; Pressutti, no. 689. Edition: Norden, p. 748, no. 2 (N, most).

Nobili viro duci et populo Venetorum. Cibavit nos Dominus etc. usque specialis, cum nec Apostolice Sedis legatus absque nostra iniuria nec dictus imperator qui pugnabat pro vobis sine vestra valeat detineri, nec absque vestro gravi dampno et obprobrio perdi possit imperium memoratum, quod proculdubio retineri non poterit a Latinis, nisi huic malo celeriter occurratur. Hortamura) igitur universitatem vestram, rogamus, et obsecramusb) in Domino per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes quatenus, mora postposita, sollempnes nuntios ad prefatum Theodorum cum festinatione mittatis et imperatorem ac cardinalem predictos requiratis instantissime ab eodem, blandis aspera si178

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cut in talibus expedit admiscendo. Confidimus enim quod eos consideratione vestra restituet libertati, vestre metuens potentie magnitudinem, quam ipsi nuntii vestri eidem poterunt insinuare prudenter, innuendo vos usuros viribus, si non potueritis proficere precibus apud eum. Denique ad eorum liberationem hiis et aliis modis omni cura et studio intendatis, certi quod nichil facere possetis ad presens per quod honor et utilitas vestra certius susciperet incrementum vel per quod nobis et Ecclesie Romane maius obsequi‹u›m patraretis.c) Datum Ferentini. 1) The letter is undated, but the surrounding letters on the same topic that bear a date are from 28 July. a) hortamur] hortamus N tis] prestaretis N

b) obsecramus] obsecramur R

c) patrare-

34 Ferentino, 28 July 1217 Honorius writes to Prince [Geoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia, expressing his concerns as above in no. 31, urging him to use his powers with vigilance and strength so that the glory of their liberation can be applied to him especially, as nothing could make him more famous to others and more dear to the Apostolic See. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 139v, no. 547 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana I 53, f. 85v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1217, no. 17; Onorio III, no. 652; Pressutti, no. 685. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro principi Accaie. Cibavit nosa) Dominus etc. usque specialis. Ideoque strenuitatem tuam monemus et hortamur attentius quatinus ad liberationem ipsorum sic vigilanter et viriliter exerceas vires tuas quod gloria liberationis ipsorum specialiter tibi possit ascribi, attendens quod nichil facere posses ad presens per quod te clariorem aliis et Apostolice Sedi redderes cariorem. 179

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Datum Ferentini, V Kalendas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. a) nos iter. R

35 Ferentino, [ca. 28 July 1217]1) Honorius writes to Archbishop Epiphensis [Nicholas Mesarites of Ephesus?],2) expressing his belief that the archbishop is displeased by the detestable crime that Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] perpetrated against J[ohn] Colonna, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, rashly laying hands on him and holding him captive, both because of the great injury to the Roman Church, the archbishop’s mother, and because of the pressure that Theodore unwisely brought against himself and his territory, thereby giving material and just cause for a crusading army to be sent against him to avenge this crime, and thus exposing his land to danger. Although Theodore did not behave like a son to the pope, the pope does not wish to forsake his fatherly duties, and thus he is sending him a letter, exhorting him to recognize God, his Creator, and the Roman Church, which, were it not for his actions, could be very fruitful for him, and to release the cardinal unharmed, lest, if he held him any longer, so many men would be sent against him that penance would be too late. Therefore, the pope urges the archbishop to warn and induce Theodore to release the cardinal. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 140r, no. 548 (R). Copies: Casanatense, X.VI.2, f. 187; Vallicelliana I 53, f. 85v (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 653; Pressutti, no. 690. Edition: Norden, pp. 747-748, no. 1 (N).

. . archiepiscopo Epiphensi. Detestabile facinus quod nobilis vir Theodorus Cominianus inprovide attemptavit in dilectum filium nostrum I. de Columpna, tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, manus temerarias extendendo eumque detinendo captivum, tue discretioni credimus displicere, tum propter gravem iniuriam Romane Ecclesie matris tue, tum 180

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propter pressuram quam idem Theodorus contra se ac totam terram suam concitat inconsulte, dando materiam et iustissimam causam ut ad ulciscendum hoc facinus in ipsum ac suos crucesignatorum exercitus convertatur, et sic ultro se ac terram suam periculis exponendo; qui, licet erga nos non exhibuerit opera filii, nos tamen, nolentes obmittere quod est patris, ipsum per nostras monemus litteras et hortamura) ut, recognoscens Deumb) creatorem suumc) et Romanam Ecclesiam, que nisi per ipsum steterit sibi esse poterit plurimum fructuosa, predictumd) cardinalem liberum et illesum cum suis redire permittat, ne si diutius ipsum detinere presumpserit, tales ac tantos contra ipsum excitari contingat quod sit sera penitentia post ru‹i›nam. Ideoque fraternitatem tuam rogamus, monemus,e) et exhortamurf) attente, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus dictum nobilem ad id efficaciter moneas et inducas, quia sic et eius utilitatibus providebis et devotionis ac obsequii debitum exhibebis Romane Ecclesie matri tue, cuius per hoc promereri potest favorem et gratiam specialem. Tug) igitur sic utaris oportunitate huiusmodi ad liberationem dicti cardinalis, dans operam cum effectu, quod per hoc oportunum obsequium te nobis et Apostolice Sedi reddas omni tempore gratiosum.h) 1) The letter is undated, but the surrounding letters on the same topic that bear a date are from 28 July. 2) Norden was unable to identify Epiphensis, but Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 83, n. 13, and 198, reads it as Ephesus, whose archbishop, Nicholas Mesarites, was not in Latin secular jurisdiction. Although in no. 121 Ephesus is rendered differently as Effesiensis, it makes sense that Honorius would ask a Greek prelate to put pressure on Theodore. See above, p. 18, n. 25, for an alternative Greek archbishop proposed by Chrissis. a) hortamur] hortamus N b) deum] dominum N c) suum] tuum R d) predictum] dictum N e) monemus supralin. R f) exhortamur] exhortamus N g)-h) tu ... gratiosum] datum feretini N (!)

36 Ferentino, [ca. 28 July 1217]1) Honorius writes to the archdeacon of Thessaloniki, relating that he believes the archdeacon has heard of the detestable crime perpetrat181

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ed by Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] against J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, by laying hands upon him and holding him captive. Since the archdeacon has the opportunity to do a welcome service to the pope and to earn special grace, the pope asks him to work vigilantly for the liberation of the legate. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 140r, no. 549 (R). Copy: Biblioteca Vallicelliana I 53, f. 85v (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 654; Pressutti, no. 691. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archidiacono Thessalonicensi. Detestabile facinus quod Theodorus Cominianus improvide attemptavit in dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, manus temerarias extendendo eumque detinendo captivum, ad tuam credimus notitiam pervenisse. Cum igitur materiam habeas in hoc casu gratum nobis et Apostolice Sedi obsequium exhibendi ac promerendi gratiam specialem, prudentiam tuam monemus, rogamus, et exhortamur attente, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus ad eius liberationem sic sollicite ac vigilanter intendas quod ipsum specialiter et generaliter totam Romanam Ecclesiam per hoc tibi valeas obligare. Datum Ferentini. 1) The letter is undated, but the surrounding letters on the same topic that bear a date are from 28 July.

37 Ferentino, 3 August 1217 Honorius writes to the bishops of Ainos and of Makri, relating that the dean and chapter of the Church of St Anastasia by their complaint to him showed that William of Bloville and his heirs, of the diocese of Philippi, were occupying and refusing to return their castle of Lavinia with its appurtenances, on the basis of a certain agreement that was unjustly attempted to the damage of said church.The pope orders the bishops to investigate the matter and, if it is so, to 182

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compel via ecclesiastical censure those who are holding the castle to return it to the dean and chapter. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 143v, no. 568 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, n. 667; Pressutti, no. 704. Edition: previously unpublished.

Enensi et Macrensi episcopis. Dilecti filii . . decanus et capitulum ecclesie Sancte Anastasie sua nobis conquestione monstrarunt quod Willielmus Blanai et heredes eius Philippensis diocesis castrum suum de Lavinie cum pertinentiis suis, occasione cuiusdam compositionis inique in dampnum ipsius ecclesie attemptate, contra iustitiam detinent et reddere contradicunt, alias graves et iniuriosi existentes eisdem. Ideoque fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si est ita, detentores predictos ut castrum ipsum cum pertinentiis suis non obstante compositione huiusmodi restituant ut tenentur, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, compescatis. Datum Ferentini, III Nonas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. 38 Ferentino, 6 August 1217 Honorius writes to Bishop Simon of Mount Sinai and his successors who will replace him canonically, in perpetuity, listing and confirming the church’s possessions and privileges. These include: – In Constantinople, two confraternities in the monastery of St George of Mangana and one pound of gold from the revenues of the Comerc. – On the island of Crete: - The churches of the Holy Savior, St George, and St Symeon with all their appurtenances. - Three casalia with their serfs, possessions, and appurtenances. - In the place called “Sclave Vafe,” houses, lands, and vineyards. - At Macrinchicon, a mill. - At St Nicholas, lands, vineyards, and mills. 183

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- In the place known as “Rucanum,” the monastery of St John Chrystostomos with the mountain, casalia, serfs, mills, and their appurtenances. - Vineyards in the places called “Cunavo,” “Pezia,” “Gaetania,” and “Parascheve.” - In the city of Candia, the Church of St Nicholas of St Barbara with its houses and appurtenances and the house “Stratigo”. - And the liberty of sea and land. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 143r, no. 564 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 85v (summary); Moreau 1236, ff. 14v and 92r (summaries). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 709; Röhricht, no. 897. Editions: Pitra, pp. 562-563, no. 7 (P); Hofmann, Sinai, pp. 242244, no. 1 (H); Tautu, pp. 35-37, no. 17 (T); Claverie, pp. 314-316, no. 20.

Symoni,a) Montis Synayb) episcopo, eiusque successoribus canonice su‹b›stituendis, in perpetuum. In eminenti Apostolice Sedis specula etc. usque sollicitudine providere. Quocirca, venerabilis in Christo frater episcope, tuis iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus et ecclesiam Sancte Marie de Monte Sinay,c) cui Deo auctore preesse dinosceris, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scriptid) privilegio communimus, statuentes ut quascumque possessiones, quecumque bona eadem ecclesia impresentiarum etc. usque illibata permaneant. In quibus hec etc. usque. vocabulis: [List of possessions in Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Cyprus omitted here.] Apud Constantinopolim: in monasterio Sancti Georgii de Mangana, duas confratrias; et in proventibus commercii, libram auri unam. In insula Cretensi: Sancti Salvatoris, Sancti Georgii, et Sancti Symeonise) ecclesias cum omnibus pertinentiis earundem; tria casalia cum villanis, possessionibus, et pertinentiis eorundem; in loco qui dicitur “Sclave Vafe,” domos, terras, et vineas; apud Macrinchicon, molendinum; apud Sanctum Nycholaum,f) terras, vineas, et molendina; in locog) qui nuncupaturh) “Rucanum,”i) monasterium Sancti Iohannis Grisostomij) cum monte, casalibus, villanis, molendinis, et pertinentiis eorundem; in locis qui 184

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dicuntur “Cunavo,” “Pezia,” “Gaetania,” et “Parascheve,” vineas; in civitate India,k) ecclesiam Sancti Nycholail) de Sancta Barbara, cum domibus et pertinentiis suis, et domum Stratigo; libertatem quoque maris et terre... Cimiteria quoque ecclesiarum et ecclesie beneficia etc. usque compescatur. Preterea, quodm) communi assensu capituli etc. usque volumus permanere. Prohibemus insuper ne excommunicatos vel interdictos tuos usque consensu tuo vel successorum tuorum quisquam admittat aut contra vestram sententiam canonice promulgatam etc. usque ligatum absolvi. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum etc. usque profutura, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate. Siqua igitur etc. usque subiaceat. Cunctis autem etc. usque eterne pacis inveniant. Amen. Datum Ferentini, per manum Ranerii,n) Sancte Romane Ecclesie vicecancellarii,VIII Idus Augusti, Indictioneo) V, Incarnationis Dominice anno MoCCoXVIIo, pontificatus vero domini Honorii pape III anno secundo. a) symoni] symeoni H; simoni P b) synay] sinai P c) sinay] synay H; synai T d) scripti] scripturae P e) syneonis] simeonis PT f) nycholaum] nicolaum PT g) in loco] apud locum T h) nuncupatur] nuccupatur R i) rucanum] racanum P j) grisostomi] chrisostomi P; chrysostomi T (lege) k) india] lege candia l) nycholai] nicolai PT m) quod] quid T n) ranerii] raynerii T o) indictione] indictionis H

39 Ferentino, 9 August 1217 Honorius writes to the chapter of Constantinople, responding to their entreaties by confirming and strengthening the suppression of twenty-three priorates in Constantinople done by the late B[enedict, cardinal-]bishop of Porto, at that time cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, papal legate [1205/07], on the advice of prudent men. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 143v, no. 569 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 682; Pressutti, no. 718; Santifaller, no. 19. Edition: Tautu, p. 37, no. 18 (T).

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Capitulo Constantinopolitano. Sicut ea que provide statuuntur apostolico sunt roboranda munimine, sic et ea que presumuntur illicite legitime sunt cassanda, et ne cassata iterum cassanda resurgant, apostolica est providentia precavendum. Eapropter, dilecti in Domino filii etc. usque assensu, cassationem viginti trium prepositurarum in urbe regia per bone memorie B., Portuensem episcopum, tunc titulia) Sancte Susanne presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, de prudentum consilio actam, sicut sine pravitate provide facta est, ratam habentes, eam auctoritate apostolica confirmamus etc. usque communimus. Nulli ergo etc. usque confirmationis infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. usque incursurum. Datum Ferentini, V Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. a) tituli om. T

40 Ferentino, 10 August 1217 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that the greater the patriarch’s position in the Church, the more broadly the pope defers to him and conserves his rights. Thus the patriarch should not by upset or confused that the pope suspends his petitions, which the pope does not do for lack of love, but for the patriarch’s own good and for the greater good of all. For this reason, he has suspended the lawsuit between the churches, on the one hand, and the bailli [Conon of Béthune] and the princes of the Empire of Constantinople, on the other, which had arisen over restoring possessions to the churches and preserving their liberties. This he did because the empire was shaken and stunned by the lamentable death of Emperor B. (read H[enry]) of Constantinople and then by the deplorable misfortune that befell Emperor P[eter] of Constantinople and J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, through whom it was rightly hoped that the empire would be reformed and consolidated. Otherwise the pope feared that, because of this misfortune, the malice of the Greeks, which seems to have 186

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risen to new heights of audacity, would discover the Latins in the empire to be in discord and divided at that time, and they would rise up all the more keenly the less the Latins were united. And thus, with regnum and sacerdotium imprudently litigating over possessions, the whole empire would fall, especially since the princes would be afraid to expose themselves to the dangers of war because they were excommunicated. The pope asks the patriarch to consider prudently how carefully the pope has proceeded in this matter and to understand that he suspended the lawsuit for an urgent and practically necessary reason. The patriarch is to tell his fellow bishops and other prelates involved in the matter that the suspension is not intended to harm them in any way, but that he is looking out for the common good of all the Latins in the empire, and he will deal with this matter at the proper time. Then the patriarch is to encourage all the Latins, both clergy and laity, to put aside these disputes to avoid division so that they might work in unison for the preservation of the empire. To this the pope adds a note saying he included a subsequent letter ordering the sentence of excommunication to be relaxed. He did this in large part because the mandate of the late Pope I[nnocent III], on whose authority the sentence was done, as is said, had expired along with its author when it reached the judges who promulgated the sentence. And Emperor B. (read H[enry]) of Constantinople, to whom [Innocent] sent a letter on this, and whose negligence to carry out the instructions contained in it led the judges to proceed to the sentence of excommunication, had also died in the meantime.Thus legally there were no parties for the aforesaid judges. Nor did the princes of the empire appear to be deserving to be oppressed over this at all, rightly doubting whether, with the throne vacant, they could make any changes to the empire. But the pope did not give these arguments in the letter relaxing the sentence, lest the aforesaid princes, considering themselves oppressed if the judges exacted a security from them, become difficult and slow to return the churches’ possessions, if they realized they were not bound by oath. From this the patriarch can see how the churches are not more affected in this business than the princes. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, ff. 143v-144r, no. 570 (R). Summaries: Raynaldi 1217, no. 16; Onorio III, no. 683; Pressutti, no. 720; Santifaller, no. 20. Edition: Wolff, Politics, pp. 296-297, no. 1 (W).

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Patriarche Constantinopolitano. Quanto maiorem in Ecclesia Dei locum nosceris obtinere, tanto tibi amplius deferre proponimus et iura tua plenius conservare. Unde siquando petitiones tuas re ita exigente suspendimus, tua non debet moveri fraternitas vel mirari,a) cum id, non ex caritatis defectu, sed quia expedire credimus tibi ipsi sollicitab) deliberatione ac deliberata sollicitudine faciamus, satagentes pro universis et singulis, et universorum comodumc) singulorum utilitatibus preferentes, quemadmodum fecimus in questione inter ecclesias et baiulum ac principes imperii Constantinopolitani suborta super possessionibus restituendis ipsis ecclesiis et earum libertatibus conservandis. Quam utique, pensato statu eiusdem imperii, qui propter lamentabilem obitum clare memorie B.,d) Constantinopolitani imperatoris, ac deinde propter infortuniume) deplorandum quod accidit karissimo in Christo filio nostro P., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri, [R 144r] et dilecto filio nostro I., titulif) Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, per quos reformandus et consolidandus merito sperabatur, turbatus esse noscitur et concussus, de fratrum nostrorumg) consilio providimus suspendendam, ne si Grecorum malitia propter iamdictum infortunium,h) ex quo novam assumpsisse videtur audaciam, Latinos in ipso imperio consistentes discordes inveniret hoc tempore ac divisos, eo acrior se contra eos erigeret quo eosdem consuete unanimitatis vinculum non uniret, et sic, regno et sacerdotio de parte possessionum improvide litigantibus, accideret perdi totum, presertim cum ipsi principes se periculis bellorum exponere formidarent propter latam excommunicationis sententiam in eosdem. Tu ergo, prudenter considerans quanta cura quantaque sollicitudine processerimus in hoc facto, et attendens quod ex urgenti et quasi necessaria causa questionem suspendimus supradictam, quod utiliter fecimus, feras sicut tuam decet prudentiam patienter, fratribus et coepiscopis tuis aci) aliis clericis, quos huiusmodi tangit negotium, ostendendo quod eis moleste esse non debet questionis predicte suspensio, cum provisa fuerit ad communem utilitatem ac statum omnium Latinorum consistentium in imperio sepedicto, et super hoc intendamus utiliter providere tempore oportuno.j) Denique Latinos ipsos, 188

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tam clericos quam laicos, inducere studeas sollicite ac sollerter ut, hiis et aliis questionibus que inter eos possunt scissuram parere intermissis, ad ea perk) que status imperii valeat conservari una tecum unanimi studio satagant et intendant. Latores autem presentium qui super restitutione predictal) nobis institerunt fideliter et prudenter fraternitati tue reddimus commendatos. Datum Ferentini, IIII Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. In precedenti littera, videlicet Quanto maiorem, subsequentem misimus interclusam, videlicet ad mandandumm) predictam relaxarin) sententiam. Id etiam non modicum nos induxit quod mandatum felicis memorie I. pape predecessoris nostri, cuius auctoritate lata fuit sententia memorata, cum mandatore, ut dicitur, expirarat, quando pervenit ad iudices qui eandem sententiam promulgarunt,o) et etiam clare memorie B.,p) Constantinopolitanus imperator – cui super hoc idem predecessor noster suas litteras dirigebat et quo negligente facereq) quod continebatur in illis, demum procedere debebant iudices antedicti – subtractus fuerat interim ab hac luce. Quare nulle fuerunt de iure partes iudicum predictorum, tum quia,r) ut dictum est, expiraverat cum mandatore mandatum, tum quias) dictus imperator, qui iam omnino non erat, negligens non poterat reputari. Nec dicti principes gravandi propter hoc aliquatenus videbantur qui, vacante imperio, merito dubitabant circa eius statum aliquid immutare. Has autem rationes in litteris pro dicte sententie relaxatione directis de industria non expressimus, ne videlicet dicti principes, se gravari putantes, si pro sententia a non suis lata iudicibus exigeretur iuratoria cautio ab eisdem, se in eiusdem protestatione difficiles exhiberent, et eo tardius cogi possent ad restitutionem dictarum possessionum ecclesiis faciendam quo super hoc nullo astricti essent vinculo iuramenti. Ex hiis colligere potest tua discretio quod non magis ecclesie quam principes sepedicti gravati videntur in negotio memorato. a) mirari] minari W b) sollicita] solita a.c. mg. R c) comodum] commodum W d) b] lege h e) infortunium] infortunum W f) tituli] titulo W g) fratrum nostrorum] fratrorum nostro W h) infortunium] infortunum W i) ac] et W j) oportuno] opportuno W k) per om. W l) restitutione predicta] restitutionem predictam W m) mandandum] mandandam

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W n) relaxari] relaxati W o) promulgarunt] promulgarint W ge h q) facere om. W r) quia] quare W s) quia] quare W

p) b] le-

41 Ferentino, 11 August 1217 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople and to his suffragan bishops, relating that several bishops and other prelates from the region informed him in a tearful report of the horrible crime perpetrated by [Alexis] S[lav], prince of Philippi, who had his henchmen cruelly kill Archbishop [William] of Philippi, which crime needs no exaggeration, since hearing it generates abomination and horror, although the magnitude of the disgrace is much aggravated by the fact that [Alexis] S[lav] broke the peace established between him and the archbishop and ratified by oath, by having him captured in a church in which he was celebrating Mass, still wearing his episcopal vestments. After much torture and humiliation, he was murdered and his body ignominiously thrown in a vile place outside the cemetery. Since the pope neither wishes nor is able to overlook the audacity of such impiety, he orders the patriarch and his suffragans to announce solemnly throughout their dioceses every Sunday and feast day that [Alexis] S[lav] and those who performed or supported this crime are excommunicate and that their lands are placed under interdict, and to make both sentences be firmly observed through ecclesiastical censure until proper satisfaction is done, appeal removed. If they hold ecclesiastical censure in contempt, the patriarch and his suffragans are to invoke the power of the secular arm against them. For this purpose, the pope writes similar letters to [Conon of Béthune] the bailli and the princes of the empire. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 145r, no. 575 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 149r; I 53, f. 85v (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 684; Pressutti, no. 722; Santifaller, no. 21. Edition: previously unpublished.

Venerabilibus fratribus patriarche Constantinopolitano et suffraganeis eius. Horribilitas detestandi facinoris quod S., principis Philippensis, iniquitas perpetravit, bone memorie . . archiepiscopum 190

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Philippensem per satellites suos crudeliter occidendo, exaggeratione non indiget, cum ipso auditu abhominationem generet et horrorem, quamquam flagitii magnitudinem nonmodicum aggravet quod idem S. prefatum archiepiscopum, contra pacem inter eos initam et iuramento firmatam, in quadam ecclesia in qua missarum sollempnia celebrarat, adhuc pontificalibus indutum vestibus, capi fecit et post multa tormenta et ludibria interfectum in locum vilem extra cimiterium ignominiose iactari, sicut nonnulli episcopi et alii ecclesiarum prelati de partibus illis nobis lacrimabili relatione monstrarunt. Quoniam igitur tante impietatis audaciam transire sub dissimulatione nec volumus nec debemus, universitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus singuli per vestras dioceses eundem S. ac eos qui fuerunt actores iniquitatis huiusmodi vel fautores faciatis singulis diebus Dominicis et festivis excommunicatos sollempniter nuntiari et terras eorum suppositas interdicto, facientes utramque sententiam, excommunicationis et interdicti videlicet, usque ad satisfactionem condignam per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, firmiter observari. Quod si ecclesiasticam forte censuram contempserint, contra eos potentiam secularis brachii invocetis, ut temporalis pene timor cohibeat perpetuam contempnentes. Nos enim . . balivo et principibus imperii nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut, si a vobis fuerint requisiti, ita viriliter vobis curent assistere contra illos quod per eorum potentiam de tante presumptionis malitia satisfaciant vel inviti. Datum Ferentini, III Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. In eundem modum scriptum est eisdem balivo et principibus super hoc usque in finem, verbis competenter mutatis. 42 Rome, the Lateran, 4 November 1217 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Peter of Corbeil] of Sens and to his suffragan bishops, relating that, although the lamentable fate that befell Emperor P[eter] of Constantinople affects the Latins in gener191

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al, it especially affects the French people, who must be particularly concerned for and worried about the emperor and those detained with them, and indeed must provide for them, lest the whole Empire of Romania, which was conquered with great glory, be lost for the lack of an emperor, since on account of this event the fraudulent timidity of the Greeks has arisen into such audacity that it puts the Latins in that empire in grave danger unless they receive aid quickly. Whence the pope, shaken with so much pain at the undeserved capture and imprisonment of the emperor and his entourage, noting his devotion and the harm to the Apostolic See, whose legate is also imprisoned with him, as well as the danger to the Latins in the empire, would have sent the crusading army for their liberation, were it not for the fear that this might offend Jesus Christ, in Whose service this army had been prepared. Having thought of a way to relieve the emperor and the others detained with him, as well as all the Latins in the empire, without offending Christ, he orders each of the addressees to warn and enjoin on the faithful in their dioceses, for the remission of their sins, to take up the sign of the cross and go to the aid of the emperor, except that those who have already taken up the cross for the aid of the Holy Land are not to be diverted from their cause, but should endeavour to go on the immediate future crusade. Furthermore, the addressees should enjoin on R[obert] of Courtenay[-Champignelles], the brother of the emperor, to make a special effort to go to the emperor’s aid manfully and powerfully, making a stop at the Apostolic See, with the labor of a pilgrimage to Jerusalem being remitted to him, which labor he had incurred for attacking King [John] and the Kingdom of England against the prohibition of the Apostolic See. The pope writes similar letters to all other archbishops of France and their suffragans, without the clause concerning the emperor’s brother. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 170v, no. 711 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana I 51, ff. 258v-259r (listed on table of contents); I 53, f. 86v (summary); Moreau. Summaries: Raynaldi 1217, no. 16; Potthast, no. 5613; Onorio III, no. 819; Pressutti, no. 859. Editions: Brial, p. 638 (from Moreau); Horoy II.2, coll. 528-530, no. 52 (H, from Brial).

. . archiepiscopo Senonensi et suffraganeis eius. 192

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Et si lamentabilis casus qui accidit karissimo in Christo filio nostro P., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri, Latinos tangat communiter universos, specialiter tamen gentem noscitur tangere Gallicanam, quam non solum pro ipso imperatore et hiis qui detinentur cum eo sollicitam esse oportet et anxiam, verumetiam sollicite providere, ne totum imperium Romanie cum ingenti gloria conquisitum non absque confusione per ipsius imperatoris impedimentum ammittat, cum fraudulenta Grecorum timiditas, pro eo quod in hoc sibi successisse videtur, se in tantam dicatur audaciam erexissea) quod Latinis qui sunt in imperio memorato, nisi celeriter succurratur, eisdem grave videtur periculum imminere. Et quidem nos super ipsius imperatoris et suorum captione ac detentione indigna tanto dolore perfri‹n›gimur, attendentes et devotionem illius et Apostolice Sedis iniuriam, cuius legatus detinetur cum ipso, ac periculum quod Latinis existentibus in imperio memorato imminere videtur, quod ad liberationem ipsorum libentissime incitassemusb) crucesignatorum exercitum, nisi eum pro cuius est paratus obsequio timuissemus offendere Ihesum Christum. Excogitata igitur via qua sine ipsiusc) Christi offensa imperatori predicto, et aliis cum eo detentis, ac etiam Latinis omnibus in sepedicto imperio consistentibus potest,d) ut credimus, efficaciter subveniri, fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus singuli moneatis fideles per vestras dioceses constitutos et eis ex parte nostra in remissionem peccaminum iniungatis ut, crucis assumpto signaculo, ad succursum imperatoris predicti viriliter se accingant, ita tamen quod hii qui iam crucesignati sunt pro subsidio Terre Sancte propter hoc a suo proposito non divertant, sed proximo futuro passagio votum exequi studeant quod de ipsius terre subsidio emiserunt. Ad hec nobili viro R. de Cortenay, ipsius imperatoris germano, auctoritate apostolica iniungatis ut ipse specialiter cum exfortio suo ad ipsius imperatoris succursum se accingat viriliter et potenter, transitum per Sedem Apostolicam faciendo, remisso sibi Ierosolimitane peregrinationis labore quem fuerat subiturus pro eo quod contra inhibitionem Apostolice Sedis regem et regnum Anglie impugnavit. Datum Laterani, II Nonas Novembris, anno secundo. 193

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In eundem modum scriptum est omnibus archiepiscopis Francie et suffraganeis suise) usque terre subsidio emiserunt. a) erexisse] exexisse a.c. R b) incitassemus] excitassemus H c) ipsius om. H d) potest] posset H e) suis] et add. et del. R

43 Rome, the Lateran, 28 November 1217 Honorius writes to the deans of Athens and of Thebes and to the cantor of Thebes, relating that the bishop of Davleia1) informed him that the abbot of Stiris [Hosios Loukas] in his diocese leads a completely dissolute life, squandering and consuming the goods of his monastery, and “by the example of his depraved conversation he has made himself the odor of death to death to those to whom he ought to be the odor of life to life.” When the bishop wants to correct his excesses as part of his pastoral duties, the abbot does not allow it at all, asserting that his monastery is free and exempt. And so, having a covering for his malice, he increases his freedom for licentiousness to the danger of his soul and the scandal of others. The bishop asked the pope to extend a hand to correct him. Thus the pope exhorts the addressees to investigate the matter and to resolve it, enforcing their decision with ecclesiastical censure. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 176v, no. 737 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 87r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 851; Pressutti, no. 892. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Atheniensi et . . Thebano decanis et . . cantori Thebano. Significavita) nobis venerabilis frater noster . . Davaliensis episcopus quod . . abbas Stirensis sue diocesis, vitam ducens penitus dissolutam et monasterii sui bona dilapidans et consumens, prave conversationis exemplo factus est odor illis mortis in mortem quibus se odorem vite in vitam debuerat exhibere. Et cum idem episcopus ad corrigendum excessus huiusmodi vult iuxta pastoralis officii debitum extendere manus suas, dictus abbas, asserens ipsum monasterium liberum et exemptum, eius correctionem aliquatenus non admittit, et sic, habens velamen malitie, libertatem per licentie campum 194

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in anime sue periculum et aliorum scandalum evagatur. Unde supplicavit ut ad correctionem ipsius apostolicam manum extendere dignaremur. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, inquisita super hiis diligenter et cognita veritate, quod canonicum fuerit, appellatione postposita, statuatis, facientes quod statueritis per censuram ecclesiasticam firmiter observari. Quod si non omnes, duo vestrum etc. Datum Laterani, IIII Kalendas Decembris, anno secundo. 1) Fedalto, La Chiesa latina in Oriente, vol. 2, p. 112, citing Eubel, claims that the bishop of Davleia on 24 February 1218 (no. 54) had a name starting with I. (for Iohannes, no doubt). Konrad Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica medii aevi sive summorum pontificum, S.R.E. cardinalium, ecclesiarum antistitum series ab anno 1198 usque ad annum 1431 perducta, Münster: Libraria Regensbergiana, 1913, p. 65, n. 1, cites Potthast, nos. 4040, 4151, and 4310, for the “J.,” but there is no support for this in Potthast. Probably Eubel was confused by the reference to “I.” as Honorius’ predecessor, Innocent III, in no. 54. a) significavit] signifacavit a.c. R

44 Rome, the Lateran, 9 December 1217 Honorius writes to Bishop P[eter] of Olena and to the deans of Cephalonia1) and of Coron, relating that when Bishop P[eter] was prior of Andreville and wanted to come to the Apostolic See, lest anything happen to his and his church’s prejudice, he appealed to the pope’s audience and placed himself under papal protection. Afterwards, he and some of his fellow canons were in the pope’s presence and humbly requested that he provide for the church of Olena, which had been lacking a pastor for enough time that its provision had devolved on the pope.The pope granted them the power to elect a bishop. Invoking the grace of the Holy Spirit, the aforesaid canons harmoniously and canonically elected P[eter], asking the pope to consecrate him, which he did, sending him back to the church of Olena and giving the dean of Cephalonia a letter ordering him to revoke on the pope’s authority anything attempted against the bishop and the church. But in the meantime, Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras, holding the appeal in contempt, had consecrated W. bishop of Olena. The dean of Cephalonia obediently removed W. and

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installed P[eter]. Finally Empress Y[olanda] of Constantinople asked the pope to show mercy on W. and provide him with the bishopric of Sparta (Lacedemonia), which was said to be empty. The pope asks the addressees to make W. bishop of Sparta, if it is vacant. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 217r-v, no. 880 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 870; Pressutti, no. 912. Edition: previously unpublished.

P. Olonensi episcopo et . . Cathalaunensi et . . Coronensi decanis. Volens olim tu, frater episcope, dum esses Andrevillensis prepositus, ad Apostolicam Sedem accedere, nequid in tuum et ecclesie tue preiudicium fieret, nostram audientiam appellasti, te ac tua protectioni apostolice supponendo. Postmodum vero tam tu quam quidam tui concanonici in nostra presentia constituti nobis humiliter supplicastis ut Olonensi ecclesie, que tanto tempore [R 217v] iam pastore vacarat quod ad nos eius erat ordinatio devoluta, dignaremur misericorditer providere. Unde nos, tue ac ipsorum petitioni benigno condescendentes assensu, tibi et ipsis in eadem ecclesia eligendi episcopum concessimusa) potestatem. Canonici vero predicti, Spiritus Sancti gratia invocata, te in ecclesie ipsius episcopum canonice ac concorditer elegerunt, postulantes a nobis ut tibi consecrationis munus impendere dignaremur. Nos, igitur, ad petitionem ipsorum, te in episcopum consecrantes cum gratie nostre plenitudine, ad ecclesiam remisimus Olonensem, tibi, fili Cathalaunensis decane, dantes nostris litteris in mandatisb) ut, siquid invenires in ipsius episcopi et ecclesie sue preiudicium attemptatum, auctoritate nostra in irritum revocares. Verum, quia interim . . Patracensis archiepiscopus, appellatione predicta contempta, W. in episcopum eiusdam ecclesie consecrarat, tu, fili Cathalaunensis decane, tamquam obedientie filius, eodem amoto, instituisti dictum P. episcopum in ecclesia memorata. Demum karissima in Christo filia nostra I., imperatrix Constantinopolitana illustris, nobis suis litteris supplicavit ut, cum ipso W. misericordiam facientes, de episcopatu Lacedemoniensi, qui vacare proponitur, provideremus eidem. Nos autem, ipsius precibus – in quantum cum honestate possumus – annuere cupientes, discretioni vestre per apostoli196

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ca scripta mandamus quatenus eundem W. in episcopatu ipso, si vacat, auctoritate nostra faciatis in episcopum recipi et pastorem. Quod si non omnes, tu, frater episcope, cum eorum altero etc. Datum Laterani,V Idus Decembris, anno secundo. 1) Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 184, n. 34, rightly points out that the Cathalaunensi, Châlons, must be a scribal error for Cephalonensi, Cephalonia. a) concessimus] concessimus add. et del. R R; mandantis p.c. R

b) mandatis] mandantes a.c.

45 Rome, the Lateran, 9 January 1218 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the churches in the lands of Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia and O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, informed him that the patriarch had claimed that certain churches belonging to them were immediately subject to him merely because there was a sign of the cross placed in them, asserting that all churches in his patriarchate signed in this way pertain directly to him, although he had no right or special privilege on this matter.Therefore, the pope orders him to cease harming those churchmen, unless he shows another reasonable cause. The pope writes a similar letter to the abbot of Daphni of the Cistercian Order and to the prior of the Temple of the Lord at Athens, ordering them to warn and induce the patriarch to comply. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 208r, no. 839 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, nos. 943-944; Pressutti, no. 986; Santifaller, no. 22. Editions: Lampros, p. 9, no. 8 (L); Tautu, p. 40, no. 21 (T).

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Sua nobis venerabiles fratres nostri archiepiscopi, episcopi, aca) alii ecclesiarum prelati in terris nobilium virorum G. principis Achaie et O. de Rochab) domini Athenarum constituti significatione monstrarunt quod tu quasdam ecclesias pertinentes ad ipsos, ex eo dumtaxat quod in ipsis sunt quedam posita signa crucis, quasi immediate tibi subiectas vendicare conten197

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dis, asserens universas tui patriarchatus ecclesias predicto modo signatas ad te nullo medio pertinere, licet nullo super hoc iure vel speciali privilegio muniaris. Ideoque fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, nisi aliud rationabile duxeris ostendendum, a predictorum super premissis gravamine conquiescas. Datum Laterani,V Idus Ianuarii, anno secundo. In eundem ferec) modum scriptum est super hoc . . abbati de Dalphino, Cisterciensis Ordinis, et . . priori Dominici Templi Athenarum, ut dictum patriarcham ad hoc moneant attentiusd) et efficaciter inducere non postponant. Datum ut supra. a) ac] et T

b) rocha] roccha L

c) fere om. L

d) attentius om. T

46 Rome, the Lateran, 15 January 1218 Honorius writes to Abbot N[icholas] and the convent of St Theodosios Coenobiarcha de Berria, relating that he wants them and Brother Ephraim, one of their monks, to enjoy a special prerogative because of his faithful service.Thus he grants that no one may exact tithes from them on those possessions that they cultivate with their own hands or expenses. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 208r, no. 836 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1009. Editions: Pitra, p. 565, no. 9 (P); Tautu, pp. 40-41, no. 22 (T); Claverie, pp. 318-319, no. 23.

N. abbati et conventuia) Sancti Theodosii Cenobiarche de Berria. Licet interdum Apostolice Sedis auctoritas vim sue potestatis inclinet ad gratiam indulgentie specialis, a communi tamen observantia non declinat, cum sic circa aliquos speciale restringat quod in aliisb) non dissolvitur generale. Volentes itaque vosc) ob religionis vestre favorem et dilecti filii fratris Effremd) monachi vestri gratum et fidele servitium liberalitatis apostolice quadam prerogativa gaudere, auctori-

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tate presentium indulgemus nequis a vobis de possessionibus quas propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis decimas exigere vel extorquere presumat. Nulli ergo etc. usque nostre concessionis infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. usque incursurum.e) Datum Laterani, XVIII Kalendas Februarii, anno secundo. a) et conventui] conventui P; conventus T b) aliis] alia P c) vos] nos P d) effrem] efrem T; ephrem P e) incursurum] incursurus P

47 Rome, the Lateran, 25 January 1218 Honorius writes to Theodore Komnenos Doukas, assenting to his request by taking him in spiritual adoption and extending papal protection to his land and all of the present goods that he possesses reasonably and those that he can obtain in the future by legal means. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 217v, no. 881 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 213r-214r; I 53, f. 89r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 980; Pressutti, no. 1023. Edition: Tautu, p. 43, no. 24 (T).

Dilecto filioa) Theodoro Comnino Duci. Cum a nobis petitur etc. usque effe‹c›tum. Eapropter, dilecte in Domino fili, tuis iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, te in spiritualem adoptionem nostram et terram tuam necnon omnia bona que in presenciarum rationabiliter possides aut in futurum iustis modis, prestante Domino, poteris adipisci sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Decernimus ergo usque nostre adoptionis et protectionis infringere vel ei etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani,VIII Kalendas Februarii, anno secundo. a) dilecto filio mg. R

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48 Rome, the Lateran, 25 January 1218 Honorius writes to [Theodore Komnenos Doukas], relating that he has learned from the report of Bishop John of Crotone that Theodore well received and honorably treated John and Brother Ephraim the Hermit, the papal nuncios, and that Theodore honors J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, and treats him gently and kindly, showing his devotion to the Holy Roman Church, recognizing it as the first and as the mother, and promising to obey the pope like a devoted son to a pious father. The pope commends Theodore and expresses his hope that he persist in this. Since the pope has learned from the bishop of Crotone and from Theodore’s letter to the bishop, which the pope had read to him, that the bishop received Theodore’s oath to free the cardinal and to be an obedient son to the pope, the pope accepts him back among the special sons of the Church and exhorts him to keep his promises, like a God-fearing catholic man.Theodore is to show through deeds rather than just writings that he merits divine grace and apostolic favor. Furthermore, the pope urges and warns that he show pity on those captives, especially the poor ones, who cannot be of any use, and to free them, so that God will show mercy on him. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, ff. 217v-218r, no. 882 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 89r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 979; Potthast, no. 5675; Pressutti, no. 1024. Editions: Raynaldi 1218, nos. 21-23 (Y); Horoy II.2, coll. 600602, no. 113 (H, from Y); Tautu, pp. 41-42, no. 23 (T).

Eidem ‹dilecto filio Theodoro Comnino Duci›. Gratum gerimus et acceptum quod, sicut ex relatione venerabilis fratris nostri Iohannis, episcopi Crotonensis,a) accepimus, ipsum et fratrem Effremb) heremitam, nuntios nostros, ylariter recepisti et honorifice pertractasti, ac dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, honoras et erga illum te mansuetum exhibes et benignum, tuamque personam ad sacrosancte Romane Ecclesie devotionem exponens, ac ipsam primam recognoscens et matrem, nobis obedire proponis sicut devotus filius pioc) patri. Pro quibus, devotionem tuam in Domino commendantes, 200

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ei a quo est omne datum obtimum et omne donum perfectum gratia‹ru›m referimus actiones, suppliciter postulando ut ipse, qui hec tibi misericorditer inspiravit, det et perficere ac perseverare in hiis usque in diem Domini Ihesu Christi. Super quo et tu ipse debes humiliter exorare, cum ad id et fides catholica, quam tenes, ut credimus, te inducat et fructus non modicus, qui ex hoc provenire tibi poterit, in presenti, preter eterne glorie diadema quod tibi, si perseveraveris, reddet Dominus iustus iudex. Inde est quod nos, recepto pro te ab eodem episcopo – sicutd) ei per tuas litteras, quas coram nobis legi fecimus, precepisti – corporalitere) iuramento quod predictum cardinalem omnimode restitues libertati et filius obediens nobis eris, ex consueta clementia qua Ecclesia consuevit ad se redeuntibus gremium aperire, te annumerandum duximus inter Ecclesie filios speciales, et petitiones quas idem episcopus ex parte tua nobis porrexit – in quantum cum Deof) potuimus – de fratrum nostrorum consilio exaudire curavimus, sicut per effectum evidenter apparet, firmiter estimantes quod et tu debeas adimplere promissa prout Deum timentem et catholicum virum decet. Cum igitur sola perseverantia bravium accipiat virtutibusg) inh) stadio currentibus universis, nobilitatem tuam monemus et exhortamur i) in Domino quatenus in devotione ac obedientia Apostolice Sedis et nostra sic firmiter perseveres, id potius per exhibitionem operis quam per scripta monstrando quod et divinam gratiam merearis et favorem apostolicum plenius obtinere. Preterea, cum [R 218r] ex iniuncto nobis apostolatus officio te ac alios Ecclesie filios debeamus ad pietatis opera invitare, nobilitatem tuam rogamus attente et monemus, in remissionem tibi peccaminumj) iniungentes quatenus, divine pietatis intuitu et nostrarum precum obtentu,k) captivis aperias viscera pietatis et pauperes presertim et alios de quibus nulluml) potest tibi commodum provenire restituas libertati, ut et misericors Dominus te a tuorum absolvat vinculis peccatorum, qui se illis non dimissurum testatur qui fratribus non dimittunt, sollicite recolendo quod iudicium sine misericordia fiet ei qui non facit misericordiam, beato Iacobo attestante.1) Datum Laterani,VIII Kalendas Februarii, anno secundo. 1) Iac. 2:13

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a) crotonensis] crotenensis H b) effrem] efrem T c) pio] pro H d) sicut] sunt H e) corporaliter] corporali HY f) deo] domino T g) virtutibus] virtutis H h)-i) in ... exhortamur om. H j) peccaminum] peccatorum T k) et nostrarum precum obtentu om. T l) nullum] multum T

49 Rome, the Lateran, 26 January 1218 Honorius writes to Bishop John of Crotone, relating that he has accepted the petitions that Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] had sent through John to the pope, receiving from John Theodore’s oath that he would completely free J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, and be an obedient son to the pope. The pope orders Bishop John to proceed faithfully and prudently in this business, working to secure the liberation of the cardinal, to solidify Theodore’s devotion to the Apostolic See, and, once the cardinal reaches Brindisi or some other safe place, to absolve Theodore according to the form of the Church. The bishop is to enjoin on Theodore via oath to persist in his devotion to the Roman Church, and on Latins with him via oath to pay for three years a tithe in support of the Holy Land on all things they will acquire. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 218r, no. 883 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 215r; I 53, f. 89r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 983; Pressutti, no. 1029. Edition: Tautu, p. 44, no. 25 (T).

Iohanni, Crotonensi episcopo. Cum petitiones quas nobilis vir Theodorus Comninus Dux per te apostolatui nostro porrexit ad tuam duxerimus instantiam admittendas, recipiendo a te pro ipso, qui hoc tibi suis preceperat litteris, corporaliter iuramento quod dilectuma) filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, omnimode restituet libertati et filius obediens nobis erit, fraternitati tue, de qua specialem fiduciam obtinemus, per apostolica scripta precipiendo mandamus quatenus in negotio ipso procedas fideliter et prudenter, et, ad liberationem cardinalis ipsius impendens studium diligens et operam efficacem, prefatum nobilem in devotione Se202

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dis Apostolice studeas solidare, cui necnon et suis, postquam idem cardinalis Brundusium vel ad alium tutum locum restitutus libertati pervenerit, auctoritate nostra beneficium absolutionis impendas iuxta formam Ecclesie consuetam, et eidem ut in devotione sacrosancte Romane Ecclesie ac nostra firmiter perseveret, et Latinis qui cum eo sunt ut usque ad trienniumb) de omnibus ammodo acquirendis decimas solvant in Terre Sancte subsidium destinandas, iniungas sub debito prestiti iuramenti. Sic autem in omnibus te circumspectum exhibeas et fidelem quod sollicitudo tua, divina cohoperante gratia, clareat in effectu et Apostolica Sedes per hoc specialiter te de caro habeat cariorem. Datum Laterani,VII Kalendas Februarii, anno secundo. a) dilectum] dictum T

b) triennium] terminum T

50 Rome, the Lateran, 26 January 1218 Honorius writes to Bishop [Mark] and the clergy of Venice, relating, as in no. 47 above, that Theodore Komnenos Doukas, freeing J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, is returning to devotion of the Apostolic See, and thus the pope forbids all crusaders, on pain of excommunication, from harming Theodore – persisting in his devotion and numbered among the Church’s special sons – or his lands. Therefore, he orders the addressees that, as requested by Theodore, they announce the pope’s prohibition publicly to the crusaders who are passing through their lands. The pope writes a similar letter to the bishop and clergy of Ancona. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 218r, no. 884 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 217r; I 53, f. 89r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 982; Pressutti, no. 1030. Edition: Tautu, pp. 43-44, no. 24a (T).

. . episcopo et clero Venetiarum. Cum nobilis vir Theodorus Comninus Dux, restituendo dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, omnimode libertati, ad devotionem 203

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Apostolice Sedis redierit et nobis obediat et intendat, sicut devotus filius pio patri, universis crucesignatis sub excommunicationis pena nostris litteris inhibemus ne ipsum in devotione Sedis Apostolice, prout dictum est, persistentem vel terram eius presumant aliquatenus offendere vel gravare, quem nos annumerandum duximus inter filios Ecclesie speciales. Quocirca discretioni vestre per Apostolica Scripta precipiendo mandamus quatenus, cum ab eodem nobili fueritis requisiti, crucesignatis qui per partes vestras duxerint transfretandum hec publice nuntietis, eisdem sub pena inhibendo prefata ne ipsum vel terram suam, prout superius est expressum, molestare presumant. Datum Laterani,VII Kalendas Februarii, anno secundo. In eundem modum scriptum est . . episcopo et clero Anconitanis. Cum nobilis vir etc. usque Ecclesie speciales. Nos autem eos qui presumpserint contraire decernimus excommunicationis vinculo innodatos. Quocirca etc. ut supra usque in finem. 51 Rome, the Lateran, 26 January 1218 Honorius writes to the crusaders to whom this letter arrives, relating as above in no. 50 that Theodore Komnenos Doukas is freeing Cardinal J[ohn] and returning to devotion, so they are not to offend or harm Theodore or his land, on pain of excommunication. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 218r, no. 885 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 89r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 981; Pressutti, no. 1031; Tautu, p. 44, no. 24a. Edition: previously unpublished.

Universis crucesignatis ad quos littere iste pervenerint. Cum nobilis vir Theodorus Comninus Dux, restituendo dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, Apostolice Sedis legatum, omnimode libertatis etc. ut supra usque filius pio patri, sub excommunicationis pena vo204

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bis auctoritate presentium inhibemus ne ipsum, prout dictum est, in devotione Sedis Apostolice persistentem vel terram eius presumatis aliquatenus offendere vel gravare, quem nos annumerandum duximus inter filios Ecclesie speciales. Datum Laterani,VII Kalendas Februarii, anno secundo. 52 Rome, the Lateran, 29 January 1218 Duplicate of no. 5 above except for the date:

Datum Laterani per manum Ranerii, Sancte Romane Ecclesie vicecancellarii, IIII Kalendas Februarii, Indictione VII, Incarnationis Dominice anno MoCCoXVIIIo, pontificatus vero domini Honorii pape III anno secundo. 53 Rome, the Lateran, 13 February 1218 Honorius writes to Archbishop [John]1) of Neopatras, to the prior of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki, and to the episcopal procurator of Domokos, relating that Pope I[nnocent III] sent them a letter ordering them to proceed without appeal with the lawsuit that Bishop [Bartholomew] of Gardiki brought against the Hospitallers, because they were occupying the castle of Gardiki and other goods of his illegally. When the addressees heard of I[nnocent]’s death, they gave up the case, much to the prejudice of the bishop and his church. So Archbishop [B.]2) of Larissa, to whose care the church of Gardiki was committed, humbly requested that Honorius send his predecessor’s letter to the addressees, which letter the pope inserts verbatim in this one. The letter said as follows [from 10 August 1210]: Innocent writes to the addressees above, relating that he received the complaint of Bishop [Bartholomew] of Gardiki that, when he obtained a letter from the pope, returned to Romania after many labors, expenses, and troubles, and presented the letter to the Hospitallers who were occupying the castle of Gardiki and other things, they did not want to return them nor assist him with the incomes that they had received from the time of his promotion, which they

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had converted to their own uses, beating the bearer of the letter very severely and disgracefully discarding the letter. In addition they occupied a certain abbey in armuro along with its appurtenances, making it their own mansion, although the pope conceded it to the bishop. Thus the bishop was made a pauper and, forced by extreme need into exile from his bishopric, compelled to beg. Because Archbishops [Berard] of Athens and [Hardouin?]3) of Thebes and Bishop [Arnulph] of Thermopylai, to whom the bishop of Gardiki got the case delegated, ordered him put in possession of the castle and its appurtenances and of all the casalia and possessions belonging to the church of Gardiki, these Hospitallers were excommunicated because they were resisting defiantly. The bishop asked the pope to strengthen the sentence of excommunication and ratify the process of the judges. On the contrary, in the presence of B[enedict], cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, whom the pope assigned as auditor, some of these Hospitallers showed their proctorial mandate from their master and declared that the bishop had made an agreement with them over these things, asking the pope to confirm the agreement. But the bishop humbly requested that the pope annul the agreement, because it was very much to the detriment of the church of Gardiki and done without the chapter’s consent, who sent a nuncio and a proctor to the pope especially for its annulment. Therefore Innocent orders the addressees to have the sentence of excommunication observed until fitting satisfaction is done and to summon the parties, hear the case, and decide what is canonical, having their decision observed. They are to make sure that the incomes of the church that the Hospitallers are said to have received and the castle that they occupy are returned in full. Therefore Honorius orders the addressees to proceed in the business according to his predecessor’s mandate. If they cannot all carry this out, the archbishop is to do so with one of the others. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, ff. 220r-v, no. 894 (R); ASV, Reg.Vat 8, f. 29r, no. 120 (S, Innocent III’s letter only). Summaries: Potthast, no. 4062 (Innocent III’s letter only); Onorio III, no. 1044; Pressutti, no. 1090; Acta Innocentii III, Pars III, Annus XIII, no. 21 (p. 522). Edition: previously unpublished, but for Innocent III’s letter see PL 216, coll. 367-368, no. 120.

Archiepiscopo Neopatrensi, . . priori Sancti Demetrii Thesalonicensis, et procuratori episcopatus Dimicensis. 206

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Cum bone memorie I. papa predecessor noster suis vobis dederit litteris in mandatis ut super causa tunc episcopi Cardicensis, quam contra fratres Hospitalis Sancti Iohannis Ierosolimitani se proponebat habere super eo quod iidem fratres castrum Cardicense et alia bona sui episcopatus illicite detinebant, procedere, appellatione postposita, curaretis, vos, morte dicti predecessoris nostri audita, negotium ipsum in non modicum eiusdem episcopi et ecclesie sue preiudicium reliquistis hactenus inexpletum. Unde nobis venerabilis frater noster . ., Larissensis archiepiscopus, cui cura est ecclesie Cardicensis commissa, humiliter supplicavit ut litteras eiusdem predecessoris nostri, quas de verbo ad verbum transscribi fecimus de Regesto, vobis mittere dignaremur. Quarum tenor talis est: Lacrimabilem venerabilis fratris nostri . ., Cardicensis episcopi, recepimus questionem quod, cum obtentas a nobis litteras rediens post labores, captiones, et angustias plurimas quas sustinuit Romaniam presentari fecerit fratribus Hospitalis Sancti Iohannis Ierosolimitani, qui, episcopatum ipsius cum Cardicensi castro et res aliasa) detinentes, nec restituere volunt ei nec de perceptis a promotionis sue tempore proventibus quos in usus proprios converterunt in aliquo subvenire, ipsi, earum latore gravissime verberato, turpiter ipsas litterasb) proiecerunt. Et comminantes ipsum interficere, asseverant quod pro nullis litteris vel mandato episcopatum predictum ei resignabunt aliquatenus vel dimittent. Qui preter hecc) quandam in armurod) cum suis pertinentiis, in qua propriam mansionem faciunt, detinent abbatiam, quam nos ei duximus concedendam. Propter quod idem episcopus, factus pauper et ad extremam deductuse) inopiam exul ab episcopatu suo, compellitur mendicare. Verum, quia venerabiles fratres nostri . . Atheniensis et . . Thebanus archiepiscopi et . . episcopus Fermopilensis, quibus episcopus ipse causam super hoc obtinuitf) delegari, eum in possessione castri predicti et pertinentiarum ipsius ac casalium omnium et possessionum pertinentium ad ecclesiam Cardicensem causa rei servande miserunt, fratres ipsos quia contumaciter resistebant excommunicationis vinculo innodantes, nobis humiliter dictusg) episcopus supplicavit ut eandem excommunicationis sententiam auctoritate dignaremurh) apostolica roborare ac ratum habere processum iudicum predictorum. 207

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Ceterum quidam de fratribus dicti hospitalis, coram dilecto filio nostroi) B., tituli Sancte Susanne presbytero cardinali, quem eis dedimus auditorem,j) mandatum ab eorum magistro procuratorium exhibentes, proposuerunt econtra quod idem episcopus super premissis composuerat cum eisdem, nobis humiliter supplicantes ut compositionem ipsam auctoritate curaremus apostolica confirmare. Prefatus vero episcopus humiliter supplicavit ut, quia eadem compositio redundat in enorme dampnum ecclesie Cardicensis, et sine consensu capituli facta fuit, pro qua etiam compositione irritanda nuntius et procurator capituli ad hoc specialiter destinatus nobis humiliter supplicavit, illam irritare auctoritate apostolica dignaremur. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, dictam excommunicationis sententiam sicut rationabiliter est prolata usque ad satisfactionem condignamk) auctoritate nostra facientes, appellatione remota, inviolabiliter observari, causam convocatis partibus audiatis et, quod canonicum fuerit, appellatione postposita, decernentes, faciatis quod statueritis per censuram ecclesiasticam fir[R 220v]miter observari. Attentius provisuri ut fructus ecclesie sue quos iidem fratres percepisse dicuntur et castrum predictum quod detinetur ab ipsis eidem, sublato appellationis obstaculo, restitui cum integritate debita faciatis, contradictores censura ecclesiastica compescendo. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus in eodem negotio iuxta dicti predecessoris nostri mandatum, sublato appellationis obstaculo, ratione previa procedatis. Quod si non omnes, tu ea, frater archiepiscope, cum eorum altero etc. Datum Laterani, Idibus Februarii, anno secundo. 1) John was archbishop of Neopatras at the end of Innocent III’s reign, and since the same addressees had been assigned the case by Innocent, John was still archbishop when Honorius wrote the letter. 2) Honorius calls the archbishop of Larissa “B.” in no. 162 of 14 October 1222, noting that he had been exiled. Since there is no indication otherwise, it is probable that the same Archbishop B. reigned throughout Honorius’ papacy. 3) Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 226, 256-257, 271, and 337, contends that the imperial chaplain Hardouin became archbishop of

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Thebes around 1210 (after 2 May: no. 87) with Emperor Henry’s support and has him in place at least until 1218. If so, no. 257 remarks that Cardinal Giovanni Colonna, papal legate in 1218/21, had found that the chapter of Thebes had elected as archbishop a man deficient in letters, which is quite possible for a political appointment. Giovanni removed their right to elect the next archbishop when the time came, a right that Honorius restored. Honorius does not say that Giovanni was criticizing a recent election, so Hardouin probably reigned from ca. 1210 until at least 8 April 1225. a) res alias inv. S b) gravissime ... litteras] turpiter verberato gravissime litteras illas S c) hec] hoc S d) armuro] armiro S e) deductus] ductus S f) obtinuit] optinuit S g) dictus] idem S h) auctoritate dignaremur inv. S i) nostro om. S j) auditorem] ab add. et del. S k) condignam] idoneam S

54 Rome, the Lateran, 24 February 1218 Honorius writes to the bishop of Kastorion, relating that, just as a man cannot join with two spouses or divide his flesh among many, one church must be joined with only one bishop, so that if through time a church’s means become so reduced that it cannot support one spouse, another church must be given to him, so that the spouse cares for each alternatively. Considering the intolerable penury of the bishop of Kastorion’s church, responding to his prayers, the pope permits him to retain the church of Avlonari – from which the bishop of Davleia was removed by Pope I[nnocent III], but who still occupies it on the recommendation of Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople – notwithstanding the letter of the patriarch on this matter, until the pope revokes this concession. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 227r, no. 923 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1067; Pressutti, no. 1113; Santifaller, no. 23. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . episcopo Castoriensi. Sicut propter intrinsecam sacramenti figuram dinoscitur esse prohibitum ne vir unus duas copulet sibi sponsas vel carnem suam dividat inter plures, sic uni episcopo, prout in Canticis legitur1) una est columba mea, unica tantum debet ecclesia copulari, ita quod si pre malitia temporis adeo diminute ali209

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cuius ecclesie facultates existant quod exinde nequeat sponsus eius competentem sustentationem habere, necessario sibi potest altera commendari, quarum regimini taliter invigilare tenetur ut primam foveat tanquam sponsam et alterius quasi tutor sollicitam curam gerat, nunc uni, nunc alteri alternatim sue solacium visitationis impendens. Eapropter, dilecte in Christo frater, intolerabilem ecclesie tue penuriam attendentes, et ne in pontificalis derogationem honoris aliunde cogaris sustentationem tuam querere verecunde, tuis precibus inclinati, presentium tibi auctoritate concedimus ut Abilonensem ecclesiam, a qua . . Davaliensis episcopus per felicis recordationis I. papam predecessorem nostrum fuit sententialiter amotus, et adhuc per recommendationem venerabilis fratris nostri . . patriarche Constantinopolitani eandem detinet occupatam, eiusdem patriarche litteris super hoc confectis non obstantibus, usque ad tempus revocationis nostre cum tua tibi liceat retinere, ipsam tue sollicitudini committentes. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis et commissionisa) infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani,VI Kalendas Martii, anno secundo. 1) Cant 6.8. a) concessionis et commissionis inv. a.c. R

55 Rome, the Lateran, 27 February 1218 The pope writes a letter similar to no. 54, mutatis mutandis, to the deans of Thebes and Sidon and Master W. of Lille, canon of Thebes, ordering them to place the bishop of Kastorion in bodily possession of the church of Avlonari and not to allow him to be harassed against the pope’s concession and commission, forcing those who rebel or contradict with ecclesiastical censure. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 227r, no. 923 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1075; Pressutti, no. 1123. Edition: previously unpublished.

In eundem modum scriptum est super hoc, verbis competenter mutatis, . .Thebano et . . Sidoniensi decanis, et magistro W. de Insula, canonico Thebano. 210

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Sicut propter intrinsecam etc. ut supra usque sollicitudini committentes. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, dictum episcopum in corporalem possessionem mittentes ipsius, contra concessionis et commissionis nostre tenorem non permittatis eum ab aliquibus indebite molestari, contradictores vel rebelles siqui fuerint per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Quod si non omnes, duo vestrum etc. Datum Laterani, III Kalendas Martii, anno secundo. 56 Rome, the Lateran, 22 March 1218 Honorius writes to all the clergy of Constantinople, relating that Pope I[nnocent III] established that, when the church of Constantinople is vacant, all prelates of the conventual churches located in Constantinople should gather in Hagia Sophia with the canons of that church for the election and, with the unanimous consent of all, or of the majority or wiser part, celebrate the election of a suitable person. On behalf of the addressees Honorius was humbly asked to confirm his predecessor’s constitution. The pope grants their request, confirming and strengthening the constitution, which he inserts verbatim into this letter and which contains the following [from May 1205]: Innocent writes to Patriarch [Thomas] and all the clergy of Constantinople, relating that, as the mother and mistress of all churches, the Apostolic See injures no one when it uses its right. Nevertheless, recently, wanting to provide for the church of Constantinople, by his electing and confirming the patriarch and then having him consecrated he did not want to take away from the canons the freedom of electing or prejudice this in the future. On the contrary, when the church is vacant, it must and can be arranged canonically, and the pope has conceded a letter to them concerning this for security. Also, since the church of Constantinople is ranked first after the Roman Church and the one who presides there is second after the Roman pontiff, because the more important one’s position in God’s Church, the more deliberation and mature and full counsel must be taken in electing him, Innocent establishes the election procedure as above. 211

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 234v, no. 960 (R); ASV, Reg.Vat. 7, f. 19r-v, no. 64 (S, Innocent’s letter). Copies: BAV,Vat. lat. 7216, ff. 146v-147v (Innocent’s letter);Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 57r (rubric) and 90r (summary). Summaries: PL 215, col. 629, no. 63 (Innocent’s letter); Potthast, no. 2508 (Innocent’s letter); Onorio III, no. 1127; Pressutti, no. 1174; Santifaller, no. 24. Editions: Pitra, pp. 565-556, no. 10 (P, Honorius’ section); Delisle, pp. 409-410, no. 10 (Innocent’s letter); Acta Innocentii III, p. 305, no. 82 (A, Innocent’s letter); Die Register Innocenz’ III., vol. 8, pp. 109-110, no. 65 (B, Innocent’s letter); Wolff, Politics, p. 297, no. 2 (W).

Universo clero Constantinopolitano. Cum a nobis petitur etc. usque effectum. Ex parte siquidem vestra fuit nobis humiliter supplicatum ut, cum felicis recordationis I.a) papab) predecessor noster provida deliberatione statueritc) ut, cum ecclesiam contigerit Constantinopolitanamd) vacare, universi prelati conventualium ecclesiarum apud Constantinopolim positarum in ecclesia Sancte Sophie una cum canonicis eius ad tractandum super electione conveniant, et de unanimi consensu omnium vel maioris aut sanioris partis eorum electio secundum Deum de persona idonea canonice celebretur, constitutionem ipsius super hoc editam apostolico dignaremur munimine roborare. Nos igitur, vestris iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, statutum ipsum, cuius tenorem de verbo ad verbum presentibus iussimus litteris annotari, auctoritate apostolica confirmamuse) et presentis scriptif) patrocinio communimus.g) Tenor autem eiusdem constitutionis est talis: Innocentius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri . . patriarche et universo clero Constantinopolitanis,h) salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Licet Apostolica Sedes, que mater est ecclesiarum omnium et magistra, nulli prorsus iniuriam faciat cum utitur iure suo, nec minores ecclesie in suum debeant preiudicium allegare, cum quicquam in eis ex collata sibi celitus potestate disponit,i) utpote que sic vocavit aliasj) in partem sollicitudinis ut sibi reservaret [S 19v] in omnibus plenitudinem potestatis, Constantinopolitane tamen ecclesie nuper providere volentes, noluimus,k) 212

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ex eo quod te, frater patriarcha, eligere acl) confirmare curavimus et tandem duximus consecrandum, auferre ipsi electionis canonice libertatem aut per factum nostrum eidem preiudicare inposterum, quominus, cum eam vacare contingeret,m) deberet et posset canonice ordinari. Unde super hoc litteras nostrasn) tibi concessimus ad cautelam. Ceterum, cum eadem ecclesia primum locum obtineato) post Romanam et antistes ipsius ap) Romano pontifice sit secundus, ideoque quanto maiorem obtinet in ecclesia Dei locum, tanto cum maiori deliberatione acq) maturiori et pleniori sit consilio eligendus, presentium auctoritate statuimus ut, cum eandem ecclesiam vacare contigerit, universi prelati conventualium ecclesiarum apud Constantinopolim positarum in ecclesia Sancte Sophie una cum canonicis eius ad tractandum super electione conveniant, et de unanimi consensu omnium vel maioris et sanioris partis eorum electio secundum Deum de persona idonea canonice celebretur. Nulli ergo etc. nostre constitutionis infringere vel ei ausur) etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. usque incursurum. Decernimuss) ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, XI Kalendast) Aprilis, anno secundo. a) i om. P b) papa om. W c) statuerit] statueret W d) constantinopolitanam] constantinopolis W e) confirmamus] confirmari P f) presentis scripti] presens scriptum W g) communimus] communiri P h) constantinopolitanis] constantinopolitano W i) disponit] disponitur W j) alias] alios BS k) noluimus] nolumus W l) ac] et A m) contingeret] contigeret AW n) nostras om. AW o) obtineat] obtinet A p) a om. A q) deliberatione ac iter. W r) ausu om. W s) decernimus] decernamus W t) kalendas] kalendis W

57 Rome, the Lateran, 28 March 1218 Honorius writes to the canons of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki, responding to their request by taking their persons, their church, and all the ecclesiastical and worldly goods that it now possesses or will obtain in the future under papal protection, especially confirming 213

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and strengthening the possessions that they have inside Thessaloniki, in its suburbs, in Ormylia, in Ossa (St Sosa), and in Miridomo (Mygdonia?), since they possess them justly and peacefully. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 240r, no. 995 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1147; Pressutti, no. 1192. Edition: previously unpublished.

Canonicis Sancti Demetrii Thesalonicensis. Sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia etc. usque confovere. Eapropter etc. usque assensu, personas vestras et ecclesiam in qua divino estis obsequio mancipati, cum omnibus bonis tam ecclesiasticis quam mundanis que impresentiarum rationabiliter possidet aut in futurum etc. usque suscipimus. Specialiter autem possessiones quas habetis infra Thesalonicam, in suburbiis eius, in Ormilia, in Sancto Sosa, et in Miridomo, sicut eas iuste ac pacifice possidetis, vobis et per vos ecclesie vestre auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis et confirmationis infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani,V Kalendas Aprilis, anno secundo. 58 Rome, the Lateran, 28 March 1218 Honorius writes to the chapter of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki, relating that he was shown their petition that claimed that [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate [1213/14], considering their church’s means, appraised it at six canons, establishing that they shall not be compelled to receive anyone beyond that number. The pope responds to their prayers by confirming and strengthening what the bishop did, unless the church’s means increase to such an extent that the number of canons should be increased. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 240v, no. 998 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1149; Pressutti, no. 1193. Edition: previously unpublished.

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Capitulo Sancti Demetrii Thesalonicensis. Ut ea que per legatos Apostolice Sedis provide statuuntur vigorem obtineant firmitatis, nostro eadem libenter munimine roboramus ne quisquam contra muniminis nostri robur ad impugnanda statuta temere audeat prosilire. Cum igitur, sicut exhibita nobis vestra petitio continebat, venerabilis frater noster . . Albanensis episcopus, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, facultatibus ecclesie vestre pensatis, senarium canonicorum numerum taxaverit in eadem, statuens ut ultra numerum ipsum nullum recipere compellamini, nos, vestris precibus inclinati, quod per eundem episcopum provide actum est auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, nisi forte in tantum excreverint ecclesie facultates quod merito sit ibi canonicorum numerus augmentandus, auctoritate Sedis Apostolice semper salva. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani,V Kalendas Aprilis, anno secundo. 59 Rome, the Lateran, 31 March 1218 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that in what has been committed to him he should not be so arrogant that he takes away what pertains to others and to the Apostolic See, which raised him to the patriarchate, since it is accustomed to dealing harshly with the ungrateful and he who abuses his power deserves to lose his privilege.The pope has learned from a report from many people that the patriarch, wishing to spread his wings above himself, occasionally sends out simple clerics with sleeved gowns as his legates de latere with the plenitude of power by which papal legates are sent out.Throughout the patriarchate committed to him, they hear cases that have not been referred to him or them by appeal; without consulting the prelates, they excommunicate their subjects, absolve excommunicates, place bishops above archbishops to whom they are subject by metropolitan right, fail to defer to appeals to the Apostolic See, and give absolution to those who have placed violent hands on bishops, when according to the patriarch’s privilege such men are to be sent to the Roman pontiff. They con215

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fer ecclesiastical benefices, not waiting until the power of conferral has devolved on the patriarch according to the Lateran Council [Lateran III, canon 8]. Although Archbishop [Hardouin] and the chapter of Thebes obtained a letter to the abbot of Daphni of the Cistercian Order and his co-judges over this, the patriarch, wishing to evade the papal orders, claiming that he cannot be dragged more than two days’ journey outside his diocese, objected with a deceptive appeal, because of which the process in this business did not occur. Moreover, recently Canon G. of Constantinople was sent as patriarchal legate to the regions of Thebes and Athens. Coming to Andreville (Andravida), having shown the letter of his legation, he placed the lands of Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia and Lord O[tto] de la Roche of Athens under a sentence of interdict without reasonable cause, enjoining on their prelates to observe and have their subjects observe the sentence inviolably. So the [prelates?] appealed to the Apostolic See, fixing a deadline for their appeal on All Saints’ Day. But after the fashion of the patriarch Canon G. held the appeal in contempt and brought a sentence of interdict against them. The same Canon G. and Archbishop [B.] of Larissa, whom the patriarch sent as legates, conferred the archdeaconate of Andreville, of the diocese of Olena, and a certain prebend in the church of Corinth on certain clerics, and Canons Bertrand and Nicholas of Constantinople conferred the archdeaconate of Thebes on their colleague, in each case before six months from the day of their vacation had passed, contrary to the statutes of the Lateran Council [Lateran III, canon 8]. Canon G. also gave absolution to the Theban knight Wicard, who had been excommunicated by Archbishop [Hardouin] of Thebes for his faults. Furthermore, since the chapter of Thebes did not approve of what was done with the archdeaconate of Thebes, appealing to the pope, said Canons Bertrand and Nicholas then promulgated a sentence of excommunication against the chapter. If the above is accurate, by usurping what belongs to the Roman pontiff and oppressively invading the justice of others, the patriarch appears not to deal with pastoral care but to mount the throne of arrogance and pestilence. Since no matter how sparkling his rank the patriarch should know that he is subject to the pope, who judges when he chooses, and although he would like to defer to him as much as possible, he cannot nor should he overlook such things that are against God, the pope warns the patriarch, if it is thus, to relax the sentences and revoke what was done with the absolution, prebend, and archdeaconates, staying away from such things lest, in 216

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damnably usurping what is alien to him, he be justly deprived of what belongs to him. The pope is writing a letter to the treasurer of Athens and the prior and subprior of Daphni to relax the sentences and revoke what was done with the absolution, prebend, and archdeaconates, if the patriarch does not carry out the pope’s orders. The pope will arrange concerning the other items as he sees fit. The pope writes a similar letter to the treasurer of Athens and the prior and subprior of Daphni, notwithstanding the constitution of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 37] concerning being dragged more than two days outside one’s diocese. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, ff. 240v-241r, no. 1002 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 233r-236r (mutilated); I 53, f. 90r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1162; Pressutti, no. 1206; Santifaller, no.25. Editions: Raynaldi 1218, nos. 26-28 (Y, undated fragments); Pitra, pp. 566-567, no. 11 (P); Horoy III, coll. 5-6, no. 5 (H, from Raynaldi); Lampros, pp. 10-12, n. 9 (L); Tautu, pp. 53-55, no. 30 (T).

Patriarche Constantinopolitano. Non ita deberes in commisse tibi sollicitudinis honore superbire quod Sedi Apostolice, que te ad patriarchatus cathedram sublimavit, eta) aliis in hiis que ad eos pertinent derogares, cum dure agi consueverit cum ingratis, et privilegium mereatur ammittere qui permissa sibi abutitur potestate. Sane, sicut ex relatione multorum accepimus, tu, supra te volens extendere alas tuas, simplices clericos et cum capis manicatis interdum legatos de tuo latere dirigis cum ea plenitudine potestatis qua legati Sedis Apostolice diriguntur. Illi enim per patriarchatum tibi commissum causarum audientiam, que ad te vel ad ipsos per appellationem minime deferuntur, sibi [R 241r] vendicare presumunt, et inconsultis prelatis eorum subditos excommunicant, excommunicatos absolvunt, preponuntb) episcopos archiepiscopis suis metropolitico iure subiectos, appellationibus non deferunt quas contingit ad Sedem Apostolicam interponi, et eis qui in episcopos manus iniciunt violentas absolutionis beneficium impendunt,c) cum tales iuxta privilegium tuumd) ad Romanum sinte) pontificem destinandi. 217

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Ecclesiastica enimf) beneficia conferunt, non expectantes quod ad te potestas eadem conferendi iuxta Lateranenseg) Concilium devolvatur. Et licet super hiis venerabilis frater noster . . archiepiscopus et capitulum Thebanih) ad . . abbatem de Dalphino, Cisterciensis Ordinis, et coniudices suos olim a Sede Apostolica litteras impetrarint,i) tu tamen, volens apostolicis mandatis illudi, et te ultra duas dietas extra tuamj) diocesim trahi non posse proponens, frustratorie appellationis obstaculum obiecisti, propter quod non extitit in negotio memorato processum. Insuper nuper G. Constantinopolitanus canonicus a te transmissus ad partes Thebarum et Achaie legatus, veniens Andrevillam, litteris sue legationis ostensis, terras nobiliumk) virorum G. principis Achaie et O. de Rachal) domini Athenarum sine rationabili causa sententie subiciens interdicti, prelatis earumm) iniuncxit ut interdictumn) huiusmodi tam per se quam per suos subditos inviolabiliter observarent. Propter quod ipsi ad Sedem Apostolicam appellarunt, appellationi sue festum Omnium Sanctorum terminum prefigentes. Sed idem G., appellationem more tuo temere parvipendens, interdicti sententiam postmodum protulit in eosdem. Idem quoque G. et venerabilis frater noster archiepiscopus Larisseuso) a te transmissi legati archidiaconatum Andrevillensem, Olonensisp) diocesis, et quandam in ecclesia Corinthiensi prebendam quibusdam clericis, et Bertrandus et Nicolaus Constantinopolitani canonici dicto . . ipsorum college Thebanum archidiaconatum, tempore non expectato semestri a die vacationis eorum, contra statuta Lateranensis Concilii, contulerunt.q) Et dictus G. Wicardo militi Thebano, per venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . archiepiscopum Thebanum vinculo excommunicationis suis exigentibus culpis astricto,r) beneficium absolutionis impendit. Preterea, B. et N. predicti in Thebanum capitulum, quia non approbarunt quod ipsi de archidiaconatu Thebano fecere,s) post appellationem ad nos interpositam, excommunicationis sententiam promulgarunt. Et quidem, si hec ita se habent,t) que sunt specialiter Romani pontificis usurpando et aliorum iustitiam ipsos multipliciter opprimens invadendo, videris non pastoralis curam regiminis, sed thronum superbie acu) pestilentie cathedram conscendisse. 218

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Cum igitur, quantacumquev) dignitate prefulgeas, te nobis scias esse subiectum, qui tempus accepimus iustitiam iudicandi, et quantumcumque tibi deferre velimus, dissimulare non possimus nec debeamusw) talia contra Deum, fraternitatem tuamx) monemus per apostolica scripta mandantes quatenus, si est ita, predictis relaxatis sententiis et revocato quod taliter factum est de absolutione, prebenda, et archidiaconatibusy) memoratis, ab huiusmodi penitus conquiescas ne, si usurpare presumas presumptione dampnabili aliena, hiis etiam que tibi competunt iusto iudicio forte priveris.z) Nos enim dilectis filiis . . thesaurario Atheniensi et . . priori et . . subprioriaa) de Dalphino, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Atheniensis diocesis, nostris dedimus litteris inmandatis ut easdem sententias et quod sic factum est de archidiaconatibus, absolutione, ac prebenda predictis, te in mandatiab) nostri executioneac) cessante,ad) studeant auctoritate nostra legitime revocare, ac super aliis nichilominus sicut expedire videbimus, auctore Domino, disponemus. Datum Laterani, II Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. In eundem modum scriptum est super hoc eisdem . . thesaurario, priori, et suppriori usque iusto iudicio forte privetur. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus easdem sententias et quod sic factum est etc.ae) ut supraaf) usque legitime revocare. Non obstante constitutione Concilii Generalis qua cavetur ne quis per apostolicas litteras ultra duas dietas extra suam diocesim ad iudiciumag) trahi possit. Nos autem super aliisah) nichilominus sicut expedire videbimus, auctore Domino, disponemus. Quod si non omnes, duo vestrumai) etc. Datum ut supra. a) et] ut P b) preponunt] proponunt T c) impendunt] impendendo R d) tuum] tutum HY; suum P e) sint] sunt LP f) enim] etiam HY g) lateranense] lateranensem L; lateranum T h) et capitulum thebani] thebanus et capitulum thebanum P i) impetrarint] impetrarunt P j) tuam] suam R k) nobilium] nobiliorum HY l) racha] rocha HTY; rucha P m) earum] eorum HY n) interdictum] interdum L o) larisseus] larissensis P p) olonensis] slonensis R q) contulerunt] contilerunt R r) astricto] astrictus R s) fecere: poetic form t) habent] habeant P u) ac] et T v) quantacumque] quantumcumque T w) possimus nec debea-

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mus] possumus nec debemus HY x) fraternitatem tuam] facta te P y) archidiaconatibus] archidiaconatu P z) priveris] privetis L aa) subpriori] suppriori a.c. R ab) mandati] mandatis a.c. R ac) executione] executionem T ad) cessante om. P ae) etc.] et esset L af) supra] super T ag) iudicium] iudicandum P ah) aliis] hiis T ai) duo vestrum] duorum P; duo saltem vestrum T

60 Rome, the Lateran, 31 March 1218 Honorius writes to the chapter of [Constantinople?],1) relating that their letter, read to him, claimed that there were three archdeaconates in their church that were so poor that they would hardly constitute one fitting one if they were combined into one. Considering the church’s utility and knowing that in ancient times the church had only two archdeaconates, by common consent the chapter reduced the three archdeaconates to two. Persuaded by their just prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens what they have established. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 241r, no. 1003 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1164; Pressutti, no. 1207. Edition: previously unpublished.

Capitulo [lacuna]. Cum a nobis petitur etc. usque perducatur effectum. Sane, cum in ecclesia vestra tres essent archidiaconatus adeo pauperes, sicut lecte coram nobis vestre littere continebant, quod vix constituerent unum congruum si omnes redigerentur in unum, vos, eiusdem ecclesie vestre utilitate petita, et cognito quod ecclesia ipsa duos tantum archidiaconatus habere antiquitus consuevit, dictos tres archidiaconatus in duos de communi consilio reduxistis. Nos igitur, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, quod a vobis circa predicta provida est deliberatione statutum auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, II Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. 220

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1) The name of the city is left blank, but given that the previous letter concerned the metropolitan churches of Thebes and Constantinople, and that only a very important church would have three or even two archdeaconates, it is plausible that this letter pertains to Constantinople.

61 Rome, the Lateran, 4 April 1218 Honorius writes to Archbishop [B.] of Larissa, to Archbishop [C.] of Athens, and to the dean of Athens, relating that he recalls having sent letters at one time to Archbishop [Eudes of Villehardouin]1) of Corinth, then bishop of Coron, and to the deans of Corinth and Coron, instructing them to inquire into the truth about whether Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras celebrated the divine offices while suspended, and about other excesses of his, and to send to him what they found in a letter with their seals, establishing a deadline for the archbishop to appear before the pope to receive his sentence, according to what his actions merited. But because the archbishop appealed, the inquisitors did not proceed. So Archdeacon J[ohn] of Patras, coming to the presence of the pope, humbly begged that the business go forward, further asking that the pope hear from certain witnesses present at the Apostolic See concerning some of the articles of the inquisition, which witnesses could not be produced in Romania, and concerning whose long absence there was concern. And so the case was litigated for some time in the presence of [Siegfried, cardinal-]bishop of Santa Sabina, assigned to hear the archdeacon and the procurator of the archbishop, Archdeacon James of Corinth. The procurator firmly asserted that the inquisition should be revoked, as it was obtained by a rival and enemy of the archbishop and against the statutes of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 8], and that the archdeacon was hardly a legitimate person to be heard on these matters, since the case had devolved on the pope because of the appeal. The pope did not want to leave undiscussed what he had heard about the archbishop, so he had the bishop receive witnesses concerning some of the articles, whose depositions he is having held at the Apostolic See pending a fuller investigation of these and other articles. Therefore, the pope orders the addressees to assemble in a fitting place and proceed in this business according to the previous mandate, without appeal, and to send what they find to the pope in a 221

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sealed letter, establishing a deadline for the archbishop to appear in the pope’s presence, to receive his canonical due. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 243v, no. 1019 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1215. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Larissensi et . . Atheniensi archiepiscopis et . . decano Atheniensi. Meminimus ad venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . Corinthiensem archiepiscopum, tunc episcopum Coronensem, et dilectos filios . . Corinthiensem et . . Coronensem decanos a nobis olim litteras emanasse ut, super eo quod Patracensis archiepiscopus suspensus dicebatur celebrasse divina necnon et super quibusdam aliis eiusdem excessibus, inquirerent veritatem et que invenirent nobis tra‹n›smitterent sub suis fideliter interclusa sigillis, eidem archiepiscopo terminum prefigentes quo nostro se conspectui presentaret recepturus ‹sententiam› secundum suorum exigentia meritorum. Verum, quia in mandato nostro propter interposite ab eodem archiepiscopo appellationis obstaculum inquisitores non processerea) predicti, dilectus filius I. archidiaconus Patracensis, ad presentiam nostram accedens, ut procederetur in predicto negotio nobis humiliter supplicavit, petens insuper ut quosdam testes apud Sedem Apostolicam constitutos ibidem super quibusdam eiusdem inquisitionis articulis recipi faceremus, qui produci non possent in partibus Romanie ac de quorum absentia diutina timebatur. Cumque coram venerabili fratre nostro . . Sabinensi episcopo, quem archidiacono sepedicto et Iacobo Corinthiensi archidiacono, eiusdem archiepiscopi procuratori, auditorem concessimus, super hiis fuisset aliquandiu litigatum, procuratore ipso firmiter asserente inquisitionem huiusmodi revocandam, utpote ab emulo et inimico eiusdem archiepiscopi et contra statuta Concilii Generalis obtentam, eundemque archidiaconum tamquam personam minus legitimam non debere in predictis audiri, quia, secundum assertionem procuratoris prefati, ad nos erat idem negotium per appellationem delatum, nolentes que ad nos de archiepiscopo pervenire predicto sub dissimulatione dimittere indiscussa, per eumdem episcopum testes su222

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per quibusdam articulis recipi fecimus, quorum depositiones facimus apud Sedem Apostolicam reservari donec super illis et aliis plenius inquiratur. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, convenientes ad competentem locum, in eodem negotio iuxta prioris mandati nostri continentiam, sublato appellationis obstaculo, procedatis, et que inveneritisb) transmittatis nobis sub sigillis vestris fideliter interclusa, memorato archiepiscopo terminum prefigendo quo nostro se conspectui representet, quod canonicum fuerit, auctore Domino, recepturus. Quod si non omnes, duo vestrum etc. Datum Laterani, II Nonas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. 1) Walter was archbishop of Corinth toward the end of Innocent III’s reign, but Honorius relates here that the present archbishop of Corinth was bishop of Coron when he addressed him a letter closer to the start of his papacy. The bishop of Coron at the end of Innocent’s reign was still Eudes, nephew of Prince Geoffrey of Villehardouin, consecrated in the first half of 1209. See also Jean Longnon, Recherches sur la vie de Geoffroy de Villehardouin suivies du catalogue des actes des Villehardouin, Paris: Champion, 1939, pp. 2728, 208, and 218, and Pierre-Vincent Claverie, “Une source négligée pour l’histoire du clergé latin d’Orient: les archives des chapitres occidentaux,” forthcoming in Eπετηρίδα του Κέντρου Επιστημονικών Ερευνών. In no. 230, dated 10 June 1224, the same archbishop still reigned. a) processere: poetic form

b) inveneritis] inveneritos a.c. R

62 Rome, the Lateran, 11 April 1218 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Hardouin] and the chapter of Thebes, relating that Emperor H[enry] of Constantinople conferred on them the ius patronatus that he had in the monastery of Kalama. Persuaded by their just prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens the concession. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 248r, no. 1043 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1185; Pressutti, no. 1234. Edition: previously unpublished.

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. . archiepiscopo et capitulo Thebanis. Cum a nobis petitur etc. Cum igitur clare memorie H., imperator Constantinopolitanus, ius patronatus quod habebat in monasterio de Calama vobis duxerit conferendum, nos, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, concessionem ipsam, sicut provide facta est et in litteris inde confectis plenius continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocino communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, III Idus Aprilis, anno secundo. 63 Rome, St Peter’s, 27 April 1218 Honorius writes to Theodore Komnenos [Doukas], relating that he received Bishop Gregory of Trogir,1) a cautious and faithful man, with kindness, for the bishop’s honor and Theodore’s devotion, and willingly heard what he prudently had to say on behalf of Theodore. But because the things that Theodore related to the pope via Gregory are difficult and require diligent treatment, the pope is sending to him Archbishop [Pellegrino] of Brindisi, in whose faith and prudence the pope has full faith and who is a neighbor of Theodore. The archbishop will reveal the pope’s will to Theodore and carry Theodore’s response to the pope, so that, once all contingencies have been investigated, the pope can proceed with fitting maturity in this business. The pope warns Theodore to receive the archbishop kindly and display undoubted faith in what the archbishop proposes to him on the pope’s behalf, fulfilling what he suggests concerning this business. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f 247r-v, no. 1040 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1215; Pressutti, no. 1261. Edition: Norden, p. 749, no. 3 (N).

Nobili viro Theodoro Cominiano. Venientem ad presentiam nostram venerabilem fratrem nostrum Gregorium,Trocensem episcopum, pro suaa) honestate ac devotione tua benigne recepimus, et ea que ex parte tua nobis prudenter proposuit, sicut vir providus et fidelis, libenter 224

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audivimus et intelleximus diligenter. Quia vero ea que nobis significasti per ipsum tractatum tamquam ardua diligentemb) exposcunt, venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . archiepiscopum Brundusinum,c) de cuius fide ac prudentia plenam fiduciam obtinemus, quique tibi vicinus existit, ad te duximus destinandum, qui et tibi nostram aperiat voluntatem et tuam nobis responsionem exponat, ut, omnibus contingentibus investigatis hinc inde, in negotio ipso cum debita maturitate procedere valeamus. Monemus itaque nobilitatem tuam quatenus,d) eundem archiepiscopum benigne recipiens, fidem indubitatam adhibeas hiis que tibi ex parte nostra duxerit proponenda, et que tibi suggeret circae) ipsum negotium [R 247v] adimpleas confidenter, ut nos, qui ad tuam utilitatem et honorem intendimus, utrumque promovere favente Domino valeamus, prefatum vero episcopum, quem tibi devotum comperimus et fidelem, habeas specialiter precum nostrarum intuitu propensius commendatum. Datum Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum,V Kalendas Maii, anno secundo. 1) Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 200, identifies the bishop. a) sua] tua N b) diligentem] diligenter N c) brundusinum] brundisinum N d) quatenus] quod N e) circa] cura N

64 Rome, St Peter’s, 19 May 1218 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that [Archbishop-]elect S. of Nicomedia wanted to resign his election into the pope’s hands, lest, because almost all of his church’s possessions are occupied by enemies through violence, he would have to seek his necessities bashfully to the derogation of his pontifical honor. He also mentioned his insufficiency and the malice of the people committed to him. The pope refused to accept the resignation, committing him to be provided for by the patriarch, whom he orders to provide for him such that he is able to exercise his office with honor, consecrating him, notwithstanding the resignation he is known to have done into the patriarch’s hands de facto. If the patriarch is unable to provide for him sufficiently, lest the elect’s pon225

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tifical dignity be reduced, the patriarch is to accept his resignation in the pope’s place, arranging the church of Nicomedia afterwards as he deems expedient. The pope writes a similar letter to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 260r, no. 1135 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 91v (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1310; Pressutti, no. 1354; Santifaller, no. 26. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Non honorant, sed onerant, hos honores quibus iuxta suorum quantitatem honorum emolumentum eisdem additum honoribus non respondet. Cum enim, ut honor proveniat ex honore, profusiores expense ornatus decentior et honestior apparatus prosequi teneantur honorem, hii qui preminent dignitate pontificalis officii tanto ad id artius astringuntur quanto pre ceteris esse debent caritatis lumen, liberalitatis exemplum, et speculum honestatis. Eapropter, cum dilectus filius S., Nycomediensis electus, electionem de se factam in nostris vellet manibus resignare, ne ipsum, eo quod possessiones ecclesie sue ab hostibus fere omnes per violentiam detinentur, oporteat aliunde necessaria querere verecunde in pontificalis derogationem honoris, suam nichilominus insufficientiam et commissi sibi malitiam populi allegando, nos, eam admittere recusantes, ipsum tue providentie duximus committendum, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus ei taliter providere procures quod honorifice valeat dignititatem pontificalis officii exercere, munus ei consecrationis impendens, resignatione quam idem in manu tua de facto fecisse dinoscitur non obstante. Si vero nequiveris providere competenter eidem, ne pontificalis dignitas minuatur in eo, si suis nequeat militare stipendiis in eadem, resignationem ipsius recipias vice nostra, predictam Nycomediensem ecclesiam ordinando postmodum prout videris expedire. Datum Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum, XIIII Kalendas Iunii, anno secundo. 226

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In eundem modum scriptum est I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. 65 Rome, St Peter’s, 27 May 1218 Honorius writes to the master and brothers of the Hospital of St James of Andreville, responding to their request by taking their persons and hospital, along with its present goods and whatever it may obtain justly in the future, under papal protection. In particular he confirms and strengthens their possession of the Church of St Leo of Zakynthos, the casale of Bonrepas (Bonrepast) in the region of Andreville, the house of Amorgos (Murges), and the casale of Redonie with their appurtenances; the Church of St Barbara with its fishpond and other appurtenances; the houses of Vastiana (Bestiana), Megara (Megala), Ravennika, Serres, Selymbria, and Pegai with their appurtenances; the liberties and immunities that P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate [1213/14], conceded to them; and the houses, possessions, vineyards, and other things that Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia piously granted them.1) Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 259r, no. 1127 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1340; Pressutti, no. 1382. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . magistro et fratribus Hospitalis Sancti Iacobi Andrevillensis. Solet annuere etc. usque impertiri. Eapropter etc. usque assensu, personas vestras et hospitale in quo divino estis obsequio mancipati, cum omnibus bonis que impresentiarum rationabiliter possidet aut in futurum, prestante Domino, iustis modis poterit adhipisci, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus. Specialiter autem: ecclesiam Sancti Leonis de Iacinto, casale de Bonrepast in territorio Andreville, domum de Murges, et casale de Redonia cum pertinentiis eorundem; ecclesiam Sancte Barbare cum piscaria et aliis pertinentiis suis; domum de Bestiana, domum de Megala, domum de Ravanica, domum de Serra, domum de Salabria, et domum de Spigatio cum pertinentiis earundem; libertates preterea et immunitates vobis a venerabili fratre nostro 227

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P. Albanensi episcopo, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, concessas; necnon domos, possessiones, vineas, et res alias a nobili viro G. principe Achaie ac aliis Christi fidelibus pia liberalitate collatas: sicut ea omnia iuste ac pacifice obtinetis, vobis et per vos eidem hospitali auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis et confirmationis infringere vel ei etc. usque contraire. Siquis autem etc. Datum Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum, VI Kalendas Iunii, anno secundo. 1) We follow the identifications in Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 184-185.

66 Rome, St Peter’s, 29 May 1218 Honorius writes to the abbot of Chortaïton of the Cistercian Order in the diocese of Thessaloniki, to Dean [Alexander]1) of Thessaloniki, and to Master John, dean of Kitros, relating that he has received a complaint from the chapter of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki that the brothers of the Lord’s Sepulcher at Thessaloniki unjustly occupy one of their prebends and other things and harm them in other ways, and so they got the case committed by Pope I[nnocent III] to the archdeacon, cantor, and treasurer of Thessaloniki. When the opposing side, having been cited many times, evaded judgment, Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, claiming to have been delegated by the Apostolic See, without showing the papal mandate, cited them [the chapter] to appear in his presence in a first peremptory citation, at a place that was ten days’ journey outside their diocese and to which they could not safely go. Finally, when the chapter’s nuncios appeared in the patriarch’s presence, they had to return because in the same case N., who claimed to be acting as the brothers’ agent, did not have sufficient mandate. The patriarch cited them to the same place in the same way, and did not want to assign the case to others in that province to whom they could go in safety, although at that time Archbishop William of Philippi was killed by Bulgarians when traveling on the road that they would have to use [cf. no. 41]. Therefore, they appealed to the pope for this and other grievances, sending Canon G. to the pope to pursue the appeal.

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The pope orders the addressees, with the assent of the agents of both sides, if it is thus, to revoke as void anything that they find the patriarch to have attempted rashly after the appeal, hear the case, end it canonically without appeal, and enforce their decision. Otherwise, they are to return the parties to the patriarch’s consideration, charging those who appeal to pay the legal expenses. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 264v, no. 1168 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5825; Onorio III, no. 1346; Pressutti 1391. Editions: Manrique, p. 144; Brown, pp. 119-120, no. 1 (B).

. . abbati de Cortiaco, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Thesalonicensis diocesis, . .Thesalonicensi et magistro Iohanni Citrensi decanis. Dilectorum filiorum capituli Sancti Demetrii accepimus questionem quod, cum fratres Dominici Sepulchri Thesalonicensis diocesis quandam eorum prebendam et res alias detinerent iniuste, alias iniuriosi existentes eisdem, ipsi super hiis a felicis recordationis I. papa predecessore nostro ad . . archidiaconum, . . cantorem, et . . thesaurarium Thesalonicenses causam obtinuerea) committi. Cumque ab eis citata fuisset multotiens et eorum iudicium subterfugeret pars adversa, venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha Constantinopolitanus, se asserens a Sede Apostolica delegatum, in prima citatione peremptorie ad locum qui per decem dietas extra ipsorum diocesim distabat ab eis, et ad quem accedere tute non poterant, mandato apostolico non ostenso, citavit eosdem ut se ipsius conspectui personaliter presentarent. Tandem predicti capituli nuntii, in ipsius patriarche presentia comparentes, quia in eadem causa N., qui se procuratorem predictorum fratrum gerebat, non erat sufficiens procurator, iidem nuntii ad propria sunt reversi. Verum, cum patriarcha predictus eos ad eundem locum et eodemb) modo citasset, nec aliis ad quos secure possent accedere causam in eadem provincia vellet committere terminandam, cum tunc bone memorie Willielmus Philippensis archiepiscopus in via unde accedendo ad ipsum transire oportebat eosdem esset a Bulgaris interfectus, propter hec et alia gravamina Sedem Apostolicam appellarunt et, ad prosequendam appellationem emissam, G., eorum canonicum, ad nostram presentiam transmiserunt. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta de utriusque partis procuratorum assensu mandamus quatenus, si est 229

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ita, revocato in irritum quicquid inveneritis ab eodem patriarcha post appellationem huiusmodi temere attemptatum, audiatis causam et, appellatione remota, fine canonico terminetis, facientes etc. Alioquin partes ad ipsius patriarche remittatis examen, appellantes in expensis legitimis condempnando. Testes autem etc. Quod si non omnes, duo vestrum etc. Datum Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum, IIII Kalendas Iunii, anno secundo. 1) Alexander was dean in 1222 (no. 148). a) obtinuere: poetic form

b) eodem] eodum B

67 Rome, St Peter’s, 9 June 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that the prior and chapter of the Holy Apostles of Constantinople humbly requested that the pope have a fixed number of canons established, since their church is burdened by a multitude of canons to whom it cannot provide the necessities.The pope commits the business to the legate, ordering him to consider the church’s means and how many canons can be fittingly maintained, and to establish a fixed number of canons accordingly, which number will remain perpetually unless the church’s goods increase so much that more canons can be comfortably maintained. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 265v, no. 1177 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 92r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1383; Pressutti, no. 1424; Santifaller, no. 27. Edition: previously unpublished.

Eidem ‹I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato›. Dilecti filii . . prepositus et capitulum Sanctorum Apostolorum Constantinopolitani a nobis humiliter postularunt ut, cum eorum ecclesia onerata multitudine canonicorum non possit eis necessaria ministrare, ne super receptionibus pluri230

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morum amplius aggravetur, certum numerum in eadem faceremus institui servitorum. Nos igitur, ea tue providentie committentes, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, consideratis facultatibus ipsius ecclesie et quot possint ex eis canonici competentem sustentationem habere, certum ibi canonicorum numerum statuas prout eius exigent facultates imperpetuum duraturum, nisi adeo bona ipsius excreverint ut de ipsis comode plures valeant sustentari. Datum Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum, V Idus Iunii, anno secundo. 68 Rome, St Peter’s, 9 June 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that the prior and chapter of the Holy Apostles of Constantinople humbly requested that, since their church had a certain parish long before Constantinople came into the hands of the Latins, the pope should provide for them over this, lest with the passing of time what is plainly evident become obscure and forgotten. The pope orders the legate to go to their church and establish what he deems fitting. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 265v, no. 1178 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1384; Pressutti, no. 1425; Santifaller, no. 28. Edition: previously unpublished.

Eidem ‹I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato›. Dilectii filii . . prepositus et capitulum Sanctorum Apostolorum Constantinopolitani nobis humiliter supplicarunt ut, cum eorum ecclesia parrochiam certam habuerit longe ante quam devoluta esset ad manus Constantinopolitana civitas Latinorum, ne per lapsum temporis id quod modo clarius luce liquet oblivionis infectum rubigine videatur obscurum, providere sibi super hoc paterna sollicitudine dignaremur. 231

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Quocirca discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, ad eorum ecclesiam accedens, circa hoc statuas quod videris statuendum. Datum ut supra ‹apud Sanctum Petrum, V Idus Iunii, anno secundo›. 69 Rome, St Peter’s, 11 June 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, relating that Patriarch [Gervase] and the chapter of Constantinople humbly requested that the pope provide for them, because Empress [Yolanda] of Constantinople and her barons, knights, and other vassals, and the podestà and other Venetians, occupy the possessions of their church unjustly, on account of which the canons of the church are almost forced to beg, since their fifteenth was subtracted by [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when he was acting as papal legate in those parts [1213/14], and their twelfth was suspended on papal authority.The pope orders the legate to observe equity and arrange as he deems expedient, having what he establishes observed firmly without appeal. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 265v, no. 1179 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 92r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1386; Pressutti, no. 1428; Santifaller, no. 29. Edition: Wolff, Politics, p. 298, no. 3 (W).

Eidem ‹I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato›. Venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha et dilecti filii capitulum Constantinopolitania) a nobis humiliter postularunt ut, super eo quod a karissima in Christo filia . ., imperatrice Constantinopolitanab) illustri, et nobilibus viris baronibus, militibus, et aliis vassallis eius, . . potestate Venetorum, ‹et› aliis Venetis detinentur eorum ecclesie possessiones iniuste, propterc) quod canonici Domino militantes ibidem, quintadecima sibi per venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . episcopum Albanensem, tunc in partibus illis officio legationis fungentem, subtracta, et duode232

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cima apostolica auctoritate suspensa, fere mendicare coguntur, providere sibi paterna sollicitudine dignaremur. Nos igitur, ipsis super hoc providere volentes, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, iuris equitate servata, super hoc ordinans et disponensd) prout videris expedire, facias quod statueris per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, firmiter observari. Datum Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum, III Idus Iunii, anno secundo. a) constantinopolitani] constantinopolis W b) constantinopolitani] constantinopolis W c) propter] propterea W d) disponens] disponans W

70 Rome, St Peter’s, 12 June 1218 Honorius writes to Cardinal J[ohn] as above in no. 69, except that the letter concerns the prior and the chapter of the Holy Apostles of Constantinople. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 265v, no. 1175 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 92r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1391; Pressutti, no. 1434; Santifaller, no. 30. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Dilecti filii . . prepositus et capitulum Sanctorum Apostolorum Constantinopolitani a nobis humiliter supplicarunt ut, super eo quod a karissima in Christo filia imperatrice Constantinopolitana illustri et nobilibus viris baronibus, militibus, et aliis vassallis eius, potestate Venetorum, et aliis Venetis detinentur eorumdem ecclesie possessiones iniuste, propter quod canonici Domino militantes ibidem, quintadecima sibi per venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . episcopum Albanensem, tunc in partibus illis officio legationis fungentem, subtracta, et duodecima apostolica auctoritate suspensa, fere mendicare coguntur, providere sibi paterna sollicitudine dignaremur. 233

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Nos igitur, ipsis super hoc providere volentes, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, iuris equitate servata, super hoc ordinans et disponens prout videris expedire, facias quod statueris per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, firmiter observari. Datum Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum, II Idus Iunii, anno secundo. 71 Rome, St Peter’s, 12 June 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that the prior and the chapter of the Holy Apostles [of Constantinople] complained to the pope that, while Pope I[nnocent III] established that the possessions pertaining to the church of Constantinople from Makri through to the whole of the Morea and other things acquired or that will be acquired should be returned to them by whoever occupies them [no. 87], so far they have been unable to recuperate anything. The pope orders the legate to proceed as he sees fit according to his predecessor’s constitution against those who occupy these possessions, forcing those who contradict with ecclestastical censure, appeal put aside. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 265v, no. 1176 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1392; Pressutti, no. 1435; Santifaller, no. 31. Edition: previously unpublished.

Eidem ‹I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato›. Dilecti filii . . prepositus et capitulum Sanctorum Apostolorum nostro apostolatui sunt conquesti quod, cum a felicis recordationis I. papa predecessore nostro provida fuerit deliberatione statutum ut possessiones a Macra usque per totum Morream et res alie acquisite vel etiam acquirende, que ad ecclesiam Constantinopolitanam de iure pertinent, restituerentur eisdem a quolibet detentore, nichil de ipsis recuperare hactenus potuerunt.

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Quocirca discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus contra possessionum huiusmodi detentores iuxta constitutionem predicti predecessoris nostri super hoc editam auctoritate nostra procedas prout videris procedendum, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Datum ut supra ‹Rome, apud Sanctum Petrum, II Idus Iunii, anno secundo›. 72 Rome, the Lateran, 2 July 1218 Honorius writes to the nobleman Geoffrey of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, relating that, because of the fervor of the prince’s love and the purity of his faith toward the Roman Church, the pope is granting that he can hear the divine offices in places under interdict, as long as he or his people are not the cause of the sentence, behind closed doors, in hushed voices, excluding excommunicates and people under interdict, unless he himself is excommunicate or under interdict. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 278r, no. 1241 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1442; Pressutti, no. 1483. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro Gaufrido de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie. Fervorem tue dilectionis et fidei puritatem quam geris ad Romanam Ecclesiam matrem tuam propensius attendentes, presentium tibi auctoritate concedimus ut ad loca quecumque diverteris, que ob tui vel tuorum culpam interdicta non fuerint, tibi liceat, clausis ianuis, excommunicatis et interdictis exclusis, audire suppressa voce celebranda divina, nisi forte excommunicationis – quod absit – vel interdicti sententia culpis tuis exigentibus tenearis astrictus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani,VI Nonas Iulii, anno secundo.

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73 Rome, the Lateran, 4 July 1218 Honorius writes to the nobleman Geoffrey of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, relating that the fervor of the devotion and faith the prince is known to have toward the Roman Church invites the pope to grant his prayers, especially those that the pope believes to pertain to the defense of his land, which is very useful for the Holy Land. Therefore the pope grants that the prince can retain the crusaders of his land for its defense as long as it pleases the pope, since otherwise his land cannot be maintained. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 278r, no. 1242 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1451; Pressutti, no. 1490. Edition: Norden, pp. 749-750, no. 4 (N).

Eidem ‹nobili viro Gaufrido de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie›. Fervor tue devotionis ac fidei quam ad nos et sacrosanctam Ecclesiam Romanam matrem tuam habere dinosceris ut tuis annuamus precibus nos invitat, in hiis maxime que ad defensionem terre tuea), que valde utilis est Terre Sancte, credimus pertinere. Quapropter favorabiliter et benigne, dilecte in Domino fili, tibi duximus concedendum ut crucesignatos terre tue ad defensionem ipsius, que plurimum est utilis Terre Sancte, cum aliter manuteneri non possit, tibi liceat, quamdiu nobis placuerit, retinere. Datum Laterani, IIII Nonas Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno secundo. a) terre tue inv. a.c. R

74 Rome, the Lateran, 4 July 1218 Honorius writes to all crusaders living throughout all the land of the nobleman Geoffrey, prince of Achaia, relating as above in no. 73 concerning the fervor of G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin and the defense of his land. The pope urges and warns the addressees, in remission

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of their sins, to assist the prince powerfully and forcefully in the defense of his land, which is very useful for the Holy Land and “cannot be maintained easily without the arm of their strength.” Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 278r, no. 1243 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 93r (summary). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1448; Pressutti, no. 1491. Edition: Norden, p. 750, no. 5 (N).

Universis crucesignatis per universam terram nobilis viri Gaufridi principis Achaie constitutis. Fervor devotionis et fidei quam dilectus filius nobilis vir G. de Villa Arduini princeps Achaie ad nos et sacrosanctam Romanam Ecclesiam matrem suam habere dinoscitur ut suis annuamus precibus nos invitat etc. ut supra usque pertinere. Quapropter ad petitionem ipsius devotionem vestram rogandam duximus et monendam, in remissionem vobis peccaminum iniungentes quatenus in defensionea) terre sue, que, cum valde sit utilis Terre Sancte, de facili sine vestre virtutis brachio manuteneri non potest, quamdiu nobis placuerit, potenter et viriliter assistatis eidem, ut in presenti laudem a populo et in futuro vobis exindeb) gloriam comparetis. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, IIII Nonas Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno secundo›. a) quatenus in defensione] quod in defensionem N b) exinde] eternam N

75 Rome, the Lateran, 18 July 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that he received the complaint of the dean and chapter of St Michael of Boukoleon of Constantinople that, while [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate in those parts [1213/14], committed the church of Arkheion to them to increase their provision until the provision of their church and other churches of the city of Constantinople would be arranged by papal authority, Radulph acting as prior and others acting as canons of the church of Arkheion were irreverently placed in the church by Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople and the archbishop-elect of Kyzikos, and 237

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they occupy the church, its possessions, and its other goods, much to the prejudice and harm of the dean and chapter. The dean and chapter appealed to the Apostolice See and obtained the pope’s letter concerning this. The bishop-elect of Arkheion, on behalf of his canons, contradicted this in a public hearing and, before A., the pope’s chaplain, whom the pope had assigned as auditor to him and the agent of the opposing side, the elect proposed as follows: at one time, since at the General [Fourth Lateran] Council, Pope I[nnocent III] arranged for the provision of the churches of the city of Constantinople, the canons of his church elected him canonically as pastor and the aforesaid patriarch and elect of Kyzikos, to whom the matter pertained, confirmed it afterwards.Yet the dean and chapter of Boukoleon wanted to keep the church of Arkheion less justly, and because of this the dean himself, after an appeal to the pope had been launched legitimately, promulgated a sentence of excommunication against the elect and chapter of Arkheion against justice, and in his name and that of the chapter the dean managed to get a papal letter on this sent to the dean of Our Lady of Blachernae and his co-judges. The elect and canons of Arkheion appealed against this letter, both because there was no mention in the letter of the arrangement obtained at the General Council, and because they were being dragged more than two days’ journey for the case, contrary to the statutes of the same Council [Lateran IV, canon 37]. Because the pope has not been able to obtain full faith about these matters from these and other things proposed so far before the auditor, with the assent of both sides he has assigned the case to the legate, ordering him to revoke whatever has been attempted illegally after the appeal to the pope was launched legitimately, to hear the case, and, if he proceeds by the will of both sides, to decide the case, having his decision observed through ecclesiastical censure. Otherwise, he should remit it to the pope’s consideration with sufficient information, fixing a deadline for the parties to appear before the pope to receive his decision. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 9, f. 284r-v, no. 1279 (R). Summaries: Onorio III, no. 1488; Pressutti, no. 1531; Santifaller, no. 32. Edition: previously unpublished.

I, tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. 238

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Dilectorum filiorum . . decani et capituli Sancti Michaelis Bucceleonis Constantinopolitanorum accepimus questionem quod, cum venerabilis frater noster . . Albanensis episcopus, tunc in partibus illis officium legationis exercens, Achirensem ecclesiam commisisset eisdem in sue provisionis augmentum donec sue et aliis ecclesiis urbis Constantinopolitane esset provisio auctoritate apostolica ordinata, Radulphus, qui pro preposito, et alii, qui se gerunt pro canonicis ecclesie Achirensis, in eam contra huiusmodi commissionem per venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . patriarcham Constantinopolitanum et dilectum filium . . Squisicensem electum irreverenter intrusi, predictam ecclesiam, possessiones, et bona ipsius contra iustitiam detinent occupata, in dictorum decani et capituli preiudicium et gravamen. Propter quod ipsi, Sedem Apostolicam appellantes, cum nostrasa) super hoc litteras impetrassent, dilectus filius . . Achirensis electus pro canonicis suis eisdem in audientia publica contradixit, et coram dilecto filio A., capellano nostro, quem ei et procuratori partis adverse concessimus auditorem, proposuit in hunc modum: Cum olim per felicis recordationis I. papam predecessorem nostrum ecclesiarum urbis Constantinopolitane provisio in Concilio Generali ordinata fuisset, predicti ecclesie sue canonici elegerunt eundem canonice in pastorem. Cuius electionem predicti patriarcha Constantinopolitanus et Squisicensis electus, prout spectat ad ipsos, postmodum confirmarunt. Verum, prefatis decano et capitulo Bucceleonis ecclesiam Achirensem nichilominus retinere volentibus minus iuste, decanus ipse propter hoc, post appellationem ad nos legitime interiectam, excommunicationis sententiam in predictos electum et capitulum Achirenses contra iustitiam promulgavit, et tam suo quam capituli sui nomine ad . . decanum Sancte Marie de Blakerna et suos coniudices ab eisdem littere quedam demumb) super hoc a Sede Apostolica impetrate fuerunt. A quibus iidem electus et canonici Achirenses, tum quia in litteris ipsis de ordinatione obtenta in Concilio Generali nulla mentio habebatur, tum quia ultra duas dietas contra eiusdem statuta concilii trahebantur in causam, Sedem Apostolicam appellarunt. 239

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Quia igitur per hec et alia que fuerunt hinc inde coram auditore predicto proposita de premissis nobis non potuit fieri plena fides, causam ipsam de utriusque partis assensu discretioni tue duximus committendam, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus, revocato in irritum quicquid post appellationem ad nos legitime interiectam inveneris illicite attemptatum, audias causam, et si de partium processerit voluntate, canonico fine decidas, faciens quod decreveris per censuram ecclesiasticam firmiter observari. Alioquin eandem sufficienter instructam ad nostrum remittas examen, prefigens partibus terminum competentem quo se nostro conspectui representent iustam, dante Deo, sententiam recepture. Testes autem etc. [R 284v] Nullis litteris obstantibus preter assensum partium etc. Datum Laterani, XV Kalendas Augusti, anno secundo. a) nostras] nostra a.c. supralin. R

b) demum supralin. et mg. R

76 Rome, the Lateran, 13 August 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that he should know that it has reached the pope’s hearing that certain people who were in charge of the church of Constantinople at the time of the schism, wishing to appropriate some abbeys unduly, affixed a cross on them as a sign that they could keep them perpetually by virtual title. On this pretext Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople now occupies these abbeys, to the prejudice and scandal of many. The pope does not think that this title or indication is enough to justify the patriarch’s action, so, this notwithstanding, he orders the legate to hear any lawsuits that are brought before him concerning this, summoning the parties, determining what is canonical without appeal, and enforcing his decision. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 6v, no. 23 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 1579; Santifaller, no. 33. Edition: Tautu, p. 61, no. 37 (T).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis Legato. 240

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Ad audientiam nostram noveris pervenisse quod quidam, qui ecclesie Constantinopolitane tempore scismatis prefuerunt, quasdam abbatias indebite sibi appropriare volentes, crucem ibi prefixere pro signo ut hoc quasi titulo illas possent perpetuo retinere, quas venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha Constantinopolitanus occasione huiusmodi occupationis nunc tenet, in preiudicium et scandalum plurimorum. Nos igitur, huiusmodi titulum seu indicium ad astruendam intentionem ipsius patriarche nequaquam sufficere reputantes, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, eo non obstante, cum ad te super hiis fuerit perlata querela, partibus convocatis, audias que hinc inde duxerint proponenda et quod canonicum fuerit, appellatione remota, decernas, faciens quod decreverisa) etc. Testes autem etc. Datum Laterani, Idibus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. a) decreveris] decerneris T

77 Rome, the Lateran, 18 August 1218 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, relating that if he paid attention to the honor that the Apostolic See has shown him, he would be content with what that see has granted him by special grace, nor would he imprudently usurp what does not belong to him either by common law or by special privilege. But the pope has learned that the patriarch sends his legates throughout the Empire of Romania. And as if the patriarch were able to confer on them the plenitude of power that he does not have, they hear cases indiscriminately, even if they have not been brought to them by appeal, and they exceed their bounds in many other ways. And the patriarch, trying to grant the power to carry the cross before them to whom he wishes, and approving exemptions and other illicit deeds done by patriarchs of Constantinople who wanted to tear Christ’s seamless tunic and sever themselves from Church unity, spurning the magisterium of the Apostolic See, which by the Lord’s arrangement is the mother and mistress of all the faithful, presumes in these ways and others to exceed his bounds so much that he seems with the 241

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fallen angel to want to place his see from the North and to usurp the likeness of the Most High. So the pope orders the patriarch to correct these things himself so that someone else does not have to. The pope sends a similar letter to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, ordering him to force the patriarch away from what does not belong to him by common or private right. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 6v, no. 24 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 269r- 269Ar; I 53, f. 95r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5885; Pressutti, no. 1585; Santifaller, no. 34. Edition: Tautu, p. 62, no. 38 (T).

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Si honorem quem Apostolica Sedes tibi exhibere curavit diligenter attenderes, esses contentus hiis que tibi concessit de gratia speciali, neca) ea que nec de iure communi nec de speciali privilegio ad te spectant improvide usurpares. Accepimus autem quod tu legatos tuos mittis per totum imperium Romanie, qui, quasi eis conferre possis quam non habes plenitudinem potestatis, causas passim audiunt, etiam non delatas per appellationem ad ipsos, alias multipliciter excedentes. Tu quoque, quibus visb) deferendi ante se crucem attemptans concedere potestatem, et approbans exemptiones acc) alia illicite facta per patriarchas Constantinopolitanos qui, temere inconsutibilem Christi tunicam scindere molientes, et precidentes ab ecclesiastica unitate se ipsos, respuebant magisterium Apostolice Sedis, que, disponente Domino, mater est cunctorum fidelium et magistra, hiis et aliis modis sic presumis excedere ut cum angelo apostata videaris velle ab aquilone ponere sedem tuam et similitudinem Altissimi usurpare. Monemus igitur fraternitatem tuam et hortamur in Domino, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus hec studeas taliter corrigere per te ipsum quod manum ad corrigendum alius non apponat. Nos enim dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut ab hiis que tibi nec communi iure competunt nec privato, monitione premissa, districtione canonica, sublato appellationis obstaculo,d) te compescat. Datum Laterani, XV Kalendas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. 242

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In eundem modum scriptum est eidem I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. a) nec] ad add. T b) vis] ius T c) ac] et T obstaculo] sub apostolica obedientia T

d) sublato appellationis

78 Rome, the Lateran, 18 August 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that on the legate’s behalf he was told that some Greeks have furtively received holy orders from bishops other than their own. Some excommunicates celebrate in churches under interdict and, stubbornly adhering to the Greek rites, do not wish to obey the Latin prelates in anything. Certain Greek and Latin bishops perform consecrations in alien bishoprics and collect tithes in them, to the prejudice and harm of the local bishops, although in the time of the Greeks they were not accustomed either to collect tithes or to perform such consecrations. Greek laymen are not afraid to cast off their wives at will and replace them with others, or to work on Sundays and feast days. Certain barons and knights, both Latins and Greeks, occupy abbeys and other churches along with the men and other goods of those churches against justice, they do not pay tithes, and they defend the errors of others who refuse to pay them. If they are excommunicated for these or other excesses, they hold the sentence in contempt, to their souls’ peril and the scandal of many. So the legate wanted to be instructed about what he should do, and how the archdeacon of Negroponte should be punished for daring to give a license de facto to certain people to go with merchandise to Alexandria, against the statute of the General Council [Lateran IV, Holy Land decrees]. The pope responds briefly that canon and civil laws have been published concerning nearly all of these things, so the legate should proceed in these matters, when necessary, according to the canonical and legal sanctions. He can also use his own discretion and reduce severity as he deems expedient, considering the condition of the empire and the number of the guilty, except of course for cases that do not allow for the remedy of conciliation or dispensation, for example the sacrament of marriage, which exists not only among Latins and Greeks, but also among faithful and infidels, and so it will 243

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not be licit to recede from canonical severity on this.Where no law can be found, he should proceed as he sees fit according to the persons, causes, places, and times, always humanely, especially considering the empire’s weak condition. Concerning the exemption of churches and the union of various bishoprics, which was also mentioned to the pope on the legate’s behalf, the pope cannot respond at present since almost all the cardinals have left the City to escape the excessive heat and he does not have access to the counsel that such an important matter requires. Concerning the indulgences and agreements conceded by [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano [1213/14] and confirmed by the Apostolic See, the pope believes that the legate can decide if any were uncautiously granted or confirmed after deception, summoning the parties and examining everything diligently, sending the cases to the Apostolic See with sufficient information, and fixing a deadline for the parties to appear before the pope. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 7r-v, no. 31 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 95r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1218, no. 24; Potthast, no. 5834 (15 June 1218); Pressutti 1586. Edition: Tautu, pp. 63-64, no. 39 (T); partially included in the Decretales Gregorii IX, book I, title 36, c. 11, in, e.g., Friedberg, col. 210 (F).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Ex parte tua fuit propositum coram nobis quod nonnulli Greci furtive sacros ordines a non suis episcopis receperunt. Quidam etiam excommunicati celebrant in ecclesiis interdictis et, Grecis ritibus pertinaciter inherentes, in nullo volunt Latinis obedire prelatis.a) Preterea, quidam Greci et Latini episcopi consecrationes faciunt in episcopatibus alienis et decimas percipiunt in eisdem, in episcoporum eorundem locorum preiudicium et gravamen, licet temporeb) Grecorum nec percipere decimas nec consecrationes huiusmodi consueverint celebrare. Ad hecc) laici Greci uxores suas secundum motum proprie voluntatis dimittere et alias superducere non verentur ac operari Dominicis et festivis diebus quemadmodum in profestis. 244

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Porro quidam barones et milites, tam Latini quam Greci, abbatias et ecclesias alias cum hominibus et bonis aliis earundem contra iustitiam detinentes, decimas non ex‹s›olvunt et alios solvere recusantes in suo errore defendunt. Et si pro hiis aut aliis [R 7v] excessibus suisd) feratur excommunicationis sententia in eosdem, eam in animarum suarum periculum et aliorum scandalum vilipendunt. Unde a nobis desideras edoceri quid tibi agendum sit in omnibus supradictis, et qualiter puniendus sit Nigripontensise) archidiaconus, qui quibusdam eundi cum mercibus in Alexandriam, contra statutum Concilii Generalis, licentiam de facto tribuere non expavit. Nos igitur tue discretionif) breviter respondemus ut, cum iura canonica et civilia edita sint super omnibus fere articulis prenotatis, procedas in hiis, cum necesse fuerit, secundum canonicas et legitimas sanctiones. Poteris etiam ad componendum interponere partes tuas et interdum aliquid severitati detrahere prout, statu imperii et excedentium multitudine provida deliberatione pensatis, videris expedire, exceptis nimirum casibus qui compositionis seug) dispensationis remedium non admittunt, utpote coniugii sacramentum, quod, cum non solum apud Latinos et Grecos, sed etiam apud fideles et infideles existat, circa illud a severitate canonicah) recedere non licebit. In hiis vero super quibus ius non invenitur expressum, procedas, equitate servata, secundumi) quod personas et causas, loca, et tempora videris postulare,j) semper in humaniorem partem, maxime propter statum imperii adhuc debilem, declinando.k) Ceterum super ecclesiarum exemptione ac unione diversorum episcopatuum, de quibus quoque nobis ex parte tua mentio facta fuit, ad presens tibi respondere nequivimus, eo quod, omnibus fere fratribus nostris Urbem propter intemperiem aeris declinandam egressis, non habebamus eam consilii copiam quam huiusmodi negotii magnitudo requirit. De indulgentiis vero et compositionibus a venerabili fratre nostro . . episcopo Albanensi concessis, a Sede Apostolica confirmatis, credimus quod ad tuam exonerationem pertineat ut, siquas videris incircumspecte concessas et per circumventionem a Sede Apostolica confirmatas, vocatis partibus et examinatis omnibus diligenter, negotia ipsa ad Apostolicam Sedem suffi245

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cienter instructa transmittas, prefigens partibus terminum competentem quo propter hoc apostolico conspectui se presentent. Datum Laterani, XV Kalendas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. a) latinis obedire prelatis] obedire prelatis latinis F b) tempore] episcopi F c) hec] hoc F d) suis om. F e) nigripontensis] neoportensis F f) igitur tue discretioni] ergo discretioni tuae F g) seu] sive F h) circa ... canonica] a severitate canonica circa illud F i)-j) secundum ... postulare positum post k) F

79 Rome, the Lateran, 25 August 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, as above in no. 22. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 14r, no. 61 (R). Copy: Biblioteca Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 95v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1597. Edition: previously unpublished (but see no. 22 above).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Speramus in Domino, in virtutis ipsius potentia confidentes, quod is, qui dat omnibus affluenter et non improperat, tibi, quem habemus et conversatione cognitum et rerum experientia comprobatum, dabit verbum evangelizanti virtutes eius et profectum annuntianti pacem populo Christiano ut, sicut columba, volente Domino, reversus ad archam, fructum afferas permanentem, qui et gustu placeat et odoris suavitate delectet. Nos autem, qui personam tuam sincera semper dileximus et diligimus in Domino caritate, ac inter fratres nostros specialis dilectionis brachiis amplexamur, devotionem tuam volentes prosequi gratia pleniori, ut credite tibi legationis officium in honorem Dei et salutem proficiat animarum, auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus quod, si contigerit coram te aliquem episcopum de aliquo crimine sollempniter incusari, quod probatum iuxta constitutiones canonicas penam depositionis inducat, possis contra ipsum, probato crimine secundum iuris 246

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ordinem, depositionis sententiam promulgare. Liceat quoque tibi ecclesiasa) dividere ac unire, cessiones episcoporum recipere; necnon, si aliquem ipsorum ad episcopatum alium contigerit postulari, postulatione recepta, libere ipsum transferas, si necessitas et utilitas hoc exposcit; excommunicatos nichilominus et auctoritate Sedis Apostolice interdictos absolvas, forma ecclesiastica observata, et ei‹s› iniungas quod de iure fuerit iniungendum. Tu tamen, sicut vir providus et discretus, in hiis honori Sedis Apostolice deferas, cum videris expedire. Datum Laterani,VIII Kalendas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno tercio. a) ecclesias mg. R

80 Rome, the Lateran, 27 August 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that with the cardinals’ advice he is sending him to the Empire of Romania as legate a latere, granting him the full faculty of carrying out in the pope’s place what is reserved to the pope by special privilege, firmly forbidding anyone from impeding him. The legate is to defer to the Apostolic See’s honor, consult the pope, and ask for the pope’s plenitude of power when he deems fit, proceeding modestly and discreetly in all things, doing what should be done and abstaining from what he should avoid. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 14r, no. 62 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 95v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1600. Edition: Tautu, p. 66, no. 41 (T).

Eidem ‹I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato›. Cum te in imperio Romanie de fratrum nostrorum consilio a latere nostro duxerimus destinandum, plene legationis officium tue discretioni committimus ut evellas, destruas, dissipes, edifices, et plantes, iuxta quod quelibet sollicitudine tua cognoveris indigere. Ut autem nichil tibi desit eorum que ad plenitudinem legationis pertinent exequende, plenariam tibi 247

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auctoritate presentium concedimus facultatem ut, cum necesse fuerit, vice nostra illa etiam exequaris que nostro sunt speciali privilegio reservata, firmiter inhibentes ne quis processum tuum provocationis obiectu audeat impedire. Tu ergo tamquam vir providus et discretus sic deferas Apostolice Sedis honori sicut tibi vides ab ipsa deferri, ut et nos consulas in quibus videris consulendos et plenitudinem auctoritatis nostre requiras in quibus eam cognoveris requirendum, et sic modeste procedas in omnibus et discrete ut et que agenda sunt agas et ab illis abstineas a quibus fuerit abstinendum, ac talem te in omnibus exhibere procures ne cui merito possis esse suspectus. Datum Laterani,VI Kalendas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. 81 Rome, the Lateran, 28 August 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that, since it is clear that the church of Patras has had at different times secular and regular canons, and the secular canons who are now in the church want their establishment to be confirmed by the legate, especially since the first establishment of secular canons after the empire passed into the hands of the Latins was confirmed by Pope I[nnocent III], the pope gives the legate the authority to arrange as he sees fit, although he does want to provide for the tranquillity of the church and does not want its status to change any further. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 9r, no. 36 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1601. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Cum in Patracensi ecclesia diversas – nunc secularium, nunc vero regularium – canonicorum ordinationes liqueat esse factas, et canonici seculares nunc existentes in ipsa factam de se institutionem a te cum instantia postulent confirmari, presertim cum prima institutio facta in ipsa de canonicis secularibus 248

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postquam imperium ad manus Latinorum devenit per felicis memorie I. papam predecessorem nostrum fuerit confirmata, nos, volentes tranquillitati eiusdem ecclesie providere, tibi, de cuius circumspectione fiduciam gerimus specialem, ordinandi eandem ecclesiam prout ei videris, secundum datam tibi a Deo prudentiam, expedire liberam tibi concedimus auctoritate presentium facultatem. Discretionem tuam monemus et hortamur attente quatenus ecclesie ipsi hac vice taliter studeas providere quod eius statum fluctuare amplius non contingat. Datum Laterani, V Kalendas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. 82 Rome, the Lateran, 5 September 1218 Honorius writes to Bishop-elect Pandulf of Norwich, papal chamberlain, papal legate, relating that he is granting him the authority to provide for his brother Master Giles, papal subdeacon, in his diocese, notwithstanding that he is known to possess the archdeaconate of Thessaloniki, since he is not known to possess any ecclesiastical benefice on this side of the sea by which he can maintain himself fittingly. Original: London, British Library, add. mss. 15351. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 13v, no. 56 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1618. Edition: previously unpublished.

Pandulfo Norwicensi electo, camerario nostro, Apostolice Sedis legato. Attendentes obsequia que nobis ‹et› Ecclesie Romane prudenter et fideliter impendisti et impendes, dante Domino, in futurum, ac per hoc tibi et tuis volentes specialem gratiam exhibere, presentium tibi auctoritate concedimus ut dilecto filio magistro Egidio, germano tuo, subdiacono nostro, possis in diocesi tua congrue providere, non obstante quod in ecclesia Thesalonicensi archidiaconatum obtinere dinoscitur, cum in partibus cismarinis nullum ecclesiasticum beneficium quo congrue sustentari valeat obtinere noscatur. 249

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Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem. Datum Laterani, Nonis Septembris, anno tertio. 83 Rome, the Lateran, 28 September 1218 Honorius writes to the abbot and convent of Hosios Meletios of Mt Myoupolis, responding to their request, following the example of Pope I[nnocent III], by taking their persons and their monastery, along with their cells and everything they reasonably possess at present or will obtain justly in the future, under papal protection, especially confirming and strengthening their possession of the lands and vineyards granted them via the pious donation of the faithful, the liberties and immunities granted to their monastery by emperors, princes, and other faithful, and the ancient and reasonable customs observed in it so far. The pope establishes that, when the abbot dies, no one should be placed in charge there except the person the brothers elect by common consent or by their wiser part, in accordance with God and the rule of their order. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 15r, no. 66 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1627. Edition: Tautu, pp. 66-67, no. 42 (T).

. . abbati et conventui Sancti Meleciia) de Monte Miopoleos. Cum a nobis petitur etc. Eapropter etc. usque assensu, ad exemplar felicis memorie I. pape predecessoris nostri, personas vestras et monasterium Sancti Meletii, in quo divino estis obsequio mancipati, cum cellis et omnibus que impresentiarum rationabiliter possidetis, aut in futurum iustis modis prestante Domino poteritis adipisci, sub beatib) Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus. Specialiter autem: terras et vineas pia vobis fidelium devotione collatas, sicut eas iuste ac pacifice possidetis; libertates quoque ac immunitates ab imperatoribus, principibus, et aliis fidelibus monasterio vestro concessas; necnon antiquas et rationabiles consuetudines in eodem hactenus observatas:c) vobis et per vos eidem monasterio auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, statuentes ut, 250

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obeunte te, nunc eiusdem loci abbate, vel tuorum quolibet successorum, nullus ibi qualibet surreptionis astutia seu violentia preponatur nisi quem fratres communi consensu vel fratrum pars consilii sanioris secundum Deum et regulam vestri ordinis providerint eligendum. Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis, confirmationis, et constitutionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, IIII Kalendas Octobris, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. a) melecii] meletii T

b) beati] sancti T

c) observatas] conservatas T

84 Rome, the Lateran, 1 October 1218 Honorius writes to the abbot and convent of the monastery of Lord Meletios, relating that as Christ’s vicar he must join piety and justice in his constitutions and indulgences, so following the example of Pope I[nnocent III] he concedes that, since the Greeks have hardly been accustomed to paying tithes up until this point, no one may presume to exact or appropriate tithes on the possessions they had before the General Council [cf. Lateran IV, canon 55] that they cultivate with their own hands or at their expense, or on feed for animals, but tithes are to be paid on possessions obtained after the Council and on possessions that they allow others to cultivate, whether obtained before or after the Council. The pope writes similar letters, without the clause about Pope I[nnocent], to the abbot and monks of St Angelos of Kypolusto of Mt Penteli, to the abbot and monks of St Nicholas of Kalisscia of Mt Penteli, and to the abbot and monks of the Holy Savior of Platania of Mt Penteli. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 15v, no. 69 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1630. Edition: Tautu, p. 68, no. 43 (T).

. . abbati et conventui monasterii domni Melecii. Ne vel pietas nimis indulgens transgrediatur iustitiama) vel iustitia nimis rigida deserat pietatem, sed potius sese invicem 251

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complectantur, nos, qui Mediatoris Dei et hominum sumus – licet immeriti – vicarii constituti, eas in constitutionibus et indulgentiis nostris debemus quasi uno rationis termino copulare ut, permixtis inseparabiliter proprietatibus utriusque, altera denominari ab altera digne possit et rite pia iustitia et iusta pietas debeat predicari. Volentes igitur sic erga vos visceribus affluere pietatis ne iuri – quod absit – iniuriam faciamus, ad exemplar felicis memorieb) I. pape predecessoris nostri, auctoritate vobis presentium indulgemus ut, cum Greci usque ad hec tempora decimas solvere minime consueverint, laborum vestrorum quos propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis de possessionibus habitis usque ad Concilium Generale, vel de nutrimentis animalium, nullus a vobis decimas exigere vel extorquere presumat; de habitis post concilium quas propriis manibus vel sumptibus colitis, decimas soluturis; de habitis autem sive ante sive post concilium quas aliis conceditis excolendas, decime persolvantur. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, Kalendis Octobris, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. In eundem modum scriptum est . . abbati et monachis Sancti Angeli de Kypolusto de Montepentelis,c) excepto quod non ponitur “ad exemplar.” In eundem modum . . abbati et monachis Sancti Nycolaid) de Kalisscia de Montepentelis,e) non ponitur “ad exemplar.” In eundem modum . . abbati et monachis Sancti Salvatoris de Platania de Montepentelis,f) non ponitur “ad exemplar.” a) iustitiam om.T b) memorie] recordationis T c) montepentelis] montepentell.T d) nycolai] nicolai T e) montepentelis] montepentell.T f) montepentelis] montepentell. T

85 Rome, the Lateran, 29 October 1218 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that he was presented Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth’s

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petition claiming that, when at one time the pope had admitted his request, he received the pallium from Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, as he should, and carried out his pontifical ministry with it at the established times. Later, however, when the legate came to those parts, he advised the archbishop not to celebrate the divine offices with the pallium, since the pope had confirmed the request provisionally. Since in the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 5] it was prudently established that once the holder of the see of Constantinople has received the pallium from the Roman pontiff, having taken the oath of fealty and obedience to him, the patriarch may freely extend the pallium to his suffragans, receiving from them the canonical profession for himself and the promise of obedience for the Roman Church, therefore the pope orders the legate to allow the archbishop to use the pallium freely. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 21r, no. 95 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 347v (listed on table of contents); I 53, f. 95v (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 5913 (from Y); Pressutti, no. 1658; Santifaller, no. 35. Editions: Raynaldi 1218, no. 25 (Y, from second paragraph); Horoy III, coll. 39-40, no. 31 (H, from Y); Tautu, pp. 6970, no. 45 (T).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Oblata nobis venerabilis fratris nostri . . Corinthiensis archiepiscopi petitio continebat quod, cum olim eius postulatio a nobis admissa fuisset, idem postmodum, palleo, prout debebat, a venerabili fratre nostro . . Constantinopolitano patriarcha recepto, cum eodem pontificalia multotiens statutis temporibus ministravit. Postea vero tu, ad partes illas accedens, consuluisti eidem ut cum palleo non celebraret divina prefato, eo quod a nobis eius esset postulatio confirmata donec super hoc nostre reciperet beneplacitum voluntatis. Cum igitura) in Generali Concilio provida sit deliberatione statutum ut Constantinopolitane sedis antistes, postquam a Romano pontifice receperit palleum, quod est plenitudinis officii pontificalis insigne, prestito sibi fidelitatis et obedientie iuramento, licenter suis suffraganeis palleum largiatur, recipiens pro se professionem canonicam et pro Romana Ecclesia 253

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sponsionem obedientie ab eisdem, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus eidem archiepiscopo, quem ex predicta causa dumtaxat super usu recepti taliter pallei nolumus impediri, utendi eo libere tribuas facultatem. Datum Laterani, IIII Kalendas Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. a) igitur om. HY

86 Rome, the Lateran, 8 December 1218 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, relating that Archdeacon J[ames] of Corinth humbly and devoutly requested that the pope have him provided for according to what P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate, prudently established for this, since he only has the mere name of archdeacon in the church of Corinth.The pope orders the archbishop to provide the archdeacon with a benefice according to the statute. Otherwise, he is writing to Archbishop [C.] of Athens ordering him to force Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth to do this. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 34v, no. 156 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1733. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archiepiscopo Corinthiensi. Dilectus filius I. Corinthiensis archidiaconus supplicavit nobis tam humiliter quam devote ut, cum in Corinthiensi ecclesia archidiaconi obtineat nudum nomen, faceremus ei, secundum quod venerabilis frater noster P. Albanensis episcopus, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, provide super hoc statuit, in beneficio provideri. Quocirca fraternitatem tuam rogamus et hortamur attente, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus iuxta huiusmodi statutum in beneficio provideas archidiacono supradicto. Alioquin venerabili fratri nostro . . Atheniensi archiepiscopo nostras damus litteris in mandatis ut te ad id, monitione premissa, districtione qua convenit, appellatione remota, compellat. 254

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Datum Laterani,VI Idus Decembris, anno tertio. 87 Rome, the Lateran, 19 January 1219 Honorius writes to Archbishops [Warin] of Thessaloniki, [Arnulph]1) of Serres, [B.] of Larissa, [John] of Neopatras, [Hardouin] of Thebes, [Eudes] of Corinth, and [Antelm] of Patras, and their suffragans, relating that he has found the following in the Register of Pope Innocent [III]: Innocent writes to Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, Archbishops [Antelm] of Patras, [Hardouin?] of Thebes, [?] of Larissa, and [John] of Neopatras, and their suffragans and those of the below-written churches, and [Archbishop]-elect [C.]2) of Athens and the chapter of Corinth, relating that at one time, with the consent and approval of Emperor H[enry] of Constantinople, the noble princes and barons living from the border of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki until Corinth unanimously made a resignation, into the hands of the late Patriarch T[homas] of Constantinople, of churches, monasteries, possessions with their appurtenances, and priests and ecclesiastical persons along with all rights, except for the census of lands called “akrostichon” in Greek that the Greeks formerly paid. Innocent confirmed this resignation for some of the addressees and their churches. But [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when he was legate in those parts [1213/14], is known to have made some less useful agreements between the princes and the Church over the aforesaid things, making no mention of the prior agreement containing the aforesaid resignation. Since Innocent considers the prior agreement more useful and necessary for that land than the later ones, not only does he want it to have due force, the other agreements notwithstanding, but with the cardinals’ advice he has directed that it encompass a wider space, establishing that the text of the agreement be observed without violation in all lands acquired or to be acquired on this side [west] of Makri. Thus all things in those areas belonging or that will belong to the addressees or the church of Constantinople or other churches, with the freedom and immunity described in the agreement, without contradiction, shall be taken into possession, especially since the late B[oniface] of Montferrat, once the lord of those parts, restored possessions, rights, and liberties to the clerics and churches, into the hands of B[enedict, cardi255

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nal-]bishop of Porto, then cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, when he was legate in Romania [1205/07]. Innocent adds that, according to what was recently established at the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 53], both Greeks and Latins shall pay tithes in full to churches and clerics. So that the agreement has greater strength, Innocent inserts it verbatim, as follows: “In the name of the Lord, amen. For the honor of God and of the Holy Roman Church and of the Lord Pope Innocent III, this is the pact or agreement concerning all churches placed or situated or founded from Thessaloniki to Corinth, which came between [on the one hand] Lord Thomas, by the grace of God patriarch of the church of Constantinople, and the archbishops of Athens, Larissa, and Neopatras, and the bishops to be mentioned below, and [on the other hand] the barons announced below with their own names. [1]

[2]

[3]

Lord Amédée Pofey constable of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, Otto de la Roche lord of Athens, Marquis Guido [Pallavicino], Ravano [dalle Carceri] lord of the island of Negroponte, Rainerio da Travagia [of Lamia], Albertino of Canossa,Thomas [I] d’Autremencourt, Count Berthold [II of Katzenenlbogen], Nicholas of Saint-Omer, William of Bloville, and William of Larissa, for themselves and their faithful and vassals, gave up all churches, monasteries, possessions, incomes, movable and immovable goods, and all rights of God’s Holy Church, into the hands of the aforementioned lord patriarch, who received them for the Church in the name of the pope and in his own name and that of the archbishops and bishops and of all churches located within the aforesaid boundaries. For themselves and their successors, men, knights, vassals, faithful, servants and serfs, [the barons] wish and most firmly promise that said churches, the monasteries with all their things that they have and will have and the persons located in them and who will be located in them, and the enclosures of the churches, and the servants and serfs and maids and men, and all furnishings and goods will remain forever free and exempt from all angarias, perangarias, duties, services, and any obligations. This is except for the akrostichon alone, which all people – be they Latins or Greeks, both those who are in higher and in lower offices and orders – owe to [the barons], on account of the lands that they hold from [the barons], if they hold them,

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or will hold, in accordance with what was paid by the Greeks at the time of the capture of the royal city of Constantinople. And they owe nothing else. [4] And the aforesaid barons must not claim anything else in the aforesaid churches or monasteries, either for themselves or for their successors, vassals, men, faithful, servants and serfs, nor usurp anything in the future. [5] But if anyone of the aforesaid clerics, both prelates and others, should wish to destroy churches or monasteries, [the barons] must rightly fight against and impede this as much as they are allowed so that [the clerics] do not do what they wickedly conceived to do. [6] But if there are any Latin or Greek clerics, whether they are monks, priests, or calogeris, in higher or in minor orders or offices, who occupy and work said barons’ lands and do not want to pay the akrostichon within the deadline established between them, unless they pay what they are obliged, the aforementioned barons shall have the power to take from [the clerics’] goods as much as is their debt, and nothing more shall be paid, but rather afterwards [the clerics] shall always remain absolutely free in all things with respect to their persons and their and their churches’ things that are in excess of the debt. [7] Also, [the barons] shall not capture or detain, or have detained or captured, the heirs or sons of clerics or priests and their wives, as long as [the barons] are able to put their hands on [the clerics’] movable goods or [the barons] can be compensated from [the clerics’] movable goods according to the amount of the debt. [8] Also, the children of Greek laymen or clerics or priests shall remain in the service of the barons in the customary manner, unless [the children] are ordained by the archbishops or bishops or with their permission. But after their ordination they shall enjoy the same privilege as clerics who perform their duties in obedience to the Roman Church. [9] If any of the Greek priests or monks occupy or work lands of the barons that do not pertain to the rights of churches or monasteries, [these Greek priests] shall answer to the aforesaid lords in the same way as laypeople who occupy and work their lands. [10] Otherwise, if the aforesaid barons go against these [clauses] mentioned, or any of those set out before, after a warning they 257

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shall be excommunicated by their prelates and shall remain in excommunication until they make satisfaction canonically for the damages and injuries sustained. So that fuller faith might be had in the aforesaid [clauses], with the will and consent and authority of the lords Thomas the patriarch and Henry the emperor and the archbishops and all barons mentioned in the present charter, they affixed their seals, saving in all things the authority, reverence, and honor of the lord pope. These were done at Ravennika, in the year of the Lord 1210, Indiction 13, in the presence of archbishops, bishops, elects, clerics, and knights, namely Archbishops [Gervase] of Herakleia, [Berard] of Athens, [?] of Larissa, and [John] of Neopatras, Bishops [?] of Avlonari, [Arnulph] of Thermopylai, [?] of Davleia, [?] of Zaratoria, [?] of Kastorion, and [Ralph] of Sidon, the elects [Robert] of Nazareth and [?] of Kitros, with whose consent and will the aforesaid were done, and in the presence of Cantor Leonard, Priest James, Henry, and Master Boniface,3) canons of the Church of Hagia Sophia of Constantinople, and the prior of the Crociferi of Bologna, the archdeacon of Thebes, the dean of Davleia, and Lord Hardouin and Arnold the aforesaid emperor’s chaplains, and in the presence of Geoffrey [of Villehardouin]4) marshal of the whole Empire of Romania, Rolandino of Canossa, Rainier of Gumula,William of Sains, Beuve de Saint-Sépulcre, Gerard of Gamula, James of Affesso, Hugh of Soloenihen, Abum of Pluges, Philip of Mombis, and many others.These were completed on the second day of the month of May.” Innocent’s letter is dated the Lateran, 23 January 1216.5) Bowing to the addressee’s prayers, Honorius confirms and strengthens what his predecessor did. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, ff. 52r-53r, no. 254 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 98r (summary). Summary: Pressutti 1816. Editions: Lampros, pp. 13-17, no. 11 (L); Tautu, pp. 72-75, no. 48 (T) (numerous editions of Innocent’s letter have been published based on the copy included in Honorius’ letter of 4 September 1223; see below, no. 184).

. . Thessalonicensi, . . Setrensi,a) . . Larisseo,b) . . Neopatrensi, . . Thebano, . . Atheniensi, . . Corinthiensi, et . . Patracensi archiepiscopis ac eorum suffraganeis. 258

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In Regesto felicis recordationis Innocentii pape predecessoris nostri in hunc modum perspeximus contineri: Innocentius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribus . . patriarche Constantinopolitano, . . Patracensi, . . Thebano, . . Larisseo, et . . Neopatrensi archiepiscopis et ipsorum archiepiscoporum et subscriptarum ecclesiarum suffraganeis, et dilectis filiis . . Atheniensi electo et capitulo Corinthiensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Apostolice Sedis sollicitudo continua providentie sue oculos circumquaque reflectit ut in Ecclesia Dei cuncta diligenter inspiciat et a malis bona discernat, noxia eradicans et utilia inserens more providi plantatoris, eisdem suec) protectionis umbraculum et oportune irrigationis fomentum sollicite ministrando, ut magis proficiant et validius coalescant. Hinc est quod nos olim, hac consideratione prudenter inducti, resignationem ecclesiarum, monasteriorum, possessionum cum pertinentiis suis, necnon etiam presbyterorum et ecclesiasticarum personarum cum omni iure suo, quam nobiles viri principes et barones commorantes a confinio Thesalonicensisd) regni usque Corinthum in manus bone memorie T. Constantinopolitani patriarche, consentiente ac approbante karissimo in Christo filio H., Constantinopolitano imperatore illustri, salvo tamen terrarum censu qui “acrosticum” Greco vocabulo nuncupature) et dudum solvebatur a Grecis, unanimi voluntate fecerunt, sicut provide facta fuit, quibusdam ex vobis et ecclesiis eorundem, prout ipsi resignationem predictam iuste ac pacifice obtinebant, auctoritate apostolica duximus confirmandam. Verum, quia venerabilis frater noster . . Albanensis episcopus, dum in partibus vestris legationis officio fungebatur, super predictis inter [R 52v] principes et Ecclesiam quasdam compositiones minus utiles fecisse dinoscitur, de priori compositione continente resignationem prescriptam nullam faciens mentionem, nos, attendentes quod prior compositio magis quam posteriores est utilis et necessaria illi terre, non solum ipsam sicut extitit auctoritate apostolica confirmata obtinere volumus, aliis compositionibus non obstantibus, debitam firmitatem, verum etiam de fratrum nostrorum consilio duximus providendum ut eadem ampliora spatia comprehendat, auctoritate presentium 259

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statuentes ut tenor compositionis eiusdem per loca omnia citra Macramf) dudum acquisita vel in posterum acquirenda inviolabiliter observetur, ita quod universa que ad vos vel Constantinopolitanam seu alias ecclesias vestras infra prescripta loca nunc vel in posterum spectare contigerit, libertate ac immunitate in eadem compositione descriptis, absque omni contradictione, libere potiantur, maxime cum clare memorie B. marchio Montis Ferrati, olim partium illarum dominus, dudum in manibus venerabilis fratris nostri B. Portuensis episcopi, tunc Sancte Susanne presbyteri cardinalis, dum in partibus Romanie legationis officio fungeretur, clericis et ecclesiis possessiones et iura sua restituerit ac etiam libertates. Adicimus etiam ut, secundum quod nuper fuit in sacro Generali Concilio constitutum, ecclesiis et clericis decime integre persolvantur, tam a Grecis quam etiam a Latinis. Ut autem predicta compositio maiorem obtineat firmitatem, ipsam de verbo ad verbum presentibus duximus inserendam. Cuius tenor est talis: In nomine Domini, amen. Ad honorem Dei et sancte Romane Ecclesie et domini pape Innocentii tertii, hoc est pactum sive conventio super universis ecclesiis positis sive sitis vel fundatis a Thesalonicag) usque Corinthum, quod intervenit inter dominum Thomam, Dei gratia Constantinopolitane ecclesie patrarcham, et archiepiscopos Atheniensem, Larissinum,h) Neopatrensem, et episcopos infra ponendos et barones inferius propriis nominibus declarandos. Renuntiaverunt quidem domini Nameus Bovedus comestabulus regni Thesalonici,i) Octo de Roccha dominus Athenarum, Wido Marclo,j) Ravanus dominus insule Nigripontis, Reyneriusk) de Treval, Albertinus de Canosa,Thomas de Stromocorth,l) comes Bertholdus, Nycolausm) de Sancto Omer,Willielmus de Blenel, Willielmus de Arsa, pro se et hominibus suis fidelibus et vassallis, in manibus supradicti domini patriarche, recipientis pro Ecclesia nomine domini pape, etn) suo, et archiepiscoporum, et episcoporum infra predictos terminos positorum et ecclesiarum cunctarum omnes ecclesias, monasteria, possessiones, redditus, mobilia et immobilia bona, et universa iura Ecclesie sancte Dei, volentes et firmissime promittentes dictas ecclesias, monasteria cum omnibus rebus suis habitis et habendis, et 260

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personas in eis positas et ponendas, et claustra ecclesiarum, et servientes, eto) servos, et ancillas, et homines, et universa suppellectilia et bona libera et absoluta per se successoresque suos, homines, milites, vassallos, fideles, servientes, et servos imperpetuum permanere ab omnibus angariis et perangariis,p) talliis, servitutibus, et servitiis universis – excepto achrosticoq) tantum, quod eis debent cuncti sive Latini seur) Greci, tam in dignitatibus quam in minoribus officiis et ordinibus constituti, propter terras quas tenent ab ipsis, siquas tenents) vel tenuerint, secundum quod tempore captionis regie civitatis Constantinopolitane solvebatur a Grecis, et nichil aliud debent, et nichil aliudt) prefati barones per se vel per successores suos, vassallos, homines, fideles, servientes, et servos sibi in predictis ecclesiis sive monasteriis vendicare, nichilque [R 53r] in posterum usurpare. Sed siqui ex predictis clericis tam prelatis quam ceteris ecclesias vel monasteria destruere voluerint, debent quantum eis licuerit repugnare decenter et turbare ne compleant quod nequiter conceperunt. Siqui vero fuerint de clericis Latinis vel Grecis sive monachis, papatibus, vel calogeris, in dignitatibus vel inu) minoribus ordinibus vel officiis constituti, qui dictorum baronum terras detineant et laborent et achrosticumv) solvere noluerintw) termino inter eos statuto, nisi solverint que tenentur, potestatem habeant nominati barones accipiendi de bonis eorum tantum quod eorum debitum – et nichil amplius – persolvatur. Sed in cunctis absoluti et liberi quantum ad personas et res ipsorum et ecclesiarum que superhabundant debitum perpetuo in posterum perseverent. Heredes quoque sive filios clericorum sive papatum et uxores eorum non capiant vel detineant vel faciant detineri vel capi, quamdiu ad mobilia eorum suas poterunt extendere manus sive de eorum mobilibus eis poterit secundum debiti quantitatem satisfieri competenter. Filii quoque Grecorum laicorum sive clericorum seu papatum in baronum servitio iuxta morem solitumx) perseverent, nisi per archiepiscopos et episcopos vel de eorum licentia fuerint ordinati. Post ordinationem vero eodem privilegio gaudeant quo funguntur clerici in obedientia Romane Ecclesie constituti. 261

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Siqui vero papatum vel monachorum Grecorum baronum detinuerint ety) laboraverint terras que ad ecclesiarum vel monasteriorum non pertineant iura, eodem modo predictis respondeant dominis quo fecerint laici qui eorum terras detinent et laborant. Alioquin, si prefati barones contra iam dicta venerint vel aliquid premissorum, post ammonitionem per suos excommunicentur prelatos, et tamdiu in excommunicatione persistantz) quamdiu de dampnis et iniuriis canonice satisfecerint irrogatis. Ut autem premissis fides plenior habeatur, de voluntate atque consensu et auctoritate dominorum Thome patriarche et imperatoris Henrici Constantinopolitanorum,aa) et archiepiscoporum, et omnium baronum in presenti cartula positorum appensa sigilla consistunt, salvis in omnibus domini pape auctoritate, reverentia, et honore. Acta sunt hec apud Ravenicam, anno Domini MoCCoXo, Indictione XIIIa,ab) presentibus archiepiscopis, etac) episcopis, et electis, et clericis, et militibus, videlicet Aracliensi, Atheniensi, Larisseo, Neopatrensi archiepiscopis, Avalensi,ad) Formopilensi,ae) Davaliensi, Zaratoriensi, Castoriensi, Sydoniensi episcopis, Nazariensi et Citrensiaf) electis, de quorum consensu et voluntate sunt premissa peracta, et presentibus cantore Leonardo, Iacobo presbytero, Henrico, magistroag) Bonifatio canonicis ecclesie Sancte Sophie de Constantinopoli, et priore Cruciferorum Bononie, archidiacono Thebano, decano Davaliensi, domino Arduino et Arnuldo capellanis imperatoris prefati, et presentibus Gaufrido marescalco totius imperii Romanie, et Rolandino de Canosa, et Raynerio de Gumula,ah) et Guillielmo de Sanz,ai) et Bovone de Sancto Sepulchro, et Gerardo de Gumula, et Iacobo de Affesso, et Hugone de Sotoenihen,aj) et Abum de Pluges, et Philippo de Mombis, et aliis pluribus. Hec autem completa sunt mense Maii, die secundo intrante. Nulli ergo etc. nostre constitutionis et confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno octavodecimo. Nos itaque, vestris, venerabiles in Christo fratres, precibus inclinati, quod super hiis idem predecessor noster fecit et statuit 262

THE LETTERS

auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere.ak) Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, XIIIIal) Kalendas Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno tercio. 1) Bishop Arnulph of Thermopylai was transferred to Serres in 1212, so we assume that he continued in place until his see fell; cf. no. 131 from 1222. 2) Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 142, 160, and 170, identifies the archbishop of Athens in Honorius III’s time as Conrad, which is quite possible, given that in no. 210 his initial is “C.” and “Conrad” may have been the most prevalent Latin name beginning with “C” at the time. The vidimus of the archbishop of Athens in no. 180 (also authored merely “C.”) does have the seal of “Conrad,” but it is undated and, although the BnF dates the document vaguely to “1215-1225,” it could be a vidimus of the Archbishop Conrad who reigned from 1253: Pope Innocent III appointed Archdeacon Conrad Sommo on 15 February 1253 (ASV, Reg.Vat. 22, f. 310v, no. 39), and he seems to have died in the reign of Pope Clement IV, which began in early 1265, according to a letter of 9 November 1268 dealing with Conrad’s succession (ASV, Reg. Vat. 32, f. 241r-v, no. 82). At any rate, Archbishop C. probably succeeded Berard and there is no indication that he died in Honorius’ reign. 3) Longnon, L’Empire Latin de Constantinople, p. 141, and Setton, The Papacy in the Levant, p. 40, n. 59, read “Henrico magistro Bonifatio” as “Master Henry, and Boniface,” tentatively identifying “Master Henry” as the chronicler Henri de Valenciennes.This may be true, but the text must read “Henry, and Master Boniface”: there are over twenty instances of “magister” in these letters, and in all cases “magister” comes before the name, not after, except once when the person is “magistro Fratrum Minorum de partibus Romanie” (no. 101). 4) Not the prince of Achaia, but the chronicler. 5) Although Innocent was elected on 8 January 1198, he was not concentrated until 22 February, when his papal years began thereafter. Thus the letter in question, from 10 Calends February in the 18th year, should be 23 January 1216, not 1215, contrary to Tautu.The Acta Innocentii III date of 25 January 1215 (p. 462, no. 217) is doubly perplexing, although the fact that the date was accidentally omitted in that edition’s Latin text may be a partial explanation. In any case, no. 127 below remarks that Innocent approved the agreement at the time of the Fourth Lateran Council, i.e., November 1215, so early 1216 is the correct date. a) setrensi] serrensi T b) larisseo] larisaeo T c) sue] tue L d) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis T e) nuncupatur] nunecupatur R f) macram] marcam T g) thesalonica] thessalonica T h) larissinum] larissenum T i)

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thesalonici] thessalonici T j) marclo] marchio T k) reynerius] raynerius T l) stromocorth] stromacorth L m) nycolaus] nicolaus T n) et om. T o) et om. T p) et perangariis om. T q) achrostico] acrostico T r) seu] sive T s) ab ipsis siquas tenent om. per homoeoteleuton T t) aliud om. T u) in om. T v) achrosticum] acrosticum T w) noluerint] voluerint L x) iuxta morem solitum om. T y) et] vel T z) persistant] persistent T aa) constantinopolitanorum] constantinopolitani LT ab) xiiia] xiiii T ac) et om. L ad) avalensi] aralensi L ae) formopilensi] fermopilensi T af) citrensi] cirrensi T ag) henrico, magistro] henrico magistro, T ah) gumula] gamula L ai) sanz] sauz L aj) sotoenihem] sotoemhen L; setoenihen T ak) infringere] etc. add. L al) xiiii] xiii L

88 Rome, the Lateran, 21 January 1219 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Warin], to Dean [Alexander], and to the archdeacon of Thessaloniki, relating that Archbishops [Eudes] of Corinth, [Antelm] of Patras, [B.] of Larissa, [C.] of Athens, and [John] of Neopatras, their suffragans, and the chapter of Thebes humbly requested in their letter that he strengthen the sentence of excommunication against Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia, Lord O[tto de la Roche] of Athens, their barons, knights, servants, counselors, and supporters, and the sentence of interdict on their lands, that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, promulgated on the advice of many prelates as justice required, because they still occupy and refuse to return abbeys, churches, and their possessions, papades, and movable and immovable ecclesiastical goods, contrary to the resignation they did at Ravennika, which was confirmed and later broadened by the late Pope I[nnocent III], as is contained in his letter [cf. no. 87]. Honorius orders the addressees to have the sentences observed without violation until fitting satisfaction is done. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 48v, no. 237 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 97v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1219, no. 22; Pressutti, no. 1819. Editions: Lampros, pp. 12-13, no. 10 (L); Tautu, p. 76, no. 49 (T).

. . archiepiscopo, . . decano, et . . archidiacono Thessalonicenibus.a) Venerabiles fratres nostri . . Corinthiensis, . . Patracensis, . . Larisseus, . . Atheniensis, et . . Neopatrensis archiepiscopi, et eorum suffraganei, et dilecti filii capitulum Thebanum suis nobis 264

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litteris humiliter supplicarunt ut excommunicationis quam in nobiles viros G. principem Achaie, O. dominum Athenarum, barones, milites, servientes, consiliarios, et fautores ipsorum et interdicti quam in terras eorum sententiasb) dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, de multorum prelatorum consilio exigente iustitia promulgavit, pro eo quod ipsi detinentes hactenus abbatias, ecclesias, et possessiones earum, papates et bona ecclesiastica mobilia et immobilia, contra resignationem eorum factam apud Ravenicam, confirmatam per felicis recordationis I. papam predecessorem nostrum, et per eum postmodum, sicut continetur in eius litteris, ampliatam, ea reddere contradicunt, apostolico dignaremur munimine roborare. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus sententias ipsas sicut rationabiliter sunt prolate faciatis auctoritate nostra usque ad satisfactionem condignam, appellatione remota, inviolabiliter observari. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani, XII Kalendas Februarii, anno tertio. a) thessalonicensibus] thessalonicensis T

b) sententias] sententiam T

89 Rome, the Lateran, 1 March 1219 Honorius writes to Margaret, widow of Emperor I[saac II] of Constantinople, relating that, at the request of King A[ndrew II] of Hungary, he is taking her and her childrens’ persons and all the goods they possess under papal protection. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 67v, no. 311 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 98v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1219, no. 22; Fejér, p. 284; Horoy III, col. 150, no. 137; Potthast, no. 5999; Pressutti, no. 1905. Edition: previously unpublished.

Margarite, relicte Y.a) imperatoris Constantinopolitani. Sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia etc. usque confovere. 265

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Eapropter karissimi in Christo filiib) nostri A., Ungarie regis illustris, precibus inclinati, tuam et natorum tuorum personas cum omnibus bonis que impresentiarum rationabiliter possidetis sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, Kalendis Martii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. a) y supralin. R

b) karissimi ... filii] karissimo ... filio a.c. R

90 Rome, the Lateran, 11 March 1219 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), relating that he had it explained to the pope that, when P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, was acting as legate in Romania [1213/14], considering that the revenues of the church of Crete were so low and meager that the archbishop could not maintain himself comfortably from them, he granted the bishopric of Hagios Myron to him until the Apostolic See arranged otherwise. Since labors, lack, and the sting of poverty still afflict the archbishop, he humbly requested that the pope concede the bishopric to him. So the pope grants the request until he arranges otherwise. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 70v, no. 330 (R). Copies: BAV,Vat. lat. 7024, f. 75r; Moreau 1180, p. 242. Summary: Pressutti, no. 1919. Editions: Horoy III, col. 158, no. 148 (H, from Moreau);Tautu, pp. 82-83, no. 57 (T).

. . archiepiscopo Cretensi. Nobis exponere procurasti quod, cum venerabilis frater noster P. Albanensis episcopus, legationis dudum fungens officio in partibus Romanie, diligenter attenderita) quod redditus Cretensis ecclesie, cui prees,b) adeo modici erant et tenues quod ex eis non poteras commode sustentari, episcopatum Sancti Miric) tibi tamdiu concessit habendum donec disponeretur aliter per Sedem Apostolicam de eodem. Unde nobis humiliter 266

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supplicasti ut, cum adhuc labores,d) inopia, et paupertatis aculeus te affligat, episcopatum ipsum tibi concedere dignaremur. Nos igitur, tuis volentes necessitatibus subvenire, prefatum episcopatum de gratia speciali tamdiu tenendum concedimus donec de ipso nos aliter disponamus. Datum Laterani,V Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. a) attenderit] attenderet H bores] laboris H

b) prees] prius H

c) miri] myri T

d) la-

91 Rome, the Lateran, 11 March 1219 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), relating that, since it often happens that certain clerics and laymen of the island of Crete incur a canonical sentence, cannot go to the Apostolic See for absolution because of the great distance, and die excommunicate, the archbishop humbly asked the pope to provide. The pope grants that, in case of urgent necessity, unless a papal legate is in the area of Romania, the archbishop can give absolution to these excommunicates, as long as he enjoins on them what should be enjoined by law. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 70v, no. 332 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1920. Edition: Tautu, pp. 83-84, no. 58 (T).

Eidem ‹. . archiepiscopo Cretensi›. Nobis humiliter supplicasti ut, cum sepe contingat quod quidam clerici et laici Cretensis insule, in canonem late sententie incidentes, quia propter magnam loci distantiam ad Apostolicam Sedem accedere nequeunt pro absolutionis beneficio impetrando, excommunicati decedunt, dignaremur eis paterna sollicitudine providere. Nos igitur, tuis supplicationibus annuentes, auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus ut, cum urgens necessitatis articulus postularit, nisi legatus Sedis Apostolice fuerit in partibus Romanie, excommunicatis huiusmodi auctoritate nostra benefi267

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cium absolutionis impendas, iniuncto eis nichilominus quod de iure fuerit iniungendum. Datum Laterani,V Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. 92 Rome, the Lateran, 15 March 1219 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), relating that, lest his suffragan bishops and the abbots and clerics, both Greek and Latin, in his province fall away from the path if they do not have the rod of correction, he orders the archbishop to correct and reform the excesses of the bishops, abbots, and clerics as he deems expedient, without appeal, as is just, forcing those who contradict with ecclesiastical censure, appeal put aside. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 70v, no. 331 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1929. Editions: Pitra, p. 569, no. 13 (P); Tautu, p. 84, no. 59 (T).

Eidem ‹. . archiepiscopo Cretensi›. Ne venerabiles fratres nostri episcopi suffraganei tui, abbates, et clerici, tam Greci quam Latini, per tuam provinciam constituti declinent ad devia si virgam non habeant correctionis, presentium tibi auctoritate mandamus quatenus ipsorum episcoporum, abbatum, et clericorum excessus auctoritate nostra,a) sublato appellationis obstaculo, sicut iustum fuerit, corrigas et reformes cum videris expedire, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita,b) compescendo. Datum Laterani, Idibus Martii, anno tertio. a) nostra] vestra P ca potestate P

b) censuram ... postposita] censuras eccles. apostoli-

93 Rome, the Lateran, 23 March 1219 Honorius writes to the prior of St Mary of the Crociferi of the diocese of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), to the provost of Rieux, and

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to Canon Peter of Hierapetra, relating that, since Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete lives in remote areas, it would be very expensive and burdensome for him to come to the Apostolic See for every single lawsuit, and since he is frequently provoked with serious injuries by many people, both cleric and lay, who live in the province of Constantinople and the island of Crete, at his request the pope has directed that he be provided for. So the pope orders the addressees, when the archbishop requests, to force those living in said province and island who harm the archbishop unduly to desist, notwithstanding the constitution of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 37] that warns against anyone’s being dragged more than two days’ journey outside his diocese for trial.This letter is not valid after five years. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 72r-v, no. 341 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 1950. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . priori Sancte Marie de Cructaris, Cretensis diocesis, . . preposito Rivensi, et Petro canonico Gerapetrensi. Quoniam nimis dispendiosum esset et grave venerabili fratri nostro . . Cretensi archiepiscopo, cum sit in remotis partibus constitutus, pro singulis querelis Apostolicam Sedem adire, cum frequenter a multis, tam clericis quam laicis, in Constantinopolitana provincia et Cretensi insula constitutis gravibus sit iniuriis lacescitus, ad supplicationem ipsius super hoc ei duximus providendum. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta precipiendo mandamus quatenus, cum a dicto archiepiscopo fueritis requisiti, molestatores ipsius in dictis provincia et insula constitutos, ut ab ipsius archiepiscopi [R 72v] indebita molestatione desistant, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compellatis. Quod si non omnes etc. duo vestrum etc. Non obstante constitutione Concilii Generalis qua cavetur ne aliquis ultra duas dietas extra suam diocesim ad iudicium trahi possit. Istis litteris nequaquam post quinquennium valuturis. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno tertio.

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94 Rieti, 2 July 1219 Honorius writes to Empress [Yolanda] of Constantinople, granting that no one except the Roman pontiff or his legate shall dare to promulgate against her or her chapels a sentence of excommunication or interdict, without a special mandate of the Apostolic See making mention of this indulgence. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 105r, no. 499 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 101r (summary); Moreau 1180. Summaries: Raynaldi 1219, no. 22; Pressutti, no. 2128. Edition: Horoy III, col. 255, no. 247 (H, from Moreau).

. ., imperatrici Constantinopolitane illustri. Volentes serenitati tue in quibus decet apostolici favoris gratiam exhibere, auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus ut, preter Romanum pontificem vel eius legatum, nullus in te vel capellas tuas excommunicationis aut interdicti sententiam absque speciali Apostolice Sedis mandato faciente de hac nostra indulgentia mentionem audeat promulgare. Quod si forte aliquam contra tenorem eiusdem indulgentie promulgari contigerit, eam decernimus non servandam. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere.a) Siquis autem etc. Datum Reate,VI Nonas, Iulii, pontificatus nostrib) anno tertio. a) nostre concessionis infringere om. H

b) pontificatus nostri om. H

95 Rieti, 3 July 1219 Honorius writes to Warner, canon of St Michael of Boukoleon, relating that, since by being in the service of Empress [Yolanda] of Constantinople he can serve not only the churches in which he has benefices, but also all others in the empire, the pope responds to the empress’ and his prayers by granting that he can receive in full the fruits of his benefices without cure of souls as if he resided in them personally as long as he is in the empress’ service, any

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custom or constitution made by a papal legate or anyone else notwithstanding. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 105r-v, no. 500 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53. f. 101r (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 2131. Edition: previously unpublished.

Warnero, canonico Sancti Michaelis de Bucca Leonis. Cum karissime in Christo filie nostre . ., imperatricis Constantinopolitane illustris, obsequiis occupatus, non solum ecclesiis in quibus beneficia obtines, verum etiam aliis quibuslibet de imperio grata possis obsequia exhibere, nos, ipsius [R 105v] imperatricis et tuis precibus inclinati, presentium tibi auctoritate concedimus ut, quamdiu obsequiis dicte imperatricis insistes, fructus beneficiorum tuorum que non habent curam animarum annexam cum integritate percipias ac si in ecclesiis in quibus ipsa obtines beneficia personaliter resideres, consuetudine seu constitutione facta per legatum Apostolice Sedis seu per quemlibet alium non obstante. Nulli ergo etc. nostre constitutionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Reate,V Nonas Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno tertio. 96 Viterbo, 2 June 1220 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that he has diligently inspected the letter that the pope once sent the legate on behalf of the cleric Gilbert – the bearer of this letter – and the letter that the legate sent the pope on the same matter with attestations on Gilbert’s stay in a Cistercian monastery.The pope sends Gilbert back to the legate absolved from regular observance, ordering the legate, in accordance with the pope’s previous mandate, to permit him to remain freely in the condition and habit in which he was before entering the monastery, not to allow him to be harmed by anyone because of this, and otherwise to treat him according to his merits. 271

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 189r, no. 762 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 2476 Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Litteris quas olim tibi direximus pro dilecto filio Gilberto clerico, latore presentium, et tuis quas nobis pro eiusdem negotio direxisti cum attestationibus super mora quam fecit in quodam monasterio Cisterciensis Ordinis diligenter inspectis, ipsum ad te remittimus absolutum ab observantia regulari. Ideoque discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus iuxta primi mandati nostri tenorem ipsum in eo statu et habitu in quo erat quando monasterium ipsum intravit libere manere permittas, nec sinas eum huiusmodi occasione ab aliquo molestari, alias habens commendatum eundem prout eius merita videris postulare. Datum Viterbii, IIII Nonas Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno quarto. 97 Orvieto, 15 July 1220 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate: “The twisting leviathan adder, looking for winding curves, hates straight roads, casting an evil eye on those who walk along them. If perhaps it is unable to turn them from the road so that they turn away on paths deviating to the right or left, it is always keeping concealed in hidden traps and tries to bite the horse’s hoof, so that its rider falls backwards. It does not doubt that it has triumphed over the other virtues of someone, if with its destructive bite it can wound the heel of final perseverance, which alone receives the prize in the stadium among all those running. And so one must be on careful watch against its traps, since it does not sleep, but is always on the lookout to injure, since its only rejoicing is when it can make a stain on the glory of those who always seemed to run with a purpose or fight legitimately. Indeed it rejoices when moving those who are like that, and although such passion is unable to affect it, committed 272

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to eternal tortures, yet it considers it a joy if it can move from their stability those whom it always desired to move, and it tries very hard to afflict them with multiple trickery.” The pope relates that the legate has thus far carried out his legation laudably and with circumspection.Yet he should beware lest the Devil mar his glory through negligence or torpor. Rather, crushing his skull, the legate should bring to a glorious close what he has begun with a commendable start, putting behind him what should be forgotten, thinking not of what has been done but only of what is to be done, taking nothing to be finished until all has been finished. The pope orders the legate to do all in his power concerning the empire’s condition and the advance of the Church, supplying the strength that is missing from the lack of emperor and patriarch in such a way that he honors the Apostolic See and gains the legate praise, trampling the winding serpent who tries to wound the aim of good works with lethal venom. Once the empire has been provided with an emperor and the Church with a patriarch, and supported with what is fitting, the pope will take care to carry out his prayers for the legate. The pope adds that he does not think the legate’s going to the Holy Land is expedient, since little would be gained and his absence could pose not a small threat to the Empire of Romania. He would not be able to visit the Holy Sepulcher anyway, or keep the army there for the Lord’s battles. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 206v, no. 836 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 105v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1220, no. 59; Pressutti, no. 2557. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Leviathan coluber tortuosus sinuosos querens anifractus et habens odio vias rectas provectibusque invidens gradientibus per easdem, si forte ipsos ab illis avertere nequeat, ut declinent in calles devios ad dexteram vel sinistram, in occultis semper insidiis latitando, equi mordere ungulam nititur, ut eius retrocadat ascensor, non ambigens se de ceteris cuiusque virtutibus triumphasse, si morsu pestifero finalis perseverantie possit calcaneum vulnerare, que sola bravium percipit in stadio currentibus universis. Et ideo contra ipsius insidias est sollicite vigilan273

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dum, cum ille non dormiat, sed semper invigilet ad nocendum, utpote cui exultatio alia non existit nisi cum dare maculam in eorum gloriam poterit, qui non in incertum currere vel certare legitime videbantur. In motu quidem eorum qui eiusmodi sunt exultat, quamvis talis affectus eum afficere nequeat eternis cruciatibus mancipatum, verumptamen pro gaudio reputat, si eos a sua possit stabilitate movere quos semper desiderat et molitur fraude multiplici tribulare. Sane, cum iniunctum tibi legationis officium fueris hactenus laudabiliter executus et, dirigente Domino, gressus tuos in cunctis te gesseris circumspectum, provida debes sollicitudine precavere ne is qui semper cuiusquam insidiatur calcaneo per negligentiam seu torporem dare maculam in gloriam tuam possit, sed potiusa) tu, conterens caput eius, quod inchoasti principio commendabili exitu peragere valeas glorioso, et que quidem retro sunt obliviscens ad anteriora te semper extendas, ut nil esse putes actum dum quid super extat agendum. Tuam ergo discretionem monemus et exhortamur in Domino, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus, confortatus in Domino et in potentia virtutis illius qui facit etiam in temptatione proventum ut temptatus valeat sustinere, manus tuas mittens ad fortia, omnem sollicitudinem et diligentiam quam videris expedire circa statum imperii et provectum ecclesiarum adhibeas sicut vir magnanimus et discretus, imperatoris et patriarche, quorum terra illa nunc est providentia destituta, pro viribus sic supplendo defectum quod ad Apostolice Sedis cedat honorem et ad perpetuum titulum tue laudis, conculcato tortuoso serpente qui bonorum operum finem veneno pestifero satagit sanciare. Nos enim, cum imperio de imperatore fuerit et ecclesie de patriarcha provisum, et que circa hec sunt congrua stabilitate suffulta, pro te nobis preces porrectas, auctore Domino, curabimus effectui mancipare, cum te sinceritatis brachiis amplexemur. Ceterum, ut in Terram Sanctam accedas ad presens nec nostro nec tuo honori credimus expedire, eo quod ex hoc parum utilitatis eidem accederet, et imperio Romanie ex absentia tua posset non modicum incomodum imminere, nec tu posses sepulchrum Domini visitare, nec ibidem exercitum ad prelia Domini retinere. 274

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Datum apud Urbemveterem, Idibus Iulii, anno quarto. a) potius mg. R

98 Orvieto, 22 July 1220 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that the master and brothers of the Hospital of St Sampson humbly requested that he remit the twentieth, since their own means are insufficient to serve hospitality, to which they are completely devoted. Since the legate has sent a letter to the pope praising them, the pope commits the decision to the legate whether to remit the twentieth or a part thereof as he sees fit. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 10, f. 208r, no. 841 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 2570. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Dilecti filii . . magister et fratres Hospitalis Sancti Sansonis nobis humiliter supplicarunt ut, cum ad hospitalitatem servandam, cui toto studio et desiderio se impendunt, proprie sibi non sufficiant facultates, eis vicesimam remittere dignaremur. Quia vero super hoc tuas nobis litteras destinasti, perhibendo laudabile testimonium pro eisdem, nos, de discretione tua plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes, tibi super hoc committimus vices nostras, ut sive in tota vicesima sive in parte ipsius facias cum eis prout secundum Deum videris faciendum. Datum apud Urbemveterem, XI Kalendas Augusti, anno quarto. 99 Orvieto, 8 August 1220 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that the legate asked the pope what should be done

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about the fact that Patriarch [Gervase, †8 November 1219] and the canons of Constantinople claim many churches as their own that in the time of the schism the Greek patriarchs, to the prejudice of the diocesan archbishops and bishops, exempted from the established annual payment to them. The pope responds briefly that the legate should establish as he deems expedient. But concerning the fact that Greek monks and hermits who have been excommunicated and suspended due to their disobedience do not want to return to the Church except through a promise by hand, the pope responds that, if they cannot be induced to swear the oath according to the form of the Church, he can receive by hand their promise this time, since sometimes when the particulars of place and time are considered something of the severity can be taken away. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 8r, no. 30 (R). Copy: Moreau 1181, f. 188r-v. Summary: Pressutti, no. 2607. Editions: Pitra, pp. 575-576, no. 17 (P); Horoy III, col. 494, no. 9 (H, from Moreau, dating it to 3 August); Tautu, p. 100, no. 71 (T).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Quid statui debeat super hoc quod . . patriarcha et canonici Constantinopolitani quamplures ecclesias, quas patriarche Greci tempore scismatis, in archiepiscoporum et episcoporum diocesanorum preiudicium indifferenter, statuto sibi censu in ipsis annuo, exemerunt,a) nituntur sibi tamquam proprias vendicare, tua nos duxit discretio consulendos. Ad quod discretioni tue breviter respondemus ut super hoc statuas quodb) secundum Deum et honestatem ecclesiasticam viderisc) expedire. Super eo vero quod monachi Greci et heremite propter inobedientiam sententiad) suspensionis et excommunicationis ligati nolunt ad mandatum Ecclesie nisi per manualem promissionem redire, hoc tibi duximus respondendum quod, si nullatenus possunt induci ad prestandum iuxta formam Ecclesie iuramentum, ipsos hac vice cum promissione poteris recipere manuali, cum interdum, consideratis locorum et temporum qualitatibus, severitati sit aliquid detrahendum. 276

THE LETTERS

Datum apud Urbemveterem,VIe) Idus Augusti, anno quinto. a) exemerunt] eximerunt H; et add. P b) quod] quid H c) videris] videritis a.c. R d) sententia] tenentia H; om. P e) vii] ii H

100 Orvieto, 19 August 1220 Honorius writes to the prior and brothers of the Lord’s Sepulcher, responding to their requests by taking their church and possessions under papal protection, listing among their properties a church they have in Constantinople and a church they have in Thessaloniki. Only the text pertinent to this volume is printed below. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 12r-v, no. 49 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana I 53, f. 109v (summary). Summaries: Grünhagen-Korn, p. 109, no. 228; Potthast, no. 6333; Pressutti, no. 2626; Röhricht, no. 935. Editions: Nakielski, pp. 136-137; Horoy III, coll. 509-510, no. 26 (H, from Nakielski); Bullarium Cyprium, pp. 212-213, no. c-25 (partial); Claverie, pp. 360-361, no. 50.

. . priori et fratribus Dominici Sepulchri. Effectum iusta postulantibus indulgere et vigor equitatis et ordo exigit rationis, presertim quando petentium voluntatem et pietas adiuvat et veritas non relinquit. Eapropter,a) dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis postulationibus gratum impertientes assensum, ecclesiam gloriosi Dominici Sepulchri sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et quascumque possessiones ‹et› quecumque bona eadem ecclesia ubilibet locorum impresentiarum rationabiliter possidet aut in futurum iustis modis, prestante Domino, poterit adipisci, ac specialiter ecclesiam quam habetis apud Accon, et ecclesiam quam habetis apud Tyrum, ecclesiam quam habetis Antiochie, ecclesiam quam habetis apud Constantinopolim, ecclesiam quam habetis apud Thesalonicamb) ... cum omnibus pertinentiis et tenimentisc) earundem ... sicut ea omnia iuste ac pacifice possidetis ... [R 12v]

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Datum apud Urbemveterum, XIIII Kalendas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. a) eapropter] quapropter H b) thesalonicam] thessalonicam H tinentiis et tenimentis inv. H

c) per-

101 Rome, the Lateran, 9 December 1220 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that in his presence John, prior of the Church of the Holy Apostles of Constantinople, humbly explained to the pope that, out of hatred, some of his jealous rivals falsely claimed to have heard that he had been a monk and vowed to join the Order of Friars Minor. At this suggestion, without any accuser at all appearing, the legate wanted him to answer legally these and other charges made against him, to force him to join an order, and to establish a dean in his church, in which the late Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople had committed to him the spiritual and temporal affairs with the consent of his chapter, to the prejudice and harm of the church and the prior. The prior therefore considered himself and his church – which because of its meager revenue cannot support two dignities – to be unjustly harmed over this, so he appealed to the Apostolic See, to which appeal the legate humbly deferred. Afterwards the legate sent the pope a letter against the prior and the latter wished to answer legally these charges in the pope’s presence. The pope wished to defer to the legate as much as he could, so he assigned to the prior and the legate’s nuncios Hermann, his chaplain, as auditor. Before the auditor, the nuncios claimed that they did not want to charge the prior with anything. Friar Luca [di Puglia], master of the Friars Minor in areas of Romania, into whose hands the prior was said to have vowed to join the order, gave up in the pope’s presence any lawsuit against the prior. So the prior humbly requested that the pope have compassion on his labors and expenses and provide for him mercifully. The pope considers it wrong for someone to be punished without fault, so he orders the legate to recall to its pristine condition any innovation done after the appeal and the journey to the Apostolic See and not to harm the prior again over this matter, nor permit him to be harmed by others. 278

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 46r-v, no. 239 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6431; Pressutti, no. 2845; Santifaller, no. 36. Edition: Bullarium Franciscanum, pp. 6b-7a, no. 6 (B).

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Constitutus in presentia nostra dilectus filius Iohannes, prepositus ecclesie Sanctorum Apostolorum Constantinopolitane, exposuit humiliter coram nobis quod, cum ad suggestionem quorundam emulorum suorum qui, eum odio persequentes iniquo, falso se di[R 46v]cebant audisse quod monachus fuerat et Ordinem Fratrum Minorum se voverat suscepturum, eundem nullo accusatore penitus comparente super predictis et aliis sibi obiectis paratum legitime se purgare, ad suscipiendam religionem compellere, ac in eadem ecclesia, in qua spiritualia sibi et temporalia per bone memorie . . Constantinopolitanum patriarcham de sui assensu capituli sunt commissa, decanum instituere, in eius et ecclesie predicte velles preiudicium et gravamen, idem prepositus, sentiens se ac ecclesiam ipsam, que propter tenuitatem reddituum duas dignitates nequit habere, super hiis iniuste gravari, ad Sedem Apostolicam appellavit, cuius appellationi humiliter detulisti. Cumque postmodum, te mittente quasdam ad nos litteras contra eum, ipse de sibi obiectis in nostra vellet presentia legitime se purgare, nos, tibi quantum cum Deo potuimus deferre volentes, ei et dilectis filiis . . et . . nuntiis tuis dilectum filium Armannum, capellanum nostrum, concessimus auditorem, coram quo eisdem nuntiis proponentibus quod nichil eidem preposito volebant obicere, ac dilecto filio fratre Luca, magistro Fratrum Minorum de partibus Romanie, in cuius vovisse manibus idem prepositus dicebatur, coram nobis omni contra eum liti cedente, predictus prepositus nobis humiliter supplicavit ut, eius compatientes laboribus et expensis, sibi super hiis providere misericorditer dignaremur. Nos igitur, provide attendentes quod indignum est aliquem sine culpa puniri, discretioni tue, de qua plene confidimus, per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, revocato in statum pristinum quicquid post huiusmodi appellationem et iter arreptum ad Sedem Apostolicam veniendi fuerit in eius preiudicium in279

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novatum, predictum prepositum super huiusmodi decetero non molestes nec permittas quantum in te fuerit ab aliis molestari. Datum Laterani,V Idus Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. 102 Rome, the Lateran, 11 December 1220 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that, because of the merits of the famous ancestors of King D[emetrius] of Thessaloniki, and especially of Marquis William of Montferrat, his brother, the pope loves the king sincerely and the consideration of his [young] age leads the pope to order the legate to defend and support the king and his kingdom, forcing anyone who rashly dares to harm the king or his kingdom to desist. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 44v, no. 230 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 435r; I 53, f. 112r (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 2856. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Cum carissimum in Christo filium nostrum D., regem Thesalonicensem illustrem, preclare memorie proienitorum suorum ac specialiter dilecti filii nobilis viri Guillielmi marchionis Montis Ferrati, germani eius, meritis exigentibus, sincera diligamus in Domino caritate, atque ad favorem ipsius etatis eius consideratio merito nos inclinet, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus ipsum et regnum eius sollicite defendere studeas ac fovere, quoslibet qui eundem regem vel regnum ipsum presumpserint temere molestare a presumptione huiusmodi, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Datum Laterani, III Idus Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno quinto.

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103 Rome, the Lateran, 11 December 1220 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Pellegrino] of Brindisi, relating that the nobleman Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] is bound by excommunication because of his faults, so the pope orders the archbishop to prohibit and to have prohibited frequently all Latins who come to the port of Brindisi from going to Theodore while he is excommunicate or from giving him help or support. He is to announce as similarly bound those who dare to go against this prohibition. The pope sends a similar letter to the archbishops of Messina, Bari, Genoa, and Otranto and to the bishops of Ancona and Monopoli. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 45r, no. 233 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 112r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6437; Pressutti, no. 2858. Editions: Ughelli, vol. 9, col. 33; Tautu, pp. 101-102, no. 73 (T).

. . archiepiscopo Brundusino. Cum nobilis vir Theodorus Cominionus, culpis suis exigentibus, excommunicationis vinculo sit ligatus, fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus omnibus Latinis quos ad portum Brundusinum venire contigerit frequenter inhibeas et facias inhiberi ne ad predictum Theodorum, quamdiu fuerit excommunicatus, accedant, ne ve sibi auxilium tribuant vel favorem. Illos autem qui huiusmodi prohibitioni contraire presumpserint auctoritate nostra denunties simili vinculo innodatos. Datum Laterani, III Idus Decembris, anno quinto. In eundem modum scriptum est . . archiepiscopo Messanensi eta) . . episcopo Anthonitano,b) . . archiepiscopo Barensi, . . Ianuensi, . . archiepiscopo Ydrontino,c) et . . episcopo Monopolitano. a) et om. T

b) anthonitano] anconitano T

281

c) ydrontino] hydruntino T

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104 Rome, the Lateran, 7 January 1221 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that “John of Benevento, who was then acting as archdeacon of Patras, very often pressed upon our ears that Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras celebrated the divine offices while suspended and committed other things that required apostolic correction. Alarmed by his increasing complaints, we committed the carrying out of the inquiry on these matters to Archbishop [B.] of Larissa and his colleagues [no. 61]. But the same archbishop [of Patras], stating that since the aforesaid John is his open enemy, and so the letters of inquiry that he obtained ought to lack the strength of firmness, humbly beseeched us that we deign to revoke them – especially since until then there had been no trial on the basis of those letters – and that we should take note that he was commended to us both by our venerable brother [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when he was performing the office of legation in those parts, and also by you yourself. So, because we are very aware of the enmities between this archbishop and the aforesaid John, by apostolic writings we order your discretion, if the reputation of the archbishop has been damaged by these aforesaid things, and the accuser does not seem legitimate, you shall impose on him the canonical purgation, which if he performs, you will not allow him to be bothered any further on this matter.” Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 116v, no. 583 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 115v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 2959. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Iohanne de Benevento, qui tunc pro Patracensi archidiacono se gerebat, auribus nostris sepius inculcante quod . . Patracensis archiepiscopus suspensus divina officia celebrarat, alia que correctionem requirebant apostolicam committendo, nos, eius crebris pulsati clamoribus, inquisitionem super hiis . . Larisensi archiepiscopo et collegis suis commisimus faciendam. Idem autem archiepiscopus nobis humiliter supplicavit ut, cum pre282

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fatus Iohannes eius manifestus inimicus existat, unde impetrate per eum inquisitionis littere carere debent robore firmitatis, ipsas revocare – presertim cum hactenus per eas processum non fuerit – dignaremur, attendentes quod tam a venerabili fratre nostro P. Albanensi episcopo, dum in partibus illis legationis officio fungeretur, quam etiam a teipso nobis extitit commendatus. Quia igitur de ipsius archiepiscopi et prefati Iohannis inimicitiis evidentius nobis constat, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si super premissis gravata est fama prefati archiepiscopi et accusator legitimus non apparet, canonicam ei purgationem indicas, quam, si prestiterit, ipsum vexari occasione predicta decetero non permittas. Datum Laterani, VII Idus Ianuarii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. 105 Rome, the Lateran, 8 February 1221 Honorius writes to Patriarch Matthew of Constantinople: “Thus the Lord poured His gifts into the Roman Church through the merits of Blessed Peter, thus He broadened its privilege, so that however liberal it is with others, it shall fear neither damage to its honor nor loss of its power, because it draws nothing from itself even when it extends the greatest things to others, nor does it take away what it confers, or lose what it grants. It dispenses burdens and honors on those whom it summons in the cause of anxiety in such a way that the care for all churches worry it and the fullness of ecclesiastical power adorn it no less than it suffers to threaten the privilege of Peter.” Honorius is granting the patriarch’s request and conceding that he can absolve his subjects who have laid violent hands on clerics and other religious men, and those who have carried to the Saracens wood and other things forbidden in the General Council [Lateran IV, Holy Land decrees], according to the form of the Church, unless the crime of laying violent hands is so great that he rightly believes that the perpetrators should be sent to the Apostolic See. The pope also commits to the patriarch the absolution of forgers, if they commit forgery of the patriarch’s seal or of those of his subordinates. So that, like a groom, the patriarch goes from the mother’s bedroom to the wife, surrounded by varieties and adorned with 283

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the pope’s indulgences, the pope grants that when kings of the Empire of Constantinople are to be anointed, when the anointment is asked of him and he receives imperial assent, he may anoint them. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 77r-v, no. 388 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 113v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi, no. 27 (Pressutti: “17”); Pressutti, no. 3077; Santifaller, no. 37. Editions: Pitra, pp. 576-577, no. 18 (P); Tautu, pp. 102-103, no. 74 (T).

Matheo patriarche Constantinopolitano. Sic Dominus in Romanam Ecclesiam per beati Petri merita sua dona diffudit, sic eius privilegium ampliavit, ut quantumlibet in alios fuerit liberalis, nec detrimentum tamen honoris timeat nec dispendium potestatis, utpote que nichil subtrahita) sibi cum aliquibus maxima etiam elargitur,b) nec aufert quod confert, nec quod donat ammittit. Ipsa etenim in eos quos in partem sollicitudinis evocat sic dispensat onera et honores ut non minus eam ecclesiarum omnium cura sollicitet et plenitudo ecclesiastice potestatis adornet, quamc) non patitur Petri privilegium minorari. Eapropter, venerabilis in Christo frater, tuis precibus annuentes, auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus ut subditos tuos, qui in clericos et alios viros religiosos manus iniecerint violentas, necnon illos qui ligna et alias res in Generali Concilio vetitas Sarracenis portarunt,d) auctoritate ac vice nostra, secundum Ecclesie formam, absolvas, nisi forsan ipsorum manuum iniectorume) ita fuerit enormis excessus ut merito credas eos ad Sedem Apostolicam destinandos. Falsariorum quoque absolutionem tue fraternitati committimus, si forsan in sigillo tuo vel subditorum tuorum vitium commiserint falsitatis.f) [R 77v] Ut autem tamquam sponsus de thalamo matris procedas ad sponsam, circumdatus varietatibus et indulgentiarum nostrarum decoratus amictu, tibi personaliter indulgemus ut, siqui reges de Constantinopolitano imperio fuerint inungendi, dum tamen a te inunctio postuletur et assensus imperialis accedat, inungas. Nulli ergo etc.g) nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, VI Idus Februarii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. 284

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a) subtrahit] subtraxit P b) elargitur] largitur P c) quam] quum P d) portarunt] portarant T e) iniectorum] iniectarum P f) falsitatis om. T g) etc.] et P

106 Rome, the Lateran, 12 February 1221 Honorius writes to the dean and chapter of Herakleia, relating that, considering their church’s means, the late Patriarch G[ervase, †8 November 1219] of Constantinople appraised and established the number of eleven canons to be observed, ranks included, as is said to be contained in the patriarch’s letter. Bowing to their prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens the arrangement, unless the church’s means increase so much that the number of canons should be augmented. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 78v, no. 395 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3094; Santifaller, no. 38. Edition: previously unpublished.

Decano et capitulo Heracliensibus. Cum sicut ecclesia ex ordinato clericorum cetu in ea Domino militantium honoratur, sic ex eorum superflua multitudine oneretur, dum non habentibus unde valeant sustentari murmurandi non desit occasio que ipsos remissiores reddit ad divina officia celebranda, nos, qui tenemur ecclesiarum omnium utilitatibus providere, vestris precibus inclinati, undecimum canonicorum numerum, quem facultatibus ecclesie vestre pensatis bone memorie G. patriarcha Constantinopolitanus, computatis personatibus in ea, taxavit et statuit observandum, prout in ipsius patriarche litteris dicitur contineri, sicut taxatus est provide ac statutus, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, nisi forsan in tantum excreverint eiusdem ecclesie facultates quod merito in ea canonicorum numerus debeat adaugeri, auctoritate Sedis Apostolice semper salva. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, II Idus Februarii, anno quinto. 285

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107 Rome, the Lateran, 16 February 1221 Honorius writes to the chapter and all the clergy of Constantinople, relating that he considers the church of Constantinople a noble member of the Church and tries to honor it as much as he can for its spiritual and temporal advance. Chancellor W[arin], Deacon Ph., and papal Subdeacon John, the agents of the chapter, and Master G. canon of Boukoleon and cleric A., agents of all the prelates of the Franks of Constantinople, came to the Apostolice See and humbly requested that the pope provide their church with a pastor suitable for such honor and onus, since they could not agree in electing or appointing one. With the advice of the cardinals, the pope considered the urgent necessity and the utility of that church and appointed as patriarch of Constantinople Bishop M[atthew] of Jesolo, whose merits the pope lists. The pope is sending the patriarch to the church of Constantinople with the pallium, so he orders the addressees to receive him humbly and devoutly, show him fitting obedience and reverence, and observe his healthy warnings and orders. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 78r, no. 393 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 457r (mutilated); I 53, f. 113v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3099. Edition: Santifaller, pp. 192-193, no. 39 (S).

Capitulo et universo clero Constantinopolitanis.a) Constantinopolitanam ecclesiam tamquam nobile Apostolice Sedis menbrum prerogativa dilectionis et gratie non immerito amplexantes, libenter ipsam in quibus possumus honoramus, eiusque profectibus totis affectibus intendentes, nostris commodis accrescere arbitramur quicquid eidem in spiritualibus vel temporalibus conferre possumus incrementi. Sane, cum dilecti filii W. cancellarius, Ph. diaconus, et Iohannes subdiaconus noster vestri,b) filii capitulum, et magistri G. canonicus Bucceleonis et A. clericus universitatis prelatorum partis Francorum Constantinopolitanorum procuratores, ad Sedem Apostolicam venientes, nobis humiliter supplicarunt ut, quia iidem in eligendo vel postulando patriarcham non poterant concordare, eidem ecclesie provideremus de perso-

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na idonea in pastorem que tanto congrueret oneri et honori, nos, super hoc habito cum fratribus nostris diligenti consilio et tractatu, necessitate urgente ac evidenti utilitate pensatis, venerabilem fratrem nostrum M., tuncc) Equilinum episcopum, virum utique vite ac morum honestate preclarum, observantia religionis conspicuum, litterarum scientia eruditum, et in spiritualibus et temporalibus circumspectum, ab Equilina ecclesia de nostre potestatis plenitudine absolventes, eum in patriarcham Constantinopolitanum duximus providendum. Cum igitur ipsum insignitum palleo plenitudine videlicet pontificalis officii ac Apostolice Sedis privilegio communitum ad ecclesiam Constantinopolitanam cum nostre plenitudine gratie remittamus, universitatem vestram rogamus, monemus, et hortamur attente, per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes quatenus, recipientes eundem humiliter et devote, debitam ei obedientiam et reverentiam impendatis, ipsius salubria monita et mandata efficaciter observando, ita quod, vobis eidem tamquam menbris capiti obsequentibus, ecclesia in partibus illis magis ac magis in Domino convalescat, et nos devotionem vestram possimusd) merito commendare. Datum Laterani, XIIII Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. a) constantinopolitanis] constantinopolitano S tunc] tempore S d) possimus] possumus S

b) vestri] nostri S

c)

108 Rome, the Lateran, 18 February 1221 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, relating as above in no. 101 to the legate, adding that the legate’s nuncios were Peter, Arnulph, and Warner, and that the auditor Hermann is now bishop-elect of Chiusi. If the legate does not wish to or cannot proceed in the business, the pope gives the patriarch the same orders as he did the legate in no. 101. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 79r, no. 399 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6566; Pressutti, no. 3105; Santifaller, no. 40. Edition: Bullarium Franciscanum, pp. 7b-8b, no. 7 (B).

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. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Constitutus in presentia nostra dilectus filius Iohannes, prepositus ecclesie Sanctorum Apostolorum Constantinopolitane, exposuit humiliter coram nobis quod, cum dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, ad suggestionem quorundam emulorum suorum qui, eum odio persequentes iniquo, falso se dicebant audisse quod monachus fuerat et Ordinem Fratrum Minorum se voverat suscepturum, eundem nullo accusatore penitus comparente super predictis et aliis sibi obiectis paratum legitime se purgare, ad suscipiendam religionem compellere, ac in eadem ecclesia, in qua spiritualia sibi et temporalia per bone memorie G. predecessorem tuum de sui assensu capituli sunt commissa, decanum instituere, in eius et ecclesie predicte vellet preiudicium et gravamen, idem prepositus, sentiens se ac ecclesiam ipsam, que propter tenuitatem reddituum duas dignitates nequit habere, super hiis iniuste gravari, ad Sedem Apostolicam appellavit, cuius appellationi dictus legatus detulit reverenter. Cumque postmodum, eodem legato mittente quasdam ad nos litteras contra eum, ipse de sibi obiectis in nostra vellet presentia legitime se purgare, nos, eidem legato quantum cum Deo potuimus deferre volentes, dicto preposito et dilectis filiis Petro, Arnulfo, et Warnero nuntiis ipsius legati dilectum filium Armannum, tunc capellanum nostrum, nunc vero electum Clusinum, concessimus auditorem, coram quo eisdem nuntiis proponentibus quod nichil eidem preposito volebant obicere, ac dilecto filio Fratre Luca, magistro Fratrum Minorum de partibus Romanie, in cuius vovisse manibus idem prepositus dicebatur, coram nobis omni contra eum liti cedente, predictus prepositus nobis humiliter supplicavit ut, eius compatientes laboribus et expensis, sibi super hiis providere misericorditer dignaremur. Nos igitur, provide attendentes quod indignum est aliquem sine culpa puniri, fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si dictus legatus, cui super hoc direximus scripta nostra, noluerit vel prepeditus ex itinere ad Sedem Apostolicam revertendi nequiverit procedere in negotio memorato, tu, revocato in statum pristinum quicquid post huiusmodi appellationem et iter arreptum ad Sedem Apostolicam veniendi fuerit in eius et dicte ecclesie preiudicium innovatum, prefa288

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tum prepositum super huiusmodi decetero non molestes nec permittas ab aliis molestari, molestatores eius indebitos per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Datum Laterani, XII Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. 109 Rome, the Lateran, 27 February 1221 Honorius writes to Abbess Beatrice of the Constantinopolitan monastery of Perchay, formerly called Ysostis, and to her sisters both present and future devoted to the regular life, in perpetuity, responding to their requests with a formulaic privilege, taking their Constantinpolitan monastery of the Holy Mother of God and Virgin Mary of Perchay, formerly called Ysostis, under papal protection. He also confirms their present and future possessions, including the place itself with its appurtenances and the following, which he lists by name:1) The following granted piously by Abbess [Beatrice] when she took the nun’s habit: the possessions they have in villages (casalia) and hamlets (agridia), namely Chaketa, prastio Tofrem, prastio Ymacricora, Lefrocarea, Thastavaru, Yiorieti, and Thogrippo, with their appurtenances; the possesstions that have in places called Hagios Stephanos, Hagios Basileios, and Hagia Euphemia, with their appurtenances; the possessions they have in places called Yoi, Odrisca, Ystriligera, Ypapya, Ymaniche, Thachinari, Thapenguma, Pendachomia,Ysomandres, Churtus,Yculus,Ycantis,Ypheluti,Ychiameny, Thoftomi, Iarcuzy,Thoivany,Ylissopena, Scalaripe, Sgora, and Dypothamus, with all their appurtenances; the grange next to the Roman Gate of Constantinople and the grange called Milus beyond the Arm [the Sea of Marmara] near Panormos, with all their appurtenances. The following granted by the nobleman G[eoffrey] de Merry and his wife M.: the possessions they have in two casalia of the Serbochoria (Serbian Villages), namely Lephky and Troulotin. The following gifts: from the nobleman M[acaire] de Clermont, an annual income of thirty modia of wheat from the revenues of the casale of Laphiella in the territory of Karekas (Charax); from the noble woman Isabel [de Bracheux], an annual income of thirty megarika of wine in the island of Marmara (Prokonnesos), namely in the casale called Closyas (Klazias, Klazaki); from the nobleman B[euve] 289

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de Saint-Sépulcre, an annual income of one hundred modia of salt and two hyperpera in the saltpans of Selymbria (Silivri); from the nobleman Ph[ilipp] of Perchay, an annual income of ten hyperpera in the scala of Panormos; from J[ohn] de Cormeiles, an annual income of five hyperpera in the casale called Zelpia; from Conon of Béthune the Younger, an annual income of ten hyperpera and ten modia of wheat in the casale called Pyvates (Epivates). Along with meadows, vineyards, lands, forests, usage and pasturage rights, in plain and in wood, in waters and mills, on roads and paths, and all other liberties and immunities. No one is to ask or extort from them tithes on their labor for possessions held before the General Council [cf. Lateran IV, canon 55] or new possessions that they cultivate with their own hands or at their own expense, or on their orchards, gardens, and fishponds, or on feed for their animals. They are allowed to receive and retain free and absolved persons fleeing from the world. The remainder is formulaic about their rights and exemptions, except for the following: If when asked with the proper humility and devotion the patriarch, in whose parish their house is founded, refuses to bless the new abbess and do other things pertaining to his pontifical office, they can obtain all that was unduly denied to them by their bishop from another bishop. If the patriarchal see is vacant, they can receive the ecclesiastical sacraments and other things in the meantime from neighboring bishops, as long as no prejudice is generated for the patriarch in the future. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 81v-82v, no. 416 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 489r (mutilated). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6570; Pressutti, no. 3123; Santifaller, no. 41. Editions: Pitra, pp. 577-578, no. 19 (P, giving date as 26 February); Saint-Guillain, pp. 37-39 (S).

Beatrici, abbatisse monasterii de Percheio, quondam dicti Ysostis, Constantinopolitani eiusque sororibus tam presentibus quam futuris regularem vitam professis imperpetuum. Prudentibus virginibus etc. usque sacre religionis infringat. Eapropter, dilecte in Christo filie, vestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus et prefatum monasterium Sancte Dei Genitricis et Virginis Marie de Percheio, quondam dictum 290

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Ysostis, Constantinopolitanum, in quo divino estis obsequio mancipate, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti privilegioa) communimus. In primis siquidem statuentes etc. nichil mutato usque observetur. Preterea, quascumque possessiones etc. usque illibata per[R 82r]maneant. In quibus hecb) etc. usque vocabulis: Locum ipsum etc. usque pertinentiis suis. Possessiones quas habetis in casalibus et agridiis, videlicet Chaketa,c) prastione Tofrem, prastioned) Ymacricora, Lefrocarea,e) Thastavaru,Yiorieti,f) et Thogrippo, cum pertinentiis suis. Possessiones quas habetis in locis que vocantur Agyos Stephanos, Agyos Basyleos,g) et Agya Euphemya,h) cum pertinentiis suis. Possessiones quas habetis in locis que dicuntur Yoi, Odrisca, Ystriligera,i) Ypapya, Ymaniche, Thachinari,j) Thapenguma, Pendachomia,k) Ysomandres, Churtus,Yculus,Ycantis,Ypheluti, Ychiameny, Thoftomi,l) Iarcuzy,m) Thoivany,n) Ylissopena, Scalaripe, Sgora,o) et Dypothamus, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis. Grangiam iuxta Portam Romanam in Constantinopoli, et grangiam que Milus dicitur ultra Brachium propre Palormum, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis. Que omnia tu, filia abbatissa, eidem monasterio pietatis intuitu contulisti antequam habitum susciperes monachalem. Possessiones quas habetis in duobus casalibus Servorum Chore, scilicet Lephkyp) et Trolotyn, quas nobilis vir G. de Merry et M., uxor eius, contulerunt monasterio memorato. De dono nobilis viri M.q) de Claromonte, annuum redditum triginta modiorum frumentir) de redditibus casalis de Laphiella in territorio de Karekas. De dono nobilis mulieris Ysabele,s) annuum redditum triginta magaricarum vini int) insula de Marmoraz,u) in casali videlicet quod dicitur Closyas. De dono nobilis viri B. de Sancto Sepulchro, annuum redditum centum modiorum salis et viginti yperperorum in salariis Salimbrie. De dono nobilis viri Ph. de Percheio,v) annuum redditum decem yperperorum in scala Palormi. De dono I. de Cormeliis,w) annuum redditum quinque yperperorum in casali quod dicitur Zelpia. 291

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De dono iunioris Cononis de Bethunia, annuum redditum decem yperperorum et decem modiorum frumenti in casali quod dicitur Pyvates.x) Cum pratis, vineis, terris, nemoribus, usuagiis, et pascuis in bosco et plano, in aquis et molendinis, in viis et semitis, et omnibus aliis libertatibus et immunitatibus suis. Sane laborum vestrorum de possessionibus habitis ante Concilium Generale ac etiam novalium que propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis, sive de ortis, virgultis, et piscationibus vestris, vel de nutrimentis animalium vestrorum, nullus a vobis decimas exigere vel extorquere presumat. Ad hec personas liberas et absolutas ey) seculo fugientes liceat vobis ad conversionem recipere et eas absque contradictione aliqua retinere. Prohibemus insuper ut nulli sororum vestrarum etc. usque audeat retinere. Illud districtius inhibentes etc. usque censemus. Insuper auctoritate apostolica inhibemus etc. usque aliquatenus intromittat. Si vero patriarcha, in cuius parrochia domus vestra fundata est, cum humilitate ac devotione qua convenit requisitus, substitutam abbatissam benedicere et alia que ad officium pontificale pertinent vobis conferre renuerit, licitum sit vobis omnia ab alio episcopo percipere, que a vestroz) vobisaa) fuerint indebite denegata. Pro consecrationibus vero altarium etc. usque obtentu consuetudinis vel alio quolibet modo quicquam audeat extorquere, sed hec omnia idem patriarcha gratis vobis impendat. Alioquin liceat vobis quemcumque malueritis catho[R 82v] licum adire antistitem etc. usque quod postulaturab) impendat. Quod si sedes patriarchalisac) forte vacaverit,ad) interim omnia ecclesiastica sacramenta a vicinis episcopis accipere libere et absque contradictione possitis, sic tamen ut ex hoc in posterum patriarche nullum preiudicium generetur. Quia vero interdum patriarche copiam non habetis, siquem episcopum Romane sedis, ut diximusae) etc. usque consecrationes altarium et benedictiones monialium, auctoritate Apostolice Sedis recipere valeatis. Porro, si patriarcha vel alii ecclesiarum rectores in monasterium vestrum vel personasaf) inibi constitutas suspensionis, 292

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excommunicationis,ag) vel interdicti sententiam promulgaverint, sive etiam in mercennarios vestros pro eo quod decimas, sicut dictum est, non persolvitis etc. usque duximus irritandam,ah) nec littere ille firmitatem habeant etc. usque constiterit impetrari. Preterea, cum communeai) interdictum terre fuerit etc. usque divina officia celebrare. Paci quoqueaj) et tranquillitati vestre etc. usque audeat exercere. Preterea, omnes libertates et immunitates etc. usque presentisak) scripti privilegio communimus. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum etc. usque profutura, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate. Siqua igitur in futurum etc. Cunctis autem etc. usque amen. Datum Laterani, per manum Guillielmi, Sancte Romane Ecclesie vicecancellarii, III Kalendas Martii, Indictione VIIII, Incarnationis Dominiceal) anno MoCCoXXIo, pontificatus veroam) dominian) Honorii pape IIIao) anno quinto. 1) We have followed the identifications in Saint-Guillain, with some assistence from Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, p. 107, n. 15, and Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 185. a) privilegio] privilegium S b) hec om. P c) chaketa] chacheta P d) prastione tofrem, prastione] Prastionem, Tofrem, Prastione, (sic bis) P e) lefrocarea] letrocarea P; leftocarea S f) yiorieti] yorieti P g) basyleos] basileos P h) euphemya] euphemia P i) ystriligera] ystrilegera P j) thachinari] thachimari P k) pendachomia] pendachemia P l) thoftomi] thostonii P m) iarcuzy] iazcalsy P n) thoivany] thoyuamy P o) scalaripe, sgora] Scilaripescora P p) lephky] lefky P q) m om. P r) frumenti] frumentis S s) ysabele] isabellis P t) vini in] vini. In P (from here P confuses all entries, beginning them at “In,” from the previous entry, rather than “De dono”) u) marmoraz] marmoras P v) percheio] porcheio P w) cormeliis] corneliis P x) pyvates] pynates P y) e] a P z) vestro] f add. et del. R; et add. S aa) vobis om. P ab) postulatur] postulatus P ac) patriarchalis] patriarchatus S ad) vacaverit] et add. et del. R ae) diximus] dicimus a.c. mg. R af) personas] parrochias P ag) suspensionis excommunicationis inv. a.c. R; inv. PS ak) irritandam] irritandum P ai) commune om. P aj) paci quoque] usque P ak) presentis] praesentes P al) dominice] domini P am) vero om. P an) domini] donni S ao) iii om. P

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110 Rome, the Lateran, 5 March 1221 Honorius writes to the chapter and clergy of Constantinople, relating that there was a lawsuit between the addressees, on one side, and the noblemen C[onon of Béthune] the bailli and the barons, knights, and those enfeoffed of the Empire of Constantinople on this side [west] of Makri and beyond [east of] the Arm [the Sea of Marmara], on the other, over possessions, tithes, and other incomes, which was put to rest by an amicable agreement with J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, mediating. The pope was humbly asked to strengthen the amicable agreement. Wishing what has been rightly done by the cardinal to remain unshaken and undimished, since it was done prudently without depravity and accepted voluntarily by both sides, as is contained more fully in the legate’s letter, the pope confirms and strengthens the agreement, no papal letter not mentioning the agreement withstanding. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 87v-88r, no. 444 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3157; Santifaller, no. 42. Edition: previously unpublished.

Capitulo et cleroa) Constantinopolitanis. Ea que pro ecclesiarum tranquillitate ac statu provide ordinantur apostolico decet munimine roborari ut inconcussam obtineant firmitatem. Sane nobis fuit humiliter supplicatum ut, cum questio que inter vos, [R 88r] ex parte una, et nobiles viros C. baiulum et barones, milites, ac infeudatos imperii Constantinopolitani citra Macram et ultra Brachium existentes, ex altera, super possessionibus, decimis, et redditibus aliis vertebatur, mediante dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, amicibili fuerit compositione sopita, compositionem ipsam apostolico roborare munimine dignaremur. Nos ergo, volentes ut ea que rite facta sunt per eiusdem studium cardinalis inconcussa et illibata consistant, compositionem ipsam, sicut sine pravitate provide facta est et sponte ab utraque parte recepta, et in litteris ipsius legati plenius continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti 294

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patrocinio communimus, nullis litteris obstantibus sique apparuerint a Sede Apostolica impetrate de compositione ipsa non habita mentione. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, III Nonas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. a) clero] electo Pressutti

111 Rome, the Lateran, 6 March 1221 Honorius writes to J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, relating that, although the pope gave permission to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople to absolve Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia and other barons of Romania from the sentence of excommunication that the legate had promulgated against them, because this was said to injure the legate, the pope informs the legate that afterwards in a letter he strictly forbad the patriarch from using the indulgence until he received other orders from the Apostolic See, and the pope proposes to do nothing until the legate returns to his presence. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 87v, no. 442 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 114r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3162; Santifaller, no. 43. Edition: previously unpublished.

I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato. Liceta) venerabili fratri nostro . . patriarche Constantinopolitano duxerimus indulgendum ut nobilem virum G. principem Achaie ac alios barones Romanie a sententia excommunicationis absolveret quam tu promulgaveras in eosdem, quia tamen dicebatur id in tuam iniuriam redundare, devotioni tue tenore presentium innotescat quod postmodum per litteras nostras districtius inhibuimus patriarche predicto ne indulgentia utatur huiusmodi donec aliud super hoc receperit ab Apostolica Se295

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de mandatum, nosque nichil super eodem facere proposuimus quousque ad nostram presentiam, auctore Domino, revertaris. Datum Laterani, II Nonas Martii, anno quinto. a) licet mg. R

112 Rome, the Lateran, 6 March 1221 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, relating that, although he gave him permission to absolve the prince and barons as above in no. 111, by the present letter he strictly forbids him from doing so until he receives further papal orders. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 87v, no. 443 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3163; Santifaller, no. 44. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Licet tibi duxerimus indulgendum ut nobilem virum G. principem Achaie ac alios barones Romanie a sententia excommunicationis absolveres quam in eos dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, legatus Sedis Apostolice, promulgavit, auctoritate tamen presentium fraternitati tue districtius inhibemus ne indulgentia utaris huiusmodi donec aliud super hoc receperis ab Apostolica Sede mandatum. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, II Nonas Martii, anno quinto›. 113 Rome, the Lateran, 8 March 1221 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, the bishop of Selymbria (Silivri), and the archdeacon of Constantinople, relating that they should know they he has heard that, while P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when he was acting as legate in Romania [1213/14], in a synodal decree prohibited anyone who has not been anointed from being received in procession anywhere in those parts and forbad letting anyone who has not been

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anointed from kissing the Gospel once it has been read, some dare to violate this statute rashly. So the pope orders the addressees to force them to cease. The pope writes a similar letter to the same addressees, except that the synodal decree prohibits anyone in holy orders from exercising the office of tabellionatus (notary), but Venetian priests and others in sacred orders dare to do so, lying that they have a papal privilege for this. So the pope orders the addressees to force them to desist. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 86v, no. 436 (R). Copies: BAV, Vat. lat. 7024, f. 81r; Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 459Ar460r; I 53, f. 114r (summary); Moreau 1181, f. 347r-v, from Vat. lat. 7024. Summaries: Potthast, no. 6584; Pressutti, no. 3167; Santifaller, no. 45. Editions: Raynaldi 1221, no. 28 (Y, main letter only); Horoy III, coll. 735-736, no. 287 (H);Tautu, pp. 103-104, no. 75 (T, main letter only).

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano et . . episcopo Salembriensi et . . archidiacono Constantinopolitano. Ad audientiam nostram noveritis pervenisse quod, cum venerabilis frater noster P. Albanensis episcopus, dum in partibus Romanie legationis officio fungeretur, synodali decreto vetuerit ne persone alique alie quam inuncte processionaliter reciperentur alicubi in partibus antedictis, et ne lecto evangelio liber ad osculandum aliis quam personis deferretur inunctis, quidam statutum huiusmodi temere violare presumunt, in scandalum aliorum. Ideoque discretioni vestrea) per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus eos, qui contra prohibitionem huiusmodi honorificentiam personis non inunctis exhibere presumunt, ab huiusmodi presumptione cessare, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, cogatis.b) Quod si non omnes, duo vestrum etc. Datum Laterani, VIII Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. In eundem modum scriptum est ut supra eisdem usque synodali decreto vetuerit ne quis in sacris ordinibus constitutus tabellionatus officium exerceret, presbyteri Venetorumc) et alii con297

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sistentes in sacris ordinibus nichilominus exercere presumunt officium memoratum, se super hoc apostolicum habere privilegium mentientes. Ideoqued) discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus presbyteros ipsos et alios ut ab huiusmodi presumptione desistant, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, cognita veritate, cogatis. Quod si non omnes, duo vestrum etc. Datum ut supra.e) a) vestre] tuae H b) cogatis] compescas HY c) venetorum] venetiarum H d) ideoque] ideo H e) supra] etc. add. H

114 Rome, the Lateran, 10 March 1221 Honorius writes to the chapter and clergy of Constantinople, relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, considering the poverty of some of their churches, granted them some monasteries and other ecclesiastical benefices for their sustenance, and the pope was humbly asked to ratify and strengthen these grants. This the pope does, notwithstanding any papal letter obtained that does not mention these grants. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 90r, no. 449 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 114r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3171; Santifaller, no. 46. Edition: previously unpublished.

Capitulo et clero Constantinopolitanis. Nobis fuit humiliter supplicatum ut, cum dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, paupertate quarundam vestrarum ecclesiarum pensata, eis quedam monasteria et alia ecclesiastica beneficia pro sua sustentatione duxerit conferenda, ratas habere collationes ipsius et apostolico roborare munimine dignaremur. Nos igitur, volentes uta) ea que rite facta sunt a cardinali predicto firma et illibata consistant, collationes ipsas, sicut pia et provida consideratione sunt facte, et in litteris eiusdem car298

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dinalis plenius continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, nullis litteris obstantibus sique apparuerint a Sede Apostolica impetrate de collationibus ipsis non habita mentione. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, VI Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto. a) ut supralin. R

115 Rome, the Lateran, 10 June 1221 Honorius writes to the Templar master and brothers in Romania, granting that anything that the dying leave to them expressly for the support of the Holy Land they can freely retain for that purpose, forbidding anyone from extorting anything from what has been left to them in this way. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 142r, no. 709 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3450. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . magistro et fratribus Militie Templi de Romania. Iustis petentium etc. Eapropter etc. usque assensu, presentium vobis auctoritate concedimus ut quecumque vobis a decedentibus expresse pro subsidio Terre Sancte legantur, ad opus eiusdem retinere libere valeatis, districtius inhibentes ne quis ex illis que taliter legata fuerint a vobis audeat aliquid extorquere. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis et inhibitionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, IIII Idus Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno quinto.

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116 Rome, the Lateran, 17 February 1222 Honorius writes to the dean and chapter of Athens, relating that he was humbly requested on their behalf to strengthen the number of twelve canons in their church, which Archbishop [C.] established, considering the church’s means.The pope approves and strengthens what the archbishop has done, unless perhaps the church’s means increase so much that more canons can be sustained in it. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 200r, no. 236 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3796. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . decano et capitulo Atheniensibus. Ex parte vestra fuit nobis humiliter supplicatum ut, cum venerabilis fratrer noster . . archiepiscopus vester, pensatis ecclesie vestre facultatibus, duodecim canonicorum numerum in ea duxerit provide statuendum, statutum ipsum apostolico dignaremur munimine roborare. Nos igitur, vestris precibus inclinati, quod ab eodem archiepiscopo super hiis provide dinoscitur esse factum auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, nisi forsan intantum ipsius ecclesie creverint facultates quod plures in ea valeant sustentari, mandato etiam apostolico semper salvo. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, XIII Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 117 Rome, the Lateran, 19 February 1222 Honorius writes to the abbot and convent of St Paul de Urbe [of Rome], relating that John, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, conferred the monastery of Monomach, in the diocese of Chalcedon, along with its appurtenances, on their monastery, and he 300

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committed its care to M., prior of St George of Mangana, as long as he lives, and after his death to the same Church of St George, in such a way that the prior shall pay an annual rent of one silver mark to the addressees on the Feast of the Assumption of St Mary [15 August], and after his death the church shall pay two marks annually, as is contained in the letter of the cardinal, the prior, and the chapter of the church. Assenting to their prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens what the cardinal has done. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 199v-200r, no. 235 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 120r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6796; Pressutti, no. 3803; Santifaller, no. 47. Editions: Bullarium Casinense, p. 253a; Horoy IV, col. 105, no. 127 (H, from Bullarium Casinense, giving date as 28 February); Tautu, pp. 119-120, no. 90 (T).

. . abbati et conventui Sancti Pauli de Urbe. Hiis que honorem et utilitatem ecclesie vestre respiciunt tanto libentius robur et favorem impendimus quanto egregii Doctorisa) gentium patrocinio nos specialius foveri confidimus et obtamus. Cum igitur dilectus filius noster Iohannes, tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, monasterium de Monomach,b) Calcedoniensisc) diocesis, cum pertinentiis suis monasterio vestro, salva [R 200r] Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit conferendum, et dilecto filio M., preposito ecclesie Sancti Georgii de Mangana Constantinopolitano, dum vixerit ac post eius decessum ipsi ecclesie Sancti Georgii curam monasterii iamdicti commiserit, ita ut prepositus ipse annuum censum unius marche argenti in festo Assumptionis beate Maried) vobis pro monasterio ipso solvat, post eius obitum vero ecclesia ipsa eodem termino censum duarum marcharum vobis solvat pro iamdicto monasterio annuatim – sicut in eiusdem cardinalis et prepositi ac capituli ecclesie supradicte litteris perspeximus contineri – nos, precibus vestris benignum impertientes assensum, quod super hoc factum est a cardinali predicto auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc.e) 301

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Datum Laterani, XIf) Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) doctoris] decoris T b) monomach] monomacho H c) calcedoniensis] chalcedonensis T d) marie] virginis add. T e) nulli ergo ... etc.] H differs f) xi] ii H

118 Rome, the Lateran, 27 February 1222 Phantom Letter published by Manrique:1) Honorius writes to Abbess Beatrice and the sisters of the Cistercian monastery of Perchay of the diocese of Constantinople.The false letter is similar to no. 109, but specifying that they follow the Benedictine rule and the practices of the Cistercian brothers and that their possessions the monastery held before adopting the practices of the Cistercian Order. Original: Editions:

never existed. Manrique, p. 240; Horoy IV, coll. 102-103, no. 124 (H).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, Beatrici, abbatisse monasterii de Percheio, quondam de Ysostis nominato, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Constantinopolitane diocesis, eiusque sororibus presentibus et futuris regularem vitam professis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Vestris supplicationibus clementer annuimus et prefatum monasterium Sancte Dei Genitricis et Virginis Marie de Percheio, quondam ‹dictum› de Ysostis, in quo divino estis obsequio mancipate, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti privilegio communimus. In primis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticus, qui secundum beati Benedicti regulam atque instituta Cisterciensium fratrum ibidem institutus esse dignoscitur, perpetuis futuris temporibus observetur. ...que omnia idem monasterium antequam Cisterciensis Ordinis instituta susciperet possidebat... Datum Laterani, per manum Iulii, Sancte Romane Ecclesie vice cancellarii, III Kalendas Martii, Indictione X, Incarnationis Dominice anno MCCXXII, pontificatus vero domini Honorii pape III anno sexto. 302

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1) The letters of 26 (1), 27 (1), and 28 (3) February in Pressutti are dated Anagni, not the Lateran, although the previous letters, from 21 February, are from the Lateran. The date of the privilege in no. 109 differs by one digit in day, indiction, year of the Lord, and regnal year, and the vice-chancellor’s name is erroneously given as “Julius” rather than “Guillielmus,” who is again named vice-chancellor in a privilege of 27 March 1222. See introduction, pp. 79-81, for discussion.

119 Anagni, 27 February 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [John] of Mytilene, relating that the archbishop explained in the pope’s presence that because of urgent and necessary causes he frequently has to be outside his province. The pope assents to his prayers by granting that he may exercise his pontifical office when he is outside his province for such reasons, but he may not use the pallium during that time. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 205v, no. 261 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3816. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archiepiscopo Mitilenensi. Cum, sicut in nostra proposuisti presentia constitutus, propter urgentes et necessarias causas te frequenter oporteat extra tuam provinciam commorari, nos, precibus tuis benignum impertientes assensum, presentium tibi auctoritate concedimus ut tibi propter huiusmodi causas extra tuam provinciam existenti liceat pontificale officium exercere, ita tamen quod interim palleo non utaris. Datum Anagnie, III Kalendas Martii. 120 Anagni, 2 March 1222 Honorius writes to the bishop and dean of Selymbria (Silivri) and to the prior of the Forty Saints of Constantinople, relating that it was revealed to him that some abbots and monks of Romania who are 303

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disobedient and rebellious toward the Roman Church come to the Church in the clothing of sheep and obtain papal indulgences for not paying tithes and for other articles and wish to enjoy their benefice, while they do not withdraw from the vice of their rebellion. Since a false suppliant must lose what he has gained, the pope orders the addressees to denounce the indulgences obtained by such people as null and void as long as they persist in their rebellion. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 205v, no. 262 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 120v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3823; Santifaller, no. 48. Edition: Tautu, p. 120, no. 91 (T).

. . episcopo et . . decano Salimbriensibus et . . preposito Sanctorum Quadraginta Constantinopolitano. Nostro fuit apostolatui reseratum quod quidam abbates et monachi Romanie, qui Ecclesie Romane inobedientes prorsus et rebelles existunt, ad eam in vestimentis ovium accedentes, super non solvendis decimis aliisque articulis indulgentias apostolicas impetrarunt ac volunt gaudere beneficio earundem, cum a sue rebellionis vitio non recedant. Cum igitur fallax precator carere debeat impetratis, discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus indulgentias a talibus impetratas denuntietis, quamdiu in sua rebellione perstiterint, irritas et inanes. Quod si non omnes etc. duo vestrum. Datum Anagnie,VI Nonas Martii. 121 Anagni, 9 March 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [John] of Mytilene, relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, joined to the archbishop’s church the church of Assos, formerly subject by metropolitan right to the church of Ephesus, which is disobedient and rebellious toward the Apostolic See, as well as the church of Mithymna, which is in the archbishop’s province, since they could not have their own bishops on account of their meager incomes. The pope assents to the archbishop’s prayers and confirms and strengthens the 304

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legate’s collation of these churches and their possessions and incomes on his church, since it was done prudently and since the archbishop possesses them justly, as is more fully contained in the legate’s letter. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 201r, no. 241 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 120v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3833. Edition: Tautu, p. 121, no. 92 (T).

. . archiepiscopo Mithilenensi.a) Iustis petentium etc. usque complere. Cum igitur dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, Absonensem ecclesiam Effesiensib) ecclesie, que Sedi Apostolice inobediens et rebellis existit, olim metropolitico iure subiectam, necnon ecclesiam Molivensem in tua provincia constitutam, cum propter tenuitatem reddituum proprios habere non possent episcopos, ecclesie tue duxerit adiungendas, nos, iustis precibus tuis benignum impertientes assensum, adiunctionem ipsam, sicut provide facta est, auctoritate apostolica roborantes, ecclesias ipsas ac alias possessiones et redditus ab eodem legato ecclesie tue pia et provida consideratione collatos, sicut ea omnia iuste possides et quiete et in litteris eiusdem legati super hoc factis plenius continetur, tibi et per te ipsi ecclesie auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie,VII Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) mithilenensi] mitilensensi a.c. R; mytilenensi T b) effesiensi] ephesiensi T

122 Anagni, 9 March 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [John] of Mytilene, relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, granted to the archbishop’s church the church of Chios, formerly a suffragan of the church of Rhodes, which is disobedient and rebellious toward the Apostolic See, as a suffragan. The pope confirms and strengthens this grant. 305

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 201r, no. 242 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 120v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3834. Edition: Tautu, pp. 121-122, no. 92a (T).

Eidem ‹. . archiepiscopo Mithilenensi›. Iustis petentium etc. usque complere.a) Cum igitur dilectus filius nosterb) I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, Chiensem ecclesiam, olim suffraganeam Rodensis ecclesie, que Sedi Apostolicec) inobediens et rebellis existit, ecclesie tue in suffraganeam duxerit concedendam, nos, concessionem ratam habentes eandem, eam sicut provide facta est auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum ut supra ‹ Anagnie,VII Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto›. a) complere om.T b) noster supralin. R c) sedi apostolice] apostolice sedis T

123 Anagni, 10 March 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Antelm] and the chapter of Patras, relating that, in the presence of J[ohn], cardinal-priest Santa Prassede, then papal legate [1218/21], as the legate informed the pope in a letter, they established that the church shall have a payment of wax from the burgus of the castle of Patras and oil from its olive orchard for the lamps, and that it should have two caretakers continuously assigned to its service, and that the same cardinal had set aside the casale of St Theodota, which had remained undivided, for maintaining these caretakers, so that anything left over would be spent on fixing the roof of that church, and any shortfall would be supplied by the addressees.The pope confirms and approves these arrangements. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 213r, no. 280 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3841. Edition: previously unpublished.

306

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. . archiepiscopo et capitulo Patracensibus. Ea que pro ecclesiarum statu provide ordinantur apostolico decet munimine roborari, ne temeritate cuiusquam facile quatiantur. Cum igitur in presentia dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, sicut in litteris eius contineri perspeximus, a vobis fuerit ordinatum ut ecclesia vestra redditum cere Burgi Castri Patracensis et oleum eius oliveti pro suis luminaribus habeat, ac duos custodes ad suum obsequium continue deputatos, idemque cardinalis casale Sancte Theodote ecclesie vestre, quod indivisum remanserat, ad providendum ipsis custodibus duxerit reservandum, ita quod, si a competenti provisione ipsorum aliquid residuum fuerit, sartatectis ipsius ecclesie impendatur, vobis defectum huiusmodi residui communiter suppleturis, nos, ordinationem et reservationem huiusmodi ratas habentes et precipientes firmiter observari, ea‹s› sicut provide facte sunt auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie,VI Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 124 Anagni, 10 March 1222 Honorius writes to the chapter of Patras, relating, as above in no. 81, that, since the status of their church fluctuated for a long time, now with secular canons, now with regular, on the pope’s orders J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, established secular canons in the church, and, with the legate’s authority, the chapter and Archbishop A[ntelm] divided up the abbeys, casalia, possessions, and other goods of the church of Patras.The pope confirms and strengthens the arrangement and division. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 213r-v, no. 281 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3842. Edition: previously unpublished.

307

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Capitulo Patracensi. Ea que pro ecclesiarum statu etc. ut supra usque quatiantur. Cum igitur dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, recepto nostro speciali mandato de ordinanda ecclesia vestra, cuius status – nunc secularibus, nunc regularibus canonicis in ea existentibus – diutius fluctuarat, seculares canonicos instituerit in eadem, vosque, accedente ipsius auctoritate legati una cum venerabili fratre nostro A., archiepiscopo vestro, diviseritis tam abbatias quam casalia, possessiones, et alia bona ecclesie Patracensis, nos, ordinationem et divisionem predictas ratas habentes, eas sicut provide facte sunt auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. [R 213v] Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie,VI Idus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 125 Anagni, 11 March 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Eudes] and the chapter of Corinth, relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate [1218/21], joined the church of Zemenon, which, although it was once a cathedral see, had incomes so meager that it was not able to maintain its own bishop without disgracing the pontifical dignity, to the church of Corinth, to which it was subject by metropolitan right, saving the authority of the Apostolic See, as is contained in the cardinal’s document.The pope confirms and strengthens this joining. The pope writes similar letters to a number of prelates and their churches, with the main issues as follows: To the same addressees, confirming the joining to the diocese of Corinth of half of the diocese of the bishopric of Damalas, which was never arranged for in the time of the Latins, nor do any Latins live in it. To the bishop and chapter of Argos, confirming the joining to their diocese of half of the diocese of the bishopric of Damalas. To Archbishop [Antelm] and the chapter of Patras, confirming the joining to their church of the church of Kernitsa, which used to be 308

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a cathedral, has meager incomes, cannot properly maintain its own bishop, and is subject to Patras by metropolitan right. To the bishop and chapter of Coron, confirming the joining to their diocese of half of the diocese of the church of Christiana, which was an archbishopric in the time of the Greeks. To the bishop and chapter of Coron, confirming the joining to their church of the church of Veligosti, which, as is said, was a bishopric in the time of the Greeks. To the [bishop-]elect and the chapter of Modon, confirming the joining to their diocese of half of the diocese of the church of Christiana. To the bishop and chapter of Cephalonia, confirming the joining to their church of the church of Zakynthos, which used to be a cathedral, but has meager incomes and cannot properly maintain its own bishop. To Bishop [W.]1) and the chapter of Sparta (Lacedemonia), confirming the restoration to their church of the church of Nikli, which was taken away by disobedient people in the time of the Greeks, as is contained in the cardinal’s document. To Archbishop [C.] and the chapter of Athens, confirming the joining to their church of the church of Megara, which in the time of the Greeks was a [arch?]bishopric, has meager incomes, and cannot properly maintain its own bishop. To Bishop [John] and the chapter of Negroponte, confirming the joining to their church of the churches of Karystos, Avlonari, and Oreoi, each of which used to be a cathedral but has meager incomes and cannot properly maintain its own bishop. To the bishop and chapter of Maydos (Eceabat), confirming the joining to their church of the church of Ainos, which used to be a cathedral but has meager incomes and cannot properly maintain its own bishop. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 212v-213r, no. 279 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1222, no. 10; Pressutti, no. 3844. Editions: Pitra, p. 580, no. 23 (P, Corinth letter only); Tautu, pp. 122-124, no. 93 (T).

. . archiepiscopo et capitulo Corinthiensibus. 309

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Ea que pro statu ecclesiarum provide ordinantur apostolico decet munimine roborari, ne temeritate cuiusquam facile quatiantur. Cum igitur dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, ecclesiam Geminensem, que, licet olim sedes fuerit cathedralis, adeo tamen erat tenuis in redditibus quod absque pontificalis dignitatis ignominia proprium non poterat episcopum sustentare, Corinthiensia) ecclesie, cui lege metropoliticab) subiacebat, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit adiungendam, prout in ipsius cardinalis autentico continetur, nos, adiun‹c›tionem huiusmodi ratam habentes, eam sicut provide facta est auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere.c) Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie,V Idus Martii, anno sexto. In eundem modum scribitur eisdem ut supra usque Apostolice Sedis legatus, medietatem diocesis episcopatus Damaletensis, qui Latinorum tempore numquam extitit ordinatus nec Latini habitant in eodem, Corinthiensi diocesi, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit adiungendam, prout in ipsius cardinalis etc. usque in finem. In eundem modum scriptum est ut supra . . episcopo et capitulo Argolicensibus usque Apostolice Sedis legatus, medietatem diocesis episcopatus Damaletensis, qui Latinorum tempore numquam extitit ordinatus nec Latini habitant in eodem, Argolicensi diocesi, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, etc. ut supra. In eundem modum scriptum est . . archiepiscopo et capitulo Patracensibus etc. ut supra usque Apostolice Sedis legatus, ecclesiam Quernicensem, que, licet olim etc. usque sustentare, Patracensi ecclesie, cui lege metropolitica etc. usque in finem. In eundem modum . . episcopo et capitulo Coronensibus etc. ut supra ‹usque›d) Apostolice Sedis legatus, medietatem diocesis ecclesie Christiane, que Grecorum tempore archiepiscopatus extitit, Coronensi diocesi, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit adiungendam etc. ut supra usque in finem. 310

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In eundem modum . . episcopo et capitulo Coronensibus etc. ut supra usque Apostolice Sedis legatus, ecclesiam Viligurdensem, que, sicut dicitur, Grecorum tempore episcopatus extitit, Coronensi ecclesie, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit adiungendam etc. ut supra usque in finem.e) In eundem modum . . electo et capitulo Mothonensibus etc. ut supra usque legatus, medietatem diocesis ecclesie Christiane, que Grecorum tempore archiepiscopatus extitit, Mothonensi diocesi, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit adiungendam utf) supra. In eundem modum . . episcopo et capitulo Cephalonensibusg) etc. ut supra usque legatus, ecclesiam Iacintinam, que, licet olim sedes fuerit cathedralis, adeo tamen erat tenuis in redditibus quod absque pontificalis dignitatis ignominia proprium non poterat episcopum sustentare, Cephalonensih) ecclesie, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit adiungendam etc. ut supra. In eundem modum . . episcopo et capitulo Lacedemoniensibus etc. usque legatus, ecclesie Lacedemoniensi ecclesiam Amiclensem, que [R 213r] ipsi Grecorum tempore ab inobedientibus fuit subtracta, restituerit, prout in ipsius cardinalis autentico continetur, nos, restitutionem huiusmodi ratam habentes etc. ut supra usque in finem. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo et capitulo Atheniensibus etc. ut supra usque legatus, ecclesiam Megalensem, que, licet olim Grecorum tempore etc. ut supra usque sustentare, Ath‹en›iensi ecclesie, cuii) lege metropoliticaj) subiacebat, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit adiungendam etc. ut supra usque in finem. In eundem modum . . episcopo et capitulo Nigripontensibus etc. ut supra usque legatus, Calistensem, Abilonensem, et Lorotensemk) ecclesias,l) quarum quelibet, licet olim sedes fuerit cathedralis etc. usque sustentare, Nigripontensi ecclesie, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate etc. ut supra usque in finem. In eundem modum . . episcopo et capitulo Maditensibus etc. usque Apostolice Sedis legatus, ecclesiam Avidensem, que, licet olim sedes fuerit cathedralis etc. usque sustentare, Maditensi ecclesie, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate etc. ut supram) usque in finem. 311

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1) Assuming that the Bishop W. of Sparta appointed in 1217 (no. 44) remained in place at least until 1223 (no. 203). a) corinthiensi] corinthiensis P b) metropolitica] metropolitana P c) nostre confirmationis infringere om. P d) ‹usque›] usque T e) T omits per homeoteleuton this entire letter f) ut] et R; etc. ut T g) cephalon...] cephanolien ... T h) cephalon...] cephanolien ... T i) cui] qui R j) metropolitica] motropolitica R k) lorotensem] loretensem T l) ecclesias] ecclesiam RT m) ut supra om. T

126 Anagni, 14 March 1222 Honorius writes to Bishop [Walter of Marvis] of Tournai, relating that King Demetrius of Thessaloniki asked insistently in the pope’s presence that the pope provide Eustache, his chaplain, with a benefice.The pope defers to his royal dignity and wants the king to imitate his ancestors, who were always devoted to the Roman Church. So the pope grants his prayers and orders the bishop to provide the chaplain with a prebendal benefice in the church of Tournai if one is vacant, or as soon as he can, since the chaplain is from there. Otherwise, the pope reserves the first vacant prebend in the church for this. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 213v, no. 280 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121r (summary); Moreau. Summaries: Potthast, no. 6803; Pressutti, no. 3854. Editions: Raynaldi 1222, no. 25 (Y, partial); Horoy IV, col. 115, no. 138 (H1, partial, from Y); Horoy, col. 123, no. 148 (H2, from Moreau, giving date as 24 March).

. . episcopo Tornacensi. Sedis Apostolice circumspectio, provide pensans status et merita personarum, hiis favorabilem se consuevit propensius exhibere quos gratia sua conspicit dignos esse. Cum igitura) karissimus in Christo filius noster Demetrius, rex Thesalonicensisb) illustris, in nostra constitutus presentia supplicaritc) instanter ut dilecto filio Eustatio,d) capellanoe) suo, providere in aliquo beneficio divino et suo intuitu dignaremur, nos, deferentes regie dignitati ac sperantes quod idem rex imitari debeat progenitorum suorum vestigia, qui 312

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semper devoti Ecclesie Romane fuerunt, eius precibus duximus annuendum. Ideoque fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus atque precipimus quatinus in prebendali beneficio, siquod vacat, in ecclesia Tornacensi vel quam cito se facultas obtulerit capellano provideas memorato, cum de illis sit partibus oriundus. Alioquin prebendam primo in ipsa ecclesia vacaturam apostolice donationi servamus, decernentes irritum si secus de ipsa fuerit attemptatum. Datum Anagnie, II Idus Martii, anno sexto. a) igitur om. H1Y b) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis H1H2Y c) supplicarit] supplicavit H2 d) eustatio] eustachio H1H2Y e) capellano] capitulo a.c. supralin. R

127 Anagni, 15 March 1222 Honorius writes to Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia, relating that God has all power in His hands and the rights over all kingdoms, and He transferred the empire to the Latins because of the Greeks’ stubborn disobedience. God made the prince great and rich in the empire, but so far the prince has not been seen to respond to Him at all in kind, persecuting His Church, or rather Him in It, which he should honor, if not out of love, at least out of fear of punishment, since it is easy for Him Who takes away the spirit of princes to exact a fitting revenge on those who cause harm. Instead, the pope relates not without wonder and sorrow, the prince seems to want to make himself God’s enemy and God his enemy, being much more inhumane than pharaoh in this, since not only did pharaoh want the priestly land to be free and exempt, but he had the priests fed at public cost. Instead of honoring them, the prince has done serious harm and atrocious injury to His ministers, greedily occupying abbeys, churches, and their possessions, papades, and other ecclesiastical rights and movable and immovable goods. He is not afraid to go against the resignation that a while ago the barons from the borders of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki until Corinth made over the aforesaid things into the hands of the late Patriarch T[homas] of Constantinople, with the late Emperor Henr[y] present and agreeing, save for the akrostichon, which was owed at the time of the cap313

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ture of the royal city, which resignation Pope I[nnocent III] strengthened, entended to all places on this side [west] of Makri that had been or would be acquired, and ordered observed without violation. Since the prince violently kept all of this for a long time, in contempt for God and the General Church, nor could he be induced to give it up by divine fear or human shame, although he was often warned and urged, at last J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, acting as papal legate in Romania [1218/21], when all of the prelates and clerics of the prince’s land had seriously complained about these matters, warned and had other religious warn the prince many times to show fitting satisfaction to God and the Church. But the prince was gripped by cupidity and almost seized by a spirit of rebellion, and for a very long time he did not pay attention to these warnings. Because of the prince’s defiance, not wanting to appear to defer to a man instead of God, therefore, the cardinal promulgated a sentence of excommunication against the prince and of interdict on his land and ordered them both to be observed without violation. But the prince, who should have returned healthy to the one beating him, thought the hammer to be like straw, and he hardened his heart so that not only did he not make satisfaction for the past deeds, but he did more serious things. It would take too long to enumerate the prince’s many other offenses individually, so the pope passes them over in silence, mentioning only the following: prelates and clerics of his land were banished; others who received clerics with hospitality were imprisoned; sanctuaries were violated; churches, houses of churches, and even goods of clerics were sealed off; locks of reliquaries were broken and relics treated indecently; clerics and their mounts were captured; trees of churches were felled; and their men are so afflicted with angariae and perangariae and, what is most disgraceful, branded on their faces that they are necessarily forced to desert the Church’s land. With the prince’s connivance, it is believed, his men forced some secular clerics to bear their heads even while traveling on a public road, to the disgrace of their clerical order, so that they would capture them. Nor do these things seem to have been perpetrated so much by levity as by malice, since the prince neither punishes the perpetrators of such crimes nor prohibits the insolent from extending their hands to such evils. Rather bound by his sins he did not bother to seek absolution for more than three years. At last, He took mercy on the prince, it is hoped, and he returned to his heart and, having sworn an oath in the cardinal’s hands that 314

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he would carry out the pope’s orders precisely, he obtained absolution from the cardinal, although the sentence of interdict remained. So he sent his nuncios Master J[ohn] de Bourbonne his chancellor, A[lbertino] of Canossa, and P[ierre d’Aleman?] his marshall to the Apostolic See to receive humbly the pope’s orders.The pope was glad about his conversion, as he had been very sad about his aversion. He offered the nuncios the form of the peace that the barons of Constantinople entered into with the Church, barons firmly persisting in their faith and devotion to the Church and the empire, even exposing both their things and their persons to dangers, and who until then as now were continually oppressed with much struggle and poverty. Afterwards Emperor R[obert] of Constantinople freely accepted it. But the nuncios, who should have accepted the form of the peace more readily as the prince, less vexed about the empire’s condition, abounds in greater riches of worldly goods, completely rejected it. The pope could not absolve someone who was unwilling. So, moved by gentleness, the pope wishes and, by the obligation of the oath that was taken, orders the prince either (1) to accept the aforesaid form of peace – which at the insistence of Marquis [William] of Montferrat the pope is still placing as an option – and receive and implement it without delay, and confirm by oath that he will observe it without violation, such that he shall refund in full to the clerics and churches what should have come to them from the time of the aforesaid peace, as the barons of the empire beyond [east of] Makri are known to have done, or (2) implement effectively and have observed by his vassals the statute of the pope’s predecessor [Innocent III] published concerning the resignation done at Ravennika at the time of the General [Fourth Lateran] Council and afterwards confirmed by Honorius [no. 87]. No matter which one he chooses, he shall nonetheless grant the privilege of liberty to the churches and ecclesiastical persons, against the abuses rashly introduced in the time of the Latins.Thus, for their souls, his men shall be allowed to bequeath and donate to the churches and other pious places their own movable and immovable goods, as long as their service to the prince remains. Ecclesiastical persons shall be allowed to receive in the prince’s land strangers and their families who did not belong to the prince beforehand, both in cities and outside. They shall be immune from the exactions and services of laymen and may construct the buildings that are necessary. They and their families can buy and sell their own things, without tolls or customs, irrespective of any ban. 315

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The pope wants to show grace to the prince, but wants to see how the prince behaves with respect to devotion to the Church and service to the empire, so he is keeping in his hands the satisfaction for the damages and injuries done by him and his men to the Church and ecclesiastical persons and the payment of the akrostichon to be made on ecclesiastical goods that were seriously damaged or even destroyed in malice, until on apostolic authority an arrangement is made concerning the satisfaction to be done for these damages and injuries and for the return of the revenues received on ecclesiastical goods from the time of the General [Fourth Lateran] Council according to the quantity of the incomes and the quality of the time, allowing for fitting moderation of the akrostichon. If the prince humbly, devoutly, and truly obeys the pope’s orders, the pope will have the sentence of interdict relaxed. Otherwise, he is writing Archbishops [C.] of Athens and [Hardouin] of Thebes and Bishop [John] of Negroponte, ordering them to reduce the prince to the original sentence of excommunication. The pope will also think more deeply about how to deal with the prince so strongly that not only are his shoulders of defiance shaken but all ears ring with the hearing. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 211r-212r, no. 278 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 511r-515r (mutilated); I 53, f. 121r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1222, no. 10; Pressutti, no. 3856; Santifaller, no. 49. Edition: Tautu, pp. 124-127, no. 94 (T).

Nobili viro G. principi Achaie. Si Dominus, in cuius manu sunt omnium potestates et omnium iura regnorum, a Grecis propter eorum inobedientiam pertinacem imperium tran‹s›ferens ad Latinos, te in eo magnificavit multipliciter ac ditavit, nimis ei visus es hactenus iniqua vicissitudine respondere, Ecclesiam eius – immo ipsum in ea – impie persequendo, quam, et si non virtutis amore, saltem pene formidine debueras in omnibus honorasse, cum facile sit ei qui aufert spiritum principum dignam de suis iniuriatoribus sumere ultionem. Sed – quod non sine ammiratione referimus et dolore – te Deo Deumquea) tibi quasi serio volens statuere inimicum, longe in hoc quodammodo inhumanior faraone qui nedum terram sacerdotalem esse voluit liberam et exemptam, verumetiam sacerdotibus faciebat alimenta 316

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de publico ministrari, ministros eius in quibus honorari et sperni se asserit gravibus dampnis et atrocibus iniuriis affecisti, abbatias, ecclesias, et ipsarum possessiones cum pertinentiis earundem, papates, et alia iura ecclesiastica mobilia et immobilia manu nimis avida occupando, non veritus contra resignationem venire quam dudum super premissis barones a confiniob) regni Thesalonicensisc) usque Corinthum in manus bone memorie T. patriarche Constantinopolitani, presente, consentiente, ac etiam approbante clare memorie Henr. Constantinopolitano imperatore, fecerunt, salvis acrosticis debitis tempore captionis regie civitatis, quam etiam felicis recordationis I. papad) predecessor noster, apostolico munimine roborans, de consilio fratrum providit et statuit ut extenderetur per loca omnia citra Macram dudum acquisita vel in posterum acquirenda et inviolabiliter servaretur. Cumque predicta omnia in contemptum Dei et Ecclesie generalis diu per violentiam tenuisses, nec divino timore vel humano pudore ad eadem resignanda potuisses induci, multotiens monitus et rogatus, tandem dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, fungens legationis officio in partibus Romanie, universitate prelatorum et clericorum terre tue super hiis graviter conquerente,e) paterno te affectu frequenter commonuit et fecit per alios viros religiosos pluries commoneri, ut super hiis Deo et Ecclesie satisfactionem congruam exhiberes. Sed quia, propria cupiditate detentus et quasi spiritu rebellionis arreptus,f) diutius expectatus monitis acquiescere contempsisti, dictus cardinalis, ne videretur deferre homini contra Deum, tua contumacia exigente, in personam excommunicationis et in terram tuam interdicti sententias promulgavit et mandavit utramque inviolabiliter observari. Tu vero, qui ad percutientem te debueras reverti sanandus, malleum velut stipulam reputans, indurasti cor tuum ut non solum de preteritis minime satisfaceres, verumetiam adiceres graviora. Ut enim alia multa enormia taceamus que referre per singularia longum esset, preter id quod prelati et [R 211v] clerici terre tue banniti fuerunt, incarcerati alii qui clericos hospitio receperunt, sanctuariisg) prophanatis, bullatis ecclesiis, domibus ecclesiarum, ac bonis etiam clericorum, fractis seris reliquiarum et tractatis reliquiis inhoneste, captis clericis et equitaturis 317

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eorum, succisis ecclesiarum arboribus, earum homines angariis et perangariis adeo sunt afflicti et, quod est ignominiosius, cauterio probrose in facie sunt signati quod propter hec terram Ecclesie deserere necessario sunt compulsi. Tuih) quoque, non sine tua – ut creditur i) – conniventia et mandato, quoslibet seculares etiam per viam publicam transeuntes discooperire capita in ignominiam clericalis ordinis compellebant, ut sic interceptos clericos captivarent. Nec ista tam levitatis causa quam malignitatis proposito patrata videntur, cum nec puniveris tantorum scelerum patratores nec vetueris ne ad tam nefaria manus extenderent insolentes, quin potius ligatus tuorum funibus peccatorum absolutionis beneficium ultra triennium omiseris postulare. Ceterum, respiciente te tandem illo misericorditer, ut speratur,j) cuius miserationes super omnia opera sunt ipsius, reversus ad cor, prestito in manus cardinalis predicti corporaliter iuramento quod mandatis nostrisk) precise pareres, ab eo absolutionis beneficium impetrasti, remanente tamen generalis sententia interdicti. Unde, cum propter hoc magistrum I. de Borbonio cancellarium, A. de Canosa, et P. marescalcum, milites, nuntios tuos, ad Sedem Apostolicam destinaris, mandata nostra humiliter recepturus, nos, de tua conversione gaudentes, qui de aversione fueramus plurimum contristati, eis illam formam pacis obtulimus quam nobiles viri barones Constantinopolitani, qui, in fide ac devotione tam Ecclesie quam imperii firmiter persistentes, et nedum res verum etiam personas variis exponentes periculis, in continuo fueruntl) hactenus et nunc etiam sunt agone multiplici oppressi exinde onere paupertatis, a karissimo in Christo filio nostro R.,m) illustri Constantinopolitano imperatore, postmodum sponte receptam, cum Ecclesia inierunt. Sed, cum ipsi nuntii, qui formam pacis predicte tanto debuerant libentius acceptasse quanto tu minus vexatus pro statu imperii magis habundas rerum temporalium ubertate, ipsam penitus recusarint, nos, quia nequivimus conferre beneficium in invitum, equitatis mansuetudine suadente, volumus et sub debito prestiti iuramenti tibi districte precipimus ut, nisi forte predictam formam pacis acceptes, quod adhuc ad multam instantiam dilecti filii nobilis viri . . marchionis Montis Ferra318

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ti de magna gratia in tua ponimus obtione, ipsam sine mora recipiens et adimplens, ac te inviolabiliter servaturum iuramento confirmans, ita quod clericis et ecclesiis plene refundas que ipsis provenire a predicte pacis tempore debuerunt, prout [R 212r] barones imperii ultra Macram fecisse noscuntur, predicti predecessoris nostri statutum super resignatione facta Ravenice tempore Generalis Concilii editum et a nobis postmodum confirmatum adimpleas efficaciter et observes et per vassallos tuos facias observari, ecclesiis et personis ecclesiasticis nichilominus, quicquid ex duobus premissis eligere malueris, contra abusiones tempore Latinorum temere introductas, concedens privilegium libertatis, ita videlicet ut inter alia liceat hominibus tuis de bonis propriis mobilibus et immobilibus legare ac dare pro animabus suis ecclesiis et aliis piis locis, dum modo servitium tibi debitum non depereat, ac personis ecclesiasticis advenas qui ad te antea non spectabant in terra sua tam in civitatibus quam extra cum familiis suis recipere liceat et sint prorsus immunes ab exactionibus et servitiis laicorum ac in suo solo necessaria edificia construere valeant, nec non ipsi et ipsorum familie res proprias vendere ac emere possint, sine pedagio et commerclo,n) banno cuiusquam penitus non obstante. Ceterum, volenteso) tibi gratis ostendere gratiam et experiri nichilominus qualiter erga devotionem Ecclesie attentum et servitium imperii te curaberis sollicitum exhibere, satisfactionem dampnorum et iniuriarum realium que tam a te quam a tuis ecclesiis ac personis ecclesiasticis hactenus sunt illata, necnon solutionem acrostici faciendam de bonis ecclesiasticis que temporis imminente malitia graviter lesa sunt seu etiam imminuta, in nostris manibus retinemus donec super impendenda satisfactione iniuriarum et dampnorum ipsorum et restituendis fructibus perceptis de bonis ecclesiasticis a tempore Concilii Generalis secundum quantitatem proventuum et temporis qualitatem, facta moderatione provida predicti acrostici, auctoritate apostolica disponatur, prout tua devotio circa honorem Ecclesie ac profectum imperii affectuose laborans per opera claruerit in effectu. Unde, si super hiis humiliter et devote nostris non ficte curaveris obedire mandatis, faciemus relaxari sententiam inter319

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dicti tibique iuxta devotionis affectum et effectum obedientie comparare poteris Apostolice Sedis gratiam et favorem. Alioquin venerabilibus fratribus nostris . . Attheniensip) et . . Thebano archiepiscopis et . . episcopo Nigripontensi nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut, te in pristinam sententiam reducentes, faciant eam inviolabiliter observari. Nos etiam profundius cogitabimus qualiter in te aggravemus ita fortiter manus nostras quod non solum concutiantur humeri contumacis, sed etiam audientium tinniant ambe aures. Datum Anagnie, Idibus Martii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) deumque] dominumque T b) confinio] confine T c) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis T d) papa om. T e) conquerente] conquerentes T f) arreptus] erreptus T g) sanctuariis] sacrariis T h) tui] cui T i) ut creditur om. T j) ut speratur om. T k) mandatis nostris] mandato nostro T l) fuerunt] fuerant T m) r] ‹roberto› T n) commerclo] commercio T o) volentes] volens a.c. supralin. R p) attheniensi] atheniensi T

128 Anagni, 17 March 1222 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew], the archbishops, and the bishops of the Empire of Constantinople beyond [east of] Makri and of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and their chapters, prelates, and clerics of the churches of the parts of the Franks, and religious of Constantinople, relating that at one time a manifold quarrel arose and was argued for a very long time between the prelates and the clergy, on the one hand, and the barons and the faithful of the Empire of Constantinople beyond [east of] Makri, on the other, over ecclesiastical liberties, possessions, and rights. At last, through the ministry of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, an amicable agreement was reached, which Emperor R[obert] of Constantinople accepted and received afterwards both for himself and for his faithful. The pope was shown the text and examined it with the cardinals. Considing the empire’s condition, he ratified it as reasonable and useful and necessary for both the clergy and the populace, and at the request of the addressees and the emperor and his faithful beyond Makri, with the cardinals’ advice, he confirms and strengthens it. For greater evidence, he inserts verbatim the text of the agreement as it is contained in the emperor’s letter. It reads as follows: 320

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“Robert, by the grace of God most faithful in Christ emperor of Romania, crowned by God, moderator, and always August, greetings and the highness of imperial grace. Know all of you that this is the peace entered between the Church, on the one side, and Lord Conon [of Béthune] of good memory, then bailli of the empire, and our barons on this side [east] of Makri, on the other, in the presence of the venerable father and lord J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, legate of the Apostolice See: [1]

[2]

[3]

Clerics and all churches and ecclesiastical persons, both of the Latins and of the Greeks, along with their families and servants, and those who take refuge with the Church in the enclosures of the churches and staying in them, will be free from all lay jurisdiction, but in such a way that it is not prohibited for laymen staying in the enclosures of the royal city – namely other than the servants and the families of the clerics and religious and other than the men of the Church – to participate in the tallage and labor services that are done for the common utility of the land just like the rest, and this shall be done with the knowledge of the lord patriarch and chapter of Hagia Sophia and of the other prelates situated in the same royal city. Nor shall clerics prevent these people from judgment being exercised that leads to punishment of blood from laymen, namely where limb or life must be lost, unless they too take refuge with the Church. In a casale where there are 25 hearths or more up until 70, there will be two papades who are completely free along with their families and servants, in the power of the prelates, rendering the old akrostichon to the lords of the lands, if they had to at the time of Emperor Alexios [III, 1195-1203] for the lands they held from the lords, if they hold them now. And if there are more than 70 hearths up until 125, there will be four free papades, as was said above concerning two. And if more, there will be six, and so on. But if in any casale there are not 25 hearths, they will be joined with other neighboring casalia, so that the number of 25 is filled, in which there will be two free papades, as was expressed above. The remaining rural papades will give what was imposed by the Latin emperors, and they will be free along with their families from all angariae, perangariae, exactions, and tallage, and from all lay juridiction. 321

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Papades or clerics of cathedral churches who have clerical status will be completely free along with their families and servants, paying the old akrostichon, if they had to at the time of Emperor Alexios [III], for lands if they held them and hold them from the lords of the lands. [5] Concerning the remaining papades of the cities it shall be as was arranged with the [remaining] rural papades. [6] From now on papades from among the men of the laymen shall not be ordained against the will of those laymen beyond the preset number. [7] All abbeys or churches standing and not that are beyond the royal river,1) to whomever they belonged or belong, which in the time of the Greeks did not have more than 100 hyperperates of land, shall have fully and freely all their possessions without the akrostichon, all service, all exaction, and lay jurisdiction, and they shall be in the power of the prelates. Those that had more than 100 hyperperates shall have whatever they have or had in the time of the Latins. If they do not have 100 hyperperates outside the enclosure, in accordance with the emperor’s good assize, something will be added until 100 hyperperates, and they shall have them freely, as was said above. If people held or hold abbeys or their goods beyond the assignment of Emperors Baldwin and Henry, they shall leave them to the prelates completely freely. If they have imposed something beyond the assignment of the emperors in those that they held from the aforesaid emperors, the surplus imposed shall cease. [8] The [abbeys or churches] on this side of the royal river will have all their possessions as was arranged by the aforesaid emperors, and laymen shall receive nothing more in them except the amount that was imposed by the aforesaid emperors, and they will be in the power of the prelates. [9] If prelates wish to burden unduly abbeys or churches in which laymen have the akrostichon, the laymen shall oppose this honestly, bringing a lawsuit to the superior prelates. [10] All cathedral churches shall have all their possessions that they had at the time of Emperor Alexios [III] Bambacoratios free from all exaction and lay juridiction, save for the due and just akrostichon, if they owe it for their possessions. [4]

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[11] Furthermore, the churches’ possessions [read persons?] that are had and will be had and remain in their possessions shall be free, such that the Church shall not receive men of the empire nor the empire men of the Church. If they are received from this point on, the justice of each side is maintained, just as is now observed among the barons of the empire. [12] For the possessions of the churches inside the walls and of those that are outside that do not have in full all their possessions, and for damages done to all churches both cathedral and otherwise inside and out, and all revenues both in tithes and in rents and other received, since we cannot make full satisfaction and some possessions of the churches are distributed in such a way that they could not be returned to the churches without the empire being lost, we are doing what we can, giving in what has been acquired and what will be acquired the eleventh part of all possessions, whether ecclesiastical or not, that are in the part of the empire on this side [east] of Makri, and of all immovable goods, cities, casalia, fields, forests, woods, meadows, orchards, gardens, salt-pans, tolls, customs dues on land and sea, fisheries in the sea and in fresh water, and all possessions, even if they are not found individually mentioned in the present writing. [13] Beyond this eleventh, we will give 2000 hyperperates of rented land (terra assisa). For casalia with a money-rent, because they cannot be divided into eleven without destroying the money-rent, we will assign 1000 hyperpera in casalia with a money-rent each year until the first acquisition when something worth the eleventh of the casalia with a money-rent will be assigned to the churches. [14] Concerning those that are within the walls of the royal city we will not give the eleventh. [15] If clerics and churches have been harmed over what they had after the capture of the land, we will have such goods restored to them and the Church shall make justice from it. [16] Any knight that has 300 hyperperates of land at the emperor’s assessment shall divide it and give one eleventh and a part of 2000 hyperpera, namely for 100 hyperpera one and a half hyperpera. Smaller fiefs shall be divided with the fiefs of neighboring lords. 323

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[17] Latins will give the tithes in full on dry and wet goods, cattle, birds, and their produce. Others who are in the jurisdiction of Latins will give a thirtieth as tithes just as the Latins give the tenth, for ten years, and thence they will give full tithes, unless the Roman Church remits it to them or the time limit is extended. We want the churches to have these and all other ecclesiastical liberties, even if they are not found mentioned individually in the present writing, according to the more free custom of France. This peace was done in Constantinople, on the Sunday on which ‘Rejoice’ is sung [third Sunday of Advent: 15 December], in the year of the Lord 1219. We ratify for all things the above-written peace that was made and sworn by our barons and faithful, and on the advice and with the assent of the aforesaid barons and faithful we have received it, and for us and for them we have sworn to observe and comply with it as approved by all our barons and other faithful. In testimony of this thing we have had the present writing strengthened with our imperial bull and the bulls of our barons. Done in the month of June, in the year of the Lord 1221, in the first year of our empire. Otherwise, the venerable fathers the archbishops and bishops, their chapters, and their subordinates on this side [east] of Makri who entered into the above-written peace with our barons, and the reverend father M[atthew], patriarch of Constantinople, who was not present when the peace agreement was made, but upon arriving at his patriarchate afterwards received the aforesaid peace, have affixed their seals to this writing for the greater firmness of the aforesaid peace.” The nobleman the Marquis G[uido Pallavicino], lord of Bodonitsa, the bailli of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, received and accepted the agreement on behalf of the king and Kingdom of Thessaloniki and swore to comply with and observe it, with the consent of the patriarch, the agents of the chapter of Constantinople, Archbishop [Warin] of Thessaloniki, and the syndic of all the prelates and clergy and religious of the Frankish part of Constantinople. The pope wants it to have perpetual firmness and forbids any letters obtained or to be obtained from the Apostolic See from having any import against these things unless they make full mention of these things. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 214r-216r, no. 287 (R).

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Copies: Summaries: Editions:

Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 517r-519r (mutilated); I 53, f. 121r (summary). Raynaldi 1222, no. 13 (fragments); Onorio III, p. lxxii; Pressutti, no. 3863; Santifaller, no. 50. Tautu, pp. 128-132, no. 95 (T); Wolff, Politics, pp. 298301, no. 4 (W).

. . patriarche, archiepiscopis, et episcopis imperii Constantinopolitani ultra Macram et regni Thessalonicensis, et dilectis filiis eorum capitulis, prelatis, et clericis ecclesiarum partis Francorum, ‹et›a) religiosis Constantinopolitanis. Quia tenemur ad omnesb) pacis consilia cogitare, compositiones amicabiles litium materiam [R 214v] sopientes,c) maxime mediante aliquo de fratribus nostris inter litigantes, provide initasd) acceptantes, tanto ease) fiducialius apostolicif) muniminis firmitate vallamus quanto certius credimus nullum in ipsis intervenisse vitiumg) pravitatis. Sane, cum olim inter prelatos et clerum, ex parte una, et nobiles viros barones et fideles imperii Constantinopolitani ultra Macram, ex altera, super libertatibus, possessionibus, et iuribus ecclesiarium multiplex questio exhorta fuisset et diutius agitata, faciente tandemh) Domino, qui aspera convertit in plana, per ministerium dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, amicabilis compositio intervenit, quam karissimus in Christo filius noster R., imperator Constantinopolitanusi) illustris, tam pro se quam proj) suis fidelibus ultra Macram, acceptavit postmodum et recepit. Cuius tenorem nobis exhibitum nos et fratres nostri examinantes sicut expedire vidimus diligenter, compositionem eandem, pensato statu imperii memorati,k) satis rationabilem et honestam et tam clero quam populo utilem et necessariam habuimus et habemus ratam et gratam, et ad vestram ac imperatoris predicti et eius fidelium ultra Macram supplicationem humilem, de fratrum nostrorum consilio, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scriptil) patrocinio communimus. Et ad maiorem rei evidentiam,m) tenorem ipsius compositionis, sicut in eiusdem imperatoris litteris plenius continetur, de verbo adn) verbum presentibus duximus inserendum, qui talis est: Robertus, Dei gratia fidelissimus in Christo imperator a Deo coronatus Romanie moderator et semper Augustus, omnibus 325

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presentes litteras inspecturis, salutem et imperialis gratie celsitudinem. Noverit universitas vestra hanc esse pacem initam inter Ecclesiam, ex una parte, et bone memorie dominum Cononem, tunc baiulum imperii, et barones nostros citra Macram, ex alia, in presentia venerabilis patris et domini I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legati: Clerici et ecclesie universe et religioseo) persone tam Latinorum quam Grecorum, cum familiis suis et servientibus, et qui ad Ecclesiam confugerint claustra ecclesiarum et manentes in ipsis liberi erunt ab omni laicali iurisditione,p) ita tamen quod non prohibeatur quin laici manentes in claustris regie civitatis – alii scilicet a servientibus et familiis clericorum et religiosorum et hominibus Ecclesie – in talliis et excubiis que fiuntq) pro communi utilitate terre ponant sicut alii, et hoc fiat cum conscientia domini patriarche vel capituli Sancte Sophie et aliorum prelatorum in eadem urbe regia positorum. Nec etiam impediatur a clericis in talibus iudicium quod inducit penam sanguinis a laicis exerceri, ubi videlicet menbrumr) vel vitam debet ammittere,s) nisi et tales ad Ecclesiam confugerint. In casali ubi sunt viginti quinque ignes vel ultra usque ad septuaginta, duo erunt papates omnino liberi, cum familiis et servientibus suis, in potestate prelatorum, reddentes antiquum acrosticum dominis terrarum, siquod debe[R 215r]bant tempore Alexii imperatoris pro terris quas tenebant a dominis, siquas nunc tenent. Et si ultra septuaginta usque ad centum viginti quinque ignes, quatuort) erunt papates liberi, sicut superius dictum estu) de duobus. Et si ultra, erunt sex, et ita deinceps. Si vero in aliquo casali non sunt viginti quinque ignes, adiunganturv) de aliis vicinioribus casalibus, ita quod compleatur numerus viginti quinque, in quibus erunt duo papates liberi, sicut superius est expressum. Reliqui vero rurales papates dabunt illud quod impositum est per imperatores Latinos, et erunt liberi ipsi cum familiis suis ab omnibus angariis, perangariis, exactionibus, et talliis, et ab omni laicali iurisditione.w) Papates vero seu clerici cathedralium ecclesiarum qui clericatum habebant erunt omnino liberi cum familiis et servientibus suis, solventes antiquum acrosticum, siquod debebant tem326

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pore Alexii imperatoris, pro terris siquas tenebant et tenent a dominis terrarum. De reliquis vero papatibus civitatum fiat sicut de papatibus ruralibus est ordinatum. Et decetero non ordinentur papates de hominibus laicorum contra voluntatem ipsorum ultra numerum pretaxatum. Omnes abbatie sive ecclesie stantes et non extantes que sunt ultra fluvium regium, cuiuscumque fuerint vel sint,x) que non habuerunty) tempore Grecorum ultra centum iperperatas terre, habeant integre ac liberez) omnes possessiones suas sine acrostico, omni servitio, omni exactione et laicali iurisditione,aa) ac sint in potestate prelatorum. Ille vero que habueruntab) plusquam centum yperperatas habeant quicquid habent velac) habuerunt tempore Latinorum. Et si non habent centum yperperatas extra claustrum, ad bonam asisiamad) imperatoris addatur usque ad centumae) yperperatas, et habeant libere, sicut superius dictum est. Siqui tenuerunt vel tenent abbatias vel bona ipsarum preter assignationem imperatorum Balduini et Henrici, dimittant prelatis omnino libere. Et si in illis quas per imperatores predictos tenuerunt aliquid imposuerunt preter imperatorum assignationem, cadat quod super impositum est. Ille vero que sunt citra fluvium regium habebunt omnes possessiones sicut per predictos imperatores ordinatum est, et laici nichilaf) amplius recipient in eis nisi quantum impositum fuit per imperatores iamdictos,ag) et erunt in potestate prelatorum. Et si prelati abbatias vel ecclesias in quibus laici habent acrosticum vellent indebite gravare eas,ah) laici opponant se honeste deponendo querelam apud prelatos superiores. Omnes ecclesie cathedrales habeant omnes possessiones suas quas habuerunt tempore Alexii Bambacoraciai) imperatoris libere ab omni exactione et laicali iurisditione,aj) salvo tamen debito et iusto acrostico, siquod debent pro possessionibus ipsis. Preterea, possessionesak) ecclesiarum habite et habende et manentes in ipsis possessionibus sint libere, ita quod Ecclesia non recipiat homines imperii nec imperium homines Ecclesie. Et si recipiantur hinc inde, salva sit iustitia utriusque, [R 215v] sicut inter barones imperii nunc servatur. Pro possessionibus ecclesiarum infra menia et illarum que sunt extra non habentes ex integro possessiones suas, et pro 327

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dampnis datis omnibus ecclesiis tam cathedralibus quam aliis intus et extra, et omnibus fructibus tam in decimis quam in redditibus et aliis perceptis, cum non possimus ex integroal) satisfacere et possessiones ecclesiarum alique sint ita distribute quod non possent redire ad ecclesias quin imperium deperiret, facimus quod possumus,am) dantes inan) acquisitis et acquirendis undecimam partem omnium possessionum, sive ecclesiasticarum sive non, que sunt in parte imperii citra Macram, et omnium bonorum immobilium, civitatum, casalium, camporum, nemorum, silvarum, pratorum, pomeriorum, ortorum,ao) salinarum, passagiorum, theoloneorum,ap) terre et maris, pascariarumaq) in mari et aqua dulci, et omnium possessionum, et si in presenti scripto non repperiantur in solidum declarate. Et preter hanc undecimam, dabimus duo miliaar) yperperatas terre bene assisas. Etas) pro casalibus monete, quiaat) non possunt dividi in undecimam sine destructione monete, assignabimus mille yperpera in casalibus monete singulis annis donec in prima acquisitione assignetur ecclesiis valens undecimam casalium monete. De illis autem que infra muros civitatis regie tenemus, undecimam non dabimus. Tamen si clericis et ecclesiis aliqua molestia est illata super illis que habuerunt post terre captionem, nos eis bona huiusmodi faciemus restitui et Ecclesia faciet inde iustitiam. Miles quicumque habet trecentas yperperatas terre ad assisiam imperatoris per se dividet et dabit undecimam et partem duorum miliumau) yperperorum, videlicet pro centum yperperis unum et dimidium. Minora vero feuda dividantur cum feudis dominorum propinquorum. Latini vero integre dabunt decimas in aridis, liquidis, pecoribus, avibus, et eorum fructibus. Alii vero qui sunt in iurisditioneav) Latinorum dabunt tricesimam pro decimis sicut Latiniaw) decimas, usque ad decem annos, et exinde dabunt integre decimas, nisi per Ecclesiam Romanam remittatur eisdem seu terminus prorogetur. Has et omnes alias ecclesiasticasax) libertates, et si in presenti scripto non repperiantur in solidum declarate, volumus ecclesias habere secundum liberioremay) consuetudinem Francie. 328

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Facta fuit hec pax Constantinopolim,az) Dominica qua cantatur “Gaudete,” anno Domini MoCCoXVIIIIo. Nos quoque prescriptam pacem a baronibus et fidelibus nostris factam et iuratam per omnia ratam habemus, et eam de dictorum baronum et fidelium nostrorum consilio et assensu recepimus, quam approbatam a cunctis baronibus et aliis nostris fidelibus, tam pro nobis quam pro ipsis, servare ac complere iuravimus. In huius autem [R 216r] rei testimonium presens scriptum bulla nostra imperiali ac nostrorum baronum bullis fecimus roborari. Actum mense Iunii, anno Domini MoCCoXXIo, imperii nostri anno primo. Ceterum venerabiles patres archiepiscopi et episcopi, eorum capitula, etba) subditi citra Macram quibb) prescriptam pacem cumbc) nostris baronibusbd) inierunt, necnon reverendus pater M. patriarcha Constantinopolitanus, qui compositioni facte pacis non interfuit, sed postmodum ad suum patriarchatum veniens antedictam pacem recepit, huic scripto pro maiori firmitate pacis predicte sua apposuerunt sigilla. Hanc quoque compositionem nobilis vir G. marchio, dominus Bondonitie, baiulus regni Thesalonicensis,be) pro rege ac regno Thesalonicensibusbf) recipiens et acceptans, seipsum completurum et servaturum iuravit, tuo,bg) frater patriarcha, et procuratorum capituli Constantinopolitani, et venerabilis fratrisbh) nostri . . archiepiscopibi) Thesalonicensis,bj) et syndici universitatis prelatorum et cleri ac religiosorum partis Francorum Constantinopolitanorumbk) accedente consensu, quod utiquebl) niti volumus perpetuabm) firmitate, inhibentes ne littere contra hec a Sede Apostolica impetrate seu etiam impetrande sint alicuius momenti nisi plenam de hiis fecerint mentionem. Nulli ergo ‹etc.›bn) nostre confirmationis et inhibitionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, XVI Kalendas Aprilis, anno sexto. 1) Wolff, “Politics,” p. 269, identifies the “royal river” as the Maritsa, a boundary between the Kingdom of Thessaloniki and the empire proper, but since everywhere else the town of Makri is designated for this, the royal river could be something else.

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a) ‹et›] et T b) omnes] omnia W c) sopientes] sapientes W d) initas] initos T e) eas] eius W f) apostolici] apostolica W g) vitium om. W h) tandem om. W i) constantinopolitanus] constantinopolitamus W j) pro om. W k) memorati om. W l) presentis scripti] presens scriptum W m) evidentiam] credentiam W n) ad] in W o) religiose] religose W p) iuriditione] iurisdictione W q) fiunt] fuerint W r) menbrum] membrum W s) ammitere] amitere W t) quatuor] quattuor W u) est om. W v) adiungantur] adiungatur W w) iurisditione] iurisdictione W x) fuerint vel sint] fuerit vel sit W y) habuerunt] habuerant W z) integre ac libere] libere et integre W aa) iurisditione] iurisdictione W ab) habuerunt] habuerant W ac) habent vel om. W ad) asisiam] assisiam W ae) centum] cuntum W af) nichil] nihil W ag) iamdictos] iam praedictos T ah) eas] eos T ai) bambacoraci] bambacoratii W aj) iurisditione] iurisdictione W ak) possessiones] lege persone? al) integro] integre W am) possumus] possimus W an) in] inde T ao) ortorum] hortorum W ap) theoloneorum] theloneorum T aq) pascariarum] pescrariarum T; piscariarum W ar) milia] millia W as) et] er W at) quia] quae T; quod W au) milium] millium W av) iurisditione] iurisdictione W aw) latini] latin W ax) ecclesiasticas] ecclesticas W ay) liberiorem] liberaliorem W az) constantinopolim] constantinopoli T; constantinopli W ba) et] eorum add. T bb) qui] que W bc) cum mg. R bd) nostris baronibus inv. T be) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis TW bf) thesalonicensibus] thessalonicensibus TW bg) tuo] tunc W bh) venerabilis fratris] venerabiles fratres W bi) archiepiscopi] archiepiscopus W bj) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis TW bk) constantinopolitanorum] constantinopolitane W bl) utique om. W bm) perpetua om. W bn) ‹etc.›] etc. T

129 Anagni, 17 March 1222 Honorius writes to all the archbishops and bishops throughout the Empire of Constantinople, relating that it was explained to him on their behalf that it frequently happens that Latins place violent hands on Greek clerics, either by mistake, because they do not show their clerical habits, or because they are completely disobedient and rebellious towards the Roman Church and engage in tricks and plots against those Latins.The addressees humbly requested that the pope grant them license to absolve such people for the salvation of their souls. The pope grants that they can absolve such people according to the form of the Church, enjoining on them what is customary for such things and having them make fitting satisfaction to those who have suffered. If their offense was very serious, to avoid scan330

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dal they shall send them to the Apostolic See to receive absolution, or at least to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, who has a special indulgence from the pope to absolve those who place hands on clerics [cf. no. 105 above]. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 219v, no. 304 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3866; Santifaller, no. 51. Edition: Tautu, pp. 132-133, no. 96 (T).

Universis archiepiscopis et episcopis per Constantinopolitanum imperium constitutis. Ex parte vestra fuit propositum coram nobis quod frequenter contingit ut Latini manus in clericos Grecos iniciant violentas, aut per errorem, quia illos habitus clericosa) non ostendit, aut quia Ecclesie Romane inobedientes penitus et rebelles contra ipsos Latinos fraudes et insidias moliuntur. Quare nobis humiliter supplicastis ut propter animarum salutem absolvendi tales licentiam vobis concedere dignaremur. Ideoque presentium vobis auctoritate concedimus ut quilibet vestrum subditos suos qui manus iniecerint in huiusmodi clericos iuxta formam Ecclesie possitisb) consuetam absolvere vice nostra, iniungendo eisdem quod talibus consuevit iniungi et faciendo passis iniuriam satisfieri competenter. Porro, si aliquorum fuit gravis nimis et enormis excessus, illos ad Apostolicam Sedem, vel saltem ad venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . patriarcham Constantinopolitanum, qui absolvendi manuum iniectores a nobis habet indulgentiam specialem, pro vitando scandalo transmittatis absolutionis beneficium recepturos. Datum Anagnie, XVI Kalendas Aprilis, anno sexto. a) clericos] graecos T

b) possitis] possit T

130 Anagni, 18 March 1222 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew], the archbishops, and the bishops of the Empire of Constantinople beyond [east of] Makri and of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and to their chapters, prelates, and 331

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clerics of the churches of the Frankish part, and to the religious of Constantinople, confirming and strengthening the agreement between the prelates and clergy, on the one side, and the barons and faithful of the Empire of Constantinople beyond [east of] Makri, on the other, done through Cardinal J[ohn] the legate and later accepted and received by Emperor R[obert] for himself and his faithful beyond Makri [cf. no. 128]. The pope mentions specifically the division and distribution made by the cardinal both of abbeys and of the eleventh, of 2000 hyperperates of land, and of other goods. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 219r, no. 300 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 521r-522r; I 53, f. 121r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3869; Santifaller, no. 52. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche, archiepiscopis, et episcopis imperii Constantinopolitani ultra Macram et regni Thesalonicensis, et dilectis filiis eorum capitulis, prelatis, et clericis ecclesiarum partis Francorum, et religiosis Constantinopolitanis. Quia tenemur ad omnes pacis consilia cogitare, compositiones amicabiles litium materiam sopientes, maxime mediante aliquo de fratribus nostris inter litigantes, provide initas acceptantes, tanto eas fiducialius apostolici muniminis firmitate vallamus quanto certius credimus nullum in ipsis intervenisse vitium pravitatis. Sane, cum olim inter prelatos et clerum, ex parte una, et nobiles viros barones et fideles imperii Constantinopolitani ultra Macram, ex altera, super libertatibus, possessionibus, et iuribus ecclesiarum multiplex questio exorta fuisset et diutius agitata, faciente tandem Domino, qui aspera convertit in plana, per ministerium dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, amicabilis compositio intervenit. Quam karissimus in Christo filius noster R., imperator Constantinopolitanus illustris, tam pro se quam pro suis fidelibus ultra Macram, acceptavit postmodum et recepit. Cuius tenorem nobis exhibitum nos et fratres nostri examinantes sicut expedire vidimus diligenter, divisionem et distributionem a cardinali prefato factas tam de abbatiis quam de undecima, duobus milibus yperpatarum terre, ac bonis aliis que recepta fuerunt de compositione predicta ratas habentes et gratas, eas

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ad vestrarum precum instantiam auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, XV Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 131 Anagni, 21 March 1222 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, relating that Archbishop [Arnulph] of Serres humbly requested that the pope provide for him so that he is not forced to beg to the disgrace of his pontifical dignity, since his church was recently occupied by the son of Belial Theodore [Komnenos Doukas]. The pope orders the patriarch to provide for the archbishop in such a way that the archbishop finds solace in the patriarch’s provision. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 219v, no. 303 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3877; Santifaller, no. 53. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Venerabilis frater noster . . Sarrensis archiepiscopus nobis humiliter supplicavit ut, cum eius ecclesia sit a filio Belial Theodoro noviter occupata, provideri faceremus eidem ne cogatur in pontificalis dignitatis obprobrium mendicare. Ideoque fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus taliter providere cures archiepiscopo memorato quod idem archiepiscopus in te gratum provisionis solacium se gaudeat invenisse et tua caritas inde possit merito commendari. Datum Anagnie, XII Kalendas Aprilis, anno sexto.

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132 Anagni, 24 March 1222 Honorius writes to the bishops of Maydos (Eceabat) and of Adramyti (Edremit) and to the dean of Troy,1) relating that he has confirmed the division and distribution [no. 130] at the request of Patriarch [Matthew], the archbishops, and the bishops of the Empire of Constantinople beyond [east of] Makri and of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and their chapters, prelates, and clerics of the churches of the Frankish part, and the religious of Constantinople. Wanting the division and distribution to have perpetual firmness, the pope orders the addressees to have them observed without violation, no appeal. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 219r, no. 301 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3886; Santifaller, no. 54. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Maditensi et . . Andramitensi episcopis et . . decano Troiano. Quiaa) tenemur ad omnes etc. ut supra usque de compositione predicta, ad venerabilium fratrum nostrorum . . patriarche, archiepiscoporum, et episcoporum imperii Constantinopolitani ultra Macram et regni Thesalonicensis, et eorum capitulorum et prelatorum ac clericorum ecclesiarum partis Francorum et religiosorum Constantinopolitanorum instantiam, auctoritate apostolica duximus confirmandas. Volentes igitur divisionem et distributionem predictas niti perpetua firmitate, discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus eas auctoritate nostra, sublato appellationis obstaculo, faciatis firmiter observari, contradictores etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Anagnie, VIIII Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 1) Almost all mentions of the ecclesia Troiana and related terms in Honorius’ letters refer to Troia in Apulia, but in this context it is possible that this one (and the one in the following letter) applies to Troy. a) quia] ivia a.c. mg. R

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133 Anagni, 24 March 1222 Honorius writes to the bishops of Maydos (Eceabat) and of Adramyti (Edremit) and to the dean of Troy, relating that he has confirmed the agreement [no. 128] at the request of both sides, which agreement Marquis G[uido] received, accepted, and swore to for the king and Kingdom of Thessaloniki, with the consent of the patriarch, the agents of the Great Church and of the Holy Apostles of Constantinople, Archbishop [Warin] of Thessaloniki, and the syndic of the others. The pope orders the addressees to have the agreement observed, forcing those who have not yet complied to comply, appeal put aside, notwithstanding the constitution “de duabus dietis” of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 37]. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 219r-v, no. 302 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 521r-522r; I 53, f. 121r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3887; Santifaller, no. 55. Edition: previously unpublished.

Eisdem ‹. . Maditensi et . . Andramitensi episcopis et . . decano Troiano›. Quia tenemur ad omnes etc. ut supra usque expedire vidimus diligenter, compositionem eandem, pensato statu imperii memorati, satis rationabilem et honestam, et tam clero quam populo utilem et necessariam habuimus et habemus ratam et gratam, ad venerabilium fratrum nostrorum . . patriarche etc. ut supra usque religiosorum Constantinopolitanorum ac imperatorisa) predicti et eius fidelium ultra Macram supplicationem humilem, de fratrum nostrorum consilio auctoritate apostolica duximus confirmandam. Hanc quoque compositionem nobilis vir G. marchio, dominus Bondonitie, baiulus [R 219v] regni Thesalonicensis, pro rege et regno Thesalonicensibus recipiens et acceptans, seipsum completurum et servaturum iuravit, dicti patriarche, maioris ecclesie et Sanctorum Apostolorum capitulorum Constantinopolitorum procuratorum, et venerabilis fratris nostri . . Thesalonicensis archiepiscopi, et . . syndici universitatis prelatorum et cleri ecclesiarum partis Francorum et religiosorum 335

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Constantinopolitanorum accedente consensu, quod utique nisi volumus perpetua firmitate. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus compositionem predictam auctoritate nostra, sublato appellationis obstaculo, faciatis firmiter observari, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam compescendo. Illos quoque qui nondum compositionem compleverunt eandem ut ipsam compleant per censuram eandem, appellatione postposita, compellatis. Non obstante constitutione Concilii Generalis qua cavetur ne quis ultra duas dietas extra suam diocesim ad iudicium trahi possit. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Anagnie,VIIII Kalendas Aprilis, anno sexto. a) ac imperatoris mg. R

134 Anagni, 28 March 1222 Honorius writes to Bishop [John] and to the archdeacon of Negroponte, relating that, even though he is more prone to forgiveness than to punishment, there are some crimes for which it would be a crime to spare the rod, especially those committed in a spirit of rebellion or by malicious intent against the keys of the Church to the scandal of others. As justice required, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, promulgated a sentence of interdict on the land of O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, and on the monastery of the abbot and the monks of Daphni of the Cistercian Order. The latter stubbornly held the sentence in contempt and dared to celebrate – or rather profane – the divine offices. Because of this the cardinal excommunicated them and had them denounced publicly as excommunicates. But thus excommunicated and denounced they celebrated for almost three years, so they deserved to be deprived of the carrying out of their [holy] orders. So the pope ordered the excommunicates removed from said monastery, so that they would be an example to those to whom they had been a scandal. The pope orders the addressees to see to their removal from there, except for six, namely three monks who were not officials and three conversi, who can remain there to care for the monastery and its goods, along with the custody that is in the hands of the addressees

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and the diocesan bishop. But these shall be deprived of the execution of their office. Nor shall the addressees permit the celebration of the divine offices in the monastery until further orders come from the Apostolic See. Provided that the monks restore whatever they had of the goods of the late bishop of Thermopylai at his death and what they dared to receive from excommunicates and people under interdict, which things the addressees are to keep until further orders from the pope. Those who have been buried in and around the monastery since the time of the interdict are to be exhumed. They are to absolve those monks who humbly request it according to the form of the Church. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 230v-231r, no. 351 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3904. Edition: Brown, p. 120, no. 2 (B).

. . episcopo et . . archidiacono Nigripo‹n›tensibus. Et si proniores esse nos deceat ad veniam quam ad penam, quia tamen nonnulle sunt culpe in quibus est culpa relaxari vindictam, presertim in hiis que rebellionis spiritu vel malignitatis proposito contra claves Ecclesie in aliorum scandalum committuntur, . . abbatem et monachos monasterii de Dalphino, Cisterciensis Ordinis, qui, contempta pertinaciter sententia interdicti quam dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, in terram [R 231r] nobilis viri O. de Rocca domini Athenarum et in ipsorum monasterium exigente iustitia promulgavit, presumpserunt celebrare – vela) potius prophanare – divina, propter quod dictus cardinalis illos excommunicationis vinculo innodavit et excommunicatos fecit publice nuntiari, sed ipsi sic excommunicati et denuntiati fere per triennium celebrarunt, quare a suorum ordinum executione meruere privari, excommunicatos a dicto monasterio precipimus ammoveri, ut quibus in scandalum fuerant sint decetero in exemplum. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus eos exinde amovere curetis, exceptis sex, videlicet tribus monachis qui non officiales fuerunt et tribus conversis, qui poterunt ibi ad custodiam predicti monasterii et bonorum ipsius una cum vestra et diocesani custodia remanere, a sui ta337

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men officii executione privati. Nec permittatis in monasterio ipso celebrari divina donec super hoc a Sede Apostolica contingat aliud emanare mandatum. Proviso etiam ut ipsi monachi restituant quicquid habuerunt de bonis bone memorie . . Fermopilensis episcopi in eius obitu et ab excommunicatis et interdictis recipere presumpserunt, que usque ad mandatum apostolicum reservetis, extumulatis a tempore interdicti sepultis infra et circa monasterium memoratum. Contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Illos quoque de monachis supradictis qui humiliter postulabunt absolutionis beneficium iuxta formam Ecclesie impendatis. Datum Anagnie,V Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) vel] ut B

135 Anagni, 29 March 1222 Honorius writes to the abbot and the convent of St Angelus in Pera of the Cistercian Order, in the diocese of Constantinople, relating that he embraces the whole Cistercian Order.Their petition revealed that P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when acting as legate in Romania [1213/14], found the Greek abbot and monks of Rufiano disobedient and also rebellious toward the Roman Church, so he conferred their monastery on the addressees, unless the abbot and monks swore obedience before the General [Fourth Lateran] Council. Then, the late Patriarch G[ervase] of Constantinople, returning from the Council, invested the abbot [of St Angelus] with the monastery, since the Greek abbot and monks had not sworn obedience at all. Finally, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, the papal legate, diligently warned those same [Greek] monks again to return to obedience and devotion to the Roman Church, but they did not want to understand in order to do well and chose instead to leave their monastery derelict. So [Cardinal John] again conferred on the addressees the monastery that had already been granted and placed them in bodily possession of it, so they would have some compensation for the possessions of their monastery [of St Angelus] that they lost. Because it seemed improper for that monastery [of Rufiano], which was much celebrated in the time of the Greeks, to re338

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main without a fitting number of monks, the abbot, without the convent’s knowledge, promised to transfer the congregation there, should the Cistercian [General] Chapter agree. But the addressees thought that they could not decently abandon their monastery [of St Angelus], given to them by the [cardinal-]bishop, especially since many bodies of noble Latins have been buried there, which bodies could not easily be transferred, nor would it be expedient for them to give up the protection of the empire and be subjected to someone else’s lordship. So they urgently requested that the pope confer the monastery [of Rufiano] on them, in which they want to assign four monks for its service, and to confirm the arrangement. The pope grants the monastery [of Rufiano] to them to be governed for five years, notwithstanding the letter of Cardinal [John] to Patriarch [Matthew] and the chapter of Constantinople over this. If, within this time and with those four monks, they can establish a convent according to their [Cistercian] order, from then on in perpetuity shall that order be observed there, and the convent will be affiliated to the addressees as a daughter. If they cannot fulfill this before the time limit, and the patriarch and chapter wish to arrange more fully for the monastery [of Rufiano], for the possessions of the addressees’ monastery [of St Angelus] Patriarch [Matthew] and chapter are to compensate the addressees with 300 hyperperates of land from their eleventh, including the 50 hyperperates of land that Cardinal [John] gave the addressees, and the monastery [of Rufiano] will revert completely to the patriarch and chapter. The pope writes a similar letter, mutatis mutandis, to the patriarch and chapter. The pope writes a similar letter to Archbishop [S.]1) of Nicomedia and to the deans of Our Lady of Blachernae and of St George of Mangana, adding that he is ordering the addressees to force anyone who dares to harass the abbot and convent to desist. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 224v-225v, no. 330 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 3914; Santifaller, nos. 56-58. Edition: Tautu, pp. 133-135, no. 97 (T).

. . abbati et conventui monasterii Sancti Angeli in Perra,a) Cisterciensis Ordinis, Constantinopolitane diocesis. Cum universum Cisterciensem Ordinem prerogativa dilectionis et gratie amplexemur, ad dilatationem ipsius libenter impendimus opem et operam oportunam. 339

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Sane vestra nobis exhibita petitio patefecit quod, cum venerabilis frater noster P. Albanensis episcopus, tunc legationis officio fungens in partibus Romanie, abbatem et monachos Grecos monasterii de Rufiano Ecclesie Romane inhobedientes invenisset pariter et rebelles, eorum monasterium vobis contulit, nisi abbas et monachi memorati prestarent obedientiam usque ad Concilium Generale. Ac deinde bone memorie G. patriarcha Constantinopolitanus, de Concilio Generali reversus, cum iidem abbas et monachi Greci obedientiam nullatenus prestitissent, te, fili abbas, de prefato monasterio postmodum investivit. Demum vero dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, eosdem monachos iterum commonens diligenter ut ad obedientiam et devotionem Ecclesie Romane redirent,b) quia illi, nolentes intelligere [R 225r] ut bene agerent, elegerunt potius aufugere, monasterio derelicto, ipsum vobis iam concessum iterato contulit et in possessionem ipsius vos posuit corporalem, ut sic de possessionibus quas pro vestro amiseratisc) monasterio compensationem aliquam haberetis. Et quia indecens videbatur ut monasterium ipsum, quod tempore Grecorum fuerat valde sollempne, sine congruo servitorum numero remaneret, tu, fili abbas, nesciente conventu, congregationem ibi promisisti transferre, si de Cisterciensis capituli procederet voluntate.Vos vero,d) pensantes quod monasterium vestrum, a supradicto episcopo dedicatum, deserere non poteratis honeste, presertim cum ibidem multorum sepulta sinte) corpora nobilium Latinorum, que de facili non possent inde transferri, nec expediret vobis imperii relinquere patronatum ut vos alterius potentis dominatui subderetis, supplicastis nobis instanter ut iamdictum monasterium, in quo vultis quatuor monachos ad eius obsequium deputare, vobis conferre ac auctoritate dignaremur apostolica confirmare. Nos vero,f) volentes sic vestris condescendere precibus ut materiam exercende virtutis et Cisterciensem Ordinem dilatandi vobis laudabiliter tribuamus, monasterium ipsum hoc modo, non obstantibus litteris quas memoratus cardinalis super facto ipsius monasterii venerabili fratri nostro . . patriarche ac capitulo Constantinopolitanisg) concessit, usque ad quinquennium vobis committimus gubernandum, ut interim, dic340

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tis quatuorh) monachis ad eius obsequium deputatis, si, auctore Domino, infra tempus ipsum ibi secundum ordinem vestrum poteritis ordinare conventum, extunc ibidem idem ordo perpetuis temporibus observetur et conventus ipse a vobis ius filiationis agnoscat.Verum, si forte ultra pretaxatum tempus per vos id non potueriti) adimpleri, et patriarcha et capitulum antedicti prefatumj) monasterium voluerint plenius ordinare, de ipsorum undecima pro possessionibus vestri monasterii, iuxta predicti cardinalis assignationem, trecentarum yperperatarum terre recompensatione vobis ab eis impensa, computatis quinquaginta yperperatis terre quas vobis dictus tribuit cardinalis, ipsum monasterium ad eos taliter ordinandum libere revertatur. Datum Anagnie, IIII Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. In eundem modum scriptum est super hoc eisdem patriarche et capitulo Constantinopolitanisk) verbis competenter mutatis. In eundem modum scriptum est super hoc . . archiepiscopo Nycomediensil) et dilectis filiis . . Sancte Marie de Blakerna et . . Sancti Georgii de Mangana decanis Constantinopolitanism) usque libere revertatur. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus eos qui abbatem et conventum predictos super hiis presumpserint temere [R 225v] molestare, ut ab ipsorum indebita molestatione desistant, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescatis. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum ut supra. 1) Assuming that the Archbishop S. of Nicomedia whose resignation was refused in 1218 (no. 64) remained at least until 1223 (no. 194). a) perra] petra a.c. R; petra T b) redirent] et add.T c) pro vestro amiseratis] amiseratis pro vestro T d) vero] non T e) sint] sunt T f) vero] itaque T g) constantinopolitanis] constantinopolitano T h) dictis quatuor inv. a.c. R; inv.T i) potuerit] puerit a.c. supralin. R j) prefatum] pefatum a.c. supralin. R k) constantinopolitanis] constantinopolitano T l) nycomediensi] nicomediensi T m) constantinopolitanis] constantinopolitano T

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136 Anagni, 30 March 1222 Honorius writes to the nobleman Count M[atthew] of Cephalonia, relating that because of the sincerity of his faith and devotion the pope protects him from the harassment of depraved men so that he may advance spiritually and temporally. Persuaded by his entreaties, the pope takes the count’s person and land under papal protection. The count also declares that the late Emperor H[enry] of Constantinople granted him certain holdings to be acquired, and Emperor P[eter] of Constantinople confirmed this grant in his letter and generously granted certain other holdings. The count has labored much for these holdings up to now and will never cease working for them. So the pope assents to his request and confirms and strengthens what the emperors did with prudent generosity. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 229v-230r, no. 347 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3920. Edition: Kiesewetter, p. 358 (K).

Nobili viro M. comiti Cephalonensi. Fidei ac devotionis tue deposcit sinceritas ut, te propensius diligentes, apostolicuma) impendamus tibi favorem quatinus molestatione pravorum hominum agitari non valeas [R 230r] et, rore benedictionis et gratie nostre perfusus, spiritualiter et temporaliter augearis. Eapropter, dilecte in Domino fili, tuis supplicationibus inclinati, personam et terram tuamb) sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus. Cum autem proponas quod clare memorie H. imperator Constantinopolitanus quedam tenimenta tibi concesserit acquirenda, et karissimus in Christo filius noster P., Constantinopolitanus imperator illustris, imperialibus litteris tam concessionem huiusmodi confirmarit quam alia quedam tenimenta tibi liberaliter contulisset, pro quibus multum laborasti hactenus, nec umquam postmodum ab huiusmodi labore cessaveris vel quiescas, nos, tuis postulationibus annuentes, quod ab eisdem imperatoribus super hiis provida liberalitate factum est auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. 342

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Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis et confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, III Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) apostolicum] apostolicam K b) et terram tuam] tuam et terram K, R a.c.

137 Anagni, 1 April 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishops [Hardouin] of Thebes and [C.] of Athens and to Bishop [John] of Negroponte, relating that he had full faith in their discretion and constancy when he wrote them instructing them to return the noblemen Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia, his son G[eoffrey], and his vassals to the sentence of excommunication unless they obeyed his orders as expressed in another letter to the addressees. On the authority of the present letter, in virtue of strict obedience, he orders the addressees to warn frequently the aforesaid nobles to comply with these orders within four months. If they do not comply within this time, the addressees are to return the nobles to the sentence of excommunication. Otherwise, the addressees will be immediately suspended from the execution of their offices and within the following two months they shall journey to the Apostolic See. The pope writes a similar letter to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, to the bishop of Coron, and to the [bishop-]elect of Modon, concerning O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, and his vassals. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 226v, no. 335 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 121v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1222, no. 12; Pressutti, no. 3924. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Thebano et . . Atheniensi archiepiscopis et . . episcopo Nigripontensi. Cum, de discretione ac constantia vestra plenam in Domino fiduciam obtinentes, vobis direxerimus scripta nostra ut, nisi nobiles viri G. princeps Achaie, G. natus, et vassalli eius mandatis nostris expressis in aliis litteris nostris vobis transmissis pa343

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ruerint, vos eos in excommunicationis sententiam reducatis, fraternitati vestre presentium auctoritate in virtute obedientie districte precipiendo mandamus quatenus, receptis dictis prioribus nostris litteris, dictos nobiles ut que mandamus eisdem infra quatuor menses adimpleant frequenter monere curetis, et si ea infra ipsum tempus non curaverint adimplere, vos, mandatum nostrum sublata occasione qualibet exequentes, ipsos in excommunicationis sententiam reducere nullatenus differatis. Alioquin, mox a vestrorum officiorum executione suspensi, infra duos menses sequentes iter arripiatis ad Sedem Apostolicam veniendi. Datum Anagnie, Kalendis Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. In eundem modum scriptum est . . archiepiscopo Corinthiensi et . . episcopo Coronensi et . . electo Mothonensi contra O. de Rocca dominum Athenarum et vassallos eius. 138 Alatri, 18 May 1222 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, relating that he is afraid to say of the patriarch that he regrets having made him.While the pope called the patriarch to run the church of Constantinople, so that he would shine like a lamp above the chandelier in the house of the Lord, leading his subordinates by word and example, and his high post would be on his shoulders, and he would proceed rather than preside, it has come to his hearing that the patriarch, not motivated by the flock’s good, but dominating the clergy, has become a stumbling block by the example he is setting, seeking what is his rather than what is Christ’s. As soon as he arrived at the church committed to him, he alienated not a small amount of its immovable goods, with [John] the papal legate still present, whose presence he should have at least revered by not attempting such things before his very eyes. Nor was he afraid to remove the lead and copper of other churches of the Royal City, against the statutes published by P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when he was legate there [1213/14]. He thus shows himself to be a mercenary rather than a shepherd, since he seeks milk and wool from his sheep, neither returning the wandering ones to the 344

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fold, nor prodding the sluggish ones, nor helping the weak ones, doing hardly any preaching, by which he should reprove, implore, and rebuke them with all patience and doctrine.Very rarely does he celebrate Mass, and he does not shrink from communicating with excommunicates. He has entered into illicit pacts with Venetians against other nations, as is said to be common knowledge. As if he wishes to place his throne in sides of the North [cf. Isa. 14:12-15], he absolves those excommunicated by [John] the papal legate and neglects to defer to appeals launched legally to the Apostolic See. Adding contempt to contempt, he has received certain clerics without papal letters whom J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, had sent to the Apostolic See because of their offenses, expressly prohibiting the patriarch from receiving them without papal letters containing the truth. The patriarch does not place himself like a wall for the house of the Lord against those climbing against it. Remiss in showing justice, he does not resist Venetians from banishing clerics, thereby subverting ecclesiastical liberty, but rather he ignores it, so that he seems not to lack concern for secret society, while he abandons blocking public crimes. He is accused of doing many things contrary to his pastoral duty, but it would take a long time to list them in the present letter. So that he is not forced to destroy the man he created, the pope warns the patriarch to correct and emend himself in these and other matters in such a way that he applies himself to his pastoral duty, completing his evangelical work, so the pope is not forced to apply the axe to the unfruitful tree. Would that this rebuke goads the unfruitful fig tree such that, with the manure of correction applied, it bears the required fruit and does not have to be cut down in the future. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 236r-v, no. 374 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 544r (in table of contents); I 53, f. 122r (summary); Moreau 1182, p. 117. Summaries: Potthast, no. 6861 (XV Kal. Iulii); Pressutti, no. 3963; Santifaller, no. 59. Editions: Raynaldi 1222, nos. 22-23 (Y, partial); Horoy IV, coll. 152-153, no. 178 (H, from Moreau).

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Timemus ne de te dicere nosa) oporteat: penitet nos hominem hunc fecisse. Cum enim huius rei gratia te ad Constantinopolitane ecclesie regimen vocassemus, ut quasi lucerna super 345

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candelabrum luceres in domo Domini, proficiendo verbo tuis subditis et exemplo, tuusque esset super tuos humeros principatus, ac prodesses potius quam preesses, tu, sicut ad audientiam nostri apostolatus pervenit, non factus forma gregis ex animo, sed in clero potius dominans, factus es multis offendiculum per exemplum, que tua sunt querens, potius quam que Christi. Statim siquidem ut ad commissam tibi [R 236v] applicuisti ecclesiam, ipsius mobilia, in quantitate non modica, distraxisti,b) adhuc . . Apostolice Sedis legato presente, cuius saltem debueras presentiam revereri, ne in eius oculis talia attemptares. Plumbum quoque ac cuprum aliarum ecclesiarum regie urbis, contra statuta a venerabili fratre nostro P. Albanensi episcopo, dum illic legationis officio fungeretur, edita, distrahere non metuens, mercennarium te exhibensc) potius quam pastorem, cum lac et lanam querens ex ovibus, vagas non reducas ad caulas, nec lentas stimules, et languidas non sustentes, predicationi minime insistendo, qua ipsas arguere, obsecrare, ac increpare deberes in omni patientia et doctrina. Missarum vero sollempnia rarissime celebras et excommunicatis communicare non metuis; et cum Venetis, ut haberi ex fama publica dicitur, iniisti contra nationes alias illicitas pactiones; et ut quasi velis ab aquilone tuum soliumd) collocare, excommunicatos a . . legato Apostolice Sedis passim absolvis et appellationibus legitime interpositis ad eandem deferree) contempnis; et addens contemptum contemptui, quosdam clericos, quos dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, pro suis excessibus ad Sedem Apostolicam destinarat, tibi prohibens expresse ne ipsos absque litteris apostolicis continentibus veritatem reciperes, sine huiusmodi litteris recepisti. Ceterum, tef) murum pro domo Domini non opponens ascendentibus ex adverso, et remissus in iustitia exhibenda,Venetis bannientibus clericos in subversionem libertatis ecclesiastice non resistis, sed dissimulas potius, ut videaris societatis occulte scrupulo non carere, dum manifesto facinori desinis obviare. Multa insuper contra pastoralis officii debitum attemptare refereris,g) que longum esset presentibus annotare. Ne igitur tacti dolore cordis intrinsecus dicere compellamur: delebimus hominem quem creavimus, fraternitatem tuam monemus et exhortamur in Domino per apostolica tibih) scrip346

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ta mandantes quatenus in hiis et in aliis teipsum taliter corrigas et emendes, insistens sollicite officio pastorali, evangeliste opusi) adimplens, ut securimj) infructuose arbori apponere non cogamur. Utinam autem sic obiurgatio hec circa infructuosam ficulneam foderit, fimo correctionis apposito, quodk) fructum afferat requisitum, et succidi non debeat in futurum. Datum Alatri, XV Kalendas Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) nos om. H b) distraxisti] detraxisti H c) exhibens] exhibes HY d) solium] solitum Y e) deferre] differre H f) te] per add. H g) attemptare refereris] alia referens H h) tibi om. H i) evangeliste opus] opus tibi commissum H j) securim] securum R k) quod om.Y

139 Alatri, 26 May 1222 Honorius writes to Archdeacon James of Corinth, relating that he has learned from the archdeacon’s report that when J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, was acting as legate in Romania, seeing the archdeacon’s meager incomes, he granted him the tithes of the abbey of Panagia for as long as he lives for his sustenance. Persuaded by the archdeacon’s just prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens what the cardinal did prudently and canonically. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 243r, no. 398 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3994. Edition: previously unpublished.

Iacobo archidiacono Corinthiensi. Iustis petentium etc. usque complere. Ex tua sane insinuatione didicimus quod dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum in partibus Romanie legationis officio fungeretur, tui redditus tenuitatem attendens, decimas abbatie de Panagia tibi quoad vixerisa) pro tua sustentatione concessit. Nos ergo, tuis iustis precibus inclinati, quod ab eodem cardinali super hoc provide ac canonice factum est, prout in ipsius litteris continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmanus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. 347

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Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Alatri, VII Kalendas Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) quoad vixeris] coadvixeris R

140 Alatri, 26 May 1222 Honorius writes to Archdeacon James and Cantor G. of Corinth, relating that he has learned from their report that J[ohn], cardinalpriest of Santa Prassede, when acting as papal legate in Romania, established that there could only be two people with offices in the churches beyond the twelve canons without offices, and since, by this establishment, the treasurer’s post in the church of Corinth was made vacant, the legate assigned its income to the addressees because of their meager incomes. Persuaded by their just request, the pope confirms and strengthens what the legate did prudently and canonically. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 243r, no. 399 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 3995. Edition: previously unpublished.

Iacobo archidiacono et G. cantori Corinthiensibus. Cum a nobis petitur etc. usque effectum. Ex vestra sane insinuatione didicimus quod, cum dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum in partibus Romanie legationis fungeretur officio, constituerit ut duo tantum essent in ecclesiis ultra duodecim canonicos non habentibus personatus, et thesauraria que in ecclesia Corinthiensi erat ex huiusmodi constitutione vacante, ipsius redditus propter vestrorum tenuitatem reddituum vobis duxerit concedendos, nos, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, quod ab eodem legato super hoc provide ac canonice factum est, prout in ipsius litteris continetur etc. ut supra usque in finem. ‹Datum Alatri, VII Kalendas Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto›.

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141 Alatri, 28 May 1222 Honorius writes to Bishops [Thomas] of Eger, [Briccio] of Vácz, and [Alexander] of Nagy-Varád, relating that he was informed on behalf of B[ela], son of King [Andrew II] of Hungary, that when the king was passing through Greece while returning from Outremer, the king promised [Theodore L]ascaris that [Bela], when still a child, would marry his daughter, who was below the age for marriage. Although [Bela] at a young age contracted an engagement with the girl, now that he has attained adulthood, he is against the marriage, humbly requesting that the pope give him license to withdraw from the engagement and contract one with another, from whom a greater utility could be derived for the Kingdom of [Hungary]. Because the pope is not clear about these things, he orders the addressees to summon those who should be summoned, inquire diligently into the truth, and, if it is so, grant B[ela] the license. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 243r-v, no. 401 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 122v (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6845; Pressutti, no. 4006. Editions: Fejér, p. 384;Theiner, Vetera, p. 33, no. 67; Horoy IV, coll. 173-174, no. 199 (H, from Theiner); Tautu, pp. 135-136, no. 98 (T).

. . Agriensi, . . Waciensi, et . . Waradiensi episcopis. Ex parte nobilis viri B., nati karissimi in Christo filii nostri . ., regis Ungariea) illustris, fuit propositum coram nobis quod idem rex, per Greciam transitum faciens dum rediret de partibus transmarinis, Ascharo, dum adhuc ipse impubesb) existeret, fidem dedit quod eum illius filiec) infra annos nubiles existenti matrimonio copularet. Nunc vero dictus nobilis,d) licet in etate tenella cum puella eadem sponsalia contraxisset, cum ad pubertatem pervenerit, matrimonio contradicit, humiliter postulando ut sibi tribu[R 243v]amus licentiam ab huiusmodi sponsalibus recedendi, et contrahendi cum alia, dee) qua maior possitf) utilitas regno Francieg) provenire. Quia vero nobis non constitit de premissis, fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, vocatis qui fuerint

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evocandi, et inquisita super hiis diligentius et cognita veritate, si constiterit ita esse, predicto B. postulatam licentiam concedatis. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Alatri,V Kalendas Iunii, anno sexto. a) ungarie] hungariae H b) impubes] impuber H c) eum illius filie] cum illius filia H d) nobilis] vero R; om. H e) de om. T f) possit] posset T g) francie] lege ungarie

142 Alatri, 7 June 1222 Honorius writes to Dean [H.] of Patras, relating that, as the dean told him, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, when acting as legate in Romania, on account of the poverty of the dean’s income, conceded for as long as the dean should live the revenues that the dean had (and, by his own work, increased) in the church of Argos by reason of his position as cantor, with other revenues being assigned to the position of cantor. Persuaded by his just request, the pope confirms and strengthens what the cardinal did prudently and canonically. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 247r, no. 417 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4028. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . decano Patracensi. Iustis petentium etc. usque complere. Cum igitur, sicut te intimante didicimus, dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum in partibus Romanie legationis officio fungeretur, redditus quos in ecclesia Argolicensi habueras ratione officii cantorie, quos etiam tue probitatis studio augmentaras, tibi quoad vixeris, considerata tenuitate tuorum reddituum, in tue sustentationis augmentum concesserit, pro cantorie ipsius ecclesie officio aliis redditibus assignatis, nos, tuis iustis precibus inclinati, quod ab eodem cardinali super hoc provide ac canonice factum est, prout in ipsius litteris continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus etc. usque communimus.

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Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Alatri,VII Idus Iunii, anno sexto.

143 Alatri, 8 June 1222 Honorius writes to the abbot and convent of Santa Prassede de Urbe [Rome], relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then acting as legate in Romania, by generous piety conferred on their church the metochion of Mileas, formerly belonging to the monastery of Kehiriani, along with its appurtenances, in the diocese of Constantinople, as is more fully contained in his letter. The pope confirms and strengthens this, inserting verbatim the text of the legate’s letter. It reads as follows: John, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, writes to the abbot and monks of the Church of Santa Prassede de Urbe [Rome], relating that, through the grace of God and by the form of the peace that was established, all monasteries and metochia of the Empire of Constantinople on this side [east] of Makri have been restored to the Church, which things until then had been violently occupied by laymen, in contempt and disgrace of the Church. The cardinal wants the Church of Santa Prassede to receive something of the goods of the Church in the Empire of Romania, so by the authority of his legation, saving the authority of the Apostolic See, he has directed to be conferred on their church, for work on its fabric, the metochion of Mileas, formerly belonging to the monastery of Kehiriani, in the diocese of Constantinople, along with its rights and properties that it must have from the form of the peace. The schismatic and rebellious monks of this monastery [Kehiriani] have never wanted to obey the Holy Roman Church thus far. Dated Constantinople, 29 April 1220. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 249v, no. 429 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 534r (mutilated); I 53, f. 122v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1222, no. 19; Pressutti, no. 4033; Santifaller, no. 60. Edition: Tautu, pp. 136-137, no. 99 (T).

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. . abbati et conventui Sancte Praxedis de Urbe. Cum a nobis petitur etc. Eapropter etc. usque assensu, metochium Mileas, pertinens quondam ad monasterium dea) Kehiriani, cum suis pertinentiis, Constantinopolitane diocesis, quod dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc legationis fungens officio in partibus Romanie, ecclesie vestre liberali contulit pietate, prout in eius litteris plenius continetur, vobis, sicut illud iuste, canonice, ac pacifice possidetis, et per vos ecclesie vestre auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Ad maiorem autem evidentiam tenorem litterarum ipsarum de verbo ad verbum presentibus duximus inserendum, qui talis est: Iohannes, permissione divinab) tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, venerabilibus in Christo fratribus . . abbati et monachis ecclesie Sancte Praxedis de Urbe, salutem in Domino. Cum universa monasteria et methochiac) imperii Constantinopolitani citra Macrame) ex forma pacis inite sint per Dei gratiam Ecclesie restituta, que in eius ignominiam et despectum laici detinuerunt hactenus violenter, nos, volentes ut ecclesia Sancte Praxedis aliquid de bonis Ecclesie percipiat in imperio Romanie, methochiume) Mileas, quondam pertinens ad monasterium Kehiriani, Constantinopolitane diocesis, cum suis iuribus et proprietatibus que habere debet ex inite pacis forma, ecclesie vestre ad opus eius fabrice, auctoritate legationis qua fungimur, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duximus conferendum. Cuius monasterii monachi scismatici et rebelles numquam sacrosancte Romane Ecclesie obedire hactenus voluerunt. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem etc. Datum Constantinopoli, III Kalendas Maii, pontificatus vero domini Honorii papef) III anno quarto. Nulli ergo etc.g) nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. 352

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Datum Alatri,VI Idus Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) de om. T b) divina] divinae T c) methochia] metochia T d) macram] marcam T e) methochium] metochium T f) pape om. T g) ergo etc. inv. T

144 Rome, the Lateran, 27 June 1222 Honorius writes to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople, relating that, in order to get a good deal and exchange transitory honors with permanent ones, and buy eternal things with temporal ones, he must serve God, Who transfers kingdoms to whom He wills, and, when He does give kingdoms, nobody dares ask, “Why do You do this?” Although he cannot suitably repay Him for all that He has given him, for there can be no fitting compensation from the crafted to the craftsman, he must strive to the highest to join himself to His grace by welcome services of devotion, namely by protecting with favor the Church, His bride, and the ministers in her who fight for the Lord, and defend her from the attacks of the wicked, lest he be seen to be ungrateful in all things. Prior H. of the Lord’s Sepulcher at Constantinople humbly presented the emperor’s letter, the contents of which were understood with kindness, as is fitting. Thanking God, the pope was very happy and glad to hear that, through the diligence of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, the inveterate and recurring matter of the dissent and scandal was blown out and extinguished with an admirable and amicable treaty establishing peace and concord between the church at Constantinople and the empire. Concerning the fact that the emperor asserts that he and the empire are pressed and afflicted on all sides more than usual by the enemies of the orthodox faith, the pope sympathizes, hoping that he will triumph for the honor of God and the Church and the increase of the empire. So that the emperor knows the affection that the pope is known to have had for his ancestors, he wants him to know that he is concerned for him and his empire’s prosperous condition.The pope has beaten with the cudgel of excommunication all those who join the Greeks against his and his empire and offer them help and favor and he has ordered them denounced as excommunicates in the coastal cities. He has conceded to Count Uberto de Biandrate and his asso353

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ciates coming to the aid of the empire the same indulgence established for those going to the aid of the Holy Land. The emperor, secure in the favor of the pope’s grace, should extend himself further, knowing that the pope will give him aid and advice. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 254v-255r, no. 446 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 538r (mutilated); I 53, f. 123r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6868; Pressutti, no. 4059; Santifaller, no. 61. Editions: Raynaldi 1222, nos. 14-15 (Y, omitting first paragraph); Horoy IV, coll. 203-204, no. 228 (H, from Y).

. ., illustria) Constantinopolitano imperatori. Ut honorem transitorium imperempnem felici comertio commutare valeas et eterna temporalibus comparare, illi necesse habes ut servias cui est honor in secula seculorum et qui, cum regna transtulerit cui voluerit, ea donans, non est ausus quisquam dicere: cur hoc facis? Huic igitur, et siquid dignum retribuere nequeas pro omnibus que tribuit ipse tibi, quia non est facture digna compensatio ad factorem, ne tamen ingratus possis in omnibus deprehendi, sumopere satagere te oportet ut eius gratie per grata devotionis obsequia te coaptes, Ecclesiam scilicet, sponsam eius, et ministros in ea Domino militantes protegens favorabiliter et defendens ab incursibus malignorum. Sane, imperialis celsitudinis litteris per dilectum filium H., Dominici Sepulchri Constantinopolitani priorem, nobis humiliter presentatis, et ipsorum continentia benigne prout decuit intellecta, super eo quod, per ministerium et sollicitudinem diligentem dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis [R 255r] presbyterib) cardinalis, inveteratam materiam dissensionis et scandali, que inimico homine superseminante zizania passa fuerat, pluries recidivam, exsufflatam asserens et extinctam, inter ecclesiam Constantinopolitanam et imperium pacem et concordiam tam ammirabili quam amicabili federe stabilitam per easdem litteras astruebas, letati sumus plurimum et gavisi, ei, a quo omne datum obtimum et omne donum perfectum existit, gratiarum referentes uberes actiones. Super eo vero quod tam te quam imperium prenotatum circumquaque multipliciter ultra solitum deprimi asseris et affligi per inimicos fidei orthodoxe, paterno tibi compatientes af354

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fectu, ad honorem Dei et Ecclesie ac augmentum imperii, te de ipsis obtamus feliciter triumphare. Ut autem sciasc) sincere dilectionis affectum quem ad progenitores tuos habuisse dinoscimur in te habundantius derivatum,d) imperialem volumus celsitudinem non latere quod nos, de tuo et commissi tibi imperii statu prospero solliciti existentes, omnes illos qui contra te et Constantinopolitanum imperium Grecis adheserint ipsisque prestiterint auxilium et favorem excommunicationis mucrone perculimus et mandavimus excommunicatos per civitates maritimas nuntiari, nobili viro Huberto, comiti de Blandraco, et sociis eius in subsidium imperii venientibus eandem concedentes indulgentiam que statuta fuit in succursum transfretantibus Terre Sancte. Tu igitur, de gratie nostre favore securus, tuum iactans in Domino cogitatum, et defigens in eo ancoram spei tue, ad anteriora iugiter te extendas, pro certo sciturus quod nos, personam tuam sincero in Domino zelantes affectu, auxilium et consilium apostolicum, in quibus expedierit et decuerit, tibi curabimus efficaciter impertiri. Datum Laterani, V Kalendas Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) illustri] illustrissimo H b) presbyteri] presbyteris HY c) scias om. HY d) derivatum] agnoscas add. HY

145 Rome, the Lateran, 27 June 1222 Honorius writes to all counts, barons, and other magistrates, Latin knights in the Empire of Constantinople, relating that, as long as they were united in the fear of the Lord and the devotion to the Holy Mother Church, each pursuing the common cause as his own, the Lord, Who never confounds those who confide in Him, magnificently strengthened their arm, so that one of them displaced a thousand enemies, and two, ten thousand. But, the pope sorrowfully relates, afterwards, having thrown off the fear of God, sliding away from the devotion to the Church, they stirred up dissent and scandal among themselves. In so doing they have so aided the audacity of their enemies that, unless the addressees seek aid elsewhere, the enemies, confident in their numbers, do not fear resisting them open355

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ly. Thus in all ways that are expedient they should accustom themselves to the fear of God, from which they seem to have become detached.They should preserve the rights of the churches and serve each other in unity with the chain of the spirit of peace, following their cause as if with one neck and shoulders, all for one and one for all. They should bow to humbly and devoutly and assist bravely and forcefully Emperor R[obert] of Constantinople. Since the strength of the whole consists in the integrity of the parts, they should serve the emperor faithfully as members do the head, and hardly any danger can arise. Otherwise, the opposite could easily follow. The pope orders the addressees to guard their homes vigilantly, considering how dangerous it is to fall asleep among enemies who, even if not powerful, are cunning and sly. Since it is one’s own affair when the neighboring wall is burning, they should act as if one man, assisting whoever needs it the most. Thus the pope, who aspires to the conservation and the exaltation of the Empire of Constantinople, will look out for them the more diligently the more ready they are to tend to their own cause. The addressees should know that he has beaten with the cudgel of excommunication all those who join the Greeks against the emperor and the Empire of Constantinople and offer them help and favor and he has ordered them denounced as excommunicate in the coastal cities. He has granted to Count Uberto de Biandrate and his associates coming to the aid of the empire the same indulgence established for those going to the aid of the Holy Land, and he will add whatever else he deems expedient for the addressees’ support. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 255r-v, no. 447 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 544v (in table of contents); I 53, f. 123r (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4060. Edition: previously unpublished.

Universis comitibus, baronibus, et aliis magistratibus, militibus Latinis in Constantinopolitano imperio constitutis. Quamdiu in timore Domini et devotione sacrosancte matris Ecclesie unanimes extitistis, singuli causam communem tamquam propriam prosequentes, Dominus, qui numquam confundit confidentes in eo, brachium vestrum magnifice confortavit, ita quod unus ex vobis mille de hostibus, et duo denmilia, transmovebant. Sed – quod dolentes referimus – postquam, 356

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abiecto timore divino, ab Ecclesie devotione repentes, inter vos dissensiones et scandala concitastis, tantam prestitistis audaciam inimicis quod, nisi alias vobis consulueritis, de sua multitudine confidentes, vobis patenter resistere non formidant. Quare modis omnibus expedit ut, timori divino, a quo dissuevisse videmini, vos assuefacientes instanter, ecclesiarum iura conservetis illesa, et servantes invicem in vinculo pacis spiritus unitatem, quasi collo uno et humero uno prosequamini causam vestram universaliter singuli et singulariter universi, karissimo in Christo filio nostro R., [R 255v] imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri, intendendo humiliter et devote ac assistendo viriliter et potenter. Quia, cum fortitudo totius in partium integritate consistat, vobis eidem imperatori tamquam membris capiti fideliter obsequentibus, vix ullum poterit periculum imminere, sed de contrario – quod absit – facile contrarium sequeretur. Nos itaque, statum vestrum sincero affectu zelantes, universitatem vestram rogamus, monemus, et hortamur attente ac per apostolica vobis scripta mandamus, in remissionem vobis peccaminum iniungentes quatenus, provide attendentes quam periculosum sit inter hostes, et si non fortes, astutos tamen et subdolos, dormitare, custodiatis vestrum atrium vigilanter et, recolentes quod propria res agitur paries cum proximus ardet, omnes quasi vir unus, cuicumque vestrum necessitas ingruerit animosissime succurratis, ita quod nos, qui ad conservationem et exaltationem imperii Constantinopolitani modis omnibus aspiramus, ad profectus vestros eo diligentius intendere teneamur quo vos in causa vestra noverimus promptiores. Noveritis autem quod omnes illos qui contra predictum imperatorem et Constantinopolitanum imperium Grecis adheserint ipsisque prestiterint auxilium et favorem excommunicationis mucrone perculimus et mandavimus excommunicatos per civitates maritimas nuntiari, nobili viro Huberto, comiti de Blandraco, et sociis eius in subsidium imperii venientibus eandem concedentes indulgentiam que statuta fuit in succursum transfretantibus Terre Sancte, aliaque addemus quecumque videbimus vestro subsidio expedire. Datum ut supra ‹Datum Laterani,V Kalendas Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto›.

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146 Rome, the Lateran, 5 July 1222 Honorius writes to the canons of the Church of Santi Cosma e Damiano de Urbe [Rome], relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then acting as legate in Romania, by generous piety conferred on their church the metochion of Tosipa in the diocese of Chalcedon, formerly belonging in the time of the Greeks to the monastery of Our Lady the Hodegetria (Hytria) of Constantinople, along with its rights and properties, as is more fully contained in his letter. The pope confirms and strengthens this, inserting verbatim the text of the legate’s letter. It reads as follows: John, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, writes to the canons of the Church of Santi Cosma e Damiano de Urbe [Rome], relating that, through the grace of God and by the form of the peace that was established, all monasteries and metochia of the Empire of Constantinople on this side [east] of Makri have been restored to the Church, which things until then had been violently occupied by laymen, in contempt and disgrace of the Church. The cardinal wants the Church of Santi Cosma e Damiano de Urbe [Rome] to receive something of the goods of the Church in the Empire of Romania, so by the authority of his legation, saving the authority of the Apostolic See, he has directed to be conferred on their church the metochion of Tasipa in the diocese of Chalcedon, formerly belonging in the time of the Greeks to the monastery of St Mary the Hodegetria (Hytria) of Constantinople, along with its rights and properties that it must have from the form of the peace. Dated Constantinople, 29 April 1220. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 259r, no. 462 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 539r-540r; I 53, f. 123r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1222, no. 19; Pressutti, no. 4071; Santifaller, no. 62. Edition: Tautu, pp. 137-138, no. 100 (T).

Canonicis ecclesie Sanctorum Cosme et Damiani in Silice de Urbe. Cum a nobis petitur etc. Eapropter etc. usque assensu, metochium Tosipa, Calcedoniensisa) diocesis, quondam Grecorum tempore pertinens ad

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monasterium Sancte Marie de Hytria Constantinopolitanum, cum suis iuribus et proprietatibus, quod dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc legationis fungens officio in partibus Romanie, ecclesie vestre liberali contulit pietate, prout in eius litteris plenius continetur, vobis, sicut illud iuste, canonice, et pacifice possidetis, et per vos ecclesie vestre auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Ad maiorem autem reib) evidentiam tenorem litterarum ipsarum de verbo ad verbum presentibus duximus inserendum, qui talis est: Iohannes, permissione divina tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis,c) Apostolice Sedis legatus, dilectis filiis canonicis ecclesie Sanctorum Cosme et Damiani in Silice de Urbe, salutem in Domino. Cum universa monasteria imperii Constantinopolitani citra Macram ex forma pacis inite sint per Dei gratiam Ecclesie restituta, que in eius ignominiam et despectum laici detinuerunt hactenus violenter, nos, volentes ut ecclesia Sanctorum Cosme et Damiani de Urbe aliquid de bonis Ecclesie percipiat in imperio Romanie, metochium Tasipa, Calcedoniensisd) diocesis, quondam Grecorum tempore pertinens ad monasterium Sancte Marie de Hytria Constantinopolitanum, cum suis iuribus et proprietatibus que habere debet ex inite pacis forma, ecclesie vestre, auctoritate legationis qua fungimur, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duximus conferendum. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Constantinopoli, IIIe) Kalendas Maii, pontificatus domini Honorii pape III anno quarto. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, III Nonas Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. a) calcedoniensis] chalcedonensis T b) rei om. T c) cardinalis] sedis add. T d) calcedoniensis] chalcedonensis T iii om. T

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147 Rome, the Lateran, 6 July 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Antelm], the dean, and the chapter of Patras, relating that when J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, to whom the pope committed the office of legate in Romania and gave him full power to do what is reserved for the pope by special privilege, he prudently observed that it was expedient for many reasons for some to be exempt in those parts. Seeing that the church of Patras and several other churches of the Empire of Constantinople were in antiquity immediately subject to the Apostolic See, although in the time of the Schism it, like the others, withdrew from such subjection, as the pope has learned and is contained in the cardinal’s letters, the cardinal exempted the church of Patras from the jurisdiction of the church of Constantinople, saving the authority of the Apostolic See, putting it under the right and ownership of St Peter, prince of the Apostles, not so much believing that he was creating a new exemption as recalling it to its pristine condition. With the advice of the cardinals, the pope confirms and strengthens what the cardinal has done and forbids the church of Constantinople from presuming to claim any jurisdiction in the church of Patras or any church of its province from now on, notwithstanding that the cardinal, when he was in Romania, did not wish to publish these things and forbad the addressees to use this exemption until the pope made his will known. The pope writes a similar letter to the bishop and chapter of Maydos (Eceabat), prohibiting the church of Constantinople from presuming to claim any jurisdiction in the church of Maydos or in the church of Ainos, which is joined to it, or in other churches in their dioceses. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, ff. 260v-261r, no. 473 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4075; Santifaller, nos. 63-64. Editions: Pitra, pp. 581-82, no. 25 (P); Tautu, pp. 138-139, no. 101 (T).

. . archiepiscopo, . . decano, et capitulo Patracensibus. [R 261r] Ea que per Apostolice Sedis legatos provide ordinantur apostolico decet munimine roborari, ne futuris temporibus dubitationis seua) cont‹r›oversie calumpniam patiantur.

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Cum igitur dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, cui committentes in partibus Romanie legationis officium faciendi etiam ea que nostro sunt speciali privilegio reservata plenam contulimus potestatem, prudenter attendens expedire multiplici ratione aliquos exemptos esse in partibus antedictis, ac ibidem etiam famam esse vestram et nonnullas alias imperii Constantinopolitani ecclesiasb) ab antiquo Apostolice Sedic) fuisse immediate subiectas, licet tempore scismatis se sicut et alie subduxerit ab eadem, ecclesiam ipsam, sicut eodem referente didicimus et in litteris eius contineri perspeximus, a iurisditione ecclesie Constantinopolitane,d) salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, duxerit eximendam, eam in ius et proprietatem beati Petri apostolorum principis assumendo, non tam credens illam de novo eximere quam in statum pristinum revocare, nos, ratum habentes quod super hoc factum est a cardinali predicto, id auctoritate apostolica, de fratrum nostrorum consilio, confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, inhibentes ne Constantinopolitana ecclesia in ec‹c›lesia ipsa vel aliis in vestra provincia constitutis decetero sibi presumate) iurisditionem aliquam vendicare. Non obstante quod idem cardinalis existens in partibus Romanie premissa publicare noluit, sed tibi, fili decane, et quibusdam sociis tuis inhibuit potius ne uteremini exemptione huiusmodi quousque super hoc sciretur nostre beneplacitum voluntatis. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis et inhibitionis infringere.f) Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, II Nonas Iulii, anno sexto. In eundem modum scriptum est . . episcopo et capitulo Maditensibus usque patrociniog) communimus, inhibentes ne Constantinopolitana ecclesia in ipsa vel Avidensi ecclesia sibi adiuncta seu aliis in earum diocesibus constitutish) etc. usque publicare noluit, sed inhibuit potius etc.i) usque in finem. a) seu] et P b) ecclesias om. P c) sedi] sedis T d) constantinopolitane] constantinopolis P e) presumat] praesumant P f) nostre ... infringere om. P g) patrocinio om P h) constitutis om. T i) etc. om. P

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148 [Constantinople?], [prior to 9 July 1222]1) The clerics of the Franks of Constantinople write to Pope Honorius as follows: “To the most holy father and lord Honorius, by the grace of God highest and universal pontiff, the entirety of the Frankish clerics of the Franks’ part of Constantinople, greetings and most devout kisses of the feet. Since Reverend Father J[ohn Colonna], by the grace of God cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, former legate of the Apostolic See, like an immovable column of the Church, for the honor of God and the Roman Church, faithfully put our churches in order, we present to you and to the holy college of cardinals, through the beloved son, our procurator, Master Gilbert, bearer of the present letter, one thousand hyperperates of land that were collected from the eleventh. Master Alexander, dean of Thessaloniki, your subdeacon, on the mandate of the lord legate, received the hyperpera and will bring them personally to you.” Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 259v, no. 466 (R). Copy: BAV,Vat. lat. 7024, f. 74r. Summaries: Onorio III, p. lxii; Pressutti, “Appendice,” vol. 1, p. liv, n. 42. Edition: previously unpublished.

Littere ad dominum papam. Sanctissimo patri ac domino Honorio, Dei gratia summo et universali pontifici, universitas clericorum Francigenarum partis Francorum Constantinopolitane, salutem et devotissima pedum oscula. Cum reverendus pater I., Dei gratia tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, quondam Apostolice Sedis legatus, tamquam immobilis ecclesie columpna ad honorem Dei et Ecclesie Romane ecclesias nostras fideliter ordinaverit, per dilectum filium procuratorem nostrum magistrum Gilebertum, latorem presentium, mille yperperatas terre de collata undecima vobis et sacro cetui cardinalium presentamus. De quibus yperperatis magister Alexander decanus Thesalonicensis, subdiaconus vester, de mandato domini legati yperpera recepit vobis ea personaliter delaturus. 362

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1) The letter is undated, but the surrounding documents in the register are dated to 9 and 8 July, respectively, implying that it was received at the curia by this time.

149 Rome, the Lateran, 14 July 1222 Honorius writes to the deans of St Michael of Boukoleon, of Our Lady of Blachernae, and of St George [of Mangana] of Constantinople, relating that when P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano [1213/14], and J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede [1218/21], were acting as legates in those parts, they published certain constitutions for the state of the churches, which Patriarch [Gervase?], the archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of the church of the Empire of Constantinople accepted. On behalf of the clergy of Constantinople the pope was humbly requested to strengthen these constitutions. The pope orders the addressees to have the constitutions observed without violation. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 262r, no. 479 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 123v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4085; Santifaller, no. 66. Edition: Pitra, p. 582, no. 26 (P).

. . Sancti Michaelis Bucceleonis, . . Sancte Marie de Blakerna,a) et . . Sancti Georgii decanis Constantinopolitanis. Exb) parte cleri Constantinopolitani fuit nobis humiliter supplicatum ut, cum venerabilis frater noster P. Albanensis episcopus et dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum in partibus illis legationis officio fungebantur, quasdam constitutiones pro ecclesiarum statu ediderint,c) quas venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha et archiepiscopi acd) episcopi aliique prelati ecclesiarum Constantinopolitani imperii acceptarunt, illas apostolico roborare munimine dignaremur. Ideoque discretioni vestre pere) apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus constitutiones ipsas sicut sunt provide ac honeste faciatis inviolabiliter observari, contradictores etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani, II Idus Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 363

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a) blakerna] blacherna P ac] et P e) per om. P

b) ex] in P

c) ediderint] condiderint P

d)

150 Rome, the Lateran, 14 July 1222 Honorius writes to the deans of St Michael of Boukoleon, of Our Lady of Blachernae, and of St George of Mangana of Constantinople, relating that he wants to be observed unshaken what J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, prudently arranged in Romania when he was acting as legate there. He orders the addressees to recall to its original condition anything they find to have been attempted against the legate’s arrangements after he left those parts. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 262v, no. 480 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 123v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4086; Santifaller, no. 66. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Sancti Michaelis Bucceleonis, . . Sancte Marie de Blakerna, et . . Sancti Georgii de Mangano decanis Constantinopolitanis. Cum ea que dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, provide ordinavit in partibus Romanie dum ibi legationis officio fungeretur velimus inconcussa servari, discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, siquid contra providas ordinationes ipsius inveneritis temere attemptatum postquam idem discessit a partibus memoratis, id in statum pristinum revocetis, contradictores etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, II Idus Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto›. 151 Rome, the Lateran, 15 July 1222 Honorius writes to the master and brothers of the Hospital of St Sampson of Constantinople, relating that since they must always have horses and arms ready for the defense of the empire, which is 364

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attacked by Greeks in many ways, and yet they must administer the necessities to the poor and sick, of which a huge multitude takes recourse to their hospital, on their behalf he was asked to permit them to put to those uses the horses and arms given to them and the hospital by pious devotion of the faithful.The pope, noting that he is giving a special grace to the master and brothers, who are under special papal protection, grants their request. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 11, f. 260r, no. 469 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4088; Santifaller, no. 67. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . magistro et fratribus Hospitalis Sancti Sansonis Constantinopolitanis. Solet annuere etc. usque impertiri. Cum igitur ex parte vestra nobis fuerit supplicatum ut, vos, quos pro defensione imperii – quod multipliciter infestatur a Grecis – oporteat semper equis et armis existere premunitos et ministrare nichilominus necessaria pauperibus et infirmis, quorum ad vestrum hospitale concurrit maxima multitudo, misericordie oculo intuentes, concederemus vobis de benignitate Sedis Apostolice speciali ut equi et arma, que vobis et hospitali predicto pia fidelium devotione donantur, in usus cederent supradictos, nos, specialem vobis gratiam facientes, qui speciali protectioni Sedis Apostolice subiacetis, et sperantes quod de bono in melius proficere debeatis, benigne vobis concedimus supradicta. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, Idibus Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno sexto. 152 Rome, the Lateran, 3 August 1222 Honorius writes to Bishop Hugh of Nikli, relating that he has learned from the bishop’s report that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, asserted that the bishop had incurred a sentence of excommunication, because said bishop remained in land under interdict on account of his own illness and conferred a benefice on the cleric Giles, who was excommunicate and under interdict, although outside that land. The legate absolved the bishop from the

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sentence, but suspended him from wearing his pontifical vestments, the collation of benefices, and the promulgation of sentences against his subordinates without the consent of his chapter. The bishop asserts that the church of Nikli is seriously threatened because of this suspension, since the bishop and his chapter can hardly agree upon a single sentence, and it seems indecent for the bishop to celebrate without his pontifical vestments. So he asked the pope to relax the suspension mercifully. The pope grants his request. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 1r-v, no. 3. Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 125r (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4102. Edition: previously unpublished.

Hugoni episcopo Amiclensi. Ex tua insinuatione didicimus quod, pro eo quod remansisti in terra interdicta, proprii corporis infirmitate detentus, et Egidio clerico excommunicato et interdicto licet extra terram eandem beneficium contulisti, dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, te asserens ex premissis excommunicationis sententiam incurrisse, a qua sententia te absolvit, a pontificalibus, collatione beneficiorum, ac a sententia promulganda in tuos subditos sine tui consensu capituli te suspendit. Cum autem, ut asseris, ex suspensione huiusmodi Amiclensi ecclesie grave immineat detrimentum, te ac predicto capitulo vix valentibus in unam sententiam convenire, ac te celebrare sine pontificalibus indecens videatur, suspensionem eandem de nostra relaxari misericordia postu[R 1v]lasti. Nos ergo, in hoc gratiam facere tibi volentes, suspensionem predictam misericorditer relaxamus. Datum Laterani, III Nonas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 153 Rome, the Lateran, 3 August 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, to Bishop [W.] of Sparta (Lacedemonia), and to the dean of Modon, relating that

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Bishop [Hugh] of Nikli, who has taken the cross, since on account of the discomforts of age and the weakness of his own body he is unable to carry out his vow in person, humbly asked the pope to deal with him mercifully over this matter. The pope orders the addressees to absolve the bishop from his pilgrimage [crusading] vow, having received a sufficient guarantee from him that, at the time of the general passage [crusade], according to his abilities, he will send warriors to the assistance of the Holy Land. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 1v, no. 4 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4103. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archiepiscopo Corinthiensi, . . episcopo Lacedemonensi, et . . decano Mothonensi. Venerabilis frater noster . . Amiclensis episcopus crucesignatus nobis humiliter supplicavit ut, ‹cum› propter senectutis incomoda et proprii debilitatem corporis nequeat personaliter exequi votum suum, agere secum super hoc misericorditer dignaremur. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, sufficienti ab eodem episcopo cautione recepta quod tempore generalis passagii iuxta facultates suas in subsidium Terre Sancte dirigat bellatores, a voto peregrinationis absolvatis eundem. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, III Nonas Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno septimo›. 154 Rome, the Lateran, 6 August 1222 Honorius writes to Archdeacon Leo of Nikli, relating that Bishop [Hugh] of Nikli explained to him that with his permission the archdeacon went to land under interdict to receive the revenues of his prebend, with which he would sustain himself in exile where he was staying with other clerics on account of the interdict. For this reason J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, asserted that the archdeacon had incurred a sentence of excommuni-

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cation and, absolving him, deprived him of his archdeaconate. The bishop asked the pope to restore Leo to the archdeaconate mercifully. Convinced by the bishop’s prayers, the pope does so. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 1v. no. 5 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4104. Edition: previously unpublished.

Leoni archidiacono Amiclensi. Venerabilis frater noster . . Amiclensis episcopus nobis exposuit quod, cum tu ad terram interdictam de licentia ipsius accesseris percepturus prebende tue proventus, quibus sustentareris in exilio ubi propter interdictum cum aliis clericis morabaris, dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, ex hoc te asserens excommunicationis sententiam incurrisse, archidiaconatu tuo ab eadem absolutum sententia te privavit. Unde idem episcopus postulavit a nobis ut te ad predictum archidiaconatum restituere misericorditer dignaremur. Nos ergo, ipsius devicti episcopi precibus, tecum in hoc misericordiam facientes, te ad archidiaconatum restituimus antedictum. Datum Laterani, VIII Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 155 Rome, the Lateran, 9 August 1222 Honorius writes to the prior and convent of the Order of the Lord’s Sepulcher at Thessaloniki, relating that he understood from them that, when certain secular canons were installed in the Church of St Demetrius, which at that time only had canons of their order, Archbishop [Warin] of Thessaloniki established that the addressees should have a fixed part of the possessions of that church. This constitution was approved by the late [Cardinal-]bishop B[enedict] of Porto [1205/07] and [Cardinal-]bishop P[elagius] of Albano [1213/14], then papal legates in Romania, and is said to have been confirmed by Pope I[nnocent III]. Persuaded by their prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens what was done prudently, canonically, and usefully

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by the archbishop, as is contained in the confirmation of his predecessor and the letters of the archbishop and legates. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 1r, no. 1 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4105. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . priori et conventui Thessalonicensibus Ordinis Dominici Sepulchri. Cum a nobis petitur quod iustum est et honestum etc. usque perducatur effectum. Cum autem, sicut vobis referentibus intelleximus, venerabilis frater noster . . Thesalonicensis archiepiscopus, inductis quibusdam secularibus canonicis in ecclesia Sancti Demetrii, ubi tunc vestri dumtaxat ordinis canonici habebantur, constituerit ut haberetis de possessionibus ipsius ecclesie certam partem, cuius constitutionem, per bone memorie B. Portuensem et venerabilem fratrem nostrum P. Albanensem episcopos, tunc in partibus Romanie legatos Sedis Apostolice, approbatam, felicis recordationis I. papa predecessor noster dicitur confirmasse, nos, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, quod super hoc ab eodem archiepiscopo provide, canonice, ac utiliter factum est, prout in confirmatione predicti predecessoris nostri et supradictorum archiepiscopi et legatorum litteris continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, V Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 156 Rome, the Lateran, 9 August 1222 Honorius writes to [the prior and convent of the Order of the Lord’s Sepulcher at Thessaloniki], relating that he learned from their report that the late B[enedict, cardinal-]bishop of Porto, then cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, papal legate [1205/07], on the authority of his legation conferred on the addressees the Church of Hosios Loukas of Stiris and all its appurtenances, with the assent of the late

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Marquis B[oniface] of Montferrat, the patron of that church. Persuaded by their prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens what was done prudently and canonically by the bishop, as is contained in his and the marquis’ letters. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 1r, no. 2 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4106. Edition: previously unpublished

Eisdem ‹. . priori et conventui Thessalonicensibus Ordinis Dominici Sepulchri›. Cum a nobis petitur etc. usque perducatur effectum. Ex vestra sane insinuatione didicimus quod bone memorie B. Portuensis episcopus, tunc tituli Sancte Susanne presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, vobis ecclesiam Sancti Luce de Stiro, de assensu clare memorie B. marchionis Montis Ferrati, ecclesie predicte patroni, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, sue legationis auctoritate concessit. Nos ergo, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, quod ab eodem episcopo super hoc provide ac canonice factum est, sicut in ipsius et eiusdem marchionis litteris continetur, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani,V Idus Augusti, pontificatus nostri anno septimo›. 157 Rome, the Lateran, 2 September 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), commending to him the monks of Mount Sinai and ordering him not to harm them regarding tithes or their lands, possessions, and other goods and, as much as he can, not to permit them to be harmed by others unduly. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 4v (A).

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Editions:

Scaffini, p. 13, no. 15 (S).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri . . archiepiscopo Cretensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Nos, quos, cum marcha, circa frequens ministerium satagentes, universorum Christi fidelium cura conturbat, utpote pascendis Christi ovibusa) deputatos, eorum tranquilitati qui sedent secus pedes Domini cum Maria, nocte ac die in lege Domini meditantes, pastorali volumus solicitudine providere, ne, si vexationibusb) secularibus agitentur, ab eis pars optima quam elegerant auferatur. Hinc est quod fraternitatem tuam rogandam duximus attentius et monendam, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus, dilectos filios monacos de Monte Sinai, qui seculi vanitatibus abnegatis obtulerunt Domino laudis sacrificium, semet ipsos ob reverentiam beati Petri et nostram habensc) propensius commendatos, ipsos super decimis, terris, possessionibus, et aliis bonis suis nec turpem molestes eosdem nec permittas ab aliquibus aliis – quantum in te fuerit – indebite molestari. Datum Laterani,d) IIII Nonase) Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. a) ovibus] curibus S b) vexationibus] vexatoribus S S d) laterani] laterano S e) nonas] nono A

c) habens] habeas

158 Rome, the Lateran, 24 September 1222 Honorius writes to Emperor R[obert] of Constantinople, relating that he has received with the customary kindness Master G., canon of Constantinople, the emperor’s nuncio, whom the emperor sent to the Apostolic See with his letter, and he has fully understood both the text of the letter and what the nuncio told him viva voce. The pope is thankful that the emperor humbly recognizes the manifold grace that the Apostolic See has done for him and that the emperor is devoted to doing the pope’s will, thus making himself more and more gracious to God and men. This leads the pope to grant the emperor’s petitions as much as he can. Although the emperor faces many adversities in running the empire, he should not be worried, but it should be to a strong man as the test of fire to gold [cf. Sene371

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ca, De Providentia V:9], and his virtue should grow magnificently in adversity, so that, shining more brightly, it will make his announcements be praised more widely, for, although [Ps. 93:4] Wonderful are the surges of the sea, nevertheless, wonderful is the Lord on high. If the emperor puts his faith perfectly in Christ, He will easily turn a fierce storm into a gentle breeze, He, Who does not suffer that His faithful be tried beyond what they can stand, Who makes a gain even in trial. Further, the pope states that he will never abandon the emperor, but at every opportunity will give aid to him, as to a special son of the Apostolic See. And therefore the pope asks and advises the emperor that, keeping his thoughts in the Lord, Who never ruins those who place their hope in Him, he not be afraid, but, to his strong adversaries he show himself to be stronger, taking care to defend his palace powerfully. But, so that all that he owns may be in peace, the pope wishes and advises the emperor to maintain (inasmuch as it depends on him) that peace with all men, and especially with the Latins living in Romania, since many dangers can descend from dissent, just as, to the contrary, from peace multifarious comforts can come forth. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg Vat. 12, f. 4r-v, no. 15 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 589r (in table of contents); I 53, f. 125r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6880; Pressutti, no. 4118; Santifaller, no. 68. Editions: Raynaldi 1222, nos. 20-21 (Y, omitting first paragraph); Horoy IV, coll. 227-228, no. 5 (H, from Y).

R., Constantinopolitano imperatori illustri. Dilectum filium magistrum G. canonicum Constantinopolitanum, nuntium tuum, quem cum litteris tuis ad Sedem Apostolicam destinasti, benignitate recepimus consueta et tam tenorem litterarum ipsarum quam ea que idem nuntius ex parte tua retulit viva voce pleno collegimus intellectu, gratum et acceptum gerentes quod, multiplicem gratiam a Sede Apostolica tibi factam humiliter recognoscens, te nostre devotus exponis beneplacito voluntatis, per quod, te magis ac magis reddens Deo et hominibus gratiosum, ad celsitudinis tue profectus efficaciter nos invitas, indeque nos, agenda tua propria reputantes, petitiones tuas – quantum cum Deo potuimus – exaudivimus liberaliter et libenter, qui etiam irrequisiti tua quotiens expedit libenter negotia procuramus. 372

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Ceterum, licet in regimine imperii multa tibi obiciantur adversa, nequaquam tamen tua debet magnanimitas perturbari, sed cum quod auro ignis hoc faciat temptatio viro forti, tua crescat [R 4v] virtus magnifice in adversis ut, clarior elucescens, tue faciat latius laudis preconia predicari, quia etsi mirabiles sint elationes maris, mirabilis tamen Dominus in excelsis, si perfecte in Christo confidis, facile converteta) procellam in auram, qui, fideles suos temptari non patiens ultra quam valeant sustinere, facit etiam cum temptatione proventum. Nos quoque tibi nequaquam deerimus, sed in omnibus oportunitatibus assistemus, sicut Apostolice Sedis filio speciali. Ideoque serenitatem tuam rogamus et monemus attente quatenus, tuum iactans in Domino cogitatum, qui nunquam in se sperantes confundit, nullatenus terrearis, sed, te fortibus adversariis exhibens fortiorem, atrium tuum potenter studeas custodire, ut tandem omnia que possides sint in pace, quam cum omnibus hominibus, quantum ex te est, et precipue cum Latinis existentibus in partibus Romanie, volumus et consulimus te servare, cum ex dissensione multa possint imminere pericula, sicut econtrario solent de pace comoda multimoda provenire. Datum Laterani,VIII Kalendas Octubris. a) convertet] convertit HY

159 Rome, the Lateran, 26 September 1222 Honorius writes to the nobleman Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] in the spirit of wiser counsel, relating that, although he offended the pope and the Roman Church greatly, sacrilegiously capturing J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, nevertheless, as the cardinal told the pope viva voce on his return, because Theodore treated him devoutly and honored him fittingly with his freedom, the pope is disposed to loving his person, as much as he can with God, thinking willingly about his advancement, unless Theodore does wrong. Would that Theodore acquiesced in the pope’s advice, because, as the pope hopes, only good can come to him from that. The pope does not need to tell him that united things grow and divided things perish. When men oppose each other in discord, unless it is quieted, it con-

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tinues until one or both sides are lost, just as on the contrary concord tends toward conservation and increase. Thus the pope thinks it would be expedient for Theodore to establish a perpetual peace with Emperor R[obert] of Constantinople. The pope urges Theodore to join with the emperor as the Christian he is, considering how from discord can come to him inevitable damage to things, incomparable danger to persons, and irreparable detriment to souls. If he does so, the pope will be more and more favorable and kind to him. Otherwise, the pope will be forced to think of something else. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 4r, no. 14 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 589r (in table of contents); I 53, f. 125r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 6881; Pressutti, no. 4121. Editions: Raynaldi 1222, nos. 17-18 (Y); Horoy IV, coll. 229-230, no. 7 (H, from Y).

Nobili viroa) Theodoro Cuminiano,b) spiritum consilii sanioris. Licet enormiter nos et Ecclesiam Romanam offenderis, dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, ausu sacrilego capiendo, quia tamen, sicut idem rediens nobis retulit viva voce, ipsum devote tractasti et in liberatione honorasti decenter, personam tuam, nisi per te steterit – quantum cum Deo possumus – diligere disponentes, libenter tuis secundum utrumque hominem profutura provectibus cogitamus. Et utinam nostris consiliis acquiescas, quia, sicut speramus in Domino, nunquam exinde tibi nisi grata poterunt provenire. Sane nobis tacentibus non ignoras quod res unite concrescunt et dispereunt disgregate; indequec) fit ut discordia homines inter se invicem adversantes, nisi aliter sopiatur, tamdiu in utriusque partis dispendium militet donec perdat alteram vel utramque, sicuti e converso concordia nititur ad conservantiam sibi obsequentium et augmentum. Quare saluti et quieti tue plurimum, sicut nec ipse dubitas, expedire credentes inter karissimum in Christo filium nostrum R., imperatorem Constantinopolitanum illustrem, stabiliri pacis perpetue firmitatem, quia tibi plurimum erit decens ut id monitus a nobis efficias, nobilitatem tuam hortamur attente quatenus, provide circumspectans inevitabilia rerum dampna, in-

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comparabilia personarum pericula, et animarum irreparabilia detrimenta que tibi ex discordia poterunt provenire, Christianissimo imperatori predicto, sicut Christianus es, te studeas pacis termino copulare, ita quod, bonam de te decetero fiduciam obtinentes, magis ac magis tibi reddamur favorabiles et benigni, nec si contrarium egeris cogamur aliud cogitare. Datum Laterani,VI Kalendas Octubris.d) a) nobili viro om. HY b) cuminiano] cominiano HY c) indeque] ideoque HY d) octubris] pontificatus nostri anno septimo add. HY

160 Rome, the Lateran, 27 September 1222 Honorius writes to [Emperor Robert of Constantinople], relating that he deserves to have the grace of the Apostolic See, since, raised to the throne of the empire, he does not behave arrogantly but humbly, with devotion to God and the Church. Thus the pope assents to his prayers and grants that no one, except perhaps a papal legate, can promulgate a sentence of excommunication or interdict against him without special papal mandate, unless perhaps, God forbid, he should break forth with such an offense that judicial procedure for its correction cannot be followed and the emperor should not wish to correct it himself when warned. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 5r, no. 17 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 125r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4122; Santifaller, no. 69. Edition: previously unpublished.

Eidem ‹R., Constantinopolitano imperatori illustri›. Dignus es et tuis meritis tibi comparas ut te multiplici gratia Sedis Apostolice prosequamur, qui, ad imperii solium sublimatus, non fastu elationis supra te ambulans, sed in humilitatis spiritu te Deo et Ecclesie prona devotione prosternens, magnanimitatem tuam nobis placidam satagis exhibere inde quod fit ut, libenter tuis profectibus intendentes, supplicationibus tuis favorabiliter annuamus.

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Eapropter, karissime in Christo fili, celsitudinis tue devotis precibus grato concurrentes assensu, auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus ut nullus, nisi forsan Apostolice Sedis legatus, in personam tuam sine mandato Sedis Apostolice speciali excommunicationis vel interdicti presumat sententias promulgare, nisi forte – quod absit – in tantum excessum prorumperes quod ad correctionem eius non esset ordo iudiciarius observandus, ipsumque canonice commonitus nolles corrigere per te ipsum. Nulli ergo omnino hominum etc. nostre concessionis. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani,V Kalendas Octubris. 161 Rome, the Lateran, 28 September 1222 Honorius writes to [Emperor Robert of Constantinople], relating that he willingly aims at the things that are known to pertain to the exaltation of the empire and the honor of the emperor’s person, which he embraces with a special prerogative of love and grace, opposing what is attempted against the emperor or the empire and providing support for those against whom it is attempted.When the late P[eter], cardinal-priest of San Marcello, was legate in Romania [1204/05], he prudently established 32 priories in the royal city, whose collation the emperors of Constantinople possessed. Afterward the late B[enedict], cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, acting as legate in those parts [1205/07], deceived – as is believed – by alien cunning, reduced the number to seven without the emperor’s consent, because they seemed to be very poor and feeble. This was strengthened with a papal letter, to the manifest prejudice of the empire. After these things, the late Pope Innocent [III] prudently established that the prelates of the conventual churches within the city would have a voice in celebrating the elections of patriarchs, and he confirmed his statute with apostolic authority [no. 56]. Since J[ohn], cardinalpriest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate in those parts [1218/21], with study and diligence reformed almost all those 32 churches in which priories had been established and stabilized them with fitting means, on the emperor’s behalf the pope was asked not to subtract their collation from the emperor or his successors. 376

THE LETTERS

Nodding to the emperor’s prayers, and sufficiently informed over this matter viva voce by the same Cardinal J[ohn], the pope confirms and strengthen’s the emperor’s right to confer the 32 priories, as his predecessors are known to have had, notwithstanding what was done by Cardinal B[enedict]. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 4v-5r, no. 16 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 547r-549r; I 53, f. 125r (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4123; Santifaller, no. 70. Editions: Pitra, p. 583, no. 27 (P, giving date as 1222); Wolff, Politics, p. 301, no. 5 (W).

Eidem ‹R., Constantinopolitano imperatori illustri›. Hiis, que ad exaltationem imperii et honorem persone tue, quam speciali prerogativa dilectionis et gratie amplexamur, pertinere noscuntur, libenter prout convenit intendentes, sicut attemptandisa) in tuum vel imperii preiudicium ausibus occurrere obviando, sic etb) attemptatis nos decet succurrerec) providendo. Sane, cum bone memorie P., tituli Sancti Marcelli presbyter cardinalis, legationis officio fungens tunc in partibus Romanie, triginta duas preposituras in civitate regia provide ordinasset, quarum presentationem imperatores Constantinopolitanid) qui prefuerunt pro tempore habuerunt, postmodum bone memorie B., tituli Sancte Susanne presbyter cardinalis, in eisdem partibus fungens legationis officio,e) aliena – sicut creditur – astutia circumventus, ad septenarium numerum preter imperatoris Constantinopolitani conniventiam f) preposituras redegit easdem, ea occasione precipue quia nimisg) videbantur pauperes et exiles, idque fuit apostolicis litteris roboratum, in imperii preiudicium manifestum. Felicis vero memorie Innocentius papa predecessor noster post hec provide statuit ut prelati ecclesiarum conventualium intrah) urbemi) vocem haberent in patriarcharum electionibus celebrandis, et suum statutum auctoritate apostolica confirmavit. Unde nobis fecisti humiliter supplicari ut, cum dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc in eisdem partibus Apostolice Sedis legatus, fere omnes triginta duas illas ecclesias in quibus prepositure fuerant ordinate suo studio et diligentia reformarit, quia j) easdem congruis facultatibus stabilivit, tibi tuisque successoribus nullatenus subtraheretur presentatio earumdem. 377

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Nos itaque, tuisk) precibus annuentes et eiusdem I.,l) tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterim) cardinalis, super hoc viva voce sufficienter instructi, eo nequaquam obstante quod per supradictum B., tituli Sancte Susannen) [R 5r] presbyterum cardinalem, actum estitit,o) presentandi ius in predictis triginta duabus preposituris, sicut illud predecessores tui habuisse noscuntur, auctoritate tibi apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrociniop) communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis.q) Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, IIII Kalendas Octubris. a)-b) attemptandis ... sic et om. per homoeoteleuton P c) succurrere] succerrere W d) constantinopolitani] constantinopolis W e) officio] officium P, R a.c. f) constantinopolitani conniventiam] constantinopolis convenientiam W g) quia nimis] quoniam P h) intra] inter W i) urbem] ut add. et exp. R j) quia] qui R k) tuis] his P l) i] iohannis W m) presbyteri] presbyteris a.c. R, W n) susanne] sussanne W o) estitit] consistit W p) presentis scripti patrocinio] per scripta praesentia P; presens scriptum patrocinio W q) nostre confirmationis om. P

162 Rome, the Lateran, 14 October 1222 Honorius writes to Archbishop B. of Larissa, relating that, with the church of Larissa occupied by enemies, and the archbishop miserably in exile, J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then acting as legate in Romania, having compassion lest, to the disgrace of his pontifical rank, the archbishop be reduced to begging, ordered that he be committed with the care of the churches of Davleia, Thermopylai, and Cheronea, in spiritual and temporal affairs, along with the care of the monastery of Dyasito of Thebes, so that the archbishop may have lodging there, until he is able to reside in his church securely, as is clear from the legate’s letter. The pope confirms and strengthens what the cardinal did rightly and prudently. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 6v-7r, no. 24 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, 125r (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4134. Edition: previously unpublished.

378

THE LETTERS

B. archiepiscopo Larissensi. Hiis que per legatos Apostolice Sedis provide ordinantur tanto fiducialius nostri adhibemus muniminis firmamentum quanto de ipsorum probata providentia certiores vehementius opinamur quod ad ea non nisi urgente necessitate [R 7r] vel utilitate poscente rationabiliter sint inducti. Cum igitur, ecclesia Larissensi ab hostibus occupata, tibi miserabiliter exulanti dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc legationis fungens officio in partibus Romanie, debito affectua) compatiens ne in pontificalis dignitatis opprobrium mendicares, Davaliensis, Fermopilensis, et Carmensis ecclesiarum in spiritualibus et temporalibus, et monasterii de Dyasito Thebani ut ibi hospicium habeas, tibi curam, donec in ecclesia tua secure valeas residere, duxerit committendam, sicut apparet ex eius litteris evidenter, nos, quod per eundem cardinalem rite ac provide actum est ratum et gratum habentes, id auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre confirmationis. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, II Idus Octubris. a) affectu] affectum a.c. R

163 Rome, the Lateran, 31 October 12221) Honorius writes to Abbot [Stephen] and the convent of Monte Cassino, relating that the late Benedict, [cardinal-]bishop of Porto, then cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, while papal legate in Romania [1205/07], granted their monastery the monastery of St Mary of Evergetis (de Virgiotis) of Constantinople. The pope confirms what the bishop did. Original: Summaries:

perhaps in the Monte Cassino archives. Potthast, no. 6887 (no indication of source, but textual issues); Pressutti, no. 4140 (indicating Potthast); Santifaller, no. 71. Edition: Spicilegium Liberianum, p. 725, n. 21 (S). Translation: Jordan and Morris, p. 276, D.

379

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis abbati et conventui Casinensibus,a) salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Iustis petentium desideriis dignum est nos facilem prebere consensum et vota que a rationis tramite non discordant effectu prosequente complere. Cum igitur dilectus filius noster Ioannes, titulib) Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, monasterium Sancte Marie de Virgiottis Constantinopolitanum, quod bone memorie Benedictus Portuensis episcopus, tunc titulic) Sancte Susanne presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, monasterio concesserat Casinensi, procuratori vestro de vestro assignari mandato et ipsum in possessionem eiusdem induxerit corporalem, nos, vestris precibus inclinati, monasterium ipsum, sicut illud iuste, canonice, ac pacifice possidetis, vobis et per vos monasterio Casinensi auctoritate apostolica confirmamus liberum et exemptum et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Laterani, I Kalendas Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 1) I Kalendas is clearly in error; the date is based on reading II Kalendas. a) casinensibus] casinensi S

b) tituli] titulo S

c) tituli] titulo S

164 Rome, the Lateran, 17 November 1222 Honorius writes to the abbot and convent of the Church of St Mary Evergetis, relating that he believes that they are aware that the late B[enedict], cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, then papal legate in Romania [1205/07], granted their church to the monastery of Monte Cassino. He advises and urges them to receive well and treat honorably those whom the abbot and convent of Monte Cassino send to them, obeying their counsels and orders.

380

THE LETTERS

Original: perhaps in the Monte Cassino archives. Papal Register: none. Summaries: Potthast, nos. 6892; Pressutti, no. 4148; Santifaller, no. 72. Editions: Diarium Italicum, p. 330; Gattola, Historia, p. 492 (G); Horoy IV, col. 242, no. 19 (H, from G); Tautu, pp. 31-32, no. 13b (T, from H). Translation: Jordan and Morris, pp. 278-279, E.

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis abbati et conventui ecclesie Sancte Marie de Virgiotis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Qualiter bone memorie B., tituli Sancte Susannea) presbyter cardinalis, in partibus Romanie Apostolice Sedis legatus, ecclesiam vestram monasterio contulerit Cassinensi,b) cuius concessionem authoritate duximus apostolicac) confirmandam, vestra – sicut credimus – discretio non ignorat. Inde est quod universitatem vestram monemus attentius et hortamur per apostolica vobis scripta mandantesd) quatenus, illos quos dilecti filii abbas et conventus dicti monasterii ad partes vestras duxerint destinandos recipientes honeste et honorifice pertractantes, illorum monitis et mandatis obediatis humiliter et devote. Datum Laterani, XV Kalendas Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. a) Susanne] Suzanne H b) Cassinensi] Casinensi G d) per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes om. T

c) apostolica om. T

165 Rome, the Lateran, 17 November 1222 The pope writes a letter similar to no. 164 to the vassals of the Church of St Mary Evergetis. Original: perhaps in the Monte Cassino archives. Papal Register: none. Summaries: Potthast, nos. 6893; Pressutti, no. 4149; Horoy IV, col. 243, no. 20; Santifaller, no. 73; Tautu, p. 32, no. 13c; Jordan and Morris, p. 279, F. Edition: Gattola, Accessiones, p. 292 (G).

381

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis vassallis ecclesie Sancte Marie de Virgiotis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Qualiter bone memorie Benedictus, tituli Sancte Susanne presbiter cardinalis, in partibus Romanie Apostolice Sedis legatus, ecclesiam Sancte Marie de Virgiotis monasterio contulerit Cassinensi, cuius concessionem auctoritate duximus apostolica confirmandam, vestra – sicut credimus – devotio non ignorat. Inde est quod universitatem vestram monemus attentius et hortamur per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes quatenus, illos quos dilecti filii abbas et conventus dicti monasterii ad partes vestras duxerint destinandos recipientes honeste et honorifice pertractantes, illorum monitis et mandatis obediatis humiliter et devote. Datum Laterani, XV Kalendas Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno septimo.

166 Rome, the Lateran, 14 February 1223 Honorius writes to the prior and canons of the Lateran, relating that the late B[enedict], cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, granted them the monastery of Our Lady of Cathicio1) with all its appurtenences, which concession the pope confirms and strengthens. Honorius inserts Cardinal Benedict’s concession, made while he was legate. In order to increase the devotion to the Roman Church in the Empire of Romania, Benedict and Patriarch [Thomas] of Constantinople granted the monastery to the Lateran, although Guerric possessed it through the legate and patriarch. After the legate had granted it to the Lateran, coming before the legate, Guerric renounced the monastery and every right he had in it into the legate’s hands. Lest Guerric harass the monastery or its goods in any way in the future, the legate had the document drawn up, dated December 1207. Original: Archivio Capitolare Lateranense, Q. 1. B. 17 (A).2) Papal Register: none. Copies: Archivio Capitolare Lateranense, A. 31 (XVI c.), f. 26v; A. 2 (1740), f. 59r-v; BAV,Vat. lat. 8034, f. 77r.

382

THE LETTERS

Summaries: Edition:

Rasponi, p. 112; Pressutti, no. 4256, Duval-Arnould, p. 238, n. 59. previously unpublished.

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis . . priori et canonicis Lateranensibus, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum a nobis petitur quod iustum est et honestum, tam vigor equitatis quam ordo exigit rationis ut id per sollicitudinem officii nostri ad debitum perducatur effectum. Eapropter, dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, monasterium Sancte Marie de Cathicio cum pertinentiis suis, vobis a bone memorie Benedicto, tituli Sancte Susanne presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, collatum, prout in eius litteris perspeximus contineri, sicut illud iuste, canonice, ac pacifice possidetis, auctoritate vobis apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Quarum tenorem de verbo ad verbum fecimus presentibus annotari, qui talis est: Benedictus, dignatione divina tituli Sancte Susanne presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, dilectis in Christo filiis universis presentes litteras inspecturis, salutem in Domino sempiternam. Notum fieria) volumus universis quod nos, una cum venerabili patriarcha Constantinopolitano, ut devotio Romane Ecclesie augeatur in imperio Romanie, monasterium Sancte Marie de Cathicio cum universis pertinentiis suis ecclesie Lateranensi concessimus in perpetuum possidendum. Quod monasterium, licet dilectus in Christo filius Guerricus per nos et venerabilem patriarcham possideret, postquam tamen ipsum monasterium concessimus ecclesie Lateranensi, veniens ante presentiam nostram, ipsum monasterium et omne ius quod ibidem habebat renuntiavit in manibus nostris sua spontanea voluntate. Ne igitur in posterum attemptaret ipsum monasterium vel bona eius presumptione aliqua molestare, hoc presens scriptum super ipsam renuntiationem fieri fecimus et nostri sigilli munimine roborari. Actum est hoc mense Decembris, Indictione decima.

383

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc temptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se ‹nove›rita) incursurum. Datum Laterani, XVI Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 1) Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 186, identifies the monastery as that of Chalcis, but it could be something closer to Constantinople. 2) 37.9 x 32.0 cm., 3 cm. fold. a) Text missing due to a hole in the parchment.

167 Rome, the Lateran, 14 February 1223 Honorius writes to the prior and canons of the Lateran, relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate in Romania [1218/21], granted them the monastery of Chalcedon and its appurtenances, which concession the pope confirms and strengthens. Honorius inserts the now mutilated text of Cardinal John’s concession, made while he was legate, mentioning 10 hyperpera of annual rent, dated 30 April 1220. Original: Copy:

Archivio Capitolare Lateranense, Q. 2. E. 19 (A).1) Archivio Capitolare Lateranense. A. 31 (XVI c.), ff. 26v27r; A. 2 (1740), f. 60; BAV,Vat. lat. 8034, f. 76r. Papal Register: none. Summaries: Rasponi, p. 112; Pressutti, no. 4257; Duval-Arnould, p. 238, n. 60. Edition: previously unpublished.

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis . . priori et canonicis Lateranensibus, salutem et apostolicam ‹benedictionem›. Cum a nobis petitur quod iustum est et honestum, tam vigor equitatis quam ordo exigit rationis ut id per sollicitudinem officii nostri ad debitum perducatur effectum. Eapropter, dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, monasterium de Calcedonia cum pertinentiis suis, vobis

384

THE LETTERS

a dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero Cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, collatum, prout in eius litteris perspeximus contineri, sicut illud iuste, canonice, ac pacifice possidetis, auctoritate vobis apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Ad maiorem autem rei evidentiam, tenorem litterarum cardinalis eiusdem de verbo ad verbum fecimus presentibus annotari, qui talis est: Iohannes, permissione divina tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, venerabilibus in Christo fratribus . . priori et canonicis Lateranensibus, salutem in Domino. Cum universa monasteria imperii Constantinopolitani ‹citra Macram ex forma pacis inite sint per Dei gratiam restituta, que in eius ignominiam et despectum laici detinuerunt hactenus violenter, nos, volentes ut ecclesia Lateranensis aliquid de bonis Ecclesie percipiat in imperio Romanie, monasterium de Calcedonia cum pertinentiis suis› ... confirmamus. Iterum monasterio ... in devotione ‹Sedis Aposto›lice ... et ecclesie ... de ... monasterii proventibus decem yperperorum annuum censum in festo ... erit sicut ergo ante convenimus persolventes. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Constantinopoli, II Kalendas Maii, pontificatus domini Honorii pape tertii anno quarto. Nulli ergo omnino hominum contra hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Laterani, XVI Kalendas Martii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 1) 35.3 x 27.6 cm, 2.5 cm fold. The central lines, containing the details of the grant, are illegible, and all copies are partial, missing the part that is illegible in the original.We have filled some of the lacuna by consulting similar documents, e.g., nos. 143 and 146.

385

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

168 Rome, the Lateran, 30 March 1223 Honorius writes to M[argaret], former empress of Constantinople, relating that he is assenting to her request and taking under papal protection her person and all the goods that she possesses reasonably in the present or that she can obtain through just means in the future, but especially some possessions outside Romania that King A[ndrew II] of Hungary, her brother, granted her, which he enumerates individually. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 32r, no. 110 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 126v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1223, no. 13; Potthast, no. 6976; Pressutti, no. 4269. Editions: Theiner, Vetera, p. 39, no. 80 (and Theiner, Monumenta, p. 190); Horoy IV, col. 308, no. 88 (H, from Theiner).

M., quondam imperatrici Constantinopolitane illustri. Solet annuere etc. usque impertiri. Eapropter, dilecta in Christo filia, tuis iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, personam tuam cum omnibus que impresentiarum rationabiliter possides, aut in futurum iustis modis, prestante Domino, poteris adipisci, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus. Specialiter autem: castrum Kewe cum toto comitatu, redditibus, dignitatibus, et proventibus suis;Varod quoque, Perben, Camanc, et Zilzeng, cum villis, silvis,a) vineis, piscariis, servis, et ancillis, et ceteris pertinentiis suis; regale insuper predium, quod “Elyad” vulgariter appellatur, cum redditibus et proventibus suis; necnon et alia tria in Bachaciensi provincia constituta, videlicet Soya, Curth, et Mirislou, cum pertinentiis suis, que de concessione karissimi in Christo filii nostri A., illustris regis Ungarie,b) fratris tui, te legitime proponis adeptam; sicut ea omnia iuste possides et quiete, et in privilegiis eiusdem regis exinde confectis plenius continetur, auctoritate tibi apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis etc) confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. 386

THE LETTERS

Datum Laterani, III Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. a) silvis om. H

b) ungarie] hungariae H

c) protectionis et om. H

169 Rome, the Lateran, 31 March 1223 Honorius writes to Bishop [Walter of Marvis] of Tournai, relating that in the pope’s presence the priest E[ustache], chaplain of King [Demetrius] of Thessaloniki, explained that, when the pope sent a letter [no. 126] to the bishop ordering him to provide the priest with a prebend in the church of Tournai, if one were vacant, or, if not, to reserve for him the first prebend to become vacant, the bishop ignored the order and did not provide for him at all, although in the meantime a prebend became vacant, as is said. The pope does not want the king’s request to him or the pope’s orders to the bishop to be cheated of their due effect, so he orders the bishop to confer on the priest the prebend that is said to be currently vacant in that church, immediately or as soon as opportunity arises. Otherwise, he is sending a letter to Archdeacon [Bernard] of Ponthieu and to the scholasticus and Master O. canon of Saint-Nicolas in the diocese of Amiens, ordering them to carry out the pope’s mandate. The pope writes to [Archdeacon Bernard of Ponthieu and to the scholasticus and Master O. canon of Saint-Nicolas in the diocese of Amiens] concerning this. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 31v-32r, no. 109 (R). Copy: Moreau. Summary: Pressutti, no. 4271. Edition: Horoy IV, coll. 309-310, no. 90 (H, from Moreau).

. . episcopo Tornacensi. Dilectus filius E. presbyter, capellanus karissimi in Christo filii nostri . . regis Thesalonicensisa) illustris, in nostra proposuit presentia constitutus quod, cum tibi ad preces regis eiusdem nostris dederimus litteris in preceptis ut in prebendali beneficio, si vacaretb) in ecclesia Tornacensi, provideres eidem, alioquin primam vacantem in ecclesia ipsa prebendam donationi 387

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

nostre servavimusc) persone idonee conferendam, tu, mandatum nostrumd) obaudiens, ei minime providisti, licet ibidem quedam interim prebenda vacaverit, sicut fertur. Volentes igitur ut nec apud nos preces regis predicti nec apud te precepta nostra debito fraudentur effectu, fraternitatem tuam monemus attente, per iterata tibi scripta districte precipiendo mandantes quatenus prebendam que in dicta ecclesia dicitur nunc vacare, vel quantotius obtulerit se facultas, predicto presbytero conferas et assignes, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Alioquin dilectis filiis . . archidiacono Pontivensi, . . scolastico, et magistro O.e) canonico Sancti Nycolai,f) Ambianensis diocesis, nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut id auctoritate nostra, sublato appellationis obstaculo, exe[R 32r]quantur. Datum Laterani, II Kalendas Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. Scriptum est super hoc eisdem. a) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis H b) vacaret] vacarit H c) servavimus] servaverimus H d) nostrum] non add. H e) O om. H f) nycolai] nicolai H

170 Rome, the Lateran, 11 April 1223 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew], to the treasurer, and to Canon Alexander, papal subdeacon, all of Constantinople, relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, diligently warned many times the podestà and other Venetians living in the royal city and in other parts of Romania from Constantinople to Makri either to receive and observe the peace entered and confirmed before the cardinal in the Church of St George [of Mangana?] between the Church, on the one side, and the bailli and barons of the empire, on the other [no. 128], or to restore the ecclesiastical rights that they have long held. They ignored the cardinal’s warnings and did not bother to carry this out. Lest he seem to neglect the Church’s cause, the cardinal promulgated sentences of excommunication against them and of interdict on their land, with the common counsel of the prelates and their subordinates. Following the whims

388

THE LETTERS

of their mind rather than the judgment of reason, they stubbornly bore the sentence for a long time. And although they sent their own nuncios to the pope because of this, because they were not ready to make fitting satisfaction, they did not deserve to obtain absolution. But recently Doge P[ietro Ziani] of Venice sent L[uigi] (the parish priest of San Paolo) and Giacomo Tiepolo to the pope, humbly asking through them and in his letter to give them absolution and relax the sentence of interdict, since they were ready to obey the pope’s orders. Although the pope could be more severe with them because of their obstinacy, the Church is not accustomed to closing off the bosom of piety to those returning to her, and the pope desires to be found more disposed to forgiveness than to vindictiveness. So the pope has assented to the doge’s request. The pope orders the addressees, once they receive a guarantee by oath from the excommunicates that they will obey precisely the papal orders, to absolve them and relax the sentence of interdict, enjoining on them to receive the aforementioned peace and, complying with it within eight months, strive to observe it without violation in all things, save for any future papal moderation of its terms. The pope also orders that the person who is now podestà of the Venetians [Marino Storlato], or whoever should replace him in the aforesaid time span, shall swear to observe the peace and have it observed by his subjects. The Venetians who have possessions and immovable goods in the royal city and in other parts of Romania from Constantinople to Makri, who were disobedient, shall also confirm by oath that they will comply with and observe this peace. If, God forbid, they fail to fulfill the peace as it is stated, the addressees are to return them to the same sentences, without any possibility of appeal or contradiction. The addressees are ordered to be faithful and prudent on these matters so that they omit nothing. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 51v-52r, no. 175 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 127v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4302; Santifaller, no. 74. Editions: Tautu, pp. 148-149, no. 109 (T); Wolff, Politics, pp. 301302, no. 6 (W).

. . patriarche, thesaurario, et Alexandro, subdiacono nostro, canonico Constantinopolitanis.a) Cum potestas et alii Veneti, tam in civitate regia quam in aliis partibus Romanie a Constantinopoli usque Macram mo389

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

rantes, multotiens a dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedisb) presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolicec) Sedis legato, fuissent moniti diligenter ut pacemd) inter Ecclesiam, ex una parte, et baiulum et barones imperii, ‹ex altera›, coram cardinali eodem initam et firmatam in ecclesia Sancti Georgii reciperent et servarent, vel iura ecclesiastica que diu detinuerant restituerent, quia ipsi, [R 52r] eiusdem cardinalis monitis obauditis,e) id efficere non curarunt, idem cardinalis, ne causam Ecclesie in anime sue dispendium negligere videretur, de communi prelatorum et subditorum consilio, in eos excommunicationis et in terram eorumf) interdicti sententias promulgavit. Qui, sequentes motum animi potius quam iudicium rationis, predictam sententiam diu contumaciter pertulerunt.g) Et licet propter hoc ad nos alia vice proprios nuntios destinarint, quia tamen non erant parati congrue satisfacere,h) non meruerunt absolutionis beneficium reportare. Nuper autem dilectus filius nobilis vir P. dux Venetorum, dilectos filios L. plebanum Sancti Pauli et Iacobum Teuplum ad nostram presentiam destinans,i) nobis per eos et litteras suas humiliter supplicavit ut, cum excommunicati predicti parati sint nostris mandatis precise parere, faceremus eis beneficium absolutionis impendi et relaxari sententiam interdicti. Licet igitur pro contumacia eorundem possemus severius procedere contra eos, quia tamen Ecclesia non solet ad se redeuntibus claudere gremium pietatis, et nos pronioresj) ad veniam quam ad vindictam cupimus inveniri, predicti ducis precibus duximus annuendum. Quocirca discretioni vestrek) per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, ab excommunicatis predictis iuratoria cautione recepta quod mandatis nostris precise parebunt, vos eis absolutionis beneficium impendatis et relaxetisl) sententiam interdicti, iniungentes eisdem ut pacem superius denotatam recipiant et, infra octo menses complentes eandem, eam studeant in omnibus inviolabiliter observare, salvo moderamine, siquid per nostras litteras apparebit. Mandamus quoque ut ille qui nunc est potestas Venetorum, vel qui infra iamdictum tempus substituetur eidem, iuret quod pacem servabit et faciet a suis subditis observari, et Veneti habentes possessiones et bona immobilia in urbe regia et aliis Romanie partibus a Constanti390

THE LETTERS

nopoli usque Macram, qui inobedientes fuerunt, firment etiam iuramento quod pacem ipsam compleant et observent. Que si – quodm) absit – prout dictum est neglexerint adimplere, ipsos in easdem sententias,n) sublatoo) cuiuslibet contradictionisp) et appellationis obstaculo,q) reducatis. Precipimus autem ut super hiis ita vos fideles et prudentes exhibere curetisr) quod nil de contingentibus omittatis, sicut nostram gratiam promereri et indignationem cupitis evitare. Quod si non omnes,s) duo vestrum etc. Datum Laterani, III Idust) Aprilis, pontificatusu) nostri anno septimo. a) constantinopolitanis] alexandrino T (!) b) sancte praxedis] sante prexedis W c) apostolice] apostolici W d) pacem] quam add. R e) obauditis] inauditis W f) eorum om. T g) pertulerunt] protulerunt T h) satisfacere] et add. W i) destinans p.c. R] destinarunt T j) proniores] praviores W k) vestre] vestri W l) relaxetis] relaxatis T m) si quod] siquid W n) easdem sententias] eandem sententiam T o) sublato] sub W p) contradictionis] contrarietatis T; contradictione W q) appellationis obstaculo] apostolica obligatione W r) curetis] et add. T s) omnes] omnibus et W t) idus] idibus W u) pontificatus] pontificis W

171 Rome, the Lateran, 12 April 1223 Honorius writes to the prior and brothers of the house of the Crociferi of Negroponte, relating that the prior explained in the pope’s presence that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, when he was acting as legate in Romania, noting the humane comfort that is shown to the poor and sick in their house, piously conferred on the same house the Church of St Angelus of Thessaloniki, granting that they could construct a hospital there to receive and support the poor. He also granted the addressees for the support of the poor the casale of Kyriakaiika1) (Grippigadia) and the island of Lineio along with the church and other appurtenances of the casale and island, of which he stripped the monks of Mt Athos, who were disobedient and rebellious toward the Roman Church. He established that, if the land in that casale did not amount to the 100 hyperperates of land that he intended them to have, the defect would be made up with the goods of the aforesaid monks, if the land should fall into Latin hands. 391

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Since the cardinal’s letter about this concession had been accidentally lost, the addressees asked that the pope confirm this concession. Since the cardinal, in the presence of the pope, acknowledged the matter, the pope confirms and strengthens the concession, as it was done piously and prudently. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 36r-v, no. 127 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4305. Edition: Pitra, p. 584, no. 28 (P).

. . priori et fratribus domus Cruciferorum Nigripontensibus.a) Iustis petentium etc. usque complere. Sane in nostra proposuisti, fili prior, presentia constitutus quod dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum in partibus Romanie legationis officio fungeretur, attendens humanitatis solacia que in domo vestra exhibentur pauperibus et infirmis, ecclesiam Sancti Angeli Thesalonicensemb) eidem domui contulit intuitu pietatis, concessoc) ut pro receptione ac sustentatione pauperum hospitale construatis ibidem, nichilominus vobis pro eorundem pauperum sustentatione concedens casale de Grippigadia et insulam [R 36v] de Lineio cum ecclesia et aliis pertinentiis casalis et insule supradicte, qua privavitd) monachos Montis Sancti inhobedientes Sedi Apostolice ac rebelles, statuendo ut, si centum yperperate terre quas vobis intendebat in casali predicto conferre non complerentur ibidem, defectus de predictorum monachorum bonis, si terram ad manus Latinorum devenire contingeret,e) suppleretur. Quare nobis humiliter supplicastis ut, cum littere ipsius cardinalis facte super concessione predicta casu fortuito sint ammisse, concessionem ipsam apostolico roborare munimine dignaremur. Quia igitur idem cardinalis hec in nostra presentia recognovit, nos, vestris iustis precibus inclinati, concessionem ipsam sicut pie ac provide facta est auctoritate apostolica confirmamusf) et presentis scriptig) patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc.h) nostre confirmationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, II Idus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 392

THE LETTERS

1) This is the identification in Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 187. a) nigripontensibus] negripontinis P b) thesalonicensem] thessalonicensis P c) concesso] concessam P d) privavit] privaverat P e) contingeret] contigeret P f) confirmamus] confirmare P g) scripti] scripturae P h) etc. om. P

172 Rome, the Lateran, 12 April 1223 Honorius writes to the nobleman Doge P[ietro Ziani] of Venice, relating that, for secular jurisdiction to be suitably distinguished from ecclesiastical, since a dispute could arise from their confusion, he wants to moderate the peace entered between the Church, on the one side, and the bailli and barons of the Empire of Constantinople, on the other, before J[ohn], cardinal-bishop of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, and afterwards confirmed by the pope.The pope grants that, except for Latin clerics and other religious and their households and servants, those who are cloistered in his part of the royal city shall come under his temporal jurisdiction just as other laymen who are subject to his rule. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 50v, no. 172 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 127v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4306. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro . . duci Venetorum. Ut iurisditio secularis ab ecclesiastica congrue discernatur, cum ex earum confusione suboriri posset multiplicis materia questionis, nos, pacem inter Ecclesiam, ex una parte, ac baiulum et barones imperii Constantinopolitani, ex altera, coram dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, initam et a nobis postmodum confirmatam moderari volentes, auctoritate presentium indulgemus ut, manentes in claustris partis tue regie civitatis, preter clericos Latinos et religiosos alios nec non familias et servitores eorum, iurisditioni tue subiaceant temporali sicut alii laici qui tue subiacent ditioni. 393

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Nulli ergo etc. nostre moderationis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, II Idus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. 173 Rome, the Lateran, 12 April 1223 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew], to the treasurer, and to Canon Alexander, papal subdeacon, all of Constantinople, relating that Archbishop [N.]1) of Herakleia, the nuncio of the patriarch of Constantinople, explained to him that he did not believe that the Venetians could comfortably observe the way of division of the Franks, namely that no one who had less than 300 hyperperates of land would divide the land, but smaller fiefs would be joined with the main nearby lords.With the counsel of the archbishop, as a favor for the doge and people of Venice, the pope allows that each may divide his lands by himself. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 50v-51r, no. 173 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4307; Santifaller, no. 75. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche, . . thesaurario, et Alexandro, subdiacono nostro, canonico Constantinopolitanis. Cum, sicut venerabilis frater noster . . Eracliensis archiepiscopus, nuntius venerabilis fratris nostri Constantinopolitani patriarche, proposuit, modus divisionis [R 51r] Francorum, prout ipse credebat, scilicet quod nullus divideret qui non haberet trecentas yperperatas terre, sed minora feuda cum proximis principalibus dominis iungerentur, non posset a Venetis commode observari, de consilio eiusdem archiepiscopi ut quilibet per se dividat ob ducis et populi Venetorum gratiam sustinemus. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, II Idus Aprilis, pontificatus nostri anno septimo›. 1) In no. 188 from 9 September 1223 (cf. no. 206), we learn that former Archbishop N. (most likely Nicholas) of Herakleia had resigned his see, so it is probable that Honorius still thought N. to be archbishop five months earlier, although in no. 214 it is most likely someone else.

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174 Rome, the Lateran, 19 April 1223 Honorius writes to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople, relating that, for secular jurisdiction to be suitably distinguished from ecclesiastical, since a dispute could arise from their confusion, he wants to moderate the peace entered between the Church, on the one side, and the late bailli [Conon of Béthune] and the barons of the Empire of Constantinople, on the other, before J[ohn], cardinal-bishop of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, and afterwards confirmed by the pope. The pope grants that, except for Latin clerics and other religious and their households and servants, those who are cloistered in his part of the royal city shall come under his temporal jurisdiction just as other laymen who are subject to his rule, notwithstanding that for the most part the peace has been received, sworn to, and implemented both by him and by his subjects beyond [east of] Makri, since, as the pope has learned from the cardinal, the cardinal granted that, if a grace in this matter were made to the Venetians [no. 172], the Franks would also obtain it. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 38v-39r, no. 140 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 127r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1222 (sic), no. 13; Pressutti, no. 4324; Santifaller, no. 76. Edition: Tautu, pp. 149-150, no. 110 (T).

. ., illustri Constantinopolitano imperatori. Ut iurisditio secularis ab ecclesiastica congrue discernatur, cum ex earum confusione suboriri posseta) multiplicis materia questionis, nos, pacem inter Ecclesiam, ex una parte, ac . . quondam baiulum et baronesb) imperii Constantinopolitani, ex altera, coram dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, initam et a nobis postmodum confirmatam, moderari volentes, auctoritate presentium indulgemus ut manentes in claustris partis tue regie civitatis, preter clericos Latinos et religiosos [R 39r] alios necnon familias et servitores eorum, iurisditioni tue subiaceant temporali sicut alii laici qui tue subiacent ditioni, non obstante quod pax ipsa recepta, iurata, et completa pro maiori parte extitit tam a te quam a tuis subditis ultra Macram, cum, si-

395

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cut eodem cardinali referente didicimus, condictum fuerit et ab eo concessum ut, siqua gratia super negotio isto fieret Venetis, eandem Francigene obtinerent. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, XIII Kalendas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. a) posset] possit T

b) et barones om. T

175 Rome, the Lateran, 13 May 1223 Honorius writes to all the faithful who will see this page, relating that the merits of Marquis William of Montferrat and his ancestors lead the pope to show him apostolic favor. Since the marquis is preparing for the defense of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, which belongs to him by hereditary right, the pope, thinking about the devotion that he, as a catholic prince, has and that his ancestors had toward the Apostolic See, observing that his arrival would bring great utility to the whole Empire of Constantinople, and considering that the strengthening of the empire is very useful for the Holy Land’s cause, grants a two-year term to those who have taken and will take the cross for the cause of the Holy Land and who want to enter that kingdom with the marquis, while traveling for the relief of the Holy Land, from the next feast of St John [the Baptist 24 June, cf. no. 223], for traveling for the relief of the Holy Land, as long as they faithfully fulfill their vow in this period. If they die in the meantime, he nevertheless grants forgiveness of their sins, if they are truly contrite and have confessed them. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 41v, no. 147 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 576r; I 53, f. 127r (summary); Moreau 1182, no. 39, ff. 256r-257r (15 May). Summaries: Raynaldi 1223, no. 11; Pressutti, no. 4353. Editions: Horoy IV, coll. 349-350, no. 129 (H, from Moreau); Claverie, pp. 390-391, no. 77.

Universis Christi fidelibus presentem paginam inspecturis. Clara dilecti filii nobilis viri Willielmi marchionis Montisferrati et proienitorum eius merita nos inducunt ut, in quibus cuma) Deo possumus, sibi favorem apostolicum impendamus. 396

THE LETTERS

Cum igitur idem marchio ad defensionem regni Thesalonicensis,b) quod ad eum hereditario iure noscitur pertinere, magnanimiter se accingat, nos, pensantes devotionem quam ad Apostolicam Sedem et ipse sicut catholicus princeps habet et eius proienitores habuisse noscuntur, ac attendentes quod eius ad partes illas accessus toti Constantinopolitano imperio grandem potest utilitatem afferre, considerantes etiam quod corroboratio status ipsius imperii multum est utilis negotioc) Terre Sancte, crucesignatis et crucesignandis pro eiusdemd) Terre Sancte negotio, qui cum marchione ipso voluerint regnum intrare predictum, transfretandi pro ipsius Terre Sancte succursu a festo Sancti Iohannis proximo usque ad duos annos terminum indulgemus, ita tamen quod votum suum in ipso termino fideliter exequantur, nichilominus peccatorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi eis veniam concedentes, si fuerint interim ab hac luce vocati. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, III Idus Maii, pontificatus nostrie) anno septimo. a) cum] coram H b) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis H c)-d) negotio ... eiusdem om. per homoeoteleuton H; [illis] add. H e) pontificatus nostri om. H

176 Rome, the Lateran, 13 May 1223 Honorius writes to the chapter of Brindisi, relating that Theodore Komnenos [Doukas] is bound by a sentence of excommunication for not ceasing his attacks on the land of King D[emetrius] of Thessaloniki. He orders the chapter to publicize the sentence of excommunication frequently and have it publicized, to denounce as subject to the same sentence the Latins who stay with Theodore, and to forbid on similar pain of excommunication anyone from presuming to transport in a ship or galley to the land of Theodore horses, arms, food, or even knights or any other aid. They should carry out the pope’s mandate dutifully and frequently so that they cannot be reprimanded for negligence, but rather commended for diligence. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 41v, no. 148 (R).

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Copies: Summaries: Editions:

Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 576r-577r; I 53, f. 127r (summary); Moreau. Raynaldi 1223, no. 13; Pressutti, no. 4354. Horoy IV, coll. 324-325, no. 107 (H, from Moreau, giving date as 11 April); Tautu, p. 151, no. 112 (T).

Capitulo Brundusino. Cum Theodorus Cominianusa) excommunicationis sententia sit ligatus, pro eo quod terram karissimi in Christo filii nostri D., regis Thesalonicensisb) illustris, non desinit impugnare, discretioni vestre presentium auctoritate mandamus quatenus, frequenter eandem sententiam publicantes et facientes etiam publicari, ac denunciantes Latinos eidem sententie subiacere qui cum eodem Theodoro commorantur, sub simili pena districte auctoritate nostra inhibeatisc) ne quis equos, arma, victualia, seu etiam milites, aut aliud quodlibet auxilium presumat in suis navibus aut galeis in terram dicti Theodori transportare, mandatum nostrum executuri ita sollicite ac frequenter quod reprehendi de negligentia non possitis, sed debeatis de diligentia commendari. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, III Idus Maii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo›. a) cominianus] comuniano R b) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis HT c) inhibeatis] inhibentes HT

177 Rome, the Lateran, 13 May 1223 Honorius writes to the nobleman W[illiam] of Courtenay, relating that Marquis W[illiam] of Montferrat, who is arming himself bravely for the defense of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, which is known to belong to him by hereditary right, declared before the pope that the addressee was ready to go with him. Noting the usefulness that the Marquis’ arrival will bring to the Empire of Constantinople, and considering that strengthening the empire will help the matter of the Holy Land, the pope grants W[illiam] of Courtenay and those who will go to Greece with him to help the marquis full forgiveness of the sins for which they are truly contrite and have confessed. 398

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 41v-42r, no. 149 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 127r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7017; Pressutti, no. 4355. Editions: Raynaldi 1223, no. 12 (Y); Horoy IV, col. 350, no. 130 (H, from Y).

Nobili viro W. dea) Cotinacensi. Dilectus filius nobilis vir W. marchio Montisferrati ad defensionem regni Thesalonicensis,b) quod ad ipsum hereditario iure noscitur pertinere, magnanimiter se accingens, proposuit coram nobis te ad eundem cum ipso promptam gerere voluntatem. Nos igitur, [R 42r] attendentes quod eius accessus ad partes illas toti Constantinopolitano imperio grandem potest utilitatem afferre, considerantes etiam quod corroboratio status imperii multum est utilis negotio Terre Sancte, tibi et hiis qui tecum transibunt in Greciam in eiusdem auxilium marchionis peccatorum de quibus vere contriti fueritis et confessi plenam veniam indulgemus. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, III Idus Maii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo›. a) w de] v HY

b) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis HY

178 Rome, the Lateran, 14 May 1223 Honorius writes to [Arch]bishop [Hugues Béroard] of Arles, ordering him to publish throughout his province and have published the indulgence that the pope has conceded to the crusaders who are going to Greece with Marquis W[illiam] of Montferrat. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 42r, no. 150 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 577Ar; I 53, f. 127r (summary); Moreau. Summaries: Raynaldi 1223, no. 11; Pressutti, no. 4360. Edition: Horoy IV, col. 351, no. 132 (H, from Moreau).

. . episcopo Arelatensi. 399

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Presentium tibi auctoritate mandamus quatenus indulgentiama) a nobis factamb) crucesignatis cum dilecto filio nobili viro W. marchione Montisferrati Greciam intraturis, quamc) littere nostre super hoc facte te plenius edocebunt, per provinciam tuam publices et facias publicari cum fueris requisitus. Datum Laterani, II Idus Maii, anno septimo. a) indulgentiam] indulgentias H b) factam] factas H c) quam] quum H

179 Segni, 15 July 1223 This is a notarial copy of documents pertaining to the Church of the Pisans in Constantinople. In one of them, Honorius writes to the prior of the Church of the Pisans [in Constantinople], taking him and his church under papal protection, especially the payments and possessions conferred upon the church by J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, as contained in his letters. The document is included with the others attested to by the papal notary Baldwin Barde. Dated Segni, 15 July 1223. [1]

The first is addressed by Bishops Nivelon of Soissons,W[arner] of Troyes, and P[eter] of Bethlehem, to all whom the letter reaches, relating that, when the Franks captured Constantinople, the Pisans were present, and because of the fire they were in need of churches and the ecclesiastical sacraments. They asked the authors for the Church of the Holy Savior Apologothetes, situated near their camp, along with all its appurtenances. The authors grant them to the Pisans, their prior the priest Benenato, and the clergy, which was then obedient to the pope. Dated September 1205.

[2]

The second is addressed by Peter [Capuano], cardinal-priest of San Marcello, papal legate, to Benenato, the prior of the Church of the Pisans, relating that, after he received from Patriarch J. of Conse (= T[homas] of Constantinople?)1) the papal letter assigning him as legate, Peter granted the same church and all its appurtenances to the addressee. Dated Constantinople, September 1205.

[3]

The third is addressed by Benedict, cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, papal legate, to Benenato, the prior of the Pisans,

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who is “positioned among the thorns of the Greeks,” repeating what Cardinal Peter had done on the authority of his legation in the Empire of Romania, saving the justice of the patriarch. Dated Constantinople, 18 February 1207. [4]

The fourth is addressed by John, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, to the prior of the Church of the Camp of the Pisans of Constantinople, repeating what the late Benedict, [cardinal-]bishop of Porto, then cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, papal legate, had done, adding that the church has a cloister and that its appurtenances are according to the agreement [no. 128]. Dated Constantinople, 17 April 1221.

[5]

The fifth has the same author and addressee, taking the prior and his church under his and papal protection, mentioning in formulaic fashion their possessions, lands, vineyards, meadows, woods, and other goods. Dated Constantinople, 22 April 1221.

[6]

The sixth is Honorius III’s letter.

[7]

The seventh is addressed by John, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, to the prior of the Church of St Peter of the Pisans of Constantinople, relating that he wishes to raise destroyed monasteries and to serve those that have been raised but are damaged. Thus he grants perpetually to the addressee’s church, in recompense for its possessions, the monastery of Hagios Angelos tou Kyr Klemes (Iachirelimi) and the metochion of Rhaiktor (Iurectores), in the diocese of Chalcedon, which metochion once belonged to the monastery of Matzukes (Massuchi),2) along with the rights and properties that they should have according to the agreement [no. 128], so that they can be conserved faithfully by the addressee’s church, as long as the monks persisting in devotion to the Apostolic See and obedience to the diocesan are not in any way expelled from the monastery. Since the monastery and metochion were recently extracted from the hands of laymen with great difficulty, the legate prohibits the monastery and metochion from being committed to any layman from now on. Dated Constantinople, 14 January 1221.

[8]

The eighth has the same author and addressee, relating that the prior has informed the legate that the metochion of Hagios Elias Giuro (?) in the diocese of Nicomedia was a possession of his Church of the Holy Savior Apologothetes from

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ancient times.The legate restores to the addressee’s church the metochion, taken from the hands of laymen, and its rights and properties that it should have according to the agreement [no. 128]. Dated Constantinople, 22 April 1221. Original: perhaps in the Pisa metropolitan archive. Papal Register: none. Copy: Ughelli merely says that the documents are taken from the Vatican Archive. Editions: Ughelli, vol. 3, coll. 418-420 (Honorius is on 419) (U); Lünig, coll. 1493-1498 (from U).

[1] Nivelo,a) Dei gratia Suessionensis, G.Trecensis, ‹et› P. Bethleemitanus episcopi, omnibus ad quos presentes littere pervenerint, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi quod, cum urbs Constantinopolitana capta Dei virtute a Francis fuisset, Pisani, qui captioni urbis interfuerant, propter incendium ecclesiis et ecclesiasticis indigentes sacramentis, a nobis ecclesiam Sancti Salvatoris Apologotheto sitam prope campum eorum cum omnibus pertinentiis eius circa se positis humiliter postularunt, in qua eis competenter divina possint officia ministrari. Quorum petitionibus, intuitu probitatis eorum et devotionis quam ergab) sacrosanctam Romanam Ecclesiam habere noscuntur, benigniter annuentes, dictam ecclesiam cum omnibus eius pertinentiis circa illam positam pro iam dictis Pisanis, priori eorum, sacerdoti scilicet Benenato, et clero, qui Romanoc) pontifici in dicta urbe tunc temporis erat obediens, concessimus, ita quod ipsis et eisdem in prefata ecclesia substituendi et dictis Pisanis et eorum successoribus sacramenta debeant ecclesiastica ministrare, salva in omnibus summi pontificis et omni auctoritate maiori. Quod, ut notum omnibus habeatur et ratum, presentem paginam nostrorum sigillorum testimonio communimus. Dominice Incarnationis millesimo ducentesimo quinto, Indictione 8, mensis Septembris. [2] Petrus, divina permissione tituli Sancti Marcelli presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, dilecto in Christo filio Benenato priori ecclesie Pisanorum, salutem in Domino sempiternam. 402

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Sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia humiles ac devotos filios propensius diligere et ipsorum utilitatibus providere ex solito pietatis officio consuevit. Eapropter, dilecte in Christo fili, attendentes devotionem tuam quam ad Romanam Ecclesiam habere dignosceris, ut ex tua devotione gratum fructum tibi semper gaudeas provenisse, postquam recepimus litteras domini pape per venerabilem patrem I. Conse (sic) patriarcham, in quibus idem dominus papa imposuit nobis legationem in imperio Romanie, ecclesiam Sancti Salvatoris, que dicitur Apologotheto, prope campum Pisanorum sitam cum omnibus pertinentiis suis tibi, auctoritate legationis qua fungimur, duximus canonice concedendam, ipsamque tibi eadem legationis auctoritate confirmamus, et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis et confirmationis infringere vel ei temere contraire. Se quis autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Constantinopoli, anno Dominice Incarnationis millesimo ducentesimo quinto, mense Septembris. [3] Benedictus, dignatione divina tituli Sancte Susanne presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, dilecto in Christo filio Benenato priori Pisanorum, salutem in Domino sempiternam. Iustis petentium desideriis dignum est nos facilem prebere assensum et vota que a rationis tramite non discordant effectu prosequente complere. Eapropter, dilecte in Domino fili prior, tuis iustis postulationibus benigno concurrentes assensu, considerantes devotionem quam ad Romanam Ecclesiam te fideliter habere cognoscimus, attendentes quoque obedientiam et fidem quam tu, inter spinas Grecorum positus, eidem Romane Ecclesie omni tempore observasti, ecclesiam Sancti Salvatoris Apologotheto sitam prope campum Pisanorum cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, quam venerabilis in Christo frater noster Petrus, tituli Sancti Marcelli presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, tibi concessit, nos auctoritate legationis qua fungimur in imperio Romanie tibi et successoribus tuis perpetuo possidendam concedimus et 403

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confirmamus ac presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, salva tamen canonica iustitia de ipsa ecclesia patriarche. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc nostre confirmationis paginam infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem contra hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Constantinopoli, XII Kalendas Martii, anno Dominice Incarnationis millesimo ducentesimo sexto, Indictione 10. [U col. 419] [4] Ioannes, permissione divina tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolicae Sedis legatus, dilecto filio . . priori ecclesie campi Pisanorum Constantinopolitane, salutem in Domino. Cum a nobis petitur quod iustum est et honestum, tam vigor equitatis quam ordo exigit rationis ut id per sollicitudinem officii nostri ad debitum perducatur effectum. Eapropter, dilecte in Domino fili, tuis iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, ecclesiam Sancti Salvatoris Apologotheto sitam prope campum Pisan‹or›um, cum claustro et omnibus pertinentiis suis quas habere debet ex inite pacis forma, quam bone memorie B. Portuensis episcopus, ‹tunc› tituli Sancte Susanne presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, ecclesie tue concessit, sicut in eius litteris inspeximus contineri, tibi et per te tue ecclesie auctoritate legationis qua fungimur confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Constantinopoli, XV Kalendas Maii, pontificatus domini Honorii pape III anno V. [5] Ioannes, permissione divina tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, dilecto filio . . priori ecclesie Pisanorum Constantinopolitane, salutem in Domino. Sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia devotos et humiles filios ex assuete pietatis officio propensius diligere consuevit et, ne pra404

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vorum hominum molestiis agitentur, eos tanquam pia mater sue protectionis munimine confovere. Eapropter, dilecte in Domino fili, tuis iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, paternitatem tuam et ecclesiam ipsam, in qua divino es obsequio mancipatus, cum omnibus bonis que in presentiarum rationabiliter possides ac in futurum iustis modis, prestante Domino, poteris adipisci, auctoritate legationis qua fungimur sub beati Petri et Apostolice Sedis protectione suscipimus. Specialiter autem possessiones, terras, vineas, prata, molendina,d) et alia bona que ipsa ecclesia iuste possidet et quiete tibi et per te ipsi ecclesie auctoritate confirmamus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum licet hanc paginam nostre protectionis et confirmationis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Constantinopoli, X Kalendas Maii, pontificatus domini Honorii pape tertii anno quinto. [6] Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio priori ecclesie Pisanorum, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia devotos et humiles filios ex assuete pietatis officio propensius diligere consuevit et, ne pravorum hominum molestiis agitentur, eos tanquam pia mater sue protectionis munimine confovere. Eapropter, dilecte in Domino fili, tuis iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, paternitatem tuam et ecclesiam cum omnibus bonis que in presentiarum rationabiliter possidet ac in futurum iustis modis, prestante Domino, poterit adipisci sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus. Specialiter autem redditus et possessiones eidem ecclesie a dilecto filio noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, pia et provida liberalitate collatas, prout in ipsius litteris dicitur plenius contineri, sicut ea omnia iuste, canonice, ac pacifice possides, tibi et per te ipsi ecclesie auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre protectionis et confirmationis infringere vel ei ausu 405

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temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Signie, Idibus Iulii, pontificatus nostri anno septimo. [U col. 420] [7] Ioannes, permissione divina tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, dilecto filio priori ecclesie Sancti Petri Pisanorum Constantinopolitane, salutem in Domino. Cupientes monasteria et metochia relevari destructa et relevata illesa servari, monasterium Sancti Angeli Iachirelimi et metochium Iurectores Chalcedoniensis diocesis, quod metochium quondam ad monasterium Massuchi pertinuit, cum suis iuribus et proprietatibus que habere debet ex inite pacis forma, ecclesie tue in tuarume) possessionum recompensationem, ut per ipsam ecclesiam valeant fideliter conservari, auctoritate legationis qua fungimur, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate, conferimus iure perpetuo possidenda, sic tamen ut ab ipso monasterio monachi nullatenus expellantur in Apostolice Sedis devotione ac diocesani obedientia persistentes. Et cum monasterium et metochium memorata nuper cum nimia difficultate sint extracta de manibus laicorum, sub anathemate prohibemus ne ipsa amodo cuiquam laico committantur. Nulli ergo hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre concessionis et prohibitionis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Constantinopoli, XIX Kalendas Ianuarii, pontificatus domini Honorii pape III anno V. [8] Ioannes, permissione divina tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, Apostolice Sedis legatus, dilecto filio . . priori ecclesie Pisanorum Constantinopolitane, salutem in Domino. Cum, sicut per vos intelleximus, metochium Sancti Helie . . Giuro Nicomediensis diocesis ecclesie tue Sancti Salvatoris Apologotheto fuerit ex antiqua, nos metochium ipsum ereptum de manibus laicorum, cum suis iuribus et proprietatibus que habere debet ex forma pacis inite, auctoritate legationis qua fungimur, tue restituimus ecclesie memorata. 406

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Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre restitutionis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Siquis autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Constantinopoli, decimo Kalendas Maii, pontificatus domini Honorii pape III anno quinto. Ego Balduinus Barde, sacrosancte Apostolice Sedis auctoritate notarius, singula horum omnium authentica vidi et legi sepius, diligenter, et caute, munita singula sigillis veris singulorum suprascriptorum venerabilium patrum, et ideo ea omnia fideliter sicuti reperi in eis, nihil addens vel minuens, transcribendo exemplavi meoque signo roboravi. 1) In personal communication, Pierre-Vincent Claverie suggests that “J” is a simple error for “T.” 2) Identifications in Van Tricht, The Latin Renovatio of Byzantium, pp. 316 and 320. a) nivelo] rivelo U b) erga] ergo U c) romano] romam U d) prata molendina] presentia monasteria U e) tue in tuarum] sue in suarum U

180 Segni, 26 August 1223 Honorius writes to the clergy of the castle of Livadeia, taking them and their possessions under his and St Peter’s protection, with special mention of the Church of St Nicholas near the Market, their liberties, immunities, and other goods, which were conceded by P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when he was papal legate [1213/14]. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Paris, BnF, Nouv. acq. lat. 2357 (P, vidimus of Conrad, archbishop of Athens). Edition: Fabre, pp. 75-76 (F).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis clericis castri Livadie, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. 407

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Iustis petentium desideriis dignum est nos facilem prebere consensum et vota que a rationis tramite non discordant effectu prosequente complere. Eapropter, dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu,a) personas vestras cum omnibus bonis quaeb) inpresentiarum rationabiliter possidetis aut in futurum iustis modis, prestante Domino, poteritis adipisci sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus. Specialiter autem ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai iuxta Agoraz, libertates et inmunitates, ac alia bona vobis, ut proponitis, a venerabili fratre nostro P. Albanensi episcopo, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, pro liberalitate concessa, sicut ea omnia iuste, canonice, ac pacifice obtinetis, auctoritate vobis apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre protectionis et confirmationis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Signie, VII Kalendas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. Ego C.,1) Dei gratia archiepiscopus Atheniensis, et capitulum eiusdem loci notum facimus universis presentes litteras inspecturis quod nos vidimus originales litteras istarum superius scriptarumc) et de verbo ad verbum ‹inveni›musd) nec vitiatas nec cancellatas sed integras in qualibet parte sua, in cuius rei testimonium apponi fecimus sigilla nostra. 1) The seal is of Archbishop Conrad, who could be the “C.” in Honorius III’s letters or the Conrad who reigned 1253-ca. 1268. See above, no. 87, note 2. a) assensu] affectu F b) quae] qui F c) istarum superius scriptarum] istorum superius scriptorum F d) the parchment is damaged here.

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181 Segni, 3 September 1223 Honorius writes to Bishop [W.] of Sparta (Lacedemonia) and the dean and Archdeacon [James] of Corinth, relating that a lawsuit was begun in the pope’s presence between the bishop and chapter of Argos, on the one side, and the noble knight O. de Chargi and Master Henry, the agents of the nobleman O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, on the other, over the possessions and rights of the church of Argos and other things. Each side agreed to abide by the decision of P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, and cardinal-priests T[homas] of Santa Sabina and J[ohn] of Santa Prassede. With them mediating, the agreement is that the lord of Athens and his men will restore to the church of Argos possession of everything that the church is known to hold now or to have held at any time from the coronation of Alexios [III, 1195] Bambacoratios, along with their revenues from the time the papal mandate was sent, since that lord is said to have accepted the resignation of Ravennika. But the other things that are contained in the praktika of that church, of which the church cannot prove it had possession from the time of said coronation, shall be held by the addressees in escrow along with the revenues received from the time of the aforesaid mandate, to be later assigned to the church. If, within a year, said nobleman O[tto] de la Roche wishes to go to court with the church over these, a definitive sentence will be promulgated. With the assent of the bishop and chapter, the pope orders the addressees to have the agreement firmly observed, since it was done prudently and accepted willingly by both sides. If the nobleman does not wish to go to court over the items in escrow within a year, they are to assign them and the aforesaid revenues to the church of Argos. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 95r, no. 25 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4477. Edition: Lampros, pp. 18-19, no. 12 (L).

. . Lacedemoniensi episcopo, . . decano, et . . archidiacono Corinthiensibus. Inter venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . episcopum et dilectos filios capitulum Argolicenses, ex parte una, et nobilem virum

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O. de Chargi militem et magistrum Henricum, procuratores nobilis viri O. de Rocca domini Athenarum, ex altera, super possessionibus et iuribus ecclesie Argolicensis et rebus aliis mota in nostra presentia questione, in venerabilem fratrem nostrum P. Albanensem episcopum et dilectos filios nostros T. tituli Sancte Sabine ac I. tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteros cardinales pars compromisit utraque. Quibus mediantibus, huiusmodi compositio intervenit quod dictus nobilis dominus Athenarum ac sui ecclesie Argolicensi restituent possessionem omnium cum fructibus perceptis ex illis a tempore quo mandatum apostolicum emanavit, ad quod idem resignationem Ravenice dicitur recepisse, que dicta ecclesia a coronatione Alexii Bambacoratii aliquando habuisse dinoscitur seu etiam nunc habere. Cetera vero que in praticis ipsius ecclesie continentur, de quibus probare se possessionem a predicta coronatione non poterit habuisse, cum fructibus perceptis ex eis a tempore predicti mandati necnon percipiendi‹s›, in vestris manibus sequestrentur, illi postmodum resignanda. Pro quo, si dictus nobilis O. de Rocca super eis cum dicta ecclesia experiria) voluerit infra annum, diffinitivam sententiam contigerit promulgari. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta, de ipsorum episcopi et capituli et procuratorum assensu, mandamus quatenus compositionem ipsam provide factam et ab utraque parte sponte receptam faciatis per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, firmiter observari. Quod si forsan dictus nobilis de illis experiri noluerit infra annum, sequestrata cum fructibus memoratis Argolicensi ecclesie assignetis, nullis litteris obstantibus preter assensum partium et harum tenore tacito a Sede Apostolica impetratis. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Signie, III Nonas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. a) experiri] expeririri R

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182 Segni, 4 September 1223 Honorius writes to the nobleman G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, relating that the Apostolic See, a pious mother, often tempers rigor with gentleness, considering the circumstances of times and places, so that it provokes the undevout to devotion and increases the affection of the devout.The churches of Constantinople are known to have had many possessions in the prince’s land in the time of the Greeks, but they cannot be restored at present without danger, given the ravages of time and the needs of the country; nor is their full extent yet be plainly known. Therefore, so that the addressee be more strongly held to devotion to the churches, and to their defense and that of the empire, the pope is making the prince a special grace. The pope grants him and his men that they may freely receive the fruits of these possessions for twenty years, once a diligent investigation of their quantity and quality has been carried out. He also remits to them the satisfaction for the revenues received from them so far, as long as he makes without trouble a payment of 400 hyperpera to the churches each year in the month of May, according to the arrangement of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate, done with the assent of Patriarch [Matthew] and the chapter and all the prelates of Constantinople. The prince and his men are to make sure that the possessions and their cultivators are not reduced to a worse state in the meantime. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 98v-99r, no. 40 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4478; Santifaller, no. 77. Edition: Tautu, pp. 152-153, no. 114 (T).

Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie. Sedes Apostolica, pia mater, nonnumquam rigorem mansuetudine temperat, consideratis circumstantiis temporum et locorum, ut sic ad devotionem provocet indevotos et devotorum nichilominus augeatur affectus. Cum igitur ecclesie Constantinopolitanea) in terra tua multas possessiones Grecorum tempore habuisse noscantur,b) et propter malitiam temporis ac terre necessitatem sine periculo non possentc) ad presens restitui, cum nec dum potuerint plene

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sciri, ut ad devotionem ecclesiarum et defensionem ipsarum et imperii fortius obligeris, super hoc tibi specialem gratiam duximus faciendam, auctoritate tibi et tuis presentium indulgentes ut earundem fructus, [R 99r] de quantitate ac qualitate ipsarum inquisitione habita diligenti, usque ad viginti annorum tempus libere percipere valeatis, remissa vobis satisfactione fructuum ex eis hactenus perceptorum, dummodo pro ipsis quadringentorum yperperorum censum ecclesiis quibus debentur, iuxta ordinationem a dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, Apostolice Sedis legato, de venerabilis fratris nostri . . patriarche ac capituli necnon universitatis prelatorum Constantinopolitanorum assensu factam, sine difficultate qualibet annis singulis mense Martii persolvatis, attentius provisuri ne possessiones huiusmodi et cultores earum in deteriorem statum interim redigantur. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Signie, II Nonas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. a) ecclesie constantinopolitane] ecclesia constantinopolitana T b) noscantur] noscatur T c) possent] posse T

183 Segni, 4 September 1223 Honorius writes to [the nobleman Geoffrey of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia], relating that, although the possessions of churches that have been destroyed or abandoned appear to belong to the disposal of the diocesan bishop, the pope wants to make the prince a special grace for the needs of the time and the defense of the empire, so that the prince is thereby more strongly obliged to the devotion and defense of the churches. The pope grants that the prince and his men can receive the fruits of the possessions of such churches for twenty years, once a diligent investigation of their quantity and quality has been carried out. Honorius also remits the satisfaction for the revenues received from them so far. Or he can enter into a perpetual agreement with the prelates and the chapters of the cathedral churches over these things. But the fabrics of these churches shall remain at the disposal of the prelates.The possessions of church-

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es or monasteries standing, or even destroyed, that the prelates held at any time from the coronation of Alexios [III, 1195] Bambacoratios, or even hold now in demesne, shall be applied to the cathedral churches and remain in their power, except for the possessions of parish churches that are known in Greek as “honorie” (ἐνορία). Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 99r, no. 41 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1223, no. 13; Pressutti, no. 4479. Edition: Tautu, p. 153, no. 114a (T).

Eidem ‹Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie›. Sedes Apostolica, pia mater etc. usque affectus. Licet igitur possessiones ecclesiarum que destructe sunt vel etiam derelicte ad dispositionem videantur diocesani episcopi pertinere, volentes tamen tibi pro necessitate temporis et defensione imperii Romanie facere gratiam specialem, ut per eam ad devotionem et defensionem ecclesiarum fortius obligeris, tibi et tuis presentium auctoritate concedimus ut fructus possessionum ecclesiarum huiusmodi terre tue, de quantitate ac qualitate possessionum ipsarum inquisitione habita diligenti, usque ad viginti annos percipere valeatis, remissa vobis satisfactione fructuum ex eis hactenus perceptorum; seu cum prelatis et capitulis cathedralium ecclesiarum super eis perpetuam compositionem inire, ita tamen quod ipsarum ecclesiarum fabrice in dispositione maneant prelatorum, et possessiones ecclesiarum sive monasteriorum stantium seu etiam destructorum, quas prelati aliquando a coronationis Alexii Bambacoracii tempore tenuerunt seu etiam in demanio modo tenent, cathedralibus ecclesiis applicentur et in earum remaneant potestate, salvis nichilominus possessionibus ecclesiarum parrochialium que “honorie”a) Greco vocabulo nuncupantur.b) Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum ut supra ‹Signie, II Nonas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo›. a) honorie] henorie T

b) nuncupantur] nunccupatur R

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184 Segni, 4 September 1223 Honorius writes to the nobleman G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, as follows: “The circumspection of the Apostolic See is established over nations and kingdoms so that it uproots and destroys, builds and plants, everywhere at the helm, sometimes being firm, sometimes gentle, and sometimes, keeping in consideration the circumstances of time and place, maintaining a middle course between the two, it turns rough paths into smooth ones, and crooked streets into straight ones, and, by explaining and breaking down those things that are caught up in the contention of confusion, by prudent distinction, reduces that contention to clear pictures and the law of rightness, so that, by suitable distribution, what is Caesar’s is given to Caesar and what is God’s is given to God. The insolence of the princes of the Empire of Romania, which should be restrained, grew into the corruption of this confusion, so that at one time they conferred goods on churches and at another they took them away at will, and especially they applied what had been conferred on monasteries to their own use according to their pleasure. And the Greek prelates, upon receiving payment, indiscriminately promoted everyone to the priesthood. You, depending on this corruption, retained the abbeys and church possessions in your hands, applied their fruits to your own use, and granted them to whom you wished at your will, so that you have kept the papades just as peasants. Because, although you were warned to abolish the aforesaid corruption, you did not want to cease, it finally happened that you were bound by the noose of excommunication. But at last, touched by Him Who ‘touches the mountains, and they smoke’ [Psalm 103:32], you submitted yourself to the Church’s mandates as one prepared to follow more healthy advice. And because the Church should not block the approach of those humbly returning to it, according to the form of the Church you managed to return in humility to the Church’s defenses, from which you were ejected on account of obstinacy and contempt. We, therefore, wanting to provide no less for your well-being than for the utility of the churches, ordered you either to accept the Ravennika resignation as extended by authority of the Apostolic See, or the treaty entered into with the Church by the barons of Constantinople, who, having greater devotion to the Roman Church, are more burdened with the duties of the defense of the empire.

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But although you said you accepted the aforesaid resignation, which appeared more burdensome, you did not bring it into effect in any way, but rather you entered into a very illegal and entirely dishonest agreement with the prelates of your land up to the pass of Megara of Corinth.We care for your well-being and desire to snatch you away from the confusion of the counsel of Ahitofel and to call you back to the devotion of the Church.Therefore we ordered that our venerable brother P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, and our beloved sons Cardinal-Priests T[homas] of Santa Sabina and J[ohn] of Santa Prassede, along with our beloved sons the clerics of your land who were at the Apostolic See, as well as P[eter] d’Aleman, a knight and your nuncio, negotiate an honest peace between you and them. And, with the same bishop and cardinals mediating, after long negotiations, they agreed on a peace such that, with the assent of the prelates of your land up to the pass of Megara, the lands of the nobleman O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, being excepted, the extended Ravennika resignation be tempered as follows: [1]

Namely that all cathedral churches situated within the borders of your aforesaid lands shall hold free from all lay exaction and jurisdiction all their possessions that they hold at present, or that they are known to have had at any time from the the coronation of Alexios [III, 1195] Bambacoratios, except for the just and fitting akrosticha according to the moderation specified below, notwithstanding any agreements that are found to have been made in perpetuity or for which no documents show up, except for those that are suitably accepted by prelates and their subjects, after having considered their utility for the churches. Such that, nevertheless, no lawsuit shall be raised by anyone at all concerning the possessions that these churches have at present.

[2]

In a casale having between 25 and 70 hearths there will be two papades with their wives, children, and familiars – unless perhaps the children live outside their father’s house – who will be under the churches’ control and in every way free and immune from lay jurisdiction. Each papas shall have one free domestic in his holding if he has one now or had one at the aforesaid time. If the number of hearths in the casale exceeds 70, there will be four papades in it who will be free and immune, each with a domestic in the manner expressed above. If the number of hearths should grow beyond 125, the num415

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ber of papades shall grow to six. And papades will continue to be added in this way, with the aforesaid freedom. If a casale does not have 25 hearths, enough hearths from neighboring casalia or places will be joined to it so that the aforesaid number of 25 is reached; and thus there will be two papades in it enjoying the aforesaid freedom. [3]

Further, the remaining rural papades will give to lay lords all the services and aids that have been customary and required until now, except that their temporal lord and his men will not dare to lay hands on the papades’ persons, nor will they allow them to celebrate mass in their land against the will of the Latin clerics.

[4] Greek papades or clerics of the cathedral churches living at the time that the apostolic mandate was sent out – at which mandate you were said to have accepted the resignation of Ravennika – will be free in every way as was expressed above for the others. But concerning the rest of the papades of the cities, the same thing that was arranged for the rural papades will be observed. [5]

Henceforth prelates shall not appoint or promote to holy orders any of the men of the lay [lords], either in the cathedral churches or in the other churches of cities or casalia, beyond the prefixed number of papades, without the will of the [lay lords].

[6]

But even the papades who are free from the jurisdiction of the lay [lords] will pay the lay [lords] the proper and ancient akrostichon without trouble on those lands that they held at the aforesaid time, if they owe it and if they hold those lands.

[7]

You and the Latins subject to you shall pay the tithes in full and, similarly, shall make the non-rebelling Greeks subject to you pay them.

[8]

Furthermore, the prelates and other clerics of your territory shall fully remit to you and your men the treasuries of churches, their movable goods, and other damages incurred, except personal ones.

[9]

But concerning the personal injuries, fruits received, and damages done while you were bound by the sentence of excommunication by our beloved son J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, the legate of the Apostolic See, and also concerning 416

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the fruits received from ecclesiastical possessions and goods and the damages done from the time when the aforesaid mandate was issued, you and your men will make fitting satisfaction. And you and your men, if you reckon that you have been offended by said prelates and clerics in anything, shall likewise let it go. [10] And in compensation for all the aforesaid, you will take care to assign the annual income of one thousand hyperpera to the cathedral churches of your land up to the aforesaid pass, except for the church of Argos on behalf of the aforementioned noble, such that each cathedral church shall be paid in a fixed and fitting place in its diocese the share that pertains to it, namely 170 to the church of Patras, and the same amount to the church of Corinth, and also 150 to the churches of Sparta (Lacedemonia) and Nikli, and 150 to the church of Coron, and the same amount to the church of Modon, and also the same amount to the church of Olena, and 60 to the church of Argos – unless perhaps the same church is held to pay the same amount of akrostichon as it is held to receive as its share; if [after deducting the akrostichon] something of the church’s share is left over, you will supply it in a fitting place. [11] And if you or your men order that the akrostichon be required from the churches, unless it has already been paid, first the truth must be investigated concerning whether it is owed and its amount. And when it has been established whether it is owed and its amount, it will still have to be determined whether the possessions and goods for which that akrostichon is owed have deteriorated or even diminished because of the ravages of time and the akrostichon owed for them shall be diminished according to the quantity of their deterioration or diminution, everything else encompassed in the aforesaid resignation of Ravennika and the aforesaid apostolic mandate remaining in its strength, as well as the privilege that you conceded voluntarily concerning the freedoms of the churches and clerics. [12] You and your men and those to whom land or a district will be newly given shall swear to observe the prescribed peace in good faith and not to go against it in any way. 417

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[13] If anyone subject to you or your men should dare to go against this, and for this reason, being bound by the snare of excommunication, does not make satisfaction for it within a year, you, or he to whom he is immediately subordinate, shall compel him to make fitting and appropriate satisfaction, and you and your men shall in all things avoid him as excommunicate except in receiving the service that he his held to render to you or to them. Therefore, since you and your men, as one party, and the prelates and their clergy of your aforesaid land, as the other, have freely determined to accept the aforesaid peace, and both on your part and theirs we were humbly asked to deign to strengthen it with apostolic firmity, we, inclined to your and their request, so that this business is not able to be plunged into the labyrinth of renewed confusion, considering as pleasing and valid this treaty or pact, made on our authority by the aforesaid bishop and cardinals and moreover accepted, confirm it by apostolic authority and order that it be firmly observed. But for greater clarity, we have had attached to this page the aforesaid resignation of Ravennika word-for-word, as it is contained in the original document” [see above, no. 87] The pope writes a similar letter to the nobleman Otto de la Roche, lord of Athens, saving the agreements amicably entered between himself and the church of Athens when Cardinal [John] was acting as legate in Romania. Otto shall pay the cathedral churches in his land 500 hyperpera in compensation as follows: 126 to Athens, 100 to Thebes, 200 to Argos, and 74 to Davleia, to be paid in a fixed and appropriate place in each diocese. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 100r-103r, no. 47 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1223, no. 13; Potthast, no. 7077; Pressutti, no. 4480; Santifaller, no. 78. Editions: Lampros, pp. 23-31, no. 18 (L); Tautu, pp. 154-159, no. 115 (T, main letter only, often following H’s edition of 185).

Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie. Sedis Apostolice circumspectio constituta super gentes et regna ut evellat et destruat, hedificet atque plantet, ubique retinens moderamen, interdum rigore, interdum mansuetudi418

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ne utitur, eta) interdum, consideratis circumstantiis temporum et locorum, medium faciens ex utroque, aspera in vias planas et prava dirigit in directa,b) et lite confusionis implicita explicans et dirimens, litem ipsam ad certas ymagines et rectitudinis normam provida distinctione reducit, ut que sunt Cesaris Cesari et que sunt Dei Deo congrua dispensatione reddantur. Sane, cum ex principum imperii Romanie insolentia confutanda huiusmodi confusionis inoleverit corruptela ut nunc iidem bona conferrent ecclesiis et nunc ea ipsi auferrent pro sue libito voluntatis, et collata precipue abbatiis iuxta beneplacitum suum propriis usibus applicarent, ac Greci prelati, receptis muneribus, indifferenter quoslibet ad sacerdotium promoverent, tuque, innisus [R 100v] huiusmodi corruptele, abbatias et possessiones ecclesiasticasc) in tuis manibus retinens, et fructus earum propriis usibus applicans, et quibus volebas pro libito tribuens, papates tanquam rusticos retineres, quia monitus ab abholenda corruptela predicta nolebas desistere, te contingit excommunicationis laqueod) innodari. Set tandem,e) tactus ab eo qui tangit montes et fumigant, te mandatis Ecclesie optulisti saniori usus consilio pariturum. Et quia humiliter redeuntibus non est Ecclesie aditus precludendus, iuxta formam Ecclesie intra castra ipsius optinuisti per humilitatem reduci, a quibus eiectus fueras per contumaciam et contemptum. Nos ergo, non minus tue saluti quam ecclesiarum utilitatibus providere volentes, tibi precepimus ut vel resignationem Ravennicef) auctoritate Sedis Apostolice ampliatam reciperes, vel pacem quam cum Ecclesiag) inierunt Constantinopolitani barones, qui, erga Romanam Ecclesiam maiorem devotionem habentes, in servitiis defensionis imperii potius sunt gravati. Verum, licet resignationem predictam, que gravior videbatur, te dixeris recepisse, quia tamen eam nullatenus effectui mancipasti, set cum prelatis terre tue citra passum Megare Corinthiensis compositionem iniisti valde illicitam et penitus inhonestam, nos, de tua salute solliciti, teque de confusione consilii Anchitofelh) volentes eruere et ad devotionem Ecclesie revocare, duximus concedendum ut per venerabilem fratrem nostrum P.i) Albanensem episcopum et dilectos filios nostros T.j) tituli Sancte Sabine et I.k) tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteros cardinales, cum dilectis filiis clericis terre tue apud Sedem 419

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Apostolicam existentibus, necnon P. de Alto Magno, milite ac nuntio tuo, inter te ac ipsos pax tractaretur honesta. Et, eisdem episcopo et cardinalibus mediantibus, post tractatum diutius habitum, in pacem huiusmodi convenerunt, ampliata resignatione Ravennice,l) de prelatorum terre tue citra passum Megare supradicte assensu, deducta terra nobilis viri O.m) de Rocca domini Athenarum, taliter moderata: Ut videlicet omnes ecclesie cathedrales infran) predicte terre tue terminos constitute omnes possessiones suas quas optinent in presenti, vel habuisse aliquando noscuntur a tempore coronationis Alexii Bambacoratii, ab omni exactione ac iurisdictione liberas habeant laicali, salvis iustis et debitis acrosticis secundum moderationem inferius annotatam, non obstantibus compositionibus sique repperiantur facte perpetuo, nec illis super quibus non apparent aliqua instrumenta, nisi a prelatis et subditis, ecclesiarum utilitate inspecta, earum alique merito acceptentur. Ita tamen quod super possessionibus quas in presenti eedem ten‹en›t ecclesie nulla eis prorsus a quoquam [R 101r] questio moveatur. In casali vero viginti quinque et ultra usque ad septuaginta lares habenti, duo erunt papates, cum uxoribus, filiis, et familiis suis,o) nisi forte filii manserint extra domos paternas, sub ecclesiarum dominio a laicali iurisdictione omnimodop) liberi et immunes. Quilibet vero papas unum ennicarium in statia sua liberum habeat, si illumq) nunc habet vel habuitr) a tempore supradicto. Quod si larium numerus septuagenarium excesserit in casali, quattuor papates erunt in illo liberi et immunes, cum singulis ennicariis, sicut superius est expressum. Quod si ultra centenarium et vicesimum quintum excreverit,s) numerus papatum excrescet in sextum, et sic deinceps papates addentur cum libertate prescripta. At si casalis viginti quinque lares non habeat, de vicinioribus casalibus seu locis tot adiungantur eidem quod prefatus vicesimus qu‹i›ntust) numerus impleatur,u) et sic erunt duo papates in illo, prescripta libertate gaudentes. Ceterum, reliqui rurales papates cuncta servitia et auxilia consueta et prescriptav) hactenus laicis exhibebunt, eo tamen salvo: quod ipsorum dominus temporalis et sui in personas eorum manus mittere non audebunt, nec permittent quod in terra contra Latinorum clericorum celebrentw) voluntatem. 420

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Papates vero seu clerici Greci ecclesiarum cathedralium viventes a tempore quo mandatum apostolicum emanavit, ad quodx) resignationem Ravenicey) diceris recepisse, erunt omnimodo liberi, ut de aliis superius est expressum. Set et circa reliquos papates civitatum, illud idem servetur quod est de ruralibus ordinatum. Prelati quoque de laicorum hominibus contra voluntatem ipsorum, tam in ecclesiis cathedralibus quam in aliis civitatum seu casalium, de cetero aliquem non instituent nec ad ordines promovebunt ultra papatum numerum pretaxatum. Set et papates a iurisdictione liberi laicorum debitum et antiquum acrosticum, siquod debent pro terris siquasz) nunc tenent exaa) illis quas a predicto tempore tenuerunt, laicis sine difficultate persolvent. Tu vero et Latini tibi subiecti decimas integre persolvetis et facietis a Grecis vobis subditis et non rebellantibus simili modo persolvi. Porro prelati et clerici terre tue tibi et tuis ecclesiarum thesauros et alia mobilia eorundem necnon et iniurias irrogatas, preter personales, omnino remittent. Verumptamen de ‹iniuriis› personalibusab) fructibusque perceptis et dampnis datis tempore quo fuisti a dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, excommunicationis sententia innodatus, necnon de perceptis fructibus exac) possessionibus et bonis ecclesiasticis et dampnis illatis a tempore quo mandatum emanavit predictum, tu et tui prelatis et clero satisfactionem exhibebitis competentem. Et tu ac tui, si a dictis prelatis et clericis reputatis in aliquo vos offen[R 101v]sos, pariter dimittetis eisdem. Ac in recompensationem omnium predictorum, ecclesiis cathedralibus terre tue citra passum predictum, deducta Argolicensi ecclesia pro parte nobilis memorati, mille yperperorum annuum redditum curabitis assignare, ita quod cuilibet cathedrali ecclesie sors que ipsam contingit, videlicet centum septuaginta ecclesie Patracensi, et Corinthiensi totidem, necnon centum quinquaginta Lacedemoniensiad) et Amiclensi ecclesiis, Coronensi quoque centum quinquaginta,ae) et totidem Motonensi,af) necnon Olonensiag) ecclesie totidem, et Argolicensi ecclesie sexaginta,ah) certo loco et congruo in eius dio421

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cesi assignetur – nisi forsan eadem ecclesia in acrostico teneatur quod pro quantitate ipsius eadem sibi reputabit in sortem; siquid ex ipsa defuerit,ai) loco idoneo de aliis suppleturi. Quod si tu ac tui ab ecclesiis acrosticum duxeritis exigendum, de ipso et quantitate ipsius, nisi iam sit remissum, erit prius veritas inquirenda. Et cum constiterit de illo et quantitate ipsius, inquiri debet nichilominus utrum possessiones et bona pro quibus illud debetur acrosticum deteriorata sint propter malitiam temporis seu etiam imminuta, et iuxta quantitatem deteriorationis vel diminutionis illorum acrosticum pro illis debitum minuatur, reliquis in suo robore remanentibus in predicta resignatione Raveniceaj) ac predicto mandato apostolico comprehensis, necnon et privilegio quod super ecclesiarum et clericorum libertatibus voluntarie concessisti. Tu quoque ac tui et illi quibus de novo terra dabitur vel baliva pacem prescriptam servare iurabitis bona fide ac contra ipsam penitus non venire. Quod si tibi vel tuis quisquam subiectus contra venireak) presumpserit, et ob hoc laqueo excommunicationis ligatus super eo non satisfecerital) infra annum, tu, vel ille cui noscitur immediate subesse, compelles ad satisfactionem competentem et debitam exhibendam, quem tanquam excommunicatum tu et tui in omnibus evitabi‹ti›s, preter quam in perceptione servitii quod tibi vel illis exhibere tenetur. Cum igitur tu et tui, ex parte una, necnon et sepedicte terre tue prelati et eorum clerus, ex altera, prescriptam pacem sponte duxeritis acceptandam, et tam ex parte tua quam illorum fuerit nobis humiliter supplicatum ut eandem dignaremur apostolico munimine roborare, nos, tuis et illorum precibus inclinati, ne negotium possit in iterate laberinthum confusionis immergi, pacem ipsam sive concordiam, predictis episcopo et cardinalibus mediantibus auctoritate nostra provide factam et ultro receptam, gratam et ratam habentes, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et precipimus firmiter observari. Ad maiorem autem evidentiam, sepedictam resignationem Ravenice,am) prout in exindean) confecto autentico continetur, huic nostre pagine de verbo ad verbum fecimus annotari: In nomine Domini, Amen. [R 102r] Ad honorem Dei et Sancte Romane Ecclesie et domini pape Innocentiiao) III. Hoc est 422

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pactum sive conventio super universis ecclesiis positis sive sitis vel fundatis a Thesalonicaap) usque Corinthum, quod intervenit inter dominum Thomam, Dei gratia Constantinopolitane ecclesie patriarcham, et archiepiscopos Atheniensem, Larissensem, Neopatrensem, et episcopos infra ponendos et barones inferius propriis nominibus declarandos. Renuntiaverunt quidem domini Nameus, Bofedus comestabulus regni Thesalonici,aq) Ottoar) de Rocca dominus Athenarum, Guido marchio, Ravanusas) dominus insule Nigripontis, Raineriusat) de Traval, Albertinus de Canosa, Thomas de Stromoncort, comes Bertoldus, Nicolaus de Sancto Omer, Guillielmus de Blaver,au) Guillielmus de Arsa, pro se et hominibus suis et fidelibus et vassallis, in manibus supradicti domini patriarche recipientis pro Ecclesia, nomine domini pape, et suo, et archiepiscoporum, et episcoporum infra predictos terminos positorum et ecclesiarum cunctarum, omnes ecclesias,av) monasteria, possessiones, redditus, mobilia et immobilia bona, et universa iuraaw) Ecclesie Sancte Dei, volentes et firmissime promittentes dictas ecclesias,ax) monasteria, cum omnibus rebus suis habitis et habendis, et personas in eis positas et ponendas, et claustra ecclesiarum, et servientes, et servos, et ancillas, et homines, et universa suppellectilia et bona, libera et absoluta, per se successoresque suos, homines, milites, vassallos, fideles, servientes, et servos,ay) imperpetuum permanere ab omnibus angariis et perangariis,az) talliis, servitutibus, et servitiisba) universis – excepto acrostico tantum, quod eis debent cuncti, sive Latini sive Greci, tam in dignitatibus quam in minoribus officiis et ordinibus constituti, propter terras quas tenent ab ipsis, siquas tenent vel tenuerint, secundum quod tempore captionis regie civitatis Constantinopolitane solvebatur a Grecis, et nichil aliud debent, et nichil aliud prefati barones per se, successores suos, vassallos, homines, fideles, servientes, et servos sibi in predictis ecclesiis sive monasteriis vendicare, nichilque in posterum usurpare. Set siqui ex predictis clericis, tam prelatis quam ceteris, ecclesias vel monasteria destruere voluerint, debent, quantum eis licuerit,bb) repugnare decenter et turbare ne compleant quod nequiter conceperunt. 423

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Siqui vero fuerint de clericis Latinis vel Grecis, sive monachis, papatibus, vel calogeris, in dignitatibus vel minoribus ordinibus vel officiis constituti,bc) qui dictorum baronum terras detineant et laborent et acrosticum solvere noluerint termino inter eos statuto, nisi solverint quod tenentur, potestatem habeant nominati barones accipiendi de bonis eorum tantum quod eorum debitum et nichil amplius persolvatur; set in cunctis absoluti et liberi, quantum ad personas et res ipsorum et ecclesiarum que superhabundant debitum, perpetuo in posterum perseverent. Heredes quoque sive fi[R 102v]lios clericorum sive papatum et uxores eorum non capiant vel detineant vel faciant detineri vel capi, quamdiu ad mobilia eorum suas poteruntbd) extendere manus, sive de eorum mobilibusbe) eis poterit secundumbf) debiti quantitatembg) satisfieri competenter. Filii quoque Grecorum, laicorum sive clericorum seu papatum, in baronum servitio iuxta morem solitum perseverent, nisi per archiepiscopos vel episcopos vel de eorum licentia fuerint ordinati. Post ordinationem vero eodem privilegio gaudeant quo fungunturbh) clerici in obedientia Romane Ecclesie constituti. Siqui vero papatum vel monachorum Grecorum baronum detinuerint et laboraverint terras que ad ecclesiarum vel monasteriorum non pertineant iura, eodem modo predictis respondeant dominis quo fecerint laici qui eorum terras detinent et laborant. Si prefati barones contra iam dicta venerint vel aliquodbi) premissorum, post ammonitionem, per suos excommunicentur prelatos, et tamdiu in excommunicatione persistant quamdiu de dampnis et iniuriis canonice satisfecerint irrogatis. Ut autem premissis fides plenior habeatur, de voluntate et consensu et auctoritate dominorum Thome patriarche et imperatoris Henrici Constantinopolitanorumbj) et archiepiscoporum et omnium baronum in presenti cartulabk) positorum appensa sigilla consistunt, salvis in omnibus domini pape auctoritate, reverentia, et honore. Acta sunt hec apud Ravenicam, anno Domini MoCCoX, Indictione XIIIa, presentibus archiepiscopis et episcopis et electis et clericis et militibus, videlicet Aracliensi, Atheniensi, Larissensi,bl) 424

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Neopatrensi archiepiscopis, Avalonensi,bm) Fermopilensi,bn) Davaliensi, Zaratoriensi, Castoricensi,bo) Sidoniensi episcopis, Nazariensi et Citrensi electis, de quorum consensu et voluntate et auctoritate sunt premissa peracta, et presentibus cantore Leonardo, Iacobo presbytero, Henrico, magistrobp) Bonifacio canonicisbq) ecclesie Sancte Sophie de Constantinopoli, et priore Cruciferorum Bononie, archidiacono Thebano, decano Davaliensi, domino Arduino et Arnuldo capellanisbr) imperatoris prefati, et presentibus Guffredobs) marescalco totius imperii Romanie, et Rollandinobt) de Canosa, et Raineriobu) de Gumbula,bv) et Willielmo de Sarz, et Bovumbw) de Sancto Sepulcro, et Gerardino de Gumbulabx) et Iacobo de Assesso, et Hugone de Sottenguen,by) et Albun de Plunges, et Philippobz) de Mombis, et aliis pluribus. Hec autem completa sunt mense Madii,ca) die secundocb) intrante. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis et iussionis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire.cc) Siquis autem etc. Datum Signie, II Nonas Septembris, anno octavo. In eundem modum pro nobili viro Octone de Rocca domino Athenarum. Sedis Apostolice circumspectio etc. usque a quoquam questio moveatur, salvis tamen compositionibus inter te ac Atheniensem ecclesiam amicabiliter initis tempore [R 103r] quo predictus dominus cardinalis Sancte Praxedis legationis fungebatur officio in partibus Romanie. In casali vero viginti quinque et ultra etc. usque ac in recompensionem omnium predictorum ecclesiis cathedralibus terre tue,cd) quingentorum yperperorum annuum redditum curabitis assignare, ita quod cuilibet cathedrali ecclesie sors que ipsam contingit, videlicet centum viginti sex Atheniensi ecclesie, et ecclesie Thebane centum, Argolicensi vero ecclesie ducentorum, et septuaginta quattuor Davaliensi ecclesie certo loco et congruo in eius diocesi assignetur, nisi forsan eadem ecclesia etc. usque ecclesiarum et clericorum libertatibus voluntarie diceris concessisse. Tu quoque ac tui et illi quibus etc. usque exhibere tenetur. 425

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Cum igitur predicti procuratores tuo nomine, ex parte una, et predicti prelati et clerici, ex altera, prescriptam pacem sponte duxerint acceptandam, et ex parte tua una cum prelatis et clericis supradictis nobis humiliter supplicarint ut eandem apostolico dignaremurce) munimine roborare, nos, utrorumque precibus inclinati, ne negotium possit in iterate laberinthum confusionis immergi etc. usque in finem. Datum ut supra. a) et om.T b) in directa] indirecta L c) ecclesiasticas] ecclesiarum T d) laqueo] laques L e) tandem om. T f) ravennice] ravenicae T g) ecclesia] ecclesie L h) anchitofel] achitofel T i) p] pelagium T j) t] thomam T k) i] iohannem T l) ravennice] ravenicae T m) o] ottonis T n) infra] intra T o) suis om. T p) omnimodo] omnino T q) illum] ullum L r) habuit] habuerit T s) excreverit] excesserit T t) vicesimus quintus] vigintiquinque T u) impleatur] supleatur T v) prescripta] praestita T w) celebrent] celebretur T x) ad quod] et quo T y) ravenice] ravennice L z) siquas] quas T aa) ex] et T ab) personalibus] personatibus T ac) ex] et T ad)-ae) lacedemoniensi ... quinquaginta om. per homoeoteleuton T af) motonensi] mothonensi T ag) olonensi] olenensi T ah) sexaginta] octo add. T ai) defuerit] defuerint T aj) ravenice] ravennice L ak) contra venire] controvenire T al) satisfecerit] satisfacerit T am) ravenice] ravennice L an) in exinde inv. T ao) innocentii] papae add. T ap) thesalonica] thessalonica T aq) thesalonici] thessalonici T ar) otto] octo L as) ravanus] ravenus T at) rainerius] raynerius T au) blaver] blaner T av) ecclesias] et add. T aw) iura] iure T ax) ecclesias] et add. T ay) servientes et servos inv. a.c. R az) perangariis] parangariis T ba) servitutibus et servitiis inv. T bb) licuerit] licuerint a.c. R bc) constituti] constitutis T bd) poterunt] poterint T be) mobilibus] mobilius T bf) secundum] super T bg) quantitatem] quantitate T bh) funguntur] fruuntur T bi) aliquod] aliquid T bj) constantinopolitanorum] constantinopolitani LT bk) cartula] charta T bl) larissensi] larisseni T bm) avalonensi] avallonensi T bn) fermopilensi] termopilensi T bo) castoricensi] castoriensi T bp) henrico, magistro] henrico magistro, T bq) canonicis] canonico T br) capellanis] capellano L bs) guffredo] goffredo T bt) rollandino] rolandino T bu) rainerio] ramerio L; raynerio T bv) gumbula] gumbulla T bw) bovum] bonum L bx) gumbula] gumula T by) sottenguen] sottingen T bz) philippo] philipp T ca) madii] maii T cb) secundo] secunda T cc) contraire] contrarie T cd) tue] sue L ce) dignaremur] dignemur L

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185 Segni, 4 September 1223 Honorius writes to the archbishops, bishops, and their chapters in the land of the nobleman G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, on this side [west] of the pass of Megara of Corinth, as above in no. 184, mutatis mutandis. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: “Vetus codex bibliothecae Colbertinae” used by Baluze. Summaries: Potthast, no. 7077; Pressutti, no. 4480. Editions: Baluze, pp. 835a-837b (B); PL 216, coll. 968-972 (P, from B); Bullarium Romanum, pp. 389b-394a, no. 66 (T, from B); Horoy IV, coll. 409-416, no. 10 (H, from T).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei,a) venerabilibus fratribus archiepiscopis et episcopis et dilectis filiis capitulis eorundem in terra nobilis viri G.b) de Villa Arduini principis Achaie citra passum Megare Corinthiensis constitutis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Sedis Apostolice circumspectio constituta super gentes et regna ut evellat et destruat, edificet atque plantet, ubique retinens moderamen, interdum rigore, interdum mansuetudine utitur, interdum, consideratis circumstantiis temporum et locorum, medium faciens ex utroque, aspera in vias planas et prava dirigit in directa, et lite confusionis implicita explicans et dirimens, litem ipsam ad certas imaginem et rectitudinis normam provida distinctione reducit, ut que sunt Cesaris Cesari et que sunt Dei Deo congrua dispensatione reddantur. Sane, cum exc) principum imperii Romanie insolentia confutanda huiusmodi confusionis inoleverit corruptela ut nunc iidem bona conferrent ecclesiis et nunc ea ipsis auferrent pro sue libito voluntatis, et collata precipue abbatiis iuxta beneplacitum suum propriis usibus applicarent, ac Greci prelati, receptis muneribus, indifferenter quoslibet ad sacerdotium promoverent, et dilectus filius nobilis vir G. de Villa Arduini princeps Achaie, innisus huiusmodi corruptele, abbatias et possessiones ecclesiasticas in suis manibus retinens, et fructus earum propriis usibus applicans, et quibus volebat pro libito tribuens, papates

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tamquam rusticos retineret, quia monitus ab abolenda corruptela predicta nolebat desistere, ipsum contigitd) excommunicationis laqueo innodari. Sede) tactus ab eo qui tangit montes et fumigant, se mandatis Ecclesie obtulit saniori usus consilio pariturum. Et quia humiliter redeuntibus non est Ecclesie aditus precludendus, iuxta formam Ecclesie intra castra ipsius obtinuit per humilitatem reduci, a quibus eiectus fuerat per contumaciam et contemptum. Nos ergo, non minus ipsius principis saluti quam ecclesiarum utilitatibus providere volentes, sibi precepimusf) ut vel resignationem Ravenice auctoritate Sedis Apostolice ampliatam reciperet, vel pacem quam ecclesiastici inierunt [B 835b] Constantinopolitani barones, qui, erga Romanam Ecclesiam maiorem devotionem habentes, in servitiis defensionis imperii potius sunt gravati. Verum, licet resignationem predictam, que gravior videbatur, dictus princeps se dixerit recepisse, quia tamen eam nullatenus effectui mancipavit, sed vobiscum compositionem iniit valde illicitam et penitus inhonestam, nos, de ipsius salute solliciti, ipsumque de confusione consilii Achitofel volentes eruere et ad devotionem Ecclesie revocare, duximus concedendum ut per venerabilem fratrem Pelagium Albanensem episcopum et dilectos filios nostros Thomam tituli Sancte Sabine et Iohannem tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteros cardinales, cum dilectis filiis clericis ecclesiarum vestrarum apud Sedem Apostolicam existentibus, necnon P. de Altomagno, milite ac nuntio principis memorati, inter principem ipsum ac clericos memoratos pax tractaretur honesta. Et, eisdem episcopo et cardinalibus mediantibus, post tractatum diutius habitum, in pacem huiusmodi convenerunt, ampliata resignatione Ravenice, de assensu vestro, deducta terra nobilis viri Oddonis de Roccha domini Athenarum, taliter moderata: Ut videlicet omnes ecclesie vestre omnes possessiones suas quas obtinent in presenti, velg) habuisse aliquando dignoscuntur a tempore coronationis Alexii Bambacoratii, ab omni exactione ac iurisdictione liberas habeant laicali, salvis iustis et debitis acrosticis secundum moderationem inferius adnotatam, non obstantibus compositionibus si que reperiantur facte perpetuo, ne‹c› illis super quibus non apparent aliqua instrumenta, nisi a

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vobis et subditis vestris eorum alique merito acceptentur. Ita tamen quod super possessionibus quas in presenti eedem tenent ecclesie nulla eis prorsus a quoquam questio moveatur. In casali vero XXV et ultra usque ad LXX lares habenti, duo erunt papates, cum uxoribus, filiis, et familiis suis,h) nisi forte filii manserint extra domos paternas, sub ecclesiarum dominio a laicali iurisdictione omnino liberi et immunes. Quilibet vero papas unum ennicarium in scatia sua liberum habeat, si illum nunc habet vel habuerit a tempore supradicto. Quod si larium numerus septuagenarium excesserit in casali, quatuor papates erunt in illo liberi et immunes, cum singulis ennicariis, sicut superius est expressum. Quod si ultra centenarium et vicesimum quintum excesserit, numerus papatum excrescet in sextum, et sic deinceps papates addentur cum libertate prescripta. At si casalis XXV lares non habeat, de vicinioribus casalibus seu locis tot adiungantur eidem quod prefatus XXV numerus impleatur, et sic erunt duo papates in illo, prescripta libertate gaudentes. Ceterum, reliqui rurales papates cuncta servitia et auxilia consueta et prestita hactenus laicis exhibebunt, eo tamen salvo: quod ipsorum dominus temporalis et sui in personas eorum manus mittere non audebunt, nec permittent quod in terra contra Latinorum clericorum celebretur voluntatem. Papates vero seu clerici Greci ecclesiarum cathedralium viventes a tempore quo mandatum apostolicum emanavit, ad quod resignationem Ravenice dictus princeps dicitur recepisse, erunt omnino liberi, ut de aliis superius [B 836a] est expressum. Sed et circa reliquos papates civitatum, illud idem servetur quod est de ruralibus ordinatum. Prelati quoque de laicorum hominibus contra voluntatem ipsorum, tam in ecclesiis cathedralibus quam in aliis civitatum seu casalium, de cetero aliquem non instituent nec ad ordines promovebunt ultra papatum numerum pretaxatum. Sed et papates a iurisdictionei) liberi laicorum debitum et antiquum acrosticum, si quod debent pro terris quas nunc tenent ex illis quas a predicto tempore tenuerunt, laicis sine difficultate persolvent.

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Sepedictus vero princeps et Latini sibi subiecti decimas integre solvent et facient a Grecis sibi subditis et non rebellantibus simili modo persolvi. Porro vos eidem principi et suis ecclesiarum thesauros et alia mobilia vestra necnon et iniurias irrogatas, preter personales, remittetis omnino. Veruntamen de ‹iniuriis› personalibus fructibusque perceptis et damnis datis tempore quo princeps ipse fuit a dilecto filio nostro Iohanne, tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinale, tuncj) Apostolice Sedis legato, excommunicationis sententia innodatus, necnon de perceptis fructibus ex possessionibus et bonis ecclesiasticis et damnis illatis a tempore quo mandatum emanavit predictum, princeps ipse ac sui vobis competentem satisfactionem impendent, et dimittent vobis si in aliquo reputant se offensos. Ac in recompensationem omnium predictorum, vestris cathedralibus ecclesiis, deducta Argolicensi ecclesia pro parte nobilis memorati, mille hyperperorum annuum redditum assignare curabunt, ita quod cuilibet cathedrali ecclesie sors que ipsam contingit, videlicet centum septuaginta ecclesie Patracensi, Corinthiensi totidem, necnon centum quinquaginta Lacedemonensik) et Amiclensi ecclesiis, Coronensi quoque centum quinquaginta, et totidem Mothonensi, necnon Olenensi ecclesie totidem, et Argolicensi ecclesie sexaginta,l) certo loco et congruo in eius diocesi assignetur – nisi forte eadem ecclesia in acrostico teneatur quod pro quantitate ipsius eadem sibi reputabit in sortem; si quid ex ipsa defuerit, loco idoneo de aliis suppleturi. Quod si sepefatus princeps acm) sui ab ecclesiis acrosticum duxerintn) exigendum, deo) ipso et quantitate ipsius, nisi iam sit remissum, erit prius veritas inquirenda. Et cum constiterit de illo et quantitate ipsius, inquiri debet nihilominus utrum possessiones et bona pro quibus illud debetur acrosticum deteriorata sint propter malitiam temporis seu etiam imminuta, et iuxta quantitatem deteriorationis vel diminutionis illorum acrosticum pro illis debitum minuatur, reliquis in suo robore remanentibus in predicta resignatione Ravenice ac predicto mandato apostolico comprehensis, necnon et privilegio quod 430

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super ecclesiarum et clericorum libertatibus voluntarie princeps ipse concessit. Ipse quoque ac sui et illi quibus de novo terra dabitur vel baliva pacem prescriptam servare bona fide iurabunt ac contra ipsam penitus non venire. Quod si eidem principi vel suis quisquam subiectus contravenire presumpserit, et ob hoc laqueo excommunicationis ligatus super eo non satisfecerit infra annum, dictus princeps, vel ille cui noscitur immediate subesse, compellet ad satisfactionem competentem et debitam exhibendam, quemp) tamquam excommunicatum ipse et sui in omnibus evitabunt, [B 836b] preterquam in perceptione servitii quod sibi vel illisq) exhibere tenetur. Cum igitur vos, ex parte una, necnon et memoratus princeps ac sui, ex altera, prescriptam pacem sponte duxeritis acceptandam, et tam ex parte vestra quam sua fuerit nobis humiliter supplicatum ut eandem dignaremur apostolico munimine roborare, nos, vestris et ipsius precibus inclinati, ne negotium possit iterater) labyrintums) confusionis immergi, pacem ipsam sive concordiam, predictis episcopo et cardinalibus mediantibus auctoritate nostra provide factam et ultro receptam, gratam et ratam habentes, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et precipimus firmiter observari. Ad maiorem autem evidentiam, sepedictam resignationem Ravenice, prout exindet) confecto authentico continetur, huic nostre pagine de verbo ad verbum fecimus adnotari: In nomine Domini, Amen. Ad honorem Dei et sancte matris Ecclesie et domini pape Innocentii tertii. Hoc est pactum sive conventio super universis ecclesiis positis sive sitis vel fundatis in Thessalonica usque Corinthum, quod intervenit inter dominum Thomam, Dei gratia Constantinopolitane ecclesie patriarcham, et archiepiscopos Atheniensem, Larissensem,u) Neopatrensem, et episcopos infra ponendos et barones inferius propriis nominibus declarandos. Renuntiaverunt quidem domini Nameus, Roffredusv) comestabulus regni Thessalonici, Otto de Roccha dominus Athenarum, Guido marchio, Ravanus dominus insule Nigripontis, Raynerius de Traval, Albertinus de Canosa,Thomas de Stromoncort,w) 431

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comes Bertuldus, Nicolaus de Sancto Omer, Guillelmus de Blanel, Guillelmus de Arsa, pro se et hominibus suis et fidelibus et vassallis, in manibus supradicti domini patriarche recipientis pro Ecclesia, nomine domini pape, et suo, et archiepiscoporum, et episcoporum infra dictos terminos positorum et ecclesiarum cunctarum, omnes ecclesias et monasteria, possessiones, redditus, mobilia et immobilia bona, et universa iura Ecclesie Dei, volentes et firmissime promittentes dictas ecclesias et monasteria, cum omnibus rebus suis habitis et habendis, et personas in eis positas et ponendas, et claustra ecclesiarum, et servientes, et servos, et ancillas, et homines, et universa suppellectilia et bona, libera et absoluta, per se successoresque suos, homines, milites, vassallos, fideles, servientes, et servos, in perpetuum permanere ab omnibus angariis et parangariis, taliis, servitiis et servitutibus universis – excepto acrostico tantum, quod eis debent cuncti, sive Latini sive Greci, tam in dignitatibus quam in minoribus officiis et ordinibus constituti, propter terras quas tenent ab ipsis, si quas tenent vel tenuerunt, quod tempore captionis civitatis regie Constantinopolitane solvebatur a Grecis, et nihil aliud debent, et nihil aliud prefati barones per se, successores suos, vassallos, homines, fideles, servientes, et servos sibi in predictis ecclesiis sive monasteriis vendicare, nihilquex) in posterum usurpare. Sed si qui ex predictis clericis, tam prelatis quam ceteris, ecclesias vel monasteria destruere voluerint, debent, quantum eis licuerit, repugnare decenter et turbare ne compleant quod nequiter conceperunt. Si qui vero fuerint de clericis Latinis vel Grecis, sive monachis, papatibus, vel calogeris, in dignitatibus vel minori[B 837a]bus ordinibus vel officiis constituti, qui dictorum baronum terras detineant et laborent et acrosticum solvere noluerint termino inter eos statuto, nisi solverint quod tenentur, potestatem habeant nominati barones accipiendi de bonis eorum tantum quod eorum debitum et nihil amplius persolvatur; sed in cunctis absoluti et liberi, quantum ad personas et res ipsorum et ecclesiarum que superabundant debitum, perpetuo in posterum perseverent. Heredes quoque sive filios clericorum sive papatum et uxores eorum non capiant vel detineant vel faciant detineri vel ca-

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pi, quandiu ad mobilia eorum suas poterint extendere manus, sive de eorum mobilibus eis poterit super debiti quantitate satisfieri competenter. Filii quoque laicorum Grecorum sive clericorum seu papatum in baronum servitio iuxta morem solitum perseverent, nisi per archiepiscopos vel episcopos vel de eorum licentia fuerint ordinati. Post ordinationem vero eodem privilegio gaudeant quo funguntury) clerici in obedientia Romane Ecclesie constituti. Si qui vero papatum vel monachorum Grecorum baronum detinuerint et laboraverint terras que ad ecclesiarum vel monasteriorumz) non pertineant iura, eodem modo predictis respondeant dominis quo fecerint laici qui eorum terras detinent et laborant. Alioquin, si prefati barones contra iamdicta venerint vel aliquod premissorum, post admonitionem, per suos excommunicentur prelatos, et tamdiu in excommunicatione persistant quandiu de damnis et iniuriis canonice satisfecerint irrogatis. Ut autem premissis fides plenior habeatur, de voluntate et consensu et auctoritate dominorum Thome patriarche et imperatoris Henrici [B 837b] Constantinopolitanorum et archiepiscoporum et omnium baronum in presenti chartula positorum appensa sigilla consistunt, salvis in omnibus domini pape auctoritate, reverentia, et honore. Acta sunt hec apud Ravenicam, anno Domini MCCX, Indictione XIII, presentibus archiepiscopis et episcopis et electis et clericis et militibus, videlicet Heracliensi, Atheniensi, Larissensi, Neopatrensi archiepiscopis, Avallonensi, Fermopilensi, Davaliensi, Zaratoriensi, Castoriensi, Sidoniensi episcopis, Nazariensi, Citrensi electis, deaa) quorum consensu et voluntate et auctoritate sunt premissa peracta, et presentibus cantore Leonardo, Iacobo presbytero, Henrico, magistro Bonifacio canonico ecclesie Sancte Sophie de Constantinopoli, et priore Cruciferorum Bononie, archidiacono Thebano, decano Davaliensi, domino Arduino et Arnuldo capellanis imperatoris prefati, et presentibus Guiffredo marescalcoab) totius imperii Romanie, et Rolandino de Canosa, et Rainerioac) de Gumbulla, et Guillelmo de Sarz, et Bonuz de Sancto Sepulchro,ad) et Gerandino de Gummula et Iacobeae) de Assesso, et Hugone de Settenguen, Albuin de Plunges, et Philippo de Mom-

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bis, et aliis pluribus. Hec autem completa sunt mense Madii,af) die secundo intrante. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis et iussionis infringere vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Signie, secundo Nonas Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. a) dei] de B b) g] gaufridi HT c) ex] est H d) contigit] contingit HT e) sed] non add. BP f) precepimus] precipimus HP g) presenti vel om. P (at page change) h) suis om. H i) iurisdictione] iurisdione B j) tunc] nunc Edd. k) lacedemonensi] lacadamonensi HT l) sexaginta] octo add. Edd. m) ac] ad H n) duxerint] duxerit HT o) de] quo add. H p) quem] quam H q) illis] aliis H r) iterate] iterato in HT s) labyrintum] labyrinthum P t) exinde] in add. H u) larissensem] larisensem T v) nameus, roffredus] nameus roffredus H w) stromoncort] stromomort HT x) nihilque] nihil P y) funguntur] fruuntur HT z) monasteriorum] monachorum H aa) de] etc. H ab) marescalco] mareschalco P ac) rainerio] raynerio HT ad) sepulchro] sepulcro HP ae) iacobe] iacobo HT af) madii] maii HPT

186 Segni, 7 September 1223 Honorius writes to Bishop [John] of Negroponte, relating that the bishop neglected to serve the papal mandate given to him and his co-judges, namely that he return the nobleman Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia to his original sentence of excommunication if he did not serve the papal mandate given to him within four months. Further, the bishop did not observe the sentence of suspension that he himself incurred because of this neglect, seriously offending the pope and the Apostolic See, since disobedience is like the crime of idolatry and not acquiescing is like the sin of false prophecy. Nevertheless, considering the labors the bishop underwent in coming to the Apostolic See and the humility with which he pled not for judgment, but for forgiveness, with the mercy that trumps judgment, the pope has relaxed the sentence and dismissed the offense, restoring him to the pristine grace and favor of the Apostolic

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See. From now on the bishop shall strive to show himself devoted and obedient to the Holy Roman Church in such a way that, continuing and guiding himself on the path of God’s mandates, he does not seem ungrateful for the grace done to him, lest, if the bishop does otherwise, God forbid, both the grace shall be revoked and an additional quarter of the dismissed debt shall be required, since the Apostolic See, in itself the Ark of the Covenant with the manna, by which it nourishes the devout, contains the rod by which it corrects and whips insolent and rebellious men. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 92r-v, no. 20 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129r (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4482. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Nigripontensi episcopo. Licet, super eo quod mandatum apostolicum tibi et coniudicibus tuis factum, ut videlicet nobilem virum G. principem Achaie in pristinam reduceres excommunicationis sententiam nisi mandatum apostolicum ei factum infra quatuor menses effectui manciparet, exequi neglexisti, et non servasti suspensionis sententiam quam ex huiusmodi incurristi neglectu, graviter nos et Apostolicam Sedem offenderis, cum non obedire sit ydolatrie quasi scelus et non acquiescere quasi ariolandi peccatum, quia tamen eius locum – licet immeriti – tenemus in terris qui, cum iratus fuerit, minime recordatur, de misericordia que superexaltat iudicio, respectu habito ad labores quos sustinuisti propter hoc ad Sedem Apostolicam veniendo, nec non ad humilitatem qua non [R 92v] iudicium sed veniam suppliciter postulasti, dictam suspensionis sententiam relaxavimus et dimisimus clementer offensam, restituentes te pristine Apostolice Sedis gratie ac favori. Tu ergo te talem decetero studeas exhibere in devotione ac obedientia sacrosancte Romane Ecclesie, persistendo et dirigendo teipsum in Dei semitam mandatorum, quod ingratus non videaris gratie tibi facte, ne si feceris secus – quod absit – et ipsa gratia revocetur et dimissum tibi debitum usque ad quadrantem novissimum exigatur, cum Apostolica Sedes in se archa federis cum manna, qua fovere consuevit devotos, virgam contineat qua contumaces atque rebelles corrigat et flagellet. 435

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Datum Signie,VII Idus Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. 187 Segni, 8 September 1223 Honorius writes to G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, relating that, so that the prince knows the affection that the Roman Church has for him, the pope grants that the prince is not held to swear an oath to force within a year the excommunicates of his land to do fitting satisfaction for those things for which they were excommunicated. Instead, in a letter patent, he shall promise the pope that he will strive to carry it out in good faith. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 99v, no. 45 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4483. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie. Ut ex effectu cognoscas affectum quem erga te gerit sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia, tibi auctoritate presentium indulgemus ut non tenearis iuramentum prestare quod infra annum excommunicatos terre tue compellas ad satisfactionem debitam exhibendam super hiis pro quibus fuerint huiusmodi vinculo innodati, set per patentes litteras tuas nobis promittes quod id bona fide studebis effectui mancipare. Nulli etc. nostre concessionis. Siquis etc. Datum Signie,VI Idus Septembris, pontificatus ‹nostri› anno octavo. 188 Segni, 9 September 1223 Honorius writes to N., former archbishop of Herakleia, relating that, since he humbly acquiesced to the advice and counsel of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, and willingly resigned 436

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the governance of the church of Herakleia into his hands, keeping the pontifical vestments, lest N. be forced to beg to the disgrace of his pontifical office, the pope wishes to provide for his needs. The pope concedes to him for as long as he lives the revenues and incomes of the church of Marmara, which the cardinal joined to the diocese of Herakleia for the former archbishop’s sustenance, and after his death, the church will remain in accordance with what the cardinal arranged. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 95v, no. 27 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4486. Edition: previously unpublished.

N. quondam Eracliensi archiepiscopo. Cum, monitis et consiliis dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, humiliter acquiescens, sponte in eius manibus regimen Eracliensis ecclesie, retentis pontificalibus, resignaris, nos, de consueta benignitate Apostolice Sedis, ne in obprobrium pontificalis officii mendicare cogaris, tuis necessitatibus providere volentes, fructus et proventus ecclesie Marmorensis, quam Eracliensi diocesi dictus cardinalis adiuncxit pro sustentatione tua, tibi concedimus quamdiu vixeris optinendos, post mortem tuam iuxta ordinationem quam idem cardinalis fecit de ipsa eadem ecclesia remansura. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum ut supra ‹Signie,V Idus Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo›. 189 Segni, 9 September 1223 Honorius writes to Abbess [Beatrice] and the convent of Our Lady of Perchay of Constantinople of the Cistercian Order, relating that their monastery is much praised by great and trustworthy people for its religious fervor. As was explained in the pope’s presence on their behalf, Abbot [Gauthier] of Cîteaux has received their house as a special daughter of Cîteaux, with the assent of the entire General 437

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Chapter has annulled the agreements between them and the monastery of St Mary Magdalen of Acre, of the same order, and instructed that they be allowed not to admit anyone performing a visitation from now on, unless the person shows a special mandate for this. Since the abbot cannot perform the annual visitation of their monastery according to the statutes of the order because of the distance between the places, he has committed his functions to the abbot of St Angelus of Constantinople, of the same order, in performing visitations, in ordaining an abbess when needed, and in arranging other things in their house when required, as is said to be contained in the abbot’s letter. The pope is persuaded by their prayers and those of Patriarch [Matthew] and Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople and confirms and strengthens what the abbot has done. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 97r, no. 34 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7078; Pressutti, no. 4487; Santifaller, no. 79. Editions: Manrique, p. 495; Horoy IV, col. 417, no. 11 (H, from Manrique).

. . abbatisse aca) conventui Sancte Marie de Parcheiob) Constantinopolitane, Cisterciensis Ordinis.c) Sedes Apostolica pia mater, etsi omnes habeat in visceribus caritatis, illis tamen favorem specialis gratie impertitur quibus ampliora devotionis merita suffragantur et maiori fervore noscuntur divinis obsequiis inherere. Cum igitur a magnis et fide dignis de fervore religionis et honestatis monasterium vestrum multipliciter commendetur, et dilectus filius . . abbas Cisterciensis,d) sicut ex parte vestra fuit propositum coram nobis, in specialem filiam Cisterciensis cenobii receperit domum vestram, ac de totius capituli generalis assensu pactiones inter vos et monasterium Sancte Marie Magdalene Acconensis,e) eiusdem ordinis, initas irritarit, vobisque duxeritf) indulgendum ut nullum visitatorem decetero admittatis nisi eius super hoc mandatum hostenderit speciale, et cum ipse iuxta statuta ordinis visitationis officium propter locorum distantiam vobis non possit impendere annuatim, dilecto filio . . abbati Sancti Angeli Constantinopolitani, eiusdem ordinis, tam in visitatione quamg) ordinatione, cum opus fuerit, abbatisse,h) quam in aliis que in domo vestra fuerint ordinanda, commiserit vices suas, prout in eius litteris dicitur con438

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tineri, nos, venerabilis fratris patriarche ac karissimi in Christo filii nostri R.,i) imperatoris illustris Constantinopolitani necnon et vestris precibus inclinati, quod ab eodem abbate super hiis sine pravitate provide factum est ratum habentes, de gratia speciali auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergoj) etc. nostre confirmationis infringerek) etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Signie, V Idus Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. a) ac] et H b) parcheio] percheio H c) constantinopolitane cisterciensis ordinis] cisterciensis ordinis constantinopolitanae dioecesis H d) cisterciensis] cistercii H e) acconensis] avonensis H f) duxerit] diligendo add. H g) quam] in add. H h) opus fuerit abbatisse] apposuerit abbatissam H i) nostri r.] nostri H; nostrorum R j) ergo om. H k) infringere om. H

190 Segni, 9 September 1223 Honorius writes to the bishop of Coron, to the bishop1) of Modon, and to Archdeacon P. de Christo of Modon, ordering them, first, to receive an oath from Archbishop [Antelm] and the canons of Patras that they will seek nothing else from G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, and from his men, except what they know or believe to belong to their church according to the form of the peace that was established, that they will not fail to seek that for any reason, that they will tell the truth about the possessions and rights of the churches and the akrostichon and the depreciation of the possessions for which the akrostichon is owed, and that they will not knowingly suppress or pass over in silence anything about these things. Next, the addressees are to receive and examine diligently the witnesses produced by the archbishop and chapter concerning the possessions that their church is known to have had at one time from the coronation of Alexios [III, 1195] Bambacoratios.Then, before the depositions of the witnesses produced by the archbishop and chapter are published, they are to inquire through others the truth of the issues they could not sufficiently ascertain through the produced witnesses. Finally, they are to assign those things to each party as has been 439

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established through the witnesses and the inquisition, without contradiction, appeal, or delay, according to the form of the peace. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 97v-98r, no. 36 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4488. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Coronensi et . . Mothonensi episcopis et P. de Christo archidiacono Motonensi. Discretioni vestre presentium auctoritate mandamus quatinus, a venerabili fratre nostro . . archiepiscopo et canonicis Patracensibus recepto corporaliter iuramento quod nulla alia a nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini principe Achaie ac suis repetent nisi que sciunt vel credunt secundum inite pacis formam ad suam ecclesiam pertinere, et ea pretio, gratia, vel timore petere non omittent, ac de possessionibus et iuribus ecclesiarum [R 98r] et eisdem acrosticis et deterioratione possessionum pro quibus debentur acrostica veritatem simili modo dicent, nec ex eis quicquam scienter suppriment vel tacebunt, recipiatis testes quos, super possessionibus quas ecclesia sua a tempore coronationis Alexii Bambacoratii aliquando dinoscitur habuisse, iidem archiepiscopus et capitulum duxerint producendos et, diligenter examinantes eosdem, inquiratis nichilominus super hiis de quibus per testes productos sufficienter vobis constare non poterit, ante quam productorum dicta testium publicentur, ex officio vestro per alios legitime veritatem, et ea que tam per confessiones partium et testes receptos quam per inquisitionem sic factam pertinere vobis constiterit ad utrosque, sublato cuiuslibet contradictionis et appellationis obstaculo, sinea) more dispendio, secundum formam pacis inite, assignetis, contradictores siqui fuerint vel rebelles auctoritate nostra, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Testes autem etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Signie,V Idus Septembris, anno octavo. 1) This was the bishop-elect of 11 March and 1 April 1222 [no. 125 and 137], so his confirmation occurred afterwards. a) sine] sime R

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191 Segni, 9 September 1223 Honorius writes to the bishop of Argos and to Master Hugh, papal scribe, canon of Argos, relating that, on account of troubled times and the defense of the Empire of Romania he made a special grace for the nobleman G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, by which he would be more strongly obliged to the defense and devotion of the churches. He granted that the prince and his men could either (1) receive for twenty years the incomes of the possessions of the churches of his land that have been destroyed or even left derelict, once a diligent investigation has been done concerning their quantity and quality, and remitting the obligation of providing compensation for the incomes received from them until now, or (2) enter into a perpetual agreement with the prelates and the chapters of the cathedral churches over these things, but in such a way that the fabric of these churches shall remain at the disposal of the prelates and that the possessions of the churches or monasteries, intact or destroyed, that the prelates held at any time since the time of the coronation of Alexios [III, 1195] Bambacoratios, or even that they now hold in demesne, shall be applied to the cathedral churches and remain in their power. The pope orders the addressees to summon those who should be summoned, diligently investigate the truth concerning the quantity and quality of the possessions of said churches and all the circumstances, put that truth in legal documents so that these possessions cannot be alienated or allowed to deteriorate or be diminished, and have the noble and his men enjoy the benefit of this grant. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 98r-v, no. 38 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4489. Edition: Tautu, pp. 161-162, no. 117 (T).

. . episcopo et magistro Hugoni, scriptori nostro, canonico Argolicensibus. Cum, pro necessitate temporis et defensione imperii Romanie nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini principi Achaie facientes gratiam specialem, quaa) merito ad defensionem et devotionem ecclesiarum fortius debeat obligari, ipsi et suis duxerimus concedendum ut fructus possessionum ecclesiarum terre sue que destructe sunt vel etiam derelicte, de quantitate acb) qualitate 441

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ipsarum inquisitione prehabita diligenti, usque ad viginti annos [R 98v] percipere valeant, remissa satisfactione fructuum ex eis hactenus perceptorum, seu cum prelatis et capitulis cathedralium ecclesiarum super eis perpetuam compositionem inire, ita tamen quodc) ipsarum ecclesiarum fabrice in dispositione remaneant prelatorum et possessiones ecclesiarum sive monasteriorum stantium seu etiam destructorum, quas prelati aliquando a coronationis Alexii Bambacoratii tempore tenuerunt, seu etiam in demanio modo tenent, cathedralibus ecclesiis applicentur et in earum remaneant potestate, discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus, vocatis quos videritis evocandos, de quantitate acd) qualitate possessionum dictarum ecclesiarum et circumstantiis universis inquiratis diligenter et sollicite veritatem, et, ea fideliter inquisita et redacta in autenticis monimentis, ita quod eedem possessiones alienari seu deteriorari non faciant nequee) minui, faciatis nobilem memoratum et suos beneficio predicte concessionis gaudere. Datum Signie,V Idus Septembris, anno octavo. a) qua] quo T

b) ac] et T

c) quod] ut T

d) ac] et T

e) neque] nec T

192 Segni, 9 September 1223 Honorius writes to Master John of Benevento, archdeacon of Patras, relating that John complained to him that Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras unjustly deprived him of the archdeaconate of the church of Patras and the possessions belonging to the archdeaconate. Having heard and understood what was explained to him in his presence both by the archdeacon and by the archbishop on this matter, with the cardinals’ advice, the pope has annulled the archbishop’s procedure whereby he withdrew the archdeaconate and its possessions, sentencing the archbishop to restore both what was taken away and the lost revenues, which by an assessment the pope estimates at 160 hyperpera.This decision does not affect the rights that Master Hugh, papal scribe, claims to have in the same archdeaconate. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 136v-137r, no. 176 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4490.

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Edition:

previously unpublished.

Magistro Iohanni de Benevento, archidiacono Patracensi. Conquerente te nobis quod venerabilis frater noster . . archiepiscopus Patracensis te archidiaconatu Patracensis ecclesie ac possessionibus ad archidiaco[R 137r]natum ipsum spectantibus iniuste privavit, nos, auditis et intellectis que super hiis tam a te quam ab eodem archiepiscopo fuerunt proposita coram nobis, archiepiscopi memorati processum circa subtractionem archidiaconatus et possessionum ipsius, de fratrum nostrorum consilio, irritamus, ad restitutionem subtractorum et fructuum, scilicet centum et sexaginta yperperorum, quos propter hoc taxatione habita extimamus te medio tempore ammisisse, ipsum tibi archiepiscopum condempnantes, salvo iure magistri Hugonis, scriptoris nostri, quod super eodem archidiaconatu asserit se habere. Nulli ergo etc. nostre diffinitionis etc. Siquis etc. Datum Signie,V Idus Septembris, anno octavo. 193 Anagni, 13 September 1223 Honorius writes to the nobleman G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, relating that, for the defense of the empire and to maintain the condition of the land, he has directed that Greek abbots, monks, and religious of abbeys in the prince’s land, whose abbeys were not in the power of the prelates before the publication of the papal mandate that led to the prince’s accepting the resignation of Ravennika and are not established on lands of the churches, are to perform for the prince for twenty years the services and aids that are customarily done for temporal lords, answering to the cathedral churches in tithes and other spiritual matters. The pope grants the prince the free faculty to receive these things for the aforesaid time. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 96r-v, no. 30 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4493. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie.

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Cum pro defensione imperii et statu terre servando duxerimus providendum ut abbates, monachi, et religiosi Greci abbatiarum in terra tua existentium, quorum abbatie in prelatorum potestate usque ad tempus quo mandatum apostolicum emanavit, ad quod resignationem Ravenice recepisse diceris, non fuerunt nec sunt in ecclesiarum fundo fundate, tibi pro hiis sollicite laboranti usque ad viginti annos impendant servitia et auxilia que consueverunt dominis temporalibus exhibere, de decimis et aliis spiritualibus ecclesiis cathedralibus responsuri, ea recipiendi usque ad tempus predictum tibi auctoritate presentium liberam concedimus [R 96v] facultatem. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, Idibus Septembris, anno octavo. 194 Anagni, 13 September 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop [S.] of Nicomedia, relating that the archbishop asked for instructions from the Apostolic See about what to do with Greek monks who, after promising obedience to the Roman Church, withdrew and promised obedience to the Greek [Germanos II] who calls himself “patriarch of Nicaea.” The pope briefly responds that they are to be compelled via ecclesiastical censure to observe and show the obedience that they promised earlier to the Roman Church via ecclesiastical censure, calling on the secular arm for this, if necessary. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 96v, no. 31 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 602r; I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7856; Pressutti, no. 4494. Editions: Pitra, pp. 584-585, no. 29 (P, giving date as 18 September); Tautu, p. 162, no. 118 (T); included in the Decretales Honorii III, book V, title 5 “De apostatis et schismaticis,” c. 1, in, e.g., Cironius, p. 202.

. . Nicomediensi archiepiscopo. Tua fraternitasa) postulavit per Sedem Apostolicam edoceri quid fieri debeat de monachis Grecis qui, post obedientiam sacrosancte Romane Ecclesie promissam abeuntes retrorsum, 444

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. . Greco qui se vocat “patriarcham Nisenum”b) obedientiam promiserunt. Nos ergo ad id fraternitati tue breviter respondemus quod sunt ad prius promissam Ecclesie Romane servandam et exhibendam obedientam censura ecclesiasticac) compellendi, advocatod) ad hoc, si necesse fuerit, brachio seculari. Datum ut supra ‹Anagnie, Idibus Septembris, anno octavo›. a) fraternitas] paternitas P b) nisenum] nicenum P c) censura ecclesiastica] censuris ecclesiasticis PT d) advocato] revocato P

195 Anagni, 13 September 1223 Honorius writes to the archbishops and bishops in the Empire of Constantinople on this side [west] of Makri, relating that, since the Prophet says [Ps. 89:15] that justice and judgment are the preparation of God’s throne, the addressees, who have taken a time for judging, must make themselves ready and easy to show justice, lest, if justice perishes through their negligence, they should have to fear divine judgment. The report of the clerics of Constantinople has reached the pope’s hearing, to the effect that they find the addressees to be negligent and remiss in showing them justice when they frequently complain to the addressees about those who harass them unduly regarding the clerics’ possessions in the addressees’ dioceses. Because they are held to show justice to their subjects who seek it, since they are duty bound to do so, because on the day of judgment an account will be required of them for their subjects, the pope warns and urges them not to be negligent or tepid in showing justice to these clerics, but rather to support them in their rights and to give a full account to their subjects concerning those unduly harming them. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 96v, no. 32 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4495; Santifaller, no. 80. Edition: previously unpublished.

Archiepiscopis et episcopis in imperio Constantinopolitano citra Macram constitutis. 445

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Cum secundum Prophetam iustitia et iudicium sint preparatio sedis Dei, debetis qui tempus accepistis iudicandi vos promptos et faciles ad faciendam iustitiam petentibus exhibere, ne, si vobis negligentibus iustitia pereat, ex hoc divinum debeatis iudicium merito formidare. Ad audientiam sane nostram, universitate clericorum Constantinopolitanorum insinuante, pervenit quod, cum ipsi possessiones in vestris diocesibus obtinentes frequentur vobis de indebite molestantibus eos super eisdem possessionibus conquerantur, super exhibenda sibi iustitia negligentes vos inveniunt et remissos. Quia vero petentibus de subditis vestris iustitiam exhibere tenemini, cum ad hoc officii vestri debitum vos astringat, quia in die disscussionis extreme a vobis de ipsis subditis ratio requiretur, fraternitatem vestram monemus et hortamur attente quatenus predictis clericis vos negligentes vel tepidos super exhibitione iustitie non reddatis, sed, eos potius in suo iure foventes, plenam exhibeatis ipsis de vestris subditis indebite illos gravantibus rationem. Datum ut supra ‹Anagnie, Idibus Septembris, anno octavo›. 196 Anagni, 13 September 1223 Honorius writes to the deans of St Michael of Boukoleon, of Our Lady of Blachernae, and of St George of Mangana of Constantinople, relating that it is frequently necessary for the clergy of the Franks’ part of Constantinople to send an agent or nuncio to the Apostolic See for their common business, but the person chosen for this refuses the burden, since, while he is absent for this reason, some of the other clerics will take the income of his benefice. On their behalf, the pope was humbly requested to have the incomes of his benefice given to the person who assumes the burden of going to the Apostolic See for the sake of all of them, as if he were residing in the church in which the benefice is given.The pope orders the addressees to have the incomes of their benefices paid to those who from now on thus assume this burden, as long as they go to the Apostolic See for the business and utility of the churches in which they have the benefices, as if they were present. 446

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 96v-97r, no. 33 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4496; Santifaller, no. 81. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Sancti Michaelis Bucce Leonis, . . Sancte Marie de Bakerna, et . . Sancti Georgii de Mangana decanis Constantinopolitanis. Ex parte universitatis cleri Constantinopolitani de parte Francorum fuit nobis humiliter supplicatum ut, cum ipsos frequenter oporteat pro suis communibus negotiis procuratorem seu nuntium ad Sedem Apostolicam destinare, et ab eis electus ad hoc nolit onus subire pro eo quod quidam eorum in huiusmodi absentia beneficii sui subtrahunt sibi fructus, ei, qui cum expedit pro universitate onus assumit ad Sedem Apostolicam veniendi, faceremus fructus beneficii sui ac si resideret in ecclesia in qua illud obtinet ministrari. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus illis qui decetero pro dicta universitate assumpserint onus istud, dum modo pro negotiis et utili[R 97r]tate ecclesiarum in quibus obtinent beneficia ad Apostolicam Sedem accedant, fructus beneficiorum suorum faciatis tamquam presentibus exhiberi, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescentes. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Anagnie, Idibus Septembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. 197 Anagni, 13 September 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth and to Bishop [Hugh] of Nikli and the bishop of Modon, relating as in no. 193 that, for the defense of the empire and to maintain the condition of the land, he has directed that Greek abbots, monks, and religious of abbeys in the prince’s land, whose abbeys were not in the power of the prelates before the publication of the papal mandate that led to the prince’s accepting the resignation of Ravennika and are not established on lands of the churches, are to perform for the prince for twenty years the services and aids that are customarily done for 447

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temporal lords, answering to the cathedral churches in tithes and other spiritual matters. The pope orders the addressees to enjoin on these abbots, monks, and religious to strive humbly to implement the pope’s provision over these things. Otherwise, they are to compel them to do so, summoning those who should be summoned, inquiring diligently into the truth about the quantity and quality of the possessions of these abbeys and all circumstances, and having the truth written up in authentic documents, so that these possessions cannot deteriorate, be diminished or be alienated. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 98r, no. 37 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4497. Edition: Tautu, pp. 162-163, no. 119 (T, writing Pressutti, no. 4493).

. . Corinthiensi archiepiscopo eta) . . Amiclensi et . . Mothonensi episcopis. Cum pro defensione imperii et statu terre servandob) duxerimus statuendum ut abbates, monachi, et religiosi Greci abbatiarum in terra nobilis viri G. principis Achaie constituti, quorum abbatie in prelatorum potestate usque ad tempus quo mandatum apostolicum emanavit, ad quod idem princeps resignationem Ravenice recepisse dicitur, non fuerunt nec sunt in ecclesiarum fundo fundate, principi memorato pro hiis sollicite laboranti usque ad viginti annos impendant servitia et auxilia que consueverunt dominis temporalibus exhibere, de decimis et aliis spiritualibus ecclesiis cathedralibus plenarie responsuri, fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus abbatibus, monachis, et religiosis predictis auctoritate apostolica iniungatis ut provisionem nostram super hiis humiliter studeant adimplere. Alioquin eos ad id, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compellatis et, vocatis quos videritis evocandos, de quantitate acc) qualitate possessionum abbatiarum ipsarum et circumstantiis universis inquiratis diligenter et sollicite veritatem et, ea fideliter inquisita, redigi faciatis in autenticis munimentis, ita quodd) eedem possessiones deteriorari vel minui seu alienari non possint. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Anagnie, Idibus Septembris, anno octavo. a) et om. T

b) servando] sanctae T

c) ac] et T

448

d) quod] quos T

THE LETTERS

198 Anagni, 16 September 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, to the bishop of Modon, and to the bishop of Coron, ordering them to relax the sentence of interdict to which the land of Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia is known to be subject, after the prince and his men fully and faithfully implement the agreement entered at the Apostolic See between the knight P[eter] d’Aleman, his agent, on the one side, and the archbishops and bishops and clerics, acting for themselves and for others of the land, on the other, concerning damages done and incomes taken while the prince was bound by a sentence of excommunication by J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, and concerning personal injuries, incomes taken, and damages done from the time the papal mandate was sent, at which the prince accepted the resignation of Ravennika, and concerning certain other articles contained more fully in the form of the agreement annotated below, once the addressees have summoned the prelates and chapters of the cathedral churches of the prince’s land on this side [west] of the pass of Megara of Corinth, not including the land of O[tto] de la Roche, and once they have received a letter attesting to the satisfaction done. The form of the agreement is as follows: “An annual rent of 1000 hyperpera shall first be assigned by Prince [Geoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia to the cathedral churches for the damages done and incomes taken in the time of his excommunication for which he has not made satisfaction. For the personal injuries and incomes received and damages caused from the time the apostolic mandate was sent, at which the prince accepted the resignation of Ravennika, fitting satisfaction shall be made by the prince and his men. The buildings of the churches shall be returned, unless a castle has been built in them for the defense of the land, in which case sufficient compensation shall be rendered both for the place of the building thus erected and for the surrounding lands that belong to the churches. The same thing shall be observed concerning the castles built or rebuilt in lands of the churches for the needs of the country, with compensation paid to the cathedral churches for their possessions and rights and also to the papades according to the form of the peace that was established. For the rest, for which satisfaction cannot be made in the meantime, a security of 1000 hyperperates of land to be held on the authority of the lord pope shall be placed

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in the hands of the lord Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, P. de Christo, and Brother R. the preceptor of the house of St Sampson, namely so that what is found in the investigation is observed, and afterwards the sentence of interdict shall be relaxed.” But unless within one year of the relaxation of the sentence of interdict the ecclesiastical goods are reclaimed by the [patriarch] of Constantinople and the others to whom [they pertain], from that time the pledge given as security shall revert to the lord, saving for the churches the rights over these goods and possessions. In the meantime the lord will receive the incomes through the hands of the aforesaid archbishop of Corinth and his colleagues for the defense of the land. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 97r-v, no. 35 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4500. Edition: Lampros, pp. 20-21, no. 14 (L).

. . archiepiscopo Corinthiensi et . . Mothonensi et . . Coronensi episcopis. Fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus, postquam nobilis vir G. princeps Achaye ac sui concordiam inter dilectum filium P. de Altomagno militem, procuratorem suum, ex parte una, et venerabiles fratres nostros archiepiscopos et episcopos et clericos pro se ac aliis terre sue apud Sedem Apostolicam existentes, ex altera, super dampnis datis fructibusque perceptis tempore quo idem nobilis a dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, fuerat sententia excommunicationis astrictus, ac de iniuriis personalibus necnon fructibus perceptis et dampnis illatis a tempore quo man[R 97v]datum apostolicum emanavit, ad quod idem nobilis Ravenice resignationem recepit, et quibusdam aliis certis articulis in forma eiusdem concordie inferius annotate plenius comprehensis initam, plene ac fideliter adimpleverint, vocatis prelatis et capitulis ecclesiarum cathedralium terre ipsius principis citra passum Megare Corinthiensis, terra nobilis viri O. de Rocca deducta, et super satisfactione impensa receptis in testimonium litteris singulorum, relaxetis sententiam interdicti cui eadem terra noscitur subiacere. Forma vero concordie talis existit:

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Annuus redditus mille yperperorum primo a domino . . principe Achaiea) cathedralibus ecclesiis assignetur de dampnis datis fructibusque perceptis excommunicationis sue tempore de quibus non satisfecit, ac de iniuriis personalibus et fructibus perceptis et de dampnis illatis a tempore quo mandatum apostolicum emanavit, ad quod Ravenice resignationem recepit, ab eodem principe ac suis congrue satisfiat. Ecclesiarum vero hedificia, nisi castrum sit erectum in eis pro terre tuitione, reddantur. Alioquin tam pro loco edificii sic erecti quam pro terris circumstantibus ad ecclesias pertinentibus recompensatio competens tribuatur. De castris quidem hedificatis vel rehedificatis in terris ecclesiarum pro necessitate terre idem servetur, et ecclesiis cathedralibus de suis possessionibus et iuribus necnon papatibus iuxta formam pacis inite satisfiat. Pro reliquis vero, de quibus interim non poterit satisfieri, cautio mille yperperatarum terre auctoritate domini pape tenenda prestetur in manibus domini . . Corinthiensis archiepiscopi, P. de Christo, et fratris R. preceptoris domus Sancti Sansonis, ad hec videlicet ut quod fuerit in inquisitione inventum servetur, et postmodum interdicti sententia relaxetur. Verum, nisi infra annum post relaxationem sententie interdicti bona ecclesiastica tam a ‹patriarcha› Constantinopolitanob) quam ab aliis ad quos ‹pertinent› fuerint postulata, ex tunc pignus datum pro cautione domino revertetur, ecclesiis super suis bonis et possessionibus salvo iure. Dominus vero interim pro terre defensione recipiet fructus per manus memorati Corinthiensis archiepiscopi et collegarum suorum. Quod si non omnes, duo vestrum etc. Datum Anagnie, XVI Kalendas Octobris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. a) achaie] achaye L

b) constantinopolitano] constantinopolitana L

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BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

199 Anagni, 16 September 1223 Honorius writes to [Geoffrey of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia], responding to his request by taking under papal protection his person, his wife, his children, his land, and all the goods he reasonably possesses at present or will acquire justly in the future. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 99r, no. 42 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4501. Edition: previously unpublished.

Eidem ‹Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie›. Sacrosancta Romana Ecclesia etc. usque confovere. Eapropter, dilecte in Domino fili, tuis iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, personam tuam, uxorem, filios, et terram tuam, cum omnibus bonis que impresentiarum rationabiliter possides aut in futurum iustis modis prestante Domino poteris adipisci, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre protectionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datuma) Anagnie, XVI Kalendas Octobris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. a) datum iter. R

200 Anagni, 18 September 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop [C.] and the chapter of Athens: “We pursue the action of our office when, in consideration of the eminent rank of some church, we, from the dispensation of the ministers of God entrusted with us, use the abundance of its inferior to remedy its poverty, so that he who has been taken up to a greater burden shall not be lesser in gain than he who is called to a lesser one.” Since J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, joined the churches of Avlonari, Oreoi, and Karystos to the church of Negroponte, the church of Negroponte has much grown, so

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that it seems to exceed the diocese of the church of the addressees, which is its metropolitan church. The pope wants to provide them and their church with a prudent dispensation. He directs that what is within the following borders shall be taken from the church of Negroponte and he adds it to the diocese of Athens, namely from the first spring which is called “Chamac,” which is on this side of Negroponte1) in the direction of Athens, and as one goes via the Church of St Nicholas de Catapharo and continues until the diocese of Thebes on the public road going to Thebes from Negroponte, and what the diocese of Negroponte had from the aforesaid spring along the sea in the direction of Athens, except for the possessions of the church of Negroponte. The pope confirms these things for the addressees and their successors and establishes that the bishop of Negroponte, for himself and for the churches joined to his diocese, shall nevertheless answer to the archbishop of Athens and his successors for the procurations owed to the archbishop. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 104r-v, no. 49 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 602r-603r. Summary: Pressutti, no. 4502. Edition: Lampros, pp. 31-32, no. 19 (L).

. . archiepiscopo et capitulo Atheniensibus. Officii nostri prosequimur actionem cum, considerata ecclesie cuiusquam eminentia dignitatis, ipsius inopiam ex inferioris habundantia ex credita nobis ministeriorum Dei dispensatione supplemus, ut ad maiusa) onus assumptus in emolumento ad minus vocato inferior non existat, cum preditus dignitate maiori magis debeat honorari. Cum igitur diocesis Nigripontensis ecclesie, ex eo quod dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus, Abilonensem, Oriensem, et Caristensem ecclesias adiuncxerit eidem, multum excreverit, ita quod ecclesie vestre, que metropolis eius existit, diocesim excedere videatur, nos, vobis et eidem ecclesie vestre volentes dispensatione provida providere, predicte Nigripontensi ecclesie ea que infra limites hos existunt, videlicet a primo [R 104v] fonte qui dicitur “Chamac,” qui est citra Nigrumpontem versus Athenas, et sicut itur per ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai de Catapharo et protenditur usque ad Thebanam diocesim per viam 453

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

publicam qua Thebas itur a Nigroponte, et ea que habuit predicta Nigripontensis diocesis a fonte predicto citra mare versus Athenas, duximus subtrahenda et Atheniensi diocesi, salvis possessionibus Nigripontensis ecclesie, applicamus, ut ea vobis et vestris successoribus auctoritate apostolica confirmantes, statuimus ut Nigripontensis episcopus nichilominus de procurationibus debitis tibi, frater archiepiscope, ac successoribus tuis respondeat pro se ac adiunctis eius diocesis ecclesiis memoratis. Nulli ergo etc. nostre subtractionis, applicationis, confirmationis, et constitutionis infringere etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, XIIII Kalendas Octubris, anno octavo. 1) This may not refer to a “famed ‘black bridge’,” as Setton, The Papacy in the Levant, p. 415b, states, since the name “Negroponte” could also stem from the Greek “Egripo.” a) maius] manus L

201 Anagni, 19 September 1223 Honorius writes to [Geoffrey of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia], relating that the Apostolic See, a pious mother, often tempers rigor with gentleness, considering the circumstances of times and places, so that it provokes the undevout to devotion and increases the affection of the devout. Although by occupying ecclesiastical goods and receiving their revenues the prince has seriously offended God, nevertheless the pope wants to provoke him to devotion to the Church with benefices and to comfort him thus provoked in the apostolic wings. With the will of the prelates of his land, the pope grants him and his men – not including the nobleman O[tto] de la Roche and his men – that they are not held to restore to the churches the incomes that they are known to have received so far, except those that were received in the time that he was bound by a sentence of excommunication by J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 99r-v, no. 43 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4503. Edition: Lampros, p. 22, no. 16 (L).

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Eidem ‹Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie›. [R 99v] Sedes Apostolica pia mater nonnumquam rigorem mansuetudine temperat, consideratis circumstantiis temporum et locorum, ut sic ad devotionem provocet indevotos et devotorum nichilominus augeatur affectus. Licet enim graviter Deum offenderis bona ecclesiastica occupando et percipiendo proventus earum, quia tamen te volumus ad devotionem Ecclesie beneficiis provocare et provocatum alis apostolicis confovere, de voluntate prelatorum terre tue, tibi ac tuis – nobili viro O. de Rocca domino Athenarum cum suis deducto – auctoritate presentium indulgemus ne teneamini ecclesiis restituere fructus quos hactenus noscimini percepisse, illis dumtaxat exceptis qui percepti fuerunt tempore quo fuisti a dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, excommunicationis sententia innodatus. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, XIII Kalendas Octobris, anno octavo. 202 Anagni, 19 September 1223 Honorius writes to [Geoffrey of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia], relating that, the peace having being sworn and willingly accepted by him and the prelates of his land and confirmed by the Apostolic See, the pope grants that if, while the sentence of interdict on his land has not yet been relaxed, he and his army happen to be outside his land for the defense of the empire, he and his men who are with him may hear the divine offices and receive the ecclesiastical sacraments. The pope writes a similar letter to the nobleman O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 99v, no. 43a (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4504. Edition: Lampros, pp. 21-22, no. 15 (L).

Eidem ‹Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie›. 455

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

Devotioni tue presentium auctoritate concedimus ut, iurata pace a te et a prelatis terre tue sponte recepta et a Sede Apostolica confirmata, si, nondum in terra tua interdicti sententia relaxata, te cum exercitu extra ipsam pro defensione imperii contigerit commorari, liceat tibi et hiis qui tecum fuerint audire divina et recipere ecclesiastica sacramenta. Datum ut supra ‹Anagnie, XIII Kalendas Octobris, anno octavo›. In eundem modum scriptum est nobili viro O. de Roccha domino Athenarum. 203 Anagni, 19 September 1223 Honorius writes to Bishop [W.] of Sparta (Lacedemonia), relating that, since, as he has heard, the poor bishopric of Helos has never been appointed a bishop in the time of the Latins, but rather is occupied by a lay power, the pope has directed that it be entrusted to the bishop, since he is said to be close by, until the pope arranges otherwise. Therefore the pope orders the bishop to seek and to recover the possessions and rights of the bishopric of Helos according to the form of the peace entered between the nobleman Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia and the prelates of his land, putting aside favor, hatred, and fear, and to strive faithfully to preserve them, according to the apostolic mandate. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 99v, no. 44 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4505. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Lacedemoniensi episcopo. Cum pauper episcopatus Helensis, sicut nostris est auribus intimatum, Latinorum tempore nunquam fuerit ordinatus, set potius detineatur a laica potestate, ipsum, cum eidem vicinus dicaris existere, tibi duximus quousque de eo aliter disposuerimus commendandum. Ideoque fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus possessiones et iura eiusdem episcopatus, iuxta for456

THE LETTERS

mam pacis inter nobilem virum G. principem Achaie ac prelatos terre sue inite, requirere ac recuperare, gratia, odio, et timore postpositis, non omittas et easdem studeas fideliter conservare, iuxta mandatum apostolicum conservandas. Datum ut supra ‹Anagnie, XIII Kalendas Octobris, anno octavo›. 204 Anagni, 19 September 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, to the bishop of Coron, and to the bishop of Modon, ordering that, if, concerning the restitution of the possessions of the church of Patras, there should arise any doubt that cannot be resolved agreeably between the parties, the addressees are to investigate the truth of the matter diligently through documents and witnesses and refer the case with this information to the Apostolic See. Once they have established a fitting deadline for the parties to appear before the pope to receive their sentence, collected from the laypersons a security deposit to the value of the possessions that the church of Patras claims, and completed rightly everything else according to the form given to them, then they should proceed to relax the sentence of interdict. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 99v-100r, no. 45a (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4506. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . Corinthiensi archiepiscopo et . . Coronensi et . . Mothonensi episcopis. [R 100r] Fraternitati vestre presentium auctoritate mandamus quatinus, si super restitutione possessionum ecclesie Patracensis aliqua dubitatio exorta fuerit que non possit in ipsis partibus congrue terminari, vos, ipsius negotii veritate per instrumenta et testes diligentius inquisita, causam instructam ad Sedem Apostolicam remittatis, prefixo partibus termino competenti quo se nostro conspectui representent sententiam recepture, et retento propter hoc de cautione a laicis exhibita ad valentiam possessionum quas petit ecclesia memorata, et reliquis 457

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

iuxta formam vobis traditam rite completis, non omittatis procedere ad relaxationem sententie interdicti. Datum Anagnie, XIII Kalendas Octobris, pontificatus ‹nostri› anno octavo. 205 Anagni, 19 September 1223 Honorius writes to O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, relating that the Apostolic See, a pious mother, often tempers rigor with gentleness, considering the circumstances of times and places, so that it provokes the undevout to devotion and increases the affection of the devout. Although by occupying ecclesiastical goods and receiving their revenues the lord has seriously offended God, nevertheless the pope wants to provoke him to devotion to the Church with benefices and, so provoked, to support him with apostolic wings.With the will of the prelates of his land, except for the prelates of the church of Argos, the pope grants him and his men that they are not held to restore to the churches the incomes that they are known to have received so far, except those that were received in the time that he was bound by a sentence of excommunication by J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate. But by this indulgence the pope does not want the incomes of the church of Argos to be conceded. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 100r, no. 46 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 129v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4507. Edition: Lampros, pp. 22-23, no. 17 (L).

Nobili viro O. de Rocca domino Athenarum. Sedes Apostolica pia mater nonnunquam rigorem mansuetudine temperat, consideratis circumstantiis temporum et locorum, ut sic ad devotionem provocet indevotos et devotorum nichilominus augeatur affectus. Licet enim graviter Deum offenderis bona ecclesiastica occupando et percipiendo proventus earum, quia tamen te volumus ad devotionem Ecclesie beneficiis provocare et provocatum alis apostolicis confovere, de voluntate prelatorum terre tue, Argolicensis ecclesie prelatis exceptis, tibi et tuis auctori-

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tate presentium indulgemus ne teneamini ecclesiis restituere fructus quos hactenus noscimini percepisse, illis dum taxat exceptis qui percepti fuerunt tempore quo fuisti a dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, excommunicationis sententia innodatus. Per hanc tamen indulgentiam nolumus ut fructus Argolicensis ecclesie remittantur. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis infringere. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, XIII Kalendas Octubris, anno octavo. 206 Anagni, 21 September 1223 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople [and] to the bishops of Panidos (Barbaros) and of Arcadiopolis (Bergula), relating that since N., former archbishop of Herakleia, humbly acquiesced to the warnings and counsel of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, and willingly resigned the governance of the church of Herakleia into his hands, keeping the pontifical vestments, lest N. be forced to beg, to the disgrace of his pontifical office, the pope, wishing to provide for his needs, conceded to him for as long as he lives the revenues and incomes of the church of Marmara, which the cardinal joined to the diocese of Herakleia for the former archbishop’s sustenance, and after his death the church will remain in accordance with what the cardinal arranged.The pope orders the addressees to assign the aforesaid church of Marmara to N., without contradiction and appeal, and have the incomes and revenues handed over to him in full without difficulty, notwithstanding any division, should there be one, between the archbishop and chapter concerning these revenues. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 95v-96r, no. 28 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4508; Santifaller, no. 82. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano, . . Panedensi et . . Archadiopolensi episcopis. Cum venerabilis frater noster N., quondam Eracliensis archiepiscopus, monitis et consiliis dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte

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Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, humiliter acquiescens, sponte in eius manibus regimen Eracliensis ecclesie, retentis pontificalibus, resignarit, nos, de consueta benignitate Sedis Apostolice, ne in opprobrium pontificalis officii mendicare cogatur, eius necessitatibus providere volentes, fructus et proventus ecclesie Marmorensis, quam Eracliensi diocesi dictus cardinalis adiuncxit pro sustentatione sua, sibi concessimus quamdiu vixerit optinendos post mortem suam iuxta ordinationem quam idem cardinalis fecit de ipsa eadem ecclesia remansura. Quocirca fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus [R 96r] quatinus, prefatam ecclesiam Marmorensem auctoritate nostra, sublato cuiuslibet contradictionis et appellationis obstaculo, assignantes eidem, fructus et proventus ipsius faciatis sibi sine difficultate qualibet integre ministrari, non obstante divisione siqua forsan inter archiepiscopum et capitulum Eraclienses super eisdem fructibus et proventibus intervenit, contradictores per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescentes. Datum Anagnie, XI Kalendas Octubris, anno octavo. 207 Anagni, 25 September 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop [C.] of Athens, relating that many men in the land of the nobleman O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, were bound by a sentence of excommunication by J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, for the rights of the churches. The cardinal forbad them from receiving absolution in those parts, since they stubbornly refused to be absolved there, but rather he directed that they be sent to the Apostolic See for absolution. But because of the needs of the country and the perils of the roads it would be difficult for them to labor in person at the Apostolic See for obtaining absolution, the pope, wanting to provide for their salvation and the needs of the country, with the agreement of the cardinal, orders the addressees to receive a sufficient security from them according to the form of the Church and to absolve them, as long as they apply the expenses that they would have undergone in coming to the Apostolic See and obtaining redemption to strength-

460

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ening the castle of Salona (Amfissa), as the archbishop deems necessary, and they have been enjoined under oath to make fitting satisfaction to the churches for their rights. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 96r, no. 29 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4509. Edition: Lampros, p. 19, no. 13 (L).

. . archiepiscopo Atheniensi. Cum plures in terra nobilis viri O. de Rocca domini Athenarum auctoritate legationis dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, pro ecclesiarum iuribus sint excommunicationis sententia innodati, qui, licet cardinalis inhibuerit memoratus ne in partibus illis absolutionis beneficium impenderetur eisdem, sed mitterentur ad Sedem Apostolicam absolvendi, pro eo quod tunc ibi contumaciter contempserunt absolvi, quia tamen propter terre necessitatem et viarum discrimina difficile foret ipsos ad Sedem Apostolicam personaliter laborare pro absolutionis beneficio obtinendo, nos, eorum saluti et eius terre necessitati paterna volentes sollicitudine providere, fraternitati tue de conniventia cardinalis ipsius per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, ab eis iuxta formam Ecclesie sufficienti cautione recepta, ipsis auctoritate nostra, dum modo expensas quas facturi essent in via ad Sedem Apostolicam veniendi et redemptionem laboris itineris expendant in munitionem castri de Sola, prout necessitati eiusdem castri videris expedire, beneficium absolutionis impendas, et iniuncto eisdem sub debito prestiti iuramenti quod ecclesiis de suis iuribus satisfactionem exhibeant competentem. Datum Anagnie,VII Kalendas Octobris, anno octavo. 208 Anagni, 4 October 1223 Honorius writes to the deans of Negroponte and of Thebes and to the cantor of Thebes, ordering them to receive bodily, from the syndics or agents of Patriarch [Matthew], of the chapter, and of all the Frankish churches of Constantinople, and from others who have via the arrangement of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then pa-

461

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

pal legate, the right concerning the below-written things or from their agent or syndic, an oath that they shall claim nothing else from the nobleman [Otto de la Roche], lord of Athens, and his men except what they know or believe to pertain to the churches of Constantinople, that they shall not fail to list them for a price, as a favor, or out of fear, and that they shall tell only the truth about the possessions, rights, and papades of the churches and about the akrosticha owed to laymen, as far as they know or believe. The addressees are ordered to receive similarly from the same noble and his men, whom the same agents or syndics shall name, an oath that they will say the truth in a similar way about the possessions and rights of these churches and about the akrosticha and the deterioration of the possessions for which the akrosticha are owed, and that they shall not suppress knowingly or pass over in silence anything about these things.Then they are to receive witnesses produced by these syndics or agents, examine them diligently, and, before the depositions of the witnesses are published, they are to inquire through others the truth of the issues that they could not sufficiently ascertain from the produced witnesses, calling upon the patriarch, chapter, college, and the others in the area of Constantinople, if they want to produce witnesses or show praktika or other documents, to produce or show them to those whom the addressees assign to them. These who are so assigned shall render to the addressees included under their seals what they establish both via the depositions of witnesses and through the showing of praktika and documents. The addressees are to cite via letter patent the noble and his men, to the effect that, if they wish, they may be present through a suitable agent at the reception of the witnesses to be produced and at the showing of praktika and documents.What they establish to belong to the aforesaid churches both via the confessions of the parties, witnesses received, and the showing of praktika and documents and via the investigation done in this way they shall assign, without contradiction, appeal, and delay, to the noble and his men for twenty years as the pope has granted, having received the security of their letter from them that they will possess these possessions in the name of the churches, and having assigned to these churches for these possessions a rent of 60 hyperpera that the noble and his men will have paid without difficulty in a given, suitable place each year in the month of March, provided that neither these possessions nor their cultivators are in the interim reduced to a worse state, contrary to the pope’s concession. If possessions were ever given to the churches in the time of the Latins, they shall be given to the same churches, for it is not the 462

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pope’s intention for the noble and his men to receive the revenues of those possessions of the churches of Constantinople that these churches possessed in the time of the Latins, but [only] of those that are occupied by the aforesaid laymen that were never returned. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 111v-112v, no. 67 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 130Ar (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4514; Santifaller, no. 83. Edition: Lampros, pp. 32-34, no. 20 (L).

. . Nigripontensi et . . Thebano decanis et . . cantori Thebano. [R 112v] Discretioni vestre presentium auctoritate mandamus quatenus, a syndicis vel procuratoribus venerabilis fratris nostri . . patriarche, capituli, et universitatis ecclesiarum Francigenarum Constantinopolitanorum, et ab aliis per ordinationem dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, ius in subscriptis habentibus seu ab ipsorum procuratore vel syndico, recepto corporaliter iuramento quod nulla alia a nobili viro . . domino Athenarum ac suis repetent nisi que sciunt vela) credunt ad Constantinopolitanas ecclesias pertinere, ac ea pretio, gratia, vel timore petere non omittant, et de possessionibus, iuribus, et papatibus ecclesiarum necnon de acrosticis debitis laicis meram dicent prout sciverint et crediderint veritatem, ab eodem quoque nobili ac suis quos iidem procuratores vel syndici nominaverint similiter iuramento recepto quod de possessionibus et ecclesiarum iuribus predictarum et eisdem acrosticis et deterioratione possessionum pro quibus debentur acrostica veritatem simili modo dicent, nec ex eis scienter quicquam suppriment vel tacebunt, recipiatis testes quos dicti syndici vel procuratores duxerint producendos et, diligenter examinantes eosdem, inquiratis nichilominus super hiis de quibus per testes productos sufficienter vobis constare non poterit, ante quam productorum dicta testium publicentur, ex officio vestro per alios legitime veritatem, denuntiando patriarche, capitulo, universitati, et aliis supradictis ut in partibus Constantinopolitanis, si velint testes producere vel practica seu alia exhibere instrumenta, producant vel exhibeant coram illis quos eis duxeritis concedendos, et illi ea que tam per depositiones testium quam practicorum 463

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et instrumentorum exhibitionem sibi constiterint vobis sub sigillis suis remittant fideliter interclusa,b) prenominato nobili ac suis per litteras vestras patentes citandis ut, si velint, receptioni testium sic producendorum et practicorum et instrumentorum exhibitioni per procuratorem idoneum debeant interesse, et ea que tam per confessiones partium, testes receptos, et practicorum et instrumentorum exhibitionem quam per inquisitionem sic factam vobis constiterit ad ecclesias pertinere predictas, sublato cuiuslibet contradictionis et appellationis obstaculo, sine more dispendio, secundum quod nobili sepedicto et suis usque ad viginti annos indulsimus, assignetis, litterarum suarum ab illis cautione recepta quod possessiones ipsas earundem ecclesiarum nomine possidebunt, et pro ipsis sexaginta yperperorum censu predictis ecclesiis in aliquo certo loco et congruo assignato eundem singulis annis facient mense Martii sine qualibet difficultate persolvi, proviso quod nec possessiones huiusmodi nec cultores earum contra concessionem nostram in deteriorem statum interim redigantur. Verum, si tempore Latinorum possessiones reddite quandoque fuerunt ecclesiis, reddantur eisdem. Non enim nostre intentionis est ut nobilis ipse ac sui fructus possessionum ecclesiarum Constantinopolitanarum percipiant quas eedem ecclesie possiderunt tempore Latinorum, set earum que a prefatis laicis nunquam reddite detinentur, contradicto[R 112v]res censura ecclesiastica, sublato appellationis obstaculo, compescendo. Testes autem qui fuerint etc. Nullis litteris veritati et iustitie etc. Quod si non omnes hiis exequendis etc. Constitutione de duabus dietis in Generali Concilio edita non obstante. Datum Anagnie, IIII Nonas Octubris, anno octavo. a) vel] et L

b) interclusa] interclusas L

209 Anagni, 7 October 1223 Honorius writes to the chapter of Negroponte: “Since, as the Church is honored by an ordinate team of clerics fighting in her for the Lord, so it is burdened by an excessive crowd of them, since those who do not have the wherewithal to support themselves do not lack the op-

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portunity to complain, which makes them very remiss in celebrating the divine offices,” persuaded by their entreaties, having thought about their church’s means, he grants that they shall not be compelled to receive anyone as canon and brother beyond the number of ten canons – among whom the pope wants to be included Cleopas and Henry, whom the pope restores – unless perhaps the church’s means grow so much that the number of its canons should rightfully be increased. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 110v, no. 64 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4527. Edition: previously unpublished.

Capitulo Nigripontensi. Cum, sicut ecclesia ex ordinato clericorum cetu in ea Domino militantium honoratur, sic ex eorum superflua multitudine oneretur,a) dum non habentibus unde valeant sustentari murmurandi non desit occasio que ipsos remissiores redditb) ad divina officia celebranda, nos, devotionis vestre supplicationibus inclinati, facultatibus ecclesie vestre pensatis, presentium vobis auctoritate concedimus ut nullum ultra denarium canonicorum numerum – infra quem Cleopan et Henricum, quos restituimus, volumus comprehendi – compellamini recipere in canonicum et in fratrem, nisi forsan intantum excreverint ipsius ecclesie facultates quod merito in ea canonicorum numerus debeat adaugeri, auctoritate Sedis Apostolice semper salva. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie, Nonis Octobris, anno octavo. a) oneretur] honoretur R

b) reddit] redint a.c. R

210 Anagni, 9 October 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop C. of Athens: “We, who according to the debt of our office, desire the conversion of sinners, offer a helping hand to those who freely convert themselves and, in the ways in which we can, attract those to be converted, knowing that nothing is more welcome to God than to seek the profit of souls.” Re465

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sponding to his prayers, the pope grants him the faculty to absolve according to the form of the Church the pirates who are called “Capellecti” in the vernacular who wish to return to the Church’s mandate and to enjoin on them a penance. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 110r, no. 61 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 130Ar (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4528. Edition: previously unpublished.

C. Atheniensi archiepiscopo. Qui iuxta officii nostri debitum conversionem cupimus peccatorum, libenter convertentibus se manum porrigimus adiutricem et modis quibus possumus allicimus convertendos, scientes nil Deo esse acceptius quam lucrum querere animarum. Hinc est quod, fraternitatis tue precibus inclinati, piratas qui “Capellecti” vulgariter appellantur, cupientes ad Ecclesie redire mandatum, absolvendi iuxta formam Ecclesie ac eis penitentiam iniungendi auctoritate tibi presentium concedimus facultatem. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Anagnie,VII Idus Octubris, anno octavo. 211 Anagni, 9 October 1223 Honorius writes to [Archbishop C. of Athens], relating that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, while acting as legate in Romania, entrusted to Archbishop [B.] of Larissa, who was exiled from his church at the time, the churches of Davleia,Thermopylai, and Cheronea, which are subject to the addressee by metropolitan right (that is, they are subject to his archbishopric). Because when the cause ceases so should the effect, when the archbishop of Larissa can safely return to his church, God willing, the pope grants that the addressee may freely arrange the aforesaid churches as he sees fit, insofar as they pertain to him. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 110r, no. 62 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4529. Edition: previously unpublished.

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Eidem ‹C. Atheniensi archiepiscopo›. Cum dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, fungens olim legationis officio in partibus Romanie, venerabili fratri nostro . . Larissensi archiepiscopo, qui tunc a sua ecclesia exulabat, Davaliensem, Fermopilensem, et Carminiensem ecclesias metropolitica tibi lege subiectas providerit commendandas, quia cessante causa cessare debet effectus, fraternitati tue presentium auctoritate concedimus ut, cum idem archiepiscopus ad ecclesiam suam secure poterit, Domino dante, reverti, supradictas ecclesias libere valeas prout ad te pertinet ordinare. Nulli ergo etc. nostre concessionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum ut supra ‹Anagnie,VII Idus Octubris, anno octavo›. 212 Rome, the Lateran, 19 October 1223 Honorius writes to the prelates and chapters of all Frankish churches of Constantinople, relating that it was explained before him on their behalf that their patriarch, [Matthew], unduly exacts from them a third of certain things left to them and their churches by those who are dying, on the pretext of a certain constitution that [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate to Romania [1213/14], published concerning the bequests of the dead, which J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, while acting as legate there, renewed. The aforesaid bishop and cardinal, as the pope has gathered from their intepretation, did not mean that the cathedral church should be paid any portion of what is given for ecclesiastical ornaments, or the fabric of a church needing repair, a chaplaincy, the lighting of a church, or of those things for observing the seventh, thirtieth or twentieth anniversary, or specifically persons (unless given to persons on account of their church), which anyone might bequeath to the church. Therefore the pope ratifies their interpretation and orders the constitution observed in accordance with it, firmly prohibiting anything from being procured fraudulently in the aforesaid things to the prejudice of the cathedral church. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 114r, no. 73 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7860; Pressutti, no. 4536; Santifaller, no. 84.

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Editions:

Tautu, p. 164, no. 121 (T); included in the Decretales Gregorii IX, book V, title 40, c. 31, in, e.g., Friedberg, col. 926 (F).

Prelatis et capitulisa) universitatis Francigenarum Constantinopolitanis. Ex parte vestra fuit propositum coram nobis quod venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha vester, occasione constitutionis cuiusdam quam venerabilis frater noster . . Albanensis episcopus, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus in partibus Romanie, super legatis ediditb) defunctorum, et dilectus filius I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum ibidem legationis fungeretur officio, innovavit, de quibusdam quec) vobis et ecclesiis vestris legantur a decedentibus tertiam indebite a vobis exigit portionem. Cum igitur episcopus et cardinalis predicti,d) sicut ex eorum interpretatione accepimus, non intellexerinte) quod de hiis quef) in ornamentis ecclesiasticis, vel ad fabricam ecclesie reparationeg) indigentem, capellaniam,h) aut adi) ecclesie luminaria, necnon et de hiis que pro anniversario septimo, tricesimo, ac vicesimo faciendis, vel de hiis que personis specialiter, nisi forsan id fiat ecclesie ratione, a quocumque legantur, aliqua deberet solvi portio ecclesie cathedrali, nos, interpretationem eorum ratam habentes, secundum ipsam constitutionem prefatam precipimus observari, firmiter inhibentes ne in predictis aliquid fraudulenter in preiudicium cathedralis ecclesie procuretur. Nulli ergo etc. nostre iussionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum Laterani, XIIII Kalendas Novembris, anno octavo. a) et capitulis om. F b) editit] dedit T c) que] qui T d) episcopus et cardinalis predicti] ipsi F e) intellexerint] intellexerunt R f) que] qui T g) reparatione] reparationem T h) indigentem capellaniam] indigentis F i) ad om. T

213 Lateran, 24 October 1223 Honorius writes to the bishop of Selymbria (Silivri), to the abbot of St Angelus of Constantinople of the Cistercian Order, and to the prior of Our Lady of Bethlehem of Constantinople, as in the previous letter, no. 212, adding that he is sending a letter to Patriarch 468

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[Matthew] ordering him not to harass further said prelates and their chapters over this third of the bequests contrary to this interpretation. With the assent of the agents of both sides, the pope orders the addressees that, if the patriarch presumes to go against this, they are to restrain such presumption, no papal letter withstanding. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 113r-v, no. 71 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4540; Santifaller, no. 85. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . episcopo Salimbriensi, . . abbati Sancti Angeli, Cisterciensis Ordinis, et . . priori Sancte Marie de Bethleem Constantinopolitanis. Ex parte dilectorum filiorum prelatorum et capitulorum universitatis Francigenarum Constantinopolitanorum fuit propositum coram nobis quod venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha Constantinopolitanus, occasione constitutionis cuiusdam quam venerabilis frater noster . . Albanensis episcopus, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus in partibus Romanie, super legatis edidit defunctorum, et dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum ibidem legationis fungeretur officio, innovavit, de quibusdam que ipsis et eorum legantur ecclesiis a decedentibus tertiam indebite ab eisdem exigit portionem. Cum igitur episcopus et cardinalis predicti, sicut ex eorum interpretatione accepimus, non intellexerint quod de hiis que in ornamentis ecclesiasticis, vel ad fabricam ecclesie reparatione indigentem, capellaniam, aut ad ecclesie luminaria, necnon et de hiis que pro anniversario septimo, tricesimo, aut vicesimo faciendis, et etiam de hiis que personis specialiter, nisi forsan id fiat ecclesie ratione, a quocumque legantur, aliqua deberet solvi portio ecclesie cathedrali, nos, interpretationem eorum ratam habentes, secundum ipsam constitutionem prefatam [R 113v] precipimus observari, firmiter inhibentes ne in predictis aliquid fraudulenter in preiudicium cathedralis ecclesie procuretur. Unde nos eidem patriarche nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut dictos prelatos et eorum capitula super tertia parte legatorum huiusmodi contra interpretationem prescriptam non presumat decetero molestare. Ideoque discretioni vestre, de utriusque partis procuratorum assensu, per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si dic469

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tus patriarcha contraire presumpserit, vos presumptionem ipsius, monitione premissa, districtione qua convenit, appellatione postposita, compescatis, nullis litteris obstantibus preter assensum partium a Sede Apostolica impetratis. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani,VIIII Kalendas Novembris, anno octavo. 214 Rome, the Lateran, 24 October 1223 Honorius writes to the archbishop of Herakleia and to the bishops of Maydos (Eceabat) and of Selymbria (Silivri), relating that it was explained before him on behalf of the clergy of the Frankish part of Constantinople that an agreement was entered between the churches and the barons concerning the resignation, mediated by J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, to the churches of the eleventh portion of the possessions acquired in the Frankish area beyond [east of] Makri. When the eleventh had not yet been allocated by the laymen, at the frequent insistence of the chapter of Constantinople, the same cardinal, in the name of the fourth that he had decreed was to be allocated from that eleventh to the church of Constantinople, allocated in certain areas the eleventh that, as was said, was to be allocated by the laymen, and committed its division to certain canons of Constantinople. But although Patriarch [Matthew] and the chapter have declared that they are content with such an allocation, the same cardinal as a favor allocated to the patriarch and chapter said elevenths in other areas, and afterward, when the aforesaid patriarch was coming to Constantinople, the cardinal allocated to him out of pure generosity something from that eleventh that had not yet been allocated, with the entirety of the remainder being left to the Frankish clergy. But the aforesaid patriarch and chapter, although they said they were content with what the aforesaid cardinal had allocated to them for their church from the eleventh that was allocated and to be allocated in what had been acquired beyond Makri in the Frankish areas, nevertheless presume to harass the Frankish clergy over the remainder of this eleventh. Since the cardinal has constantly insisted, and it is said to even be contained in the letter of the same patriarch and chapter, that the patriarch and chapter declared that they were content with what the car470

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dinal allocated to them in the name of the quarter, the pope is sending them a letter ordering that, as they are content, they shall not presume to harass and harm the clergy from now on over the remainder. Therefore, with the assent of the agents of both sides, the pope orders the addressees, if the patriarch and chapter should presume to go against this, to force them to cease such harassment, the constitution of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 37] “de duabis dietis” and any papal letter notwithstanding. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 113v-114r, no. 72 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4541; Santifaller, no. 86. Edition: Wolff, Politics, pp. 302-303, no. 7 (W).

. . archiepiscopo Eracliensi, . . Maditensi et . . Salimbriensi episcopis. Ex parte universitatis cleri Constantinopolitani de parte Francorum fuit propositum coram nobis quod, compositione, mediante dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbytero cardinali, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, inita inter ecclesias et barones de resignanda ecclesiis possessionum acquisitarum ultra Machram in parte Francorum undecima portione, idem cardinalis, nondum ipsa undecima a laicis assignata, ad multam instantiam dilectorum filiorum capituli Constantinopolitani, nomine quarte quam ex ipsa undecima ecclesie Constantinopolitane assignandam decreverat, assignavit in certis locis undecimam, prout dictum est, a laicis assignandam, quam quibusdam Constantinopolitanis canonicis dividendam commisit. Et licet assignatione huiusmodi venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha et predictum capitulum Constantinopolitania) vocaverint se contentos, idem tamen cardinalis de gratia quedam dicta undecima in aliis locis dictis patriarche et capitulo assignavit, ac postmodum patriarche predicto Constantinopolim venienti ex merab) liberalitate de ipsa quiddam assignavit undecima que adhuc non extiterat assignata, residuo toto ipsius undecime eidem universitati dimisso. Set sepedicti patriarcha et capitulum, quamquam ex hiis que eisdemc) assignaverat cardinalis predictus pro ecclesia sua de assignata et assignanda undecima in acquisitis ultra Machram in parte Francorum vocaverint se contentos, nichilominus tamen universitatem ipsam super residuo ipsius undecime molestare presumunt. 471

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Cum igitur cardinalis predictus asseveret constanter,d) et in litteris eorumdem patriarche ace) capituli dicatur etiam contineri, quod sepefati patriarcha et capitulum vocaverint se contentos hiis que idem cardinalis eisdem quarte nomine assignavit, ipsis nostris damusf) litteris in mandatis ut eisdem contenti non presumant decetero universitati predicte super eodem residuo inferre molestiam et gravamen. Ideoque fraternitati vestre, de utriusque partis procuratorum assensu, per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si sepedicti patriarcha et capitulum presumpserint contraire, vos, monitione premissa, sublato appellationis obstaculo, eosg) a molestatione huiusmodi, districtione qua convenit, mediante iustitia compescatis, non obstante constitutione Concilii Generalis qua cavetur [R 114r] ne quis ultra duas dietas extra suam diocesimh) per litteras apostolicas ad iudicium trahi possit, nullis litteris obstantibus preter assensum partium a Sede Apostolica impetratis. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, VIIII Kalendas Novembris, anno octavo›. a) constantinopolitani] constantinopolitanum W b) ex mera] eimini W c) eisdem om. W d) constanter] constantem W e) ac] et W f) damus] nostris add. et del. R g) sublato appellationis obstaculo eos] sub apostolica obligatione W h) diocesim] diocesis W

215 Rome, the Lateran, 26 October 1223 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew], the dean, and the chapter of Constantinople: “Ordered love as if fertilized in a single conception bears twin fruits, since by such circumspect arrangement the benefices are distributed so that it usefully furnishes churches with persons and persons with churches, because a benefice is known to be perfectly allocated when it helps the recipient and perfects the donor.”The pope relates that a while ago Master Clement, their canon, went the way of all flesh at the Apostolic See, and the pope by generous grace conferred the prebend that he had in their church on Archdeacon Marcellino of Ancona, cleric of P[elagius, cardi472

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nal-]bishop of Albano, and a learned and prudent man, intending to honor their church through him and him through their church. Wanting his grace to have its due effect, the pope orders the addressees to receive M[arcellino] as a canon and a brother and to assign him or his agent a stall in the choir and a place in the chapter, implementing his mandate in such a way that they are seen to serve his will voluntarily and so that they render him thereby favorable and kind to them. Otherwise, lest any cunning place an obstacle to the pope’s grace, he declares null and void anything that might be rashly attempted concerning this prebend beyond his mandate, giving a letter to the bishop of Selymbria (Silivri) and to the priors of St Peter of the Pisans and of St Mary of Bethlehem of Constantinople, ordering them to force those who contradict and rebel against his authority. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 134r, no. 160 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4543; Santifaller, no. 87. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche, . . decano, et capitulo Constantinopolitanis. Ordinata caritas quasi uno fecundata conceptu geminum fructum parit, cum sic provida dispositione ipsius ecclesiastica beneficia dispensantur quod ecclesiis in personis et personis in ecclesiis utiliter providetur, quia tunc intelligi beneficium perfecte locari cum recipientem iuvat et perficit largienti. Hinc est quod nuper, bone memorie magistro Clemente, canonico vestro, apud Sedem Apostolicam viam universe carnis ingresso, nos prebendam quam in ecclesia vestra obtinebat dilecto filio Marcellino archidiacono Anconitano, clerico venerabilis fratris nostri P. Albanensis episcopi, viro utique litterato et provido, de nostra contulimus gratia liberali, ecclesiam ipsam per eum ipsumque per ecclesiam intendentes invicem honorare. Volentes igitur ut gratiam nostram debitus comitetur effectus, universitatem vestram rogamus et monemus attente per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes quatenus, eundem M. ad ipsam prebendam recipientes in canonicum et in fratrem, ei vel procuratori suo stallum in choro et locum in capitulo assignetis, preces et mandatum nostrum taliter impleturi quod beneplacitis nostris voluntarie obsequi videamini et nos vobis exin473

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de reddatis favorabiles et benignos. Alioquin, ne alicuius versutia gratie nostre obicem interponat, siquid de prebenda ipsa preter mandatum nostrum temere fuerit attemptatum, decernimus irritum et inane, dantes nichilominus venerabili fratri nostro . . episcopo Salimbriensi et . . Sancti Petri Pisanorum et . . Sancte Marie Betleemitane prioribus Constantinopolitanis nostris litteris in mandatis ut contradictores et rebelles auctoritate nostra, appellatione cessante, compescant. Datum Laterani,VII Kalendas Novembris, anno octavo. 216 Rome, the Lateran, 17 November 1223 Honorius writes to the abbot and convent of the monastery of St Stephen of the Cistercian Order, of the diocese of Constantinople, as above in no. 212, mutatis mutandis, except that it refers not just to the patriarch but to “certain other archbishops and bishops of Romania” and their cathedral churches and omits the clause referring to “specifically persons.” The pope writes similar letters to the abbot and convent of the monastery of St Angelus of Constantinople of the Cistercian Order, and to Abbess [Beatrice] and the convent of Our Lady of Perchay of Constantinople of the Cistercian Order. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 120r, no. 91 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4563; Santifaller, no. 88. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . abbati et conventui monasterii Sancti Stephani, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Constantinopolitane diocesis. Ex parte vestra fuit propositum coram nobis quod venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha Constantinopolitanus ac quidam alii archiepiscopi et episcopi Romanie, occasione constitutionis cuiusdam, quam venerabilis frater noster . . episcopus Albanensis, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatus in partibus Romanie, super legatis edidit defunctorum et dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum ibidem legationis fungeretur officio, innovavit, de quibusdam que vobis 474

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et monasterio vestro legantur a decedentibus tertiam indebite a vobis exigunt portionem. Cum igitur episcopus et cardinalis predicti, sicut ex eorum interpretatione accepimus, non intellexerint quod de hiis que in ornamentis ecclesiasticis, vel ad fabricam ecclesie reparatione indigentem, capellaniam, aut ecclesie luminaria, necnon et de hiis que pro anniversario septimo, tricesimo, ac vicesimo faciendis, a quocumque legantur, aliqua deberet solvi portio ecclesie cathedrali, nos, interpretationem eorum ratam habentes, secundum ipsam constitutionem prefatam precipimus observari, firmiter inhibentes ne a vobis de hiis a predictis aliqua portio exigatur aut a vobis in predictis aliquid fraudulenter in ecclesiarum cathedralium preiudicium procuretur. Nulli ergo etc. nostre iussionis et inhibitionis. Siquis etc. Datum Laterani, XV Kalendas Decembris, anno octavo. In eundem modum scriptum est . . abbati et conventui monasterii Sancti Angeli Constantinopolitanis, Cisterciensis Ordinis. Datum ut supra. In eundem modum scriptum est . . abbatisse et conventui Sancte Marie de Perceio Constantinopolitanis, Cisterciensis Ordinis. Datum ut supra. 217 Rome, the Lateran, 17 November 1223 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople and the archbishops and bishops of Romania as above in no. 216, mutatis mutandis, ordering them not to harass the abbot and convent of the monastery of St Stephen of the Cistercian Order, of the diocese of Constantinople, over this third part of the bequests, contrary to the aforesaid interpretation. The pope writes two similar letters to the same addressees concerning the abbot and convent of the monastery of St Angelus of Constantinople of the Cistercian Order, and concerning Abbess [Beatrice] and the convent of Our Lady of Perchay of Constantinople of the Cistercian Order. 475

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 120r-v, no. 92 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 4564; Santifaller, no. 89 Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano, archiepicopis et episcopis Romanie. Ex parte dilectorum filiorum . . abbatis et conventus monasterii Sancti Stephani, Cisterciensis Ordinis, Constantinopolitane diocesis, fuit propositum coram nobis quod, occasione constitutionis cuiusdam etc. usque de quibusdam que ipsis et monasterio eorum legantur a decedentibus tertiam indebite ab ipsis exigitis portionem. Cum igitur episcopus etc. usque [R 120v] firmiter inhibentes ne ab eis de hiis aliqua portio exigatur aut ab eis in predictis aliquid fraudulenter etc. usque procuretur. Quocirca fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus dictos abbatem et conventum super tertia parte legatorum huiusmodi contra interpretationem prefatam non presumatis decetero molestare. Datum Laterani, XV Kalendas Decembris, anno octavo. In eundem modum scriptum est eisdem pro . . abbate et conventu monasterii Sancti Angeli Constantinopolitanis, Cisterciensis Ordinis. In eundem modum scriptum est eisdem pro . . abbatissa et conventu Sancte Marie de Perceio Constantinopolitanis, Cisterciensis Ordinis. Datum ut supra. 218 Rome, the Lateran, 22 November 1223 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), relating that the abbot and convent of Jubin1) on the Black Mountain [in Syria], of the Cistercian Order, cultivate certains lands in his diocese that have been given to them in alms. They desire to have a place in those lands where they can lay their 476

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heads, so the pope orders the archbishop to be benevolent and benign over this. Original:

Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Madonna dell’Orto, b 3 pergamene (A). Papal Register: none. Summaries: Potthast, no. 7105; Pressutti, no. 4573; Scaffini, no. 18; Orlando, no. 35. Edition: Cornelio, p. 229 (C).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri . . archiepiscopo Cretensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.

Viros fovere religiosos et humanitatis eis solatium exhibere laudabile est apud homines et meritorium apud Deum. Cum itaque dilecti filii . . abbas et conventus de Iubino in Montana Nigra, Ordinis Cisterciensis,a) in diocesi tua excolant datas eis in elemosinamb) quasdam terras, in quibus locum habere cupiunt, ubi capudc) valeant reclinare, fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus pro divina et nostra reverentia super hoc benivolumd) te ipsis exhibeas et benignum, ita quod viros videaris religiosos diligere ac fovere, ac illi ad nostre interventionis suffragium se a te asservatos gaudeant quod intendunt. Datum Laterani, X Kalendase) Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. 1) Instead of Jubin, Cornelio’s 1749 edition of documents relating to the church of Torcello has San Tommaso of Torcello. The confused message on the verso of the original (which is 14.0 cm long × 14.2 cm wide), in a hand of perhaps the seventeenth century, may explain the motivation for Cornelio's forgery: “1225 22 dcbre. Comendataria del Pontifice Onorio III al vescovo di Candia per assistere et protegere li Monaci Cisterciensi abitanti in Monte Negro sue Diocese, a quali furono donnati certi terreni a stabilirsi.” a) de iubino in montana nigra ordinis cisterciensis] sancti thome de torcello ordinis cistesciensis (sic) in montana nigra C b) elemosinam] eleemosinam C c) capud] caput C d) benivolum] benevolum C e) kalendas] calendas C

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219 Rome, the Lateran, 22 November 12231) Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), relating that the monks and Bishop [Simon] of Mount Sinai complained to him that the archbishop, not paying attention to the fact that they and their possessions, existing amidst the enemies of the Christian faith, are completely free and immune from every exaction, is not afraid to exact tithes from the brothers of their house on Crete on their possessions, harming them unduly and causing them much damage and injury. Since it seems indecent for the bishop and brothers of Mount Sinai, which by His coming the Lord once visibly engraved, to live in a worse condition with Christians than with pagans, the pope orders the archbishop to cease this undue molestation completely. Otherwise, he is writing to Bishops [Marcius] of Ario and [Mark] of Mylopotamos, ordering them to force the archbishop to comply, without appeal. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 6v (A). Edition: Scaffini, pp. 15-16, no. 19 (S).

Honorius episcopos, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri archiepiscopo Cretensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Conquerentibus venerabili fratre nostro episcopo et monachis Montis Sinai, nos noveris accepisse quod tu, sicut convenit, non attendensa) quod ipsi acb) possessiones eorum, inter inimicos Christiane fidei existentes, ab omni exactione liberi sint penitus et immunes, a fratribus domus eorum in Cretensi insula constitute de possessionibus suis decimas exigere non vereris, super hiis indebite molestans eosdem, damna sibi plurima et iniurias irrogando.c) Cum igitur indecens videatur ut episcopus et fratres montis prefati, que‹m› inlustratione adventus sui Dominus antiquitus visibiliter insignavit, apud Christianos deterioris quam apud paganos conditionis existant, fraternitatem tuam monendam duximus et hortandam, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus ab ipsorum super premissis molestatione indebita 478

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penitus conquiescas, de damnis et illatis iniuriis eis satisfaciens competenter. Alioquin venerabilibus fratribusd) nostris . . Arianensie) et . . Milopotamensif) episcopis nostris damus litterisg) in mandatis ut te ad id, monitioneh) premissa, sublato appellationis obstaculo, auctoritate nostra compellant. Datum Laterani, X Kalendasi) Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. 1) This is a conjecture based on the previous letter, since the copy is in error. a) attendens] attendes S b) ac] et S c) irrogando] dirogando S d) fratribus] fratris S e) arianensi] arianensibus S f) milopotamensi] milopotamensibus S g) litteris] litteras S h) monitione] munitione S i) x kalendas] iiii AS

220 Rome, the Lateran, 5 January 1224 Honorius writes to Bishop [Peter] of Olena, relating that he passed a sentence [cf. no. 192 above] in favor of Master John of Benevento, archdeacon of Patras, and against Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras, concerning the deprivation of the archdeaconate of Patras and its possessions, and concerning the restitution of what was deprived and the fruits therefrom. From this sentence, the pope excepted the right over that archdeaconate claimed by the papal scribe, Master Hugh. Finally, when Archdeacon John asked that the sentence be carried out, Hugh opposed it, asserting that the sentence should not be carried out to his prejudice, nor should John be named archdeacon, since Hugh said that he himself was in full possession of that archdeaconate.When the aforesaid was litigated for quite some time in the presence of G[regory], cardinal-deacon of San Teodoro, who was assigned to hear the case, finally the agent of the scribe claimed that the scribe had received the archdeaconate from the archbishop against whom the sentence was carried.Therefore, since the scribe’s case arose from the defeated archbishop, the pope orders the bishop of Olena to execute the sentence, notwithstanding what Hugh and his agent had proposed in the presence of the cardinal. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 137r, no. 177 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4654. Edition: previously unpublished.

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. . episcopo Olenensi. Cum pro dilecto filio magistro Iohanne de Benevento, archidiacono Patracensi, contra venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . Patracensem archiepiscopum circa subtractionem archidiaconatus Patracensis et possessionum ipsius et restitutionem subtractorum et fructuum a nobis, de fratrum nostrorum consilio, certa sententia lata fuisset, in qua reservabatur magistro Hugoni, scriptori nostro, ius quod super eodem archidiaconatu se dicebat habere, tandem, petente ipso archidiacono eandem sententiam executioni mandari, se predictus scriptor opponens eam non esse in eius preiudicium executioni mandandam nec ipsum I. nominandum archidiaconum, cum se esse in plena possessione ipsius archidiaconatus diceret, asserebat, cumque super hiis coram dilecto filio nostro G., Sancti Theodori diacono cardinali, quem partibus dedimus auditorem, fuisset inter eundem archidiaconum et scriptorem predictum aliquamdiu litigatum, confitente tandem procuratore scriptoris eiusdem ipsum scriptorem recepisse archidiaconatum eundem a prefato archiepiscopo contra quem dicta sententia lata fuit, nos, hiis et aliis que coram eodem cardinali fuere proposita plenius intellectis, cum idem scriptor causam habuerit ab archiepiscopo memorato devicto, fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, non obstantibus hiis que a prefato Hugone et procuratore ipsius proposita coram cardinali iamdicto fuerunt, quod super hoc a nobis est sententialiter diffinitum tu exequi, sublato cuiuslibet contradictionis et appellationis obstaculo, non omittas, contradictores etc. Datum Laterani, Nonis Ianuarii, anno octavo. 221 Rome, the Lateran, 22 January 1224 Honorius writes to the nobleman Marquis William of Montferrat, relating that, so that he and the barons and knights of Lombardy, Tuscany, Burgundy, and other parts of the world who are going with him are able to pursue more securely the goal of going to Romania that they have bravely taken up, the pope takes his and their lands, men, and other goods under papal protection, establishing that, 480

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after they have set off, these things shall remain undisturbed under the special defense of the Apostolic See until their return or death is known with great certainty. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 151v, no. 247 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 131v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4704. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro Willielmo marchioni Montisferrati. Ut propositum eundi in Romaniam quod magnanimiter assumpsisti tu et barones ac milites de Lombardia,Tuscia, Burgundia, et aliis mundi partibus qui tecum idem propositum assumpserunt securius prosequi valeatis, tuas et eorum terras, homines, ac alia bona omnia sub nostra et beati Petri protectione suscipimus, statuentes ut, postquam fueritis propositum iter aggressi, ea omnia sub speciali Apostolice Sedis defensione quieta et illibata consistant donec de reditu vestro vel obitu certissime cognoscatur. Nulli ergo nostre protectionis etc. Siquis etc. Datum Laterani, XI Kalendas Februarii, anno octavo. 222 Rome, the Lateran, 28 January 1224 Honorius writes to Archbishops [C.] of Athens and [Hardouin] of Thebes and to the prior of the Lord’s Sepulcher of Athens, relating that the bishop of Oreoi explained in his presence that Bishop [John] of Negroponte set his eyes on the spouse of another and yearned for the goods of his neighbor with an insatiable heart. By his cunning deceptions he procured and obtained via J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate, that the church of Oreoi be joined to that of Negroponte. Although, after this joining, the legate committed the aforesaid bishop of Oreoi with the care of the spiritual and temporal affairs of the church of Oreoi, nevertheless, after the legate’s departure from Romania, said bishop of Negroponte, not controlling his avarice, extended his excessively greedy hands to occupying the goods of the church of Oreoi and presumed to extort obedience from the clerics of the cathedral church and of 481

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the diocese of Oreoi, asserting that he could not preserve the rights of the church otherwise. He also established a certain Greek priest as the vicar of the spiritual and temporal affairs of the bishopric of Oreoi. Because of all these and other injuries, the bishop of Oreoi, placing himself, his clerics, and his goods under papal protection, appealed to the pope. And since there was nothing else the [bishop of Negroponte] could do to him there except prevent his journey to the Apostolic See, he had the bishop’s archdeacon, who was ready to come to the pope’s presence, taken from the ship, so that in this way at least, with the bishop [of Oreoi] alone remaining, the latter would be forced to stop his journey.Therefore the bishop of Oreoi, afflicted and exasperated by so many and such great injuries from the bishop [of Negroponte], frightened by the perils of the sea, exhausted by the main trials of the roads, and oppressed by the discomforts of poverty, took recourse to the pope as if to a special refuge and humbly requested that he be provided for concerning the above. The pope orders the addressees, if it is so, to force the bishop of Negroponte to restore to the bishop of Oreoi the occupied goods of the church of Oreoi, to allow the clerics and laymen of the city and diocese of Oreoi to show him due reverence and obedience, to allow him to exercise freely in the future the care in spiritual and temporal affairs committed to him by the legate, and to allow him to live in his church or wherever he wishes, having removed the aforesaid vicar from there. He is to absolve the clerics from the collections imposed, do satisfaction for the damages done and injuries caused to the bishop of Oreoi and the clerics and churches of his bishopric, and henceforth cease any harassment over these things. The addressees are to compel the aforementioned priest to give up the vicarage that he has taken up and to make satisfaction for the other things as is just. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 149v-150r, no. 237 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4730. Edition: Tautu, pp. 165-166, no. 123 (T).

. . Atheniensi et . . Thebano archiepiscopis et . . priori Dominici Sepulcria) Atheniensi. Venerabilis frater noster . . Loretensis episcopus in nostra proposuit presentia constitutus quod venerabilis frater noster . . Nigripontensis episcopus, oculos in alienam sponsam iniciens et ad proximi sui bona insatiabili corde suspirans, suis dolosis 482

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circumventionibus procuravit et optinuit per dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatum, Nigripontensi ecclesie adiungi ecclesiam Loretensem. Et licet idem legatus curam eiusdemb) Loretensis ecclesie in spiritualibus et temporalibus post adiunctionem huiusmodi prefato Loretensi episcopo commisisset,c) nichilominus tamen dictus Nigripontensis, sue modum avaritie non imponens, post recessum ipsius de partibus Romanie, ad occupanda bona Loretensis ecclesie nimis avidas manus extendit et a clericis cathedralis ecclesie ac diocesis Loretensium obedientiam extorquere presumpsit, asserens se non posse iura ipsius ecclesie aliter conservare, quendam etiam Grecum presbyterum in spiritualibus et temporalibus vicarium in episcopatu nichilominus constituens Loretensi. Propter que omnia et alia multad) gravamina sepedictus Loretensis, se ac episcopatum suum et clericos necnon omnia bona sua et illorum apostolice protectionie) supponens, ad nostram audientiam appellavit.f) At ille, cum nichil aliud ubi eum posset affligere superesset nisi ut ipsius iter veniendi ad Sedem Apostolicam impediret, archidiaconum ipsius episcopi, secum ad nostram presentiam venire paratum, de navi fecit educi,g) ut sic saltem, solus episcopus remanens, desistere ab incepto itinere cogeretur. Quare dictus Loretensis episcopus, tot et tantis gravaminibus episcopi eiusdem afflictus et iniuriis lacessitus, maris periculis territus, viarum pluribus fatigatus laboribus, et pressus incommodis paupertatis, ad nos recurrens tanquam refugium singulare, super premissis sibi provideri humiliter supplicavit. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si est ita, sepefatum Nigripontensem episcopum, ut ei bona Loretensis ecclesie restituat occupata, et a clericis et laicis Loretensium civitatis et diocesis debitam sibi obedientiam et reverentiam exhiberi, et curam in spiritualibus et temporalibus eidem a prenominato legato commissam ipsum libere imposterum exercere, ac in ecclesia sua vel ubi maluerit morari permittens, prefato vicario exinde prorsus amoto, clericos prefatos ab impositis collectis absolvat, et de dampnis illatis et irrogatis iniuriis eidem Loretensi episcopo necnon clericis et ecclesiis episcopatus sui satisfactionem exhibeat, ac a qualibet eiush) decetero super [R 150r] hiis molestatione desi483

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stat, monitione premissa, cessante appellatione, auctoritate nostra cogatis, prenominatum presbyterum ut vicariam sic susceptam dimittat et de aliis sicut iustum fuerit satisfaciat, per censuram ecclesiasticam, sublatoi) appellationis obstaculo,j) nichilominus compellendo. Testes etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani,V Kalendas Februarii, anno octavo. a) sepulcri] templi T b) eiusdem] eidem T c) commisisset] commississet a.c. R d) que omnia et alia multa] quod et alia illicita T e) protectioni] praeceptioni T f) appellavit] appellans T g) educi] aduci T h) eius] ei T i) sublato] submoto T j) obstaculo] co. add. et del. R

223 Rome, the Lateran, 7 February 1224 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Otto] of Genoa and his suffragans, relating that the famous merits of the nobleman Marquis William of Montferrat and his ancestors lead the pope to show him favor as much as he can with God. Since the marquis is preparing for the defense of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, which belongs to him by hereditary right, the pope, thinking about the devotion that he, as a catholic prince, has and that his ancestors had toward the Apostolic See, observing that his arrival would bring great utility to the whole Empire of Constantinople, and considering that the strengthening of the empire is very useful for the Holy Land’s cause, grants a one-year term to those who have taken the cross and will take the cross for the support of the Holy Land and who want to enter that kingdom with the marquis, while traveling for the relief of the Holy Land, from the next feast of St John [the Baptist, 24 June], for traveling for the relief of the Holy Land, as long as they faithfully fulfill their vow in this period. If they die in the meantime, he nevertheless grants forgiveness of their sins, if they are truly contrite and have confessed them. He has also granted similar forgiveness to those who have not and will not take up the cross for the aid of the Holy Land who will go to Greece with the marquis. Therefore the pope orders the addressees to declare and have declared throughout their dioceses the text of the pope’s concession, by themselves or through others, to induce their subjects with diligent exhortations to travel with the nobleman, and to compel those 484

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who are bound by oath, or who have received money for this purpose from the marquis himself or from the Roman Church, to travel in support of that kingdom. If perhaps the leaders or communes of the lands presume to impede those who wish to go with the marquis, the addressees are to force them from the presumption. The pope writes 19 similar letters to other prelates, mostly in Italian cities. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 151v-152r, no. 248 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 627r-628r; I 53, f. 131v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4753. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archiepiscopo Ianuensi et suffraganeis eius. Clara dilecti filii nobilis viri Willielmi marchionis Montisferrati et progenitorum eius merita nos inducunt ut – inquantuma) [R 152r] cum Deo possumus – sibi favorem apostolicum impendamus. Cum igitur idem marchio ad defensionem regni Thesalonicensis, quod ad eum hereditario iure noscitur pertinere, magnanimiter se accingat, nos, pensantes devotionem quam ad Apostolicam Sedem et ipse sicut catholicus princeps habet et eius progenitores habuisse noscuntur, ac attendentes quod eius ad partes illas accessus toti Constantinopolitano imperio grandem potest utilitatem afferre, considerantes etiam quod corroboratio status ipsius imperii multum est utilis negotio Terre Sancte, crucesignatis vel decetero crucesignandis pro ipsius Terre Sancte succursu volentibus cum marchione ipso regnum intrare predictum transfretandi‹s› pro Terre Sancteb) succursu a festo Sancti Iohannis Baptiste proximo usque ad unum annum terminum duximus indulgendum, ita tamen quod votum suum in ipso termino fideliter exequantur, nichilominus peccatorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi plenam eis sicut et transeuntibus in Terram Sanctam veniam concedentes, si forte interim fuerint ab hac luce vocati. Non crucesignatis etiam nec crucesignandis pro sepedicte Terre Sancte subsidio ituris in Greciam cum marchione predicto plenam similiter suorum concessimus veniam peccatorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi. 485

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Ideoque fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, singuli per dioceses vestras exponentes et exponi facientes huius nostre concessionis tenorem, subditos vestros ad transeundum cum nobili memorato sedulis exhortationibus per vos et per alios inducatis, illos qui ad id iuramento tenentur vel qui ob hoc ipsius marchionis vel Ecclesie Romane pecuniam receperunt ut transeant in dicti regni succursum, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compescendo. Ad hoc, sique potestates vel communitates terrarum eos qui volunt ire cum marchione iamdicto impedire forte presumpserint, eos per censuram eandem a presumptione huiusmodi, appellatione postposita, compellatis. Datum Laterani,VII Idus Februarii, anno octavo. In eundem modum scriptum est . . Lucano episcopo. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Lugdunensi et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Mediolanensi et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Ravennati et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . episcopo Lunensi. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Pisano. In eundem modum . . episcopo Veronensi. In eundem modum . . episcopo Parmensi. In eundem modum . . episcopo Aretino. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Ebredunensi et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Aquensi et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Arelatensi et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . patriarche Aquilegensi et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . episcopo Agniciensi. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Bisuntino et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . episcopo Florentino. 486

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In eundem modum . . episcopo Paduano. In eundem modum . . archiepiscopo Tarantasiensi et suffraganeis eius. In eundem modum . . episcopo Vicentino. a) inquantum] in quibus R

b) sancte iter. R

224 Rome, the Lateran, 7 February 1224 Honorius writes to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople, relating that Jesus Christ, the King of kings and Lord of lords, Who surrendered Himself to endure with His Church until the end of time, by His ineffable power surrendered into the hands of the Latins the Empire of the Greeks, which had fallen into the crime of schism, so that the schismatics who had raised their heel against the Roman Church, the mother and mistress of all faithful, would at last come humbly to her, from whom they had rashly withdrawn, and worship her footprints.Thus there should be no doubt that the emperor and other catholic men, whose ministry God himself has used and is using, will receive the rewards for their labors in this fact. For although occasionally some adversity arises, the emperor should not be disheartened and dejected by this, but rather, placing his hope in his Lord God, rise stronger, because it belongs to virtue to advance against adversity. But the pope is all the more concerned about helping the emperor the more serious harm he has learned that the emperor suffered last summer, so he has granted full forgiveness of sins to the nobleman Marquis William of Montferrat, who is bravely arming himself for the relief of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, which belongs to him by hereditary right, and to those who are traveling with him into Greece, in the same way as he has to those traveling to aid the Holy Land. He has supplied the marquis with 15000 silver marks from money designated for the support of the Holy Land, having firm hope and faith that his arrival in those parts will strengthen the condition of the entire Empire of Romania, which should prove to be not a little helpful for the Holy Land itself.The pope urges the emperor, certain that the marquis will arrive soon, to see to the care of the land wisely and cautiously in the meantime and not ex487

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pose his people to the perils of war, except insofar as the defense of cities and castles requires, because the marquis will come with such force that, with the emperor’s strength combined with his, God helping, the above-mentioned schismatics will be so humiliated that they henceforth will not presume to raise their heel against the emperor or the Apostolic See. The pope writes a similar letter to Count Uberto de Biandrate. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 152r-v, no. 249 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 594r (in table of contents); I 53, f. 131v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4754. Edition: previously unpublished.

. ., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri. Rex regum et Dominus dominantium Ihesus Christus, qui, cum Ecclesia sua promisit se usque ad consumationem seculi permansurum, Grecorum imperium lapsum in scismatis crimen ineffabili potentia sua tradidit in manibus Latinorum, ut scismatici qui erexerant calcaneum contra Romanam Ecclesiam, matrem cunctorum fidelium et [R 152v] magistram, tandem venirent humiliter ad eam, cui temere detrahebant, et adorarent vestigia pedum eius. Unde non est aliquatenus dubitandum quin tu et alii viri catholici, ministerio quorum ipse Deus usus est et utitur, in hoc facto grata sitis ab eo laborum vestrorum premia recepturi. Quare, licet interdum aliquid adversitatis eveniat, non tamen debes ob hoc animo frangi vel deici, quinimmo, ponens spem tuam in Domino Deo tuo, consurgere fortior, quia virtutis est proficere in adversis. Nos autem de subventione tua eo magis solliciti quo graviora dampna te accepimus estate preterita incurrisse: ecce dilecto filio nobili viro Willielmo marchioni Montisferrati, qui ad succursum Thesalonicensis regni, iure ad eum hereditario pertinentis, magnanimiter se accingit, et omnibus cum eo in Greciam transituris plenam suorum concessimus veniam peccatorum, sicut et illis qui transeunt in subsidium Terre Sancte. Ac insuper ipsi marchioni ministravimus quindecim milia marcarum argenti de pecunia ipsius Terre Sancte subsidio deputata, firmam spem fiduciamque tenentes quod eius ad par488

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tes illas accessus magnifice corroborabit statum totius imperii Romanie, quod etiam ipsi Terre Sancte constat non modicum expedire. Hortamur igitur serenitatem tuam, et confortamus in Domino, quatenus, securus de proximo adventu marchionis iamdicti, interim ad custodiam terre intendas sapienter et caute, nec usque ad eius adventum exponas bellorum discriminibus gentem tuam, nisi quatenus civitatum et castrorum defensio postulabit, quia ipse cum tanto transibit exfortio quod, coniunctis viribus tuis et suis, divino preeunte auxilio, taliter humiliabuntur scismatici supradicti quod decetero contra te vel Apostolicam Sedem erigere calcaneum non presument. Datum Laterani,VII Idus Februarii, anno octavo. In eundem modum scriptum est Uberto comiti de Blanderent. 225 Rome, the Lateran, 8 February 1224 Honorius writes to the nobleman Count Alamano [da Costa], relating that Marquis William of Montferrat declared before him that the count and the marquis have a pact that the count must go with him to Greece with two ships, two galleys, and a certain number of warriors, and that the marquis must give the count 100 militiae, that is, 100 military fiefs, in those parts, or 1000 silver marks, should he be unable to supply the militiae. So the marquis asked the pope to give the force of apostolic authority to the pact, especially since it says that, if either of them wishes to withdraw from it, he shall be compelled to observe it by the Roman Church. Observing that the marquis’ arrival would bring great utility to the whole Empire of Constantinople, and considering that the strengthening of the empire is very useful for the Holy Land’s cause, the pope ratifies the pact. So that the count is able to implement it more securely, the pope takes him and his associates and their goods under papal protection, establishing that, after they have set off, these things shall remain under the special protection of the Apostolic See until certain knowledge is had of their return or death. If any of their men should die in the meantime, the pope grants them full forgiveness of the sins for which they are truly contrite and have confessed. 489

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 152v-153r, no. 250 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 131v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4757. Edition: previously unpublished.

Nobili viro comiti Alamanno. Dilectus filius nobilis vir Willielmus marchio Montisferrati proposuit coram nobis quod inter te ac ipsum talis pactio intervenit quod inde debes ire cum eo in Greciam cum duabus navibus et totidem galeis ac certo numero bellatorum, et ipse tibi dare debet in illis partibus centum militias, seu centum feuda militaria, vel mille marcas argenti, si fo‹r›te non posset ipsas militias tibi dare. Quare petiit ut eidem pactioni apostolice auctoritatis robur impendere dignaremur, presertim cum sit in eadem expressum ut, si aliquis vestrum ab ea voluerit resilire, ad eam observandam per Romanam Ecclesiam compellatur. Nos igitur, attendentes quod ipsius marchionis ad partes illas accessus toti Constantinopolitano imperio grandem potest utilitatem afferre, considerantes etiam quod corroboratio status eiusdem imperii multum est utilis negotio Terre Sancte, ratam et gratam habemus pactionem huiusmodi. Et ut eam studiosius et securius valeas adimplere, tuam et sociorum tuorum personas ac bona sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus, statuentes ut, postquam fueritis propositum tunc aggressi, ea omnia sub speciali Apostolice Sedis defensione consistant donec de reditu vestro vel obitu certissime cognoscatur. Quod si forsan aliquos vestrum [R 153r] interim ab hac luce migrare contigerit, eis ad omnium peccatorum suorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi veniam misericorditer indulgemus. Nulli ergo ‹etc.› nostre protectionis, constitutionis, et concessionis etc. Siquis etc. Datum Laterani,VI Idus Februarii, anno octavo. 226 Rome, the Lateran, 8 February 1224 Honorius writes to the nobleman G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, relating as above in no. 224 concerning Marquis William

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of Montferrat and ordering the prince, certain that the marquis will come soon, to work manfully for the defense of the Kingdom [of Thessaloniki] in the meantime, especially the castle of Bodonitsa, setting aside the specific hatred of any person, and serving the general condition of the kingdom and the entire empire. He should behave such that he pleases God and men, and especially the Apostolic See. The pope hopes that the marquis will come with such force that, with the prince’s strength combined with his, God helping, the schismatics of Romania will be so humiliated that they henceforth will not presume to raise their heel against the Roman Church or the Latins. The pope writes similar letters to the nobleman O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, and to the noblemen the lords of Negroponte. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 153r, no. 251 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 594r (in table of contents, but deleted with the note “non est scripta”); I 53, f. 131v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 4758. Edition: Lampros, p. 34, no. 21 (L).

Nobili viro G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie. Ad subventionem imperii Constantinopolitani eo studiosius intendentes quo graviora dampna illud accepimus estate preterita incurrisse: ecce dilecto filio nobili viro Willielmo marchioni etc. ut in aliis que mittuntur imperatori Constantinopolitano usque expedire. Ideoque nobilitatem tuam rogamus et monemus attentius per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quatenus, securusa) de proximo adventu marchionis iamdicti, interim ad defensionem predicti regni et specialiter castri Bondonitieb) intende‹n›s viriliter et potenter, non considerando speciale odium alicuius persone, set generalem statum ipsius regni et totius imperii attendendo, te talem exhibeas in hac parte quod ex hoc Deo et hominibus, et specialiter Apostolice Sedi, debeas complacere. Speramus enim quod marchio sepedictus cum tanto transibit exfortio quod, coniunctis viribus eius et tuis, divino preeunte auxilio, taliter humiliabuntur scismatici Romanie quod decetero contra Romanam Ecclesiam vel Latinos erigere calcaneum non presument. 491

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Datum ut supra ‹Laterani,VI Idus Februarii, anno octavo›. In eundem modum scriptum est nobili viro O. de Rocca domino Athenarum. In eundem modum nobilibus viris dominis Nigripontis. a) securus] securo R

b) bondonitie] bondovitie L

227 Rome, the Lateran, 16 May 12241) Honorius writes to Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), relating that, at the instance of Bishop [Simon] and the monks of Mount Sinai, the archbishop should know that the Apostolic See granted to the bishop and monks that no one shall presume to exact or extort tithes from them on their labors on the possessions that they had before the General Council [cf. Lateran IV, canon 55], or on novalia that they cultivate with their own hands or at their own expense, or on orchards or gardens or feed for their animals. But the archbishop presumes to exact and extort tithes on some of their possessions on the island of Crete that they cultivate at their expense, contrary to the aforementioned indulgence, harassing some of their brothers who live on the island both by himself and through the bishops of Hierapetra and of Chiron, delegated by the archbishop, who are said to have used this pretext to promulgate unduly and contrary to justice a sentence of excommunication against the brothers. The pope does not wish to nor can he pass over with complicit eyes the undue harm done to the bishop and brothers. Therefore, declaring that the sentence done against them contrary to the papal indulgence lacks force, the pope orders the archbishop to cease this undue harassment in such a way that no just cause for complaint remains for them and so that the pope is not compelled to provide for them otherwise on these matters. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 201v, no. 479 (R). Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 6v (A). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5000.

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Editions:

Pitra, p. 585. no. 30 (P, from R); Scaffini, p. 14, no. 17 (S, from A); Hofmann, Sinai, p. 245, no. 3 (H, from R); Tautu, p. 167, no. 124 (T, from R).

Honorius episcopos, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri . . Cretensi archiepiscopo, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.a) Significantibus venerabili fratre nostro . . episcopob) et monachis Montis Synai,c) nos noveritis accepisse quod, cumd) ab Apostolica Sede sit indultum eisdem ne quis de laboribus suis de possessionibus habitis ante Concilium Generale, vel de novalibus que propriis manibus aut sumptibus excolunt, seu de ortis et virgultis aut suorum animalium nutrimentis, ab eis decimase) exigere vel extorquere presumat, tu de quibusdam possessionibus eorundem in insula Cretensi constitutis, quas propriis sumptibus excolunt, ab eis decimasf) contra indulgentiam memoratam exigere acg) extorquere presumis, quosdam fratres eorum in insula constitutos prefata tam per te quam per venerabiles fratres nostrosh) . . Yeropetensemi) et . . Chironensemj) episcopos delegatos a vobisk) qui dicuntur in eosl) occasione huiusmodi contra iustitiam excommunicationis sententiam promulgasse indebite molestando. Quia verom) episcopi ac fratrumn) premissorum gravamen indebitum conniventibus oculiso) pertransire nec volumus nec debemus, sententiam ipsam contra indulgentiam Sedis Apostolice attemptatam carere viribusp) decernentes, fraternitati tueq) per apostolica scripta mandamusr) quatenus ab ipsorum super premissis taliter indebita molestatione desistas quod eis iusta de te non remaneat materia conquerendi, nec nos ipsis super hiis providereo) aliter compellamur. Datum Laterani, XVII Kalendas Iunii,r) pontificatus nostris) anno octavo. 1) Scaffini gives the year incorrectly as 1223, but his copy also reads the impossible “III maii” (“3 Maggio”) for the date. a) honorius ... benedictionem] . . cretensi archiepiscopo HPRT b) episcopo om. AS c) synai] sinai APS d) nos noveritis accepisse quod cum] quod etiam S e) decimas] dedimas A f) decimas] decimam AS g) ac] et T h) venerabiles fratres nostros om. AS i) yeropetensem] jerapetrensem ST; ieropetensem AP j) chironensem] hironensem A k) vobis] nobis HPT l) eos om. T m) quia vero] quod vestro S n) fratrum] firmit-

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ater S (!) o) oculis] occ’lis A; ecclesiis S p) viribus] iuribus AHPS q) fraternitati tue] fraternitatem tuam T r) mandamus] monemus T o) super hiis providere] providere super hiis AS r) xviii kalendas iunii] iii spac. vat. maii A; iii maii S s) pontificatus nostri om. HPRT

228 Rome, the Lateran, 20 May 1224 Honorius writes to Bishop [Henry] of Auxerre: “If affliction must not be heaped upon the afflicted, nor the contrite be pounded with double contrition, concerning those who are held captive by enemies this rule is especially to be observed, to whom until now it has been commanded to suffer so that the ecclesiastical substance, whose alienation is so strictly forbidden, is held to serve their redemption.” The pope relates that he has learned from the serious complaint of Count Ph[ilip] of Namur that Emperor P[eter] of Constantinople, former count of Nevers, his father, having taken the sign of the cross, dedicating himself to the aid of the Holy Land, merited being taken under papal protection, as is contained in the pope’s letter [p. 17, n. 23 above] and in that of the late Pope I[nnocent III]. On his return, since he was going to the Empire of Constantinople, the emperor granted Auxerre and Tonnerre, along with the appurtenances that belonged to him by law, to the count for as long as the emperor should live, having imposed on the count the need to satisfy the debts his father owed to his creditors.When false rumors of the emperor’s death had been concocted [by late 1220: p. 22, n. 28 above], the late Count H[ervé] of Nevers violently despoiled Ph[ilip] of his lands, which he had possessed in peace for a long time after his father’s departure. H[ervé]’s widow, the noblewoman Countess [Mathilda] of Nevers, keeps these lands unduly and refuses to restore them. Thus Ph[ilip] was unable to satisfy the debts that were to be paid from the incomes of said lands and he remained without the right that he was granted in them. Since the aforesaid emperor is still alive in the captivity of enemies, and since along with his lands and children the emperor is under papal protection, Ph[ilip] was asking the pope with insistence to provide mercifully concerning this. Believing that the addressee, as a devout minister of Christ, will be moved by the affection of compassion over these things, the pope urges him to induce diligently the countess to restore the lands, so that the addressee’s intervention in this appears by its effect. Other494

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wise, he is sending a letter to the abbots of Ferrières and of St Severin-de-Château-Landon and to the chamberlain of Ferrières, in the diocese of Sens, ordering them to compel the aforesaid countess to restore those lands along with the incomes received from them in the meantime. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 191r, no. 441 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 134r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7257; Pressutti, no. 5005. Editions: Brial, p. 754; Horoy IV, coll. 651-53, no. 226 (H).

. . episcopo Autisiodorensi.a) Si non debet afflicto addi afflictio, nec duplici conteri contritione contritus, hoc in hiis qui ab hostibus maxime captivi tenentur est multo fortius observandum, quibus usque adeo precipitur misereri ut ecclesiastica substantia, cuius tam districte alienatio interdicitur, eorum redemptioni obnoxia teneatur. Ex gravi sane querela nobilis viri F.b) comitis Namu‹r›censis accepimus quod, ‹cum› Karissimus in Christo filius noster P., imperator Constantinopolitanus illustris, quondam comes Nivernensis, pater ipsius, signo crucis accepto, se devovens ad subsidium Terre Sancte cum terris et liberis suis, donec de reditu eius vel morte constaret, sub apostolica recipi protectione meruerit, sicut in nostris et bone memorie I. pape predecessoris nostri litteris continetur, et imperator ipse in recessu suo, cum ad Constantinopolitanum imperium properaret, Altisiodorum et Tornodorum cum eorum pertinentiis, que ad eum de iure spectabant, quoad viveret imperator predictus, sibi concesserit, imposita ei necessitate satisfaciendi de debitis in quibus pater suus creditoribus tenebatur, clare memorie H. comes Nivernensis, falsis de obitu ipsius imperatoris confictis rumoribus, prefatum F.c) terris illis, quas diu post patris sui discessum in pace possederat, per violentiam spoliavit, et eas etiam relicta eius nobilis mulier comitissa Nivernensis indebite detinet et restituere contradicit. Quare de huiusmodi debitis que de proventibus dictarum terrarum fuerantd) exsolvenda satisfieri non potuit, et memoratus F.e) iure in eis sibif) concesso remanet destitutus. Undeg) a nobis cum instantia petebatur ut, cum prenominatus imperator in captivitate sit hostium adhuc vivens, 495

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et cum terris et liberis suis sub beati Petri et nostra protectione consistat, providere super hoc misericorditer dignaremur. Credentes igitur te tanquam devotum Christi ministrum moveri super premissis compassionis affectu, fraternitatem tuam rogamus et hortamur attente quatenus comitissam eandem ad restitutionem terrarum ipsarum sollicite ac diligenter inducas, ita quod in hoc tuus per effectum appareat interventus. Alioquin dilectis filiis . . Ferrariarum et . . Sancti Severini Castrinantonis abbatibus et . . camerario Ferrariarum, Senonensis diocesis, nostris damus litterish) in mandatis ut dictam comitissam ad restituendum terras ipsas cum perceptis inde medio tempore fructibus, monitione premissa, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, iustitia mediante, compellant.i) Datum Laterani, XIII Kalendas Iunii, anno octavo. a) autisiodorensi] autissiodorensi H b) f] philippi H c) f] ph H d) fuerant] fuerunt H e) f] ph H f) sibi om. H g) unde] illud H h) litteris om. H i) compellant] compellas H

229 Rome, the Lateran, 20 May 1224 Honorius writes to Queen [Blanche] of France, relating that her highness knows how God, Who has in His hand the powers and rights of all kingdoms, transferred the Empire of Romania into the hands of the French, who have governed it so far, creating almost a new France there. The pope believes that she also knows that, with Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople, the maternal cousin of her husband, King Louis [VIII] of the Franks, presiding over the empire, the power of the French has diminished and is diminishing, with adversaries growing much stronger against them, so that, unless the emperor is sent relief quickly, it is feared that irreparable loss of persons and things threatens the Latins, and inestimable damage to the French race generally, just as can be more fully understood than is fitting for the pope to relate. It would be not only very impious, but also inhuman, if said emperor and the French race should suffer loss when the king can assist it.The king should observe that the empire can hardly be lost without a grave stigma of his negligence, since it was acquired in his father’s time with the glory of great virtue. So 496

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the pope has urged the king, enjoining on him for the remission of his sins, to send quick and fitting aid to the emperor, while it can still be done comfortably, for his honor and that of the French people, rather, the people of God. The pope urges the queen to induce her husband the king to do this. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 191r-v, no. 443 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 134r (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7258; Pressutti, no. 5006. Editions: Raynaldi 1224, no. 23 (Y, fragment); Buchon, pp. 19-20; Brial, pp. 754-755; Horoy IV, coll. 653-654, no. 227 (H). Translation: Medieval Women Latin Letters, Columbia Center for New Media Teaching and Learning: ‹http://epistolae.ccnmtl. columbia.edu/letter/712.html› (last accessed 25 February 2014).

. ., illustri regine Francie. Novit regia celsitudo qualiter Dominus, in cuius manu sunt omnium potestates et omnium iura regnorum, in Gallicorum manibus tradidit imperium Romanie, quod per eosdem est quasi principaliter hactenus gubernatum, ibique noviter quasi nova Francia est creata. Nec ignorat – ut credimus – qualiter nunc, karissimo in Christo filio nostro . ., illustri Constantinopolitano imperatore,a) consobrino karissimi in Christo filii nostri Ludoyci,b) illustris regis Francorum, viri tui, eidem imperio presidente, diminuta est et diminuitur potentia Gallicorum, adversariis invalescentibus graviter contra eos,c) ita quod, nisi eidem imperatori celeriter succurratur, timetur ne irreparabile Latinis personarum et rerum detrimentum immineat, et generaliter genti Gallice dampnum inextimabile, sicut plenius intelligi potest quam deceat nos referre. Quia igitur nimis esset non solum impium, set etiam inhumanum, si dictum imperatorem et gentem Gallicam ab inimicis Dei et Latinorum omnium dictus rex, perire, dum ei potest succurrere, pateretur, magnificentiam suam attente rogandam duximus et hortandam, in remissionem sibi peccaminum iniungentes ut, prudenter advertens quod dictum imperium vix sine gravi negligentie sue nota potest ammitti, quod tempore patris sui [R 191v] cum grandi virtutis gloria extitit acquisitum, eidem imperatori, dum adhuc satis commode po497

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test, festinum et oportunum studeat destinare succursum, ita quod gentis Gallice – immo Dei – et suum zelari probetur honorem, et apud Deum et homines dignis exinde mereatur laudibus commendari. Quocirca magnificentiam tuam rogamus, monemus, et hortamur attente quatenus dictum regem, virum tuum, ad id sollicite animes et inducas. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, XIII Kalendas Iunii, anno octavo›. a) imperatore] imperatori H b) ludoyci] ludovici HY tra eos] contra eos graviter Y

c) graviter con-

230 Rome, the Lateran, 10 June 1224 Honorius writes to Archbishop [C.] of Athens, to the dean of Corinth, and to Canon Bernard of Corinth, as follows: “When repeated complaints concerning our venerable brother Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras, which had climbed to the Apostolic See from the time of our predecessor, Pope Innocent of happy memory, finally very frequently battered our ears, we sent some letters concerning these matters, first to [Eudes], bishop of Coron, now archbishop of Corinth, and his colleagues, then to Archbishop [B.] of Larissa and his colleagues [no. 61], and finally to our beloved son John, cardinal-priest of San Prassede, then exercising the office of legate in those parts [no. 104], but because of various obstacles, in the end there was no trial through these prelates. Whence, since this outcry grew without cease, we wrote to the deans of Coron and of Modon and to the archdeacon of Olena on this, stating that, since this archbishop was gravely suspected of squandering [church funds], if they should find it to be so, they should suspend him from his ministerial duty and commit the care of the temporal affairs of the church of Patras to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth and to Pietro da Malpensa (our subdeacon) and Archdeacon James of Corinth, canons of Patras. Since they could not proceed in the business of the investigation because of the absence of said archbishop, and since they had clear evidence of squandering, and among other things he had committed the care of the Patras archbishopric to the nobleman Conrad of Patras, they committed it 498

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to the aforesaid archbishop [of Corinth] and the canons [of Patras], on the authority of the apostolic mandate. Meanwhile, when that same archbishop was in our presence, and certain archbishops, bishops, and other prelates from those parts came to the Apostolic See, that same archbishop vehemently demanded that we seek from them the truth about those things that were objected against him. Whence, having received the oaths of those men and of others whom we considered suitable, we had the oft-mentioned business of the investigation go forward.We have had the articles concerning which the investigation was held listed in the present document, lest in the future there be doubt concerning what occurred in our presence: [1]

So the first article was that the same archbishop laid violent hands upon . ., treasurer of the church of Patras, and afterwards celebrated divine offices without having obtained the benefit of absolution.

[2]

The second article was that, violently striking with his own hand a certain priest who was celebrating mass, with the altar despoiled by some of his accomplices, spilling the chalice and trampling the host prepared for the mystery of human redemption, he had some accomplices forcibly strip the priest of his sacerdotal vestments and expose him to the hands of laymen.

[3]

The third article was that, because a certain priest could not give him a sum of money that the archbishop was trying to extort unjustly from him, having laid violent hands on him, he had him severely whipped and then put on an ass, with his hands tied behind his back and feet bound around the ass’s stomach, and, backwards, with his face towards the tail, had him led through Andreville not without severe whipping, to the scandal of many people.

[4]

The fourth article was that the same archbishop made a certain canon of Olena be beaten to the point of bleeding and, on the next day, stole his horse, not without laying violent hands on him, and afterwards, without having obtained the benefit of absolution, celebrated mass.

[5]

Moreover to these articles it was added that when, on our authority, he was bound tightly with the chain of excommunication by the dean of Cephalonia,1) he presumed to celebrate the divine offices.

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[6]

He celebrated mass even when canonically suspended, because when he excommunicated the prior of Andreville, with no previous warning, he did not cease from celebrating mass for the time established in that canon, which is perjury in many ways, because he did not observe the constitutions of our venerable brother P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then legate of the Apostolic See [1213/14], which he had sworn to observe, as well as because he made no satisfaction to the treasurer of Patras – on whom he had laid hands – within the time in which by oath he was required to make satisfaction.

[7]

He squandered the goods of the church of Patras, and he is said to have used them to buy possessions in Burgundy, and to have extorted 100,000 hyperpera from the subjects of the church, of which he did not apply a single one to the good of the church.

[8]

He is also said to have held certain men of the Church confined in prison so long that, when they were taken out halfalive, they died afterwards, and he had his own servant gouge out the eye of one of them.

[9]

He promoted to holy orders the excommunicate W[illiam] de Lury and conferred on him a certain priory.

[10] He performed the vice of infamous incontinence. [11] He maintained incontinent clerics. [12] He surrendered Latins and their land to the Greeks. [13] By his negligence, the church of Patras suffered partial ruin. [14] He falsified the privileges of the emperors of Constantinople and some papal affirmations and letters. [15] He removed nearly all the ornaments of the church of Patras. [16] Having put aside the Cistercian habit, he conferred himself to the monastery of la Chaise-Dieu and finally worked in a secular habit. [17] After the General Council [cf. Lateran IV, Holy Land decrees] he entertained pirates and gave them support so that they might capture and kill travelers. [18] He gave indulgences to those who killed men of the house of the Templars, and in that archbishop’s very presence many of them were killed. 500

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[19] Against the interdict decreed by our venerable brother Patriarch [Gervase] of Constantinople, to whom he pledged obedience, he celebrated mass and made others celebrate it. [20] He so completely destroyed the abbeys of Galea and Gerochoma that no one remained in them. [21] He incurred excommunication by detaining W[illiam] de Lucy [= Lury?] in prison without cause and having violent hands be laid upon him. [22] He had the eyes gouged out of one whom he had sworn by oath to protect. [23] He had some Greek abbots put in prison, one of whose beard he had forcibly shaven off. [24] He had Herman, his servant, gouge out the eye of one of them and mutilate the foot of another, from which cause he met with death. [25] He had the eye of one pulled out because he could not pay him the ten hyperpera that he owed him. [26] He had a certain Greek cleric hanged. [27] He had the eye removed from a certain layperson and then had him tied up with rope and set on fire, which person expired from this affliction. [28] He had a certain Greek priest thrown into the sea, who, although he was pulled out, was only half-alive, and before he made it home, he exhaled his spirit. [29] He had someone thrown from a tower, who for this reason perished. [30] And he even dared to maintain heretics. Therefore, although the archbishop, even if not of all the aforesaid, was found guilty of enough of them that one could have proceeded against him very severely, we, however, the rigor of severity being tempered by the mildness of mercy, have decided to provide thus in this case: indeed, we have suspended that archbishop from his pontifical duties for a year, ordering that for that year he shall live according to a rule in some monastery. We have also given him as assistants in spiritual and temporal affairs for three years our venerable brother the bishop of Coron and Canon Lantelm of Patras, decreeing that, from the incomes of his part of the church of Patras, having deducted the necessary expenses of the archbishop, for that time the 501

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church should be provided with decoration and the structure should be restored. Meanwhile, the same archbishop shall behave such that we are not compelled to change mercy into judgment.” The pope orders the addressees to have inviolably observed what he has provided with gentleness. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, ff. 202v-203r, no. 483 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 134v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5034. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archiepiscopo Atheniensi, . . decano et Bernardo canonico Corinthiensibus. Crebris clamoribus, qui de venerabili fratre nostro . . Patracensi archiepiscopo a tempore felicis memorie Innocentii pape predecessoris nostri ad Apostolicam Sedem ascenderant, tandem auribus nostris frequentius inculcatis, primo per . . episcopum Coronensem, nunc Corinthiensem archiepiscopum,a) et collegis ipsius, et deinde . . archiepiscopo Larissensi eiusque collegis, ac demum dilecto filio nostro I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterob) cardinali, tunc in partibus illis legationis officium exercenti, quasdam super premissis litteras destinavimus, sed propter impedimenta varia non fuit processum finaliter per eosdem. Unde, cum clamor huiusmodi iugiter increbresceret, super hoc . . Coronensi et . . Mothonensi decanis ac . . archidiacono Olonensi direximus scripta nostra, expresso ut, quoniam idem archiepiscopus graviter erat de dilapidatione suspectus, ipsum, si eis ita esse constaret, ab amministrationis officio suspendentes, eidem Corinthiensi archiepiscopo et Petro Malpenso, subdiacano nostro, ac Iacobo Corinthiensi archidiacono, canonicis Patracensibus, committerent curam temporalium ecclesie Patracensis. Qui, cum propter dicti archiepiscopi absentiam procedere non possent in inquisitionis negotio, et de dilapidatione ipsius haberent, prout dicitur, inditia manifesta, et hoc inter cetera quod nobili viro Conrado de Patras curam archiepiscopatus commiserat Patracensis, illam prefatis archiepiscopo et canonicis, pretestu mandati apostolici, commiserunt. Interim autem, eodem archiepiscopo in nostra presentia constituto, cum quidam archiepiscopi, episcopi, aliique prelati de partibus illis ad Sedem Apostolicam accessissent, idem ar502

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chiepiscopus cum instantia petiit ut inquireremus per illos de hiis que sibi obiecta fuerant veritatem. Unde receptis tam illorum quam quorumdam aliorum quos ad hoc idoneos vidimus iuramentis, procedi fecimus in inquisitionis negotio sepedicto. Articulos autem super quibus ipsa inquisitio facta fuit presenti pagine duximus annotandos, ne dubitetur imposterum de quibus coram nobis constiterit esse actum: Primus ergo articulus fuit quod idem archiepiscopus in . ., thesaurarium Patracensis ecclesie, manus violentas iniecit ac postmodum divina officia, non obtento absolutionis beneficio, celebravit. Secundus fuit quod quendam presbyterum missarum sollempnia celebrantem propria manu violenter impellens, altari per quosdam suos complices spoliato, effusoque calice, et conculcata hostia in humane redemptionis misterium preparata, ipsum presbyterum fecit exui sacerdotalibus vestimentis et exponi manibus laicorum. Tertius fuit articulus quod quendam presbyterum, pro eo quod sibi dare non poterat quandam pecunie summam quam ab eo extorquere nitebatur iniuste, iniectis in eum manibus violentis, fecit graviter flagellari ac deinde impositum asine, manibus atergo et pedibus sub asine ventre ligatis, ac retro versa facie versus caudam per Andrevillam fecit non sine gravi fustigatione deduci in scandalum plurimorum. Quartus articulus fuit quod idem archiepiscopus quendam canonicum Olosensem fecit usquec) ad effusionem sanguinis verberari, ac eidem sequenti die non sine violenta iniectione manuum abstulit quendam equum, et postmodum, non obtento absolutionis beneficio, celebravit. Hiis preterea fuit adiectum quod, a . . Cathalanensi decano auctoritate nostra vinculo excommunicationis astrictus, divina celebrare presumpsit. Quod celebravit etiam suspensus a canone, quia cum excommunicasset . . prepositum Andreville, nulla monitione premissa, non cessavit a celebrando per tempus in ipso canone diffinitum, quod est multiplici periurio irretitus, tum quia constitutiones venerabilis fratris nostri P. Albanensis episcopi, tunc Apostolice Sedis legati, quas se servaturum iuraverat non servavit, tum quia infra tempus quo sub debito iuramenti debuit 503

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satisfacere . . Patracensi thesaurario, in quem manus iniecerat, eidem minime satisfecit. Quod dilapidavit bona ecclesie Patracensis, ac de illis dicitur in Burgundia possessiones emisse ac extorsisse centum milia yperperorum ab ipsius ecclesie subditis, de quibus vel unum in utilitatem eiusdem ecclesie non convertit. Tenuisse quoque dictus est quosdam ipsius ecclesie homines tamdiu carcerali custodie mancipatos quod, extracti de ipso carcere semivivi, postmodicum expirarunt, quorum etiam unum exoculari fecit per proprium servientem. Quod W. de Lury excommunicatum ad sacros promovit ordines et ei quendam contulit prioratum. Quod laborat infamis incontinentie vitio. Quod manutenet incontinentes clericos cum concubinis ipsorum. Quod prodidit Grecis Latinos et terram eorum. Quod Patracensis ecclesia per eius negligentiam passa est pro parte ruinam. Quod falsavit privilegia imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum, et quasdam attestationes ac litteras apostolicas. Quod omnia fere Patracensis ecclesie ornamenta distraxit. Quod ha[R 203r]bito Cisterciensi dimisso, contulit se ad monasterium Case Dei, ac demum diu militavit in habitu seculari. Quod post concilium tenuit piratas et eis alimonia ministravit ut caperent et occiderent transeuntes. Quod fecit indulgentias illis qui homines domus Militie Templi occiderent, quorum nonnulli fuerunt, presente ipso archiepiscopo, interfecti. Quod contra interdictum venerabilis fratris nostri . . patriarche Constantinopolitani, cui obedientiam fecerat, celebravit et fecit alios celebrare. Quod abbatias de Galea et de Gerochoma sic dilapidavit omnino ut nullus remanserit in eisdem. Quod excommunicationem incurrit W. de Lucy detinendo in carcere sine causa et faciendo in eum manus inici violentas. Quod fecit exoculari quendam quem iuramento interposito affidarat. Et poni fecit in carcere quosdam abbates Grecos, quorum uni per violentiam fecit barbam abradi. 504

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Quod per Hermannum servientem suum exoculari fecit quendam et pede altero mutilari, ob quam causam idem mortem incurrit. Quod fecit extrahi cuidam unum oculum pro eo quod non poterat sibi solvere decem yperpera in quibus tenebatur eidem. Quod fecit suspendi quendam clericum Grecum. Et ‹fecit› cuidam laico unum extrahi oculum, ac deinde stuppa fecit eundem involvi et ignem super apponi, qui in afflictione huiusmodi expiravit. Quod quendam presbyterum Grecum prohici fecit in mare, qui, licet extractus inde fuerit semivivus, ante tamen quam perveniret ad domum spiritum exhalavit. Quod fecit deici quendam de turre, qui casu ipso interiit. Et quod etiam hereticos manutenere presumit. Licet igitur idem archiepiscopus, et si non super omnibus supradictis, super tot tamen culpabilis sit inventus quod severius procedi poterat contra eum, nos tamen, severitatis rigore misericordie mansuetudine temperato, sic duximus providendum: ipsum quidem archiepiscopum a pontificalibus usque ad annum suspendimus, precipientes ut per unum annum sit in aliquo monasterio regulariter ibi vivens. Dedimus etiam ei coadiutores in spiritualibus et temporalibus per triennium venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . Coronensem episcopum et Lantelmum canonicum Patracensem, statuendo ut de proventibus partis sue ecclesie Patracensis, deductis necessariis expensis ipsius archiepiscopi, per spatium supradictum provideatur ipsi ecclesie in ornamentis et fabrica restauranda. Interim autem ita se gerat idem archiepiscopus quod misericordiam in iudicium convertere non cogamur. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus quod super hiis a nobis est mansuetudine suadente provisum faciatis inviolabiliter observari, contradictores etc. Sollicite provisuri ut commissam vobis in hac parte sollicitudinem ita prudenter, diligenter, ac fideliter gerere studeatis quod dignam Deo et nobis possitis reddere rationem. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani, IIII Idus Iunii, anno octavo. 1) Cathalanensi, closer to Châlons, being a scribal error for Cephalonensi, Cephalonia; cf. Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, pp. 148, n. 34, and 160.

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a) per . . episcopum Coronensem, nunc Corinthiensem archiepiscopum] lege . . episcopo Coronensi, nunc Corinthiensi archiepiscopo b) presbytero] presbyterum R c) usque] sisque R

231 Rome, the Lateran, 10 June 1224 Honorius writes to the bishop of Coron and to Canon Lantelm of Patras, giving his decision as in no. 230 above and ordering the addressees to try to administer their duty in this matter prudently, diligently, and faithfully. The pope writes a similar letter to Dean [H.] and the chapter of Patras, ordering them to obey Archbishop [C. of Athens] and his co-judges. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 203r, no. 484 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 134v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5035. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . episcopo Coronensi et Lantelmo canonico Patracensi. Et si . . Patracensis archiepiscopus per inquisitionem factam de ipso in tot culpabilis sit inventus quod poterat procedi severius contra ipsum, nos tamen, severitatis rigore misericordie mansuetudine temperato, sic duximus providendum: ipsum quidem archiepiscopum etc. ut supra usque cogamur. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus commissam vobis in hac parte sollicitudinem ita prudenter, diligenter, ac fideliter gerere studeatis quod dignam Deo et nobis possitis reddere rationem. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, IIII Idus Iunii, anno octavo›. In eundem modum scriptum est . . decano et capitulo Patracensibus usque cogamur. Quocirca discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus . . archiepiscopo et coadiutoribus supradictis secundum provisionis nostre tenorem intendatis humiliter et devote parere curetis. Datum ut supra. 506

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232 Rome, the Lateran, 27 June 1224 Honorius writes to the bishop of Coron and to Canon Lantelm of Patras, relating that, although he ordered them [no. 231] to apply to the restoration of the fabric and to the ornaments of the church of Patras the part of the income of that church that belongs to the archbishop, because, however, in coming to and staying at the Apostolic See the archbishop is said to have incurred some debts, the pope wants and orders the addressees to pay these debts with the part of the last two years’ income that belongs to the archbishop and apply the remainder, if there is any, to the fabric and ornaments, or, if it is insufficient for the debts, to supply the rest from the incomes of the following years. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 205v, no. 501 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5062. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . episcopo Coronensi et Lantelmo canonico Patracensi. Licet vobis dederimus in mandatis ut partem proventuum Patracensis ecclesie que contingit archiepiscopum in restaurationem fabrice ac ornamenta ipsius ecclesie convertatis, quia tamen idem archiepiscopus veniendo ad Apostolicam Sedem ibique moram trahendo quedam debita dicitur contraxisse, volumus et mandamus ut de parte proventuum duorum preteritorum annorum que archiepiscopum contingit eundem ipsa debita exsolvatis, residuum, siquid fuerit, conversuri in fabricam et ornamenta predicta, et defectum, si forsitan non suffecerint, ad eadem debita exsolvenda de sequentium annorum proventibus suppleturi. Datum Laterani,V Kalendas Iulii, anno octavo. 233 Rome, the Lateran, 5 July 1224 Honorius writes to the bishop of Modon and to the deans of Modon and of Nikli, relating that Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras informed 507

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him of a matter involving a canon’s prebend at the church of Patras. The chapter of Patras claimed that, when they were serving as legates in Romania, P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano [1213/14], established and J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede [1218/21], confirmed that if a canon is absent from his church for a year and a month without the permission of his prelate and the chapter, his prebend shall be conferred on another, although in that constitution it is stated that if the bishop must leave his province for the business of his church, or because he is summoned by the pope, or the patriarch or the emperor of Constantinople, he may bring one or two canons with him at the bishop’s expense, and the earning of his prebend should not be taken away because of his absence.Therefore, the chapter unjustly stripped Master P., canon of Patras, of the prebend that he had in the church of Patras, because he came to the Apostolic See with the archbishop during the latter’s tribulations.The pope orders the addressees that, if it is so, they are to restore to Master P. the prebend with its incomes and eject anyone in illegal possession of it. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 208v, no. 519 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5077. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . episcopo Mothonensia) et . . Mothonensi et . . Amiclensi decanis. Ad nostram audientiam, venerabili fratre nostro . . Patracensi archiepiscopo significante, pervenit quod capitulum Patracense, dicentes venerabilem fratrem nostrum P. Albanensem episcopum statuisse et dilectum filium nostrum I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, statutum ipsum postmodum confirmasse olim, dum in partibus Romanie legationis officio fungerentur, quod siquis canonicus sine prelati et capituli sui licentia per annum et mensem extra ecclesiam suam fuerit, prebenda sua alii conferatur, licet in constitutione contineatur prefata quod, si episcopus pro ecclesie sue negotiis, vel forte vocatus a nobis, vel patriarcha vel imperatore Constantinopolitano, extra provinciam debeat proficisci, unus vel duo de canonicis vocati ab eo in expensis episcopi comitentur eundem, nec propter absentiam huiusmodi sibi prebende sue redditus subtrahantur, magistrum P., canonicum Patracensem, eo quod, in suis tribulationibus adherens eidem, cum eo ad Apostolicam 508

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Sedem accessit, prebenda quam in Patracensi obtinebat ecclesia contra iustitiam spoliarunt. Cum igitur spoliatis iniuste restitutionis sit beneficio succurrendum, discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, si est ita, nominatam prebendam cum fructibus inde perceptis, amoto ab ea quolibet illicito detentore, canonico restituentes, sublato appellationis obstaculo, memorato, audiatis siquid remanserit questionis et, appellatione remota, fine debito terminari facientes etc. Testes etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani, III Nonas Iulii, anno octavo. a) mothonensi supralin. R

234 Rome, the Lateran, 13 July 1224 Honorius writes to his subdeacon, Master Bohemond, canon of Patras, extending papal protection to his person and his possessions, especially the prebend that he rightly has in the church of Patras. Because of his worth and on the word of his uncle, Master Obizio, papal subdeacon and notary, the pope extends to him a special grace, stating that the constitution concerning absent canons that was done by P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano [1213/14], and J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede [1218/21], when they were papal legates, shall not apply to him while he is absent for studies, nor on this pretext shall it be licit for anyone to confer his prebend on another. According to the custom of the church of Patras, Bohemond is to have a suitable vicar through whom he will fulfill his obligation to the church. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 209v, no. 526 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5089. Edition: previously unpublished.

Magistro Boamundo, subdiacono nostro, canonico Patracensi. Sacrosancta etc. usque confovere. Eapropter usque assensu, personam tuam cum omnibus bonis, tam ecclesiasticis quam mundanis, que impresentiarum 509

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rationabiliter etc. usque suscipimus. Specialiter autem prebendam quam obtines in Patracensi ecclesia, sicut eam iuste, canonice etc. usque communimus. Ad hoc, tue probitatis intuitu et dilecti filii magistri Obizionis, subdiaconi et notarii nostri, patrui tui, obtentu, volentes tibi gratiam facere specialem, auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus ut constitutio contra absentes per venerabilem fratrem nostrum P. Albanensem episcopum ac dilectum filium I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyterum cardinalem, tunc Apostolice Sedis legatos, seu quoslibet alios, facta in partibus Romanie tibi obesse non possit vacanti scolasticis disciplinis, nec eius pretextu sit alicui licitum tuam alii conferre prebendam absque speciali Apostolice Sedis mandato faciente plenam de hac nostra indulgentia et nominatim de prefato notario mentionem. Tu vero semper idoneum vicarium iuxta ipsius ecclesie consuetudinem habeas in eadem, per eum ipsi ecclesie oportunum obsequium impensurus. Nulli ergo nostre concessionis etc. Siquis etc. Datum Laterani, III Idus Iulii, anno octavo. 235 Rome, the Lateran, 23 July 1224 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Antelm] of Patras, relating that he has received and approved his request that he now be allowed to use the episcopal ring daily, notwithstanding his being suspended from his duties for a year. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 12, f. 210r, no. 23 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 135r (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5095. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archiepiscopo Patracensi. Ex parte fraternitatis tue fuit nobis humiliter supplicatum ut, non obstante eo quod te a pontificalibus usque ad annum duximus suspendendum, ‹quod› infra tempus prescriptum cotidiano anulo uti possis tibi concedere misericorditer dignaremur. Nos igitur, tuis devotis precibus inclinati, auctoritate tibi presentium concedimus postulata. 510

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Nulli ergo nostre concessionis etc. Siquis etc. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Augusti, anno octavo. 236 Rome, the Lateran, 27 July 1224 Honorius writes to Archbishop [Eudes] of Corinth, to the bishop of Coron, and to the bishop of Modon, relating that he has received and examined the letter that they and the archdeacon of Modon sent concerning the case involving the church of Patras and Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia. Although the pope desires to put an end to the case, he is unable to do so, because A) concerning those possessions over which the archbishop and bishops forwarded the case to the pope, no agent for the church of Patras appeared, and B) concerning the other possessions on which they wanted the pope to advise, they did not sufficiently instruct the pope, which they should have been able to recognize from their own letter, which the pope has ordered to be sent back along with their attestations. The pope orders them to proceed in the case and to assign to each party what belongs to it according to the form of the peace. If there is any doubt that the parties cannot resolve, after diligently inquiring into the truth, they should refer the case to the pope in accordance with the previous instructions, setting a suitable deadline for the parties to appear before the pope to receive the sentence. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 3r, no. 8 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5098. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archiepiscopo Corinthiensi et . . Coronensi ac . . Motonensi episcopis. Recepimus litteras quas vos et dilectus filius . . archidiaconus Motonensis nobis super causa ecclesie Patracensis ac dilecti filii nobilis viri G. principis Achaie destinastis earumque continentiam notavimus diligenter. Licet autem desideremus ipsi cause debitum finem imponi, non tamen vel quo ad possessiones super quibus asseruistis vos causam remisisse instructam potuimus procedere ad decisionem eiusdem, cum nullus pro ecclesia ipsa comparuerit procurator, vel quo ad alias super 511

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quibus nos consulere voluisti certo vos edocere responso, cum de facto circa eas nequaquam reddideritis nos instructos, sicut recognoscere poteritis ex eisdem litteris vestris quas cum attestationibus vobis inclusas sub bulla nostra duximus remittendas. Ideoque fraternitati vestre presentium auctoritate mandamus quatenus, secundum formam mandati nostri ad vos, fratres episcopi, et ada) archidiaconum predictum directi, appellatione remota, procedentes in causa, utrique parti ea que ad illam pertinere constiterit sine more dispendio secundum formam pacis inite assignetis. Quod si forte aliquam dubitationem exoriri contigerit que non possit in illis partibus congrue terminari, vos iuxta tenorem prioris mandati quod super hoc vobis direximus, ipsius negotii veritate diligentius inquisita, causam plene instructam ad Sedem Apostolicam remittatis, prefixo partibus termino competenti quo se nostro conspectui representent sententiam recepture. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani,VI Kalendas Augusti, anno nono. a) ad supralin. R

237 Rome, the Lateran, 8 October 1224 Honorius writes to the abbot of the monastery of St Mary of Daphni of the Cistercian Order, relating that, as was explained before him on the abbot’s behalf, since the monastic officials who were in charge of the possessions and goods of his house have been ejected from there on the authority of the pope’s letter [cf. no. 134], with only eight cloistered monks remaining, the abbot and the monks newly installed there are unfamiliar with its possessions and incomes and cannot deal with the house’s business. Persuaded by his prayers, the pope grants that, of the expelled monks, the abbot can recall the two that he deems would better serve his needs. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 6v, no. 26 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5122. Edition: previously unpublished.

512

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. . abbati monasterii Sancte Marie de Dalfinis, Cisterciensis Ordinis. Cum, sicut ex parte tua fuit expositum coram nobis, monachi obedientiales monasterii tui qui possessiones et alia bona domus tractaverant exinde sint auctoritate litterarum nostrarum eiecti, octo ibi tantummodo claustralibus remanentibus, propter quod tu et monachi tui noviter in monasterium introducti, eius possessiones et redditus ignorantes, non potestis ad votum domus negotia procurare, devotionis tue precibus inclinati, resumendia) duos de talibus eiectis quos magis videris expedire tibi auctoritate presentium concedimus facultatem. Datum Laterani,VIII Idus Octubris, anno nono. a) resumendi] tesumendi a.c. R

238 Rome, the Lateran, 11 October 1224 Honorius writes to Archbishop [B.] of Larissa, to the cantor of Thebes, and to Canon Girard of Besançon of Thebes, relating that the dean and chapter of the Church of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki showed via their petition that, since previously a lawsuit arose between them, on the one side, and the prior and brothers of the Lord’s Sepulcher at Thessaloniki, on the other, concerning certain possessions and other things, finally, with P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, then papal legate [1213/14], mediating, an amicable agreement was made, via which the prior and brothers are obliged to have six perpetual vicars in the church. But they refuse to observe the agreement, much to the detriment of the church. So the pope orders the addressees to have the agreement firmly observed, since it was done prudently and without depravity and willingly accepted by each side, notwithstanding the constitution “de duabus dietis” of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 37] or any papal letters. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 9r, no. 43 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5126. Edition: previously unpublished.

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. . archiepiscopo Larissensi, . . cantori et Girardo de Bisuntio canonico Thebanis. Dilecti filii . . decanus et capitulum ecclesie Sancti Demetrii Thesalonicensis sua nobis petitione monstrarunt quod, cum inter ipsos, ex parte una, et . . priorem et fratres Dominici Sepulcri Thesalonicensis, ex altera, olim super quibusdam possessionibus et rebus aliis questio verteretur, tandem, mediante venerabili fratre nostro P. Albanensi episcopo, tunc Apostolice Sedis legato, facta fuit amicabilis compositio inter eos, per quam iidem prior et fratres sex perpetuos vicarios habere tenentur in ecclesia supradicta. Sed ipsi compositionem ipsam observare recusant, in non modicum ipsius ecclesie detrimentum. Ideoque discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus compositionem ipsam, sicut sine pravitate provide facta est et sponte ab utraque parte recepta, faciatis, appellatione remota, firmiter observari, contradictores etc., constitutione de duabus dietis in Generali Concilio edita non obstante, nullis litteris etc. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani,V Idus Octubris, anno nono. 239 Rome, the Lateran, 21 October 1224 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople and the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of the churches throughout Romania, relating that the famous merits of Marquis William of Montferrat and his ancestors lead him to show the marquis the grace of apostolic favor in the arduous business that he has bravely undertaken, and the pope is also moved by the utility that he believes will come, God willing, to the entire Empire of Romania and even the cause of the Holy Land. Noting that it is very helpful not only for the temporal utility of the marquis and his army, but also for the salvation of their souls, for a person to be in the army who has the authority and power from the pope by which he can be beneficial to them, he is sending them Bishop Nicholas of Reggio [Emilia], whose merits the pope enumerates, having granted him the office of legate in the entire Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and having given him the full power to excommunicate anyone,

514

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both Latin and Greek, who dares to adhere to the foul excommunicate Theodore [Komnenos Doukas] or to his accomplices or who give him aid or favor in any way against the marquis and his army, or who aid or give favor to anyone who dares to oppose the marquis or his army in any way. The pope has also given the bishop the free power to absolve according to the form of the Church anyone in the army and anyone from the empire who comes to him personally who realizes that he has incurred the sentence of excommunication for sacrilege, arson, rapine, or for laying violent hands on clerics, and even for absolving those who have been excommunicated on papal authority for adhering or having adhered to the aforementioned Theodore, if they wish to transfer themselves to the aid of the marquis, or even Theodore himself, if perhaps he comes to an agreement with the marquis. The pope orders the addressees to show the bishop due reverence and to help him faithfully in all things that they deem to pertain to the condition of the marquis and his army, effectively giving advice and aid that the pope wants to take the form of procurations and 20 mounts, so that he can advance more effectively. Otherwise, the pope orders the sentence the bishop delivers against rebels to be observed firmly until fitting satisfaction is done. The pope writes a similar letter to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and other prelates of the churches throughout the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, adding that the legate shall uproot and destroy, etc. They are to receive him happily, treat him honorably, and obey his healthy warnings and orders humbly and devoutly. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, ff. 13v-14r, no. 69 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 136v (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1224, no. 26; Pressutti, no. 5132; Santifaller, no. 90. Edition: Tautu, pp. 169-171, no. 126 (T).

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano, archiepiscopis et episcopis, abbatibus, aca) aliis ecclesiarum prelatis per Romaniam constitutis. Clara dilecti filii nobilis viri Willielmi marchionis Montisferrati et progenitorum eius merita nos inducunt ut in arduo negotio quod magnanimiter est aggressus ei apostolici favoris gratiam impendamus, atque ad id nos nichilominus movetb) utilitas quam universo imperio Romanie ac etiam negotio Terre Sancte per eum Deo auctore credimus proventuram. 515

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Attendentes igitur non solum temporali utilitati eiusdem marchionis et exercitus eius, sed etiam suarum animarum saluti plurimum expedire ut persona sit in exercitu ipso que habeat auctoritatem et potestatem a nobis per quam ipsis prodesse valeat in utroque, venerabilem fratrem nostrum Nicolaum Reginumc) episcopum, virum nobilitatis titulo ac prudentia et honestate conspicuum nobisque ac fratribus nostris carum sue probitatis merito et acceptum, ad eosdem duximusd) destinandum, officio legationis eidem in toto regno Thesalonicensie) concesso, et data sibi plenaria potestate excommunicandi quoslibet, tam Latinos quam Grecos, qui Theodoro maledicto et excommunicato vel complicibus eius adherere presumpserint aut ei quomodolibet contra eundem marchionem et exercitum eius prestaref) auxilium et favorem, quique ipsi marchioni vel coadiutoribus suis opponere se presumpserint vel quomodolibet adversari. Dedimus etiam episcopo liberam pote[R 14r]statem absolvendi iuxta formam Ecclesie quoslibet in ipso exercitu constitutos ac etiam alios de ipso imperio ad eum personaliter accedentes qui pro sacrilegiis, incendiis, aut rapinis seu pro violenta iniectione manuum excommunicationem se recognoverint incurrisse, ac etiam illos qui auctoritate nostra sunt ‹excommunicati›, pro eo quod adherent vel adheserunt Theodoro supradicto, si ad auxilium marchionis prephati voluerint se transferre, necnon etiam ipsum Theodorum,g) si forte ad concordiam cum marchione venerit sepedicto. Rogamus igitur universitatem vestram, monemus, et hortamur in Domino, ac per apostolica vobis scripta precipiendo mandamus quatenus, dicto episcopo specialiter pro nostrah) et Sedis Apostolice reverentia dignam honorificentiam exhibentes, eidem in omnibus que ad statum predicti marchionis et exercitus sui videritis pertinere assistatis fideliter, ac efficaciter consilium et auxilium impendatis que, ut efficacius valeat promovere, volumus et mandamusi) ut procurationes eidem episcopo cum viginti equitaturis curetis caritative ac liberaliter exhibere. Alioquin sententiam quam propter hoc tulerit in rebelles precipimus usque ad satisfactionem condignam firmiterj) observari. Datum Laterani, XII Kalendas Novembris, anno nono. 516

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In eundem modum scriptum est archiepiscopis et episcopis, abbatibus, prioribus, ac aliis ecclesiarum prelatis per regnum Thesalonicensek) constitutis usque concesso, ut evellat, destruat, edificet, atque plantet, prout queque secundum datam a Deo sibil) prudentiam viderit facienda. Ideoque universitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus, eum tanquam Apostolice Sedis legatum recipientes ylariter et honorifice pertractantes, eius salubribus monitis et mandatis obediatis humiliter et devote. Alioquin sententiam etc. ut supra. Datum ut supra. a) ac] et T b) movet] monet T c) reginum] reginensem T d) duximus om. T e) thesalonicensi] thessalonicensi T f) prestare] parare T g) ipsum theodorum] ipsi theodoro R h) nostra] nostrae T i) mandamus] monemus T j) firmiter] inviolabiliter T k) thesalonicense] thessalonicense T l) sibi supralin. R

240 Rome, the Lateran, 21 October 1224 Honorius writes to the nobleman Marquis W[illiam] of Montferrat and all those gathered in his army, relating as above in no. 239, mutatis mutandis adding that the bishop can himself or through his penitentiary hear their confessions and enjoin on them a healthy penance. The pope orders them to show the bishop reverence and go to him for the above when necessary. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 14r, no. 70 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 136v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5133. Edition: Tautu, p. 171, no. 126a (T).

Nobili viro W.a) marchioni Montisferrati et omnibus in eius exercitu congregatis. Clara progenitorum tuorum et tua, fili marchio, merita nos inducunt ut in arduo negotio quod magnanimiter es aggressus tibi apostolici favoris gratiam impendamus etc. ut supra usque voluerint se transferre verbis compententer mutatis. Possit etiam 517

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per se ac per penitentiarium suum vestras confessiones audire et iniungere vobis penitentiam salutarem. Ideoque universitatem vestram hortamur attente etb) per apostolica vobis ‹scripta› mandamus quatenus, eidem episcopo specialiter pro nostra et Sedis Apostolice reverentia intendentes humiliter et dignam honorificentiam exhibentes, in supradictis ad eum cum necesse fuerit recurratis. Datum ut supra ‹XII Kalendas Novembris, anno nono›. a) w om. T

b) et p.c. R

241 Rome, the Lateran, 16 November 1224 Honorius writes to the bishop of Selymbria (Silivri), to the abbot of St Angelus of the Cistercian Order, and to the prior of St Mark of Constantinople, relating that he has relaxed to a caution the sentences of suspension and excommunication promulgated by the dean of Boukoleon and his co-judges delegated by the Apostolic See against the chapter of Constantinople and certain others on the occasion of the testament of Milon [le Bréban]; he has likewise relaxed the sentence of excommunication brought by canon Master Thomas and the dean of Herakleia, against the deans of Boukoleon, of Blachernae, and of St George of Mangana and their chapters and some others. Therefore the pope orders the addressees to recall to their original state all they find to have been rashly attempted to anyone’s prejudice after said sentences on the occasion of said sentences. And if perhaps anyone has a guilty conscience for celebrating the divine offices after said sentences and comes to the addressees, the addressees shall give him a dispensation on apostolic authority. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, ff. 17v-18r, no. 89 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5166; Santifaller, no. 91. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . episcopo Salimbriensi, . . abbati Sancti Angeli, Cisterciensis Ordinis, et . . priori Sancti Marci Constantinopolitani. Cum suspensionis et excommunicationis sententias in capitulum Constantinopolitanum et quosdam alios occasione 518

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testamenti Milonis a . . decano Bucceleoni et eius coniudicibus ex delegatione Sedis Apostolice promulgatas, necnon excommunicationis sententiam quam . . decanus et magister Thomas, canonicus Eraclienses, delegati a nobis in . . Bucceleonem et . . Blacernensem et . . Sancti Georgii de Mangano decanos et eorum capitula et quosdam alios protulerunt, ex nostre provisionis officio relaxaverimus ad cautelam, discretioni vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus ea que post dictas sententias occasione ipsarum inveneritis in alicuius preiudicium temere attemptata in statum pristinum revocetis, contradictores etc. [R 18r] Et si aliqui forte, qui post dictas sententias celebrantes conscientiam lesam habent, ad vos duxerint recurrendum, cum eis auctoritate apostolica dispensetis. Quod si non omnes etc. Datum Laterani, XVI Kalendas Decembris, anno nono. 242 Rome, the Lateran, 25 November 1224 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, relating that he is relaxing to a caution the sentences as above in no. 241, except that those against the chapter of Constantinople were promulgated by the dean of Blachernae and his co-judges and the testament is of Milon le Bréban. The pope adds that, since a scandal has arisen over the conservatory letter the Apostolic See sent to the deans of Boukoleon, of Blachernae, and of St George of Mangana, the pope revokes them. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 13r-v, no. 65 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 136v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5175; Santifaller, no. 92. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Volentes uti provisionis officio super suspensionis et excommunicationis sententiis in capitulum Constantinopolitanum et quosdam alios a . . decano de Blakerna et ipsius coniudicibus ex delegatione Sedis Apostolice promulgatis occasione testamenti 519

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quondam Milonis Brabantini necnon et super excommunicationis sententia quam . . decanus et magister Thomas canonicus Eraclienses delegati a nobis in . . Bucceleonis, . . Blakernensem, et . . Sancti Georgii de Mangano decanos [R 13v] et eorum capitula et quosdam alios protulere,a) ad cautelam memoratas sententias relaxamus. Ceterum, quia de conservatoriis litteris quas dictis decanis Sedes Apostolica destinavit intelleximus scandalum suboriri, ipsas duximus revocandas. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani,VII Kalendas Decembris, anno nono›. a) protulere: poetic form

243 Rome, the Lateran, 28 November 1224 Honorius writes to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, priors, and all clerics, both Greeks and Latins, both prelates and subordinates, regular and secular,Templars and Hospitallers, in the Empire of Romania on this side [west] of Makri, relating that, according to a popular proverb, necessity is not subject to the law, and painful ailments require painful cures.The pope does not need to explain to them in words how great a crisis all Latins in the Empire of Romania face, since they experience the facts continually.Worried about them and for them with paternal affection, and at the same time thinking how necessary it is for the cause of the Holy Land that the Latins’ condition in the empire be strengthened, the pope has taken care to encourage in his aim and desire Marquis William of Montferrat, who most fervently aspires to the relief of the empire out of both the abundance of his innate bravery and the desire to pursue justice for himself and for his brother, King D[emetrius] of Thessaloniki. The pope has not only given him a large amount of money, but with apostolic indulgences he has exhorted strong men of the surrounding provinces to go with him. By his own and the pope’s diligence, the marquis himself gathered such a great army last summer that, had he not been seized by a sudden illness at the time he was supposed to depart, it is likely and it is firmly believed that he would now be in Romania with such force that what now appears difficult and rough 520

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would seem smooth and easy.The illness delayed but did not cancel this, because the marquis, his health restored, gathered a great and powerful multitude of knights and foot soldiers. Bravely and magnificently setting off on the journey, he strove to redeem with speed the delay that the bitterness of illness brought upon him. He was not able to do this both because of the approach of winter and weather that was already opposed to navigation when he reached Brindisi, and because of the lack of provisions necessary for such a purpose, so he kept the beloved multitude there, to travel with it at the beginning of March, God willing, and for that purpose he and his army bound themselves by oath. Because the burden of providing in the interim necessities to such a multitude, and then of transporting them with the required funds and equipment, demanded almost an infinity of expenses, he sent his nuncios to the pope and asked the pope to open the eyes of apostolic provision for this. Having diligently discussed this matter, the pope thought about how dejected the spirits of the Latins would be, and how the audacity of the adversaries would be increased, if such an effort by the marquis were rendered useless by lack of funds, and how great a crisis would threaten the things and persons of the Latins as a result. He therefore considered that it is better for the addressees’ goods and those of their churches to be assigned temporarily to maintaining their own condition and that of the empire than for them to lose everything forever. So, with the cardinals’ advice, because of urgent necessity, the pope has directed that they shall grant to the marquis half of their incomes of this year and of all other movable goods that they now have in the empire, except for the treasuries of the churches that are dedicated to divine worship, concerning which the pope has otherwise provided, and except for the clothes and horses needed for daily use, and the utensils in which there is no gold or silver or precious stones. Neither Templars, Hospitallers, Cistercians, nor any others, no matter of what order or religion they are, no matter what privileges, indulgences, or documents they have, shall be excused from this grant. Rather all will grant without distinction half of all the aforesaid movable goods, or their value.The absence of those who have benefices in those parts but who live elsewhere does not excuse them, nor will any protection or exception by reason of the burden of debts. If anyone should commit any fraud by any machination or device, beyond the stigma of perjury that he will incur, he shall pay what he defrauded and that much from the remaining half. 521

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The pope has established that a similar aid is to be granted by those living beyond [east of] Makri, both inside and outside the royal city, to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople, with one moderation: they shall pay him only one tenth of their incomes from this year, because among them many are said to have lost all their incomes, namely those from beyond the Arm [the Sea of Marmara], whose needs must be met by others. So the pope orders the addressees to tolerate calmly what he has established because of necessity, indeed, because it is necessary, to embrace it joyfully, paying the aforesaid half without any difficulty or deduction to those whom the marquis and the abbot of Chortaïton of the Cistercian Order and Dean [H.] of Patras, the executors of this statute, deputize for this, to be assigned faithfully to the marquis, knowing that the pope has ordered the executors firmly to force anyone – the pope does not believe this will happen – who would dare to resist the pope’s necessary arrangement to comply via sentences of suspension and excommunication, and even by privation of their benefices, if their obstinacy requires, calling on the secular arm if necessary against the defiance of rebels. The addressees are to make a virtue of necessity and comply with the pope’s order joyfully such that they do not incur these difficulties nor exacerbate by arrogant impatience their lot, which they can alleviate with humble patience. The pope wants the marquis and his son [Boniface II] and brother, along with his barons, to swear a corporal oath in the hands of said executors, obliging their lands, that, if God restores to them all or the greater part of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, they shall restore to the addressees and their churches what they are now granting the marquis. The pope also writes on these matters to the abbot of Chortaïton and to Dean [H.] of Patras so that they compel them to carry this out, without appeal, calling on the secular arm if necessary against the defiance of rebels. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 16r-v, no. 83 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 689r-690r (mutilated); I 53, f. 137r (summary); Moreau. Summaries: Potthast, no. 7321; Pressutti, no. 5186. Editions: Raynaldi 1224, nos. 24-26 (Y, fragments); Horoy IV, coll. 721-724, no. 34 (H, from Moreau); Tautu, pp. 172-175, no. 128 (T).

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Archiepiscopis et episcopis, abbatibus et prioribus, ac clericis universis, tam Grecis quam Latinis, tam prelatis quam subditis, tam religiosis quam secularibus, Templariis quoque et Hospitalariis, in imperio Romanie citra Macram constitutis. Iuxta vulgare proverbium, non est legi subiecta necessitas, et acerbioribus morbis necesse est acerbiores opponere medicinas. Sane in quanto discrimine sint universi Latini consistentes in imperio Romanie non oportet nos vobis exponere verbis, cum id iugiter experiamini factis. Nos igitur, de vobis et pro vobis paterno anxiantes affectu, et simul pensantes quam necessarium sit negotio Terre Sancte ut status Latinorum in ipso imperio consistentium roboretur, dilectum filium nobilem virum Willielmum marchionem Montis Ferrati, ad succursum ipsius imperii tum generositate magnanimitatis innate, tum desiderio prosequendi suam et carissimi in Christo filii nostri D.,a) illustris regis Thesalonicensis,b) fratris sui, iustitiam, ferventissime aspirantem, in huiusmodi proposito et desiderio studiosissime corroborare curavimus, non solum sibi ministrando in multa quantitate pecuniam, sed etiamc) viros strenuos de provinciis circumstantibus ad eundem cum ipso apostolicis indulgentiis excitando. Idemque marchio, tum per suam sollicitudinem, tum per nostram, tantum ac talem ab estate preterita congregavit exercitum quod, nisi eum repentina infirmitas tempore quo debebat iter arripere invasisset, nunc, sicut verisimile est et firmiter creditur, esset in Romania cum tanto exfortio quod ea que nunc difficilia videntur et aspera, plana et facilia viderentur. Distulit autem hoc infirmitas ipsa, non abstulit, quia idem marchio, sanitate recepta, collegit militum et peditum magnam et strenuam multitudinem, et sicut magnanimiter, ita magnifice propositum iter arripiens, moram quam acerbitas infirmitatis ingesserat redimere celeritate sategit.d) Quod, quia non potuit, tum propter instantem yemem et tempus iam contrarium navigationi quando pervenit Brundusium, tum propter defectum sumptuum necessariorum tanto negotio, delectam multitudinem ibi retinuit, cum ea in instanti Martio feliciter, divina favente gratia, transiturus, atque ad id sibi exercitum et se invicem exercitui iuramento constrinxit. Ceterum, quia onus interim ministrandi tante multitudini necessaria, et deinde traiciendie) eandem cum stipendiis et ap523

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paratibus oportunis, quasi quandam infinitatem impensarumf) exposcit, missis ad nos nuntiis suis, postulavit instanter ut super hoc aperire apostolice provisionis oculos dignaremur. Tractatu ergo super hiis habito diligenti, pensantes quantum deicerentur animi Latinorum, et quantum elevaretur adversariorum audacia, si tantus dicti marchionis conatus propter expensarum defectum – quod absit – inutilis redderetur, et quantum per consequens ipsis Latinis immineret rerum personarumque discrimen, ac attendentes satius esse ut bona vestra et ecclesiarum vestrarum pro manutenendo imperii statu et vestrog) comunicetis ad tempus, quam ea omnia perpetuo amittatis, de fratrum nostrorum consilio, propter urgentem necessitatem, duximus statuendum ut omnium vestrorum proventuum huius anni, omniumque aliorum mobilium que nunc habetis in ipso imperio, exceptis dumtaxat ecclesiarum thesauris divino cultui dedicatis, de quibus aliter curavimush) providere, ac exceptis vestibus et equis cotidiano usui necessariis, ac utensilibus in quibus noni) est aurum, vel argentum, aut lapides pretiosi, medietatem marchioni predicto sub iusiurandij) religione integre conferatis. Ita quod nec Templarii, nec Hospitalarii, nec Cistercienses, nec aliqui alii, cuiuscumque ordinis aut religionis existant, et quibuscumque muniti sint privilegiis, indulgentiis, vel rescriptis, a prestatione huiusmodi excusentur. Sed omnes sine differentia et delectu conferant medietatem predictorumk) omnium, aut valentiam, absentia illorum qui habentes beneficia in partibus illis alibi commorantur eos nullatenus excusante, nec patrocinante cuiquam allegatione seu exceptione oneris debitorum. Ita quod, siquis aliquid inde quacumque adinventione, quocumque ingenio defraudaverit, preter notam periurii quam incurret, et illud quod defraudavitl) et tantumdem de reliqua medietate persolvat. Simileque auxilium a consistentibus ultra Macram, tam in regia civitate quam extra, karissimo in Christo filio nostro . ., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri, statuimus conferendum, hoc solo adhibito moderamine, ut videlicet solvant eidem tantum decimam proventuum huius anni, pro eo quod inter eos multi esse dicuntur qui omnes redditus [R 16v] suos, utpote consistentes ultra brachium, amiserunt, quorum necessitas necesse est per alios relevari. 524

THE LETTERS

Ideoque universitatem vestram hortamur attente et per apostolica vobis scripta firmiter precipiendo mandamus quatenus, quod super hiis suadente necessitate statuimus tollerantes equanimiter, immo, quia sic necesse est, hilariter amplexantes, predictam medietatem hiis quos ipse marchio et dilecti filii . . abbas de Curtiath, Cisterciensis Ordinis,m) et . . decanus Patracensis, executores predicti statuti, ad hoc duxerint deputandos, sine difficultate ac diminutione qualibet, tribuatis, eidem marchioni fideliter assignandam, scientes nos eisdem executoribus dedisse firmiter in preceptis ut, siqui – quod non credimus – huic nostre dispositioni tam necessarie presumpserintn) reluctari, ipsi eos ad eam servandam per suspensionis et excommunicationis sententias, ac etiam per privationem beneficiorum suorum, si aliquorum pertinacia id exposcet,o) sublato appellationis impedimento,p) compellant, invocato – si opus fuerit – contra rebellium contumaciam auxilio brachii secularis. Faciatis igitur de necessitate virtutem, nostrumque preceptum ita ylariter compleatis quod non incurratis difficultates huiusmodi, nec exacerbetis superba impatientia sortem quam humili patientia levigare potestis. Volumus autem ut idem marchio et filius eius ac frater cum baronibus suis prestent in manibus dictorum executorum corporaliter iuramentum, et obligent etiam terras suas, quod, si Dominus restituerit eis regnum Thesalonicenseq) totumr) vel maiorem partem ipsius, restituent vobis ets) ecclesiis vestris ea que nunc marchioni conferetis eidem. Datum Laterani, IIII Kalendas Decembris,t) anno nono. . . abbati de Curiath, Cisterciensis Ordinis, et . . decano Patracensi scriptum est super hiis ut eos ad id exequendum, sublato appellationis impedimento,u) compellant, invocato – si opus fuerit – contra rebellium contumaciam auxilio brachii secularis. a) d] demetrii HY b) thesalonicensis] thessalonicensis HY c) etiam] et HY d) sategit] satagit H e) traiciendi] tractandi H f) impensarum om. T g) et vestro om. HY h) curavimus] procuravimus HY i) non om. T j) iusiurandi] iurisiurandi HY k) predictorum] mobilium add. HY l) defraudavit] defraudaverit T m) ordinis om. H n) presumpserint] presumpserit H o) exposcet] exposcit H p) impedimento] munimine T q) thesalonicense] thessalonicense HY r) totum om. T s) et] vel HY t) decembris] pontificatus nostri add. H u) impedimento] munimine T

525

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244 Rome, the Lateran, 30 November 1224 Honorius writes to the barons, knights, and all Latins in the Empire of Romania on this side [west] of Makri, relating that what the pope does for their defense and condition manifestly demonstrates how much he cares for them. The pope has very enthusiastically strengthened in his aim and desire Marquis William of Montferrat, who most fervently aspires to the relief of the empire out of both the abundance of his innate bravery and the desire to pursue justice for himself and for his brother, King D[emetrius] of Thessaloniki. The pope has not only given him a large amount of money, but with apostolic indulgences he has exhorted strong men of the surrounding provinces to go with him. Striving to strengthen the condition of the empire, and consequently to prepare the way for the relief of the Holy Land, the pope has had all clerics of the empire, both prelates and subordinates, Latins and Greeks, grant half of all their movable goods to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople and the marquis, so that, upon the arrival of the marquis, the emperor, having the required funds, shall also break out against the enemies with power and strength, and with the enemies struck by a double terror, each for the honor and the exaltation of the other, and for the utility and state of the entire empire, they shall obtain a victory quickly, God willing. What should the laymen, the addressees, do for this, except apply all their might, so that, with each of the two forcefully striving, as the common utility requires and as necessity compels, the adversaries are pulverized, God willing? What, except subject themselves as they should to the imperial sublimity for their perpetual tranquility and peace? The pope urges them to fight fiercely against the excommunicates and schismatics and seize the opportunity for victory generously offered to them, because if united they rise up against the enemy now, they can earn with short work a long rest and prepare the way for the relief of the Holy Land. To add to their strength the pope has directed that those who do not have fiefs in the empire who take up the cross for the aid of the Holy Land, or who are bound by vow to some other pilgrimage, if they wish to fight faithfully with the addressees against the enemies, or send aid according to the prudence of Bishop [Nicholas] of Reggio [Emilia], papal legate, they shall be absolved of their vow of the cross and of all other pilgrimages and granted full forgiveness of

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their sins for which they are truly contrite and have confessed.Those who have fiefs, who, besides the service that they are obliged to do for the empire, wish to give a fitting subsidy to the army according to their prudence, shall similarly obtain forgiveness for the their sins for which they are truly contrite and have confessed, those bound by vow of the cross or of another pilgrimage being absolved by the legate from all of these vows. The pope wants the same to be observed for clerics bound by vow of the cross or any other pilgrimage.This statute shall be extended only to inhabitants of the empire. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, ff. 16v-17r, no. 84 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 137r (summary); Moreau. Summaries: Raynaldi 1224, no. 26; Pressutti, no. 5189. Edition: Horoy IV, coll. 724-725, no. 35 (H, from Moreau, omitting “virum ... eundum cum”).

Baronibus, militibus, omnibusque Latinis in Romanie imperio citra Macram consistentibus. Ea que facimus pro vestra defensione ac statu manifeste demonstrant quantam de vobis curam et sollicitudinem habeamus. Ecce enim dilectum filium nobilem virum Willielmum, marchionem Montisferrati, ad succursum vestrum tum generositate magnanimitatis innate, tum desiderio prosequendi suam et karissimi in Christo filii nostri D., illustris regis Thesalonicensis, fratris sui, iustitiam, ferventissime aspirantem, in huiusmodi proposito et desiderio studiosissime roboravimus, ministrando eidem in non modica quantitate pecuniam et viros strenuos de provinciis circumstantibus ad eundem cum ipso apostolicis indulgentiis excitando. Ac insuper satagentes roborare statum imperii, et per consequens preparare viam succursui Terre Sancte, ab omnibus clericis ipsius imperii, tam prelatis quam subditis, tam Latinis quam Grecis, medietatem omnium suorum mobilium karissimo in Christo filio nostro . ., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri, et marchioni predicto facimus exhiberi ut, ad ipsius marchionis ingressum, ipse quoque imperator, habitis stipendiis oportunis, erumpat in hostes viriliter et potenter sicque, ipsis hostibus duplici terrore perculsis, uterque, ad honorem et exaltationem alterius eta) utilitatem ac statum totius imperii, victoriam Deo largiente celerius assequatur. 527

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Quid igitur in hoc articulo facere debetis vos laici, nisi totas effundere vires vestras, quatinus, utrisque, prout communis utilitas exigit et cogit ipsa necessitas, viriliter adnitentibus conterantur Deo propitio adversarii, et sicut debent imperiali sublimitati subdantur ad vestram perpetuam tranquillitatem et pacem? Hortamur igitur universitatem vestram attente quatenus eo ipso animosiores quod certatis contra excommunicatos et scismaticos oblatam vobis vincendi oportunitatem magnanimiter assumatis, quia si nunc in hostes unanimiter surrexeritis, poteritis auctore Deo brevi labore longam vobis comparare quietem et viam iam dicto Terre Sancte succursui preparare. Nos autem ad incrementum roboris vestri duximus statuendum ut non feudati in ipso imperio qui crucem pro dicte Terre Sancte subsidio susceperint, aut voto sunt cuiuscumque alterius peregrinationis astricti, si vobiscum contra ipsos hostes fideliter pugnare voluerint, aut pro se destinare succursum iuxta providentiamb) venerabilis fratris nostri . . Reginic) episcopi, Apostolice Sedis legati, per eum a voto crucis aliarumque peregrinationum quarumlibet absolvantur, concessa eis plena suorum venia peccatorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi. Feudati vero qui, preter servitium quod facere tenentur imperio, voluerint exercitui iuxta eorundem providentiamd) competens subsidium ministrare, similiter peccatorum suorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi veniam assequantur,e) hiis qui fuerint voto [R 17r] crucis aut alterius peregrinationis astricti per eundem legatum ab omnibus votis huiusmodi absolutis. Idemque circa clericos voto crucis vel cuiuscumque alterius peregrinationis astrictos volumus observari. Hoc ad cautelam expresso: ut statutum huiusmodi non nisi ad incolas ipsius imperii extendatur. Datum Laterani, II Kalendas Decembris, anno nono. a) et] ac H b) providentiam] prudentiam H c) regini] reginensis H d) providentiam] prudentiam H e) assequantur] asquentur H

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245 Rome, the Lateran, 5 December 1224 Honorius writes to O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, relating that he is so concerned for the lord and the other Latins in the Empire of Romania that not only has he taken care to send a large amount of money and apostolic indulgences to places he deems expedient, so that Marquis William of Montferrat can come to the lord’s and the empire’s relief magnificently and powerfully, but he has also ordered that half of all the movable goods of clerics and religious in the empire on this side [west] of Makri are to be granted to the marquis, and half of the movable goods of those who are beyond [east of] Makri are to be granted to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople, with certain executors assigned to this, namely so that, on the arrival of the marquis, the emperor, having the required funds, can also break out against the enemies with power and strength, and with the enemies struck by a double terror, each for the honor and the exaltation of the other, and for the utility and state of the entire empire, he shall obtain a victory quickly, God willing. The pope advises the lord, enjoining on him for the remission of his sins, noting how much effort laymen must devote when, for their sake, such a burden is imposed on the churches, to bring it about that his subjects strongly and powerfully undertake this business, so that, once the enemies are pulverized and exhausted, God willing, short work earns long peace and rest for the Latins. The lord is to give aid and support to the executors for this purpose, if necessary, so that they can adequately perform the business enjoined on them without costly delay. So that the lord and his faithful men proceed more securely against the excommunicates and schismatics, the pope grants to those who happen to die while fighting against them forgiveness of all sins for which they are truly contrite and have confessed. The pope writes similar letters to the lords of Negroponte and to G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 17r, no. 85 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, ff. 691r-692r; I 53, f. 137r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1224, no. 26; Pressutti, no. 5202. Edition: Lampros, pp. 35-36, no. 22 (L).

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O. de Rocca domino Athenorum.a) Usque adeo sumus anxii et solliciti pro te aliisque Latinis in Romanie imperio constitutis quod, non solum ministrando in multa quantitate pecuniam et apostolicas indulgentias per loca in quibus expedire vidimus destinando studuimus ut dilectus filius nobilis vir Willielmus marchio Montisferrati ad tuum et ipsius imperii succursum magnifice ac potenter accedat, verum etiam medietatem mobilium omnium clericorum et religiosorum consistentium in ipso imperio citra Macram marchioni predicto, medietatem vero mobilium eorum qui ultra Macram consistunt karissimo in Christo filiob) nostro . ., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri, conferri mandavimus, certis ad hoc executoribus deputatis, ut videlicet, ad ipsius marchionis ingressum, ipse quoque imperator, habitis stipendiis oportunis, erumpere possit in hostes viriliter ac potenter sicque, ipsis hostibus dupplici terrore perculsis, uterque, ad honorem et exaltationem alterius et utilitatem ac statum totius imperii, victoriam Deo largiente celerius assequatur. Monemus igitur nobilitatem tuam et hortamur attente, in remissionem tibi peccaminum iniungentes quatenus, attendens quantoc) conamine adnitendum sit laicis quando pro eorum statu ecclesiis imponitur tantum onus, efficias quod subditi tui una tecum huiusmodi negotium sic viriliter et potenter assumant quod, hostibus utrobique Deo auctore conteritis et contritis, brevis temporisd) labor longam tibi aliisque Latinis pacem comparet et quietem. Ad hoc ipsis executoribus ita tuum, si necesse fuerit, exhibeas auxilium et favorem quod iniunctum sibi negotium rite valeant sine dispendiosa dilatione complere. Ut autem tu et fideles tui contra excommunicatos et scismaticos securius procedatis, illis vestrum quos pugnando contra eos mori contigerit omnium peccatorum suorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi veniam indulgemus. Datum Laterani, Nonis Decembris, anno nono. In eundem modum dominis Nigripontis. In eundem modum G. de Villa Arduini, principi Achaie. a) athenorum sic R ris] ipsis L

b) filio] fratri L

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c) quanto] quando L

d) tempo-

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246 Rome, the Lateran, 18 December 1224 Honorius writes to M[argaret], former empress of Constantinople: “The Apostolic See, which is accustomed to regard benignly the devout, follows up with special favor those who open the deepest parts of piety to churches, so that they are made more devout, and so that even the non-devout are inspired to devotion.” He relates that from her and from other reliable people he has heard that, with the consent of the diocesan bishop and from her own goods, she has rebuilt and endowed the monastery of Pacenasiense of Greek nuns, which was completely destroyed. And she has had the nuns obey the Roman Church, to which they were not showing any obedience. Persuaded by her requests, the pope grants that no one shall dare to harass her rashly over her right of patronage in the monastery. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 25r, no. 133 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 137v (summary). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7821; Pressutti, no. 5226. Editions: Pitra, p. 586, no. 32 (P); Tautu, pp. 177-178, no. 131 (T); included in the Decretales Honorii III, book III, title 22 “De iure patronatus,” c. 1, in, e.g., Cironius, p. 172.

M., quondam imperatricia) Constantinopolitane. Sedes Apostolica, que benigne devotos respicere consuevit, devotionem eorum qui ecclesiis aperiunt viscera pietatis favore prosequiturb) speciali, ut devotiores tales fiant et ad devotionem animentur etiam indevoti. Audito igitur per te ac alios fide dignos quod monasterium Pacenasiensec) Grecarum monialium, tunc destructum omnino, diocesano accedente consensu, de propriis bonis rehedificaveris et dotaris, ac moniales easdem Ecclesie Romane, cui nullam exhibebant obedientiam, feceris obedire, tuis nos supplicationibus inclinati, auctoritate presentium indulgemusd) ut super iure patronatus ipsius monasterii nemo te audeat temere molestare. Nulli ergo ‹etc.› nostre concessionis etc. Siquis autem etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani, XV Kalendas Ianuarii, anno nono›. a) quondam imperatrici inv. T b) prosequitur] prosequimur R c) pacenasiense] pacenaciense P d) presentium indulgemus] praesentis scripti praecipimus P; praesentis scripti indicimus T

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247 Rome, the Lateran, 9 January 1225 Honorius writes to Dean H. of Patras, relating that his worthiness and the opinion of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, have led him to extend a special grace, namely that, as long as he happens to be at the Apostolic See or in a faculty of theology, he may have his ecclesiastical benefices through a suitable vicar, notwithstanding the statute issued by P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, when he was legate in Romania [1213/14], or any other statute. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 22v, no. 124 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5259. Edition: previously unpublished.

H. decano Patracensi. Ad faciendam tibi gratiam specialem et tua probitas et consideratio dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, cuius obsequiis diu institisse nosceris, nos inducit. Hinc est quod auctoritate tibi presentium indulgemus ut beneficia tua ecclesiastica, quamdiu te apud Apostolicam Sedem aut in theologica facultate esse contigerit, per idoneum vicarium valeas obtinere, non obstante statuto venerabilis fratris nostri P. Albanensis episcopi facto dum in partibus Romanie legationis officio fungeretur, seu quolibet alio iuramenti religione sive quacumque alia firmitate vallato. Nulli ergo nostre concessionis etc. Siquis etc. Datum Laterani,V Idus Ianuarii, anno nono. 248 Rome, the Lateran, 13 January 1225 Honorius writes to the barons, knights, and all Latins in the Empire of Romania beyond [east of] Makri a letter similar to no. 244 above, except that he has ordered all clerics of the empire beyond [east of] Makri to give one quarter of their movable goods to the bishops of Selymbria (Silivri), of Gallipoli (Gelibolu), and of Pegai (Biga), to be assigned to noblemen whom the pope has deputized for this: Geof532

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frey of Merry, Narjot [III of Toucy], and Marino [dalle Carceri],1) the brother of the archdeacon of Constantinople. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 28r-v, no. 153 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 137v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5270; Santifaller, no. 93. Edition: previously unpublished.

Baronibus, militibus, omnibusque Latinis in Romanie imperio ultra Macram consistentibus. Ea que facimus pro vestra defensione ac statu manifeste demonstrant quantam de vobis curam et sollicitudinem habeamus. Ecce enim dilectum filium nobilem virum Willielmum marchionem Montisferrati, ad succursum vestrum tum generositate magnaminitatis innate, tum desiderio prosequendi suam et karissimi in Christo filii nostri D., illustris regis Thesalonicensis, fratris sui, iustitiam, ferventissime aspirantem, in huiusmodi proposito ac desiderio studiosissime corroboravimus, ministrando eidem in non modica quantitate pecuniam et viros strenuos de provinciis circumstantibus ad eundum cum ipso apostolicis indulgentiis excitando. Ac insuper satagentes roborare statum imperii, et per consequens preparare viam succursui Terre Sancte, ab omnibus clericis ipsius imperii ultra Macram, tam prelatis quam subditis, tam Latinis quam Grecis, quartam partem omnium suorum mobilium venerabilibus fratribus nostris . . Salimbriensi, . . Galipolensi, et . . Spigacensi episcopis facimus exhiberi, dilectis filiis nobilibus viris Gaufrido de Mainri, Narioto, et Marino, fratri archidiaconi Constantinopolitani, quos ad hoc providimus deputandos, integre assignandam, ac per eosdem in utilitatem dicti imperii fideliter convertendam, ut, ad ipsius marchionis ingressum, karissimus [R 28v] in Christo filius noster . ., imperator Constantinopolitanus illustris, habitis subsidiis oportunis, erumpat in hostes viriliter et potenter, sicque, ipsis hostibus duplici terrore perculsis, uterque, ad honorem et exaltationem alterius et utilitatem ac statum totius imperii, victoriam Deo largiente celerius assequatur. Quid igitur in hoc articulo facere debetis vos laici, nisi totas effundere vires vestras, quatinus utrisque, prout communis utilitas exigit et cogit ipsa necessitas, viriliter adnitentibus con533

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

terantur Deo propitio adversarii, et, sicut debent, imperiali sublimitati subdantur, ad vestram perpetuam tranquillitatem et pacem? Hortamur igitur universitatem vestram attentius quatenus eo ipso animosiores quod certatis contra excommunicatos et scismaticos oblatam vobis vincendi oportunitatem magnanimiter assumatis, quia si nunc in hostes unanimiter surrexeritis, poteritis auctore Deo brevi labore longam vobis comparare quietem et viam iamdicte Terre Sancte succursui preparare. Nos autem ad incrementum roboris vestri duximus statuendum ut non feudati in ipso imperio qui crucem pro dicte Terre Sancte subsidio susceperunt, aut voto sunt cuiusquam alterius peregrinationis astricti, si vobiscum contra ipsos hostes fideliter pugnare voluerint, aut per se destinare succursum iuxta supradictorum episcoporum providentiam, per eos a voto crucis aliarumque peregrinationum quarumlibet absolvantur, concessa eis plena suorum venia peccatorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi. Feudati vero, qui, preter servitium quod facere tenentur imperio, voluerint exercitui iuxta eorundem providentiam competens subsidium ministrare, similiter peccorum suorum de quibus vere contriti fuerint et confessi veniam assequantur, hiis qui fuerint voto crucis aut alterius peregrinationis astricti per eosdem ab omnibus votis huiusmodi absolutis. Idemque circa clericos voto crucis vel cuiuscumque alterius peregrinationis astrictos volumus observari. Hoc ad cautelam expresso: ut statutum huiusmodi non nisi ad incolas ipsius imperii extendatur. Datum Laterani, Idibus Ianuarii anno nono. 1) This last is identified in Claverie, Honorius III et l’Orient, p. 90, although he is not Narjot’s brother, but the brother of the archdeacon, who is not involved directly.

249 Rome, the Lateran, 13 January 1225 Honorius writes to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople a letter similar to no. 245 above, without the instructions to give aid and support to the executors and without the crusade indulgence for forgiveness of sins.

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 38v, no. 217 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 710r (summary); I 53, f. 138r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1225, no. 9; Pressutti, no. 5277. Edition: previously unpublished.

. ., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri. Usque adeo sumus anxii et solliciti pro te aliisque Latinis in Romanie imperio constitutis quod, non solum ministrando in multa quantitate pecuniam et apostolicas indulgentias per loca in quibus expedire vidimus destinando studuimus, ut dilectus filius nobilis vir W. marchio Montis Ferrati ad tuum et ipsius imperii succursum magnifice ac potenter accedat, verum etiam medietatem mobilium omnium clericorum et religiosorum consistentium in ipso imperio citra Macram marchioni predicto, quartam vero mobilium eorum qui ultra Macram consistunt in ipsius imperii subsidium, conferri mandavimus, certis ad hoc executoribus deputatis, ut videlicet, ad ipsius marchionis ingressum, tu quoque, habitis subsidiis oportunis, erumpere possis in hostes viriliter ac potenter, sicque, ipsis hostibus duplici terrore perculsis, uterque, ad honorem et exaltationem alterius et utilitatem ac statum totius imperii, victoriam Deo largiente celerius assequatur. Monemus igitura) serenitatem tuam et hortamur attentius quatenus, attendens quanto conamine adnitendum sit laicis quando pro eorum statu ecclesiis imponitur tantum onus, efficias quod subditi tui una tecum huiusmodi negotium sic viriliter et potenter assumant quod, hostibus utrobique Deo auctore conterritis et contritis, brevis temporis labor longam tibi et toti imperio pacem comparet et quietem. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Februarii, anno nono. a) igitur supralin. R

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250 Rome, the Lateran, 27 January 1225 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, relating that, with the patriarch present, advising, and consenting, the pope sent his mandate to all prelates and subordinates beyond [east of] Makri concerning the fourth part of the movable goods and the tenth of the incomes to be paid in support of the Empire of Romania. The pope ordered the patriarch viva voce, in virtue of obedience, to pay this on all his goods just like the others, since he is even more obliged to the empire, and the patriarch firmly promised to do so. Thus the pope does not want the bishops of Selymbria (Silivri), of Gallipoli (Gelibolu), and of Pegai (Biga), the archdeacon of the Great Church, the dean of St George of Mangana, and the prior of the Lord’s Sepulcher at Constantinople, whom the pope has deputized for this, to force him concerning these things at all. In addition, since the ten thousand hyperpera that were lent on the basis of the silver ciborium of the Church of Hagia Sophia to Emperor [Robert] of Constantinople, on the obligation of the imperial crown, must be considered among the treasuries of the church, the pope wants it to be completely excluded and excepted from the aforesaid grant. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 28v, no. 154 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana I 53, f. 137v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5279; Santifaller, no. 94. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Cum te presente tuoque consilio et assensu mandatum emanasset a nobis omnibus prelatis et subditis ultra Macram de quarta parte mobilium et decima proventuum persolvendis in subsidium imperii Romanie, tibique preceperimus viva voce in virtute obedientie, firmiter iniungentes ut de omnibus bonis tuis apponas sicut ceteri, qui etiam plus teneris imperio supradicto, quod et firmiter promisisti, nolumus ut venerabiles fratres nostri . . Salimbriensis, . . Galipolensis, et . . Spigacensis episcopi et dilecti filii . . archdiaconus maioris ecclesie, . . decanus Sancti Georgii de Mangano, et . . prior Dominici Sepul536

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cri Constantinopolitani, quos ad hoc duximus deputandos, super hiis aliquatenus te compellant. Ad hec, cum illa decem milia yperperorum, que de ciborio argenteo ecclesie Sancte Sophie karissimo in Christo filio nostro . ., imperatori Constantinopolitano illustri, sub obligatione imperialis corone, mutuata fuerunt, inter thesauros ecclesie debeant reputari, volumus ut a predicta collectione exclusa sint penitus et excepta. Datum Laterani,VI Kalendas Februarii, anno nono. 251 Rome, the Lateran, 12 February 1225 Honorius writes to Doge [Pietro Ziani] and the people of Venice a letter similar to no. 252 below, except ordering that, since it is known to be very much in their interest for the condition of the Latins in the empire to be strengthened and the insolence of the adversaries repressed, they shall assist the marquis so strongly and powerfully that the recovery of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki, and consequently the strengthening of the condition of the entire empire and the preparation for the aid of the Holy Land, is ascribed principally to their magnificence. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 54r, no. 295a (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5304. Edition: previously unpublished.

In eundem modum scriptum est nobili viro duci et populo Venetorum usque destinandum. Cum igitur vestra plurimum interesse noscatur ut status Latinorum roboretur in ipso imperio et adversariorum insolentia reprimatur, universitatem vestram sollicite duximus et hortamur per apostolica vobis scripta mandantes quatenus dicto marchioni succurratis ita viriliter et potenter quod regni Thesalonicensis recuperatio, et per consequens corroboratio status totius imperii ac preparatio subsidii Terre Sancte, vestre magnificentie principaliter ascribatur, vosque, preter fructum 537

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commodi temporalis quem ex hoc procul dubio assequemini, Domino et hominibus et specialiter Sedi Apostolice placeatis. Datum Laterani, II Idus Februari, anno nono. 252 Rome, the Lateran, 13 February 1225 Honorius writes to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of the churches in the Empire of Romania on this side [west] of Makri, relating that it belongs to virtue to advance in adversity and to place the anchor of one’s hope in Him for Whom it is easy to change storms to calm and adversity to prosperity. Just as the pope believes that the spirits of the Latins in the Empire of Romania have been shaken by the capture of the city of Thessaloniki, he also believes that they have not at all been crushed by this, nor that their virtue has deserted them because of this adversity, but rather that it has advanced, since adversity often stimulates those who previously were groggy in prosperity with lazy security. For why, possessing many cities and other fortifications and the very head of the empire, should they collapse at the capture of one city and not instead be confident about its recuperation, when they remember that at one time, when they had not one palm of land in the empire, they occupied this and more, with God surrendering the schismatics into their hands? The pope has hope that divine power will not allow the schismatics to prevail over the catholics. Taking due care in supporting them and other Latins and working for the cause of the Holy Land, which depends not a little on the condition of the empire, the pope has given not a small aid in money to Marquis William of Montferrat, who is rushing to their aid. So that there is a person in those parts who can play the role of the pope in strengthening and comforting the spirits of the Latins, he has directed that Bishop Nicholas of Reggio [Emilia] be sent there as papal legate. The pope orders the addressees to receive him happily as papal legate, treat him honestly, and heed and obey his beneficial orders and advice humbly and devoutly. The pope will ratify a sentence that he reasonably brings against rebels and have it firmly observed. The pope writes a similar letter to the noblemen G[eoffrey] of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia, and O[tto] de la Roche, lord of Athens, and to all the barons and other Latins in the Empire of Romania. 538

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, ff. 53v-54r, no. 295 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 713r (summary); I 53, f. 139r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1225, no. 9; Pressutti, no. 5308. Edition: previously unpublished.

Archiepiscopis et episcopis, abbatibus ac aliis ecclesiarum prelatis in imperio Romanie citra Macram constitutis. Virtutis est proficere in adversis et in eo figere anchoram sue spei cui facile est nubila in serenum et adversa in prospera commutare. Sicut ergo animos Latinorum in Romanie imperio consistentium esse credimus ex Thesalonicensis civitatis captione concussos, sic credimus illos ea re nequaquam esse confractos nec propter adversitatem huiusmodi eorum defecisse virtutem, sed potius profecisse, cum adversa illos frequenter exacuant qui prius in prosperis ignava securitate torpebant. Cur enim, multas civitates et munitiones alias ipsumque capud imperii obtinentes, deberent mente concidere pro captione civitatis unius et non potius de ipsius recuperatione confidere, cum meminerint se olim nec unum palmum terre obtinentes in imperio ipso et illam et alias, Deo in manus eorum tradente scismaticos, magnanimiter occupasse? Nos quidem, sperantes quod divina potentia catholicis prevalere scismaticos non permittet, et de vestra et aliorum Latinorum subventione debitam curam sollicitudinemque gerentes, satagentes etiam pro Terre Sancte negotio quod non parum pendet ex statu imperii supradicti, dilecto filio nobili viro Willielmo marchioni Montisferrati, ad vestrum festinanti succursum, non parvum succursum pecunie ministravimus. Et insuper, ut persona sit in partibus illis que vice nostra Latinorum animos corroboret et confortet, venerabilem fratrem nostrum Ni[R 54r]colaum Reginum episcopum, virum generis et animi nobilitate preclarum, industriaque conspicuum, illuc concesso sibi plene legationis officio duximus destinandum. Quocirca universitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus atque precipimus quatenus, ipsum tanquam Apostolice Sedis legatum recipientes ‹h›ilariter et honeste tractantes, salubribus monitis et mandatis ipsis intendatis et obediatis humili539

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ter ac devote. Nos enim sententiam quam rationabiliter tulerit in rebelles ratam habebimus et faciemus auctore Deo firmiter observari. Datum Laterani, Idibus Februarii, anno nono. In eundem modum scriptum est nobilibus viris G. de Villa Arduini principi Achaie, et O. de Rocca domino Athenarum, ac universis baronibus aliisque Latinis in imperio Romanie constitutis. 253 Rome, the Lateran, 7 April 1225 Honorius writes to all the prelates of the exempt churches in the Empire of Romania, relating that laymen often scorn the censure of ecclesiastical discipline when they see that even clerics scorn it. Lest they be the occasion for rebellion and contempt for those for whom they should be an example of obedience and devotion, the pope orders the addressees to observe unbreakably, and to have their subjects observe, the sentences of interdict and excommunication reasonably promulgated by Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople against his subjects. The prelates are to comply with the pope’s mandate in such a way that they cannot be accused of disobedience and contempt, but rather commended for obedience and devotion. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 48r, no. 264 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 138v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5423; Santifaller, no. 95. Edition: previously unpublished.

Universis prelatis ecclesiarum exemptarum in Romanie imperio consistentium. Censura ecclesiastice discipline a laicis sepe contempnitur, eo quod illam contempni etiam a clericis intuentur. Ne igitur sitis illis rebellionis occasio et contemptus quibus esse debetis obedientie ac devotionis exemplum, presentium vobis auctoritate firmiter precipiendo mandamus quatenus interdicti ac excommunicationis sententias a venerabili fratre nostro . . patriarcha Constantinopolitano in subditos suos rationabiliter promulgatas et vos irrefragabiliter observetis et a vestris

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faciatis subditis observari, preceptum nostrum taliter adimplentes quod argui non possitis de inobedientia vel contemptu, sed de obedientia et devotione potius commendari. Datum Laterani,VII Idus Aprilis, anno nono. 254 Rome, the Lateran, 7 April 1225 Honorius writes to all abbots and other prelates and convents and clerics in the dioceses of Constantinople and Chalcedon, relating that Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople explained before the pope that some of the addressees refuse to obey the patriarch and respond to his justice, on the pretext that J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, when he was acting as legate in those parts [1218/21], granted the spiritual and temporal affairs of their monasteries to certain other churches and clerics. In support of this, they cite the papal confirmations of these grants. Since it was not the cardinal’s intention, nor does the pope wish, that the rights owed to the diocesan be diminished or damaged in any way by these grants or confirmations, the pope orders the addressees to show humbly the patriarch due reverence and obedience, this pretext notwithstanding, and to respond to his justice in full in spiritual affairs (and in those things connected to spiritual affairs), except perhaps if some show themselves to have an explicit privilege of exemption. Otherwise, the pope wants the sentence that the patriarch rightly brings against rebels to be firmly observed until fitting satisfaction is made. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg. Vat. 13, f. 48v, no. 269 (A), and ff. 52r-v, no. 287 (B) (the same letter was copied twice into the register, slightly differently) Summaries: Pressutti, nos. 5424-25; Santifaller, nos. 96-97. Edition: Tautu, p. 181, no. 133 (T); included in the Decretales Honorii III, book II, title 20 “De confirmatione utili vel inutili,” c. 2, in, e.g., Cironius, p. 125; included in the Decretales Gregorii IX, book I, title 30, c. 9, in, e.g., Friedberg, col. 448 (with numerous variations, so not collated).

Universis abbatibus et prelatis aliis ac conventibus et clericis in Constantinopolitana et Calcedonensi diocesibusa) constitutis.

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Venerabilis frater noster . . patriarcha Constantinopolitanus proposuit coram nobis quod,b) quidam vestrum, sumentes occasionem ex eo quod dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum in partibus illis legationis officio fungeretur, quibusdam aliis ecclesiis et clericis in spiritualibus et temporalibus contulit monasteria eorundem, ipsi patriarche obedire recusant et ei de iuribus patriarchalibus respondere, in sue presumptionis adiutorium inducentes confirmationes collationum huiusmodi a Sede Apostolica impetratas. Cum ergo nec ipsius intentio fuerit cardinalis [B 52v] nec nos quoque velimus iura que diocesano debentur per collationes seu confirmationes predictas minui vel aliquatenus ledi, universitati vestre presentium auctoritate firmiter precipiendo mandamus quatenus, occasione huiusmodi non obstante, ipsi patriarche reverentiam et obedientiam debitam humiliter exhibere curetis eique de iustitiis suisc) integre in spiritualibus etd) hiis que spiritualibus sunt annexae) respondere, nisi forsan aliqui per expressum exemptionis privilegium ostenderint se munitos. Alioquin sententiam quam idem patriarcha propter hoc rationabiliter tulerit in rebelles volumusf) usque ad satisfactionem condignam firmiter observari.g) Datum Laterani,VII Idus Aprilis, anno nono. a) calcedonensi diocesibus] chalcedonensi dioecesi T b) quod] cum add. AT c) suis om. AT d)-e) et ... annexa om. A f)-g) volumus ... observari] etc. B

255 Rome, the Lateran, 8 April 1225 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] and the chapter of Constantinople, responding to their requests by confirming and strengthening the possessions, incomes, and other goods that they have on the island of Crete and in other places of the Empire of Romania. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 47r, no. 258 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5428; Santifaller, no. 98. Edition: previously unpublished.

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. . patriarche et capitulo Constantinopolitanis. Iustis petentium etc. usque inclinati, possessiones, redditus, ac alia bona que habetis in Cretensi insula et aliis locis imperii Romanie, sicut ea omnia iuste, canonice, ac pacifice obtinetis, vobis et ecclesie vestre etc. usque communimus. Nulli ergo etc. Siquis. Datum Laterani,VI Idus Aprilis, anno nono. 256 Rome, the Lateran, 8 April 1225 Honorius writes to [Patriarch Matthew and the chapter of Constantinople], relating that John, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then acting as legate in the region [1218/21], directed that, owing to their desolation, the churches of Chalcedon and Lemnos, along with all their rights and appurtenances, be joined to the church of Constantinople. Assenting to their prayers, the pope confirms and strengthens this joining, establishing that these churches shall remain perpetually joined to the addressees’ church, unless perhaps prosperity smiles on them so much that the condition of their ancient rank can be suitably re-established in them. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, ff. 47r-v, no. 259 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5429; Santifaller, no. 99. Edition: previously unpublished.

Eisdem ‹. . patriarche et capitulo Constantinopolitanis›. Ea que per Apostolice Sedis legatos provide statuuntur apostolico decet munimine roborari ut pleniorem obtineant [R 47v] firmitatem. Cum ergo dilectus filius noster Iohannes, tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc in partibus illis officium legationis exercens, Calcedonensem et Stealiminsem ecclesias cum earum iuribus et pertinentiis universis, inspecta desolatione ipsarum, ecclesie vestre duxerit adiungendas, nos, precibus vestris benignum impertientes assensum, adiunctionem ipsam auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, auctoritate presentium statuendo ut eedem ecclesie 543

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

permaneant ecclesie vestre perpetuo coadiuncte, nisi forte Deo propitio tanta eis arrideret prosperitas quod status dignitatis antique reformari posset congrue in eisdem. Nulli ergo confirmationis et constitutionis. Si quis etc. Datum ut supra ‹Laterani,VI Idus Aprilis, anno nono›. 257 Rome, the Lateran, 8 April 1225 Honorius writes to the chapter of Thebes, relating that the declaration of J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, and also of Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople has made clear that, when the cardinal was acting as legate in the addressees’ parts [1218/21], he found that they had elected as archbishop [Hardouin] a person very much suffering a defect in letters, and, as punishment for this negligence, he deprived them of the power of electing the next head of their church, reserving the post for the Apostolic See. Although the cardinal is acknowledged to have done this rightly, the pope wants to obviate the expense that would threaten the church if the provision of an archbishop were for this reason deferred. Therefore, he remits the punishment. When the time comes for an election, the addressees are to atone for their past negligence so that they cannot incur a similar – or rather greater – punishment. The pope writes a similar letter to the chapter of Corinth [on Eudes]. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 49r, no. 270bis (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5430; Santifaller, no. 100. Edition: Tautu, p. 182, no. 134 (T).

Capitulo Thebano. Sicut nobis dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyteri cardinalis, ac etiam venerabilis fratris nostri . . patriarche Constantinopolitani assertio patefecit, idem cardinalis, dum in partibus vestris legationis officio fungeretur, invenit vos personam multum patientem in litteratura defectum vobis in archiepiscopum elegisse, atque in huiusmodi negligentie penam, vos, prima vice quaa) in ecclesia vestra fuerit eligendus antistes, eligendi potestate privavit, eam Sedi Apostolice reservando. 544

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Licet autem idem cardinalis id rite fecisse noscatur, nos tamen, volentes obviare dispendio quod imminere possetb) ipsi ecclesie si propter hoc eius provisio differretur, penam huiusmodi vobis duximus remittendam.Vos igitur, cum eligendi tempus advenerit, sic preteritam negligentiam expietis quod similem – immo maiorem – penam incurrere non possitis. Datum Laterani,VI Idus Aprilis, anno nono. In eundem modum scriptum est capitulo Corinthiensi. a) qua] cum T

b) imminere posset] immerito possit T

258 Rome, the Lateran, 10 April 1225 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] and the chapter of Constantinople, relating that Archdeacon M[arcellino] of Ancona, the chaplain of P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, and Stephen Bolli, the patriarch’s cleric, were in the pope’s presence intending to litigate against each other, and the pope gave them Gregory, his subdeacon and chaplain, as auditor. In the auditor’s presence the archdeacon claimed that the pope had granted him the prebend that the late Master Clement had in the addressees’ church, but that he had not been able to obtain corporeal possession of it because of a certain grant of the same prebend that was said to have been made by the addressees to Stephen. So the archdeacon sought that the occupier be removed and he be given corporeal possession, and that the incomes that were received or could have been received from the prebend since the time of the papal grant be restored to him. Stephen, on the other hand, responded that the pope’s grant to the archdeacon should not have supported him, since it was obtained via cunning deceit and the suppression of the truth, because J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then acting as legate in those parts [1218/21], granted the patriarch the free power to confer the next two prebends to become vacant in that church, and, on the authority of this indulgence, the patriarch conferred the aforesaid prebend on Stephen. Since this was not revealed to the pope when the pope granted the prebend to the archdeacon, this grant, as surreptitious, should not have any force of law. 545

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So the lawsuit was legally contested before the chaplain, who, having seen and heard the documents, confessions, and allegations of both sides, directed as follows: both of them shall remain canons of the church; corporeal possession of the aforsaid prebend shall be given to the archdeacon or his agent; the incomes shall be divided equally between them until Stephen is assigned a prebendal benefice in the church. The chaplain also absolved Stephen from the archdeacon’s petition that he restore the incomes received. The pope ratifies what the chaplain has done and orders the addressees to have the archdeacon or his agent placed in corporeal possession of the prebend, to have the provision firmly observed in its other details, and to confer a vacant prebend, if there is one, or the next vacant prebend, on Stephen or his agent, notwithstanding any statute concerning a fixed number, or constitution, or custom, even if strengthened by oath. Otherwise, the pope is sending a letter to the bishop of Selymbria (Silivri), to the abbot of St Angelus of Pera of the Cistercian Order, and to the cantor of Boukoleon of Constantinople, ordering them to compel the addressees to comply. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 48r-v, no. 266 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5436; Santifaller, no. 101. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . patriarche et capitulo Constantinopolitanis. Dilectis filiis M. archidiacono Anconitano, capellano venerabilis fratris nostri P. episcopi Albanensis, et Stephano Bolli, clerico tuo, frater patriarcha, volentibus adinvicem in nostra presentia litigare, dilectum filium Gregorium, subdiaconum et capellanum nostrum, dedimus auditorem. In cuius presentia proposuit archidiaconus antedictus quod, cum prebendam quam quondam magister Clemens in ecclesia vestra obtinuit contulissemus eidem, ipse corporalem possessionem ipsius nequiverat adipisci occasione cuiusdam collationis que de prebenda ipsa facta dicebatur per vos Stephano supradicto. Quare petebat ut, amoto ab ea quolibet detentore, sibi daretur eiusdem possessio corporalis et restituerentur nichilominus fructus qui a tempore collationis nostre fuerunt percepti de predicta prebenda seu percipi potuerunt. Predictus vero Stephanus, ex adverso, respondit quod collatio per nos ipsi archidiacono facta patrocinari non debebat 546

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eidem, utpote que fuerat per circumventionis astutiam et suppressionem veritatis obtenta, quia cum dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc in partibus illis officium legationis exercens, conferendi duas prebendas primo in ipsa ecclesia vacaturas indulsisset tibi, patriarcha, liberam potestatem, et tu predictam prebendam sibi auctoritate indulgentie huiusmodi contulisses, et hec nobis revelata non fuerint quando prebendam eandem contulimus archidiacono sepedicto, huiusmodi collatio de iure vires habere tanquam subreptitia non debebat. Quare petebat absolvi a petitione archidiaconi memorati. Lite igitur super hiis coram ipso capellano legitime contestata, idem, visis et auditis instrumentis, confessionibus, et allegationibus utriusque, duxit providendum hoc modo, ut videlicet uterque remaneat canonicus ecclesie supradicte et, corporali possessione ipsius prebende tradita dicto archidiacono vel procuratori eiusdem, fructus ipsius inter eos equaliter dividantur quousque dicto Stephano assignetur in ipsa ecclesia beneficium prebendale. Super restitutione vero fructuum perceptorum a petitione ipsius archidiaconi absolvit Stephanum supradictum. Nos igitur, ratum habentes quod super hoc [R 48v] factum est a capellano predicto, universitati vestre per apostolica scripta precipiendo mandamus quatenus, ipsum archidiaconum vel procuratorem suum inducentes in corporalem possessionem supradicte prebende, ac in aliis provisionem huiusmodi facientes firmiter observari, prebendam, siqua vacat, alioquin quam primo vacare contigerit in ecclesia supradicta, eidem Stephano vel procuratori suo eius nomine conferatis, statuto de certo numero vel constitutione alia sive consuetudine, etiam si iuramentia) vinculum intervenerit super hiis omnibus, non obstante. Alioquin venerabili fratri nostro . . episcopo Salimbriensi et dilectis filiis . . abbati Sancti Angeli in Pera, Cisterciensis Ordinis, et . . cantori Bucceleone Constantinopolitano nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut ipsi illud, sublato appellationis obstaculo, complere procurent, contradictores etc. Datum Laterani, IIII Idus Aprilis, anno nono. a) si iuramenti] siuramenti a.c. supralin. R

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259 Rome, the Lateran, 11 April 1225 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople, relating that, having thought about the nobility of the church of Constantinople, the pope grants the patriarch that no one except the pope, his legate, or a delegate having an explicit and special mandate can promulgate a sentence of suspension or excommunication against the patriarch’s person. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 46r, no. 256 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 51, f. 711r; I 53, f. 138v (summary). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5439; Santifaller, no. 102. Edition: Tautu, p. 182, no. 135 (T).

. . patriarche Constantinopolitano. Ecclesie Constantinopolitane nobilitate pensata, tibi auctoritate presentium indulgemusa) ne quis, preter Apostolice Sedis antist‹it›em vel legatum, seu delegatum habentem super hoc expressum et speciale mandatum faciens de huiusmodi indulgentia mentionem, in personam tuam possit suspensionis vel excommunicationis sententiam promulgare. Nulli ergo nostre concessionis. Siquis. Datum Laterani, III Idus Aprilis, anno nono. a) indulgemus] indicimus T

260 Lateran, 25 April 1225 Honorius writes to Patriarch [Matthew] of Constantinople and to Bishops [Marcius] of Ario and [Mark] of Mylopotamos [on Crete], relating that Mount Sinai should be honored, since it was consecrated by the presence of the Lord when the Old Law was passed to Moses on stone tablets written by the finger of God. As much as it was terrible and feared by the Israelites, it is now venerated and loved by the followers of Christ when illuminated by the light of the New Law. But the pope has recently heard from some of the brothers of Mount Sinai who came to his presence that some sons 548

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of Belial do harm to the monks and take away the goods they possess in Christian lands.The pope orders the addressees to have those evil-doers living in their dioceses return to the monks what they have taken, do satisfaction for the damages, and cease such harassment from now on. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 6r (A). Edition: Hofmann, Lettere, p. 300, no. 3 (H).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribus . . patriarche Constantinopolitano et . . Arianensi ‹et . .› Millopotamensi episcopis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Presentia Domini consecratus Mons Sina, cum in tabulis lapideis digito Dei scriptis Moisi tradita est lex vetus, tanto est maiori veneratione a Christi fidelibus devotius honorandus quanto divine gratie continuatione videmus ipsum amplius decorari, qui, cum olim fuerit propter micantia fulgura Israelitico populo terribilis et tremendus, nunc nove legis lumine inlustratus factus est Christi cultoribus venerabilis et amandus. Sed quidam filii Belial, hoc minime attendentes, monachis ibidem Domino famulantibus inferunt mala multa et ipsorum bona que in terraa) Christianorum possident diripiunt et predantur, sicut quidam ipsorum fratrum nuper ad nostram presentiam accedentes nobis exponere curaverunt. Volentes igitur ipsos, qui tanquam luminaria celi magna lucent in medio nationis barbare, speciali munimine defensari, fraternitati vestre per apostolica scripta mandamus et districte precipimus quatenus malefactores eorum in vestris diocesibus commorantes ut monachis ipsis ablata restituant universa et de dampnis et illatis iniuriis satisfactionem exhibeant competentem,b) ab eorum de cetero molestatione indebita desistentes, per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione postposita, compellatis. Quod si non omnes hiis exequendis potueritis interesse, duo vestrum ea nichilominus exequantur. Datum Laterani,VII Kalendas Maii, pontificatus nostri anno octavo. a) terra] tanta A

b) competentem] competenten H

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261 Tivoli, 6 May 1225 Honorius writes to all archbishops, bishops, and other prelates of churches and clerics on this side [west] of Bodonitsa, relating that he had sent a letter to the addressees ordering that, for the fortification of Bodonitsa Castle, each of them shall grant such a subsidy that the castle would not be abandoned or lost by the nobleman G[uido Pallavicino], lord of the castle, and his men for at least a year. The pope is pleased that the addressees humbly served the apostolic mandate and granted 1300 hyperpera for the support of the castle, with which they believe the castle can be held comfortably until the arrival of Marquis [William] of Montferrat. And when afterwards, because of urgent necessity, the pope ordered them to offer half of all their incomes of this year and of all their movable goods [above, no. 245], like obedient sons they humbly and effectively implemented the pope’s order, no matter how burdensome it seemed to them, just as many of them declared in a letter shown to him. Because, however, the addressees are oppressed by many misfortunes such that they can hardly sustain themselves with the remainder, not wanting to impose heavy and insupportable burdens on them, although he assigned Archbishop [C.] of Athens and his colleagues as executors for fortifying the abovesaid castle, granting them the authority to force the addressees to comply without appeal, the pope has directed that the order be revoked, even if it has advanced beyond assigning the money to doing something. The pope has firm hope and faith that each of the addressees will work for the preservation of the Empire of Romania by giving wealth and work. “Further, because, as furnace to gold, so is temptation to a strong man, since scarcely anywhere is the strength of spirit so perfectly known, we ask, advise, and exhort carefully your entirety, firmly commanding you by apostolic writings, ordering that, carefully noting that there is no less virtue in maintaining than in acquiring, henceforth in the exercise of your duty no small-mindedness should bother you, but rather, comforted, you shall seek by word and example to comfort others so that, like the force that lights extinct coals, you merit to be commended to God and to men, hoping in the Lord because, even if He permits you to be tested at the moment, He shall at last bring about a gain with that testing, turning a storm into a breeze and after the overcast granting clear skies.”

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Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 56r-v, no. 306 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 139r (summary). Summaries: Raynaldi 1225, no. 9; Pressutti, no. 5464. Edition: previously unpublished.

Universis archiepiscopis et episcopis et aliis ecclesiarum prelatis et clericis citra Bondenitiam constitutis. Gratum gerimus et acceptum quod, cum vobis nostris dedissemus litteris in mandatis ut, ad muniendum castrum de Bondonitia, tale singuli subsidium conferretis quod saltem infra annum illud a nobili viro G., domino dicti castri, et suis non contingeret deseri vel ammitti, vos, mandatis apostolicis humiliter obsequentes, mille trecenta iperpera pro ipsius castri subsidio contulistis, de quibus usque ad adventum nobilis viri . . marchionis Montis Ferrati creditis illud posse commode retineri. Cumque, articulo necessitatis urgente, vobis postmodum mandaverimus ut predicto marchioni medietatem omnium proventuum huius anni et omnium aliorum mobilium preberetis, vos tanquam obedientie filii mandatum nostrum, quantumcumque vobis grave visum fuisset, tam humiliter quam efficaciter adimplestis, sicut exhibite nobis quamplurium vestrum littere protestantur. Verum, quia multiplicibus dampnis oppressi vix valetis de reliquo sustentari, nos, nolentes onera gravia et importabilia vobis imponere, quamquam venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . Atheniensem archiepiscopum et collegas eius ad [R 56v] muniendum supradictum castrum executores providerimus deputandos, eis auctoritate concessa ut vos ad id, sublato impedimento appellationis, artarent, mandatum huiusmodi, etsi forte ipsius occasione post collationem pretaxate pecunie in aliquo est processum, duximus revocandum, firmam spem fiduciamque tenentes quod prosecuturi singuli quasi proprium interesse ad conservationem imperii Romanie opem et operam impendetis. Ceterum, quia quod auro fornax hoc est temptatio viro forti, cum vix alias perfecte agnosci valeat animi fortitudo, universitatem vestram rogamus, monemus, et hortamur attente per apostolica vobis scripta firmiter precipiendo mandantes quatenus, provide attendentes quod non minor est virtus quam querere parta tueri,1) nulla unquam prorsus in exercitatione pusillaminita-

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te turbemini, sed confortati potius tam verbo quam exemplo studeatis alios confortare ut, tanquam vim carbones accendentes extinctos, apud Deum et homines mereamini commendari, sperantes in Domino quia, etsi vos ad horam temptari permittat, faciet tandem cum temptatione proventum convertens procellam in auram2) et post nubilum dans serenum. Datum Tibure, II Nonas Maii, anno novo. 1) Ovid, Ars amatoria 2:13.

2) Cf. Ps. 106:29.

262 Tivoli, 16 May 1225 Honorius writes to the bishop of Selymbria (Silivri), to the dean of St Michael of Boukoleon, and to the prior of the Holy Apostles of Constantinople, relating that he had assigned [Pelagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, as auditor in the case between Chancellor W[alter] of Constantinople and A. and S., the agents of his chapter. The chancellor sought to be restored to his one prebend and a half, along with the incomes taken from it, of which he claimed to have been despoiled by the chapter contrary to justice, estimating the incomes at 250 hyperpera. He also requested the restitution of the seal of the chapter along with the fees received from it, which he estimated at 15 hyperpera, asserting that he had been unduly despoiled by the chapter of that seal. And since, as he says, J[ohn], cardinalpriest of Santa Prassede, then papal legate in those parts [1218/21], had granted him half of another prebend, he sought to be placed in corporeal possession of it and sought that the chapter be forced to avoid harassing him over this half and condemned to make satisfaction for the revenues taken from time of the grant made to him, which revenues he estimated at 300 hyperpera. And declaring that he was given an indulgence by that same legate that he not have to serve as hebdomadarian and that he not be subject to the bans of the chapter, because the chapter does not permit him to enjoy the benefit of this indulgence, he asked that they be firmly forbidden from impeding in any way his free use of that indulgence, and, because the chapter has not permitted him to use it until now, he asks that it be condemned to pay interest, which he estimates at 100 hyperpera. To the contrary, the agents of the chapter sought that perpetual silence be imposed on the chancellor concerning the indulgence 552

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not to serve as hebdomadarian and about the half prebend given to him for teaching in a faculty of theology, unless perhaps he should teach theology. They also sought that he be compelled to make the chapter’s letters like he used to. The lawsuit having been contested legally, the auditor, having understood what was proposed, decided definitively that the chancellor be restored to his prebend and a half along with the incomes received thereby and be placed in possession of the other half, having and using the aforesaid indulgence, namely not to serve as hebdomadarian nor to be subject to the bans for that reason, while genuinely teaching canon law. The chancellor and two others from the chapter shall hold the seal, but the chancellor himself shall dictate the letters of the chapter and seal them thus dictated, having the fees from the seal, if there are any. Concerning the hyperpera that the chancellor demanded from the chapter by reason of the half prebend and the interest and also for the fees received from the seal, the auditor absolved the agents in the chapter’s name, imposing perpetual silence on the chancellor over these. Therefore, the pope orders the addressees to have what the auditor definitively decided over these matters inviolably observed via ecclesiastical censure, appeal removed. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 55r, no. 299 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5494; Santifaller, no. 103. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . episcopo Salimbriensi, . . decano Sancti Michaelis Bucceleonis, et . . preposito Sanctorum Apostolorum Constantinopolitanis. Venerabili fratre nostro . . Albanensi episcopo dilectis filiis . . Constantinopolitano W. cancellario ‹et› A. et S. capituli sui procuratoribus a nobis auditore concesso, idem cancellarius petiit se restitui ad prebendam et dimidiam cum fructibus inde perceptis quibus se dicebat ab eodem capitulo contra iustitiam spoliatum, fructus eosdem ducenta et quinquaginta yperpera extimando. Postulavit insuper restitutionem sigilli capituli cum emolumento inde percepto, quod quindecim yperpera extimabat, quo sigillo eum indebite, ut asserit, capitulum spoliarat. Et cum sibi, ut dicit, dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc in partibus illis Apostolice Sedis legatus, cuiusdam alterius prebende dimidiam concessisset, in 553

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ipsius corporalem possessionem induci se petiit et defendi, et capitulum ab ipsius super prefata dimidia molestatione compesci et condempnari ad satisfactionem fructuum a facte sibi concessionis tempore preceptorum, quos trecenta yperpera extimabat. Et ab eodem legato sibi proponens indultum quod ebdomadam non faceret in ecclesia nec aliquibus bannis capituli subiaceret eidem capitulo, quia eum gaudere indulgentie huiusmodi beneficio non permittit, ne impediat quominus ipse libere indulgentia utatur eadem postulavit firmiter inhiberi et, quia non permisit ipsum hactenus uti ea, illud ad interesse, quod centum yperpera extimat, condempnari. Procuratores vero dicti capituli petierunt econtra ut eidem cancellario, nisi forte in theologia doceat, super indulgentia de non facienda ebdomada et dimidia prebenda sibi docendi in theologica facultate ratione concessa perpetuum silentium imponatur. Ipsum insuper petiere compelli ad faciendum capituli litteras sicut facere consuevit. Prefatus vero auditor, lite super hiis legitime contestata et hinc inde propositis intellectis, sententialiter diffinivit ut idem cancellarius restituatur ad prebendam et dimidiam cum fructibus inde perceptis et in possessionem alterius dimidie inducatur, habiturus eam et usurus predicta indulgentia, videlicet ne faciat ebdomadam nec bannis ratione ebdomade teneatur, in canonico iure bona fide docendo. Sigillum vero idem cancellarius et duo alii de capitulo teneant, sed litteras capituli cancellarius ipse dictet et dictata sigillet, emolumentum, siquid ex eodem sigillo provenit, habiturus.Verum ab yperperis que cancellarius ad capitulo exigebat ratione prebende dimidie et pro interesse predicto ac etiam emolumento ex sigillo percepto, procuratores ipsos capituli nomine prefatus auditor absolvit, eidem cancellario super hiis perpetuum silentium imponendo. Quocirca mandamus quatenus quod super hiis ab auditore predicto est sententialiter diffinitum faciatis per censuram ecclesiasticam, appellatione remota, inviolabiliter observari. Quod si non omnes. Datum Tibure, XVII Kalendas Iunii, anno nono.

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263 Tivoli, 17 May 1225 Honorius writes to the chapter of Constantinople, relating that, having cut off the cause of past contention, so that occasion for future litigation is amputated, he establishes that, when the see is vacant, the necessary expenses that the chapter of Constantinople or its nuncios incur for the business of the election shall be paid totally from the goods of the patriarchate, as long as they do not occupy or usurp the goods of the deceased patriarch. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 64v, no. 345 (R). Summaries: Potthast, no. 7707; Pressutti, no. 5500; Santifaller, no. 104. Edition: Tautu, p. 183, no. 137 (T); included in the Decretales Gregorii IX, book I, title 6, c. 14, in, e.g., Friedberg, col. 90 (F).

Capitulo Constantinopolitano. Ut preterite contentionis decisa materia futuris litigiis occasio amputetur, presentium auctoritate statuimus ut expense necessarie, quas capitulum Constantinopolitanum vel eius nuntii vacante sede pro electionis negotio fecerint, de bonis patriarchatus fiant totaliter vel reddantur, dummodo ipsi bona decedentis patriarche non occupent vel usurpent. Nulli ergo nostre constitutionis. Siquis. Datum Tibure, XVI Kalendas Iunii, anno nono. 264 Tivoli, 17 May 1225 Honorius writes to the chapter of Constantinople, relating that, if the statutes for churches vary according to the times, it is not the vice of levity, but the argument of providence, since just as the church’s means do not always hold the same level, so also, when those means increase or decrease, the number of persons should be raised or reduced. J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, then acting as legate in Romania [1218/21], having thought about the means of the addressees’ church, established the number of 38 prebends in it. Be555

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cause of war, however, the incomes of the church are much reduced. Lest the canons who do not have enough to sustain themselves be compelled to abandon the church or perform negligently their ministry, the pope establishes that, when canons die or resign, the addressees shall not be compelled to receive anyone for their prebends until the number of 24 prebends has been reached, unless perhaps the means of that church grow so much that the number of canons should be increased in it. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, ff. 64v-65r, no. 347 (R). Summaries: Pressutti, no. 5501; Santifaller, no. 105. Edition: previously unpublished.

Capitulo Constantinopolitano. Si pro temporum qualitate statuta in ecclesiis variantur, non est levitatis vitium, sed providentie argumentum, cum sicut nec in facultatibus idem semper tenor servatur, ita eisdem crescentibus vel decrescentibus augendus vel minorandus est numerus personarum. Cum igitur dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, tunc fungens legationis officio in partibus Romanie, facultatibus ecclesie vestre pensatis, in ea statuerit tricesimum octavum numerum prebendarum, quia propter guerram instantiam proventus eiusdem ecclesie sunt plurimum imminuti, ne canonici ecclesie non habentes unde valeant sustentari vel ecclesiam deserere vel ministerium suum negligenter agere compellantur, presentium auctoritate statuimus ut, decentibus vel cedentibus canonicis, nullos ad eorum prebendas recipere compellamini donec ad viginti [R 65r] quatuor prebendarum numerus sit redactus, nisi forte adeo excreverint ipsius ecclesie facultates quod merito in ea canonicorum numerus sit augendus, auctoritate Sedis Apostolice semper salva. Nulli ergo constitutionis. Siquis. Datum ‹Tibure›, XVI Kalendas Iunii, anno nono.

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265 Rieti, 25 December 1225 Honorius writes to Bishop [Simon] and the chapter of Mount Sinai, assenting to their requests by confirming and strengthening the definitive sentence that Bishops [Marcius] of Ario and M[ark] of Mylopotamos reasonably promulgated in their favor on the pope’s authority against Archbishop [Giacomo Madro] and the chapter of Crete (Candia, Herakleion) and certain others of the diocese of Crete concerning tithes, houses, possessions, and other things, since it is just and was suspended without legal cause. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 111v, no. 192 (R). Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 5r (A). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5765. Editions: Pitra, p. 590, no. 36 (P, from R); Scaffini, pp. 16-17, no. 22 (S, from A); Hofmann, Sinai, p. 246, no. 4 (H, from R); Tautu, pp. 193-194, no. 146 (T, from R).

Honorius episcopis, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri . . episcopo et dilectis filiis capitulo Montis Synai,a) salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.b) Ea que concordia vel iudicio terminantur firma debent et inlibata consistere et, ne in recidive contentionis scrupulum relabantur, apostolico convenit presidioc) communiri. Eapropter, venerabilis in Christo frater et dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis postulationibus grato concurrentes assensu, diffinitivam sententiam quam venerabiles fratres nostri . . Ariensis et M.d) Millepotamensise) episcopi pro vobis auctoritate nostra contra venerabilem fratrem nostrumf) . . archiepiscopum et capitulum Cretensesg) ac quosdam alios Cretensish) diocesis super decimis, domibus, possessionibus, et rebus aliis auctoritate nostra rationabiliter promulgarunt, sicut est iusta nec legitima provocatione suspensa, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scriptii) patrocinio communimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceatj) hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei aussu temerario contraire.k) Siquis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem om-

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nipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum.l) Datum Reate,m) VIIIn) Kalendas Ianuarii, pontificatus nostrio) anno X. a) synai] sinai PST b) honorius ... benedictionem] episcopo et capitulo montis synai (sinai PT) HPRT c) firma ... presidio] etc. usque HPRT d) m om. S e) millepotamensis] milopotamensis p.c. H; millepotamiensis P; millopotamensis AS f) nostrum om. S g) cretenses] cretense H; trecenses R; cretensem S; trecensem T h) cretensis] trecensis R; cretenses H i) presentis scripti] praesenti P j) liceat] careat A (om. cett.) k) omnino ... contraire] confirmationis (etc. add. H) HPRT; omnino S l) autem ... incursurum] etc. HS; om. R; autem T m) reate] reatini S n) viii] viiii AS o) pontificatus nostri om. HPRT

266 Rieti, 7 January 1226 Honorius writes to Duke [Paolo Corino?] of Crete, describing Mount Sinai as in no. 260 above, ordering him, having in mind the bishop and monks of Mount Sinai, to protect their brothers who are established on the island along with their houses, possessions, and other goods. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 5r (A). Edition: Scaffini, p. 19, no. 25 (S); Hofmann, Lettere, p. 301, no. 4 (H).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio nobili viro duci Cretensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Presentia Domini consecratus Mons Sina, cum in tabulis lapideis digito Dei scriptis Moisi tradita est lex vetus, tanto est maiori veneratione a Christi fidelibus devotius honorandus, quanto divine gratie continuatione videmus ipsum amplius decorari, qui, cum olim fuerit propter micantia fulgura Israelitico populo ter‹r›ibilis et tremendus, nunc nove legis lumine illustratus factus est Christi cultoribus venerabilis et amandus.a) Hinc est quod nobilitatem tuam rogamus, monemus attentius, et hortamur, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quate-

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nus venerabilem fratrem nostrum episcopum et dilectos filios fratres loci prefati pietatis intuitu precumque nostrarum obtentub) habeas propensiusc) commendatos, fratres eorum in Cretensi insula constitutos cum domibus, possessionibus, iuribus,d) et aliis bonis que ibidem obtinere noscuntur manuteneas, ‹et› pro iuribus defendas, non permittens eos ab aliquibus – quantum in te fuerit – indebite molestari, preces et mandatum nostrum taliter impleturus quod ipsi eadem apud te sibie) sentiant fructuosa et nos devotionem tuam non immerito propter hoc commendare possimus. Datum Reate,f) VII Idusg) Ianuarii, pontificatus nostri anno decimo. a) cum in tabulis ... amandus] etc. etc. S b) obtentu] obsequium S c) propensius] propentius AS d) iuribus om. H e) sibi] tibi S f) reate] reatine S g) vii idus om. S

267 Rieti, 9 January 12261) Honorius writes to Doge [Pietro Ziani] of Venice a letter similar to no. 266 above, mutatis mutandis. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, f. 5r-v (A). Edition: Scaffini, p. 17-18, no. 23 (S).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio nobili viro . . duci Venetorum, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Presentia Domini consecratus Mons Sina, cum in tabulis lapideis digito Dei scriptis Moisi tradita est lex vetus, tanto est maiori veneratione a Christi fidelibus devotius honorandus, quantoa) divine gratie continuatione videmus ipsum amplius decorari, qui, cum olim fuerit propter micantia fulgura Israelitico populo terribilis et tremendus, nunc nove legis lumine inlustratus factus est Christi cultoribus venerabilis et amandus. Hinc est quod nobilitatem tuam rogamus, monemus attentius, et ‹h›ortamur, per apostolica tibi scripta mandantes quate-

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nus, venerabilem fratrem nostrum episcopum et dilectos filios fratres [A 5v] habensb) ob reverentiam beati Petri et nostramc) propensius commendatos, possessiones, iura, et bona – prout hactenus fecisse dignosceris – manuteneas et defendas, dans hominibus tuisd) in insula Cretensi commorantibus distinctius in preceptis ut, fratres predictos favore debito consequentes,e) nec ipsi molestent eos nec permittant ab aliis – quantum in eis fuerit – contra iustitiam molestari, quin potius possessiones et bona eorum conservent penitus illibata, preces et mandatum nostrum taliter impleturus quod nos nobilitatem tuam merito commendare possimus. Datum Reate,f) V Idusg) Ianuarii, pontificatus nostri anno decimo. 1) Scaffini’s copy gives the impossible date “VI ianuarii” (“6 Gennaio”), probably an error for “V Id.” a) quanto] quantum S b) habens om. S c) nostram] nostrorum S d) tuis] eius S e) consequentes] consequantur S f) reate] reatini S g) v idus] vi S

268 Rieti, 12 January 1226 Honorius writes to the bishop of Hierapetra, relating that in the pope’s presence a monk, the agent of Bishop [Simon] and the brothers of Mount Sinai, showed the pope by his report that the chapter of Crete (Candia, Herakleion), in order to wear them down maliciously with labors and expenses, maliciously obtained a letter from Bishop [Nicholas] of Reggio [Emilia], papal legate to Romania, to Bishop [Mark] of Sitia, against the bishop and brothers [of Mount Sinai], concerning certain possessions, tithes, and other things that had been legally adjudged to belong to the bishop and brothers by Bishops [Marcius] of Ario and M[ark] of Mylopotamos, whom the pope had delegated. The letter the chapter obtained made no mention of this decision. So the monk humbly requested that the pope not allow [the bishop and brothers] to be harassed unduly by the chapter or anyone else on the pretext of this letter, especially since the legate on the authority of his legation or anyone delegated by 560

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him could not legally learn of the decision of those delegated by the Apostolic See. Persuaded by the agent’s prayers, the pope orders the addressee not to allow the bishop and brothers to be harassed unduly concerning these things by the chapter or anyone else on the pretext of this letter, restoring to its proper condition anything he finds to have been attempted by anyone in the province of Crete concerning the aforesaid things and other goods of [the bishop and brothers] after the agent set off on his journey to the Apostolic See. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 105v, no. 155 (R). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5780. Editions: Pitra, pp. 588-89, no. 34 (C); Hofmann, Sinai, pp. 246247, no. 5 (H); Tautu, pp. 194-195, no. 147 (T).

. . episcopo Ierapetrensi.a) ‹C›onstitutus in presentia nostra dilectus filius . ., monachus et procurator venerabilis fratris nostri . . episcopi et dilectorum filiorum fratrum Montis Synay,b) sua nobis insinuatione monstravit quod capitulum Cretense a venerabili fratre nostro . . Reginoc) episcopo, in Romanie partibus Apostolice Sedis legato, quasdam contra episcopum et fratres prefatos ad venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . Sitiensem episcopum, super quibusdam possessionibus, decimis, et rebus aliis per . . Arianensem et . . Millopotamiensemd) episcopos delegatos a nobis sententialiter adiudicatis eisdem, de sententia memorata non habita mentione, ut eos fatigarent laboribus et expensis, malitiose litteras impetrarunt. Quare a nobis humiliter postulabat ut ne occasione talium litterarum, presertim cum memoratus legatus auctoritate legationis sue vel aliquis alius ex delegatione ipsius de sententia delegatorum Apostolice Sedis cognoscere de iure non possit, a capitulo supradicto vel aliquibus aliis permitteremus eos indebite molestari. Nos igitur, procuratoris prefati devotis precibus inclinati, fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus episcopum et fratres prefatos non permittas a capitulo supradicto vel aliquibus aliis occasione litterarum huiusmodi super premissis indebite molestari, revocato in statum debitum siquid super predictis vel aliis bonis ipsorum, postquam dictuse) procurator eorum iter arripuit ad nostram presentiam veniendi, ab 561

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aliquibus in Cretensi provincia constitutis inveneris attemptatum. Contradictores etc. Datum Reate, II Idus Ianuarii, anno decimo. a) ierapetrensi] hierapetrensi P b) synay] sinai PT c) regino] reginensi HPT d) millopotamiensem] millepotamisensem P e) dictus om. T

269 Rome, the Lateran, 20 January 12261) Honorius writes to Bishop [Simon] and the brothers of Mount Sinai professing the regular life, in perpetuity, listing and confirming the church’s possessions and privileges.These include as above in no. 38, except that, instead of “Macrinchicon,” it reads “Macriticon,” and “Sterianon” is added to the places called “Cunavo,” “Pezia,” “Gaetania,” and “Parascheve” in which they have vineyards. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 106r-v, no. 158 (R). Copies: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai, 2r-v (A, top right mutilated; formulae at end complete, but not noted below);Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 141v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5789. Editions: Pitra, pp. 589-590, no. 35 (P, from R, omitting list of properties and giving date as 1225); Scaffini, pp. 18-19, no. 24 (S, from A, skipping formulae after the Cretan properties and giving date as 1225); Hofmann, Sinai, pp. 247-249, no. 6 (H, from R); Tautu, pp. 195-197, no. 148 (T, from R); Claverie, pp. 437-438, no. 120 (from R).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili filioa) . . episcopo et fratribus Montis Synayb) tam presentibus quam futurisc) regularem vitam professis imperpetuum. Religiosamd) vitam eligentibuse) ‹apostolicum convenit adesse presidium ne forte cuiuslibet› temeritatis incursus aut eos a proposito revocet, aut robur – ‹quod absit – sacre religionis›f) infringat.g) Eapropter, venerabilis in Christo frater et dilectih) in Dominoi) filii, vestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimusj) et ecclesiam Sancte Marie Montis Synay,k) in qual) divino estis 562

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obsequio mancipati, sub beati Petrim) et nostra protectione suscipimusn) et presentis scriptio) privilegiop) communimus. Inprimis siquidem statuentes ut ordo monasticusq) qui secundum Deum et beati Basilii regulam in eadem ecclesia institutus esse dignoscitur perpetuis ibidem temporibus inviolabiliter r) observetur. Preterea,s) quascumque possessiones, quecumque bona eadem ecclesia in presentiarumt) iuste etu) canonice possidet, aut in futurum concessione pontificum, largitione regum vel principum, obligatione fidelium, seu aliis iustis modis, prestante Domino, poterit adipisci, firma vobis vestrisque successoribus et illibatav) permaneant. In quibus hec propriis duximus exprimenda vocabulis: [List of possessions in Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and Cyprus omitted here.] Apud Constantinopolim: in monasterio Sancti Georgii de Mangana, duas confratrias; et in proventibus commercii, libram auri unam.w) In insula Cretensi: Sancti Salvatoris, Sancti Georgii, et Sancti Symeonisx) ecclesias cum omnibus pertinentiis earundem; tria casalia cum villanis, possessionibus, et pertinentiis eorundem; in loco qui dicitur “Sclave Vafe,”y) domos, terras, et vineas; apud Macriticon,z) molendinum; apud Sanctum Nicolaum, terras, vineas, et molendina; in loco qui nuncupatur “Rucanum,” monasterium Sancti Iohannis Grisostomiaa) cum monte, casalibus, villanis, molendinis, et pertinentiis eorundem; in locis qui dicuntur “Cunavo,”ab) “Pezia,”ac) “Gaetania,”ad) “Parasceve,”ae) et “Sterianon,”af) vineas; in civitate Candia, ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai de Sancta Barbara, cum domibus et pertinentiis suis et domum Stratigo; libertatem quoque [R 106v] maris et terre... Sane laborum vestrorum de possessionibus habitis etc. usque presumat. Preterea, quodag) communi assensu capituli vel partis consilii sanioris in tua diocesi per te, frater episcope, ac successores tuos fuerit canonice institutum, ratum et firmum volumus permanere. Prohibemus insuper ne excommunicatos vel interdictos tuos, frater episcope, ad officium vel communionem ecclesiasticam sine conscientia et consensu tuo vel successorum tuorum quisquam admittat aut contra vestramah) [A 2v] sententiam canonice promulgatam aliquis venire presumat, nisi forte 563

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periculum mortis immineat, ut dum presentiam tuam habere nequiverint,ai) per alium secundum formam Ecclesie satisfactione premissa oporteat ligatum absolvi. Cimiteria quoque ecclesiarum et ecclesieaj) beneficia nullus hereditario iure possideat. Quod siquis hoc facere presumpserit, censura canonicaak) compescatur. Paci quoque etc. usque exercere. Preterea, omnes libertates etc. usque communimus. Decernimus ergo ‹etc.› usque profutura, salva Sedis Apostolice auctoritate. Siquaal) igitur etc. usque ultioni. Cunctis autem etc. usque inveniant. Amen. Datumam) Reate, per manum magistri Guidonis, domini papean) notarii, XIII Kalendas Februarii, Indictione XIIa, Incarnationis Dominiceao) anno MoCCoXXoV, pontificatus vero domini Honorii pape III anno decimo. 1) The date is given as 1225, but this corresponds to 1226 new style. a) honorius ... filio om. HPRT b) synay] Sinai PT (om. S) c) episcopo ... futuris mutilatum A; om. S d) religiosam] regularem T (om. S) e) vitam eligentibus om. AS f) ‹apostolicam ... religionis›] etc. usque HPRT; religiosam ... infringat] temeritatis incursus aut eos a proposito S g) infringat] infinitate S h) dilecti] fi del. R i) in domino] domini S j) iustis ... annuimus mutilatum A; om. S k) synay] sinai APST l) qua] quo P m) beati petri mutilatum A; om. S n) suscipimus] sustinemus S (om. cett.) o) scripti] suprascripti S (om. cett.) p) et nostra ... privilegio] etc. usque HRT; usque P q) monasticus] monasterii S r) in eadem ... inviolabiliter] etc. usque HPRT s) preterea] pretere R t) presentiarum] presentiam S u) et] ac AS v) quecumque ... illibata] etc. usque HPT; etc. etc. (del.) usque R w) in quibus ... unam om. S x) symeonis] simeonis AST y) sclave vafe] sclavevate S z) macriticon] macrintichon AS aa) grisostomi] chrysostomi T ab) cunavo] cunaro S ac) pezia] pecia AS ad) gaetania] gaitania A; gaitanea S ae) parasceve] parascheve AS af) sterianon] sterianum ag) quod] quid T ah) vestram] con del. R ai) nequiverint] nequiverit T aj) ecclesie om. P; ecclesiastica T ak) canonica] canonice P al) siqua] si quis T am) datum] data A an) pape om. A ao) dominice] domini P

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270 Rome, the Lateran, 6 May 1226 Honorius writes to the archdeacon of Corinth, to the treasurer of Corinth, and to P[ietro] da Malpensa, papal subdeacon, cantor of Modon, relating as follows: “Bishop [Peter] of Olena is said to go to such and so many excesses that we can no longer ignore the outcry coming to us from all sides concerning him. As we have learned: [1]

He has installed and removed chaplains in certain churches that belong by full right to the chapter of Olena, according to the constitution made by our venerable brother P[elagius, cardinal-]bishop of Albano, while he was carrying out the duty of legation in those parts [1213/14], with these chaplains unwilling and protesting.

[2]

Not only does he scorn deferring to appeals launched to the Apostolic See, but he even presumes to punish those who appeal.

[3]

While he swore to the chapter that he would not do violence to them concerning the castle of Olena, which they purchased together with him, scorning the sanctity of his oath, he has done and still presumes to do violence to them over this both by himself and through others.

[4]

He also imprisons clerics so he can extort money from them, and although in doing this, he runs afoul of the canon of the promulgated sentence, he is not afraid to celebrate the divine offices.

[5]

He so savagely tortures and afflicts men of the church of Olena, so he is able to extort money from them, that he hangs some with a noose, he drives reeds into the nerves between the flesh and the fingernails of others, and others he almost suffocates and kills by having them tied to a column with a sharp stake inserted under their throat and subjected to the smoke of contaminated straw.

[6]

He has priests celebrate mass in his diocese, priests whom our beloved son J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, when he was exercising the office of legation in those parts [1218/21], excommunicated as justice required, and he deposes others who were installed in churches by the cardinal, in contempt of the [cardinal] and to their hatred. 565

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[7]

He forced upon the church of Olena certain wholly illiterate men and some born from condemned sexual union, beyond the number [of canons] established by the legate and strengthened with apostolic protection.

[8]

He does not instruct the people committed to him according to the duty of his pastoral office, but indeed he encourages damnably and defends in their perversity open adulterers, both clerics and laymen.

[9]

Finally, when our beloved son, Master Alessandro da Montefiascone, our scribe, had arrived with our letter at the church of Olena, in which we conferred on him the office of cantor, said bishop, who should have honored him out of reverence to us and to the Apostolic See, dared to send I., canon of Olena, his nephew, with certain of his henchmen in order to kill him.They chased him for a while with swords unsheathed, and finally he barely escaped through flight, with one of his servants lethally wounded. Next, so that he could deny to be from his hands what was done at their hands, the bishop himself quickly ran to the house of the same master with a number of armed men and robbed it of animals, grain, wine, and other goods arbitrarily. Not content with these, the bishop occupied his prebend and for a long time kept it occupied, publicly threatening that, if he could capture him, he would keep him in custody in prison.

Not wanting to overlook so serious offenses, we order that you diligently investigate the truth of all the aforementioned and transmit it to us faithfully enclosed under your seals, fixing in advance a fitting deadline for the bishop and the aforesaid nephew by which they shall appear before us for this in person to receive according to their merits.” Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 129v, no. 274 (R). Copy: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 143v (summary). Summary: Pressutti, no. 5918. Edition: previously unpublished.

. . archideacono et . . thesaurario Corinthiensibus et P. Malpense, subdeacono nostro, cantori Mothonensi. ‹I›n tot et tantis excedere dicitur . . episcopus Olonensis ut clamores ad nos de ipso per latos dissimulare ulterius non possimus. Sicut enim accepimus: 566

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In quibusdam ecclesiis, que — secundum constitutionem factam a venerabili fratre nostro P. Albanensi episcopo, dum in partibus illis legationis officio fungeretur — spectant ad Olonense capitulum pleno iure, capellanos instituit et destituit ipsis reclamantibus et invitis. Non solum deferre contempnit appellationibus ad Sedem Apostolicam interiectis, verumetiam appellantibus penam inferre presumit. Et cum iuraverit ipsi capitulo quod ei violentiam non inferret super castro Olene, quod emerunt communiter cum eodem, idem, iuramenti religione contempta, super hoc eis per se ac suos violentiam intulit et adhuc inferre presumit. Incarcerat etiam clericos ut ab eis possit pecuniam extorquere et, licet propter hoc inciderit in canonem sententie promulgate, divina tamen celebrare officia non veretur. Homines quoque Olonensis ecclesie, ut ab eis valeat extorquere pecuniam, ita immaniter cruciat et affligit ut suspendat alios in patibulo, aliis inter carnem et ungues nerva infigat arundinis, alios ligatos ad columpnam infixo acuto palo sub gula ac fumo palee malefacte supposito quasi suffocet et extinguat. Adhuc presbyteros, quos dilectus filius noster I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbyter cardinalis, dum in partibus illis legationis officium exerceret, excommunicavit iustitia exigente, in sua facit diocesi celebrare, ac eos qui fuerunt per ipsum cardinalem in ecclesiis instituti destituit in eius contemptum et odium ab eisdem. Quosdam etiam inlitteratos omnino et quosdam natos ex coitu condempnato in ecclesiam Olenensem intrusit ultra numerum ab ipso legato statutum et apostolico munimine roboratum. Populum sibi commissum non instruit iuxta debitum officii pastoralis, quinimmo adulteros manifestos, tam clericos quam laicos, in sua perversitate fovet dampnabiliter et defendit. Denique, cum dilectus filius magister Alexander de Monte Flascone, scriptor noster, cum litteris nostris accessisset ad Olenensem ecclesiam, in qua sibi contulimus officium cantorie, dictus episcopus, qui eum pro nostra et Sedis Apostolice reverentia debuerat honorasse, I. Olenensem canonicum, nepotem suum, cum quibusdam suis setellibus ad eum occiden567

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dum destinare presumpsit, quibus eum diu evaginatis gladiis insequentibus, tandem fuge presidio vix evasit, quodam serviente ipsius letaliter vulnerato. Porro episcopus ipse, ne inficiari possit manus suas in illorum manibus extitisse, mox ad domum eiusdem magistri accurrit cum multitudine armatorum et illam animalibus, frumento, vino, et bonis aliis tirampnice spoliavit. Nec hiis contentus, prebendam occupavit eiusdem et diu tenuit occupatum, publice comminando quod, si capere posset eum, carcerali custodie manciparet. Nolentes igitur tot et tam graves excessus sub dissimulatione transire, mandamus quatenus inquiratis super premissis omnibus sollicite veritatem et eam nobis sub vestris sigillis inclusam fideliter transmittatis, prefigentes ipsi episcopo et prefato nepoti eius terminum competentem quo propter hoc in personis propriis compareant coram nobis pro meritis recepturi. Quod si non omnes. Datum Laterani, II Nonas Maii. 271 Lateran, 10 July 1226 Honorius writes to the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of churches and all the clerics throughout the Kingdom of Thessaloniki and throughout Achaia, relating that Bishop Nicholas of Reggio [Emilia], whom the pope sent to their area as a legate for the common utility of the Holy Land, as it seemed to require at the time, is still staying there on the pope’s special mandate. The pope orders the addressees to receive the legate honorably, treat him honestly, and heed and obey his warnings and orders humbly and devoutly. Otherwise, the pope orders that the sentence that the legate should issue be firmly observed until fitting satisfaction is made. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Summaries: Potthast, no. 7599; Pressutti, no. 6015. Editions: Ughelli, vol. 2, coll. 304-305; Affarosi, p. 180; Horoy V, col. 122, no. 173 (H, from Ughelli).

Honorius episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabilibus fratribus archiepiscopis, et episcopis, et dilectis filiis abbatibus, et 568

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aliis ecclesiarum prelatis, et clericis universis per regnum Thessalonice ac per Achaiam constitutis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum venerabilis frater noster Nicolaus, Reginus episcopus, vir generis et morum nobilitate conspicuus, quem ad partes vestras pro communi utilitate Terre Sancte, sicut res tunc postulare maxime videbatur, officio legationis sibi commisso transmisimus, adhuc ibi de speciali mandato nostro, quem sic expedire credimus, moram trahat, universitati vestre per apostolica scripta precipiendo mandamus quatenus, eumdem sicut Apostolice Sedis legatum recipientes honorifice ac honeste tractantes, salubribus monitis ac mandatis eiusdem intendatis et obediatis humiliter ac devote. Alioquin sententiam quam rationabiliter tulerit in rebelles precipimusa) usque ad satisfactionem condignam firmiter observari. Datum Laterani,VI Idus Iunii, pontificatus nostri anno decimo. a) precipimus] praecipiemus H

272 Rome, the Lateran, 21 October 1226 Honorus writes to the prior of St Mark of Negroponte, relating that the Venetian citizens L. Foscolo and T. Dandolo, castellans of Modon, humbly asked him to absolve them from the sentence of excommunication by which they were bound along with Prince G[eoffrey of Villehardouin] of Achaia for refusing to observe the constitution made by J[ohn], cardinal-priest of Santa Prasseda, then papal legate, concerning the eleventh to be paid to the bishops and churches and other matters [no. 128 above], from which sentence the prince was later absolved once the agreement had been entered with the bishops and churches, since the castellans are prepared to enter a similar agreement with the bishops and churches of their land. Since the Church, a pious mother, should not close the bosom of piety to those who are returning to it, the pope orders the prior to absolve the castellans who are fulfilling the aforesaid, according to the form of the Church, enjoining on them what should be enjoined. Original: lost. Papal Register: none.

569

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Copy: Edition:

Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Liber Plegiorum, f. 84r (A). Cessi, p. 176, no. e (C).

H., episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio priori Sancti Marci Nigropontensis,a) salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. L. Fusculus etb) T. Dandolus, cives Veneti, castellani de Mothone, nobis humiliter sup‹p›licarunt ut, cum ipsi et nobilis vir G. prince‹p›s Achaie, pro eo quod constitutionem dilecti filii nostri I., tituli Sancte Praxedis presbiteric) cardinalis, tuncd) Apostolice Sedis legati, super undecima solvenda episcopis et ecclesiis Achaie ac rebus aliis editam observare nolebant, excommunicationis fuerinte) sententia innodati,f) a qua idem princeps, compositione cum eisdem episcopis et ecclesiis postmodum inita, extitit absolutus, quia dicti castellani cum episcopis et ecclesiis terre sue inire compositionem similem sunt parati, eis impendi absolutionis beneficium faceremus. Quia vero pia mater Ecclesia non debet ad se redeuntibus viscera claudere pietatis, discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus eis premissa complentibus absolutionis benefitium iuxta Ecclesie formam impendas, iniungens eis quod de iure fuerit iniungendum. Datum Laterani, XII Kalendas Decembris, pontificatus nostri anno undecimo. a) nigropontensis] nigropontentis C b) et] e C c) presbiteri] presbiter C d) tunc] nunc AC e) fuerint] fuerunt C f) innodati] inondati C

273 Rome, the Lateran, 23 October 1226 Honorius writes to the bishop of Coron, relating that L. Foscolo, castellan of Coron, complained to him that the bishop promulgated a sentence of excommunication against him on his own authority, without reasonable cause and sufficient warning, against the statutes of the General Council [Lateran IV, canon 47].The pope orders the bishop, if it is so, to relax the sentence within eight days of receiving this letter. Otherwise, the pope is writing to the prior of St Mark of Negroponte ordering him to relax the sentence according to the form of the Church, once he has received a sufficient security from the castellan concerning the things for which he has been excom570

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municated, enjoining on him what should be enjoined, hearing the case if there is one, and without appeal deciding the case fittingly and having the decision observed. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Liber Plegiorum, f. 84r (A). Edition: Cessi, p. 175, no. a (C).

H., episcopus, ‹servus› servorum Dei, venerabilia) fratri episcopo Coronensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. L. Fusculi, castellanus de Corone, nobis conquerendo monstravit quod tu in eum, sine causa racionabili, nulla competenti monitione premissa, auctoritate propria excommunicationis sententiam promulgasti, contra statuta concilii generalis. Ideoque fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus, si est ita, sententiam ipsam infra VIII dies post susceptionem presentium sine qualibet dif‹f›icultate relaxes. Alioquin dilecto filio priori Sancti Marci Nigropontensisb) nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut ipse ex tunc, recepta sufficienti ab eo super hiis pro quibus excommunicatus habetur iuxta formam Ecclesie cautione, sententiam relaxet eandem et, iniuncto ei quod de iure fuerit iniungendum, audiat siquid fuerit questionis et, appellatione remota, debito fine decidat et faciat quod decreverit auctoritate nostra firmiter observari. Datum Laterani,c) X Kalendas Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno undecimo. a) venerabili om. C ranum AC

b) nigropotensis] nigropotensi C

c) laterani] late-

274 Rome, the Lateran, 23 October 1226 Honorius writes to the bishop of Coron concerning the excommunication of T. Dandolo, castellan of Coron, as above in no. 273. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Liber Plegiorum, f. 84r (A). Edition: Cessi, p. 175, no. b (C).

571

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H., episcopus, servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri episcopo Coronensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. T. Dandolus, castellanus de Corone, nobis conquerendo monstravit quod tu in eum sine causa racionabili, nulla competenti monitione premissa, auctoritate propria excommunicationis sententiam promulgasti, contra statuta concilii generalis.a) Ideoque fraternitati tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus, si est ita, sententiam ipsam infra VIII dies post susceptionem presentium sine qualibet dif‹f›icultate relaxes. Alioquin dilecto filio priori Sancti Marci Nigropontensis nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut ipse ex tunc, recepta sufficienti ab eo super hiis pro quibus excommunicatus habetur iuxta formam Ecclesie cautione, sententiam relaxet eandem et, iniuncto ei quod de iure fuerit iniungendum, audiat siquid fuerit questionis et, appellatione remota, debito fine decidat et faciat quod decreverit auctoritate nostra firmiter observari. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno undecimo. a) generalis] naturalis A

275 Rome, the Lateran, 23 October 1226 Honorius writes to the prior of St Mark of Negroponte as in no. 273 above, mutatis mutandis, adding that with ecclesiastical censure he should compel the witnesses named in the case to offer testimony to the truth if they withdraw because of favor, hatred, or fear. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Liber Plegiorum, f. 84r (A). Edition: Cessi, p. 175, no. c (C).

H., episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio priori Sancti Marci Nigropontensis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. L. Fusculi, castellanus de Corone,a) nobis conquerendo monstravit quod venerabilis frater noster episcopus Coronensis in eum sine causa racionabili, nulla competenti monitione premissa, auctoritate propria excommunicationis sententiam promulgavit,b) 572

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contra statuta concilii generalis. Unde eidem nostris damus litteris in mandatis ut, si est ita, sententiam ipsam infra VIII dies post susceptionem earum sine qualibet dif‹f›icultate relaxet. Ideoque discretioni tue per apostolica scripta mandamus quatinus, si dictus episcopus mandatum nostrum neglexerit adimplere, tu extunc, recepta sufficienti ab eo super hiis pro quibus excommunicatus habetur iuxta formam Ecclesie cautione,c) sententiam relaxes eandem et, iniuncto ei quod de iure fuerit iniungendum, audiasd) siquid fuerit questionis et, appellatione remota, debito fine decidas et facias quod decreveris auctoritate nostra firmiter observari. Testes autem qui fuerint nominati, si se gratia, hodio, vel timore subtraxerint, per censuram ecclesiasticam, cessante appellatione, compellas veritati testimonium perhibere. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno undecimo. a) corone] corona A b) promulgavit] promulgasti A tiones C d) audias] audiet A

c) cautione] cau-

276 Rome, the Lateran, 23 October 1226 Honorius writes to the prior of St Mark of Negroponte as in no. 274 above, mutatis mutandis, adding that with ecclesiastical censure he should compel the witnesses named in the case to offer testimony to the truth if they withdraw because of favor, hatred, or fear. Original: lost. Papal Register: none. Copy: Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Liber Plegiorum, f. 84r (A). Edition: Cessi, p. 176, no. d (C).

H., episcopus, servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio priori Sancti Marci Nigropontensis, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. T. Dandolus, castellanus de Corone, nobis conquerendo monstravit quod venerabilis frater noster episcopus Coronensis in eum sine causa racionabili, nulla competenti monitione premissa, auctoritate propria excommunicationis sententiam promulgavit, contra statuta concilii generalis. Unde eidem nostris da-

573

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mus litteris in mandatis ut, si est ita, sententiam ipsam ‹infra VIII dies post susceptionem earum› sine qualibet dif‹f›icultate relaxet. Ideoque discretioni tue per apostolica scriptaa) mandamus quatinus, si dictus episcopus mandatum nostrum neglexerit adimplere, tu extunc, recepta sufficienti ab eo super hiis pro quibus excommunicatus habetur iuxta formam Ecclesie cautione, sententiam relaxes eandem et, iniuncto ei quod de iure fuerit iniungendum, audias siquid fuerit questionis et, appellatione remota, debito fine decidas et facias quod decreveris auctoritate nostra firmiter observari. Testes autem qui fuerint nominati, si se gratia, hodio, vel timore subtraxerint, per censuram ecclesiasticam, cessante appellatione, compellas veritati testimonium perhibere. Datum Laterani, X Kalendas Novembris, pontificatus nostri anno undecimo. a) scripta iter. A

277 Rome, the Lateran, 23 December 1226 Honorius writes to Archbishop [John Halgrin] of Besançon, relating that recently, when the noble church of Constantinople lacked a shepherd, the chapter and others to whom the election pertains were unable to agree on the future patriarch, with some presenting the candidacy of Bishop [Milon of Nanteuil] of Beauvais and others appealing against them. Finally, with the agents of both sides in the pope’s presence not wanting or unable to agree on a single person, the pope directed that the candidacy would not be accepted. Thinking about how he would provide such an important post with a worthy person, after much discussion, with the advice of the cardinals, the pope finally decided to transfer the addressee from the church of Besançon to that of Constantinople.The pope orders him to come to the Apostolic See and then to go to the church of Constantinople without delay. For this purpose the pope sends him Masters Peter,Yves, and John, canons of Constantinople. Original: lost. Papal Register: ASV, Reg.Vat. 13, f. 154v, no. 428 (R). Copies: Vallicelliana, I 53, f. 145r (summary); Moreau.

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Summaries: Editions:

Potthast, no. 7636; Pressutti, no. 6123. Hauréau, pp. 172-173 (from Moreau); Horoy V, col. 163-164, no. 34 (H, from Hauréau); Santifaller, pp. 201202, no. 106 (S).

. . archiepiscopo Bisuntino.a) ‹C›um nuper, nobili ecclesia Constantinopolitana pastore vacante, capitulum et alii ad quos electio pertinet in substitutione patriarche futuri concordare nequissent,b) aliis postulantibus venerabilem fratrem nostrum . . episcopum Belvacensem, aliis appellantibus c) contra eos, tandem, utriusque partis procuratoribus in nostra presentia constitutisd) et nolentibus vel non valentibus in unam consentire personam, postulationem non duximus admittendam. Sed nos, sollicite cogitantes qualiter tam celebri tam insigni possemus de persona idonea providere, demum, post tractatus multiplices, deliberato fratrum nostrorum consilio, te ad Constantinopolitanam ecclesiam de Bisuntina providimus e) transferendum, non tam persone in ecclesia quam ecclesie in persona utiliter nos consulere arbitrantes, certa spe fiduciaque concepta ut, qui non tam probabilibus argumentis quam experimentis infallibilibus approbatus te dignum tante dignitatis apice reddidisti, ex tali translatione magnifice honoratus, predictam ecclesiam indulgentie tue studio magnifices et honores. Cum igitur urgens necessitas et evidens utilitas Constantinopolitane – immo universalis – ecclesie nos huiusmodi tibi honoris onus imponere ac te subire suadeant, fraternitatem tuam rogamus, monemus, et hortamur attente,f) per apostolica tibi scripta precipiendo mandantes, et in remissionem peccaminum iniungentes, quatenus,g) prudenter attendens quod, si secundum Apostolum1) Christus pro omnibus mortuus est, superest ut qui vivant iam non sibi vivant, sed eih) qui pro nobis est mortuus et surrexit, et memor quia in magnis sunti) exercendi magnanimes, ab ecclesia Bisuntina cui alligatusj) es de nostre potestatis plenitudine absolutus, ad Sedem Apostolicam venias ad Constantinopolitam ecclesiam accessurus, et tuum iactans in Domino cogitatum, quik) confidentes in se numquam confundi permittens, aspera eis convertit in plana, nullo te patiaris difficultatis obice retardari, quasil) migraturus de requie ad laborem, ne – quod absit – vocationi divine resistere propriamque quie575

BULLARIUM HELLENICUM

tem utilitati publice preponerem) videaris, securus quidemn) de Apostolice Sedis gratia et favore que in omni oportunitate tibi adesse disponit te in omnibus omnimodis adiutura. Dilectos autem filios magistros Petrum et Ivonem et Iohannem, canonicos Constantinopolitanos, quos propter hoc specialiter ad presentiam tuam mittimus, sinceritati tue propensius commendamus.o) Datum Laterani, X Kalendasp) Ianuarii.q) 1) II Cor. 5.15. a) bisuntino] bisuntin(ensi) S b) nequissent] nequivissent H c) appellantibus] appellationibus R d) constitutis] constituti S e) providimus] providemus S f) attente] at S g) quatenus] quam S h) ei] eo H i) sunt] se S j) alligatus] allegatus H k) qui] quod S l) quasi] quia S m) preponere] proponere a.c. R; proponere S n) quidem] quod H o) commendamus] commendantes H p) kalendas] non. S q) ianuarii] anno undecimo add. H

576

WILLIAM DUBA – TRINE WISMANN

INDICES

Metaphorical and poetical uses of names and things are generally not listed, as are appearances exclusively in the apparatus criticus. Entries list appearances in the introduction by page, followed by the numbers (in italics) of letters they appear in. An asterisk indicates that letter no. 118 is not authentic.

INDEX MANUSCRIPTORUM

Città del Vaticano, Archivio Segreto Vaticano Reg.Vat. 7 no. 56 Reg.Vat. 8 no. 53 Reg.Vat. 9 nos. 1-23, 28-75 Reg. Vat. 10 17 (n.), 21 (n.); nos. 76-98 Reg. Vat. 11 22 (n.), 80 (n.); nos. 99-117, 119-151 Reg. Vat. 12 nos. 152-156, 158162, 168-178, 181-184, 186217, 220-235 Reg. Vat. 13 43 (n.), 80 (n.); nos. 236-259, 261-265, 268-270, 277 Reg.Vat. 22 no. 87 (n.) Reg.Vat. 32 no. 87 (n.) Città del Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Vat. lat. 7024 nos. 90, 113, 148 Vat. lat. 7216 no. 56 Vat. lat. 8034 nos. 166-167 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France Collection Moreau 1178 nos. 2-4, 13, 19 Collection Moreau 1180 nos. 90, 94

579

Collection Moreau 1181 nos. 99, 113 Collection Moreau 1182 nos. 138, 175 Collection Moreau 1236 nos. 5, 38 lat. 3934 no. 22 Nouv. acq. lat. 2357 no. 180 Roma, Archivio Capitolare Lateranense A. 2 nos. 166-167 A. 31 nos. 166-167 Q. 1. B. 17 no. 166 Q. 2. E. 19 no. 167 Roma, Biblioteca Casanatense X.VI.2 nos. 6, 12, 19, 22, 31, 35 Roma, Biblioteca Vallicelliana I 51 nos. 1-3, 13-15, 18-20, 22, 28, 30, 33, 41-42, 47, 49-50, 59, 77, 85, 102, 107, 109, 113, 127-128, 130, 133, 138, 143146, 158-159, 161, 175-176, 178, 194, 200, 223-224, 226, 243, 245, 249, 252, 259 I 53 nos. 1-3, 5-6, 12, 18, 20-22, 28, 30-31, 33-36, 38, 41-43, 47-51, 56, 59, 64, 67, 69-70, 74, 77-80, 85, 87-89, 94-95,

INDICES

97, 100, 102-105, 107, 111, 113, 117, 120-122, 125-134, 136-138, 141, 143-146, 149150, 152, 158-162, 168, 170, 172, 174-178, 181-184, 186188, 190, 194-195, 198-199, 201-202, 205, 208, 210, 221, 223-226, 228-231, 235, 239240, 242-246, 248-250, 252253, 259, 261, 269-270, 277

580

Venezia, Archivio di Stato di Venezia Duca di Candia, Atti antichi, B 13, Quaderno Monte Sinai nos. 26-27, 157, 219, 227, 260, 265-267, 269 Liber plegiorum nos. 272-276 Madonna dell’Orto, b 3 pergamene no. 218

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

A., agent of chapter of Constantinople no. 262 A., papal chaplain no. 75 Abum of Pluges nos. 87, 184-185 Achaia, principality 13, 31, 33, 37, 41, 45, 55 (n.), 63-64, 69-70, 77, 85-86; no. 271; bishops and churches no. 272; nuncios see Albertino of Canossa and Peter d’Aleman; prince see Geoffrey I of Villehardouin Acqui, archbishop no. 223 Acre 59, 80-81 Adramyti (Edremit), bishop nos. 132-133 Ainos (Enez) 52; nos. 37, 125, 147; bishop no. 37; church nos. 125, 147 Alamano da Costa, count 25; no. 225 Alatri, letters issued at nos. 138143 Albertino of Canossa, nuncio of Prince of Achaia nos. 87, 127, 184-185 Alessandro da Montefiascone, master, papal scribe, cantor of Olena 43; no. 270 Alexander, bishop of Nagy-Varád no. 141 Alexander, master, dean of Thes-

581

saloniki, papal subdeacon nos. 66, 88, 148; canon of Constantinople, papal subdeacon nos. 170, 173 Alexander IV, Pope 71 Alexandria 21; no. 78 Alexios III Bambacoratios, emperor of Byzantium nos. 128, 181, 183-184, 190-191 Alexius Slav (Sthlabos), prince of Philippi 13, 19; no. 41 Alice of Champagne, queen of Cyprus 21 Amédée Pofey, constable of the Kingdom of Thessaloniki nos. 87, 184-185 Amiens, diocese no. 169 Amorgos (Murges), house no. 65 Anagni, letters issued at nos. 24-29, 118* (n.), 119-137, 193-211 Ancona no. 50; archdeacon see Marcellino; bishop nos. 50, 103; clergy 20; no. 50; port no. 103 Andreville (Andravida) 42-45; nos. 59, 65, 230; archdeacon 44; archdeaconate no. 59; chapter 44-45; prior 44-45; nos. 44, 230; see also St James of Andreville

INDICES

Andrew II, king of Hungary 16, 18; nos. 6, 31, 89, 141, 168 Angelo Barozzi, patriarch of Grado 35 Angold, Michael 12 (n.), 18 (n.), 85 (n.) Ansonites, Spiros 68 Antelm, archbishop of Patras 4142, 45, 73-74, 77, 85; nos. 44, 61, 87-88, 104, 123-125, 147, 190, 192, 220, 230-233, 235 Antioch 82; patriarch 37 Apulia no. 132 (n.) Aquilea, patriarch no. 223 Arcadiopolis (Bergula), bishop no. 206 Archangel, monastery in diocese of Negroponte 47 Arezzo, bishop no. 223 Argos, church 46, 52, 58; no. 142, 181, 184-185, 191, 205; bishop 58; nos. 125, 181, 191; chapter 58; nos. 125, 181; canon see Hugh, canon of Argos, papal scribe; cantor no. 142; diocese no. 125 Ario see Marcius, bishop of Ario Arkheion (Ortaköy), church 40; no. 75; bishop-elect and canons no. 75 Arles, archbishop 23; no. 227; see also Hugues Béroard Arm, see Sea of Marmara Armenia 9 Arnold, chaplain of Emperor Henry nos. 53 (n.), 87, 184-185 Arnulph, bishop of Thermopylai no. 53; archbishop of Serres, former bishop of Thermopylai nos. 87, 131 Arnulph, nuncio of John Colonna, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate no. 108 Assos (Behramkale), diocese 51; no. 121 Athanasoulis, Demetrios 55 (n.) Athens 46-47, 54, 76, 78; nos. 88, 134, 137, 200, 205, 207;

582

archbishop 53, 54, 98; nos. 184185, see also Berard, archbishop of Athens; C., archbishop of Athens; Conrad; archbishopelect no. 87; cathedral 4647 (n.); chapter 46-47; nos. 116, 125, 180, 200; church 58; nos. 125, 184; churches in no. 200 (diocese), see Daphni Abbey (diocese), Lord’s Sepulcher, Parthenon, Temple of the Lord; dean nos. 43, 61, 116; (arch) diocese 46-47, 52-53; nos. 7-10, 59, 200; duchy 13; lord see Otto de la Roche; lordship 31, 33, 97; region no. 59; treasurer no. 59 Athos see Mt Athos Auvray, Lucien 47 (n.), 54 (n.) Auxerre 17 (n.); nos. 6, 12, 228; see also Henry de Villeneuve, Peter II of Courtenay,Yolanda Avlonari, church 33; nos. 54-55, 125, 200; bishop nos. 87, 184185; diocese 53 B., archbishop of Larissa nos. 53, 59, 61, 87-88, 104, 162, 184185, 211, 230 Bakirtzis, Nikolaos 8 Baldwin II, emperor of Constantinople 30; no. 128 Baldwin Barde, papal notary no. 179 Balkans no. 5 Barber, Malcolm 29 (n.) Bari, archbishop no. 103 Baronio, Cesare 90 Bartholomew, bishop of Gardiki 49; nos. 21, 53 Bartusis, Mark C. 58 (n.) Beatrice, abbess of Our Lady of Perchay Abbey 79; nos. 109, 118*, 189, 216-217 Bela (IV), (son of) the King of Hungary no. 141 Belmont, Cistercian convent near Tripoli 81

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

Benedict, cardinal-priest of Santa Susanna, cardinal-bishop of Porto, papal legate 39; nos. 15, 24-25, 39, 53, 87, 155-156, 161, 163-164, 166, 170, 179 Benenato, prior of the Church of the Pisans no. 179 Benevento nos. 104, 192, 220 Berard, archbishop of Athens nos. 53, 87 Berman, Constance H. 81 (n.) Bernard, archdeacon of Ponthieu no. 169 Bernard, canon of Corinth no. 230 Berthold II of Katzenenlbogen, count, bailli of Kingdom of Thessaloniki nos. 20, 87, 184-185 Bertrand, canon of Constantinople no. 59 Besançon, archbishop nos. 223, 277 Béthune nos. 17, 75, 135, 149-150, 196, 241-242 Blanche of Castile, queen of France 25-26; no. 229 Blachernae see Our Lady of Blachernae Bodonitsa (Boeotia) 28; castle 28; nos. 226, 261 Boeotia 28, 53 Bohemond, master, canon of Patras, papal subdeacon no. 234 Bolton, Brenda 78 (n.) Bon, Antoine 10 (n.) Boniface, master, canon of Constantinople nos. 87, 184-185 Boniface I of Montferrat, marquis 13 (n.), 17, 50, 78; nos. 19, 87, 156 Boniface II of Montferrat, marquis 29 (n.) Bonrepas (Bonrepast), casale in the region of Andreville no. 65 Borsari, Silvano 66 (n.) Boukoleon see St Michael of Boukoleon Boyle, Leonard E. 95 (n.)

583

Brayelle-les-Aunoy Abbey, Cistercian convent, diocese of Cambrai 80 (n.) Briccio, bishop of Vácz no. 141 Brindisi 20, 26-27; nos. 49, 243; archbishop 20; nos. 63, 103; cathedral chapter 24; no. 176; port no. 103 Brown, Elizabeth A.R. 30 (n.), 47 (n.), 78-79 (n.), 81-82 (n.), 92, 94 Bulgaria no. 66 Burgundy 24-25, 41; nos. 221, 230 C., archbishop of Athens nos. 61, 86-88, 116, 125, 127, 137, 200, 207, 210-211, 222, 230-231, 261 Calabria 19, 62 Camp of the Pisans, Constantinople nos. 179, 215 Candia (Herakleion) 14, 48, 66-68; nos. 27, 38; archbishop 48, 61, 68, 76, 82, 86, 98; see also Giacomo Madro, Leonardo Pantaleo; chapter 68; nos. 265, 268; church 48, 51, 66-68; no. 90; diocese nos. 90, 93, 218, 260, 265; see also Crete Canivez, Joseph-Marie 81 (n.) Capellecti, pirates 47; no. 210 Carile, Antonio 10 (n.) Carr, Mike 11 (n.) Castello, bishop see Mark de Nicola Cathicio see Our Lady of Cathicio, monastery Celestine III, pope 35 (n.), 50, 5455 Cencio Savelli (Honorius III) passim Cephalonia nos. 20, 44, 136; church, bishop, and chapter 46, 52; no. 125; count see Matthew Orsini; dean nos. 44, 230 Cessi, Roberto 92, 94 Chaise-Dieu, la, Benedictine Monastery 41 (n.); no. 230

INDICES

Chaketa no. 109 Chalcedon 72, 81; nos. 117, 146, 167, 179, 254, 256; church no. 256; diocese 52, 74-75; nos. 117, 146, 179, 254; monastery 74; no. 167 Chalcis see Negroponte Chamac no. 200 Cheronea, church and diocese 53; nos. 162, 211 Chios, diocese 51; no. 122 Chiron, bishop no. 227 Chiusi nos. 101, 108 Chlemoutsi Castle (Clermont) 55, 56 (n.) Chortaïton, Cistercian abbey near Thessaloniki 47, 78; nos. 66, 243 Chrissis, Nikolaos 7-8, 11 (n.), 1516 (n.), 18 (n.), 29, 30-31 (n.), 87 (n.), 101 Christiana, diocese 52; no. 125 Church of the Pisans see St Peter of the Pisans Churtus no. 109 Ciardo, Francesco 51 (n.) Cilician Armenia 9 Cîteaux, abbey 80; no. 189 Claverie, Pierre-Vincent 7-8, 10, 11 (n.), 14-18 (n.), 29-30 (n.), 38 (n.), 41 (n.), 52-53 (n.), 55 (n.), 73 (n.), 76 (n.), 79 (n.), 90-91 (n.), 101; nos. 63 (n.), 87 (n.), 179 (n.) Clement, master, canon of the church of Constantinople nos. 215, 258 Clement IV, pope 66 Cleopas, canon of Negroponte no. 208 Clermont Castle (Chlemoutsi) 55, 56 (n.) Closyas (Klazias, Klazaki), casale no. 109 Cluny, abbey 41 (n.) Conon of Béthune, regent of Constantinople 18, 57; nos. 20, 28, 32, 40-41, 110, 170, 172, 174

584

Conon of Béthune the Younger no. 109 Conrad, archbishop of Athens 47; nos. 87 (n.), 180 (n.) Conrad of Patras no. 230 Constantinople; archdeacon nos. 113, 248; bailli of the Empire see Conon of Béthune; canons nos. 99; see also Alexander, Bernard, Bertrand, Clement, G., John, Nicholas, Peter, Yves; chancellor see Warin; chapter 34-35, 38, 56, 83, 98; nos. 39, 69, 107, 110, 114, 128, 135, 214-215, 241-242, 255-256, 258, 263-264; church nos. 12, 56, 71, 76, 87, 107, 138, 144, 184-185, 214, 256, 259, 277; see also Hagia Sophia; churches nos. 23, 60, 75, 147, 182, 208; see also Forty Saints, Great Church, Hagios Akindynos, Holy Apostles, Holy Mother of God Monastery, Lord’s Sepulcher, Our Lady of Bethlehem, Our Lady of Blachernae, Our Lady of Hodegetria, Our Lady of Perchay, St Anastasia, St George of Mangana Monastery, St Jonas, St Julian, St Mark, St Michael of Boukoleon, St Paul, St Peter of the Pisans, St Phocas Monastery, St Sampson Hospital, Theotokos Evergetis; in diocese Kehiriani Monastery, St Angelus of Pera Monastery; city nos. 5, 25, 28, 75, 87, 179, 184-185; clergy nos. 56, 107, 110, 149, 195196; dean no. 215; diocese nos. 16-17, 28, 118*, 143, 214, 216-217, 254; emperors nos. 3, 6, 12, 230, 233, 248; see also Baldwin II, Henry of Hainault, Peter of Courtenay, Robert of Courtenay; grange next to the Roman Gate no. 109; pro-

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

vince no. 93; treasurer nos. 170, 173 Corfu 68 Corinth 56, 75 (n.); nos. 87, 125, 127, 184-185, 198; archbishop 45, 98; see Eudes of Villehardouin, Walter; archdeacon 45, 74; no. 270; see James, archdeacon of Corinth; canon see Bernard, canon of Corinth; cantor see G., cantor of Corinth; chapter 45-46; nos. 87, 125, 257; church nos. 59, 86, 125, 140, 184-185; dean nos. 61, 181, 230, 261; (arch)diocese 45-46, 52; no. 125; treasurer 46; nos. 140, 270 Corinth, Gulf of 53 Cornelio (Cornaro), Flaminio 82 Coron 48, 90; no. 204; bishop 4546, 48, 75 (n.), 98; nos. 61, 125, 137, 190, 198, 204, 230-232, 236, 273-276; see also Eudes of Villehardouin; castellans 48, 57, 90 (n.); see also L. Foscolo and T. Dandolo; chapter no. 125; church nos. 125, 184-185; dean nos. 44, 61, 230; diocese 52; no. 125 Coureas, Nicholas 14 (n.), 51 (n.), 55 (n.), 68 (n.), 70-71 (n.), 76 (n.), 81 (n.) Crawford, Paul 59 (n.) Crete 13-14, 47-49, 51, 61, 66-68, 70, 76, 81-82, 86, 90, 51, 66-68; nos. 26-27, 38, 90-93, 157, 218-219, 227, 265, 268-269; duke 76 (n.), 98; nos. 26, 266; province no. 268; churches in Crete see Holy Savior, St George, St Mary of the Crociferi; see also Candia Crociferi see also St Mary of the Crociferi, Candia diocese Crociferi of Bologna, prior nos. 87, 184-185

585

Crociferi of Negroponte 47; Church of St Angelus, Thessaloniki 49; no. 171 Crotone, bishop 19-20; nos. 48-49 Cunavo nos. 39, 269 Cuozzo, Errico 79-80 (n.) Cyprus 7, 10, 12-13, 14 (n.), 32, 50-51, 55-56, 59-60, 63, 76-77, 81, 84, 90-92, 97; nos. 5, 38, 269; church 13, 50-51, 54, 60, 68-72; kingdom 9, 13, 21, 54 Damalas, church and diocese 52; no. 125 Damietta 20 Daphni, Cistercian abbey, diocese of Athens 47, 78, 82-83; nos. 134, 237; abbot 98; nos. 7-10, 45, 59, 237; prior and subprior no. 59 Davleia, bishop 33, 53, 75; nos. 43, 54, 87, 184-185; church 58; nos. 162, 184, 211; dean nos. 7-10, 87, 184-185; diocese 53 Delphi 58 Demetrius of Montferrat, king of Thessaloniki 17, 21, 23-24, 27; nos. 3, 13, 18-19, 102, 126, 169, 176, 243-244, 248 Domenico Delphino, duke of Crete no. 26 Domokos, episcopal procurator no. 53 Dyasito, monastery of Thebes 47; no. 162 Dypothamus no. 109 Edbury, Peter W. 14 (n.) Edessa 29 Eger, bishop see Thomas, bishop of Eger Egger, Christoph 8 Egypt 20; nos. 38, 269 Elis 52 (n.) Embrun, archbishop no. 223 Ephesus, archbishop 18, 51; no. 35; church no. 121

INDICES

Ephraim, hermit, papal ambassador to Theodore Doukas 19-20, 76; nos. 46, 48 Epirus 13 (n.), 15, 18 (n.), 20, 68; despot see Theodore Doukas; despotate 17, 50 Euboea see Negroponte Eudes of Villehardouin, bishop of Coron, archbishop of Corinth 45, 75 (n.); nos. 61, 85-88, 125, 137, 153, 197-198, 204, 230, 236 Eustache, chaplain of Demetrius, king of Thessaloniki nos. 125, 169 Fabre, Paul 92, 94 Famagusta 50 Fedalto, Giorgio 30 (n.), 41 (n.), 47-49 (n.), 51 (n.), 54, 93 Ferentino, letters issued at nos. 3041 Ferrières, abbot no. 228; chamberlain no. 228 Fiaccadori, Gianfranco 60 (n.) Florence, bishop no. 223 France nos. 42, 128, 229; archbishops no. 42 Forty Saints, church in Constantinople 39; no. 120 Fossanova, Cistercian abbey 51 (n.) Fourrier, Sabine 60 (n.) Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor 14, 23-24, 32; no. 2 G., cantor of Corinth 45-46; no. 140 G., master, canon of Boukoleon no. 107 G., master, canon of Constantinople, imperial nuncio nos. 55, 66, 158 Gaetania nos. 38, 269 Galea, abbey 74; no. 230 Gardiki, bishop 23, 49; see also Bartholomew, bishop of Gardiki;

586

castle 23, 49; no. 53; church nos. 21, 53 Gasparis, Charalambos 8 Gattola, Erasmo 73 (n.) Gauthier, abbot of Cîteaux no. 189 Genoa, archbishop (and port) nos. 103, 223 Geoffrey of Merry nos. 109, 248 Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, prince of Achaia 18, 20, 24, 28-29, 33, 45, 52, 55, 56 (n.), 57-58, 64, 69, 77, 85, 98; nos. 7, 20, 34, 45, 59, 61, 65, 72-74, 87, 111-112, 127, 137, 182-187, 190-191, 193, 197-199, 201-203, 226, 236, 245, 252, 272 Geoffrey II of Villehardouin 56 (n.); no. 137 Gerard of Gamula nos. 87, 184185 Gerghiri, monastery, Cistercian on Crete 82 (n.) Gerland, Ernst 41 (n.) Germanos II, Greek patriarch of Constantinople 73, 85; no. 194 Gerokomeion (Gerochoma), abbey 74; no. 230 Gerstel, Sharon E.J. 11 (n.) Gervase, archbishop of Herakleia nos. 87, 184-185; see also Gervase, Latin patriarch of Constantinople Gervase, Latin patriarch of Constantinople 16, 18-19, 21, 3237, 39-40, 44, 56, 75 (n.), 82 (n.), 83, 98; nos. 1, 4, 7-10, 12, 20, 23, 27-29, 32, 40-41, 45, 54, 59, 64, 66, 69, 75-77, 85, 87, 101, 106, 108, 135, 149, 230; see also Gervase, archbishop of Herakleia Giacomo Madro, archbishop of Crete 48, 82; nos. 157, 218219, 227, 265 Giacomo Tiepolo no. 170 Gilbert, cleric no. 96

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

Gilbert, master no. 148 Giles, cleric no. 152 Giles, master, papal subdeacon no. 82 Girard of Besançon, canon of  Thebes no. 238 Great Church (maior ecclesia) of Constantinople no. 133; see also Hagia Sophia Gill, Joseph 11 (n.), 37 (n.), 53 (n.), 76 (n.) Giovanni Colonna, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate in Romania 17, 21, 34-42, 4547, 50-51, 53-54, 57-58, 72-74, 77, 80 (n.), 82-83, 85, 98; nos. 18, 20, 22-23, 29-31, 35-36, 40, 48-51, 53 (n.), 64, 67-71, 75-81, 85, 88, 96-99, 101-102, 104, 108, 110-112, 114, 117, 121-125, 127-128, 130, 134135, 138-140, 142-144, 146150, 152, 154, 159, 161-163, 167, 170-172, 174, 179, 181182, 184-185, 188, 198, 200201, 205-208, 211-213, 214, 216, 222, 230, 233-234, 247, 254, 256-258, 262, 264, 270, 272 Goria, Alex 29 (n.) Greece passim Gregory, bishop of Trogir 20; no. 63 Gregory, papal subdeacon and chaplain no. 258 Gregory IX (Ugolino di Conti, cardinal-bishop of Ostia), pope 30 (n.), 41, 47 (n.), 54, 92; no. 6 Gregory de Crescentio, cardinaldeacon of San Teodoro no. 220 Grilli, Marco 8 Grivaud, Gilles 8, 60 Guerric, former possessor of the monastery of Our Lady of Cathicio no. 166 Guerric, prior of the Holy Savior in the diocese of Modon 75 (n.)

587

Guido Pallavicino, marquis, lord of Bondonitsa 28; nos. 87, 128, 133, 184-185, 261 Guy, master, papal notary 96; no. 269 H., bishop of Ostia see Gregory IX H., dean of Patras nos. 142, 147, 231, 243, 247 H., prior of the Lord’s Sepulcher of Constantinople no. 144 Hagia Anastasis, church in Constantinople, see St. Anastasia Hagia Euphemia no. 109 Hagia Sophia, cathedral of Constantinople 27, 38, 40-41, 82 (n.); chapter no. 128; church nos. 56, 87, 133, 184-185, 250 Hagia Sophia, cathedral of Thessaloniki 49 Hagios Akindynos, church in Constantinople 35 Hagios Angelos tou Kyr Klemes (Kirclimi), monastery 73, 75; no. 179 Hagios Basileos no. 109 Hagios Elias Giuro, metochion 75; no. 179 Hagios Myron, Crete 67; diocese 48, 51; no. 90 Hagios Stephanos no. 109 Hamilton, Bernard 37 (n.) Hardouin, imperial chaplain, archbishop of Thebes 47; nos. 8-11, 53, 59, 62, 87, 127, 137, 184185 222, 257 Hautcrêt Abbey 51 (n.) Hautecombe Abbey, Savoy 78 Hellespont 51 Helos, church (Elos) 52; no. 203 Henri de Valenciennes 15; no. 87 (n.) Henry, canon of Negroponte no. 208 Henry, master, agent of Otto de la Roche no. 182 Henry of Hainault, Henry of Flanders, emperor of Constantino-

INDICES

ple 13, 16-19, 33, 39 (n.), 56, 74; nos. 2, 4, 23, 40, 53 (n.), 54, 62, 87, 127-128, 136, 184-185 Henry of Villeneuve, bishop of Auxerre no. 228 Henry, former abbot of Hautcrêt Abbey 51 (n.) Herakleia (Marmara Ereg˘ lisi); archbishop nos. 173 (n.), 184185, 214; see also Gervase, archbishop of Herakleia, N. archbishop of Herakleia; canons 50; nos. 241-242; chapter nos. 106, 206; church no. 188; dean nos. 106, 241-242; diocese 52; no. 206 Herakleion see Candia Herde, Peter 62 (n.) Hermann, chaplain of Giovanni Colonna, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede no. 101; former chaplain, bishop-elect of Chiusi no. 108 Hermann, servant of Archbishop Antelm of Patras no. 230 Herrin, Judith 60 (n.) Hervé IV of Donzy, count of  Nevers no. 228 Hierapetra nos. 93, 227, 268; bishop nos. 227, 268; canon 48; see also Peter, canon of Hierapetra Hild, Friedrich 74 (n.) Hinterberger, Martin 8 Hodegetria, church in Constantinople see Our Lady of Hodegetria Hofmann, Georg 90 (n.), 92, 94 Holy Apostles, church in Constantinople 39; nos. 67-68, 70-71; prior 83; nos. 70, 262; see also John, prior of the church of the Holy Apostles Holy Mother of God, monastery in Constantinople nos. 109, 118* Holy Savior, church in Crete nos. 38, 269

588

Holy Savior, church in the diocese of Modon, prior 75 (n.) Holy Savior Apologothetes, church 75; no. 179 Holy Savior of Platania, monastery on Mt Penteli 76; no. 84 Holy Sepulcher no. 97 Honorius III, pope passim Horoy, César Auguste 16, 17 (n.), 21-22 (n.), 36 (n.), 89, 91-92, 94 Hosios Loukas of Stiris, diocese of Davleia, abbot and abbey 50, 75; nos. 43, 156 Hosios Meletios, monastery on Mt Myoupolis or Mt Kithairon 76-77; nos. 83-84 Hospital see St Sampson of Constantinople, Hospital Hugh, abbot of Clermont 41 (n.) Hugh, bishop of Nikli 46; no. 152 Hugh, master, papal scribe, canon of Argos nos. 191-192, 220 Hugh I Lusignan, king of Cyprus 13 Hugh of Soloenihen nos. 87, 184185 Hugues Béroard, archbishop of  Arles no. 178 Hungary 74; nos. 5, 6, 31, 89, 141, 168 Hussey, Joan M. 47 (n.), 56 (n.), 72 (n.) Hytria see Our Lady of Hodegetria I., canon of Olena nos. 230, 270 Iarcuzy no. 109 Ilieva, Aneta 11 (n.) Innocent III, pope 9-10, 12-15, 19, 30-32, 35, 39-42, 48-50, 56-57, 63, 71-74, 77-78, 87; nos. 1, 21, 23, 29, 40, 43, 53-54, 56, 61, 66, 71, 75, 81, 83-84, 87-88, 127, 155, 161, 184-185, 228, 230 Innocent IV, pope 45 (n.), 87 Ionian Sea 52 Isabel de Bracheux no. 109

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

Italy 12, 21, 50; Southern 62-63, 68 Jacoby, David 8, 15 (n.), 60, 6566 (n.) Jaffé, Philipp 91 James, archdeacon of Corinth, canon of Patras 45-46, 74; nos. 61, 86, 139-140, 181, 230 James, priest, canon of Hagia Sophia of Constantinople nos. 87, 184-185 James of Affesso nos. 87, 184-185 Janauschek, Leopold 81 (n.) Janin, Raymond 36 (n.), 39 (n.), 73 (n.), 75 (n.) Jerusalem 14-15, 19; no. 42; kingdom 9, 29, 68 John, archbishop of Mytilene nos. 119, 121-122 John, archbishop of Neopatras nos. 53, 87-88, 184-185 John, bishop of Crotone 19-20; nos. 48-49 John, bishop of Negroponte 47 (n.), 54; nos. 125, 127, 134, 137, 186, 200, 222 John, king of England 19; no. 42 John, master, canon of Constantinople no. 277 John, master, dean of Kitros no. 66 John, papal subdeacon no. 107 John, prior of the church of the Holy Apostles, Constantinople 83-84; nos. 101, 108 John Asen II, emperor of Bulgaria 29 John of Bourbonne, master, chancellor and nuncio of Prince of Achaia no. 127 John Colonna, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate see Giovanni Colonna John of Cormeiles nos. 109 John Halgrin, archbishop of Besançon 39; no. 277 John Istrego, canon of Constantinople chapter 36 (n.)

589

John of Benevento, master, archdeacon of Patras nos. 61, 104, 192, 220 John III Vatatzes, emperor of Nicaea 25, 29, 87 Jordan, Robert H. 8, 73 (n.) Jubin, Cistercian abbey 82 Kalama, monastery 47, 74; no. 62 Kalissia see St Nicholas of Kalissia, monastery Kaoulla, Christina 7-8 Karagiannopoulos, Ioannis E. 58 (n.) Karekas (Charax) no. 109 Karystos, diocese 53; nos. 125, 200 Kastorion, bishop 33, 53; nos. 5455, 87, 184-185 Kazhdan, Alexander P. 33 (n.) Kehiriani, monastery in diocese of Constantinople 72-73; no. 143 Kernitsa, diocese 52; no. 125 Kiesewetter, Andreas 92, 94 Kithairon see Mt Kithairon Kitros nos. 66, 87, 184-185; bishop-elect nos. 87, 184-185 Koder, Johannes 53 (n.), 74 (n.) Kordoses, Michael S. 11 (n.) Kypolusto see St Angelos of Kypolusto, monastery Kyriakaiika (Grippigadia), casale no. 171 Kyzikos, archbishop-elect 40; no. 75 L. Foscolo, castellan of Modon no. 272; castellan of Coron nos. 273, 275 La Porte du Theil, Gabriel de 16 (n.), 91 Lampros, Spyridon 92, 94 Lantelm, canon of Patras 41 (n.); nos. 230-232 Larissa, archbishop 22, 49, 53; see also B., archbishop of Larissa Lateran, church no. 166; letters issued at nos. 5-28, 42-62, 72-93,

INDICES

101-118, 144-178, 212-260, 269-277; palace 43, 96; prior and canons 74; nos. 166-167 Laurus, Cistercian convent in Romania 81 Lavinia Castle, diocese of Philippi 39; no. 37 Lemnos (Stealiminsis), church 52; no. 256 Leo, archdeacon of Nikli 46; no. 154 Leonard, cantor, canon of Hagia Sophia of Constantinople nos. 87, 184-185 Leonardo Pantaleo, archbishop of Candia (Herakleion) 66 Lephky, casale no. 109 Lesbos 51; nos. 119-120 Limassol 50 Lineio, island no. 171 Livadia, castle clergy no. 180 Lock, Peter 11 (n.), 23 (n.), 56 (n.) Lombardy 24; no. 221 London, chapter 38 Longnon, Jean 10 (n.), 15 (n.), 44 (n.); nos. 67 (n.), 87 (n.) Lord Meletios, monastery, abbot and convent see Hosios Meletios Lord’s Sepulcher, prior and brothers no. 100; church in Acre, Antioch, and Tyre no. 100; church in Athens, prior no. 222; church in Constantinople 39; no. 100; prior nos. 144, 250; church in Thessaloniki nos. 100, 155-156; canons 4950; nos. 66, 155-156, 238; prior nos. 155-156, 238 Loud, Graham A. 62 (n.) Louis VIII, king of France 25-26; no. 229 Luca di Puglia, master of the Friars Minor in areas of Romania 84; nos. 101, 108 Lucca, bishop no. 223 Lurier, Harold E. 44

590

M., prior of St George of Mangana no. 117 M., wife of Geoffrey of Merry nos. 109, 248 Macaire de Clermont no. 109 Macedonia 74 (n.) Macrinchicon (Macriticon) no. 38, 269 Madden, Thomas F. 13 (n.) Makri 26-28, 56-57; nos. 23, 29, 71, 87, 110, 127-128, 130, 132-133, 143, 146, 167, 170, 174, 195, 214, 243-245, 248250, 252; bishop no. 37 Mangana see St George of Mangana Manrique, Badajoz Ángel 79-80; no. 118* Manuel I Komnenos, emperor 65 Manuel II, patriarch 87 Marcellino, archdeacon of Ancona, chaplain of Pelagius, cardinalbishop of Albano, papal legate nos. 215, 258 Marcius, bishop of Ario nos. 219, 260, 265, 268 Margaret, widow of Emperor Isaac II of Constantinople 74; nos. 89, 168, 246 Marino dalle Carceri no. 248 Marino Storlato, podestà of the Venetians nos. 20, 23, 29, 69-70, 170 Mark, bishop of Mylopotamos nos. 219, 260, 265, 268 Mark, bishop of Sitia no. 268 Mark de Nicola, bishop of Castello (Venice) no. 50 Marmara, church nos. 188, 206 Marmara, sea 52; nos. 109-110, 243 Marmara Island (Prokonnesos) 52; nos. 109, 188, 206 Martin, Jean-Marie 79-80 (n.) Martin-Hisard, Bernadette 7980 (n.)

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

Mas-Latrie, Louis de 91 Mathilda, countess of Nevers no. 228 Matthew, bishop of Jesolo no. 107; patriarch of Constantinople 35-39, 41, 47, 80-81 (n.), 98; nos. 105, 108, 111-113, 128130-132, 135, 138, 170, 173, 182, 189, 206, 208, 212-215, 217, 239, 242, 250, 253-260 Matthew Orsini of Cephalonia, count 13; nos. 20, 136 Matzukes (Massuchi), monastery 75; no. 179 Maydos (Eceabat), bishop nos. 125, 132-133, 147, 214; chapter nos. 125, 147; church 37, 5152; nos. 125, 147 Megara nos. 184-185, 198; church 52; no. 125; house no. 65 Mesochori (Mazzuca, Orkatöy) no. 15 Messina, archbishop and port no. 103 Michael Komnenos Doukas, despot of Epirus 13, 17; no. 30 Michael VIII Palaiologos 30 Milan, archbishop no. 223 Mileas, methochion no. 143 Miller, William 10 (n.), 52 (n.) Milon le Bréban, imperial butler nos. 20, 241-242 Milon of Nanteuil, bishop of Beauvais no. 277 Milus, grange no. 109 Minervini, Laura 59 (n.) Miridomo (Mydonia?) no. 57 Mithymna, diocese 51; no. 121 Modon 48, 90; no. 272; archdeacon no. 236; see also P. de Christo; bishop 46, 98; nos. 190, 197-198, 204, 233, 236; bishop-elect nos. 125, 137; cantor see Pietro da Malpensa; castellans 57, 90 (n.); no. 272; see also L. Foscolo and T. Dandolo; chapter no. 125; church nos. 184-185; dean nos. 153, 230,

591

233; diocese 52, 75 (n.); no. 125 Monemvasia, diocese 52 Monomach, monastery in the diocese of Chalcedon 74; no. 117 Monopoli, bishop and port no. 103 Montana Nigra (Black Mountain near Antioch, Syria) 82; no. 218 Monte Cassino, Benedictine Abbey, abbot and convent 73, 91; nos. 24-25, 163-165 Montferrat see Boniface I of Montferrat, Boniface II of Montferrat, Demetrius of Montferrat, William of Montferrat Monti, Gennaro Maria 62 (n.) Morea 13 (n.), 44, 67; no. 71 Morris, Rosemary 8, 73 (n.) Mt Athos 73; monks no. 171 Mt Kithairon 76; no. 84 Mt Myoupolis 76; no. 84 Mt Penteli 76; no. 84 Mt Sinai see St Catherine on Mt Sinai Myoupolis see Mt Myoupolis Mylopotamos see Mark, bishop of Mylopotamos Mytilene, archdiocese 51; archbishop see John, archbishop of  Mytilene N., archbishop of Herakleia nos. 173, 188, 206 N., presumptive agent of Chortaïton Abbey, O.Cist. Nagy-Varád, see Alexander, bishop of Nagy-Varád Narjot III of Toucy nos. 20, 148 Negroponte no. 200; archdeacon 21, 82; nos. 78, 134; bishop 47 (n.), 53-54, 82, 86; see also John, bishop of Negroponte, Theodore, bishop of Negroponte; chapter nos. 125, 209; church nos. 200, 222; churches in see Archangel Monastery

INDICES

(diocese), Crociferi of Negroponte, St Mark of Negroponte; dean no. 208; diocese 47, 53; nos. 87, 200; lords 13, 98; nos. 20, 87, 184-185, 226, 245 Neopatras (Ypati), archbishop 49; see also John, archbishop of Neopatras Nicaea 15, 29; “Patriarch” see Germanos II, Greek Patriarch of Constantinople; empire 35, 50, 81 Nicholas, bishop of Reggio[Emilia], papal legate to Romania 26, 29; nos. 239, 244, 252, 268, 271 Nicholas, canon of Constantinople no. 59 Nicholas Mesarites, archbishop of Ephesus 18; no. 35 (n.) Nicol, Donald M. 15 (n.) Nicolaou-Konnari, Angel 14 (n.) Nicomedia, archbishop 35, 50, 73; nos. 135, 194; archbishop-elect no. 64; church no. 64; diocese no. 179 Nicosia 71, 81; archdiocese 50, 55 Nikli, archdeacon no. 154; bishop 46; nos. 152-154, 197; church nos. 125, 152, 184-185; dean 46; no. 233; diocese 52 Nivelon, bishop of Soissons no. 179 Norden, Walter 10 (n.), 92, 94 Norwich no. 82 O., master, canon of Saint Nicholas in the diocese of Amiens no. 169 O. de Chargi, knight no. 182 Obizio, master, papal subdeacon and notary no. 234 Odrisca no. 109 Olena no. 270; archdeacon 44; no. 230; bishop 42-44, 46; see Peter, bishop of Olena; canons nos. 230, 270; cantor 43; no. 270; castle 42, 45; no. 270; chapter

592

42-44; no. 270; church nos. 44, 184-185, 270; diocese 44; no. 59 Olympios, Michalis 8 Oreoi 86; bishop 53-54, 56; no. 222; church nos. 125, 200, 222; diocese 53; no. 222 Ormylia, suburb of Thessaloniki no. 57 Ossa (St Sosa), suburb of Thessaloniki no. 57 Ortega, Isabelle 11 (n.) Orvieto, letters issued at nos. 97100 Otranto, archbishop and port no. 103 Otto, archbishop of Genoa no. 223 Otto de la Roche, lord of Athens 33, 47, 52, 57-58, 78, 82, 98; nos. 7, 45, 59, 87-88, 134, 137, 181, 184-185, 198, 201-202, 205, 207-208, 226, 245, 252 Our Lady of Bethlehem, church (with chapter) in Constantinople 39; prior nos. 213, 215 Our Lady of Blachernae, church in Constantinople 40; dean 40, 98; nos. 17, 75, 135, 149-150, 196, 241-242 Our Lady of Cathicio, monastery 74; no. 166 Our Lady of Daphni see Daphni Our Lady of Hodegetria (Hytria), monastery 75; no. 146 Our Lady of Perchay (formerly Ysostis), Cistercian convent in Constantinople 61, 78-81; nos. 109, 118*, 189, 216-217 Our Lady of the Market, church in Thebes 33, 47; no. 10 P., canon, vicar and legate on Crete of Patriarch Gervase of Constantinople 82 (n.) P., master, canon of Patras no. 233 P. de Christo, archdeacon of Modon no. 190

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

Pacenasiense, location of a monastery of Greek nuns 74; no. 246 Padua, bishop no. 223 Pagano, Sergio 8 Pahlitzsch, Johannes 70 (n.) Palestine 59, 74, 76; nos. 5, 38, 269 Panagia Abbey 45, 74; no. 139 Pandulph, bishop-elect of Norwich, papal chamberlain no. 82 Panidos (Barbaros), bishop no. 206 Panormos no. 109 Paolo Corino, duke of Crete no. 266 Paphos 50 Parascheve nos. 38, 269 Paris, bishop 17 (n.); chapter 38 Parma, bishop no. 223 Parthenon see Athens, cathedral Patras, archbishop 37, 41, 45, 58; see also Antelm, archbishop of Patras; archdeaconate nos. 192, 220; archdeacon see John of Benevento; canons 41 (n.); nos. 81, 124, 170, 190, 233; see also Bohemond, James, Lantelm, P., and Pietro of Malpensa; castle no. 123; chapter 37, 58; nos. 123-125, 147, 231, 233; church nos. 81, 124, 147, 184-185, 192, 204, 230, 232234, 236; dean see H., dean of Patras; (arch)diocese 35, 4546, 52; nos. 125, 230; treasurer no. 230 Pegai (Biga), bishop nos. 248, 250; house no. 65 Pelagius Galvani, cardinal-bishop of Albano, papal legate 18 (n.), 20, 38, 40, 42, 43 (n.), 45, 4851, 54-58, 80 (n.), 81; nos. 14, 16-17, 58, 65, 69-70, 75, 78, 86-87, 90, 104, 113, 135, 138, 149, 155, 180-181, 184-185, 212-213, 215-216, 230, 233234, 238, 247, 258, 262, 270 Pelagonia, battle of (1259) 41 Pellegrino, archbishop of Brindisi 20; nos. 63, 103

593

Pendachomia no. 109 Peloponnese 13, 41, 52, 58, 97 Penteli see Mt Penteli Pera 72, 78; see St Angelus in Pera Perchay Abbey see Our Lady of Perchay Perugia, letters issued at nos. 1-4 Peter, bishop of Bethlehem no. 179 Peter, bishop of Olena 42-44, 46; nos. 44, 220, 270 Peter, canon of Hierapetra no. 93 Peter, nuncio of Giovanni Colonna, cardinal-priest of Santa Prassede, papal legate no. 108 Peter d’Aleman, knight, marshal and nuncio of the prince of Achaia nos. 127, 184, 198 Peter Capuano, cardinal-priest of San Marcello nos. 161, 179 Peter of Corbeil, archbishop of Sens no. 42 Peter II of Courtenay, count of Nevers, Auxerre, and Tonnerre, emperor of Constantinople 16-19, 22, 24, 32; nos. 6, 12, 19-20, 31, 40, 42, 136, 228 Peters-Custot, Annick 12 (n.) Ph., deacon of Constantinople no. 107 Philip, canon of Constantinople chapter 36 (n.) Philip II of Courtenay, count of Namur 22; no. 228 Philip of Mombis nos. 84, 184185 Philip of Perchay no. 109 Philippi 19; archbishop 19, 50; no. 37; see also William, archbishop of Philippi; diocese 39; no. 37 Phillips, Jonathan 12 (n.) Piatti, Pierantonio 12-13 (n.) Pietro Capuano, cardinal-priest of San Marcello, papal legate 39 Pietro da Malpensa, papal subdeacon, cantor of Modon nos. 230, 270

INDICES

Pietro Ziani, doge of Venice 76 (n.); nos. 33, 170, 172-173, 251, 267 Pisa, archbishop no. 223; church no. 1 Pisans see St Peter of the Pisans; Benenato, prior of the Church of the Pisans; Camp of the Pisans Pitra, Jean Baptiste 91, 92, 94 Platania see Holy Savior of Platania Poland, dukes no. 2 Potthast, August 36 (n.), 91 Pressutti, Pietro 17 (n.), 21-22 (n.), 43 (n.), 51 (n.), 79 (n.), 91-94 Provence 20 Puglia no. 101 Pyvates (Epivates), casale no. 109 R., preceptor of the house of St Sampson no. 198 Rabikauskas, Paul 90 (n.), 95 (n.) Radulph, prior of Arkheion 40; no. 75 Rainerio da Travagia of Lamia nos. 87, 184-185 Rainier, prior of San Frediano of Lucca, S.R.E. vice-chancellor nos. 5, 38, 52 Rainier of Gumula nos. 87, 184185 Ralph, bishop of Sydon no. 87 Ralph of Domfront, patriarch of Antioch 37 Ranulph, archbishop of Nicosia 71 Ravano dalle Carceri, lord of the island of Negroponte nos. 84, 184-185 Ravenna, archbishop no. 223 Ravennika resignation 56-58, 6364, 77; nos. 87-88, 127, 181, 184-185, 193, 197-198 Ravennika, house in no. 65 Raynaldi, Odorico 90, 91, 94 Redonie, casale no. 65 Rhaiktor, metochion no. 75 Rhodes, archbishop 51; church no. 122

594

Richard the Lionheart, king of England 12, 50 Richard, Jean 10 (n.), 31 (n.), 54, 75, 76 (n.), 82 (n.) Rieti, letters issued at nos. 94-95, 165-168, 265-268 Rieux, provost 48; no. 93 Robert, bishop-elect of Nazareth nos. 87, 184-185 Robert of Courtenay, emperor of Constantinople 22-23, 25, 27, 29-30, 39, 57, 98; nos. 127128, 130, 144-145, 158-161, 174, 189, 224, 229, 243-245, 249-250 Robert of Courtenay-Champignelles 17 (n.), 19; no. 42 Roes de Lagny 75 (n.) Roger II, king of Sicily 62, 65 Rolandino of Canossa nos. 87, 184-185 Romania passim Rome 7-8, 15, 17, 19, 28, 36-38, 43-44, 48, 51, 53-54, 58, 73-75, 91; Lateran see Lateran; Santa Prassede de Urbe no. 143; St Peter’s, letters issued at nos. 63-71 Rucanum nos. 38, 269 Rufiano, monastery near Chalcedon 72, 81; no. 135 S., agent of the chapter of Constantinople no. 262 S., archbishop of Nicomedia nos. 135, 194; archbishop-elect no. 64 St Anastasia, church in Constantinople 39; no. 37 St Angelos of Kypolusto, monastery on Mt Penteli 76; no. 84 St Angelos tou Kyr Klemes, tou Kirclimi see Hagios Angelos tou Kyr Klemes St Angelus, church in Thessaloniki 49; no. 171 St Angelus of Pera, Cistercian abbey 40, 72, 74, 78, 80-81; nos.

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

16-17, 135, 189, 213, 216-217, 241; abbot no. 258 St Barbara, Crete, church of St Nicholas nos. 38, 269 St Barbara, monastery no. 65 St Catherine on Mt Sinai, cathedral/monastery 49, 74-76, 90 (n.); nos. 26-27, 38, 157, 219, 227, 260, 264-269; bishop-abbot (Simon) see Simon, bishop-abbot of Mt Sinai; monks nos. 26-27, 157, 219, 227, 260, 265-269 St Demetrius, collegiate church in Thessaloniki 49-50; canons nos. 57-58, 66, 155; chapter nos. 58, 66, 238; dean no. 238; prior nos. 53, 57; vicars no. 239 St George of Mangana, monastery in Constantinople 40, 74-75; nos. 38, 117, 170, 269; confraternity no. 38; dean 98; nos. 17, 135, 149-150, 196, 241-242, 250; prior 74-75; no. 117 St James of Andreville, hospital 45; no. 65 St John Chrysostomos, monastery no. 38 St Jonas, church in Constantinople 40; no. 5 St Julian, church in Constantinople 40; no. 5 St Leo of Zakynthos, church no. 65 St Loup of Troyes, church 75 (n.) St Luke, bishop of Isola di Capo Rizzuto 62 St Mark, church in Constantinople 39; prior no. 241 St Mark of Negroponte, prior nos. 272-276 St Mary Evergetis see Theotokos Evergetis St Mary Magdalen in Acre, Cistercian convent 80-81; no. 189 St Mary of Daphni see Daphni St Mary of the Crociferi, Candia diocese 48; prior no. 93

595

St Mary see also Our Lady St Michael of Boukoleon, collegiate church in Constantinople, dean and chapter 40-41; nos. 14-17, 75; canons see G., master, canon of Boukoleon, Warner, canon of St Michael; cantor no. 258; dean 40, 98; nos. 149-150, 196, 241-242, 262 St Nicholas, church in Livadeia, near the market no. 180 St Nicholas, Crete nos. 38, 269 St Nicholas de Catapharo no. 200 St Nicholas of Kalissia, monastery on Mt Penteli 76; no. 84 St Nicholas of St Barbara, Candia (Herakleion), Crete nos. 38, 269 St Paul, church in Constantinople 40; chapter 40; dean 40; no. 17 St Paul de Urbe, Rome, abbot and convent no. 117 St Peter of the Pisans, church in Constantinople, prior and chapter 35, 39, 73, 75; no. 179; prior nos. 179, 215 St Phocas, monastery 40, 74, 81; nos. 15-17 St Sabas 60 St Sampson, Hospital 22-23, 39; nos. 98, 151 St Severin-de-Château-Landon, abbot no. 228 St Sosa see Ossa St Stephen, Cistercian abbey in diocese of Constantinople 78, 81; nos. 216-217 St Symeon, Crete, church nos. 38, 269 St Theodore, Nicosia, Cistercian convent 80-81 St Theodota, casale of the church of no. 123 St Theodosios, monastery in Palestine 40, 74, 76; abbot Nicholas and convent nos. 5, 46

INDICES

Saint-Guillain, Guillaume 60 (n.), 79 (n.), 92, 94 Saint-Omer nos. 20, 87, 184-185 Salona Castle (Amfissa) 58; no. 207 San Paolo, convent in Rome 74 San Lorenzo fuori le mura, church in Rome no. 12 San Tommaso dei Borgognoni, monastery on the island of Torcello in Venice 78, 81-82; no. 218 Santa Prassede, monastic church in Rome 73; no. 143 Santi Cosma e Damiano, collegiate church in Rome 75; no. 146 Santifaller, Leo 30 (n.), 36 (n.), 75 (n.), 82 (n.), 92, 94 Saphadinus, abbey see Holy Savior, church in the diocese of Modon Savoy 78 Scaffini, Guido 76 (n.), 90 (n.), 92, 94, 96 (n.) Scalaripe no. 109 Schirò, Giuseppe 62 (n.) Schmitt, John 44 (n.) Sclave Vafe nos. 38, 269 Segni, letters issued at nos. 179192 Selymbria, bishop 98; nos. 113, 120, 213-215, 241, 248, 250, 258, 262; house no. 65 Sens, archbishop no. 42; diocese no. 228 Serbochoria no. 109 Serres 49; nos. 65, 87, 131; archbishop 49; house no. 65 Settia, Aldo A. 29 (n.) Setton, Kenneth M. 11 (n.), 46-47, 55, 75; no. 87 (n.) Sgora no. 109 Shawcross, Teresa 11 (n.), 56 (n.), 60 (n.) Sicily, kingdom 62-63, 65, 69 Sidon, dean no. 55; bishop nos. 87, 184-185 Siegfried, cardinal-bishop of Santa Sabina no. 61

596

Simon, bishop-abbot of Mt Sinai nos. 27, 38, 219, 227, 265, 267269 Simon de Lagny 75 (n.) Spanakis Stergios S. 66 (n.) Sparta (Lacedaemon), church 44, 46, 52; nos. 125, 184-185; bishop see W., bishop of Sparta; chapter no. 125 Split 16 Stathakopoulos, Dionysios 23 (n.), 60 (n.) Stelari (Stillariensis) 52 (n.) Stephen, abbot of Monte Cassino nos. 24-25, 163 Sterianon no. 269 Stiris, abbey see Hosios Loukas of Stiris Stratigo, house on Crete nos. 38, 269 Strehlke, Ernestus 45 (n.) Syria 82; nos. 38, 269 T., canon vicar and legate on Crete of Patriarch Gervase of Constantinople 82 (n.) T. Dandolo, castellan of Coron, castellan of Modon nos. 272, 274, 276 Talbot, Alice Mary 33 (n.) Tarantaise, archbishop no. 223 Tautu, Ludovic (Aloysius) 74 (n.), 92, 94 Templar of Tyre 59 Templars no. 245; house of no. 230; master and brothers no. 115 Temple of the Lord, Athens, prior 47, 54; nos. 7-10, 45 Thachinari no. 109 Thapenguma no. 109 Thastavary no. 109 Thebes nos. 8-10, 59; archbishop 33, 47, 54, 74, 98; see also Hardouin, imperial chaplain, archbishop of Thebes; archdeacon nos. 87, 184-185; archdeaconate no. 59; canons no. 44;

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

see also Girard of Besançon; cantor nos. 43, 208, 238; chapter 33-34, 46-47, 74; nos. 8-11, 53 (n.), 59, 62, 88, 257; church nos. 184-185; churches see Kalama Monastery, Dyasito Monastery, Our Lady of the Market; dean nos. 43, 55, 208; (arch) diocese 46-47, 58; no. 200 Theodore, bishop of Negroponte 54, 86 Theodore Komnenos Doukas, despot of Epirus 17-24, 26, 2829, 49, 76, 87, 96, 98; nos. 3031, 33, 35-36, 47-51, 63, 103, 159, 131, 176, 239 Theodore Lascaris, emperor of Nicaea 13, 35; no. 141 Theotokos Evergetis, monastery 73; nos. 24-25, 163-165 Thermopylai, bishop 83; nos. 134, 184-185; see also Arnulph, bishop of Thermopylai; church 53; nos. 53, 87, 134, 162, 184-185, 211 Thessaloniki 17, 23-25, 28-30, 44, 47, 49-50, 56, 74, 78-79; nos. 87, 184-185; archbishop see Warin, archbishop of Thessaloniki; archdeacon 18; nos. 36, 66, 88; archdeaconate no. 82; bailli of the kingdom see Berthold II of Katzenenlbogen; canons nos. 57-58; cantor no. 66; cathedral of Hagia Sophia 49; chapter 34; no. 58; church no. 57; churches see Lord’s Sepulcher, St Angelus, St Demetrius; city no. 252; dean see Alexander, master, papal subdeacon; diocese, abbey of Choirtaïton no. 66; king 17, 23, 98; nos. 128, 133; see also Demetrius of Montferrat; kingdom 13, 15, 18 (n.), 21, 23-26, 28-29, 49-50, 55 (n.), 57, 86-87; nos. 3, 13, 20, 87, 102, 126-128, 130, 132-133,

597

175-177, 223-224, 226, 239, 243-244, 251, 271; regent 22; suburbs see Miridomo (Mydonia?), Ormylia, Ossa (St Sosa); treasurer no. 66 Thessaly 23, 29, 74 (n.) Thoftomi no. 109 Thogrippo no. 109 Thoivany no. 109 Thomas, bishop of Eger no. 141 Thomas, master, canon of Herakleia nos. 241-242 Thomas d’Autremencourt nos. 87, 184-185 Thomas de Episcopo, cardinalpriest of Santa Sabina nos. 181, 184-185 Thomas Morosini, Patriarch of Constantinople 30-31, 39 (n.); nos. 56, 87, 127, 166, 184-185 Tivoli, letters issued at nos. 261264 Tofrem, prastio no. 109 Tonnerre no. 228 Tosipa, metochion 75; no. 146 Toth, Peter 8, 74 (n.) Tou Mousicou (Tumusico) no. 15 Tournai, church nos. 126, 169; see also Walter of Marvis, bishop of Tournai Tripoli 81 Troas (Troy, Asia Minor) 51 (n.) Troia, Apulia 51 (n.) Trolotyn no. 109 Troy, dean nos. 132-133 Troyes 75-76 (n.); bishop see Warner (Garnier) de Trainel Tsirpanlis, Zacharias N. 66 (n.), 67-68 Tsougarakis, Nickiphoros I. 8, 11 (n.), 47 (n.), 56 (n.), 77 (n.), 78, 79 (n.), 82 (n.), 84 (n.) Tuscany 24; no. 221 Uberto di Biandrate, count, (former) regent of Thessaloniki 22; nos. 144, 224

INDICES

Ughelli, Ferdinando 35 (n.)36 (n.) Ugolino di Conti, see Gregory IX, pope Vácz, bishop see Briccio, bishop of Vácz Van Tricht, Filip 11 (n.), 13, 17 (n.), 22 (n.), 29-30 (n.), 31, 5052 (n.), 76 (n.); no. 53 (n.) Vastiana (Bestiana), house no. 65 Veligosti (Viligurdensis), church 52; no. 125 Venetians, podestà see Marino Storlato Venice 13, 16-18, 20, 28, 31, 35-36, 67-68, 81-82, 90, 92; bishop see Mark de Nicola, bishop of Castello; clergy no. 50; doge 18, 28; see Pietro Ziani; priests no. 113 Verona, bishop no. 223 Vicenza, bishop no. 223 Viterbo 36 (n.); letter issued at no. 96 Voisin, Ludivine 7-8, 11 (n.), 61 (n.), 70 (n.), 72, 73-77 (n.), 101 W., bishop of Sparta (consecrated bishop of Olena) no. 44; see also W[illiam?], bishop of Sparta W. of Lille, master no. 55 Walter, archbishop of Corinth 61 (n.) Walter, chancellor of Constantinople no. 262 Walter of Marvis, bishop of Tournai nos. 126, 169 Warin, archbishop of Thessaloniki 31, 49; nos. 87-88, 128, 133, 155 Warin, chancellor of Constantinople no. 107 Warner, canon of St Michael of Boukoleon no. 95

598

Warner, nuncio of Giovanni Colonna no. 108 Warner (Garnier) of Trainel, bishop of Troyes no. 179 Wicard, Theban knight no. 59 William, archbishop of Philippi 19, 50; nos. 41, 66 W[illiam?], bishop of Sparta 44; nos. 44, 125, 153, 181, 203 William, S.R.E. vice-chancellor no. 109 William of Bloville nos. 87, 184185 William of Champlitte 13 (n.) William of Courtenay, lord of Tanlay 23-24; no. 177 William of Larissa nos. 87, 184185 William de Lury no. 230 William of Montferrat, marquis 17, 21, 23-29, 57, 98; nos. 13, 1819, 102, 127-128, 133, 175, 177-178, 221, 223-226, 239240, 243-245, 248-249, 252, 261 William II of Villehardouin, prince 41 William of Sains nos. 87, 184-185 Wolff, Robert Lee 9, 15 (n.), 3031 (n.), 39 (n.), 41 (n.), 5152 (n.), 54, 55-57 (n.), 84 (n.), 92, 94 Ycantis no. 109 Ychiameny no. 109 Yculus no. 109 Yiorieti no. 109 Ylissopena no. 109 Ymacricora, prastio no. 109 Ymaniche no. 109 Yoi no. 109 Yolanda, empress of Constantinople 17, 32; nos. 12, 44, 69-70, 94-95 Ypapya no. 109 Ypati see Neopatras Ypheluti no. 109

INDEX NOMINUM ET LOCORUM

Ysomandres no. 109 Ysostis see Our Lady of Perchay Ystrilegera no. 109 Yves, master, canon of Constantinople no. 277 Zakynthos (Zante) no. 65; church no. 125; diocese 46, 52; St Leo, church see St Leo of Zakynthos

599

Zakythinos, Dionysios A. 41 (n.) Zaratoria, bishop nos. 87, 184-185 Zelpia, castle nos. 87, 184-185 Zemenon, church and diocese 52; no. 125

INDEX RERUM

abbesses 79; nos. 109, 118*, 189, 216-217 abbeys 40, 45, 47, 51 (n.), 74-75, 78-83, 85; nos. 53, 76, 78, 88, 124, 127-128, 130, 139, 184, 193, 197, 230 abbots 41, 48, 51 (n.), 70, 72-73, 75, 77, 80-83, 85-86; nos. 5, 7-10, 16-17, 20, 24-25, 27-28, 43, 45-46, 52, 59, 66, 83-84, 117, 120, 134-135, 143, 163164, 189, 193, 197, 213, 216218, 228, 230, 237, 239, 241, 243, 252, 254, 258, 271 absenteeism nos. 95, 119, 196, 233-234, 243, 247 absolution nos. 8, 22, 49, 59, 91, 96, 105, 107, 111-112, 127, 129, 134, 138, 152-154, 170, 184, 207, 210, 222, 230, 239, 244, 248, 258, 269, 272 abuses, clerical 34, 36-37, 62, 77, 85-86; nos. 59, 127, 230, 270 accusers nos. 101, 104, 108 adoption, spiritual 20; no. 47 adulterers 43, 67; no. 270 advice nos. 30, 39-40, 45, 56, 80, 83, 87-88, 107, 127-128, 130, 133, 144, 147, 159, 170, 173, 184-185, 188, 192, 206, 220, 239, 243, 250, 269, 277 age, young nos. 13, 18, 102, 141

601

agents (procuratores) 33, 36 (n.), 45, 58; nos. 8-9, 53, 61, 66, 75, 107, 128, 133, 148, 163, 181, 184, 196, 198, 208, 213-215, 220, 236, 258, 262, 268, 277 agreements 24-25, 40, 54-72, 77, 80, 85; (compositiones) nos. 1617, 37, 53, 78, 87, 110, 128, 130, 132-133, 141, 184-185, 191, 214, 238, 272; (concordiae) nos. 144, 184-185, 198; (pacta sive conventiones) nos. 87, 184185; (pactiones) nos. 138, 189, 225 agriculture 84; nos. 5, 46, 84, 109, 218, 227 aid (subsidia) 16, 18, 20-29, 77; nos. 6, 28, 42, 49, 60, 78, 80, 144145, 153, 223-224, 228, 244, 248-251, 261 akrosticha (acrostica) 58, 63-65, 68, 85; nos. 87, 127-128, 184-185, 190, 208 alms 82; nos. 27, 218 altars nos. 109, 230 ambassadors 76; see also nuncios anathema no. 179 animals 43; nos. 5, 84, 109, 227, 270 anniversaries nos. 212-213, 216 annullations nos. 53, 189, 192 anointed persons nos. 113

INDICES

anointing no. 105 Apostolic See, travel to 48, 53; nos. 91, 93, 196 appeals nos. 9, 44, 59, 66, 75, 101, 108, 138, 222, 270, 277 applicatio no. 200 appointments, of patriarchs 31, 35, 39; no. 107 arbitration 33; nos. 9, 181 archbishoprics 41-55; no. 230; consolidation nos. 125, 188, 206 archbishops 18-20, 22-24, 31, 33, 35, 37, 39, 41-54, 63, 66-68, 70-71, 73-77, 82, 85-87; nos. 8-11, 20, 27, 35, 41, 42, 44-45, 53, 59, 61-63, 66, 85-88, 9092, 103-104, 116, 119, 121133, 135, 137, 147, 149, 152, 155, 157, 162, 166, 173, 178, 180, 184-185, 188, 190, 192, 194-195, 197-198, 200, 204, 206-207, 210-211, 214, 216220, 222-223, 227, 230-233, 235-236, 238-239, 243, 252, 257, 261, 265, 271, 277 archbishops-elect 40; nos. 64, 75, 87-88, 184-185 archdeaconates 38, 44, 46; nos. 5960, 82, 154, 192, 220 archdeacons 18, 20, 38, 44-46, 49, 74, 82-83, 97; nos. 28, 36, 61, 66, 78, 86-88, 104, 113, 134, 139-140, 154, 169, 181, 184, 190, 192, 215, 220, 222, 230, 236, 248, 250, 258, 270 armed men no. 270 armies nos. 30-31, 35, 42, 97, 202, 239-240, 243-244, 248 arms 22, 24; nos. 151, 176 arrangements (ordinationes) nos. 81, 123-124, 150, 182, 188, 206, 208 asses see donkeys assizes (terrae assisae, rented land) 62; no. 128 auditors nos. 53, 61, 75, 101, 108, 220, 258, 262

602

avarice no. 222 bailli nos. 20, 32, 40-41, 110, 128, 170, 172, 174 banishment nos. 127, 138 bans no. 262 barons 21, 24, 27-28, 44, 56, 63; nos. 20, 23, 26, 29, 69-70, 78, 87-88, 110-112, 127-128, 130, 145, 170, 172, 174, 184-185, 214, 221, 243-244, 248, 252 beards 85; no. 230 benefices 27, 45-46; nos. 59, 82, 86, 95, 114, 126, 152, 169, 196, 215, 243, 247, 258 bequests 23; nos. 115, 212-213, 217 bishoprics 41-55; nos. 44, 53, 222; consolidation nos. 54, 78, 90, 125, 188, 203, 256 bishops 17 (n.), 19-20, 23, 26, 29, 33, 35, 42-54, 58-63, 65, 68-72, 75, 79, 82-83, 86-87; nos. 1, 5, 20-22, 35, 37, 41, 43-45, 4850, 53-55, 59, 61, 63, 78-79, 87-88, 92, 99, 103, 107, 109, 113, 120-121, 125-130, 132134, 137, 141, 147, 149, 152154, 169, 179, 181-186, 190191, 195, 197-198, 200, 203204, 206, 213-217, 219-220, 222-223, 227-228, 230-233, 236, 239-241, 243, 248, 250, 252, 258, 260-263, 265, 268, 270-277; bishop-abbot of Mt Sinai nos. 27, 38, 219, 227, 265-269 bishops-elect 40; nos. 75, 82, 87, 108, 125, 137, 184-185 branding no. 127 brothers 17, 19, 21-24, 27, 30; nos. 13, 18-19, 30, 41, 82, 102, 168, 243-244, 248 Bulgarians 13, 19, 29, 50; no. 66 bulls, of barons no. 128; imperial no. 128; papal no. 236 burials 81, 83; nos. 134-135 burgi no. 123

INDEX RERUM

butlers of the Empire of Constantinople no. 20 calogeri nos. 87, 184-185 camps see fields canon law no. 262; see also Lateran III, Lateran IV canons regular 47 (n.), 39, 49, 7475; nos. 57-58, 69, 81, 124, 146, 155-156, 166-167; number of no. 67 canons secular 35-36 (n.), 38-50, 82 (n.); nos. 44, 55-59, 66, 69, 75, 81, 87, 93, 95, 99, 107, 124, 140, 155, 158, 169-170, 173, 184-185, 190-191, 214-215, 230-234, 238, 241-242, 258, 270, 277; provision of, patriarchal no. 215; number of 38, 4550; nos. 11, 14, 106, 116, 140, 209, 264 cantors 38, 43-46, 49; nos. 43, 66, 87, 140, 142, 184-185, 208, 238, 258, 270 captives 17-20, 22 (n.), 35, 87; nos. 30-36, 48, 127, 228 capture, of Archbishop William of Philippi no. 41; of clerics nos. 127, 270; of Constantinople nos. 87, 127-128, 179, 184185; of Giovanni Colonna, papal legate 17-18; nos. 31, 42, 159; of Emperor Peter of Constantinople 17-18; nos. 31, 42; of Thessaloniki 28, 32; no. 252; of travelers no. 230 cardinals 17, 18 (n.), 20-21, 34-42, 43 (n.), 45-51, 53-58, 72-74, 77, 80 (n.), 81-83, 85, 98; nos. 6, 14-18, 20, 22-25, 29-31, 3536, 39-40, 48-51, 53, 58, 61, 64-65, 67-71, 75-81, 85-88, 90, 96-99, 101-102, 104, 108, 110-114, 117, 121-125, 127128, 130, 134-135, 138-140, 142-144, 146-150, 152, 154156, 159, 161-164, 166-167, 170-172, 174, 179, 181-182,

603

184-185, 188, 198, 200-201, 205-208, 211-216, 220, 222, 230, 233-234, 247, 254, 256258, 262, 264, 270, 272 casalia (villages) 64, 69-70; nos. 38, 53, 65, 109, 123-124, 128, 171, 184-185, 269 castellans 48, 57, 90 (n.); nos. 272276 castles 23, 28, 39, 42-45, 49, 55-56, 58; nos. 37, 53, 123, 168, 180, 198, 207, 226, 261, 270 cells, monastic no. 83 cemeteries, burial outside 19; no. 41; see also exhumation census see akrosticha chalices no. 230 chamberlains nos. 82, 228 chancellors nos. 107, 127, 262 chapels no. 94 chaplains 42, 47; nos. 30, 75, 87, 101, 108, 126, 169, 184-185, 258, 270 chaplaincy (capellania) nos. 212213, 216 chapters, cathedral 24, 33-50, 51 (n.), 56, 58, 68, 74, 81, 83; nos. 8-11, 39, 53, 59-60, 62, 69, 87-88, 101, 106-108, 110, 114, 116-117, 123, 125, 128, 130, 132, 135, 147, 152, 176, 180183, 185, 189-191, 198, 200, 206, 208-209, 212-215, 231, 233, 241-242, 255-256, 258, 262-265, 268-270; collegiate 39-40, 49-50; nos. 14-17, 37, 58, 66-68, 70-71, 75, 132, 238; general of the Cistercian Order 81; no. 135 children 61, 63-64, 67, 70, 72; nos. 6, 13, 18, 87, 89, 141, 184-185, 199, 228 choir, grant of stalls in no. 215 churches (buildings, as possessions) 21, 33, 35-36, 49, 54-55, 71; nos. 5, 10, 12, 38, 41, 56, 65, 78, 87-88, 100, 123, 127-128, 138, 156, 171, 179-180, 184-

INDICES

185, 191, 212-213, 216, 222, 230, 232, 250, 262, 269, 270; fabric nos. 143, 183, 191, 212213, 216, 230, 232; ornaments nos. 212-213, 216, 230, 232; roof no. 123 chrysobulls see bulls, imperial ciboria 27; no. 250 Cistercians 14, 27, 39-41, 47, 51 (n.), 61, 72, 74, 78-83, 90 (n.); nos. 7, 16-17, 45, 59, 66, 96, 118*, 134-135, 189, 213, 216-218, 230, 237, 241, 243, 258 citations, to the patriarch’s court no. 66 cities (civitates) nos. 127-128, 144145, 184-185, 224, 252 clergy nos. 50, 56, 107, 110, 114, 128, 133, 138, 179, 184-185; see also clerics; cloistered 83; nos. 172, 174, 237; higher no. 1; see also prelates clerics 18 (n.), 24, 26, 34; nos. 5, 8, 20, 23, 29-30, 40, 59, 87, 9193, 96, 105-107, 127-130, 132, 138, 148, 152, 154, 172, 174, 180, 184-185, 195-196, 198, 209, 215, 222, 230, 239, 243245, 248-249, 253-254, 258, 261, 270-271 cloisters nos. 87, 128, 172, 174, 179, 184-185 clothing nos. 41, 243; sheep’s no. 120; see also vestments collegiate churches see Andreville, Our Lady of Blachernae, St Demetrius, St George of Mangana, St Michael of Boukoleon, St Paul Comerc no. 38 commerce 14; nos. 38, 78, 269 commissio nos. 54-55, 234 communion no. 269; see also Eucharist concessiones 35, 43, 53, 75, 95, 97; nos. 5, 24-25, 46, 54-55, 62, 72, 82, 84, 94, 105, 115, 122, 136,

604

143, 146, 151, 160, 164-168, 171, 174-175, 179, 182-183, 187-188, 191, 193, 201, 205, 208-211, 223, 225, 234-235, 246-247, 259, 262, 269 concubines no. 230 conferrals nos. 8, 24, 59, 62, 77, 114, 117, 121, 135, 143, 146, 156, 169, 171, 179, 184-185, 233-234, 243, 245, 249, 258, 261 confirmations 63, 97; nos. 5, 11, 14-17, 24-25, 38-39, 56-58, 60, 62, 65, 83, 87-88, 106, 110, 114, 116-117, 121-125, 127128, 130, 136, 139, 142-143, 146-147, 149, 155-156, 161163, 166-168, 171, 179-180, 184-185, 189, 200, 254, 256, 265-266 conscience, guilty no. 241 consecrations, of altars no. 109; of archbishops no. 64; of bishops 44; nos. 44, 61 (n.); of patriarchs no. 56; of popes 97; of priests 86; no. 78 constables nos. 87, 184-185 constitutiones 80 (n.); nos. 13, 22, 56, 59, 71, 79, 83-84, 87, 93, 95, 133, 140, 149, 155, 200, 208, 212-214, 216-217, 225, 230, 233-234, 238, 256, 263-264, 270, 272 conversi 82-83; no. 134 copper 36; no. 138 coronations 15, 17, 32; nos. 12, 19, 181, 183-185, 191 corvées 62-63, 66, 69; nos. 87, 127-128, 184-185 counsel, in the spirit of wiser 23, 96; nos. 30, 159 counselors (consiliari) no. 88 countesses no. 228 counts 13, 16, 22, 25; nos. 6, 20, 136, 144-145, 184-185, 224225, 228 court cases 19, 33, 38, 40, 84; nos. 7-8, 10, 53, 59, 61, 66, 75, 77-

INDEX RERUM

78, 101, 108, 204, 220, 230, 236, 258, 262, 273, 275-276 cousins 25; no. 229 cross, carried before the patriarch no. 77; in monasteries see stauropegion; taking of see crusaders crusaders nos. 6, 30, 42, 50-51, 7374, 153, 175, 178, 223, 228, 244, 249 cultivation see agriculture cure of souls no. 95 curia see papal curia customary practices nos. 128, 234 customs dues no. 128 damages nos. 26, 30, 87, 127-128, 184-185, 198, 222, 260-261 daughters 70; no. 141 deacons 69, 72; no. 107 deans 38-40, 45-51, 83, 97; nos. 7-10, 14-17, 28, 37, 43-44, 55, 61, 66, 75, 87-88, 101, 106, 108, 116, 120, 132-133, 135, 142, 147-150, 153, 181, 184185, 196, 208, 215, 230-231, 233, 238, 241-243, 247, 250, 262 death, of bishops no. 134; of clergy 85; no. 230; of emperors 16-19; nos. 40, 228; of kings 26; of patriarchs 21, 35, 38-39; of popes 13, 15, 32, 46, 87; nos. 1, 53 debts nos. 87, 184-186, 228, 232, 243 decrees, synodal no. 112 defects, in candidates no. 257 defense 15 (n.), 17 (n.), 20, 23-25, 76; nos. 73-74, 151, 175, 177, 182-185, 191, 193, 197-198, 202, 223-224, 226, 244, 248 delegates nos. 53, 227; papal nos. 241-242, 268; without mandate no. 66 depositions of witnesses nos. 61, 190, 208 derelict property 72; nos. 135, 183, 191

605

despoliation nos. 10, 27, 228, 230, 233, 262, 270 despots see Theodore Komnenos Doukas destruction 42, 74, 85; nos. 27, 87, 127, 179, 183-185, 191, 230, 246 difficult matters no. 63 diffinitio no. 192 dignities nos. 101, 106, 108, 168 dioceses 13, 35, 37, 39, 41, 44-54, 66-67, 72, 74-75, 78, 82; nos. 7-10, 16-17, 28, 37, 41-43, 59, 66, 82, 93, 117, 118*, 125, 135, 143, 146-147, 169, 179, 184185, 188, 195, 200, 206, 216218, 222-223, 228, 254, 260, 265, 269-270; travel outside of nos. 59, 66, 133, 214 disobedience see obedience to the Roman Church dispensations nos. 200, 241 disputes 18-19, 22-23, 34, 45-49, 52, 55, 57; nos. 21, 40, 53-54, 75, 86, 125, 214 divine cult no. 243 documents nos. 15-16, 25, 125, 166, 184-185, 191, 197, 204, 208, 258 doge of Venice 18, 28, 76 (n.); nos. 33, 170, 172-173, 251, 267 Dominicans 83-84 donations 57; nos. 15, 109, 126, 148, 169 donkeys 42; no. 230 dukes 76 (n.); nos. 2, 26, 266; see also doge of Venice elections; of abbots 76-77; no. 83; of archbishops nos. 53 (n.), 64, 257; of bishops 34, 44-45, 47; nos. 44, 73; of emperors nos. 6; of patriarchs of Constantinople 31, 35, 38-40; nos. 56, 75, 107, 161, 263, 277; of popes 2, 14; no. 87 (n.)

INDICES

eleventh 57; nos. 128, 130, 135, 148, 214, 272 emperors see Baldwin II, Frederick II, Henry of Hainault, John Asen II, John III Vatatzes, Manuel I Komnenos, Peter II of Courtenay, Robert of Courtenay, Theodore Lascaris; see also Constantinople, emperors empires nos. 1, 12, 20, 33, 77, 81, 127-129, 144-145, 224, 228229 empresses see Margaret,Yolanda Eucharist, desecration of no. 230 excommunicates, excommunication 12, 19-22, 24, 26-27, 3334, 36, 40, 42, 46, 48, 56-58, 64, 70, 76-77, 82-84, 87; nos. 7-8, 22, 38, 40-41, 50-51, 53, 59, 72, 75, 78-79, 87-88, 91, 94, 99, 103, 109, 111-112, 127, 134, 137-138, 144-145, 152, 154, 160, 170, 176, 184-187, 198, 201, 205, 207, 227, 230, 239, 241-245, 248, 253, 259, 269-270, 272-276 exemptions 38, 63, 68, 75-77; nos. 77-78, 147, 254; from repaying incomes from church property 58; nos. 182-183, 191, 193, 197, 201, 205 exhumation 83; no. 134 eyes, gouging out of 85; no. 230

forgery 41-42, 80, 82; nos. 105, 218 forgiveness of sins see remission of sins Franciscans 83-84; nos. 101, 108 Franks 22, 31, 35, 38, 48, 57, 61-62, 65, 67, 70, 72, 81 (n.), 86; nos. 107, 128, 130, 132-133, 148, 173-174, 179, 196, 208, 212214 fraud nos. 42, 129, 243 freedom 61-62, 65-71, 85; nos. 18, 31, 33, 48-51, 159, 184-185 French 25-26; no. 42, 229 Friars Minor See Franciscans fruits see proceeds

faculty of theology nos. 247, 262 faithful (in Christ) 21 (n.); nos. 12, 20, 26, 42, 66, 77-78, 83, 151, 157-158, 175, 224, 260, 266267, 269 families see households feet, mutiliation of no. 230 fields nos. 128, 179 fifteenth 56; nos. 69-70 fishponds, fisheries nos. 65, 109, 128, 168 food (victualia) 24; no. 176 forests (silvae) nos. 128, 168

habit no. 96; clerical no. 129; monastic nos. 109, 230; religious no. 21; secular no. 230 hamlets (agridia) no. 109 hanging 43, 85; nos. 230, 270 harassment nos. 26-27, 40, 93, 128, 214, 219, 222, 227, 260-262 hearths nos. 128, 184-185 hebdomadarians no. 262 heirs nos. 37, 87, 184-185 henchmen no. 41 heretics 20-21, 59, 77, 83; no. 230 hermits nos. 27, 48, 99

606

galleys 25; nos. 176, 225 gardens nos. 109, 227 General Council see Lateran III, Lateran IV Genoese 9, 61; nos. 103, 223 gold no. 243; pounds of nos. 38, 269 grain nos. 109, 270 granges no. 109 Greeks introduction, passim; nos. 5, 30-31, 41-42, 78, 84, 87, 125, 127-128, 135, 144-146, 151, 178, 182, 184, 224, 230, 243244; time of (-1204) nos. 12, 76, 78, 87, 99, 125, 127-128, 135, 146-147, 179, 182, 184185, 190-191, 224

INDEX RERUM

holdings (tenimenta) nos. 5, 65, 100, 136 Holy Land 16, 21 (n.); nos. 5-6, 30, 42, 49, 73-74, 97, 115, 144145, 153, 175, 177, 223-225, 228, 239, 243-244, 248, 251252, 271 holy orders nos. 78, 87, 113, 184185, 230 homicide 18-19, 42, 50; nos. 31, 41, 66, 230; attempted 43; no. 270 honoriae (‘ενορία), possessions of parish churches no. 183 horses 22, 24, 26; nos. 97, 151, 176, 230, 243; equitaturae 26; nos. 127, 239 Hospitallers 23, 27, 49; nos. 53, 243 hospitals, hospices (hospitalia) 2223, 39-40, 45, 47; nos. 5, 65, 98, 151, 171 hostages see captives households 64; nos. 127-128, 172, 174, 184-185 houses nos. 5, 38, 65, 127, 219, 265, 266, 269-270 husbands 25-26; no. 229 hyperpera 27-28; nos. 58, 109, 128, 148, 167, 182, 184-185, 192, 208, 250, 261 hyperperates (of land) nos. 127, 130, 135, 148, 171, 173, 198 illegitimacy 43, 59; no. 270 illiterate clergy 43, 47; nos. 257, 270 illness 26; nos. 152, 243 immunities see liberties and immunities; see also exemptions imprisonment 43, 85; nos. 127, 230, 270 income see revenues incontinence, infamous no. 230 indulgences 22-24, 26; nos. 5, 2122, 46, 78-79, 84, 91, 94, 100, 105, 111-112, 120, 129, 144145, 160, 172, 174-175, 177178, 182, 187, 189, 201, 205,

607

223, 225, 227, 230, 234, 243249, 258-259, 262, 277 infidels 81; nos. 12, 78 inhibitio nos. 14, 42, 115, 128, 147, 216 injuries nos. 6, 8, 26-27, 30-31, 33, 35, 37, 42, 67, 87, 93, 111, 127, 129, 184-185, 198, 219, 222, 260; see also molestation inquisitions see investigations insignia, pontifical no. 21 interdict 33-34, 46, 82-83; nos. 5, 7, 22, 38, 41, 59, 72, 78-79, 88, 94, 109, 127, 134, 152, 154, 160, 170, 198, 202, 204, 230, 253, 269 investigations 33, 40, 43, 45, 58; nos. 8-9, 37, 43-46, 61, 63, 104, 141, 182-185, 190-191, 197198, 204, 208, 230-231, 236, 270 investiture nos. 13, 19 islands 48, 50, 52-55, 68, 71, 81-82; nos. 27, 38, 87, 91, 93, 109, 171, 184-185, 219, 227 ius patronatus 74; nos. 62, 246 iussio nos. 184-185, 212, 216 jurisdiction nos. 8-9, 128, 147, 172, 174, 184-185, 254 killings see homicide kingdoms 9, 13-15, 17, 21-29, 4950, 54-55, 57, 62-65, 68-69, 86-87; nos. 3, 6, 13, 18, 20, 42, 87, 102, 127-128, 130, 132133, 141, 175, 177, 184-185, 223-224, 226, 239, 243, 251, 271 kings no. 3; see Andrew II, Bela  IV, Demetrius of Montferrat, Hugh I Lusignan, John, Louis VIII, Richard the Lionheart, Roger II kissing, of feet no. 148; of Gospel no. 113 knights 21-22, 24-26; nos. 23, 27, 29, 59, 69-70, 78, 87-88, 110,

INDICES

127-128, 145, 176, 181, 184185, 198, 221, 244, 248, 255, 266-267, 269 lamps nos. 26, 123, 212-213, 216 Lateran III, church council nos. 59 Lateran IV, church council 31-32, 40, 51, 54, 57, 72, 84; nos. 4-7, 28, 59, 61, 75, 78, 84-85, 87, 93, 105, 109, 127, 133, 135, 208, 214, 227, 230, 238, 273276 Latins, passim; nos. 6, 31-33, 40-42, 49, 68, 78, 81, 87, 92, 103, 125, 127-129, 135, 145, 158, 171172, 174, 176, 185, 203, 208, 224, 226, 229-230, 239, 243245, 248-249, 251-252; time of (1204-) nos. 125, 128, 203, 208 lawsuits 32-33, 48, 50; nos. 7, 27, 40, 53, 66, 75-76, 93, 110, 128, 130, 172, 174, 181, 228, 238; see also petitions lay brothers see conversi laypersons 21, 27, 30, 43, 52, 58-59, 64-67, 71, 75, 77; nos. 23, 29, 40, 78, 87, 91, 93, 127-128, 143, 146, 167, 172, 174, 179, 184-185, 203-204, 208, 214, 222, 230, 244-245, 248-249, 253, 270 lead 36; no. 138 legates, papal 17-18, 20, 23, 26, 29, 34-37, 39, 42, 45-48, 50-51, 53-54, 56-57, 72-73, 82-84, 86-87, 98; nos. 6, 14-18, 20, 22-25, 29-31, 33, 35-36, 3940, 42, 48-51, 53 (n.), 64-65, 67-71, 75-82, 85-88, 90-91, 96-99, 101-102, 104, 108, 110-115, 117, 121-125, 127128, 134-135, 138-140, 142143, 146-150, 152, 154-156, 161-167, 170-172, 174, 179180, 182, 184-185, 188, 198, 200-201, 205-208, 211-214, 216-217, 222, 230, 233-234,

608

238-239, 244, 247, 252, 254, 256-259, 262, 264, 268, 270272; see also Benedict, Giovanni Colonna, Gregory IX, Pelagius Galvani, Pietro Capuano; patriarchal 33-34, 44, 82 (n.); nos. 59, 77 legations nos. 20, 22, 59, 79, 80, 239, 252, 271 liberties nos. 40, 128, 130, 184185; maris et terre nos. 39, 269; and immunities 76; nos. 65, 83, 87, 109, 180 liberty, privilege of no. 127 litterae nos. 1-4, 6-37, 39-51, 53108, 110-117, 119-268, 270277 litterae conversatoriae no. 242 litterae imperiales no. 136 litterae interclusae nos. 40, 61, 208, 236 litterae patentes nos. 187, 208 loans 27; no. 250 loyal men nos. 18, 30, 63, 87, 128, 130, 133, 184-185, 245 maids nos. 87, 168, 184-185 mandates, papal nos. 4, 7-9, 12, 1718, 20, 23, 26-29, 33, 35-38, 40-45, 49-50, 53, 55, 59, 61, 64, 66-71, 75-77, 85-86, 88, 92-94, 96-97, 101-104, 107108, 111-113, 120, 124, 126127, 131-135, 137-138, 141, 144-145, 148-150, 153, 157, 164-165, 169-170, 176, 178, 181, 184-186, 190-191, 193, 196-198, 203-204, 206-208, 213-215, 217-220, 222-223, 226-228, 230-233, 236, 238241, 243, 245, 249-254, 258262, 266-268, 270-277 markets 47-48; nos. 10, 180 marks see silver, marks of marquis see Boniface I of Montferrat, Boniface II of Montferrat, Guido Pallavicino, William of Montferrat

INDEX RERUM

marriage no. 141 marshals nos. 87, 127, 184-185 Mass 19, 36, 42, 46, 77; nos. 41, 78, 138, 152, 184-185, 202, 230 masters 43, 96; nos. 55, 66, 82, 87, 107, 127, 148, 158, 169, 181, 184-185, 191-192, 215, 220, 233-234, 241-242, 258, 260, 270, 277; of Friars Minor 84; nos. 101, 108; of Hospitals 22, 45; nos. 53, 65, 98, 151; of Templars no. 115 meadows nos. 109, 128, 179 metochia 73, 75; nos. 143, 146, 179 militiae (military fiefs) no. 225 mills nos. 38, 109, 179, 269 minor orders nos. 87, 184-185 moderationes nos. 126, 172, 184185 molestation see harassment monasteries 33, 39-40, 47, 49, 5455, 60-61, 70 (n.), 71-85, 9495; nos. 5, 7, 9, 15-17, 24-25, 38, 43, 62, 83-84, 87, 96, 109, 114, 117, 118*, 134-135, 143, 146, 162-167, 179, 183-185, 189, 191, 216-217, 230, 237, 246, 254, 269; stauropegiac see stauropegion; see also abbeys monks 41, 63, 70, 72-78, 80-85; nos. 5, 16-17, 25-27, 46, 84, 87, 99, 101, 108-109, 120, 134135, 143, 157, 171, 179, 184185, 193-194, 197, 218 (n.), 219, 227, 237, 260, 268-269 murder see homicide notaries nos. 179, 234, 269; see also tabellionatus nuncios 20; nos. 6, 30-31, 33, 48, 53, 66, 101, 108, 127, 134, 158, 170, 173, 184-185, 196, 243, 263 nuns 74, 78-80; nos. 109, 118*, 246 oaths 19-20, 24, 27-28, 31, 42-43, 54, 58, 68, 72-73, 77, 84; nos. 8,

609

40-41, 48-49, 85, 99, 127, 170, 187, 190, 207-208, 223, 230, 243, 270 obedience (ecclesiastical dependency) no. 27 obedience, extortion of no. 222; pledge of no. 230; to the papal legate no. 254; to the patriarch no. 107; to the Roman Church 19-20, 30-31, 60-61, 65, 68-73, 77, 84-87, 96; nos. 44, 48-49, 85, 87, 99, 120-122, 125, 127, 129, 135, 179, 184-186, 194, 246, 253, 261 offices, divine 42, 77, 83; nos. 5, 61, 72, 85, 104, 106, 109, 134, 179, 202, 209, 230, 241, 270 oil, olive no. 123 orchards nos. 109, 128, 227; apple no. 128; olive no. 123 ordination, of bishops no. 44; of priests 63, 68-72; nos. 87, 184-185; of abbesses no. 189; see also consecrations Outremer 16, 18; nos. 31, 141 pagans 18; nos. 31, 219 pallium 31; nos. 85, 107, 119 papades 58, 64-68; nos. 87-88, 127128, 184-185, 198, 208; see also priests, Greek papal curia 36 (n.), 48, 53; nos. 44, 59, 78, 80, 91, 93, 101, 105, 127, 129, 137-138, 148 (n.), 158, 186, 196, 204, 207, 222, 230, 233, 268, 270, 277 parishes nos. 68, 109, 183 pasturage rights nos. 109 patriarchs, Latin 16, 18-19, 21, 3041, 44, 47, 56, 61, 75 (n.), 80 (n.), 81, 83-84, 86, 97; nos. 1, 4, 7-10, 12, 20, 23, 27-29, 32, 40-41, 45, 54, 56, 59, 64, 66, 69, 75-77, 85, 87, 97, 99, 101, 105-109, 111-113, 127-133, 135, 138, 149, 161, 170, 173, 179, 182, 184-185, 189, 198, 206, 208, 212-217, 230, 233,

INDICES

239, 242, 250, 253-260, 263, 265, 277; Greek 30, 73, 85, 87; nos. 99, 194 patriarchate of Constantinople (Latin) 30-41; nos. 45, 59, 128, 263 peace (agreement) nos. 41, 127128, 143-144, 146, 159, 167, 170, 172, 174, 179, 184-185, 190, 198, 202-203, 228, 236 peasants 66; nos. 38, 184-185, 269; see also serfs perangariae see corvées perjury nos. 230, 243 petitions 62; nos. 3, 23-24, 29, 40, 44, 48-49, 58, 74, 85, 135, 158, 179, 225, 230, 238, 258, 262 pilgrimage vows 19, 46; nos. 42, 153, 244 pilgrims 27 pirates 47; nos. 210, 230 Pisans see St Peter of the Pisans podestà of the Venetians see Marino Storlato poor and infirm nos. 151, 171 ports no. 103 poverty, ecclesiastical 33, 52-53, 56; nos. 53, 60, 69-70, 90, 114, 128, 131, 162, 188, 203, 206, 222 praeceptio no. 11; litteris in praeceptis nos. 27, 169, 243, 253, 267 praktika 58; nos. 181, 208 preaching 19, 83; no. 138 prebends 33, 38, 43; nos. 8, 59, 66, 126, 154, 169, 215, 233-234, 243, 258, 262, 264, 270 precious stones no. 243 prelates 13, 19, 21-22, 24, 28, 31, 35, 38-39, 41-56, 63-65, 68-70, 80-81 (n.), 86, 97; nos. 8, 20, 28, 35 (n.), 40-41, 45, 56, 59, 78, 87-88, 107, 125, 127-128, 130, 132-133, 149, 161, 170, 182-185, 191, 193, 197-198, 201-203, 205, 212-213, 223,

610

230, 233, 239, 243-244, 250, 252-254, 261, 271 priests 42; nos. 87, 113, 169-170, 184-185, 230, 270; Greek 54, 58, 61-73, 85-86; nos. 222, 230; see also papades; parish nos. 8, 170 princes no. 3; see also Alexius Slav, Geoffrey I of Villehardouin, William II of Villehardouin priorates 39; praepositurae nos. 39, 161; prioratus no. 230 priors 39-40, 42, 44, 47-49, 54, 7375, 83; prior nos. 5, 7-10, 45, 53, 59, 61, 87, 93, 100, 144, 155156, 166-167, 171, 179, 184185, 213, 215, 222, 238-239, 241, 243, 250, 272-276; praepositus nos. 44, 67-68, 70-71, 75, 93, 101, 108, 117, 120, 230, 262 privilegia nos. 5, 38, 52, 109, 118*, 269 proceeds (fructus) nos. 53, 95, 127128, 181-185, 188, 191-192, 196, 198, 201, 205-206, 208, 220, 228, 233, 251, 258, 262, 266; see also revenues processions no. 113 procuratores see agents promises in lieu of an oath no. 99 protection 19-21, 24, 30, 50, 54, 73, 75-77, 79, 84-86, 95, 101; nos. 3, 5, 13, 18, 24, 38, 44, 47, 57, 65, 83, 89, 100, 109, 118*, 136, 144, 151, 168, 179-180, 199, 221-222, 225, 228, 234, 266, 269-270 provisions nos. 3, 23, 29, 40, 44, 56, 64, 68-70, 75, 81-82, 86, 91, 93, 101, 106-108, 123, 126, 131, 157, 159, 161, 169, 179, 184-185, 188, 193, 197, 200, 206-207, 211, 215, 222, 227228, 230-231, 241-243, 248, 257-258, 261, 277

INDEX RERUM

provosts 48; see also priors-praepositus queens see Alice of Champagne, Blanche of Castile rebels, rebellion 21-22, 51, 73, 8586; nos. 120-122, 127, 129, 134-135, 143, 171 register, papal nos. 53, 87 relaxation of sentences 19, 33, 46, 73; nos. 7, 40, 59, 111-112, 128, 152, 170, 186, 198, 202, 204, 241-242, 273-276 relics no. 127 reliquaries no. 127 remission of sins 24, 27; nos. 2, 42, 48, 74, 145, 175, 177, 223-225, 229, 244-245, 248, 277 rent nos. 99, 117, 167, 182, 208; see also akrostichon resignations 34-35, 38; nos. 22, 53, 64, 87-88, 127, 135 (n.), 173 (n.), 181, 184-185, 188, 193, 197-198, 206, 214, 264 restitutiones nos. 40, 125, 179, 192, 204, 220, 228, 233, 258, 262 revenues 27-28, 38, 45, 48, 55-58, 74; proventus nos. 19, 87, 90, 101, 108-110, 121, 123, 125, 128, 139-140, 142, 168, 179, 184-185, 198, 208, 233, 237, 243, 255; redditus nos. 38, 53, 127, 154, 167-168, 188, 201, 205-206, 228, 230, 232, 243, 250, 261, 264, 269; see also proceeds right of patronage see ius patronatus ring, episcopal no. 235 rites, Greek no. 78 rivers no. 128 roads nos. 66, 127, 200 rule, monastic no. 109; of St Basil nos. 5, 83, 269; of St Benedict 80; no. 118* salt no. 109 saltpans nos. 109, 128

611

satisfaction 33, 54; nos. 8, 26, 41, 53, 87-88, 127-129, 170, 182185, 187, 191, 198, 207, 219, 222, 228, 230, 254, 260, 262, 269, 271 scholastici no. 169 schism, time of see Greeks, time of schismatics 16, 27-28, 73, 77, 84, 87; nos. 143, 224, 226, 244245, 252 scribes, papal 43; nos. 191-192, 220, 270 sea 16, 52, 85; nos. 15, 200, 230 seals nos. 61, 87, 105, 128, 179, 184-185, 208, 262, 270 secular arm nos. 41, 194, 243 security deposits nos. 40, 153, 170, 198, 204, 207-208, 273-276 seneschal (Geoffrey I of Villehardouin) no. 20 sentences 34, 46; nos. 54, 192, 220, 262, 265, 268; of excommunication 19-20, 24, 26, 33, 46, 57, 82; nos. 7, 40-41, 53, 59, 72, 88, 91, 99, 111-112, 127, 134, 137, 152, 154, 170, 176, 184-186, 198, 201, 205, 207, 227, 241242, 253, 272-276; of interdict 82; nos. 7, 41, 59, 72, 75, 88, 127, 134, 170, 198, 202, 204, 253; of suspension nos. 99, 241-242 serfs (servi) 14, 61-72, 77, 84; nos. 87, 168, 184-185 servants (servientes, servitores) 43; nos. 27, 87-88, 128, 172, 174, 184-185, 230, 270 servile duties (servitia) nos. 87, 127128, 244, 248; servitia et auxilia nos. 184-185, 193, 197 ships 24-25; nos. 176, 222, 225 silver no. 243; marks of 25; nos. 117, 224-225; ciboria 27; no. 250 sons 17, 19, 22, 29 (n.), 63, 70; nos. 137, 141, 243; of Belial nos. 26, 131, 260; see also children springs no. 200

INDICES

squandering church property no. 230 stauropegion nos. 9, 45, 76 stores (apothecae) no. 5 subdeacons (papal) nos. 82, 107, 148, 170, 173, 189, 223, 230, 234, 258, 270 subpriors no. 59 subtractio nos. 192, 200, 220 suffragans 24, 42, 45-50, 53, 55, 71, 86; nos. 1, 4, 41-42, 85, 87-88, 92, 122, 223 suppellectilia nos. 87, 184-185 suspension from office 46, 69; nos. 61, 99, 104, 109, 152, 186, 230, 235, 241-243 suspension of lawsuits, sentences, and agreements 32; nos. 40, 69, 265 swords 43; no. 270; spiritual and material no. 4 syndics nos. 128, 133, 208 tabellionatus no. 113 tallage nos. 87, 128, 184-185 Templars 23, 27, 45 (n.), 47 (n.); nos. 115, 230, 243 testaments nos. 241-242 Teutonic Knights 45 (n.)​ thriambos 42; no. 230 tithes 20-21, 35-36 (n.), 45, 55, 57, 74-77, 84, 86; nos. 5, 27, 46, 49, 78, 84, 87, 109-110, 116, 120, 128, 139, 157, 184-185, 193, 197, 219, 227, 265, 268 tolls no. 128 torture 19, 42-43; nos. 41, 230, 270 towers no. 230 transfers of ecclesiastical office 39; nos. 87 (n.), 277; of monastic congregations no. 135 treasurers, church 38, 46, 49; nos. 59, 66, 140, 170, 173, 230, 270 treasuries, church 27; nos. 184185, 243, 250

612

treaties see peace trees no. 127 twelfth 56-57; nos. 23, 29, 69-70 twentieth no. 98 uncles no. 234 usage rights (usuagia) no. 109 utensils no. 243 vassals 13, 57; nos. 69-70, 87, 137, 165, 184-185 Venetians 30, 35-36, 38, 46-48, 5657, 61, 66-68, 76, 78, 90; nos. 29, 33, 50, 69-70, 113, 138, 170, 172-174, 251, 272 vestments, pontifical 46; nos. 21, 41, 152, 188, 206; sacerdotal no. 230 vicariate 37 (n.); no. 222 vicars 49-51, 53-54, 82 (n.), 86; nos. 222, 234, 238, 247 vicechancellor see Rainier, William vidimus nos. 53, 56, 87, 143, 146, 166-167, 179, 180-181, 184185 villages see casalia vineyards (vinea) nos. 38, 65, 83, 109, 168, 179, 269 violent laying of hands 26, 42; nos. 59, 105, 129, 230, 239 visitations 80; no. 189 vows see oaths war, perils of nos. 40, 224 warriors nos. 153, 225 wax no. 123 weather, hot 51; no. 78; winter 26; no. 243 whipping 42; no. 230 widows nos. 89, 228 wine 43; nos. 109, 270 witnesses 43, 58; nos. 61, 190, 204, 208, 275-276 wives 17, 21, 32, 63, 70; nos. 12, 78, 87, 109, 184-185, 199 woods (nemora) nos. 109, 128