Brill's New Pauly Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World (Sym-Tub) [14] 9789004142190, 9789004122598

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Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

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ANTIQUITY

SYM-[UB

DRsCAHA

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‘Universit 10 f New

Stamps

Library

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2UTE

Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2022 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation

https://archive.org/details/brillsnewpaulyen0014unse

Brill’s New Pauly

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 14

SYM- TuB

Brill’s New Pauly SUBJECT

EDITORS

History of Religion

Prof. Dr. Johannes Niehoff, Berlin Judaism, Eastern Christianity, Byzantine Civilization

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Binder, Bochum History of Civilization

Prof. Dr. Hans Jorg Nissen, Berlin Oriental Studies

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Brandle, Basle

Prof. Dr. Vivian Nutton, London Medicine; Tradition: Medicine

Dr. Andreas Bendlin, Toronto

Christianity

Executive Editor

Prof. Dr. Eckart Olshausen, Stuttgart Historical Geography

Prof. Dr. Walter Eder, Bochum

Prof. Dr. Filippo Ranieri, Saarbricken

Ancient History

European Legal History

Prof. Dr. Hubert Cancik, Tubingen

Prof. Dr. Paolo Eleuteri, Venice

Prof. Dr. Johannes Renger, Berlin

Textual Criticism, Palaeography and Codicology

Oriental Studies; Tradition: Ancient Orient

Dr. Karl-Ludwig Elvers, Bochum Ancient History

Tradition: Education, Countries (II)

Prof. Dr. Volker Riedel, Jena

Linguistics; Tradition: Linguistics

Prof. Dr. Jorg Ruipke, Erfurt Latin Philology, Rhetoric

Prof. Dr. Fritz Graf, Columbus (Ohio)

Prof. Dr. Gottfried Schiemann, Tubingen

Religion and Mythology; Tradition: Religion

Law

PD Dr. Hans Christian Ginther, Freiburg Textual Criticism

Prof. Dr. Helmuth Schneider, Kassel

Prof. Dr. Bernhard Forssman, Erlangen

Prof. Dr. Max Haas, Basle Music; Tradition: Music

Prof. Dr. Berthold Hinz, Kassel Tradition: Art and Architecture

Dr. Christoph Hocker, Zurich Archaeology Prof. Dr. Christian Hiinemorder, Hamburg

Natural Sciences

Prof. Dr. Lutz Kappel, Kiel Mythology

Executive Editor; Social and Economic History,

Military Affairs, History of Classical Scholarship Prof. Dr. Dietrich Willers, Berne Classical Archaeology (Material Culture and History of Art) Dr. Frieder Zaminer, Berlin Music

Prof Dr. Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg Tradition: Countries (I)

EDITORIAL

TEAM

GERMAN

EDITION

Iris Banholzer

Dr. Ingrid Hitzl

Beate Baumann

Dr. MatthiasKopp

Philosophy

Jochen Derlien

Manuel Kramer

Prof. Dr. Manfred Landfester, Giessen Executive Editor: Classical Tradition; Tradition:

Dr. Brigitte Egger

Heike Kunz

History of Classical Scholarship and History of Civilization

Luitgard Feneberg

Dorothea Mohr-Sigel

Dr. Margarita Kranz, Berlin Tradition: Philosophy Prof. Dr. André Laks, Lille

Susanne Fischer

Dirk Rohmann

Prof. Dr. Maria Moog-Grtinewald, Tiibingen Comparative Literature

Christa Frateantonio

Vera Sauer

Prof. Dr. Dr. Glenn W. Most, Pisa

Dietrich Frauer

Christiane Schmidt

Johannes Fraundorfer

Anne-Maria Wittke

Greek Philology Prof. Dr. Beat Naf, Zurich

Tradition: Political Theory and Politics

Mareile Haase

Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly Edited by Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider

English Edition Editor-in-chief Christine F. Salazar

Assistant Editors Cordula Bachmann, Kim Barkowski, Tina Chronopoulos, David van Eijndhoven, Annette Imhausen, Sebastiaan R. van der Mije,

Michiel Op de Coul, Antonia Ruppel and Barbara Vetter

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 14

SYM- TUB

LEIDEN - BOSTON 2009

© Copyright 2009 by Koninklijke Brill Nv, Leiden, The Netherlands

ISBN (volume) 978 90 04 14219 0 ISBN (set) 978 90 04 12259 8

Koninklijke Brill Nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, rpc Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and vsp.

Originally published in German as DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Copyright © J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH 1996ff./rogoff. Stuttgart/Weimar

Cover design: TopicA (Antoinette Hanekuyk) Front: Delphi, temple area Spine: Tabula Peutingeriana

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill Nv provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA.

Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Data structuring and typesetting: pagina GmbH, Tiibingen, Germany

PRINTED

IN THE

NETHERLANDS

Table of Contents Notes to the User . List of Transliterations

List of Abbreviations

. List of Illustrations and Maps List of Authors List of Translators Entries

Notes to the User Arrangement of Entries

Abbreviations

The entries are arranged alphabetically and, if applicable, placed in chronological order. In the case of alter-

All abbreviations can be found in the ‘List of Abbreviations’. Collections of inscriptions, coins and papyri are listed under their sigla.

native forms or sub-entries, cross-references will lead to

the respective main entry. Composite entries can be found in more than one place (e.g. a commentariis refers to commentariis, a).

Bibliographies

Identical entries are differentiated by numbering. Identical Greek and Oriental names are arranged chronologically without consideration of people’s nicknames. Roman names are ordered alphabetically, first according to the gentilicium or nomen (family name), then the cognomen (literally ‘additional name’ or nickname) and finally the praenomen or ‘fore-name’ (e.g. M. Aemilius Scaurus is found under Aemiulius, not Scau-

Most entries have bibliographies, consisting of numbered and/or alphabetically organized references. References within the text to the numbered bibliographic items are in square brackets (e.g. [ 1.5 n.23] refers to the first title of the bibliography, page 5, note 23). The abbreviations within the bibliographies follow the rules of the ‘List of Abbreviations’.

rus).

However, well-known classical authors are lemmatized

according to their conventional names in English; this group of persons is not found under the family name, but under their cognomen (e.g. Cicero, not Tullius). In large entries the Republic and the Imperial period are treated separately.

- Spelling of Entries

ing the predominant practice of reference works in the English language, with the notable exception of techInstitutions

Texts and maps are closely linked and complementary, but some maps also treat problems outside the text. The authors of the maps are listed in the ‘List of Maps’.

Cross-references

Greek words and names are as a rule latinized, follow-

nical terms.

Maps

and places (cities, rivers, is-

lands, countries etc.) often have their conventional English names (e.g. Rome not Roma). The latinized versions of Greek names and words are generally followed by the Greek and the literal transliteration in brackets, e.g. Aeschylus (Aioybihoc; Aischylos). Oriental proper names are usually spelled according to the ‘Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients’ (TAVO), but again conventional names in English are also used. In the maps, the names of cities, rivers, islands, countries etc. follow ancient spelling and are transliterated fully to allow for differences in time, e.g. both Kanmadoxva, and Cappadocia can be found. The transliteration of non-Latin scripts can be found in the ‘List of Transliterations’. Latin and transliterated Greek words are italicized in the article text. However, where Greek transliterations do not follow immediately upon a word written in Greek, they will generally appear in italics, but without accents or makra.

Articles are linked through a system of cross-references with an arrow — before the entry that is being referred to.

Cross-references to related entries are given at the end of an article, generally before the bibliographic notes. If reference is made to a homonymous entry, the respective number is also added. Cross-references to entries in the Classical Tradition volumes are added in small capitals. It can occur that in a cross-reference a name is spelled differently from the surrounding text: e.g., a cross-reference to Mark Antony has to be to Marcus + Antonius, as his name will be found in a list of other names containing the component ‘Antonius’.

pee

SS

a

a| a

=

ae

List of Transliterations Transliteration of ancient Greek

Transliteration of Hebrew

a ou au B Y é € ra £U

a ai au b g d e ei eu

alpha

x =) i 7 7 ) i n 0

a b g d h Ww z h t

alef bet gimel dalet he vay zayin khet tet

ec

Z

z(d)eta

’

y

yod

7 nu 0

é éu th

eta

2 y A)

k l m

kaf lamed mem

U

i

al

n

nun

x h Mm v fe ) ol ov

k | m n % Oo oi ou

0 y 5 x ? F v w

s : p/f S q ie S §

samek ayin pe tsade qof resh sin shin

Tt fe)

p r

n

t

tav

beta gamma; y before y, x, &, y: n delta epsilon

theta iota kappa la(m)bda mu nu xi omicron

pi rho

care

S

sigma

T

t

tau

v

y

upsilon

)

ph

phi

x, w wo ; a.

ch ps 6 h al

chi psi omega spiritus asper iota subscriptum (similarly y, w)

In transliterated Greek the accents are retained (acute’,

grave’, and circumflex ~). Long vowels with the circumflex accent have no separate indication of vowel length (makron).

Pronunciation of Turkish Turkish uses Latin script since 1928. Pronunciation and spelling generally follow the same rules as European languages. Phonology according to G. Lewts, Turkish Grammar, 2000. A B C © D E F G G H I i J K I M

a b ic ¢ d e f g g h 1 i j k | m

French a in avoir b jin jam ch in church d French é in étre c g in gate or in angular lengthens preceding vowel h in have 1 in cousin French 1 in si French j c in cat or in cure lin list or in wool m

LIST

OF TRANSLITERATIONS

Transliteration of other languages

N

n

n

O

oO

French o in note

O

6

German 6

Akkadian (Assyrian-Babylonian), Hittite and Sumerian

P

Pp

Pp

R S

r s

r s in sit

are transliterated according to the rules of RLA and TAVO. For Egyptian the rules of the Lexikon der Agyptologie are used. The transliteration of Indo-European follows Rix, HGG. The transliteration of Old Indian is after M. MAYRHOFER, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, 1992ff. Avestian is done according to K. HOFFMANN, B. ForssMAN, Avestische Laut- und

S

$

sh in shape

ap

t

t

U

u

u in put

U Vv

u Vv

German t Vv

¥

y

y in yet

zs

Zz

Zz

Transliteration Turkish

of Arabic,

Persian,

hamza, alif

o

ba pe -C Cae

tas

ta’ gim apr

VOAAAA a

1. |sic Ses (C2 oct

hey ict gecuian lac PSN: ND (eco

tg ct SIN N acggi@ GQlds*-5* of

IN»

&oo

oe Roe KS C

Q.1 [os

-G.°O *et A-N w Ot

N« nn a ey ESE SRT

10 Ser Pan Nc nn a

moe Fa

gee Pn 2 a

=}

_ m:ia

ag ~

15

3h) ae

ee eis oa

at ag an a =

w&

3

and

at

s

< “ Polytheism). The epicleses of a number of Greek and Roman gods resulted from this process of assimilating local cults, e.g. > Zeus Meilichios/Lykaios, + Artemis Laphria, the ‘Black’ > Demeter of Phigaleia (Paus. 8,42), » Mater Matuta and > Diana Tifatina. ‘Contact-based syncretism’, on the other hand, is the result of cultural contact between different peoples with differing religions. Generally a distinction is made among three types of contact-based syncretism during Antiquity: 1) A situation in which two deities come to be seen as equivalent, e.g. Hera = Iuno, Dionysus = Osiris (Hdt. 2,144,2), Sulis = Minerva, — Belenus = Apollo,

etc.

(+ interpretatio

Graeca/Romana).

This

category encompasses a number of different phenomena, ranging from speculations by individual scholars to complex processes of ‘colonial’ Greek or Roman reinterpretation of indigenous deities. 2) The transfer of a cult from one place to another by merchants, slaves, emigrant groups or word of; for example, the cult of ~ Heracles that was founded by the Phoenicians on Thasos (Hdt. 2,44,4); ~ Orpheus; the Thracian goddess Bendis in Athens, > Cybele/Magna Mater in

SYNCRETISM

20

19

Rome, the introduction of the cult of - Dionysus in

that had once existed and/or explained in terms of

Italy

external influences; ‘Oriental’ and ‘Semitic’ influences

(Liv.

29,8-14),

— (Ma-)Bellona,

> Sabazius,

+ Men, > Iuppiter Dolichenus. This type of contactbased syncretism includes not only the direct adoption of a cult, but also various degrees of selective appropriation, misconceptions and even to some degree the ‘invention’ of foreign cults. 3) Combining several different deities as aspects of a single comprehensive deity or as subordinate gods (-» Pantheus); cf. for example the assertion regarding — Isis that Isis una quae est omnia, ‘Tsis is all in one’ (CIL X 3800, cf. Apul. Met. 11,5), as well as > Serapis, Helios/> Sol (Macr. Sat. 1,17—29) [2. xvii-xxxiii]. In this latter sense, the term syncretism is often used as a synonym for the modern term ‘Henotheism’, the tendency of well developed polytheistic systems to rationalize their > pantheon by regarding individual gods as manifestations of a higher or supreme deity. Although the word syncretism is of ancient origin (ovvxentiopdd/ synkretismos, ‘union of Cretan communities’; Plut. Mor. 490b), the concept does not go back to antiquity. Johannes BESSARION (1389/1400-1472)

and the early Humanists knew the term as a lemma in the Suda (4,451) and in the Etym. m. 732,54 f. During the theological disputes within Protestantism in the 16th and 17th cents., syncretism was first associated with religion as a synonym for ‘Samaritanism’ (2 Kg 17:24-34). By the 1830s, ‘Syncretism’ was already being used in a metaphorical sense, similar to its modern meanings — i.e. not only for Christian groups, such as the Gnostics, but also for other religions, first those of the ancient world, then those of modern times. Religious scholars have devoted a great deal of effort to developing typologies of syncretism, but no such typology has gained widespread acceptance [3]. The concept of syncretism remains controversial as a

category of religious studies. This is for several reasons: its use as a pejorative by scholars of the late 19th and early 2oth cents. (see below); the impossibility of arriving at a precise theoretical definition; its concentration on deities, while modern scholarship focuses on the cultic practices and ideological structures of ancient religions; and the difficulty of determining whether the term syncretism refers to the subjective perceptions of historical processes by historical figures or to the perceptions of modern observers.

B. TRADITIONAL DEPICTIONS During the 1870s, the concept of syncretism began

to play an important role in describing ancient religions. Its largely pejorative connotations can be accounted for in part by its use during theological disputes (see above), but there are more significant reasons as well: The assumption during the Enlightenment that there was such a thing as a national character legitimized the search for an ‘authentic’ Greek and Roman religion. Transformation — focusing for example on the era of + Hellenism or the ‘decline’ of the Roman Republic — was generally interpreted as the loss of a religious unity

were identified as the reason why religions came to be commingled and the cause of the cultural decline of the Hellenistic and Roman world (cf. [4. 121-123]). Scholars also regarded this concept of syncretism as well founded because it was associated with contemporary questions: the issues of the fragility of the identity of nation-states as well as of contemporary colonialism and secularism. With [5], the concept of syncretism, in the sense of a combination of the two meanings described above (see A), came to be of central importance in the late r9th cent. for depicting the Greco-Roman religion of the Imperial period (cf. for example [6; 7; 8]). It became common to refer to a ‘long’ era of ‘Hellenism’ from Alexander [4] the Great to Constantine [1] I or even Theodosius, when religious trends were characterized by the dissemination of so-called ‘Oriental cults’ (> Isis,

Mithras, + Cybele/- Magna

Mater), solar

syncretism, > astrology and > magic. Thus syncretism

became the epitome of the supposed disintegration of the ‘pagan’ religions. This view is largely rejected today. More recent approaches emphasize that the traditional polis cults remained active into the 4th cent. AD [9], and attach relatively little historical importance to ‘henotheistic’ syncretism. C. MODERN SCHOLARSHIP The first to examine the traditional concept of syncretism from the standpoint of religious studies was [10], who concluded that all religions are to some degree ‘syncretist’, since cultural contacts are a universal phenomenon. During the 1960s this and similar trends in cultural theory within the field of religious studies led to a re-evaluation of the meaning of this concept for Antiquity, and the term came to be used as a neutral description of an important type of religious shift, namely that brought about by cultural contacts [11; 12]. It was not until this time that appropriate attention was paid to the influence of the Middle East on the Greek

- pantheon

(> Artemis/Astarte,

theron, - Hecate, +» Gorgo-Medusa,

the — Potnia

> Lamia [1]), a

number of cultic characteristics of classical Greek religion and specific elements of its mythology (e.g. the order of the cosmos: Hes. Theog. 820-868) [13]. Simi-

larly, there was now a recognition that Roman religion had regularly adopted and modified elements of Etruscan, Italian and Greek religion. Moreover, Etruscan religion itself was now seen as an example of complex syncretism that borrowed aspects of indigenous, Italian and Greek traditions. When the necessary sources were available, more detailed study was undertaken of the progression and causes of individual cases of syncretism, for example in connection with the cult of Isis [14], the Corpus Hermeticum (+ Hermetic Writings) [15], the > Oracula Chaldaica [16], > Alexander [27] of Abonouteichos [17], > Magic [18] and the GrecoEgyptian — magical papyri [2. 34-120]. The use of

21

22

writing (+ Writing IV.) proved to be of central importance for these later examples of syncretism. Since the 1970s, some scholars have been able to gain further insight into the importance of power relationships in syncretistic processes [11]: Equivalents and acquisitions are not simply a given, but they are motivated by the structure of the respective socio-political power structure. Anthropological depictions of syncretism, in many cases influenced by functional or Marxist views, emphasize its role in dealing with cultural differences or in concealing conflicts of interest. In recent times, academic interest has increasingly focused on postmodern topics such as ‘identity’ and gender

[19]. These issues are also relevant to the Hellenistic world and the Roman Empire (both seen as colonial powers). Marxist depictions of religion in the Roman colonies of North Africa [20] and in the Gallic provinces [21] have demonstrated how an ‘innocuous’ equation of indigenous deities with Roman gods can lead to a profound restructuring of indigenous panthea: Indigenous gods of war lose their original character, taking on the character of ‘more adaptable’ new gods such as ~ Saturnius and > Mercurius. More recent studies of the northwestern

Roman provinces, continuing this approach, have shown the importance of local elites for the process of religious translation [22]; others have shed light on the manner in which Egyptian popular religion absorbed elements of Greco-Roman religion and early Christianity, simultaneously adapting them to its own needs [23]. + Evocatio; > Hellenization I.; + Pantheon; > Polytheism; > Religion VIII. and X.; > Self-Romanization; ~ Romanization 1 A.Drooce_rs, Syncretism: The Problem of Definition, in: J.D. Gort et.al. (eds.), Dialogue and Syncretism, 1989, 7-25 2 W.FautH, Helios Megistos, 1995 3 C.Co.peE, Die Vereinbarkeit historischer und struktureller Bestimmungen des Synkretismus, in: A. DIETRICH

(ed.), Synkretismus im syrisch-persischen Kulturgebiet, 1975, 17-30 4S.E. Hiymans, The Sun Which Did Not Rise in the East, in: BABesch 71, 1996, 115-150 5 J.REvILLE, La religion a Rome sous les Sévéres, 1886

6F.Cumonrt,

Les

religions

romain, 1906 (41929)

romische Kultur, 31912

orientales

dans

|l’empire

7 P. WENDLAND, Die hellenistisch-

8 J.GEFFKEN, Der Ausgang des

griechisch-romischen Heidentums, 1920 9 R. LANE Fox, Pagans and Christians, 1986 10 G.vAN DER LEEUW, Pha-

nomenologie der Religion (1933), *1956 11R.J. Zwi WeERBLOWSKY, Synkretismus in der Religionsgeschichte, in: W. Heissia, H.-J. Ktmxerr (ed.), Synkretismus in den Religionen Zentralasiens, 1987, 1-7 12 P. LEvEQUE,

F.Dunanp, Les syncrétismes dans les religions de |’Antiquité, 1975 13 W. Burkert, Die orientalisierende Epoche in der griech. Religion und Literatur (“SHaw”),

(Engl. 1992)

1984

14M.Matatse, Le probleme de lhelléni-

sation d’Isis, in: L. BRICAULT (ed.), De Memphis 4 Rome,

2000, 1-19 15 G.FowpeEN, The Egyptian Hermes, 1986 16 H.Lewy, Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy, *1978 17 G.SFAMENI GASPARRO, Alessandro di Abonutico, II. L’oracolo e i misteri, in: C. BonNET, A. Morte (eds.), Les syncrétismes religieux dans le monde mediterranéen an-

SYNDIKOS

tique, 1999, 275-306 18 M.W. Dicxtg, The Learned Magician, in: D.R. JoRDAN et al. (eds.), The World of Ancient Magic, 1999, 163-193 19 C.STEWaRT, R.SHAW

(eds.), Syncretism/Anti-Syncretism, 1994 20 P.-A. FévRIER, Religion et domination dans |’Afrique romaine, in: DHA 2, 1976, 305-336 21 M. CLAVEL-LEVEQUE, Le syncrétisme gallo-romain, structures et finalités, in: F.SARTORI (ed.), Praelectiones patavinae, 1972, 51-134 22 T.Derxs, Gods, Temples and Ritual Practices, 1998 23 D. FRANKFURTER, Religion in Roman Egypt, 1998.

K.Rupo-pu, Synkretismus — vom theologischen Scheltwort zum religionswissenschaftlichen Begriff, in: Humanitas Religiosa. FS H. Biezais, 1979, 193-212; L.H. Martin, Why Cecropian Minerva?, in: Numen 30, 1983, 13 1145; A.Morre, V. PIRENNE-DELFORGE, Du bon usage de

la notion de syncrétisme, in: Kernos 7, 1994,

11-27.

RG.

II. LINGUISTIC THEORY In linguistic theory, syncretism is the term used for the coincidence of formal or functional categories

(> Syntax) caused by > language change. A typical example is syncretism in the case system, characteristic of both Latin and Greek, which resulted in a reduction from the eight cases historically found in ancient IndoEuropean to six and five, respectively. The original locative, instrumental and ablative were combined to form the Latin ablative; prepositions, as ‘clarifying elements’, may have facilitated this process. The variety that once existed is still evident in the functional range of this case (ablativus instrumenti, locativus, separativus). Syncretism is also apparent in the system of Latin verbs; for example, the perfect tense includes the original functions of the (Indo-European) aor. and perf. The Latin subjunctive is syncretic as well, encompassing

both the (Indo-European) opt. (e.g. sit for the ancient Latin SIED < *siiét ‘may he be’ < *h,siéh,t) and the injunctive (e.g. the ancient Latin fuat < *bhuuat ‘he be’ < *b'uéh,t), while the original Indo-European subjunctive is contained within the Latin future tense (e.g. erit

‘he wants to be’ > ‘he will be’ from the ancient Latin ESED < “eset < *h_éset(i)).

> Flexion h; J. WACKERNAGEL, Vorlesungen tiber Syntax, Bd. 1, *1926, 301-305; G. MEISER, Histor. Laut- und Formenlehre der lateinischen Sprache, 1998, § 91 and 121;J.GrpPERT, Das lateinische Imperfekt. in sprachvergleichender Hinsicht, in: P. ANREITER (ed.), Studia Celtica et Indogermanica. FS W. Meid, 1999, 125-137; M. MEIER-BRUGGER, Indogermanische Sprachwiss., 72000, 248. ie:

Syndikos (obvéioc; syndikos), literally ‘co-litigant’. A person who appears in court conjointly with another. In Athens, the + synégoros who intervened on behalf of a private person was often referred to as syndikos as well [5. 43-45]. Both groups were the targets of schadenzauber (‘harmful magic’ or binding spells; — defixio) [5. 65]. Syndikoi (always five in Athens) became necessary when alliances of people such as a polis, demos or cultic community acted in court. The public assembly (+ ekklesia) elected five syndikoi at a time to defend the

SYNDIKOS

validity of a law in a > paranémon graphe, a suit brought after a period of one year. Similarly, five syndikoi had to defend the existing legal order when a change of laws had been requested in the annual ~ epicheirotonia

24

23

(‘vote

of confidence’)

(Dem.

Or.

24,233 [3. 1331 f.]). Syzdikoi were assigned to act as prosecutors by the + ekklésia or the + boule in order to pursue an -> eisangelia (‘state prosecution’) in the interest of the polis or to take action following a report on findings (&xdpaoic, apophasis) passed by the > Areios pagos (Din. 1,513; 1,58; 2,6). Syndikoi represented the polis of Athens in cases of international litigation as well (Dem. Or. 18,134; [1. 160]). Within the polis, syn-

dikoi were employed by groups of persons in cases involving property or status: IG II* 1196,17; 18/19 (335330 BC); 1197,13 (c. 330 BC, demos decrees, > demos [2]), 1258,8 and 14 (324/3 BC, collegium). In the same function, but referred to as + synegoros: IG IP? 1237,32 (396/5 BC, five representatives of a — phratria); 1183,14 (after 340 BC, demos); furthermore, see And. 1,150; Dem. Or. 23,206 (syndikoi appointed as co-litigants to a defendant by the > phyle). Upon the re-establishment of democracy after 403 BC, syndikoi officiat-

to the party they opposed could be allowed in private and public actions; only accepting money was forbidden to a synegoros (Dem. Or. 47,26). Since joint action

in court was, from a more recent point of view, the rule rather than the exception, the synégoros can be regarded not as the origin of the status of advocate, but as part of the everyday justice administered in democratic jury courts, which operated according to strictly formal rules of procedure (-+ Dikastérion A.1.2-3). Only when synegoroi also formally appeared as witnesses (+ Martyria) were they liable to + pseudomartyrion diké (accusation of ‘false testimony’, Isocr. 12,4; Aeschin. Or. 2,170), as Syll.3 953,19 (procedural rules of Cnidus, 3rd cent. BC) also shows. From the 2nd cent.

BC, Egyptian papyri contain records of synegoroi under

modified procedural law as paid advisers, but not representatives, 1n court. A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971, 158-161; K.Latre, E.SeIp1, s. v. S., RE 4A 2, 13531357; L. RUBINSTEIN, Litigation and Cooperation, 2000; G.TuHtr, Das Gerichtswesen Athens im 4. Jahrhundert. v. Chr., in: L.BURCKHARDT, J.v. UNGERN-STERNBERG (ed.), GrofSe Prozesse im antiken Athen, 2000, 30-49.

Gx.

ed temporarily in the restitution of property (Lys. 19,32

[1. 34 f.]). In the Hellenistic-Roman Period, syndikoi appear as representatives of the litigating poleis in cross-state arbitration tribunals, e.g. IPArk 23,6 (=IG V 2,415; Heraea, 3rd. cent. BC; five syndikoi each), Syll.3 665,9 (= [2] no. 11; Sparta-Megalopolis, 164 BC); cf. IG IX 1* 4, 794,2/3 (Cercyra, 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC). Many syndikoi received honours, e.g. IPArk 35,11 (= Syll.3 800; Lycosura, AD 1/2) [4]. Furthermore, they intervened on behalf of the polis in matters of restitution, e.g. IPArk 32 A 10 (=IG V 2, 444; Megalopolis, 103-101 BC), or on behalf of private parties in the area of judicial assistance, IPArk 17,72; 17,77; 17,129, Stymphalus-Demetrias, 303-300 BC (cf. [7. 226, 278,

3403 2. 93]). In Late Antiquity, syndikos is frequently identified with — ékdikos (— defensor civitatis), above Egyptian papyri [6. 64, 72, 144].

all in

1 A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971 2 K.Harter-Uinopuu, Das zwischenstaatliche Schiedsverfahren im Achaischen Koinon, 1998 3 U.KAHRSTEDT, E.SEIDL, s. v. S., RE 4 A 2, 1331-1333 4 J. and L.RoBERT, in: BE 1963, 221 5 L. RUBINSTEIN, Litigation and Cooperation, 2000 6 H.-A. Ruprrecut, Kleine Einfith-

rung in die Papyruskunde, 1994 7 G. THUR, H. TAEUBER, ProzefSrechtliche Inschriften der griechischen Poleis. Arkadien, 1994 (IPArk). Gq.

Synegoros (cuviyoooc; synégoros), literally ‘co-speaker’. Person who speaks in court with — not instead of — one of the parties in a case; a term not always distin-

guished from + syndikos. In principle, the Greek view was that each party should present their own case in person. In ancient Athens synégoroi claiming either a close relationship to the party they supported or enmity

Synesius (Zvvéo.oc; Synésios)

[1] S. of Cyrene. Neoplatonist philosopher and bishop (c. AD 370-c. 413). S., of a leading family at > Cyrene (Libya superior), first studied at > Alexandria [1] with the Neoplatonist philosopher + Hypatia. From 399 to 402 (or 397-400; S.’ chronology is disputed) he went to the court at Constantinople at the bidding of his home city to obtain tax relief. He then travelled to Alexandria (where he married a Christian) and subsequently retired to private life on his estates in southern Cyrenaica. In spite of profound personal misgivings (Synes. Epist. 105), S., who had organized the defence of the province against invading nomads before, became bishop of -» Ptolemais [7] and metropolitan of > Pentapolis in 410/t. His later years were occupied with the demands of episcopal office, renewed efforts to defend the province and the conflict with Andronicus, the provincial governor who was finally excommunicated. $., whose mind was set on classical authors and who wrote a sophisticated Greek, left a substantial body of work (CPG 5630-5640; complete edition: [1]). The so-called ‘Egyptian Tales’ (De providentia; [1.452-537]) reflect his experiences during his embassy to Constantinople, veiled in novelistic/mythical garb. The speech he gave there De regno (‘On Kingship’) before the emperor - Arcadius [1.382-451] offers a prince’s mirror in the tradition of Plato. The erudite S. presents his ideal of life in his treatise Dion [2]. Besides a book on dreams (De insomniis; [1.552-607]), a collection of 156 letters, mostly to private individuals [1.66-379], stands out, as do nine hymns in the Doric dialect framed upon ancient models [4]. In S., classical education, Neoplatonist philosophy and Christianity come together, not always without contradictions.

215

26

EpITIONS: 1A.GaRzya, Opere di Sinesio di Cirene, 1989 (text and It. tr.; bibliogr.: 37-51) 2K.TReu, Syne-

sios von Kyrene: Dion Chrysostomos oder Vom Leben nach seinem Vorbild, 1959 (with Germ. tr.) 3 A.GARzya,

D. Roques, Synésios de Cyréne: Correspondance, 2 vols., 2000 (with Fr. tr.) 4 J.GRuBER, H.STROHM, Synesios: Hymnen, 1991 (with BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1982 6 D.RoqugEs, du bas-empire, 1987

Germ. tr.). 5 J.BREGMAN, Synesius of Cyrene, Synésios de Cyréne et la Cyrénaique 7 Id., Etudes sur la correspondance de Synésios de Cyréne, 1989 8 T.ScHMittT, Die Bekehrung des Synesios von Kyrene, 2001 9 S. VOLLENWEIDER, Neuplatonismus und christliche Theologie bei Synesios von Kyrene, 1985.

JRL

[2] S. Scholastikos. Author of an epigram (probably from the Cycle of + Agathias) on the consecration of a statue of Hippocrates (Anth. Pal. 16,267). Identifiable with the S. who, according to > Barbucallus (Anth. Pal. 16,38), was also a successful military commander

(probably in Justinian’s Persian War, before AD 540) and was honoured with a statue at Berytus (modern Beirut). R. AUBRETON, F. BUFFIERE (eds.), Anthologie Grecque 13, 1980, 241, note 6; Av. and A.CAMERON, The Cycle of Agathias, in: JHS 86, 1966, 8, 12, 19.

Syngraphai

(ovyyeadai;

syngraphai).

M.G.A.

Documents

which form the basis of a contract, for instance for

public works (e.g. ML 44 = IG PB 35, Athens; IG VII 3073 = Syll.} 972, Lebadea) or leases (e.g. Syll.3 93 =IG B 84, Athen; IG XII 7, 62 = Syll.3 963, Arcesine) or loans (e.g. IG XII 7, 67 B = Syll.3 955, Arcesine). [1: 620, 623, 628]; more on this > syngraphe. In Athens in the sth cent. BC, proposals drafted for the assembly (> ekklesia) by a specially commissioned board of syngrapheis (e.g. ML 73 = IG I} 78). These boards were discredited by their involvement in setting up the oligarchies of 411 and 404 BC (e.g. Thuc. 8,67, Ath. Pol. 29), and subsequently it was the council (+ boule) which was commissioned to draft proposals. Similar boards with other titles are found elsewhere

[1. 460; 2. 27, 491-494]. 1 BusoLt/Swopopa 2P.J. RHopgEs, D.M. Lewis, The Decrees of the Greek States, 1997. PLR.

Syngraphe (ovyyoapn; syngraphé) refers to a Greek ‘document’ in the material sense; regarding the content, it refers to an agreement (sing.), a draft of a law or a call for bids on public buildings or leases (regularly pl., > syngraphai). In the sense of ‘contractual agreement’, syngraphe is one of several terms, the other being -» syndllagma, symb6laion, > syntheké and + homologia (Poll. 8,140). Only one type of document is referred to as syngraphe in essentially the same way from the 4th cent. BC on into the Roman Period: the private minutes (a stylized, objective record in 3rd person sing. about the events that occurred during the

SYNHEDRION

transaction and about the provisions tied to the latter) — drawn up in front of witnesses, sealed by the parties (and the witnesses) and entrusted to a private safe-keeper (pvAGE, phylax) or later to a state archive. In Ptole-

maic Egypt, the syngraphe appears as a document with six witnesses and a fiduciary safe-keeper (thus: ’6-witness syngraphophylax’ document with exposed ‘writing outside’ and sealed ‘writing inside’) [7. 57-73; 4. 135-138]. Equivalent types of Ptolemaic documents were: the > cheirdgraphon, > diagraphe, -» synchoresis and + hypémnema. The syngraphe, the cheirographon and the diagraphé could all be used for any type of commercial transaction. The fact that these types of documents were exchangeable contradicts the earlier view [2. 1382-1384] that the syngraphe had a dispositive effect [7. 143; 4. 139]: The document itself therefore does not embody the legal agreement but attests to the actual provisions that result in the liabilities of the person who received another person’s assets [7. 143°] (+ Zweckverfiigung). In the eyes of classical Roman jurists, the syngraphe had a dispositive effect (Gai. Inst. 3,134; however, the equivalency with ~ litterarum obligatio [3. 523] is a misunderstanding by Gaius according to [7. 144]). The following still need to be added to the records of syngraphe as a contractual document since [2]: from the epigraphical material, IPArk 17,43 und 105; 24,17. On syngraphe in the sense of public bids for buildings and leases, s. [1. 102-108; 6. 472-478] along with [5], cf.

IPArk 3,405 53; 545 30,1I. 1 D. BEHREND, Attische Pachturkunden, 1970 2 W.KunNKEL, s.v. S., RE 4 A, 1376-1387 3H.L. NELSON, U.ManrtTHE,

Gai

Institutiones

II] 88-181:

traktsobligationen, 1999 (text and commentary)

Die

Kon-

4 H.-A.

Rupprecnt, Kleine Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, 1994 5 W.SCHWAMN, s. v. Syngraphai, RE 4 A, 1369-

1376 6G.THUR, Bemerkungen zum altgriechischen Werkvertrag, in: Studi in onore di A. Biscardi, vol. 5, 1984, 471-514 7 WOLFF. GT.

Synhedrion (ovvéde.ov/syn(h)édrion, lit. ‘sitting together’). I. Greek Il. JewisnH HI. ARCHITECTURE I. GREEK Term used for various kinds of meetings and of bodies capable of holding meetings. Thus in Athens it can be used of the — Areopagus and the Council (+ Boule) of Five Hundred (Aeschin. In Ctes. 19-20), of the archons (- Archontes) and their — paredroi (Dem. Or. 59,83), or of any official doing business in his place of business (Lys. 9,6; 9,9). There are several particular uses of the term. Many individual states called their council synhedrion (e.g. Corinth 4th cent., Diod. Sic.16,65,6—8; Elatea, SEG III 416), and this usage grew more frequent in the Roman period (e.g. Argos, SEG XXII 266). Synhedrion was also the title given to the councils of various leagues: the Delphic + Amphiktyonia (e.g. Aeschin. In Ctes. 116);

SYNHEDRION

the allies opposed to Sparta in the Corinthian War (Diod. Sic. 14,82,2; 10,84,5); the (Second) Athenian League (e.g. IG II* 43 = Top 123, 41-6); the league of allies formed by Thebes in the 360’s (e.g. IG VIL 2418 = Top 160; [3]); the > Corinthian League, and the league as revived in 302 (e.g. IG II* 236 = Top 177, 21; Stv 3,446,60-99). The council of the Aetolian League could be referred to either as synhedrion (e.g. IG [X* 1 169) or as boule (e.g. IG [X* 1 178); the Thessalian koinon organised by the Romans had a synhedrion (IG IX 2 261).

Synhedrion was used of the club-houses of the Pythagoreans in Greek Italy (Pol. 2,39,1, Plut. Mor. 583 a). Synhedrion could be used of the informal council of the friends of a Hellenistic king (e.g. Pol. 5,41,6; [1]). Synhedrion was one of the Greek words used to translate the Roman senatus, as in Diodorus [18] (e.g. 31,15,3) and Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus (e.g. Ant. Rom. 1,74,1). Polybius normally uses either synhedrion (e.g. 1,11,1) or synkletos (e.g. 6,12,2).

1 G. CorraDI, Studi ellenistici, 1929, 231-255 LARSEN,

28

27

Representative

Roman History, 1955

Government

in

2J.A.O.

Greek

and

3D.M. Lewis, The S. of the Boe-

otian Alliance, in: A.SCHACHTER (ed.), Essays in the To-

pography, History and Culture 4 J.TouLtomakos, Der Einfluf$ der griechischen Stadtstaaten Inseln im r. und 2. Jahrhundert

of Boiotia, 1990, 71-73 Roms auf die Staatsform des Festlandes und der v. Chr., 1967, 155-173.

PR.

II]. ARCHITECTURE

see Theatre

Synizesis see > Prosody II

Synkrisis (ovyxovotc/synkrisis; Latin comparatio). In ancient literature, synkrisis refers to the comparative juxtaposition of people and things. Through its agonal element, it is related to the genre of debate, both in prose and verse [9]. From the time of Homerus [1], comparisons were used to highlight a person or thing,

from which synkrisis developed as a weighted ordering of similarities and differences in all literary genres. In rhetorical theory [6. 330-332, 336-339], the aim of synkrisis included praise (atEnow/auxeésis, Aristot. Rh. 1368a 19-29; Encomium) and blame, as e.g. in Isoc. Euagoras (Or. 9,37 f.) and Xen. Ages. 2,15. In rhetoric, synkrisis was also considered adequate if similar categories were compared (Isoc. Or. 12,39 f.; Hermog. Progymnasmata 8 [6. 338 f.]), such as the synkrisis in -~ Sallustius [II 3] (Sall. Catil. 54, [3; 1]) and in the parallel lives of + Plutarchus [2] of Chaeronea [5; 6]. Here synkrisis is not the ultimate goal, but — in the wider context of the argument — it inspires the reading public to critical review. Comparisons extending over greater

lengths of text are also considered synkriseis, such as those between Caesar and Alexander [II 4] (App. B Civ. 2,620-649 [2]) and between (Caecilius [I 30]) Metellus and > Marius [I 1] (Sall. lug. 44-77; 80-94; cf. [4; 7]). 1 W.W. Batstone, The Antithesis of Virtue, in: Classical

II. JEwIsH

Antiquity 7, 1988, 1-29

(Hebrew sanhedrin, ‘tribunal’, ‘council’). According

Arrian, in: Klio 70, 1988, 461-467

to the traditional view, the highest legislative and judicial institution of > Judaism in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. Flavius Josephus (> losephus [4]) portrays it as a council with political and judicial duties, chaired by a high priest and drawing its members from the high-priestly families, the lay nobility and the Scribes (Jos. Ant. JIud. 14,167f.; 14,170-172; 20,202 ff. et al.; cf. Mk 11,27; 14,43). The number of members, manner of selection etc. remain unclear. In

the New Testament, the synhedrion is the council that seeks a legal justification for killing > Jesus (Mk 14,553 Mt 26,59), and the assembly that counsels handing Jesus over to Pilate (+ Pontius [II 7]) (Mk 15,1). According to rabbinical sources, the sywhedrion, which consisted of 7o-72 members (cf. mYad 3,5) was

headed by rabbinical scholars who were above all familiar with halakhic rulings (e.g. calendar determination; > Halakhah) and the internal Jewish jurisdiction. Recent research finds this picture to be idealized and unhistorical in attempting to prove continuity between the period of the First and Second Temples and the Rabbinical period, and prefers the view that there was a multiplicity of local rabbinical courts. The latest attestation for the synhedrion (Cod. Theod. 16,8,29) is from AD 429. D.Goops.att,

The Monarchic Principle, 1994; M.Ja-

coss, Die Institution des jiidischen Patriarchen, 1995; SCHURER 2, 199-226.

B.E.

2K.BRODERSEN, Appian und 3 K.BUCHNER, Zur S.

Cato-Caesar

in Sallusts Catilina, in: Grazer Beitrage 5,

1976, 37-57

4A.DESMOULIEZ, A propos du jugement de

Cicéron sur Caton |’Ancien, in: Philologus 126, 1982, 70-89 5H.ErBsE, Die Bedeutung der S. in den Parallel-

biographien Plutarchs, in: Hermes 84, 1956, 398-424 6 F. Fock, S., in: Hermes

58, 1923, 327-368

7B.C.

McGin«, S. in Tacitus’ Agricola, in: Hermathena 132, 1982, 15-25 8C.B.R. PELLING, S. in Plutarch’s Lives, in: E.BRENK (ed.), Miscellanea Plutarchea (Rome 1985), 1986, 83-96 9D.WurTrkg, s. v. S., LAW 1965, 29622963.

H.A.G.

Synnaos Theos (ovvvaog 8ed¢/synnaos theds, pl. synnaoi theoi). The idea that a mortal could come to live

with a deity already appears in Homer (Od. 7,80f.), but only in the Hellenistic Period does ST, ‘the god who shares the temple [naos] of another deity’, come to refer to gods as well as to deified humans. In the ruler cult in particular, then, the concept of a ST unites traditional gods and deified humans on the level of shared ritual and theology. In this sense, the first demonstrable use of ST refers to + Attalus [6] Ill (IPerg 1,246,9; 138-133 BC). The concept underlying the ST, however, had appeared earlier, e.g. with > Arsinoe [II 3] II and the cult of the adelphoi theoi (‘Sibling-Gods’; pap. Hibeh 199; 271/o0 BC) or with > Demetrius [I 2] Poliorketes, who received divine honours in the Temple of Athena as a ‘guest’? (xenos: Plut. Demetrios 23,3-24) [z.217f.,

29

30

238f.]. + Antiochus [5] III and his wife ‘took part’ (metechontes) in the temple and ritual of - Dionysus on Teos (c. 203 BC: SEG 41,1003, l. sof.). Synnaos, however, is also often used of groups of traditional deities, esp. for > Isis and > Serapis [2.341]. In Egypt, the expression appears formulaically in official documents for these and other groups of gods (e.g. POxy. 2,241;3 10,1265). The first literary use of the term is in Strabo

Romans after S. (Str. 12,8,13 f.: Synnadikos lithos). Roman necropoleis, rock graves, and remains of the city wall survive.

(7,7,12) and Cicero (see below). Here and elsewhere (e.g. Plut. Symp. 4,4,668e; Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 2,2), ST

Synodikon (Zvvodixov; Synodikon). Liturgical formula of the Orthodox Church. The synodikon originated in the period of iconoclasm in AD 843, on the

implies a shared sanctuary or joint ritual. Related expressions: synestios (lit. ‘sitting together’; EpGr 1046,89f. after Hom. Od. 7,80f.; AD 161), synkathidrymenos (lit. ‘established jointly’; [3.368f.]), synthronos (lit. ‘enthroned together’; [Perg 2,497,5; Diod. Sic. 16,92,53 95,1), homonaos (‘living in the same temple’; IG IV* 1,41,2; 5th/4th cents. BC). Often such expressions are absent, and instead agalma denotes the emperor statue in the temple (aos) of a traditional cult [4.176f.]. The earliest Latin use of synnaos is in Cicero’s scornful comments on Caesar’s quest for divine honours (Cic. Att. 12,45,33 [5.186-188]; cf. ibid. 13,28,3: contubernalis). The Latin Di Sunnaui (ILS 4000) or the Greek ST (with Latin text including Serapis; ILS 4402)

appear in Imperial Period inscriptions. A bilingual inscription from Capua (ILS 3737) paraphrases ST as numina sancta. Greek authors also categorize the Capitoline Triad as a synnaos (Cass. Dio 55,1,1; 66,24,2). However, when T. > Quinctius [I 14] Flamininus and — Roma (IV.) received divine honours, it was probably

as cultic partners on an equal footing (cf. Plut. Flamininus 16), as when Roma ‘and’ Augustus (et: e.g. ILS 4009; 110; [6.436-438]) were likewise ‘jointly’ (communis: Suet. Aug. 52,1) honoured. Since [1.219f.; 7], scholars have seen the evidence for the concept of the ST as proof of an ancient theological category of joint temple use by two or more deities. However, the findings are contradictory, and urgently in need of reappraisal. ~ Deification; > Ruler cult 1 K.Scortt, The Deification of Demetrius Poliorcetes, in: AJPh 49, 1928, 137-166, 217-239 2L.VipMan, Sylloge

Inscriptionum Religionis Isiacae et Sarapiacae, 1969 3 Wipe 4S.PrIick, Rituals and Power, 1984 5 S. Weinstock, Divus Iulius, 1971 6 D.Fisuwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West, vol. 2.1, 1991 7 A.D. Nock, ZYNNAOZ @OEOX, in: HSPh 41, 1930, 1-62 (= NOCK, 202-251).

CRP.

Syn(n)ada (Zbv(v)ada/Syn(n)ada; Lat. Synnas). City in Greater Phrygia (Diod. 20,107,3 f.; Cic. Fam. 3,8,3; Gifera 155 4ges eClc Attan5 206,

2595.20)15 ul,

3'8,15 504%

45534511 f.; Synnas: Plin. HN 5,105,8; Tab. Peut. 9,4; Suda s. v. Svvadav: Synada), modern Suhut. At the vil-

lage of Docimeum (Steph. Byz. s. v. Z.: Dokimeia komé) in S.’s territory there were quarries in which an alabaster-like > marble (with map) was obtained, named by

the local inhabitants

after Docimeum,

and by the

SYNODOS

BELKE/MERSICH, 393-395.

E.O.

Synod see > Synodos II

initiative of Methodius, patriarch of Constantinople, as

a document of the victory of the patriarchate over the iconoclasts (> Syrian dynasty). It continued the tradition of the > diptycha. At the beginning of the ri1th cent., the synodikon was granted the more general function of a liturgical formula, which contained a commemoration list of emperors and patriarchs (in the provinces, the metropolitans as well), along with the condemned heresies. V.GRUMEL, Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, vol. 1.2, 1936 (repr. 1989). K.SA.

Synodos (1 obvodo¢/hé synodos; literally ‘meeting’, ‘the synod’). Greek name for assemblies and meetings of various kinds; see

+ Associations.

I. GREEK PUBLIC LAW

II. CHRISTIAN

I. GREEK PUBLIC LAW As a term in Greek public law, synodos means in general the meeting in rotation of representatives or citizens as a whole to exercise political powers in a body of federal states [1.13 18f.]. In the Achaean Confederacy (> Achaeans, Achaea) of the Hellenistic Period, synodos was the customary term for the central decision organ: initially the full assembly of citizens, which convened four times a year [2.223f.], after the constitutional reform at the end of the 3rd cent. BC, the > synhédrion of representatives from the member states (full assembly since then synkleétos; [4.25 1-255], otherwise [3]). 1 BusoLtt/Swopopa States, 1968

2J.A. O. Larsen, Greek Federal

3 A.GIOVANNINI, Polybe et les assemblées

achéennes, in: MH

26, 1969, 1-17.

4G.A.

LEHMANN,

Erwagungen zur Struktur des achaiischen Bundesstaates, in: ZPE 51, 1983, 237-261. Il. CHRISTIAN A. TERM B. ORIGINS

THE 4TH CENT.

C. DEVELOPMENT

HA.BE.

SINCE

D. ECUMENICAL SYNODS

A. TERM Synodos, the synod (‘meeting’, ‘association’; Latin

concilium, also ‘provincial regional parliament’; from the 4th cent. in Latin also synodus), is the assembly of representatives of various Christian communities to advise and make decisions on questions of faith, church administration and discipline; the term ‘council’ is also

SYNODOS

31

32

used for larger, in particular ecumenical, synodoi. While Christians since the Apostles had believed that the communities all over the world were the one Church of Christ, it was the synodoi in the period of Early Christianity who were the authority that represented and preserved this unity.

came an instrument of imperial control of the Church. As early as 314, ~ Constantinus [1] had gathered the bishops of his part of the empire in Arelate, to puta stop to the Donatist schism (~ Donatus [1]). Under the sole rule of Constantine, the ecumenical synodos (cf. below D.) and what is known as the endemic synodos developed in Constantinople as new forms, while the provincial synodos was given a generally binding form. At the endemic synodoi (événnotoa/endémousa, ‘present [in the capital]’) the bishops present in the capital met as required under the chairmanship of the bishop of Constantinople. The first known endemic synodos removed > Marcellus [4] of Ancyra from office in 330. The endemic synodos in 448 marked the beginning of the Eutychian dispute (+ Eusebius [10] of Dory-

B. ORIGINS The first known synodoi - apart from the one called the ‘Apostolic Council’ (Acts 15; Gal 2; Paulus [2]) met in Asia Minor soon after 150, on the occasion of the dispute over > Montanism (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,16,10). Around 190, synodoi of East and West were deliberating on the correct date for Easter (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,23,2). The origins of the synodoi therefore fall into that period when the Christian communities began to show greater signs of mutual organization and greater similarities and to draw up common standards (-> Irenaeus [2]; > Episkopos [2]; > Canon V.). The synodoi probably did not therefore originate as extended assemblies of a single community, but were from the start meetings covering many communities, which were intended to bring agreement among the communities on questions of generai significance and therefore unity in the Church. At the time of > Cyprianus [2] (¢258), synodot of the African communities were already being held in Carthage at least once a year (Cypr. Epist. 56,3). In Cappadocia, too, a synodos was regularly arranged at least once a year (Cypr. Epist. 75,4,3). The occupants of the most illustrious bishops’ sees (in particular ~ Alexandria [1] and Rome) could call the bishops of their official dioceses together to a synodos. The synodoi assembled against > Paulus [1] of Samosata in Antioch [1] in around 268 were attended by bishops from many eastern provinces; they are the first known synodoi at which a bishop was removed from office. The synodoi believed themselves to be inspired by the Holy Spirit, their decisions made not as majority decisions but as unanimous, concurring with apostolic and ecclesiastical tradition and irrevocable; the only choice for someone defeated at a synodos was between submission and excommunication. An exceptional case was the Antiochene synodos in the winter of 324/5, at which > Eusebius [7] of Caesarea and two other bishops received only provisional sentences, with the possibility of justifying themselves at the next synodos. Synodoi also quite frequently declared decisions by other synodoi heretical and invalid (- Heresy). In the course of the 3rd cent., the voting rights of laymen, deacons and presbyters at synodoi were transferred fully to the bishops. Where decisions by the synods were regarded as significant for the entire Church, they were sent out in letters and later put together in collections (> Collectiones canonum).

C. DEVELOPMENT SINCE THE 4TH CENT. At the beginning of the 4th cent., the synodoi took on political significance; the unity of the Church was now a matter for the state as well, and the synodoi be-

laeum, — Eutyches [3]).

Canon 5 of the Council of Nicaea [5] in 325 decreed that a synodos should be held in every province twice a year under the chairmanship of the metropolitan (bishop of the provincial capital). This made the provincial synodos a permanent legal institution everywhere; it dealt chiefly with matters of discipline and administration.

There were also many more types, especially in the 4th cent.: synodoi of the East (Antioch 379) and the West (Aquileia 382), imperial syzodos (Constantinople 360), theological committee meetings by order of the emperor (Sirmium 359), syzodoi dealing with ecclesiastical politics or dogma (Ancyra 358, Alexandria 362), administrative synodoi (Gangra around 343). The African general synodos met in Carthage up until the time of the attack by the Vandals. Important for the history of dogma in the western Latin Church were the general synodos in Carthage in 418 (condemnation of Pelagianism, — Pelagius [4]) and the synodos of Arausio in 529 (condemnation of — Semipelagianism; -> Caesarius [4]). The Church in the Persian kingdom, still represented at the Council of Nicaea, separate from the RomanByzantine imperial Church since the 5th cent. in terms of organization and dogma (-+ Nestorius), regularly held synodoi of the six church provinces and synodoi of the entire Church under the katholikos of SeleuciaCtesiphon (cf. [2]). D. ECUMENICAL SYNODS The highest authority and the final arbiter in all matters, the ecumenical synodos was the supreme representation of the one Church. It was called by the emperor at his expense to deal with divided opinions on dogma; the emperor also had a considerable say in how it was run. The Latin West was only sparsely represented at all the ecumenical synodoi of the Ancient Church. The orthodox churches and the Roman Catholic church had seven ecumenical synodoi of the Ancient Church; not counted were synodoi, which, though convened as ecumenical, did not have their decisions recognized or had them resolved (Serdica 3 42, Ariminum and Seleucia 359, Ephesus 449, Hiereia 754). Synodoi 1)

33

34

and 2) were convened owing to the dispute over the Trinity (+ Arianism; > Trinity), synodoi 3) to 6) owing

to Christological dispute; the latter were strongly characterized by ecclesiastical power struggles. 1) Nicaea in 325, convened by Constantine, the archetype of all later councils, condemned > Arius [3] (> Nicaenum),

deliberated

on

further

for Church administration. 2) Constantinople in 381,

actually a purely eastern synodos, generally acknowledged only from 451, concluded the dispute over the Trinity. It confirmed the dogma of Nicaea (> NicaenoConstantinopolitanum) and condemned > Apollinarius [3] Marcellus and the + Pneumatomachoi. Canon 3 decreed that the bishop of Constantinople stood in rank immediately below the bishop of Rome. 3) Ephesus in 431, the first council of which extensive documentary material has been preserved on its previous history and the way meetings were conducted, disintegrated from the start into two camps; no joint meeting took place (+ Cyrillus [2]). The Alexandrian-Roman party removed Nestorius from office, forbade the adding of new dogmas to the Nicaenum and condemned Pelagians and > Messaliani. 4) Calchedon in 451, with approximately 600 participants the largest council of the Ancient Church, abolished the decisions of the Council of Ephesus in 449 (> Dioscorus [1]) and drew up a formula for a two-nature Christology (Chalcedonense), one of the most important dogmas of the Ancient Church. This resulted in rifts in Egypt and Syria -— Nestorius;

> Schism).

The

council also decided on the size and rank of the five patriarchates

of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem. 5) Constantinople II in 553, under — Iustinianus [1], decided that the Chalcedonense should be interpreted according to Cyrillus [3] and condemned the Christology of the > Antiochene School (known as the ‘Three-Chapter Controversy’ about dogmas by > Theodorus of Mopsuestia, > Theodoretus of Cyrrhus and > Hiba of Edessa) and > Origenes [2]. 6) Constantinople III in 680/1 defined that there were two energies and two wills in Christ (contrary to » Monotheletism). The decrees of councils 5) and 6) were supplemented by decisions about ecclesiastical law at a council in Constantinople in 692 (known as Quinisextum). However, they attained validity only in the East and were condemned by Pope Sergius I. 7) Nicaea II in 787, on the matter of images, defined that holy images (and through them the archetype depicted) were due a kiss and adoration, though worship was appropriate only to the divine nature (> Cult image

IV.). ~ CHRISTIANITY;

sche Theologie und Kirche, +1907, 262-277. 8C.]J. HEFELE, H.LECLERCQ, Histoire des conciles, 1907ff. 9 W. MOELLER, H. von SCHUBERT, Kirchengeschichte 1, *1902.

S.GE.

Synoikismos (ovvoimtopudc/synoikismos, lit. ‘living together’). In the Greek world, the combination of several smaller communities to form a single larger community. Sometimes the union was purely political and did not affect the pattern of settlement or the physical existence of the separate communities: this is what the Athenians supposed to have happened when they attributed the Attic synoikismos to > Theseus, commemorated by a festival in classical times, the Synoikia (Thuc. 2,15) whereas it is now believed that after the collapse of the Mycenaean world, while Athens remained inhabited, much of Attica was unoccupied and Attica was resettled from Athens in the > Dark Ages and the archaic period [x]. On other occasions it involved the migration of citizens to the new city, as in the case of > Megalopolis in Arcadia in the 360’s BC. — Elis is said to have undergone synoikismos in 471/o BC (Diod. Sic. 11,5 4,1; Str. 8,3,2), but what change was made is unclear, since there was already a single political unit of Elis before that date, there was a town on the site of Elis both before and after that date, and there were separate communities both before and after that date [5]. Sometimes a union might be undone (dioikismos) by an enemy which resented the power of the united state or by men who wished to return to their former homes. ~ Mantinea was formed out of five villages (~ Kome),

perhaps c. 470 BC, in what appears from the archaeological evidence to have been a purely political union (Str. 8,3,2, cf. [3]); in 385 BC Sparta used the Peace of Antalcidas (— King’s peace) as a pretext for splitting it into separate villages once more (Xen. Hell. 5,2,1-7; Diod. Sic. 15,5,3-4 and 12); in 370 BC, when Sparta was no longer strong enough to interfere, the single polis was recreated (Xen. Hell. 6,5,3-5), and went on to found an Arcadian (~ Arcadians, Arcadia) federation (Xen. Hell. 6,5,6-21; Diod. Sic. 15,59,1-2). Megalopo-

lis was formed from separate communities in southwestern Arcadia to be the capital of that federation (Diod. Sic. 15,72,4, Paus. 8,27,1-8); after the battle of Mantinea, in 362 BC, some of the inhabitants tried to return to their former homes, but Theban forces were invoked to drive them back to Megalopolis (Diod. Sic. 15,94,1-3). Sometimes an already united community was refounded on a new site (metoikismos) [2]. For the unions of the Hellenistic world, often made

— Schism

EDITIONS: 1 J.ALBERIGO, Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, 1962 2 J.B. CHagBorT, Synodicon orientale, 1902

3 J.D. Mans1, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, 1759ff. 4 E.ScHwaRTz et al., Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum, 1914ff. BiBL1oGRAPHY:

1997 6 Geschichte der 6kumenischen Konzilien, 1963 ff. 7 A.HAUCK, s.v. s., in: Realencyklopadie fiir protestanti-

rifts in the

Church and on the date of Easter, and drew up canons

(+ Monophysitism,

SYNOIKISMOS

5S J.A. FiscHEr, A. LumpE, Die Synode

von den Anfangen bis zum Vorabend des Nicaenums,

at the demand of a king, scholars tend to use the term > sympoliteia rather than synoikismos. 1 A. ANDREWES, in: CAH, vol. 3.3, *1982, 360-363; 377382 2N.H. Demanp, Urban Relocation in Archaic and Classical Greece, 1990 3 S.AND H. Hopkinson, Mantineia and the Mantinike, in: ABSA 76, 1981, 239-296 4M.Moaal, I sinecismi interstatali greci, vol. 1: Dalle origini al 338 a.C., 1976 5 J.Roy, The Perioikoi of Elis,

SYNOIKISMOS

35

36

in: M. H. Hansen (ed.), The Polis as an Urban Centre and as a Political Community, 1997, 285-289. PR.

natyyoonpévow/katégoréménon, Lat. praedicatum ‘predicate’). While the parts of speech represent a categorical dimension on the descriptive level of morphology, that is, of the theory of word forms, their use in a sentence as constituents is the object of morpho-syntax as an independent area of syntax. It is important to maintain a strict separation between formal and functional categories; particularly regarding case-systems with their tendency towards — syncretism [II] there is otherwise a danger of unclear terminology. Thus it is advisable to use terms such as ‘dative’ or ‘accusative’ exclusively for formally distinct cases, while referring to their function with other terms such as ‘benefactive’ (for the beneficiary of an action) or ‘separative’ (for the point of origin of a movement). Where they designate

Synomosia (ovvwpooia; synomosia). Legally barely definable ‘oath community’, which occurs throughout Greek areas among private individuals, in cult, the army, politics and judiciary (-» Hetairia [2]), and also in inter-state relations; used in the Roman period as a translate factio or coniuratio (FIRA I’ Nr. 68, Z. 7, first

Cyrene edict on > praevaricatio). E.SEIDL, s. v.S., RE 4 A, 1445-1450; L. RUBINSTEIN, Litigation and Cooperation, 2000, 204-208. GT.

Synonym (Latin, from Greek ovvdrvupov/synonymon, ‘word with the same meaning’). Ancient grammarians gave the name synonyma (or alternatively polyonyma) to two or more words with the same meaning, such as mogeveoOat and faditew for “go” (Aristot. Rhet. 1405a), ensis, gladius and mucro for “sword” (Prisc., GL 2, p. 59, line 18 Ket). The Sophist + Prodicus endeavours to distinguish from one another the meanings particularly of apparent synonyms; ancient rhetoric also places great value on recognising fine nuances (primarily for retouching partisan speeches, e.g. Quint. Inst. 3,7,25).

Synonyms may appear in the vocabulary of a language e.g. through words originating from different geographical regions, words spreading from — technical terminology, or avoidance due to > taboo; here, differences in style or in emotional content may remain and prevent total interchangeability. In modern theory, the term is frequently either reformulated to denote ‘similar in meaning’, or limited to ‘partial synonymy’, i.e. semantically close terms with greater or smaller overlap or possibility of interchangeability. + Lexicon F.J. HAUSMANN, The Dictionary of Synonyms: Discriminating Synonymy, in: Id. etal. (eds.), Worterbicher (Handbuch zur Sprach- und Kommunikationswiss. 5,2), 1990, 1067-1075; W. Woisk1, Die Synonymie im allge-

meinen einsprachigen W6rterbuch (Handbuch zur Sprachund Kommunikationswissenschaft 5,1), 1989, 614-628.

basic

semantic

(concerning

(concerning

meaning)

the communicative

or pragmatic

use of an utterance)

concepts, functional terms of this type are a priori valid for any language. Even for languages lacking in independent formal cases, one can determine which possibilities of expressing certain functional categories they contain, and in how far these are developed syntactically. Il. APPLICATION To give an example: the categorical analysis of the word Gallia in the first sentence of Caesar’s De bello Gallico yields — along with the morphological observation that it is the nominative singular of a feminine noun — its syntactical identification as the subject of the sentence, a function which is linked to the nominative case (and which furthermore is manifested in its concord of person and number with the finite verb form est, as well as in gender concord with divisa). Ona pragmatic level, it must be stated that the word represents the ‘theme’ of the utterance, which in Latin usually correlates to the syntactical subject. The word est that follows in the same sentence can be analyzed as the 3rd person singular, present tense, indicative, active of the verb esse

(‘to be’) which, together with the participle form divisa (‘divided’), syntactically functions as the predicate. Within the pragmatic structure of the sentence, which triggers the expectation of a statement (in the sense of new information) about the given ‘theme’, the verbal

Syntax ovvtaétc/syntaxis in Apollonius [11], Latin constructio in Priscian; it deals with the sentence as the basic form of meaningful utterances, and with its structure and constituents. I. FOUNDATIONS II. APPLICATION I. FOUNDATIONS Syntactic analysis is based on the differentiation between the parts of speech and their use as sentence elements or constituents, already developed by the ancient > grammarians (gen tov hoyou/mere tou logou, Lat. partes orationis ‘parts of speech’: e.g. Svopa/

6noma, Lat. vocabulum ‘noun’; Ojpa/rhéma, Lat. verbum ‘verb’; in their use as sentence constituents: broxeivevow/hypokeimenon, Lat. subiectum ‘subject’;

predicate represents a part of the ‘rheme’. Through the inclusion of the so-called ‘functional sentence perspective’ which is tied to the concepts of ‘theme’ and ‘rheme’, the analysis reaches beyond the limits of the sentence. In the sense of a ‘textual syntax’, this opens up a fruitful area of inquiry especially in the classical languages of Greek and Latin. The given example is interesting also in respect to the position of est between Gallia and the adjectival pronoun omnis which is tied to it predicatively. Even though word order in Latin is less of a dominant syntactical dimension as in the modern Romance languages or in English, the example reveals an adherence to a rule, inherited from Proto-Indo-European, that unstressed (enclitic) elements favour the second position (Wackernagel’s Law).

38

ou

Of all areas of linguistics, syntax has undergone the largest number of conceptual innovations since antiquity. Among the different models that were developed in the 2nd half of the 2oth cent., dependency grammar and generative transformational grammar have gained some importance for the languages of Classical Antiquity as well. > LINGuIsTICs W.Havers, Handbuch der erklarenden Syntax, 1931; H.Krane, Grundziige der vergleichenden Syntax der indogermanischen Sprachen, 1972; M. MEIER-BRUGGER, Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft, 72000, 221-260; H. Pau, Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte, °1975, ch. 6 f.;

F.SOMMER,

Vergleichende

Syntax

der Schulsprachen,

31931; J.WACKERNAGEL, Vorlesungen iiber Syntax, vols. 1-2, 71926-1928; Id., Uber ein Gesetz der indogermanischen Wortstellung, in: IF 1, 1892, 333-436 (Id., Kleine Schriften, 1953, I-103). fe}

Syntaxis (ovvtaétc/syntaxis, pl. syntdxeis; from tattein ‘to arrange’ and syn- ‘together’). Term devised by Callistratus [I 2] in the 4th cent. BC for financial contributions

to the (Second)

-» Athenian

League

(Theo-

pomp. FGrH r15 f 98) purposely concealing the compulsion behind it, after the Athenians had promised not to collect + phoros (‘tribute’) as they had done in the hated > Delian League of the sth. cent. BC (e.g. IG II* 43 = TOD 123,23): the syntaxeis were at any rate to some extent under the control of the > synhedrion of the allies (e.g. IG II* 123 = Top 156). The term was used by Alexander the Great for the money which he collected from the Greeks of Asia Minor, in contrast to the phoros which continued to be paid by non-Greeks (e.g. JPriene 1 = Top 185; but in Arr. Anab. 1,17,7 the phrase ton phoron tés syntaxeos te kai apophoras refers to the assessment and collection of phoros, i.e. from non-Greeks: on this [1. 129 f.]). In the Hellenistic period, the scope of the term is apparently widened to include all kinds of dues. In Ptolemaic Egypt, dues paid to temples, in cash or in kind (OGIS go. 14 f.); stipends paid by the king to individuals (Athen. 11,493f-494a); a poll tax (P. Tebt. 103; 189). 1 A.B. Bosworth, A Historical Commentary on Arrians History of Alexander, vol. 1, 1980. PR.

Synteleia (ovvtéheva/syntéleia), ‘joint contribution’, in

particular to the costs of - liturgies in Athens; after 357, used of groups of men contributing to the costs of a > trireme (in a strict sense, of the men who contributed to the costs but were not trierarchs, but used sometimes

of all contributors including trierarchs) [1], and recommended by Demosthenes for festival liturgies (Demosth. 20. Lept. 23). The word is used also for membership of federal bodies such as the Boeotian federation (e.g. Diod. Sic 15,38,4; cf. télein ind Hadt. 6,108,5) and the Achaean League (e.g. Paus. 7,11,3).

SYPALETTUS

1 V.GABRIELSEN,

Financing the Athenian Fleet, 1994,

182-199.

P.J.R.

Syntheke (ovvOynxn; syntheke). Something ‘fixed in common’ by a number of parties, often recorded in epigraphic or documentary form (usually in the plural: synthékai). In Greek philosophy, > némos [1] and the synthéké (as positive rules) are contrasted with — nature (voc, physis) [3. 1168]. The term syntheke is used as a (document of) treaty or contract in the interstate law of the Greek poleis and in private relationships. According to the content (alliance, friendship) or stage of the arrangement, various synonyms are used for synthéke as an inter-state agreement ([3. 11621164], cf. also the indices in [4. 366; 5. 438 f.]). Asa term for a contract between individuals, synthéké appears primarily in Athens, difficult, despite [2. 1437], to distinguish from > syngraphe (and other expressions mentioned under that lemma, Poll. 8,140). As a private document the sytheke was drawn up in the presence of witnesses, sealed (— Seals, with ill.), and

deposited with a private keeper (> Documents). If necessary, the parties could compare their copies in front of witnesses and reseal the original. Like the > syngraphe, a document constructed by means of a syntheke was used for evidential purposes, it had no broader ‘dispositive’ force [1. 113-116]. In court the authenticity and correctness of ans. had to be confirmed by witnesses. In Egyptian papyri syntheke is hardly used, the verb (syntithesthai) only from the 3rd cent. AD, under the influence of official Roman contract/treaty terminology [62-7717 026\: 1 D. BEHREND, Attische Pachturkunden, 1970 2 P. KussMAUL, Synthekai, thesis, Basel, 1969 3 O.SCHULTHESS,

s.v. S., RE 6, 1158-1168

4 StV II

5 StV Ill 6H.J. Woxrr, Consensual Contracts in the Papyri? Suppl., in: Journal of Juristic Papyrology 1, 1946, 55-79

Syntomon

7 WOLFF.

G.T.

(obvtopov; syntomon). As a specimen of

Byzantine liturgical poetry the s. lies between the ~ kontdkion and the > kanon [2], but without having achieved their popularity. In the liturgy of the Orthodox Church its four to nine strophes are inserted between the verses of psalms, and for this reason a s. is also called a stichéron (ottynedv). Presumably it can be traced to the poet and hymnographer Kyprianos (rst half of the 8th cent.). ~ Hymn IV. J.Sz6vérrry, A Guide to Byzantine Hymnography 1979.

..., K.SA,

Sypalettus (Zumadyntt6c/Sypalettos). Attic mesogeia deme of the Cecropis phyle, with two bouleutai. The site of the Lex sacraIG TP’ 245 (470/460 BC) locates S. at Nea Ionia (formerly Kukuvaones) to the north of Athens.

SYPALETTUS

40

39

TRAILL, Attica, ro f., 51, 68, 85, 112 Nr. 132, 121, Tab. 7; WHITEHEAD, Index s. vy. S. H.LO.

Syphax (Lbpak/Syphax, Dopak/Sophax). King of the Masaesylians in western Numidia (Liv. 28,17f.; 24,48,2; Sil. Pun. 16,170-17,631; Plin. HN 5,1,19; Str.

17,3,9; App. Lib. 36-121). Initially an opponent of Carthage (Liv. 24,48f.; 27,4,5), he was won over by the Scipiones (-» Cornelius [I 68] and - [1 77]) as an ally in the Second > Punic War in 213 BC and his army was trained in the Roman manner (Liv. 30,11,4; 30,28,3f.).

The eastern Numidians under Gala and -> Massinissa conquered parts of his territory, but in 210 his attempt to conclude a treaty of friendship with Rome remained unsuccessful. After Gala’s death, S$. was courted by Rome and Carthage in 206 (Liv. 28,17f.; 29,4; 29,23f.5 30,13; Pol. 11,24a,4), but he allied himself with Car-

thage, established himself as the ruler of all of Numidia and married Hasdrubal’s daughter - Sophoni(s)ba (Pol. 14,1,4; 7,1-6; Liv. 28,7; 28,17—18; App. Ib. 29f.; Diod. Sic. 27,7; Cass. Dio 17,57,51; Zon. 9,11-12).

Whereas Massinissa then supported the Romans, S. broke relations with Rome (Liv. 29,23; Frontin. Str. 2,7,4) and in 204 forced P. + Cornelius [I 71] Scipio to lift the siege of Utica (Liv. 30,16; Pol. 14,1,14). Al-

though in 203 Scipio was able to destroy the camps and armies of S. and the Carthaginians (Pol. 14,2—10; Fron-

tin. Str. 1,1,3; 1,2,1; 2,5,25; Liv. 30,6—-8), S. continued

to fight on the side of Carthage on the ‘Great Plains’; following a renewed defeat, he retreated to Numidia. At Cirta he was defeated by Massinissa, was captured, taken to Rome and died in Tibur [1. 39-42, 47f.]. + Numidae, Numidia 1 H.W. Rirrer, Rom und Numidien, 1987.

M.-R. ALFOLDI, Die Geschichte des numidischen K6nigreiches und seiner Nachfolger, in: H.G. Horn, C.B. RwGER (eds.), Die Numider, 1979, 43-74; H.R. BALDus, Die

topography is the gradual ascension of the terrain from the littoral shore area towards the north, rising as high as 150 m to the plateau of Epipolae (measuring 1730 ha.), which, being part of the foothills of the so-called Hyblaean Massif, belongs to the early-Tertiary limestone plateau of southeast Sicily. The analysis of literary sources and especially the increasing amount of archaeological finds within the urban territory have revealed that the archaic district of - Achradine (from ayods/achras, ‘wild pear’) was certainly not located on

the barren, porous-limestone plateau, but on the mainland slope between the plateau and the shore, with a fertile soil of clay and conglomerate. The settlement district situated west of Achradine, often referred to as the suburb (xoodotei/prodsteia) and named after

Apollo Temenités, existed already in the 7th cent. BC. S. never expanded beyond the north border beyond the + Latomiai, situated on the southeast edge of the plateau, not even during the so-called Gelonian (~ Gelon [x]) city expansion. Even without the settlement on the Epipolae (which was supposed to have taken place, according to speculations circulating from the Renaissance, but has meanwhile been disproved), with its total area of c. 125 ha., S. was an exceptionally big city as early as the Archaic Period. The two harbours of S. were located at each side of Ortygia, which maintained the name vijooc/nésos (‘island’) even after it became a peninsula through the erection of a causeway, or bridge, which linked it with the nearby opposite shore. Closely connected with ~ Artemis, the principal goddess and protectress of harbours and bodies of water, who was worshipped in Ortygia, together with > Apollo, in a very archaic temple, was > Arethousa [7], the nymph of the freshwater spring in the southwest of the island; her head appears in a stereotyped representation on coins of S., minted from c. 530 BC.

Miinzen der Numiderkonige S. und Vermina, in: H.-C. NogskKE et al. (eds.), Die Miinze: Bild, Botschaft, Bedeu-

tung: Festschrift fur M. Rosenbaum-Alfoldi,

1991, 26-345

A. BERTHIER, La Numidie. Rome et le Maghreb,

1981;

M.R. Cima, Reges socii et amici populi Romani, 1976.

BM.

Syracusae (Lvedxovoa/Syrdkousai, Lat. Syracusae). Syracuse, town on > Sicily’s southeast coast, modern Siracusa. I. ToroGrapnuy Il. History Ill. ARCHAEOLOGY 1. TOPOGRAPHY Colony of - Corinth (-> Colonization), founded in

734/3 BC. The place name is said to have derived from the swamp area of > Lysimeleia, also called Dvoedxw/ Syrako (cf. Scymn. 280-282), which existed until the 2oth cent. and was located west of the slim promontory, which, together with the island + Ortygia facing it, constituted the original bridgehead settlement (inhabited from the early Paleolithic). The factor that has been of significance in S.’s much-discussed historical

A. C. E. G.

Il. History ARCHAIC PERIOD B. EARLIER TYRANNY THE SECOND DEMOCRACY D. LATER TYRANNY THE MONARCHY F. UNDER ROMAN RULE BYZANTINE PERIOD

A. ARCHAIC PERIOD

Only little is known of the early history of the city. The first conflicts of the Corinthian colonists under Archias [1] with the > Siculi, about the settlement place (Thuc. 6,3,2), were followed, on the one hand, by the submission of the local natives, who, in bondage, were

called Cyllyrii and had a similar status to that of the -» Helots, and on the other, by the expansion further

into the Siculan hinterland. Unlike the fortified military centres of > Acrae (founded in 660) and + Casmenae (610), the + apoikiai of — Camarina (599/8) and -» Morgantina (560), which were sent out from S. in the 6th cent., were rather agrarian colonies on fertile coastal and river plains. It seems that S. prospered under the stable rule of the gamoroi (- Geomoroi), the land-

41

42

SYRACUSAE

Syracusae (8th cent. BC - 3rd/4th cents. AD)

3

“sy,

Y/-

NI “wn RIN 4s

’ Ne

abdalon, ?

7

mapa ahthey ELLOS

wntnas?

Sree pee eH mene

Latomia di Santa Venera Ara of Hiero II

Roman arn tinests

Ancient city centre (8th cent.): island of Ortygia,

i

Fins

Siculan settlement from the 14th cent. BC, and the

wine

ee

promontory opposite, later connected by a causeway.

i

POMS:

LEMS

City expansion from the 7th cent. BC

——

City expansion from the 5th cent. BC

——_

Enclosure wall of Dionysius | (4th cent. BC)

oe

Gelonian wall

s==e==

New north wall

rc

@H ° »»ree

IIL

fo Zz a

yn

Ls

‘

Siculan/Greek/Roman/Byzantine necropoleis

Y,

3

5

A

Ld A

of Apollo

gymnasium’ lonic temple of Athena

Christian catacombs (4th/5th cents. AD)

Doric temple of Athena

Arethusa spring™

temple, Other buildings Other archaeological find spot

Dene and Kore

A”vikcas Limen Ne 1 RO een Doric temple

Royal citadel (Dionysius |)

\

|

oralememees

Megas

Limen

Aqueduct

Q Euud

ares NPN

¥

(7th cent./from 3rd cent. BC/4th cent. AD) (a)

=

Quarries, ‘latomiai’/prisons (e.g. Latomia del Paradiso with the cave of the “Ear of Dionysius’ and sanctuary of Demeter above it; Latomia di Santa Venera)

Olympieion

Plodiigdnba

s0

Escarpment (slope of the limestone plateau)

Ortygia Spring of Arethusa; Doric temple of Apollo (c. 600/early 6th cent. BC); Doric temple of Athena (480 BC), over late archaic (late 6th cent.) predecessor; unfinished lonic temple of Athena (510/500 BC— 1st cent. AD), over megaron-type predecessor (7th cent. BC)

Achradina (suburb, 7th cent. BC) Agora; ‘Roman gymnasium’ =sanctuary of Isis? (1st/2nd cents. AD), square with porticus, small theatre, Italian temple; temple of Demeter and Kore (5th cent. BC); necropoleis (outside the walls).

Plemmyrion 10

Expansion of the city (‘suburbs’) Temenites: sanctuary (altar) of Apollo Temenites (early/late 7th cent. BC); theatre (5th cent. BC; renovated late 3rd cent. BC); porticus (nymphaeum or mouseion, seat of the actors’ guild); Ara of Hiero II (late 3rd cent. BC); Roman amphitheatre (3rd/4th cents. AD); Augustan honorary arch

Neapolis: (suburb, late 5th cent. BC, restructuring under Hiero II, 3rd cent. BC) Tyche (suburb, late 5th cent. BC) Polichna: Olympieum = Doric temple of Zeus (early 6th or early 5th cent. BC;

Necropoli del Fusco (10) Athenian bases (414/413 BC) Lysimeleia (marshy area); Plemmyrion (mainland); Epipolai with defence structures and Euryalus Fort (built 405 BC).

20 30

Necopolels

1, Necropolis of Grotticelli (Greek/Roman/Byzantine); e.g. ‘Tomb of Archimedes’ (late Republican); 2. Byzantine rock tombs; 3. Necropoli del Casale; 4. Necropolis of Viale P. Orsi; 5. Necropoli del Giardino Spagna; 6. Necropolis of Piazza della Vittoria, church of the Madonna delle Lacrime; 7. Necropolis of S. Maria del Gesu;

8. Necropolis of Viale Teorito, Viale Cadorna, Piazza S. Lucia, Via dello stadio; 9. Necropolis of Via Testaferrata, Corso Gelone, Via Carabelli; 10, Necropoli del Fusco.

SYRACUSAE

43

owning aristocracy. That it was not free from inner political conflicts, however, is shown by the banishment, in the mid 7th cent. BC, of the Myletidae, an aristocratic family and their followers, who settled down in the newly-founded colony of

Himera (Thuc. 6,5,1), and

by the end of the 6th cent., by the conflict about Camarina (see below). The question, whether the Syracusan coin minting was a symptom of its growing economic power as a consequence of significant trade relations, or rather proof of an increased currency demand because of intensified military operations, remains open to discussion.

B. EARLIER TYRANNY There is a lack of detail as well as an unclear chronology about the conflict between S. and -» Camarina, and > Gela, in the second half of the 6th cent. BC, at the end of which the inhabitants of Camarina were exiled and the city territory was ceded (c. 495?) to > Hippocrates [4], the new founder of the colony (Thuc. 6,5,3). Hippocrates, the tyrant of Gela who followed an expansive policy in all of the east-Sicilian territory, had directly attacked S. previously, reckoning in vain with Syracusan > demos. In 490 BC, however, in conjunc-

tion with the Cyllyrii, he overthrew the rule of the gamoroi. This marked the beginning in S. of the short period of the so-called ‘first democracy’, which ended in 485 BC, when Hippocrates’ successor > Gelon [r], who had meanwhile newly settled Camarina, repatriated the aristocrats of S., who had fled to Casmenae, establishing, however, his own — tyrannis (Hdt. 7,155,2) in S., leaving Gela under the control of his brother Hieron [1]. Under the rule of Gelon (485-478), its high-handed new founder, S. became the largest polis of the Greek world of the time. If Hippocrates had already extended Gela’s rule by force to the Chalcidian-Ionian colonies of > Leontini, Callipolis [5], Naxos [2] (?), > Catane (?) and for a short period even of Zancle (-* Messana [r]}), Gelon continued this expansion, ensuring the supremacy of S. over all of east Sicily. As a consequence of a new uprising, all the inhabitants of Camarina were transferred to S., and so were the upper classes of the occupied cities of Euboea [2] and Megara [3] Hyblaea, while their démos was enslaved. Numerous citizens from Gela were relocated to S. as well (Hdt. 7,156; cf. Thuc. 6,4,2; 6,94,1). It is controversial to what extent the information, according to which Gelon eventually had made his 10,000 (Arcadian?) mercenaries citizens of S. (cf. Diod. 11,72,3), is an exaggeration based on anachronism; however, the development of Epipolae to an urban settlement area, as it was maintained in the past, can in no way be used as a proof for it (see above I.).

Gelon, who was connected with — Gela through his origin and his brother Hieron [1], and with > Acragas through his spouse Damarete [1] (who was the daughter of > Theron, the tyrant of Acragas), headed a powerful alliance and laid the foundations of S.’s hegemony in Sicily for the following almost 300 years. It was not

44 the later myth-making, but already the contemporary eulogy of the + Deinomenids to represent Gelon’s war for the city of Himera, which had been annexed by Theron, as a Panhellenic struggle for freedom: the victory at Himera (480 BC?) over the Carthaginians under Hamilcar [1], who had been called for help by > Terillus, the tyrant of Himera who had been expelled by Theron, has been celebrated as a parallel to the Greek victory of Salamis [1] during the > Persian Wars (Hdt. 7,165 f.). Similar to Athens [1] in the mother country, henceforth S. justified its claim to leadership in Sicily with Gelon’s ‘rescuing heroism’ and with Hieron [1]’s naval victory over the > Etrusci at Cyme [2] in 474 BC. Gelon developed the navy, making S. a naval power (cf. Hdt. 7,158,4), and with the help of an alliance with Anaxilaus [1] from Zancle/Messana and > Regium (480/479

BC), established Syracusan naval supremacy in the south Adriatic (> Ionios Kolpos) as well as in the southern > Mare Tyrrhenum. Under Hieron [1] I (478/7-466 BC), who now succeeded his brother in S. as he had in Gela, S. became a splendid metropolis, visited by Greek poets such as > Aeschylus [1], > Bacchylides, > Pindarus [2] and > Simonides [2]; S. itself brought forth, among others, the poets + Epicharmus and > Sophron {1], as well as the rhetorician > Corax [3]. Significant building works to be mentioned were a new, early-classical temple of Athena in Ortygia and a temple dedicated to Demeter and Kore in the Temenites quarter. After the political disintegration of Naxos [2] and Catane (476 BC), Hieron consolidated his influence on the east of the island with the new foundation of Aetna [2]; at the same time, tensions arose between S. and Acragas, where, after the death of Thrasydaeus, who

had succeeded Theron, the tyranny ended in 472/1 BC. In S., the tyranny ended only when Hieron’s brother and successor Thrasyboulus [2] was overthrown in 466/5 BC after not even one year’s rule; in memory of the event, a cult of Zeus Eleutherios with annual celebrations was established in S. C. THE SECOND DEMOCRACY At the beginning of the so-called ‘second democracy’ in S., the old citizens’ rejection of the ‘new citizens’, the

ones that had been transferred to the city by the tyrants, led to fierce clashes between them, until in 461 an agreement of all the Greeks in Sicily ordered the resettlement of the foreigners, especially the mercenaries, in the Siculan area around Messana [1] (Diod. 11,72 f.; 11,76). This provoked the conflict with > Ducetius, a Siculan prince, who was defeated by S. only in 451/50 BC with the help of Acragas. As a precaution against new tyrannies, the + petalismds was established, as a variant of the Athenian + ostrakismos. In spite of occasional virulent tensions between rival groups supporting either an increased or a limited political participation of the démos and of the popular assembly, democracy in S. proved to be stable until the last decade of the 5th cent. BC.

45

46

Even as a democratic polis, S. consolidated its claim to be the leading power in Sicily. On the other hand, some cities — mainly the Chalcidian-Ionian ones

gemony in the east, the peace treaty recognized Dionysius’ own position as a ruler. Until his death in 367 BC, S. started three other wars against > Carthage (399-392, 383/2, 368/7), in order to restore the autonomy of the cities that had been subjugated by the latter in 410 and 406/5 BC- among others Acragas and Gela. The wars, which were waged under Panhellenic slogans with reference to Gelon’s victory of 480 BC and to Hermocrates’ Siceliot loyalty slogans (see above II. C.), contributed both to the legitimization of the new absolute ruler and to the restoration of Syracusan hegemony. After all, the realm of the tyrant, referred to as Sicily’s ‘ruler’ (eywv/archén) in Athenian documents (Syll.3 159,19 f.), comprised about four fifths of the island. From 390 on, Dionysius intervened in southern Italy as well, asserting Syracusan supremacy in the Ionios Kolpos as far as Epirus. In view of the strenuous wars of supremacy in the mother country in this period, S. was the greatest and most significant power of the Greek world. Syracusan mintage under Dionysius I testifies to the cultural prosperity of the city — considering the artistic quality of the coin images created by > Evaenetus and Cimon; on the other hand, the huge quantity of minted coins is proof of the enormous cash requirements of the regime, which was in continuous need of purchasing arms and hiring mercenaries. S. itself underwent far-reaching changes in its urban layout: Ortygia and the opposite shore were occupied by the tyrant with his bodyguard and court; Temenites grew into the new quarter of > Neapolis [3], which measured rro ha. Neighbouring the latter in the east, up to Achradine, where the new agora received a representative form, was the new ‘suburb’ of > Tyche [2], measuring 30 ha. Of special significance, not least because of the constant threat of war, was the safeguarding of S. by fortifications through the incorporation of the still uninhabited limestone plateau (the Epipolae) in the circle of the city walls and the construction of a ‘landscape fortification’ (cf. Diod. 14,18). The Euryalus Fort (see map), situated on the highest point of Epipolae and equipped with its ingenious rampart, as well as the sixfold-layered gate complex (Hexapylon; — Leon [13]), on the road to Leontini, were completed, to all appearances, only at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. The diplomatic and intellectual relations between S. under Dionysius I, who had literary ambitions, and the

(Leontini, Naxos,

Catane, Regium, Camarina)

— ex-

pected help from Athens, the hegemonic power of the mother country. The growing attention of Athens towards the western Greeks was expressed in numerous bilateral treaties of alliance, which cannot be clearly dated because of the fragmentary character of the inscriptions documenting them. At the early stage of the + Peloponnesian War, in 428, when Gorgias [2] came to Athens pleading for military support, the so-called ‘First Sicilian Expedition’ was sent out under Laches [1]. This turned out to be not very successful and was cut short in 424, when > Hermocrates [1] of S$. reconciled the inner-Sicilian quarrelling groups with each other using Siceliot loyalty slogans (Thuc. 4,58-65). In the following years, S. tried to assert itself in the western part of the island as well, supporting > Selinus [4] (Selinunte) in its local conflict with > Segesta [1]. Segesta had renewed its > symmachia with Athens in 427 and now called again on Athens to intervene. In 415, at Alcibiades’ [3] instigation and against Nicias’ [1] warning, Athens mobilized an exceptionally large army against S. Under the aegis of Hermocrates, the city defended itself and with the help of the Spartan > Gylippus, succeeded in freeing itself from the Athenian siege (May 414 till end of August 413) and to inflict a crushing defeat on the attacking army. The account of these events in Thuc. 6,96-103 gives fundamental insight into the topography of Syracusan fortifications. In the following years of the Peloponnesian War, S. supported the Spartans with a fleet under the command of Hermocrates, who was banished in 411, however, as a consequence of an inner-political change of course in favour of the ‘radical’ democrats. Meanwhile, Selinus tried once more to subdue Segesta; this time, however, the + Elymi of Segesta appealed for help to the Carthaginians, whose invading army destroyed Selinus as well as > Himera in 410. In S., where the promised military support arrived too late, as a consequence of these frightening events, a vehement dispute flared up over the failings of the general > Diocles [3] and over retaliatory military strikes. The guerrilla warfare conducted by the exiled Hermocrates at his own expense — from 409 to his death during a surprise attack on S.—on the western part of the island, which was occupied by the Carthaginians, provoked a new Carthaginian attack in 406, which, this time under > Hannibal [1]’s command, aimed at a direct confrontation with S.

D. LATER TYRANNY In the meantime, the reciprocal apportioning of blame and suspicion of high treason on the part of the quarrelling sides made it possible for + Dionysius I. gradually to seize power. As stratégos autokrdtor, in 405 BC the new tyrant made a peace of compromise with the Carthaginians, in whose besieging army an epidemic had broken out. Though curtailing Syracusan he-

SYRACUSAE

Panhellenic sites (+ Delphi; ~ Olympia), as well as the

dominating states of the mother country (Athens, esp. Sparta), were changeable (cf. Syll.3 128; 159; 163; Lys. OGIS 33). The account of > Plato [1]’s visit in S., where + Dion [I x] and > Dionysius [2] II want to be seen as his pupils (cf. Pl. Ep. 7,8), iks skewed in a polemicanecdotal way. The reign of Dionysius II (367-344 BC) plunged S. into civil-war-like conflicts, which resulted from Dion’s

will to power and his desire for reforms, and led to banishments on both sides. After the deaths of Dion (354) and of two of Dionysius’ I sons, Hipparinus [2] (351) and Nysaeus (346), Dionysius II left his exile in

SYRACUSAE

48

47

Locri [2] and came back to S., where he was finally expelled in 344 BC by a people’s uprising roused by the exiled Syracusan Hicetas [1], and with the requested Corinthian military support under > Timoleon’s leadership. The phase of the so-called ‘third democracy’ in S. (344-317 BC) continued until > Agathocles [2] seized power, and was a period of political and social unrest. ~+ Timoleon, who again waged war against Carthage, is not considered a ‘tyrant’ by ancient and modern historiography, being famous especially for the restoration and colonization accomplished by the settlers, who had been called to the island from all parts of the Greek world (cf. Timoleon’s biography by Plutarchus [2]). After Timoleon’s retreat from politics, the reformed Syracusan constitution with its central, oligarchy-friendly ‘council of the 600’ held good for only a few years.

passed into the so-called ‘fourth democracy’, which, not surprisingly, under the revived conflicts between (especially exiled Syracusan) oligarchs and their opponents, led again to a monarchy, this time to the shortlived rule of + Pyrrhus [3] (278-276 BC). Since Alexander [10], son of Pyrrhus and Lanassa [2] (Agathocles’ daughter), could offer the Syrakosioi the prospect of a dynastic future, the oligarchs Sosistratus [2] and Thoinon had called over Pyrrhus from Southern Italy, where from > Taras [2] he was fighting against the Romans as a condottiere, to help against an imminent attack of the Carthaginians on S. After Pyrrhus’ failure to take the fort of > Lilybaeum during his liberation war in favour of the Siceliots, he returned to Italy, whereupon power in S. was transferred, as soon as in 275/4, to Hieron [2]

II, who was proclaimed stratégos autokrator by mercenary troops and in 269, after his victory against the ~» Mamertini, assumed the title of king. As hégemon (‘chief’) of the Syracusan allies, he ruled over a ‘kingdom’ made up of numerous city territories. The ongoing fight against the + Mamertini in Messana [1], who had asked help from their kindred, the

E, THE MONARCHY When Agathocles, who had been at the service of the oligarchs as a > chiliarchos for a while before becoming an advocate of the demos, was banished in 325 BC, an escalating and disastrous policy of banishment began. In 322, when the oligarchs Sosistratus [1] and Heraclides were expelled from S. and Agathocles came back, Corinth was again called for help to rescue the law and order established by Timoleon, whereupon ~ Acestorides appeared with a small army. Agathocles was exiled again, but this time he operated quite successfully with his own mercenary army in the territory of the Siculi, from where he attacked S. in 318/7 to recuperate his position by force. The Carthaginian general + Hamilcar [2], who had been called by the city in its defence, allowed him actually to return, after making him swear an oath on the safeguarding of democracy and peace. Already in 3146 BC, Agathocles carried out a bloody coup d’état against the > Six Hundred, which was followed by a massive exodus of oligarchic Syrakosioi mainly to Acragas. From there, the opponents of the new stratégos autokrator and epimelétes (> Epimeletai) of the city summoned the Spartan mercenary commander ~> Acrotatus [1]. Again, Hamilcar mediated between him and S. (314/3), which led to a complaint of the exiled Syracusans in Carthage and, with

scale; in Achradine, a temple dedicated to Zeus Olympios was built near the Agora; and on Ortygia the royal fortress was finally built. At the beginning of -> the 2nd Punic War (218-202), which was initiated by Carthage to regain the western part of the island, Hieron II demonstratively sided up with the Romans, although Gelon [2], - Adranodorus and + Zoippus, Hieron’s son and sons-in-law, sympathized with the Carthagi-

the escalation of inner-Syracusan tensions, to another

nians. After the death of the aged king (215), the rule in

war against Carthage in Sicily (312-305 BC). During the war, in 3 10, S. was besieged while Agathocles attakked the enemy in North Africa. After the restoration of the status quo ante in the peace treaty between S. and Carthage, Agathocles assumed the title of king in 304, and so S. entered into the circle of the Hellenistic (military) monarchies. Especially with Ptolemaeus [1] I and Pyrrhus [3], Agathocles kept up close and even dynastic relations. When Agathocles, who had prepared S. for a new war against Carthage, building Euryalus Fort to this purpose (see above II. D. and map), died in 289 BC, the kingdom, which now quickly disintegrated, and the city

Romans, gave rise, in 264 BC, to the First + Punic War.

As a loyal amicus et socius (— amicitia; > socit) of Rome from 263 (on the support given to the Roman army cf. Pol. 1,18,11; Diod. Sic. 23,9; 24,1),

~ Hieron

[2] Il stabilized his own rule, as well as the wider politi-

cal significance of S. among the states of the Hellenistic world, which was changing at a quick pace due to Rome’s expansion and in which S. cultivated good relations above all with Ptolemaic Egypt-which not least explains the frequent travels of Theocritus [2]. In the second half of the 3rd cent. BC, the city experienced a new period of economic and cultural prosperity. Neapolis [3], where the large theatre was expanded and the monumental, 200 m-long ara Hieronis (see below III.) was built, was restructured on a large

S. passed to his under-age grandson Hieronymus [3], who, under the influence of his guardians, entered into

an alliance with + Hannibal [4] in 214, falling, however, victim to a conspiracy in 213.

The following oligarchic regime of the so-called ‘fifth democracy’, in which, besides Adranodorus and Themistius, who were soon murdered, the Carthaginians Epicydes [2] and Hippocrates [8] took part as strategoi, stuck to the anti-Roman course, which was also wished for by the demos. S. was besieged by the Romans under the command of M. Claudius [I rr] Marcellus and owing to the stability of the Achradine and to the military-technical innovations of > Archi-

49

50

SYRACUSAE

Syracusae, Euryalus Fort. Reconstruction of phase IV (3rd cent. BC)

nn wa SS

Gate facing —— Ss A

‘AA\ with towers

medes [1] — the famous son of the city, who was killed during its capture — it could withstand the Roman attacks until 212 BC. The capture and pillage of the city through the Roman troops mark the end of the history of S. as a sovereign city.

F. UNDER ROMAN RULE The city of S. was autonomous under Roman dominance, its eponymous official still (until 44 BC ?) being the high priest (amphipolos) of Zeus Olympios. As a result of the strong position maintained by the council of the 600, the city remained oligarchic in its organization. Being part of the Roman province, which, from

SYRACUSAE

51

201 on, comprised all of Sicily, S. was a tributary civitas decumana, and from 44, as a > municipium, it was the official residence of the praetorian governor (Cic. Verr. 2,4,118) and of one of his quaestors. The still economically attractive and urbanistically and culturally charming city was especially at risk of being exploited by Roman office-holders, as is shown by the scandals surrounding the governor (73-70 BC) C. - Verres, who was indicted by Cicero. Augustus made of S. a colonia in 21 BC (Str. 6,2,4; -» coloniae), which evidently was followed by an intensive building activity: Neapolis received an amphitheatre and (west of Hieron’s altar) a square with a colonnaded porticus. The public baths and the marble embellishments of the Greek theatre go back to the Flavian period (AD 69-96); in the middle of the 2nd cent. AD, the agora was given monumental form as a forum; at the same time, on the western outskirts of the city, the so-called gymnasium complex with a podium temple was built. A new phase of construction activities in S. was probably triggered by the devastations brought about by a raid of the > Franci in 278 (Zos. 1,7,2). As the seat of the commune Siciliae and an episcopal city (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 10,5,23), S. was a civitas splendida (‘splendid city’; Auson. Urb. 17). The high population figures, which did not decline even in Late Antiquity, are testified by the extensive complex of catacombs, built from the 3rd cent. on. Even > Athalaric’s tax register of AD 526 identifies S. as a prospering, well-functioning city (Cassiod. Var. 9,10). S. was the home-town of the Cynic Monimus [1], the poet Moschus [3] and the rhetorician Tisias [1]. L-M.G.

G. BYZANTINE PERIOD Byzantine from AD 535, after a short period of occupation by the Ostrogoths, S. became for a while, in 663668, seat of the East Roman Imperial Court under Constans [2] II. Being at first under the Pope’s jurisdiction, S. was placed under the patriarchate of Constantinople by Emperor Leo [6] I in c. 733. From the mid 9th cent., S. was the seat of Sicily’s metropolitan. In 877, after a long siege, S. was captured by the Arabs; in 1085 it was occupied by the Normans. Numerous badly preserved catacombs testify to early Christianization; the basilica of S. Giovanni Evangelista is the biggest pre-Muslim church in Sicily. LT-N. Ill. ARCHAEOLOGY Still extant in —- Ortygia are the remains of: the temple of Apollo (end of the 7th cent. BC, the oldest Doric temple on the island) with long, three-naved cella and adyton, transformed into a church in the Byzantine Period; the Doric temple of Athena (5th cent. BC; the present-day cathedral) upon a previous building of the 6th cent. BC, converted, in the 7th cent. AD, into a Christian basilica with a nave and two aisles; another Athena temple, the only Ionian temple in Sicily (end of the 6th cent. BC, upon a previous building in the form of a megaron from the 7th cent. BC).

52

In Achradine: the so-called gymnasium (1st/2nd cents. AD; possibly Isis sanctuary) with small theatre and Italic temple; residential buildings from the Classical Period; foundations of the temple dedicated to Demeter and Kore (sth cent. BC) with altar, votive

shrine and fountain. In Neapolis [3] (Parco Archeologico): substructure of the altar for Zeus Eleutherios (200 m long), built

under the rule of Hieron IJ; Roman amphitheatre (probably 3rd cent. AD), partly hewn from the rock; Greek theatre of the sth cent. BC (performances of plays by Aeschylus and Epicharmus documented), radically renovated in 230 BC; nymphaeum; sanctuary of Apollo Temenites (late 7th cent.); quarries; Demeter sanctuary; necropoleis. Epipolae: the Euryalus Fort, started under Dionysius I, completed under Hieron II (see map). Tyche: catacombs (4th and 5th cents. AD) under the ruins of the church of S$. Giovanni Evangelista; quarries. Outside the town, on the right bank of the Anapo in Polichne [1]: an Olympieum (temple of Zeus from the beginning of the 5th cent. BC). ~ Carthage I.; + Colonization (with maps); Magna Graecia; > Peloponnesian War; > Punic Wars; — Sicily (with map); > SICILY S.L. AGNELLO, Chiese siracusane del VI secolo, in: Corso

di cultura sull’arte ravennate e bizantina 27, 1980, 13-26; S.BERGER, Revolution and Society in Greek Sicily and Southern Italy, 1992, 34-53; H. BERvE, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen,

1967, 128-154,

221-282;

J. DEININGER,

‘Krise’ der Polis? Betrachtungen zur Kontinuitat der gesellschaftlichen Gruppen und der inneren Konflikte im Syrakus des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., in: K. Dietz et al. (eds.), Klassisches Altertum, Spatantike und friihes

Christentum (FS A.LIpPOLD), 1993, 55-76; H.-P. Dr6GEMULLER, Syrakus. Zur Topographie und Geschichte einer griechischen Stadt, 1969; A.M. EcksTEIN, Unicum subsidium populi Romani. Hieron II and Rome 263-215 B. C., in: Chiron ro, 1980, 183-203; M.A. GOLDSBERRY, Sicily and Its Cities in Hellenistic and Roman Times (the-

sis, Univ. of North Hans,

Karthago

Carolina)

und Sizilien,

1973,

580-588;

L.-M.

1983; A.KAZHDAN,

s. Vv.

Syracuse, ODB 3, 1991, 1996 f.; B. LAVAGNINI, Siracusa occupata dagli Arabi e l’epistola di Teodosio Monaco, in: Byzantion

29/30,

1959/1960,

267-279;

M.-P.

Loica-

BERGER, Syracuse. Histoire culturelle d’une cité grecque, 1967; N.LuraGuil, Tirannidi arcaiche in Sicilia e Magna Grecia, 1994, 273-373; R.J. A. WILson, Sicily. under the Roman Empire, 1990; M.ZAHRNT, Die Schlacht bei Himera und die sizilische Historiographie, in: Chiron 23, 1993, 353-390; G.AGNELLO, Siracusa bizantina, 1932; C. BARRECA, Le catacombe di Siracusa, 1934;

R. GRECO,

Pagani e cristiani a Siracusa tra il Ill e il IV secolo d. C.

(Suppl. Kokalos 16), 1999; E.MANNI, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 228-230; F.S. CavaLL-

ARI, A. HOLM, Topografia archeologica di Siracusa, 1883;

Id., Appendice alla topografia di Siracusa, 1891; C. LANGHER, S. NERINA, Un imperialismo tra democrazia e tirranide. Siracusa nei secoli V e IV a. C. (Kokalos Suppl. 12),

1997; M.SGARLATA, Frihchristliche Archdologie in Sizilien, in: RQA 90, 1995, 145-182; L. KARLSSON, The Altar

of Hieron at Syracuse, in: OpRom 21, 1996, 83-87; Id., Fortification Towers and Masonry Techniques in the He-

53

54

gemony of Syracuse 405-211

B. C., 1992;

D. MERTENS,

Die Landschaftsfestung Epipolai bei Syrakus, in: E.-L. SCHWANDNER, K. Rept (eds.), Stadt und Umland. Bauforschungskolloquium in Berlin 1997, 1999; L.PoLacco, Il teatro antico di Siracusa, 1990; E.BOHRINGER, Die Miinzen von Syrakus, 1929; N.K. Rutter, The Coinage

of Syracuse in the Early Fifth Cent. B. C., in: R.ASHTON, S. HurTER (eds.), Studies in Greek Numismatics in Memory of M. J. Price, 1998, 307-316; J.MorcoM, Syracusan

Bronze Coinage in the Fifth and Early Fourth Cents. BC, 1998; M. Guarbuccl, Note di epigrafia siceliota arcaica

1. Lorigine dell’alfabeto siracusano, in: ASAA N. S. r113, 1949-1951, 103-116.

Syria

(Zveia/Syria,

vein/Syrié,

L.-M.G.

Hdt.

2,12;

I16;

‘Aoovoia/Assyria; Latin Syria, Assyria).

I. GEOGRAPHY II. 3RD—LATE 2ND MILLENNIA BC Ill. LATE 2ND MILLENNIUM — 333 BC IV. From ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO 31 BC V. ROMAN AND BYZANTINE PERIODS

I. GEOGRAPHY The use of the geographical term S. requires further definition, because S. did not constitute an independent political territory throughout the historical period of the Ancient Near East. Polycentricity and incorporation in other systems of rule only came to an end in 1941, when the Republic of S. (since 1961: Syrian Arab Republic) was founded. This foundation included regions to the east of the Euphrates (i.e. Mesopotamia), while Lebanon became independent, and northern regions were retained by Turkey. In what follows, ‘S.’ refers to the area between the southern foothills of the Taurus in the north and the Yarmik in the south, the

Mediterranean in the west and the Euphrates (or the Syrian Desert) in the east. This region is separated from the coast by chains of mountains which, in the north and near Hims draw clouds from the sea far inland, thus enabling rain-fed agriculture, particularly in the plains around modern Aleppo/Halab and Hims. Il. 3RD — LATE 2ND MILLENNIA BC Cuneiform sources in Sumerian, Akkadian, Hittite, Hurrian and Ugaritic constitute the most important evi-

dence for Syrian history from the 3rd millennium BC. In addition, there are the ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic, the Aramaic and the Biblical/Hebrew traditions, and the testimonies of Greek and Roman authors. As a result, S. has become the object of research for several disciplines of ancient studies. The first historical information is found in texts from ~ Ebla in northern S. and texts from various places in the Gazira (‘Island’, i.e. Upper Mesopotamia), which (along with archaeological finds) indicate urbanization, social differentiation and early forms of state organization from the mid 3rd millennium. This was based on rain-fed agriculture and keeping of livestock, as well as supra-regional exchange, primarily with the city states of southern Mesopotamia and the Mediterranean. Clay tablets discovered in the Ebla ar-

SYRIA

chives document the use of a > Semitic language and the cuneiform script which had developed in southern Mesopotamia. During the 24th/23rd cents. BC, the northern Syrian centres were the targets of military campaigns by the rulers of the kingdom of > Akkad, which led to the destruction of Ebla. It remains unclear whether a subsequent period of drier climate influenced the conditions of life in the inland area of northern Syria. The Syrian coast had already attracted the interest of the Egyptian Old Kingdom as a supplier of important raw materials, esp. timber from the Lebanon at ~» Byblus (Gubla). Texts of the Middle Kingdom (19901630 BC) attest to the existence of small Syrian principalities in the littoral. In the early 2nd millennium BC, the most important local dynasties of S. were represented by princes bearing Western Semitic, Amurrite (> Amorite) names. In con-

junction with this development, the balance between agrarian and pastoral ways of life was altered within what was a dimorphic society. This is documented by the Old Babylonian texts from — Mari, which also demonstrate close contacts with > Aleppo/Halab (Jamhad), + Karchemish and Qatna, and growing contacts between Mesopotamia and the area to the west of the Euphrates as far as the coast, on which > Ugarit and Gubla (> Byblus) were particularly important as harbours. At Aleppo/Halab, which was an important centre of the cult of the weather god from the early dynastic period, a dynasty resided which, like those at Karchemish and Qatna, profited in particular from the fact that the focus of supra-regional contacts had shifted from Mesopotamia to the Eastern Mediterranean. This new situation increasingly brought S. into the written tradition of Egypt and the Anatolian Hittite state. Hattusili I (around 1550 BC) undertook campaigns as far as Aleppo/Halab, as did his son Mursili I. At the same time, the so-called > Mittani Kingdom was consolidating in Upper Mesopotamia; it was strongly

characterized by a Hurrian tradition, which is also recognizable in northern S. The political dominance of Mittani in S. was challenged by Egypt, whose Pharaohs of the early 18th Dynasty (Thutmosis I and III, > Amenophis [2] II) advanced into the region of the Euphrates. They were unable, however, to prevent S. (as far as approx. the present-day Hims) from becoming part of the Mittani kingdom. The principality of Mukié/ > Alalah (at the mouth of the Orontes) also came under

the suzerainty of Mittani, as is shown by the autobiography of Idrimi on his statue (c. 1480 BC). Mittani

thereby directly bordered Egyptian territory. Meanwhile, the Hittite state in Anatolia experienced a period of political weakness and intradynastic strife. The period from the mid 14th cent. is depicted in the so-called - Amarna Letters, which attest to the advance of Suppiluliuma I from Hattusa as far as central S. The principality of > Amurru [2] was also made part of the Hittite Empire by treaty, so that it had a common frontier with Egypt. While the Hittites placed their Syr-

56

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Roman provinces in the Levant (1st cent. Roman Empire at the death of

BC— 4th cent. AD) Provincial border (partly conjectured):

Capital of the dioecesis Oriens

until Hadrian (AD 138)

Capital of Roman province

under Sept. Severus (from AD 195)

Seat of provincial assembly

under Diocletian (from AD 284)

colonia

Parthian kingdom, incl. secundogeniture of Armenia/vassal kingdoms/ territorial expansion (until AD 224)

Other town

Augustus (AD 14)

Territories acquired between the reigns of Tiberius and Hadrian (AD 14-138) Border of territories conquered by

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Border of dioecesis

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Capital of Sassanid empire (from AD 224)

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civitas libera

(Pompey to Hadrian)

Anti-Roman insurrection, with date (all AD)

Sassanid empire (from AD 224)

58

Sy

SYRIA

Provincial development in the Levant |. Establishment of the provinces Provincial border Date:

Province:

Capital:

64/63/62 BC

Syria

Antiocheia

(80)/58 BC

Cyprus as part of Cilicia,

Tarsos

from 31/30 BC

autonomous province

Nea Paphos/ Paphos Sebaste

22.03. AD 106

Arabia

Bostra

AD 114

Armenia (Roman sovereignty from 66,

Artaxata

conquered 114; client kingdom under Hadrian) Mesopotamia

Edessa?

Assyria

Arbela?

Il. 2nd/3rd cents. AD (from Hadrian to AD 284) Provincial border

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Cyprus

Nea Paphos/ Paphos Sebaste

Syria Coele

Antiocheia

Syria Phoenice

(H)Emesa

Syria Palaestina (under Hadrian)

Kaisareia

Arabia

Bostra

lll. Restructuring under Diocletian Praefectura Praetoria Orientis

Konstantinopolis

Dioecesis Oriens

Antiocheia

Provincial border Isauria

Seleukeia

Cilicia

Tarsos

Cyprus

Paphos /Salamis - Constantia

Syrial (Coele)

Antiocheia

Syria Il (later Augusta Euphratensis)

Hierapolis

Osrhoene

Edessa

Mesopotamia

Nisibis

Syria Phoenice

Tyros

Augusta Libanensis

(H)Emesa

Palaestina

Kaisareia

Arabia

Bostra

Petra Palaestina Salutaris /Arabia (II) HBHEARBMBEARRBABAA

ian territories (which also included ~ Ugarit and Amurru) under the administration of the Kings of Karchemish, the Egyptians had their Syrian territories

under direct Pharaonic rule. Muwattalli II of Hattusa succeeded in winning back the territory of Amurru in 1275 BCat the Battle of > Qadesh, and then advanced as far as Upe (near present-day Damascus). Against the background of the increasing military activity of the kings of Assyria in Upper Mesopotamia, a peace treaty was signed in the 21st year of the reign of + Ramesses [2] Il (x259 BC), confirming the territorial status quo in

S., i.e. its partition between Hattusa and Egypt, paving the way for the subsequent alliance of the two royal dynasties. The sources from the period of Hittite-Egyptian rule (13 50-1200) present S. as divided into a series of principalities in the north (Ugarit, Nuhasse, Amurru) which

were bound by treaty and under the control of Karchemish, and the Egyptian provinces of Upe (around Damascus) and Canaan in the south. Suppiluliuma had

installed one of his sons at Halab/Aleppo, to function primarily as priest of the weather god. In the reign of

SYRIA

59

60

Muwattalli II (c. 1290-1272), a king at Halab was set

The Syrian principalities and Phoenician city states

up by treaty, who did not come from the dynasty of the Hittite Great King. Other important urban centres were Emar on the Euphrates, and - Ugarit with its archives and important artefacts. As they fell into debt and impoverishment, evacuation and looting often followed. The prices of foods rose sharply. The cuneiform sources also indicate a decline in the extent of cultivated land and increasing insecurity of the caravan routes. Relinquished territories were to some extent occupied by groups speaking a Semitic language referred to as ~» Aramaic. This crisis was neither limited to S. nor solely triggered by climate changes and environmental conditions. Nor did it come as a result of the attacks of the so-called Sea Peoples (> Sea Peoples, migration of) who had assailed the littoral of the Eastern Mediterranean on land and from ships in the late 2nd millennium. Rather, it was a result of the economic, social and political development of the Near East (> Dark Ages). At the same time it was connected with innovations which also influenced the further history of S. the increased use of iron as a utility metal and of the + camel as a mount and pack animal in the caravan traffic through deserts. For S., it resulted in the relocation of important land routes and the main venues of the Syrian maritime trade farther to the south, i.e. into Phoenician territory, in which the > Incense Road now also reached the Mediterranean from southern Arabia by way of Petra.

(Tyre, Sidon, Byblus and others), which were first under

III. LATE 2ND MILLENNIUM — 333 BC

A new political system arose in S. in the late 2nd and early rst millennia; its written tradition became established primarily in Aramaic and in so-called Luwian + hieroglyphic script [II. A.]. > Papyrus, i.e. a material which only endured in dry regions, was increasingly used as the writing medium. The extant textual sources hence offer only an insufficient insight into actual Syrian conditions. Instead, it now becomes possible to use the OT traditions and the campaign reports of Assyrian and Babylonian kings. Texts and archaeological surveys attest to the importance of older, newly-extended centres such as Karchemish, Hamat, Tall Barsib, Halab and

Damascus as well as an increasing importance of cities such as Arpad and Hazrak/Hatarikka and the new foundations of Sam’al and Hadatu

(-> Arslantas). A number of principalities formed which are designated as ‘(Neo-)Hittite’ or ‘Aramaic’ according to their epi-

graphical or archaelogical remains. These principalities considered themselves ‘houses’ of an ancestor of the dynasty. They were generally ruled by a king (Aramaic mlk), who was supported by ‘elders’ or ‘nobles’. For the account of their political history, the (admittedly propagandistic) reports of Neo-Assyrian kings provide indications. For $., these begin with Assurnasirpal II (884-859) and Salmanassar III (859-824). In the reign ofTiglatpileser II (745-727), Assyrian provinces under the rule of governors were set up in S.

Assyrian and then (after 625) Neo-Babylonian rule, only acted together against their Mesopotamian conquerors temporarily, thereby facilitating their suppression. As a part of the Neo-Babylonian empire, S. came under Persian rule during the reign of the Achaemenid >» Cyrus [2] II (559-530). There were several uprisings in individual Syrian centres. This situation, and the rivalry among the Syrian princes, assisted > Alexander [II 4] the Great in his conquest of S. after the Battle of + Issus (333 BC). + Asia Minor IIJ. C. and D. (with maps); > Hattusa II. (with map); > Mesopotamia III. C. — F. (with map) 1 G. BUNNENS (ed.), Essays on Syria in the Iron Age, 2000 2 A.M. Jasink, Gli Stati Neo-Ittiti, 1995 3 H.KLENGEL, Geschichte und Kultur Altsyriens, 1980 4 Id., Syria 3000 to 300 BC, 1992.

H.KL.

IV. FROM ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO 31 BC The geopolitical location of S., esp. the littoral, proved to be important in the subsequent period. The basic elements of administration and territorial division introduced by the Persians endured. With the ongoing ~+ Hellenization (on city foundations see below) under the > Seleucids (beginning of Seleucid period 3 12/1 BC; Seleucid rule in S.: 286-223), administration

became

standardized with Greek and Persian traits (cf. terms such as satrapes, strategos, hyparchos, toparches, meridarches). After the death of > Alexander [II 4] in 323 BC, S. was caught in the conflict of interests between the — Ptolemies and the Antigonids (> Antigonus, with stemma). Palestine and the Phoenician harbour cities were fought for repeatedly. Under the Seleucids, Antioch [1] became the residence. The network of city foundations covered the old Syrian territories from the > Iordanes [2] to the > Orontes [7]. Among the oasis and caravan settlements, > Palmyra became important in the late Hellenistic period, > Dura Europus on the > Euphrates [1] formed the frontier against the Parthians.

The

new

foundations,

dominated

by

Graeco-Macedonian culture, were organized differently from the old Phoenician harbour cities. The latter were ruled by kings and administered by — sufetes. In the 3rd and 2nd cents. BC, wars between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids (+ Syrian Wars) were caused by territorial claims on the Mediterranean coast (e.g. in the 4th Syrian War), or by the quest for influence over strategically important positions on the road to Egypt. The Seleucids attempted to control the foreign trade from India (> India, trade with), Central Asia and Arabia. Apart from taxes and tolls, their own possessions (chora basilike) in form of quarries, mines, and salt mines, and tribute payments of cities provided additional income to the Seleucids. Under the Seleucids, S. was divided into 72 satrapies. There were some 70 cities which, although they retained their independence, were nominally under royal authority and were required to supply troops in the

61

62

event of war. In the absence of written sources, no ad-

polis incorporated in the rst cent. AD (Plin. HN 5,74) were added to the province of Arabia when it was founded in AD 106. The provincial frontier ran north of — Bostra, the capital of Arabia. The economic exploitation of the province focused on olive cultivation in the north (between Apamea and Antioch) and grain cultivation in the Hauran in the south. Trade was intensified by Hadrian. During this period Palmyra began to rise as a station of the resuscitated transit trade with the East and the Persian Gulf. Neither the + Parthian Wars nor the military revolts towards the end of the rst cent. AD had a negative impact on the economic development of the province. The grant of colonial status (> coloniae) and of the title of metropolis were the external signs of the esteem in which the Romans held Syrian cities (and were probably linked to tax privileges). Among these cities, ~ Emesa (Hims) attained particular importance under the Severan Emperors. The crisis of the 3rd cent. was also felt in S. From the 2408, the + Sassanids repeatedly invaded S. Their conquest of Antioch and Dura Europos in 25 6/7 shows the strengthening of this new power factor in the Near East. The inner weakness of the Imperium aided the meteoric rise of Palmyra, where > Zenobia briefly took power over S. and parts of Asia Minor and Egypt. Aurelian (> Aurelianus [3]) put an end to the Palmyrene Kingdom (272/3). Diocletian (— Diocletianus) reorganized the army and administration of S. In the 4th cent., the Syrian provinces of S. Euphratensis in the north, S. Coele, S. Libanensis, S. Phoenice and S. Palaestina recovered economically. The numerous structural remains of the 4th-7th cents., esp. in the northern Syrian limestone massif and in the Hauran, attest to intensive agricultural exploitation (grain, olive, vine, fruit cultivation) and to associated village-like structures. Christianity, of which archaeological evidence in S. dates from the 3rd cent. on, is attested by numerous buildings of the 5th—7th cents. There was also substantial pilgrimage activity (Qal‘at Sim‘an, ar-Rusafa; > Pilgrimage, with map). In the 6th

ministrative structures, judicial institutions or trading policies are sufficiently understood for this period. None the less, the geographical, cultural and political disunity of S. is apparent, which finally led to the downfall of the Seleucid kingdom. External and internal conflicts around and within S. led to the strengthening of indigenous peoples such as the Nabataeans (-— Nabataei), Ituraeans (> Ituraea) and Palmyrenes (— Palmyra), the > Hasmonaeans in Palestine and local princes in the cities of $. and Phoenicia. In the early rst cent. BC, > Tigranes I briefly attacked S. The Hellenistic history of S. is characterized by the lack of epigraphic sources. Archaeological finds are present in limited quantity. Ra’s Ibn Hany (north of al-Ladiqiya near > Ugarit) has been archaeologically studied as a typical Hellenistic city. + Apamea [3] and + Dura Europus show occasional structures from the Hellenistic period. ‘Iraq al-Amir near Amman represents a palace of the > Tobiads from the 2nd cent. BC. The sculpture of this period can be appreciated through authentic evidence from the E&Smun sanctuary at ~ Sidon and sarcophagi (e.g. the + Alexander Sarcophagus) from its cemetery. V. ROMAN

AND

BYZANTINE

A. HistToORY AND ECONOMY

LIMES SYSTEM

PERIODS B. MILITARY

AND

C. RELIGION

A. HIsTORY AND ECONOMY The destabilization of S. under the Seleucids in the rst cent. BC was followed by its annexation by + Pompeius [I 3], who turned the country into the Roman province of S. (64 BC). The province stretched from the ~» Carmel in the south to the > Amanus Mountains in the north. The provincial capital was -> Antioch [1]. The Roman Civil Wars also had an impact on S., which was given to Mark Antony (— Antonius [B I 9]) by the Treaty of Brundisium (40 BC). He gave Chalcis on the Libanus [2], parts of the Phoenician coast, Cyprus and Cilicia to Cleopatra [II 12] VII. Ptolemy XIV (— Ptolemaeus [21]) received S. and took part in rule over Cilicia. Roman policy under - Augustus restricted itself to intelligent tactical manoeuvring with the indigenous princes (tetrachs), who ruled under Roman suze-

rainty, e.g. the dynasty of Herod (> Herodes [1]) in Judaea and the south of Mt. Hermon. Their territories were only finally incorporated into the Roman Empire during the Flavian period. Of the free cities, Plin. HN 5, 79 mentions > Antioch [1], + Laodicea [1] and ~ Seleucia [2]. The Phoenician coastal cities retained their independence.

Under

Augustus,

Roman

-~ veterans

were settled at > Berytus and > Baalbek. S. was culturally Romanized (-» Romanization) without the use of force; in the process, the > ruler cult played a significant role. By the late rst cent., S. comprised the region from the Commagene in the north to the Dead Sea, the Mediterranean and Palestine. The cities of the > Deka-

SYRIA

cent., the Gassanid and other Arabic tribes in S. provid-

ed Constantinople with allies to whom it entrusted the protection of the Syrian provinces. The period after Justinian I (+ Iustinianus [1]) was dominated by con-

flicts between Constantinople and the westward-striving Sassanids, who took Antioch (611), Damascus (613)

and Jerusalem

(614)

and

asserted

their rule

throughout the entire Near East including Egypt and Nubia for a decade. After a resurgence of the Byzantine presence, the Arabic Muslims took possession of S. (636, Battle of the Yarmik). The new rulers abandoned the old administrative structures and the official Greek language. The minting of Arabic coinage began only in the 7th cent. Architecture and crafts (mosaics, stucco work, frescos) continued to reflect ancient traditions in the Umayyad period (7th/8th cents.) and occasionally even in the Abbasid period (8th—1r1rth cents.).

63

64

B. MILITARY AND LIMES SYSTEM Augustus already had four legions (+ legio, with maps) stationed in S. The beginnings of a limes system along the Euphrates originated in the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD, and endured until the mid 3rd cent. (-* Limes VI., with map). Details of military history are provided by recent epigraphical finds from -» Apamea [3]. Diocletian reorganized the army, had military camps built on the Euphrates and Habur, and secured the important arterial roads (cf. the strata Diocletiana south of Palmyra). The defense was maintained successfully until the end of the 6th cent., with the participation of the Gassanids as > foederati under Justinian I and his successors.

Ostlicher Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien. Die Neuordnung des Orients von Pompeius bis Augustus, TAVO B

SYRIA

C, RELIGION Apart from forms of monotheism (cf. Judaism), there is attestation of Phoenician, Aramaean, Meso-

V7, 1983.

E.M.R.

Syria Dea (Lat. Dea Syria, CIL VI 116; Greek Xvoeia Oedc/Syria theds or Oed/thed, CIG 7041), the Syrian Goddess, also referred to as Atargatis or Derketo, was

worshipped with the West Semitic weather god -» Hadad. First records about SD or Atargatis originate from the late 4th cent. BC [3. 3; 5. 355-358]. The most important literary source regarding her cult is the treatise De dea Syria by the writer Lucianus [1] of Samosata (2nd cent. AD; [2. 7-27]). Her main sanctuary was located in the North Syrian Hierapolis/ —- Bambyce (Manbig). Shortly after 300 BC, the old temple was rebuilt by order of Stratonice, wife of Seleucus [2] I ([1]; on founding legends, location and appearance of the sanctuary, see Lucian, De dea Syria

12-17; 28; 30-39).

potamian, Iranian and Arabian gods, as well as the Graeco-Roman pantheon with its syncretic characteri-

Secondary sanctuaries of the goddess were located in Ascalon, Edessa [2], Dura Europus, Palmyra and

stics in S. Christianity spread from S., later splitting into various creedal directions (~ Monophysitism, — Ne-

Damascus

into the Byzantine period (e.g. Baal of Hermon). The cult of Doliche acquired supraregional significance (Iuppiter > Dolichenus); cf. also > Syria Dea.

[4. 1554-1562; 6. 210-216, 229]. In the 2nd cent. BC, Syrian traders brought her cult to Greece and from there, it was spread (mostly by Syrian slaves and soldiers) through Sicily and the Italian port cities to Imperial Rome [3. 12; 4. 1550]. In Rome, Emperor Nero [1] became temporarily one of her biggest devo-

~ Hellenistic states (with maps); > Limes VI. and VII.

tees (Suet. Nero 56).

storius, Nestorianism). Occasional local cults survived

As a goddess of nature, fertility,

(with map); > Pompeius [I 3] (with map) GREEK

AND

HELLENISTIC

PERIODS:

H.BENGTSON,

Griechische Geschichte von den Anfangen bis in die romische Kaiserzeit, *r1992; E.R. BEVAN, The House of Seleucus, 1902; J.D. GRAINGER, The Cities of Seleucid S., 1970; RostovizeFF, Hellenistic World; M.SARTRE, La Syrie a

Pepoque hellénistique, in: J.-M. DENTZER, W. ORTHMANN (ed.), Archéologie et histoire de la Syrie, vol. 2, 1989,

31-44. ROMAN

PERIOD: C.BALTy,

W. VAN RENGEN, Apamea in

S., 1993; G. W. Bowersock, S. under Vespasian, in: JRS 63, 1973, 133-140; P. W. Harper et al. (ed.), Religionsgeschichte Syriens, 1996; M.Konrab, Der spatroémische Limes in Syrien, 2001; F. MILLAR, The Roman Near East

31 BC-AD 337, 1993; J.-P. REy-Coquals, Syrie Romaine de Pompée a Dioclétien, in: JRS 68, 1978, 44-73; M. SarTRE, S. and Arabia, in: CAH 11, 2000, 63 5-663; G. TATE,

S. in the Byzantine Period, in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of Arch. in the Near East, Vol. 5, 1997, Maps:

T.BeECHERT,

Orbis

139-141.

Provinciarum,

1999;

K.BuSCHMANN

et al., Ostlicher Mittelmeerraum

Mesopotamien.

Von Antoninus

Pius bis zum

und

Ende des

Parthischen Reiches (138-224 n. Chr.), TAVO B V 9, 1992; E.KETTENHOFEN, Die rémisch-persischen Kriege

as well as ‘mistress

> mother goddess

of the animals’,

SD

combined

aspects of various Southwest Asian goddesses, cf., for instance, the Mesopotamian goddess -> Ishtar or + Cybele of Asia Minor[4. 1545]. Lucian, who refers to her as > Hera, gives a description of the cult image in Hierapolis/Bambyce (ibid. 15; 31-33) and presents a detailed account of the cultic practices (ibid. 42-60). According to him, the goddess is represented on a throne, which is carried by lions; Hadad (Zeus) is next to her, flanked by bulls. As the protector goddess of the city, her crown represents the city wall; > typanon, spindle and sceptre are listed as further attributes. Fish and pigeons are sacred to her. In Ascalon, where she was named Derketo, she was represented as a mythical creature (~* Monsters (I.)) — part fish and part woman (ibid. 14). The biggest festival honouring SD was the fire- or torch-festival at the beginning of spring, when a tree was raised on the temple square, draped with sacrificial offerings and then burned (ibid. 49). The cult of SD, only for Thuria (Messene) attested as a cult of > mysteries, survived into Late Antiquity.

+» Mother goddesses

des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. nach der Inschrift Sahpuhrs I.

an der Ka’be-ye Zartost (SKZ), TAVO Beih. B 55, 1982; Id., Ostlicher Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien. Die Neuordnung des Orients in diokletianisch-konstantinischer Zeit (284-337 n. Chr.), TAVO

B VI 1, 1984; Id.,

Ostlicher Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien. Die Zeit

1 F.CUMONT, S. V. Dea Syria, RE 4, 2236-2243 2 C.CLEMEN, Lukians Schrift ber die syrische Gottin (Der alte Orient 37.4), 1938 3M.H6riG, Dea Syria. Studien zur religidsen Tradition der Fruchtbarkeitsgottin in Vorderasien, 1979 4 Ead., Dea Syria — Atargatis, in: ANRW 17.3, 1984, 1536-1581 5H.J. W. Drijvers,

der Reichskrise (23 5-284 n. Chr.), TAVO B V 12, 1983; Id., Vorderer Orient, ROmer und Sasaniden in der Zeit der Reichskrise (224-284 n.Chr.), TAVO B V 11, 1982;

s. v. Dea Syria, LIMC 3, 355-358 6P.W. Harper et al. (ed.), Religionsgeschichte Syriens. Von der Frithzeit bis zur

I. PiLt-RADEMACHER et al., Vorderer Orient, ROmer und

Gegenwart, 1996, 210-216,

Parther (14-138 n. Chr.), TAVO B V 8, 1988; J. WAGNER,

A.S.-M.

65

66

Syriac. Aramaic dialect from the geographical surroundings of Edessa [2], modern Urfa, which gave rise to the later Syriac literary language. Lexically, Syriac belongs to Central Aramaic just as the Aramaic of the Babylonian Targumim (Targum Ongelos and Jonathan), but already has Northeastern Aramaic features in its phonetics, morphology and syntax. The Early Syriac inscriptions (AD6 -— 3rd cent. AD), written in ~ Estrangela script, still have a strongly standardised Central Aramaic character. They include short stone and mosaic inscriptions and graffiti from Turkey and Northern Syria, a bill of sale on parchment from DuraEuropus (AD 243) as well as an archive of Syriac law documents and Greek papyri with Syriac addenda from the middle Euphrates (AD 240-242). Syriac invocations on clay plates from Mesopotamia differ in dialect from classical Syriac. Classical Syriac (from the 2nd/3rd cent. AD) was widespread as a result of its importance as the language of the Eastern Christian Church, with translations as well as a voluminous literature in poetry and prose. Translations of Greek and Middle Persian works reached Arabic almost exclusively through Syriac. The first ~ Bible translation of the Hebrew Old Testament, the Peschitta, appeared as early as the rst/2nd cent. AD, Tatianus’ - Diatessaron of the Gospels in the 2nd cent. AD. Larger Syriac MSS finds originate in the monasteries of Skete (Dair as-Suryan) and St. Catharine. Christological differences (Councils: 431 Ephesus; 451 Calchedon) and the political split of the east between Rome and the > Sassanids led to a division in dialects between Nestorian-East Syriac with its centre in > Nisibis (Nestorian script) and Jacobitic-West Syriac with its centre in — Edessa [2] (Serto script). The Islamic conquests of the 7th cent. gradually led to the end of Syriac as a standard language, although it continued to live on as a language of literature and scholarship. In a strongly modified version, Syriac is still spoken today in Tar ‘Abdin (Eastern Turkey), on Lake Urmia (Iran), in

attack on Constantinople was repelled in 717/18, and so did the situation on the Balkan peninsula when + Constantinus [7] V emerged victorious over the -» Bulgari. However, Byzantine power in northern and central Italy ultimately disappeared after > Ravenna was lost to the > Langobardi in 751 and the pope came to support the > Franci; the rift between the Eastern and the Western Church deepened when the Illyrian province (western Balkan peninsula and Greece) was made subject to the authority of the patriarch of Constantinople. The era of the SD also included the main period of the Byzantine Empire’s Iconoclastic Controversy

the region of Mosul (Irak) and in Northern Syria. + Aramaic; > Bible; > Writing (with map); > Syria 1 A.BAUMSTARK, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur, 1922 25S.P. Brock, Syriac Studies. A Classified Bibliography, 1996

3H.J. W. Drivers, J.F Heatey, The Old

Syriac Inscriptions of Edessa and Osrhoene, 1999.

C.K.

Syrian dynasty. Dynasty (AD 717 to 802) during the Byzantine Empire (— Byzantium), traditionally referred to as the ‘Isaurian dynasty’ (> Isaurian emperors). The name is derived from the origin of its founder, Leo [6] III, who was from Germanicaea (modern-day Maras) in northern Syria. The term ‘Isaurian dynasty’ goes back to the Chronicle of > Theophanes (391,6 DE Boor), according to which the emperor Leo III came from Isauria; its use was encouraged in polemics by later Byzantine historians opposing the iconoclastic religious policy of the SD. During the period of that dynasty, the foreign policy situation of the Byzantine Empire in Asia Minor became more stable after the Arab

SYRIAN

DYNASTY

(Iconoclasm), i.e. the debate over the legitimacy of the

Christian iconic cult. Pictures of Christ, Mary as the Mother of God and the saints had been in existence since the 4th cent. AD, but representational decorations in churches were initially uncommon, and found only in certain regions. Beginning in the late 6th cent., there was a dramatic increase in the cult of miracle-working icons, as a response to an increase in external threats to the empire. At the 6th Ecumenical Council (> Synodos II.) held in Constantinople in 681, the iconic cult was officially approved, while symbolic depictions, for example showing Christ as a lamb, were prohibited. In 726, the emperor Leo III ordered a likeness of Christ,

probably attached to the main gate of the imperial palace in Constantinople in 691, to be removed and replaced by a cross, the old imperial Christian symbol. This was later identified as the beginning of the Iconoclastic Controversy, but it was not until the time of Leo’s son and successor, Constantine V, that a theological debate ensued over the legitimacy of the iconic cult, which was defended notably by Iohannes [33] of Damascus and other Christian theologians who lived outside the empire in the caliphate. At the personal instigation of Constantine, the iconic cult was ultimately banned in 754 by the Synod of Hiereia (near Constantinople), although that synod was not recognized by the other patriarchates, nor, in particular, by the Roman Church. The iconoclastic policy of the first Syrian emperors was attributed by the polemics of their enemies to Islamic or Jewish influence, then to an alleged pact with the devil entered into by Constantine V; this legend was later applied to Leo II] as well. In 787, after the death of Constantine in 775 and his son Leo [7] IV in 780, Leo’s widow -» Irene convened a council in Nicaea [5], where the iconic cult was for the first time approved and defined in theological terms. After the end of the SD, in 815 emperor Leo [8] V (813-820) returned to an iconoclastic religious policy; this time, however, in contrast to the first phase of iconoclasm, he met with resistance from large groups within the Church and the monasteries. After the death of the emperor > Theophilus (829-843) the Iconoclastic Controversy was resolved by a synod in Constantinople, and the iconic cult was adopted once and for all.

67

68

The consequences of the Iconoclastic Controversy for the domestic and foreign policy of the Byzantine Empire have often been overestimated; subsequent religious propaganda by Byzantine writers attributed to it a variety of events that, in fact, had no connection. There was no link between the resignation of the patriarch Germanus [3] I in 730 and the emerging Iconoclastic Controversy, nor did the usurpers > Artabasdus (74 1743) and Thomas (821-823) champion the iconic cult against the legitimate emperors of the SD, as was alleged. It was not until after 760 that iconolaters were subjected to large-scale persecution; like the allegation that he took action against the cult of relics, the supposed fight waged by Constantine V against the monasteries is largely a legend.

but the triumphal display of Ptolemaic power at the festival of the > Ptolemaia in 271/o suggests that Ptolemy was victorious and that the status quo was preserved [2. 36 f.; 3. 265-271]. The Second SW (260-253?) did not change this. It cost the aggressor, Ptolemy II, who had tried to take advantage of the change of the Seleucid monarch (261: accession of — Antiochus [3] II), his influence in the Aegean and Asia Minor. Antiochus II gained territory in Ionia, Cilicia and Pamphylia. The war was over by 253 at the latest, when a marriage was arranged between > Berenice [2], daughter of Ptolemy, and Antiochus (wedding 252), who repudiated > Laodice [II 3] for this purpose [2. 41-43; 3. 281-287]. The Third SW (246-241; ‘War of Laodice’) was a consequence of this marriage, and began immediately after the death of Antiochus II (246). Laodice wanted the throne for her son, the future > Seleucus [4] II, and Berenice wanted it for hers. Berenice called on her (justenthroned) brother Ptolemy III ( Ptolemaeus [6]) for help: he quickly took — Seleucia [2] on the Orontes

SYRIAN DYNASTY

G. OstRoGoRSKY, Studien zur Geschichte des byzantinischen Bilderstreits, 1929; P.SCHREINER, Der byzantinische Bilderstreit, in: Settimane di Studio del Centro Jtaliano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo 34, 1988, 319-427; P.A. Ho.Liincswortn, A.CUuTLER, s.v. Iconoclasm, ODB 2,

975-977; P.SPECK, Ich bin’s nicht, Kaiser Konstantin ist es gewesen, 1990; Id., Bilder und Bilderstreit, in: M. Branpt, G. BUHL (eds.), Byzanz: die Macht der Bilder (exhibition catalogue), 1998, 56-67; D. STEIN, Der Beginn des byzantinischen Bilderstreits, 1980. ALB.

Syrian Wars. In modern scholarship, the term SW refers to a group of six wars fought between the > Ptolemies and the > Seleucids for possession of southern — Syria (between the River Eleutherus, modern Nahr al-Kabir, north of Byblus and the eastern frontier of Egypt at > Rhaphia; cf. map “The > Hellenistic states in the 3rd Cent. BC’; -» Coele Syria) between 274 and 168 BC. The war between > Antiochus [5] III] and Rome (192-188, treated in App. Syr. 11), whichis often

referred to as a ‘Syrian War’, is not included in them. The precondition for the SW was the state of possessions following the partition of the kingdom of + Antigonus [1] (301 BC, > Diadochi, wars of the): ~» Seleucus [2] I had ceded southern Syria, which had been promised to him, to his ally Ptolemy I (> Ptolemaeus [I 1], who had conquered it shortly before (302/r); but Seleucus had not given up his claim to it (Diod. Sic. 21,1,5). The region was of economic importance (cedars of Lebanon, harbours, caravans), but it

was especially important to the Ptolemies because, like Cyrene and Cyprus, from a military point of view, it acted as a glacis for Egypt and could serve as a stagingpost for expansionist ventures. The SW were mostly part of more extensive military manoeuvring by the Ptolemies and Seleucids throughout the eastern Mediterranean sphere [r]. The First SW (274-271) began as a serious threat to Ptolemy II (— Ptolemaeus [I 3]), who faced an impending pincer movement from > Antiochus [2] I and his son-in-law > Magas [2] of Cyrene. However, an uprising forced Magas to return to Cyrene (275?) before Antiochus, who was still occupied in Asia Minor, was able to attack. The course of the hostilities is unknown,

(Ptolemaic

until

219),

was

rapturously

received

in

~ Antioch [1] (where he probably found Berenice, and certainly her son, murdered) and advanced, apparently without resistance, to Mesopotamia, until a rebellion in Egypt forced him to turn back. He did not resume his campaign in Asia, which casts doubt on his intention to conquer the Seleucid Kingdom. Instead, he considerably expanded the Ptolemaic foreign possessions from southern Asia Minor up to Thrace (245-241) [2. 46-

503 3. 338-352]. In the Fourth SW (221/219-217), > Coele Syria itself became the theatre of war. > Antiochus [5] III, who had reigned since 222, decided in spite of the threatening collapse of his kingdom (+ Achaeus [5]; ~ Molon [r]) to invade Coele Syria in 221, probably provoked by the Ptolemaic aid given to > Attalus [4] I of Pergamum [3. 363 f.]. He succeeded in capturing Seleucia only in 219. When the Ptolemaic governor, Theodotus, defected (+ Sosibius [1]; > Agathocles [6]; from 221, Ptolemy IV (> Ptolemaeus [I 7]) was on the throne), the Ptolemaic court adopted delaying tactics in negotiations and used the time to build up an army, which for the first time included 20,000 Egyptian soldiers and which defeated the Seleucid troops at + Rhaphia in 217. Ptolemy IV spared his opponent (and Seleucia) destruction, contenting himself with re-an-

nexing Coele Syria [2z. 111-116; 3. 386-404]. Only in the Fifth SW (202-198/194) did Antiochus III win the disputed territory. The war took place in the context of the so-called secret agreement between Antiochus and Philip V (+ Philippus [I 7]) of Macedon, which provided for the partition of the Ptolemaic external possessions after the accession of the six-year-old Ptolemy V + Ptolemaeus [I 8]) in 204. After fluctuating fortunes in battle (~ Ptolemaeus [29]; > Scopas [3]), Antiochus completed the annexation of the region in 198, and it remained Seleucid even after the marriage of ~ Cleopatra [II 4], Antiochus’ daughter, to Ptolemy V in the winter of 194/3 [1. 121-126; 2. 487-492].

69

70

Following the death of Cleopatra (in 176), who had been acting as regent for Ptolemy VI (— Ptolemaeus [I 9]) since 180, an anti-Seleucid atmosphere developed

Timaeus’. S. was buried in a tomb with two spaces; the second was reserved for Proclus.

at once. In the end, this led to the Sixth SW (170-168) (+ Eulaeus [2]; > Lenaeus [1]). > Antiochus [6] IV, the

reigning Seleucid since 175, had gathered troops in Coele Syria as a precaution, and, in 170, met the advancing Egyptian army before it even reached the frontier, and defeated it at > Pelusium. He went on to occupy Lower Egypt and to besiege Alexandria [1], posing as the protector of his nephew, Ptolemy VI. As they had already done during the Fifth SW, the Ptolemies asked for help and mediation from Rome (169), at first again unsuccessfully, as Rome was at war with ~ Perseus [2]. Only after the conclusion of the latter war (168) did the Roman emissary, C. - Popillius [I 2]

SYRIANUS

Only S.’ commentaries on two treatises of Hermogenes [7] of Tarsus (Ilegl ide@v/Peri ideén and Meoi ot oewv/Peri staseon) as well as on 4 books (3, 4, 13 and 14) of Aristotle’s [6] Metaphysics have survived, in which he defends Plato’s theory of ideas (— Ideas, theory of) and the Pythagorean doctrines against Aristotle’s attacks. However his most important work was certainly the treatise Lyuup~wvia Oopéws v0ayooou Thdtwvos me0¢

besieged capital and order him finally to leave Egypt (Antiochus having conquered the entire country apart from Alexandria). Laenas compelled him to give back Cyprus, but not Coele Syria. This move rescued the Ptolemaic kingdom from annihilation, but at the cost of increasing dependence upon Rome [2. 130-134;

ta Aoyia, ByBAta v, which is unfortunately lost. In it he set out the perfect ‘Consonance of the doctrines of Orpheus, Pythagoras and Plato with the Chaldaean Oracles, in 10 books’. He placed the Orphic myths, the Pythagorean numbers and the Platonic philosophy under the authority of the Oracles, i.e. divine revelation. This treatise seems to have been revised and augmented by Proclus, who created a research programme out of it for the Academy with the aim of developing theology as science. Proclus’ dependence on S. is evident in vocabulary as in doctrine. Proclus himself admits that he owes his theory of the first principles, év, méeac,

3- 540-561].

dmewwov (hén, péras, apeiron), and his innovative ex-

Laenas, meet Antiochus

in a suburb (Eleusis) of the

1 H.HEINEN, The Syrian-Egyptian Wars and the New Kingdoms of Asia Minor, in: CAH 7.1, 71984, 412-445

2H61sL 2001,

3 W.Huss, Agypten in hellenistischer Zeit, W.ED.

Syrianus (Zve.avoc; Syriands). Neoplatonist philosopher and scholarch of the school of Athens (— Academy) in the first half of the sth cent., also called ‘the Great’. Our knowledge about S. comes from Proclus’ writings, Marinus’ [4] treatise ‘Proclus or Concerning

Happiness’ (11-13 and 26-27), Damascius’ ‘Life of Isidorus’ (74-76) and Simplicius’ commentaries on Aristotle. S. was born in Alexandria [1], the son of Philoxenus, and had links with the family of Hermeias of Alexandria, his pupil in Athens, who introduced Athenian — Neoplatonism to Alexandria (Hermeias was married to Aedesia, a granddaughter of S.). In Athens, S. was a pupil of Plutarchus [3], the founder of the Neoplatonic school. Even before the death of his teacher in AD 432 he was at the head of the school, afterwards he rightfully became ‘Plato’s successor’. In addition to philosophy he also taught rhetoric. According to Marinus, S. read the entire works of Aristotle [6] and the great dialogues of Plato [1] with his pupil Proclus. $. taught Aristotle as a preparation for Plato and annotated the Platonic dialogues (Alcibiades I, Phaedo, Phaedrus, Philebus), particularly Timaeus and Parmenides. Hermeias’ notes on S.’ commentaries on Phaedrus are extant [4]. He also explained the ‘Orphic Rhapsodies’ to his pupils Domninus and Proclus but died before he could write a commentary on the Oracula Chaldaica. This must have been shortly before AD 437, because from this time, Proclus, who became his successor as head of the school, always speaks about him in the past tense in his ‘Commentary on the

egesis of the hypotheses of Plato’s Parmenides to S. [6]. Finally the historian Zosimus (4,18,4) attests toa hymn by S. in honour of Achilles, in which S. celebrated in song Nestorius, the grandfather of Plutarchus [3]. S. was undoubtedly the most creative thinker of the Neoplatonic school in Athens; his philosophy marked “a decisive turning point in post-Plotinian Neoplatonism” [8.212]. S.’ continuing influence can be found in the work of Proclus. Through his commentary on the Phaedrus of Plato S. influenced Florentine humanism, especially MARSILIO FICINO. + Academy; > Neoplatonism Epi1T1oNs:

vol. 1, 1892 commentaria,

1H.Rase,

In Hermogenem

Commentaria,

2H.UseEneR, In Aristotelis metaphysicam in: I. BEKKER, Aristotelis opera, vol. 5,

1870, 837-944 3 W.KRo ii, CAG IV.1, 1902 (review: K. PRAECHTER, GGA 165, 1903, 513-530 =Id., KS, 1973, 246-263) 4 P.Couvreur, Hermias Alexandrinus, In Platonis Phaedrum Scholia, 1901 (*1971) 5 R.CARDULLO, Siriano. Esegeta di Aristotele, vol. 1: Frammenti e Testimonianze dei Commentarii all’Organon (Symbolon 14), 1995

(with It. transl.

and comm.)

6H.D. SAFFREY,

L.G. WEsTERINK, Proclus, Théologie platonicienne, vol. 3, 1978, IX—LXXII (with Fr. transl.). BipLioGRAPHY: 7M.J. B. ALLEN, Two Commentaries on the Phaedrus: Ficino’s Indebtedness to Hermias, in:

Journal of the Warburg Institute 43, 1980, 110-129 8 A. BrELMEIER, Die neuplatonische Phaidrosinterpretation, 1930 9C.D’ANncona, C.Luna, La doctrine des principes: Syrianus comme source textuelle et doctrinale de Proclus, in: A. PH. SEGONDs, C. STEEL (eds.), Proclus et la théologie platonicienne, 2000, 189-278

10 C.Morescuini,

Alcuni

aspetti

degli

Scholia

in

Phaedrum di Ermia Alessandrino, in: M.-O. GOuLETCazt (ed.), LOP®IHE MAIHTOPE®. Chercheurs de

sagesse, 1992, 451-460 11 K.PRAECHTER, Das Schriftenverzeichnis des Neuplatonikers Syrianos bei Suidas, in: ByzZ 26, 1926, 253-264

(= Id., KS, 1973,

222-233)

Fit

Ge

13 Id., s.v.

as a painter four rare pointed amphorae survive. Further important paintings are concentrated on stamnoi; among these the killing of the + Minotaurus stands out (Switzerland, private ownership). His depiction of the murder of -» Hipparchus [1] is also famous (Wiirzburg, Martin von Wagner Museum L 515). The workshop was continued by the Aegisthus Painter, the Painter of Bologna P 228 and the Boreas Painter.

SYRIANUS 12 Id., s.v. Syrianos, RE 4 A, 1728-1775 Hermeias, RE 8, 732-735

14H.D. SAFFREY, Comment

Syrianus, le maitre de Ecole néoplatonicienne d’Athénes,

considérait-il Aristote?, in: J.WIESNER (ed.), Aristoteles, Werk und Wirkung. FS P. Moraux, vol. 2, 1987, 205-214 (= Id., Recherches sur le néoplatonisme aprés Plotin, 1990, 131-140) 15 A.SHEPPARD, The Influence of Her-

mias on Marsilio Ficino’s Doctrine of Inspiration, in: Journal

of the Warburg

Institute

43,

1980,

97-109

16 L.G. WesTERInK et al., Prolegoménes a la philosophie de Platon, 1990, X—XI.

H.SA.

Syries (Lveing/Syriés). Like Onesimus a gem-cutter of ‘island stones’ (second half of the 6th cent. BC), both probably working in Euboea. The inscription YYPIEZ on a green steatite pseudo-scarab, with the reverse moulded as a Silen mask and an image of a citharode

BEAZLEY, ARV*, 256-259; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 3 5 1353; BEAZLEY, Addenda’, 204; M. ROBERTSON, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992, 135-142;

Mythen und Menschen. Griechische Vasenkunst aus einer deutschen Privatsammlung (exhibition Wirzburg), 1997, Nr. 30-32. A.L.-H.

Syro-Roman law book. The SRLB is a juristic collec-

climbing on to a béma (+ Rostrum) (London, BM), is

tion of Late Antiquity which survives in several Syriac,

considered to be the earliest master signature of a gem-

Arabic and Armenian versions of differing scope. It was widespread in the territory of the Oriental churches, but contained secular Roman law. The interest in imperial law in the eastern provinces makes itself felt in terms of the history of transmission, first in the Sententiae Syridacae, a paraphrase of imperial laws, esp. from the reign of Diocletian and primarily from the years AD 293/4. The translation into Syriac was not directly from the

cutter.

+ Gem cutting ZAZOFF, AG, 83 f., note 48 f., plate 19.

S.MI.

Syrinx [1] (Zueuy§; Syrinx). Arcadian nymph. Fleeing from — Pan, who intends to violate her, she is transformed beside the River Ladon into a reed, from which Pan constructs a flute (named after him) (S. [2]). From then on the shepherd’s

flute is considered to be an instrument expressing longing for love (Ov. Met. 1,690-712). Numerous allusions show that the tale was known not only in Latin verse, but also in Greek, no later than the Hellenistic Period (Longus 2,34 f.; Ach. Tat. 8,6; Verg. Ecl. 2,31; Hyg. Fab. 274,18). There are also other stories about the invention of the shepherd’s flute by + Daphnis [1], + Hermes and > Apollo. S. ErTREM, s. v. S. (1), RE 4 A, 1777 f.

[2] (otevyE/syrinx, Latin fistula). Shepherd’s flute. Wind instrument consisting of pipes of reed or other material bound or glued together and usually stopped (Verg. Ecl. 2,31; Ov. Met. 1,690-712).

—+ Musical instruments V. B.2. (with illustration) G.Haas, Die S. in der griechischen Bildkunst, 1985; H. ABERT, s. v. S. (4), RE 4 A, 1779; M.L. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992, 109 f. K.WA,

Syriscus (Zvoioxoc; Syriskos). Attic Red Figure vase painter, active c. 480-460 BC. Since the recognition of

S.’s painter inscription on a calyx crater in Malibu (GM 92.AE.6) the nickname ‘Copenhagen Painter’ has fallen out of use. Since S. also signed as the potter on an astragalos (Rome, VG 866) painted by a closely related younger S. Painter. Dividing lines between can not always be clearly drawn, and this is made even more difficult by there being signatures of both > Pistoxenus Painter and S. on the same vase (Mulgrave Castle). Of S.

(lost) Latin original but via a Greek version which like-

wise does not survive. The 160 or so texts of Roman law preserved in the SRLB followed the same route via Greek. They present decisions on legal cases from Roman law in the eastern provinces, esp. deriving from teachings of the 2nd- and 3rd- cent. AD Roman jurists, and esp. decisions on the document practice there. It is not possible to date the collection securely, but it was probably assembled in the sth cent. AD. In terms of form, the SRLB consists in part of paraphrases, and in part of treatises on individual themes. This provides support to the supposition that there was originally a didactic intent for use in eastern Roman legal tuition, e.g. in the renowned school at Berytus [1. 51 with rr*5] (> Law schools [III.]). It must be said that this is just as unproven as the assumption that the transmission in the collections of the eastern Church formed the basis for episcopal cognizance (episcopalis audientia). Some quotes from imperial laws (+ constitutiones) of Late Antiquity have occasioned the copyist to describe the SRLB as a collection of laws of the emperors Constantine I (+ Constantinus [1]), - Theodosius [II 2] I and > Leo [4] L. It may be that this was done in an attempt to enhance the authority of the collection as a source of law in force, or at least to make it more plausible. 1 WIEACKER, RRG.

W.SeLs, Zur Bed. des syrisch-r6mischen Rechtsbuchs, 1964; Id., Antike Rechte im Mittelmeerraum, 1993, 179181.

GS.

Syros (Lieoc/Syros). Island of many bays among the + Cyclades (86 km’, rising to 432m; Scyl. 58; Str. 10,5,3; 8; Mela 2,111; Plin. HN 4,67; Ptol. 3,15,30),

73

74

still S. today. The island was settled by the 3rd millennium BC (early Cycladic necropolis on the northeastern

ancient philologists — not Greek but Phoenician in origin, emerges for the first time in Herodotus (e.g. 2,32,2). Ps.-Scylax (109 f.; GGM 1,84-89) and Strabo (Qyse2Os 2551335304 .3shsg aks kyased 7-2 0)aesembethe S. from a geographical point of view. Both bays were feared among ancient seafarers for their unpredictable currents, which to some extent had the character of tides, and for their shifting sandbanks (Hor. Carm.

coast at modern Chalandriani, settlement with fortification wall on the Kastri hill). Around 1000 BC it was

colonised by Iones from Attica (Schol. Dionys. Per. 525). Hom. Od. 15,412 notes two cities on S., the earlier of which can probably be assumed to have been in the southwest at the Bay of Phoenicas, the more recent on the eastern coast at modern Ermoupoli. In the 6th cent. BC, S. was a dependency of + Samos [3] probably for a short time only; member of the Delian and Athenian Leagues. On the western coast (at modern Pakou),

there was a mata in the inscriptions recydes [1] 713; Suppl.

sanctuary to the > Cabiri; at Cape Gramnorthwest, there were more than 100 rock of the Roman and Byzantine periods. Phewas from S.. Inscriptions: IG XII 5, 652238-244; Coins: HN 491 f.

PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 4, 81-87;

H. KALETSCH, s. Vv. S., in:

LauFFER, Griechenland, 646 f.

AKU.

Syrtis (Lvertic/Syrtis, ‘bay’). Ancient term for two bays on the coast of northern Africa: $. maior (modern Gulf of Benghazi) and S. minor (modern Gulf of Gabés). The

name, which is probably — in contrast to the opinion of

SYTHAS

1,22,5;

2,6,3 f.; Luc.

1,498-504;

9,303-309).

For

Syrtis Insula cf. > Cercina. + Navigation M.Reppg&, Prospection des vallées du nord de la Libye (1979-1980), 1988; H. TREIDLER, s. v. S., RE 4 A, 17961829.

W.HU.

Syssition see > Banquet Sythas (2v0ac/Sythas). River forming the border between > Sicyon and - Pellene in Achaea, probably the modern Trikaliotiko ([1.257]; TaRGetes PtolwsenOs4Au( 2s OF 2G) 1 A. GriFFIn, Sikyon, 1982.

Paus.

2,7,8;

12,25 vette

ol T (linguistics). In Greek and Latin, the letter T denotes a voiceless dental plosive. For Latin, the assibilation to

ts in front of 7 is not attested prior to inscriptions from the 2nd or 3rd cent. AD (CIL VIII 12396: Laurentzio; CIL VIL 21540: Crescensa; with ‘inverse’ spelling CIL VI 34637: nacione [t. 154]). In inherited words, t can frequently be traced back to Proto-Indo-European ft (Greek

[z. 153;

tatoc/tatos,

2.291;

Latin

3.82]).

in-tentus

< *tn-to- ‘tense’

In Greek,

further

possible

sources are *t’ < Proto-Indo-European *d’ before aspirates (tiOnu/tithemi < *t'i-t'e- < *d'i-d'ea,- corresponding to Sanskrit dadhami < *d'a-d'a- [3.97]), with the exception of Mycenaean k™ before e (in Aeolian however k“ > p) or i (névte/peénte < *penk"e, tic/tis < *k“is [2. 293]), in Attic and Boeotian in initial position Proto-

Greek ki or ki (which otherwise usually changes to s: Attic tnuegov/temeron < *ki-dmeron, - S, linguistics). In Attic, Boeotian and Cretan, the geminate can be traced back to medial ki, khi or tu (otherwise usually ss: Attic ékdattwv/elatton, Tonic-Doric édoowv/elasson ‘faster’ < proto-Greek *elak’idn for éthaybc/elachys ‘fast’;

Attic

téttagec/téttares,

Homeric

téooagec/

téssares < *k“etur-es), in Boeotian and Cretan, it can also be traced to ti and ts (Cretan éttoc/6ttos, Attic dc0¢/hosos < *iotio- ‘how big’, but also Attic pédutta/

meélitta, lonic wéhooa/melitta ‘bee’ < *melit-ia [2. 3193213; 3. 90-93]). In Latin, d changed into f¢in front of r (uter, utris ‘hose’ < *udr- from Proto-Indo-European *ued-r ‘water’ [1. 198]), the geminate ft through the ‘littera rule’ (> P, lingusitics), cf. littera < litera, Old

Latin leitera[1.

Tabae (TéPa/Tabai). City in southeastern Caria, in the south of the Plain of T. (TaBnvov mediov/Tabénon pedion, cf. Str. 12,8,13) ona rocky elevation near modern Kale. From the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC onwards, T. had the constitution of a polis (before 269/8: [1.321 no. 1]). In 189 BC T. capitulated to Manlius [I 24] Vulso (Liv. 38,13,11-13) and after 167 was a ‘friend and ally’ of Rome (IG XIV 695-696b). T.’s autonomy was confirmed by Rome in 81 BC in thanks for its loyalty in the First > Mithridatic War, its territory was expanded and its right to build fortresses to monitor the Carian uplands was acknowledged [2. 97-102

no. 5; 3. Loo—104

no.

17]. In Late Anti-

quity, T. was part of the province of Caria (Hierocles, Synecdemus eed

689,1)

and

was

a see

(cf. Not.

1 L.Roert, Et. Anatoliennes, 1937, 320-328 L.Ropert,

Episc. 2J. und

La Carie II: Le plateau de T. et ses environs,

1954, 80-152,180f. 3R.K.SHERK, Roman Documents from the Greek East, 1969. W.RuGE, s. v. T. (2), RE 4 A, 1839 f.; MAGIE 1003,

If12.

2, 954 f., H.KA.

Tabal. Name of a region and a principality in the southeast of central Anatolia. On its political role in the late Hittite period see > Asia Minor III.C.1. S. ARO, T. Zur Gesch. und materiellen Kultur des zentralanatolischen Hochplateaus von 1200-600 vy. Chr., 1998. WEAK,

183] as wellas at the boundary between

compound members (attineo < *ad-t-).

In Attic-Ionic, Arcadio-Cypriot and Mycenaean, the inherited ¢ is assibilated to o in front of 7 (Attic-Ionic

éxovovéchousi ‘they have’, Mycenaean e-ko-si, Doric éyovweéchonti), also consistently beforei in initial posi-

tion, and in medial position in all dialects except for Boeotian and Cretan (see above) [3. 89 f.]. A change from the old tis apparent in Greek oeiw ‘shake’ < *tueis[2. 3193 3. 93]; G&maotoc/dpastos ‘sober’ < *-pat-to- to mattoua/patéomai

‘eat’; > S (linguistics). In Latin, ¢

also partially changed or was lost: poc(u)lum < * po-tlo[1. 153]; annus < *at-no-[1. 200], concussi concussus < *_kut-s-, *-kut-to- [1. 197, 202] to concutio ‘shake’; céna ‘meal’ < *kertsna- ‘portion’ [r. 209]. In loanwords from Greek, t is represented by Latin t (techina ‘clever

prank’ from Greek téyvy/téchne). + Pronunciation;

— P (linguistics.);

>» S (linguistics);

~» Theta (linguistics) 1 LEUMANN)

2 SCHWYZER, Gramm.

3 Rix, HGG.

GE.ME.

Tabari. Aba Ga‘far Muhammad ibn Garir al-Tabari (AD 839-923). Significant Persian-Arab historian, lawyer and Koranic commentator. His ‘Universal History’ (Ta@rib) begins with a creation story; histories follow of Israel, ancient Persia and pre-Islamic Arabia. After an account of the life of

+ Muhammad, T.’s chronicle is

constructed annalistically and contains a detailed presentation of the Islamic campaigns of conquest and the periods of the -» Umayyads and the + Abbasids up to AD 915. The significance of T.’s history is based on the compilation and in part literal reproduction of non-surviving works, particularly the Sassanid Book of Kings Hvadday-namag and the ancient Arabian and early Islamic traditions. C.E. Bosworth, s.v. al-Tabari, El’, CD-Rom 1999; M.J.pe Goryje (ed.), Annales quos scripsit Abu Djafar Mohammed ibn Djarir at-Tabari, 15 vols., 1879-1901; I. YARSATIR (ed.), The History of al-Tabari. An Annotated

Translation, vol. rff., 1985ff. (38 vols.; s. esp. F. ROSENTHAL, General Introduction, vol. 1).

T. As an abbreviation in names, Roman given name ~> Titus.

T. stands for the W.ED.

Tabella duplex see > Writing tablets

LT.-N.

WE

78

Tabellaria. Road station in Etruria (Tab. Peut. 5,1) on

along with their official employment, the composition of private documents and the creation of trial papers and other exhibits for a fee [3.1853 f.; 5.219] (— scriba). Their places of business (stationes) were located in the forum or other public places ([9. No. 6, ll. 29 f., 18-19 B, ll. 59 f.] = P. Marini 75, 92). Conducive to the development of the profession of the tabelliones was the increasing importance of = literacy beginning in the 3rd cent. AD, as is shown, for example, by the acceptance of the seven seal > testament without regard to the execution of the emancipation act (Ulp. Dig. 28,1,23) or the introduction of the plea for the non-payment of a loan (exceptio non numeratae pecuniae), which led to irrefutable evidentiary effect of the loan document after its expiration, due to its time limitation (Cod. 4,30,8: 228). Under Iustinianus [1] (6th cent. AD), the activity of the tabelliones was dependent on a concession (Nov. 44,1,4: 536); they were subject to state oversight and were — as is recorded by a document from Ravenna — organized in a guild (schola) with their own master ([9. No. 24, |. 38]: middle of the 7th cent. = P. Marini 110). The tabelliones documents were not public documents (instrumenta publica), but did have increased probative force in late antique trials as publicly created documents (imstrumenta publice confecta, Cod. lust. 4,29,23,1: 530); the tabellio had to attest to the authen-

the via Aurelia between Centumcellae and Graviscae near the mouth of the Minio. C.Cors1, Le strutture di servizio del cursus publicus in Italia, 2000, 143. G.U.

Tabellarius. In the Roman Empire, a tabellarius conveyed letters and written messages of all kinds (tabellae) on behalf of private and public institutions and individuals. From the correspondence of > Cicero in particular, we know of tabellarii of wealthy households and of public tax and duty contractors (> publicani; [1. 2127]). They generally came from the ranks of the slaves or were > freedmen. In the Imperial period, most imperial messengers, the tabellarii Augusti, were freedmen who were recruited from the imperial household (familia Caesaris). Because of their great number, they were strictly organized, i.e. according to a military model, as was usual for large familiae of slaves, e.g. under praepositi (‘foremen’) and optiones (‘selected helpers’; CIL VI 410, 746). They were individually assigned to particular areas of the imperial administration [1. 275278]. It was also possible to make one’s living as a selfemployed tabellarius (CIL X 1961; CIL XII 4512). A tabellarius mostly fulfilled his duties on foot (> Communications). This was also true of the public tabellarii,

unless they were permitted use of the > cursus publicus in order to deliver a particularly important message

[1. 295-297]. 1 A. Kos, Transport und Nachrichtentransfer im R6mischen Reich, 2000. O.HirscHFELD, Die kaiserlichen bis auf Diokletian, 31963, 201 f.

Verwaltungsbeamten AK.

Tabelliones (Tabellions). Private professional document scribes, who were responsible for setting down Latin legal documents in writing, beginning in the Roman Imperial era (~ Notary; [1; 2]). Ulpian (Dig. 48,19,9,4) first mentions the tabelliones around the turn of the 3rd cent. AD as an established institution along with those who studied law (iuris studiosi) and lawyers (advocati). They were listed as their own trade on the Edictum [3] Diocletiani of 301 (CIL III p. 831,

7,41). The legally of the writers

formulation of + documents by literate and trained third parties reaches back to the period Roman Republic, where the help of testament (testamentarii) was used in drawing up a will

(Cic. De or. 1,57,254; 2,6,24). In the early Principate,

third parties, including slaves, were frequently active as ~» scribes, also for other private documents, which was made clear by a note such as scripsi rogatu (‘I wrote this on request’; e.g. [8. No. 78, 82]; CILIV Suppl. 1, 3340, No. 7, 17, 22, 23, 245 25, 275 305 345 355 40, 46).

The professional tabellionate probably developed from the imperial administrative apparatus [4, vol. 2. 79], where civil-service scribes also undertook,

TABELLIONES

ticity of their documents before the court [6]. The veri-

fication was regulated in detail by Justinian (Cod. Iust. Ayzik, Lia SOs NOV aed 4525 HAaig, 7759 thet 1S) nL particular, it required the signature (— subscriptio) of the parties, completion (completio) by the tabellio with an annotation and the subsequent authorization (absolutio) of the parties. For dispositions, the creation of a tabellio document was required in many cases beginning in the 2nd half of the sthcent. [4, vol. 2. 79; FtOOT aa

In the post-Justinian era, the terms tabelliones and tabularii, who earlier had only been involved in the composition of public documents as archiving and recording officials, merged [3. 1973]. In the Greek east, scribes for private documents were called ovpBodatoyoddos (symbolaiographos) or vowwnds (nomikos); the Greek loanword taBehdtwv (tabellion) first appears in documents of the 5th/6th cents. [7]. 1M.Ametorrti, G.CostaMaGna, Alle origini del notariato italiano, 1995, 5-144. 2M.AMe Lorri, Notariat

und Urkundenwesen zur Zeit des Prinzipats, in: ANRW IL 13, 1980, 386-399

3 E.SACHERS,s. v. Tabellio, RE 4 A,

1847-1863; 1969-1984 4 KAsER, RPR 1, 2343 2, 74; 78-80 5M.Kaser, K.HaAckt, Das rémische Zivilpro-

zefSrecht, *1996, 219; 565; 601 6 D.SIMON, Untersuchungen zum justinianischen Zivilprozef, 1969, 296-298 7 F.PReIsIGKE, Worterbuch der griechischen Papyrus-

Urkunden, vol. 3, 1931, 135;164-167

8 G.CAMODECA,

Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum, 2 vol., 1999

9 J.-O.

TJADER, Die nichtliterarischen lateinischen Papyri Italiens aus der Zeit 445-700, vol. 1, 1955. P.GR.

TABERNA

80

79

Taberna

F.Reutti, Neue archdologische Forschungen im romi-

{1] Latin term for buildings, both urban and rural, used

schen Rheinzabern, 1984; H. BERNHARD, Rheinzabern, in: H.Currers (eds.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 533-539; R. WiEGELS, Inschriften des romischen

for storage, craft production, selling goods, offering drinks, meals and lodging, and also as living space. + Storage economy; ~ Workshop; > Inn H.SCHN. [2] T. Frigida. Road station in Etruria on the Via Aemilia Scauri between Pisae and Luna at the crossing over the Frigidus (modern Frigido), modern San Leonardo in

Frigido. L. BanTI, Luni, 1937, 71; G. De SANTIS ALViSI, Questioni lunensi, in: Centro Studi Lunensi. Quaderni 2, 1977, 3-162, bes. 4. GU.

Rheinzabern, in: Mitteilungen des Historischen Vereins der Pfalz 87 (1989), 1990, 11-89; E. KUNZL, Die Alamannenbeute aus dem Rhein bei Neupotz, 1993.

[2] Station (Auson. Mos. 8) on the road from Bingium to Augusta [6] Treverorum between Dumnissus (modern Kirchberg-bei-Simmern) and Noviomagus [7], assumed to be near Morbach-Wederath/Hinzerath. B.K. Wets (ed.), Ausonius, Mosella, *1994, 76 to V. 8 and

sketch of a map (cover).

Tabernaculum (derived from trabs, ‘tree trunk’, ‘beam’; diminutive of taberna, ‘hut’, ‘shop’). In the

Tabernaria see

RA.WI.

Togata

Roman military context, tabernaculum describes all forms of housing for soldiers (Cic. Brut. 37). Provision-

Table (Latin mensa, also cartibum, cartibulum; Greek

al shelters could be built from a variety of materials, such as reeds and wood (Liv. 27,3,2-3; Frontin. Str.

toameCca/trapeza, toimouc/tripous or tetoanouc/tetrapous). Three forms of table are known from Greek and

4,1,14). Tents were made of leather (Liv. 23,18,5; Tac.

Roman Antiquity: rectangular with three or four legs, round with a central support or three legs, and oblong with one supports at each end; the last variant was primarily employed in gardens and was of marble, with the outer sides of the supports often decorated with reliefs.

Ann. 13,3 5,33 14,38,1); in the winter, they were insulated against the cold with straw (Caes. B Gall. 8,5,2). The

arrangement of the tents in the camp was subject to strict rules (Pol. 6,27—3 2; 6,41; cf. also Jos. BI 3,76-84).

The soldiers’ tent was called papilio and had the form of a house with a gabled roof and a triangular front gable. A pictorial depiction is found on Trajan’s Column. The

The other forms of table were usually made of wood,

permanent stationing of troops, beginning with Augu-

feet (lion, deer). From the Hellenistic period onwards, tables of gold or silver (Ath. 5,197b) are also known,

stus, led to the development of fixed structures, with stone buildings only becoming established in the Flavian period. Over time, there was a differentiation of the terms: with papilio, Vegetius describes the housing for soldiers, with tabernaculum, that of the tribunes and with > praetorium that of the commanders (Veg. Mil. 1,23,2f.; 3,8,15; cf. Tac. Ann. 1,29,5: ‘tabernaculum ducis’).

The Christian meaning of tabernaculum (housing for storing the host) does not appear before the High Middle Ages. Y.LB.

but the feet could be of more precious materials (e.g. ivory, Ath. 2,49a); they often had the form of animal

from the Roman period also of valuable woods (e.g. citrus, Plin. HN 13,91-94) and bronze, particularly in the Vesuvius cities. At least in the Greek period, Syracusan tables were famous (PI. Resp. 3,404d), but it is

unknown whether this is due to particular workmanship or a particular shape. In Greek history, tables were used for sacrifices, for laying game boards on, for standing statues on, etc. At the beginning of a meal tables were put in front of each person taking part in the meal, and food and drink were placed on them; after the meal,

they were removed again for the symposium (cf. > Ban-

Tabernae [1] Township in the territory of the - Nemetes on the Roman road on the west bank of the Rhenus [2] (It. Ant. 355; Amm. 16,2,12; Not. Dign. Occ. 41,16; Tab. Peut. 3,3), modern Rheinzabern. There is evidence of brickworks of the legions of upper Germania from

quet; > Meals; e.g. Xen. An. 7,3,21 f.). Since for the

most part tables were low, they could be pushed under a +> kliné or even be used in dancing or acrobatic shows. Food was prepared in the kitchen on a table called an éhedc/eleds (e.g. Hom. Il. 9,215).

There is no difference in principle between Etruscan

about AD 45 until c. AD 80; a fort, however, is not

and Greek tables. However, many Etruscan tables hada

certain. After the withdrawal of the military brickworks, everyday and fine ceramics were made there for

second surface under that of the table proper, used for the temporary storage of tableware. As a new variation, a rectangular table with curved crossing legs emerges.

civilian needs. In about the middle of the 2nd cent. AD,

a factory was developed for > terra sigillata. The surrender of the trading territory on the right bank of the river inc. AD 260 and attacks by the Germani meant an economical and political turning-point. Numerous inscriptions and sculptures survive. From nearby Neupotz, 3rd cent. AD plunder has been found in an overgrown arm of the river.

In the Roman

period, the known forms continued to

exist (cf. e.g. Varro Ling. 5,25,118). In the Imperial period, folding tables (e.g. in the Hildesheim — silver hoard) then also became popular. Similarly, figural table feet were favoured (+ Monopodium).

+ Delphica; > Furniture>; + Table utensils

Household

equipment;

8r

82

H.S. Baker, Furniture in the Ancient World. Origins and Evolution 3 100-475 B. C., 1966; G.M.A. RicHTer, The Furniture of the Greeks, Etruscans and Romans, 1966, 63-723; 93-95; 110-113; R.CoHON, Greek and Roman Stone Table Supports with Decorative Reliefs, 1984; C.F. Moss, Roman Marble Tables, 1989; S. KUNZL, Das Tafelgeschirr, in: E. KUNZL (ed.), Die Alamannenbeute aus dem

Rhein bei Neupotz. Pliinderungsgut aus dem rémischen Gallien, 1993, 218-227; B.A. OHNESORG, Ein Heiligtum auf dem Kounadosberg von Paros, in: AA 1994, 327-334; A.SCHAFER, Unterhaltung beim griechischen Symposion, 1997 (Darstellungen von Tischen archaischer und klassischer Zeit).

RH.

Table culture A. FUNDAMENTAL B. NUTRITION

OBSERVATIONS

AND DIET

AND SOURCES

C. MEALS

A. FUNDAMENTAL OBSERVATIONS AND SOURCES In the wider sense, table culture refers to all practices linked to > nutrition, to concrete activities as well as their symbolic representations. This new comprehensive approach to ancient TC owes a lot to the advances in anthropology since Claude Levi-Strauss; anthropological research has revealed astonishing interconnections between the TCs of the societies under examination. The task is no longer merely to list the foods produced and consumed, to know the various ways of food preparation and consumption and to identify social rituals associated with them, but also to take into account the religious meaning of various foods and their standing and significance in the medical discourse, and to establish links between the actions and the corresponding discourses. TC is an essential component in the definition of cultural identity and a favourite indicator for the structure of a society. The study of table culture uses a wide range of sources from archaeology, images and texts. Archaeology provides knowledge of buildings, of developed and undeveloped spaces where food was prepared, sold or consumed, and also of actual food (thanks to charred or dried food residue, found e.g. in

amphorae). More recent excavations focus on the analysis of plant and animal waste, recently also from latrines. Iconography is also an important source (vase paintings for the Greek period, mosaics for the Hellenistic and Roman era): still life images of food, table manners, professions linked to food, rituals and customs etc. Normative texts are comparatively rare; inscriptions provide information on food rations (meat, corn, wine) [33]. In addition, there are numerous de-

scriptive texts from all periods and regions of Antiquity dealing with the topic of TC. Research into TC requires the consistent removal of barriers between traditionally separate areas of historical research (such as the agrarian history, history of life and customs, religious history, medicine, material cul-

tural history, history of ideas). Breadth of methods is important. TC extends beyond the narrow confines of everyday life and touches on all areas of knowledge (cf.

TABLE

CULTURE

the expression ‘food for thought’); recent studies attempt to prove the same for Antiquity. Table culture can be examined under two main aspects, that of nutrition and that of the meals themselves. B. NUTRITION AND DIET Both Greeks and Romans paid great attention to the food they were eating and to dietary habits. Most texts from the whole range of literary genres were less concerned with a description of what was actually being eaten than with the variety and difference in behaviour associated with the food. There were standards with regard to nutrition: any deviations were an occasion to deal with their othernessor even inferiority. In the eyes of the Greeks, non-Greeks (i.e. barbarians) could not know how to use food properly. Herodotus’ Histories are a good illustration of this difference, with their classification of people between extreme savagery and civilization according to the way that they feed themselves; the inhabitants of Arcadia, for examples, closest to the first inhabitants of Greece, ate acorns (on the diet of the early period cf. Plut. De esu carnium I, 993a-994b). Roman authors also ascribed a different diet to all those who did not fit the model of a Roman citizen; this applied to Germans or Numidians, but also to tyrants, philosophers and gladiators [8]. This otherness could refer to both a spatial and a temporal distance to the Graeco-Roman culture with which it was compared: the ancestors, such as the Greeks of the Homeric age, did not eat the same food as those of the Classic period [33. 449-451]. Alterity was also linked to the political system: a democrat and a tyrant would not have the same relationship with food. For that reason, food standards, of which people were consistently reminded (sumptuary laws restricting excessive luxury, other decrees and regulations), were a key element in the definition of a human being, in the constitution of an anthropology. Food and diet are used to assign to a human being his or her place in time, space and society. Ancient authors distinguished between foods associated with poverty and those associated with wealth, foods associated with peasants or those with town dwellers. In ancient comedies, sparsely spiced unleavened bread, onions and dried figs were the standard diet of poor town dwellers and soldiers, whereas rural life and peace led to an improvement in the daily diet (cf. for example Aristoph. Ach., Aristoph. Pax). The consumption of fish was a sign of wealth. The way that food was prepared also marked the difference between the poor and the rich. Only the wealthy city was aware of the art of cooking and baking; it was there that the first gastronomical texts were written ( Cookery books, >» Gastronomy). The topic of food scarcity or abundance is found in many ancient texts, particularly in comedies, to the extent that the transition from one to the other could be used to structure the plot of a play (e.g. in Aristoph. Plut.). Diet and nutrition also served as a moral gauge. Personal frugality and generosity in gifts and meals

TABLE CULTURE

84

83

were highly regarded, and thus also a means for outlining the ethics of urban life (as used for example by Plutarch) [33. 253-420]. + Food stood for far more than the fruits of human labour; food was also the gift of the gods. Each particular item of food had its own symbolic value, explained in the myths and re-enacted in rituals [38; 39; 12]. The consumption of cereals often created a mode of communication with the gods. The initial cultivation of the fields was a kind of cultic veneration of the gods by the farmer. Peasant work was a form of daily piety, a deep reverence for sacred activities and an awareness of the end of the Golden Age, in which humans lived alongside the gods. The association with and ear of wheat and bios (life) in Hes.Op. 31. symbolized the close link between the consumption of cereals and human vitality. It was even said that barley and wheat constituted the

take in the consumption of the sacrificial meat (such as

the vegetarian members of Orphic and Pythagorean groups) placed themselves at the margins of the political system [11].

In the Greek world, the same applied to > beverages and particularly to > wine, the gift of Dionysus. Wine growing and production as well as the knowledge of its proper consumption were all seen as indicators of civi-

food of gods (such as spices). Cereal, equidistant from

lization. Savages and uncivilized people did not know how to handle wine. The island of the > Cyclopes, for example, had neither fields of wheat nor vineyards. + Polyphemus, the man-eating Cyclops in the Odyssey (Hom. Od. 9,109ff.), is quickly inebriated. A frequent topic of Greek stories and images (particularly vase paintings depicting > satyrs and — centaurs [24]) is the effect of wine on those who cannot keep the right distance to this drink which can cause raving madness, because they do not hold the key to its proper consumption: life in a structured society. In the Roman world, wine does not seem to have had the same symbolic significance. Food was not only the object of social, cultural and religious discourse, but also of reflections on the way of life, of + dietetics. Diet was often investigated in connection with health. Some medical treatises dealt predominantly with dietetics, from the Hippocratic Corpus (~ Hippocrates) of the 5th/4th cent. BC (De

coarse and wet food (i.e. animal fodder) and dry and warm food (the food of gods) was seen as characteristic

diaeta, De diaeta in acutis, De salubri diaeta) to the works of > Galen (2nd cent. AD), > Oribasius (4th.

for human beings. This conceptual system shows that there was no item of food in ancient cultures without a symbolic function. The same applied to meat. The legend of > Prometheus (Hes. Theog. 53 5-616; Hes. Op. 43-106) describes the blood sacrifice as a food ritual. The consumption of meat was throughout the subject of constraints and restrictions. The consumption of certain animals was allowed, that of others forbidden. Only domesticated animals were given in sacrifice, wild animals were

cent. AD) and > Anthimus [1] (6th cent. AD). Other medical works such as De medicina by > Celsus [7] (1st cent. AD) considered the therapeutic aspect of nutrition, cf. > Dioscorides [5] in the rst cent. AD (De materia medica) and (pseudo-)Apuleius in the 4th/sth

‘marrow’ (myelds) of a human being (Hom. Od. 2,290; 20,108). The cultivation of cereals was seen as a sign of cultured life and of civilization, in contrast with the un-

tamed growth of wild plants [ro]. This contrast between nature and culture, between savagery and civilization was at the heart of the complex codex of values associated with various food plants. These plants comprised everything from the coarsest and wildest plants (such as grass) to the driest and those most akin to the

hunted. Each deity had one (or more) favourite sacrificial animal(s); the animal’s age and gender were also important. The slaughter, division and preparation of animals was governed by strict rules, reflecting the religious, social and political values of a particular community. Only men performed sacrifices, often further restricted to only male citizens. The sharing of the meat respected both the equality of members and the hierarchy. The cooked meat was eaten (and even the cooking method was governed by a codex); the eating of cooked meat also highlighted the difference between humans and animals, the latter feeding on raw meat, and between humans and gods, the latter requiring no meat in order to live. The sacrificial smoke rising from the altars, on which the share of the gods was burnt, also symbolized the communication between humans and gods. The blood sacrifice, the consumption of meat and cereal thus became a a way to define the condition humaine, all more exactly: citizenship, i.e. political identity. For that reason, individuals refusing to par-

cent. AD

(Herbarium).

Food and beverages can pre-

serve or restore health; for that reason, it was necessary to discover and learn their specific properties, classified according to the usual categories: dry, moist, hot, cold, easily digestible, indigestible. Furthermore, the natural properties of various foods change through the way they are prepared and consumed. In addition, the occupation, age, constitution and gender of the consumer are also to be taking into account. Finally, the quantity of food that is consumed is significant for the equilibrium of the body, which encourages health. A constant topic in ancient dietetics is the admonishment to moderation. There was a close link between medicine and > ethics: health was also seen as the result of virtuous behaviour [23]. Food with its religious, cultural and medical dimensions described an art of good consumption at whose centre was the ancient table culture. C. MEALS The second major topic in ancient table culture is the way and manner in which food and drink were consumed: meals. In Greek meals, the time for consuming solid foods was strictly separated from that for drinking, i.e. the symposion. By contrast, food and drink were consumed together in a Roman meal (> Banquet;

85

86

+ Table manners). These meals were considered to be

enough just to know the art and rules of banqueting; it was also necessary to know how to make best of the use of them with deliberation and reason. The discourse on the barbarism of people who did not know communal meals was followed by a second on the common abuses of communal meals; of this included Greek cities such as — Sybaris [4] (Ath. 12,519d f.), non-Greek people such as the Persians (Ath. 4,143f f.) and Hellenistic kings such as > Antiochus [6] IV. (Ath. 5,r95b). They all had in common that they indulged in excessive luxuries (tryphe); their table manners were a reflection of their political attitude: despising equality, tyrannical, despotic. Reports on such activities were thus also a way of describing the strangeness of a different way of life, which stood in contrast with a good polis commu-

the the characteristic of humans in contrast with the gods, for Greeks in contrast with non-Greeks, and for

the citizens of a polis they were the culture that united them. In Greek mythology, humans and gods used to sit side by side at banquets. As the consequence of the betrayal by > Prometheus (Hesiod) and the ire of Zeus, humans were forced to work in order to eat, to take a wife in order to procreate, and they also became mortal. Once the shared meals with the gods had come to an end, each kept to their own table. On Mount Olympus, banquets were a favourite pastime of the gods. They ate and drank the food of the immortals — nectar and ambrosia; they listened to music, conversed and were untouched by the worries that humans caused them [35]; the banquet is the symbol of their carefree happiness. By contrast, a human banquet stood for the fate of mortals, who cultivated the earth, who consumed earthly foods and who were excluded from the divine status. In short, it defined the human status.

In addition, the banquet also had a cultural significance. It was seen as a sign of civilization. Not every human being was suited to partake in a banquet; those who were not civilized did not know its rules or abused them. Placing people into rank order in respect of their behaviour in this respect made it possible to classify people from extreme savagery to high civilization; this hierarchy applied both over time and over space. Furthest away were those beings who never shared a common meal, such as the lonesome whale-eaters on the world’s northern shores (Diod.Sic. 17,25,3f.),

humans in long bygone ages (Aristot. Pol. 7,1329b) or ~ those like the ancient Italian Oenotrians who only knew the life of wandering herdsmen. For these people, mealtimes were unregulated, individual, without firm reference to the time of day or year; the sole purpose of their food was to keep them alive. These were followed by people who only came together for common meals on special occasions, such as funerals; these brought together the relatives of the deceased, but not the entire community. The absence of banquets in the lives of many non-Greek people was regarded by Greeks (e.g. Herodotus) as a sign of a lack of community life or a kind of nomadic existence. The development of common meals was seen by Greek authors as contemporary with the introduction of rules which ensure proper coherence in a community; common meals were on the same level as the mastery of bloody sacrifice. Meals were thus regarded as the fundamental structures of a social group and the driving force for sociability. This is confirmed in numerous texts, including Plato (Rep. 2,372af), Aristotle

(Pol. 7,1329bf.)

and Theo-

phrastus (in Porphyrium de abstinentia 2,28,4-31) in the 4th and 3rd cent. BC. Communal meals have their place in the cultural history, and their introduction marked the entry of a people into social relationships which coincided with the development of a political identity. But it was not

TABLE

CULTURE

nity.

In Greek understanding, the proper use of the banquet was manifold, depending on history and the individual city. The various forms that a banquet could take cannot be summarized in a single model applicable to all of Antiquity. The task is rather to describe the various functions of this social custom. Most meals took place within the framework of family, a circle of friends or a cultic association; they have left few traces, because their comparatively simple organization required no regulations. Communal meals were the driving force of social adhesion, also the foundation of > hospitality, one of the central values of the ancient world. Hospitality can be translated to the level of a political community [22]; it was seen as an honour to receive food at the

hearth of the city, for example for a foreigner passing through (an ambassador for example) or for someone who was to be thanked for good deeds done to the community. A characteristic feature of Greek cities was the organization of large public banquets, reflecting all or at least the majority of the civic community, and also the pronouncement of the various rules passed by the assembly for the conduct of these banquets (for the epigraphical material cf. [33, part 3]). In that way, we have information about those who were invited and those who were excluded, about the hosts and about the atti-

tudes of the public authorities to these festive assemblies, and we can understand the links between com-

mensality and the structures of the city. Throughout Antiquity, one of the most important features of these public meals was their political definition. It goes without saying that the banquets, which during the early Christian centuries still combined the values of a holy ritual with the joy arising from feast and commensality, no longer fulfilled a function comparable with that of the Homeric feasts or the feasts of the early polis. But they played a similar role: they were closely linked to the definition and reproduction of a political system, albeit according to guidelines manifestly dictated by the structures of an entirely different society. In the context of ancient table culture, mention also needs to be made of the significance of communal meals, in particular symposia, as places for the creation and distribution of ancient poetry since Archaic times.

TABLE CULTURE

It also needs to be noted that it was the social occasion of eating and drinking which had given rise to the + symposium literature, from Plato’s Symposion to > Petronius’Cena Trimalchionis. The most important source of our knowledge of ancient table culture is again a feast, namely that of the Deipnosophistai (‘meal sophists’) written by > Athenaeus [3] of Naucratis (2nd cent. AD), containing quotes and commentaries on nu-

merous works. His is more than just the work of an avid collector; to this day, it provides an outstanding access to the many aspects of ancient table culture. 2 J.ANDRE, 1L’Alimentazione nell’antichita, 1985 L’alimentation et la cuisine 4 Rome, 1980 3:A'G. ANDREWS, s.v. Ernahrung, RAC 6, 219-239 4M.C. AmouretTTI, Le pain et l’huile dans la Gréce antique, 1984 5 G.BERTHIAUME, Les réles du mageiros, 1982 6 W.BuRKERT, Homo Necans, 1972 7 M. CaROLL-

SPILLECKE, Kepos. Der antikgriechische Garten, 1990 8 M.CorBikR,

in: J.-L. FLANDRIN

(see below),

1997

9 A.DaALBy, Siren Feasts. A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece, 1996 10 M.DEeETIENNE, Les jardins d’ Adonis, 1974 111d., Dionysos mis 4 mort, 1977 12 M. DeTIENNE, J.-P. VERNANT, La cuisine du sacrifice en

pays grec,1979 13 J.-L. DuRAND, Sacrifice et labour en Gréce ancienne, 1986 14 B. FEHR, Orientalische und griechische Gelage, 1971 15 J.-L. FLANDRIN, M. MonTANARI (ed.), Histoire de l’alimentation, 1996 16 D.FourGous, Entre les Grecs et les Barbares, Thése, Université de Paris I, 1973 17 L.Gatto, Alimentazione e demografia della Grecia antica,1984 18 P.D.A. GARN-

sEY, Famine World, 1988

and Food-Supply

in the Graeco-Roman

19E.GowerRs, The Loaded Table, 1993

20 C.GROTTANELLI, N. Parise (ed.), Sacrificio e societa nel mondo antico, 1988 21 J. HAUSSLEITER, s.v. Fleisch, RAC 7, 1105-1110 =.22: G. HERMAN, Ritualised Friend-

ship and the Greek City, 1987

23 F. JouANNA, Hippo-

crate, 1992 24 F.LISSARRAGUE, Un flot d’images: une esthétique du banquet grec, 1987 25 O. LONGO, P.ScarPi, Homo Edens, 1989 26Id., Nel Nome del Pane, 1993 27 A.LumMpE, s.v. Essen, RAC 6, 612-635 28 I.Mazzin1, Alimentazione, gastronomia, dietetica nel

mondo classico, in: Aufidus 23, 1994, 35-56 29 O. Murray CUSAN

88

87

(ed.), Sympotica,

1990

(eds.), In vino veritas, 1995

30 Id., M. TE31 J.RUDHARDT,

O.REVERDIN (eds.), Le sacrifice dans |’Antiquite (Entretiens sur |’Antiquité classique 27), 1981 32 R.SALLARES,

The Ecology of the Ancient Greek World, ro91 33 P.SCHMITT-PANTEL, La cite au banquet. Histoire des repas publics dans les cités grecques, 1992 34 A.Scunapp, Le chasseur et la cité. Chasse et ¢rotique

dans la Gréce ancienne, 1997 35 G.SissA, M. DETIENNE, La vie quotidienne des dieux grecs, 1989 36 W.SLATER, Dining in a classical context, 1991

37 A. TCHERNIA, Le

vin dans I’Italie romaine, 1986 38 J.-P. VERNANT, Mythe et pensée chez les Grecs, 1965 39 Id., Mythe et société en Gréce antique, 1974 (Myth and Society in ancient Greece, 1988) 40M. Verra (ed.), Poesia e simposio nella Grecia antica, 1983 41 J.Witkins, D. Harvey, M.Dosson (ed.), Food in Antiquity, 1995. P.S.-P.

Table manners see -> Banquet; kery~ ; Cutlery; > Table utensils

— Cena;

— Crok-

Table utensils. The succession of courses, the foods presented and the ways of serving them (with sauces of various kinds) made specially-designed TU indispensable at banquets in the Roman world. Social drinking posed similar demands, > beverages being an important element in > hospitality. TU varied according to region and period, and depended on the design of the +» table (development from - triclinium to stibadium, cf.» sigma) and the seating plan. Our knowledge of TU lacks detail in spite of numerous sources of information, e.g. literary texts, such as the description of the banquet of Trimalchio (Petron. Sat. 30-78) and passages in Sidonius Apollinaris (Sid. Apoll. Carm. 17; Sid. Apoll. Epist. 1,2,6), accounting documents, papyri [1] or writing tablets with crockery inventories and potters’ invoices — also the numerous pictorial documents showing feasts (of the living or the dead) or preparations fora meal [2]. Drinking was an important part of ancient banquets. There were large > kraters on the table for mixing wine (cf. e.g. Hildesheim silver hoard), a sieve for filtering out added spices, vessels for holding (e.g. the silver amphorae of Concesti, 4th cent. AD) or pouring the wine (oinochoe, — Pottery, shapes and types of), small utensils for scooping (simpula) and beakers of various designs and sizes. Designs and materials changed considerably with time: in the Republican period and the rst cent. AD, > silver was regarded as especially noble; drinking vessels (pocula) of this period are often very ornately decorated. Later it appears that glass vessels became more popular at banquets, perhaps because + glass is neutral in smell and taste (cf. Petron. Sat. 50,7).

Food was served on serving trays (— abacus) and platters often of large dimensions. Particularly imposing examples were used as stands (-» repositorium). As well as food, they carried other, smaller pieces of crockery, especially containers for sauces and > spices (e.g. acetabula for vinegar). The descriptions indicate that many of these trays were at least originally intended for a specific purpose (e.g. for serving eggs or mushrooms: boletaria; Mart. 14,101). The same is true of + spoons (cochlearia). Otherwise, the exact use of many objects is not known (e.g. distinction between wine and water jugs).

TU also included toilet articles: during the meal, participants had several opportunities to wash their hands. For this purpose, slaves went round with jugs and bowls, sometimes also towels (mappae, > mantele). Toothpicks were set out on the table, as is attested not

only by references in texts but also especially by surviving silver examples from Late Antiquity. Hoard finds of valuable TU also contained mirrors. It is not known whether these were used during the meal. There is no precise indication of how tableware was arranged in front of guests. Pictorial evidence (especially on the Pompeian — wall-paintings) does not show TU clearly. There may have been spoons for every guest, but not forks, of which a few examples are

90

89 known. The tendency towards individual cutlery only developed gradually. Wine sieves, for instance, became smaller (as part of an individual set). Certain items were collected into sets: spoons by the dozen, wine beakers (at least in the rst cent. AD) in pairs, some sauce bowls in sets of 3 or 4 according to region. It is not clear whether there were actual ‘services’. Finally, TU included some decorative objects, intended to please the eye of guests and stimulate conversation as well as serve their practical purpose (e.g. a small silver skeleton at Trimalchio’s, Petron. Sat. 34,8). These were often statuettes serving as spice holders, or images of deities. Such objects could attain the scale and grandeur of ‘centrepieces’ in bronze or silver: Trimalchio has one in the form of a donkey whose pack-saddle contains olives, and another in the shape of a celestial globe on which the signs of the zodiac are depicted and garnished with appropriate foodstuffs (Petron. Sat. 31; 35). Some highly elaborate platters had no practical function. > Lamps and candelabras of all kinds also had a place on the table. TU in the wider sense also included the sideboard (credenza; Greek toeanetoooov/trapezophoron, Latin abacus). Only wealthy houses were so copiously and completely equipped. It was regarded as luxury, and was often condemned up to and including the Christian period. + Relief ware mimicked the form and decoration of the costlier metal tableware as a more modest alternative. Festive adornment of the table was thereby possible for less money. On TU among the Greeks, cf. + crockery, > table culture, > banquet. ~» Banquet; Cena; - Crockery (with fig.); > Cutlery (with fig.); + Mantele; > Repositorium; > Table culture 1 F. DREXEL, Ein agyptisches Silberinventar der Kaiserzeit, in: MDAI(R)

36/7, 1921/2, 34-57

2D.Levi, Antioch

Mosaic Pavements, 1947, 132-136, plate XXIV.

S. MarTIN-KILCHER, ROmisches Tafelsilber: Form- und Funktionsfragen, in: H.A. CAHN, A. KAUFMANN-HEINIMANN (eds.), Der spatrémische Silberschatz von Kaise-

raugst, 1984, 393-404; S.KUNzL, Rémisches Tafelgeschirr — Formen und Verwendung, in: H.-H. von PritrWITZ UND GAFFRON (eds.), Das Haus lacht vor Silber (exhibition catalogue Rheinisches Landesmuseum Bonn),

1997, 9-30.

F.BA.

Tafelgemalde see > Painting Tablettes Albertini. Archive of 53 (45 surviving) wooden tablets written in ink from southern Numidia (between Capsa and Theveste), named after their publisher, E. ALBERTINI: largely legal documents from the Vandal period (484-496 AD), predominantly sales of plots of land, providing important information on legal culture, language and above all the writing of the period. E. ALBERTINI, Documents d’époque vandale découverts en Algérie, in: CRAI 1928, 301-303; Id., Actes de vente du V¢ siécle trouvés dans la région de Tébessa (Algérie), in:

TABULA Journal des Savants 1930, 23-30; CH. CourTols et al. (Hrsg.), T. A. Actes privés de l’€poque vandale (fin du V°

siécle), 1952; V. VAANANEN, Etude sur le texte et la langue des T. A., 1965. H.GA.

Tabnit see

~ Tennes

Taboo (linguistic taboo; term taken from Polynesian).

In Latin and Greek there is no equivalent technical term; the phenomenon can be observed in ancient texts, but is not explicitly addressed. Depending on various religious, social and societal circumstances, certain words are avoided in speech, especially for two reasons: 1) in the magical or religious spheres sacred, powerful, or dangerous things are not directly mentioned (that would be sacrilege, nefas) for fear that e.g. a god or an event (esp. death, dying) may be conjured up or that an object or a procedure may be desecrated; 2) for reasons of decency or shame vulgarity is avoided (‘what is offensive to the eyes and ears’, quod abhorret ab oculorum auriumque approbatione, Cic. Off. 1,35,128), i.e. words referring to sexuality and bodily functions (cf. also + Pornography). As a substitute for the avoided word a paraphrase, allusion, or a more propitious or moderate word can be used (for examples see > Euphemism).

~ Amplificatio;

> Euphemism; > Synonym

J.Uria VaRELA, Taba y Eufemismo en Latin, 1997.

B.-J.SCH. Tabor (Tafwo/Tabor). Conically tapering mountain with a broad plateau at the peak (about 1,200m x 400 m) in the Plain of Jezreel in Israel. According to Jos 19:22, the territories of the tribes of Zebulun, Issa-

char and Naphtali bordered on Mount T. In the Biblical texts, no indications are given of any cultic function of the mountain. Neither is there any connection with the cult of the Rhodian god Zeus Atabyrios ([{1]; > Rhodes). It has been possible to demonstrate Iron Age settlement [2], later overlaid by Roman and Byzantine settlements. In the early Christian period, a connection was made between the “Transfiguration of Jesus’ and Mount T., although the synoptic gospels Mt, Mk and Lk give no indication for this. According to accounts by pilgrims, there were churches on the peak in the Byzantine period, in analogy with the three tabernacles in the scene of the Transfiguration (Mt 17,4). 1Z.GaL,

Lower

Galilee During The Iron Age, 1992

2 J. Lewy, T., Tibar und Atabyros, in: Hebrew Union Col-

lege Annual 23, 1950/1, 357-386.

KSA.

Tabula. General Latin term for board (Plin. HN 31,128; 33,76; 36,114; Ov. Met. 11,428), then for ‘game board’ (tabula lusoria, + Games, — Board games, > Dice (game)), ‘painted panel’ (tabula picta, Plin. HN 35,20-28), ‘votive tablet’ (tabula votiva, Hor. Carm. 1,5,13; Pers. 6,33). In a special sense, tabula is

TABULA

91

92

the term for writing tablets, used for writing and calcu-

as the municipal law of a new municipium of Roman citizens in the Oscan language, it can be dated to shortly after 90 BC, apparently with more to be said for the latter.

lating, of wood, whitewashed or with a layer of wax, or

metal tablets (> Writing materials, Codex), as were already common among the Greeks. Tabulae were used in the public domain, e.g. as tablets of law (> Tabulae

duodecim), as auction or proscription tablets (Mart. 5,69,2; Juv. 2,28), for lists of assessments of cives sine

suffragio (‘citizens without suffrage’, > Tabulae Cae-

M.H. Crawrorp (ed.), Roman Statutes, 1996, nos. 7 und 13 (with a detailed commentary and English translation); H. GALSTERER, Die lex Osca tabulae Bantinae — eine Bestandsaufnahme, in: Chiron 1, 1971, 191-214. HGA.

ritum), official books of the — censores (tabulae cen-

soriae), > military diplomas (tabulae honestae missionis), maps

(Cic.

Att.

6,2,3).

In addition

to these

+ tabulae publicae there were > tabulae privatae, e.g. for wedding certificates, marriage contracts (+ tabulae nuptiales), identifications of guests (tabulae hospitii, patronatus) or — testaments [2] (tabulae testamenti). With the rise of > papyrus and > parchment, tabulae were replaced as writing materials. + Tabularium H. BLanck, Das Buch in der Antike, 1992, 46-51.

RH.

Tabula Banasitana. Bronze inscription from > Banasa (in Mauretania Tingitana) with copies (exempla) of three documents and a list of 12 witnesses, probably members of the imperial consilium. It deals with a conferment of citizenship under Marcus Aurelius on 6 July AD 177: at his own request, Iulianus, a princeps of the Zegrensi tribe, and his family are granted Roman citizenship for extraordinary service (maxima merita), without prejudice to his tribal rights (salvo iure gentis). The TB is important evidence of the conditions for conferring citizenship at the end of the 2nd cent. and the conduct of business in the imperial chancery. EDITION AND TRANSLATION: AE 1971, 534; H.FReIs, Historische Inschriften zur r6mischen Kaiserzeit, 71994, no. 107 (with bibliography). H.GA.

Tabula Bantina. Fragments of a bronze tablet, inscribed on both sides, from > Bantia (at modern Venosa) in

Lucania. The front, written first, contains the > sanctio of a Roman statute. Since present and future magistrates are bound in it by oath to refrain from any undertaking against the law, it is often seen as part of a lex Appuleia (agraria or maiestatis; > Ap(p)uleius [I 11]) of 103 or 100 BC; in any case, it is from the end of the 2nd cent. BC. Listed on the back, used later, are several sections of the + municipal law of Bantia (or a draft of it), in the Oscan language but in Latin script, dealing with administration of justice, census and cursus honorum. The regulations are characterised on the one hand by considerable archaism, e.g. in procedural law, and betray on the other hand strong influence from the large Latin colony of Venusia in the neighbourhood. The dating of

the law is greatly disputed and depends on whether it is to be placed before or after the — Social Wars [3]: if the TB is seen as the almost completely Romanised constitution of a Lucanian community, it can be dated to shortly before 90 BC, but if the TB is considered rather

Tabula Hebana. The five bronze fragments, belonging together, of the TH (from Heba in Etruria) can — just like the Tabula Siarensis found in Siarum (in the province of Seville) in 1980 and other fragments from Todi and Rome — be related to a dossier containing a + senatus consultum and a law, based on it, of the consuls of AD 20 (lex Valeria Aurelia) with decrees for the

honouring of Germanicus [2], who had died in AD 19. The dossier provides insight into the functioning of the + comitia centuriata during the Imperial period and into the mobilisation of public loyalty for the imperial house at critical times. It was supposed to be published by all communities across the empire, and, on the evidence of the various places of discovery, this was carried out. The case is similar for almost identical decrees for honouring Drusus [II 1] in AD 23 (in the Tabula Ilicitana from = Ilici, modern Elche, province of Ali-

cante, and fragments from Rome) and for the > senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre which has since become known in six copies. M.H. CrawForp

(ed.), Roman Statutes, 1996, nos. 37-

38 (with an English translation); W.D. LeBex, Intenzione

e composizione della ‘Rogatio Valeria Aurelia’, in: ZPE 98, 1993, 77-95;

A. FRASCHETTI

zione di Germanico 1999.

(ed.), La commemora-

nella documentazione

epigrafica, H.GA.

Tabula Heracleensis (Herakleiensis). Bronze tablet (1-84 m X 0-38 m), broken into two parts, found in the area of ancient Heraclea [ro] in Lucania. On the front sides of both parts, there are late 4th cent. BC regulations for the administration by public authorities of the estates of two temples, one of Dionysus and one of Athena. The end ofa rst cent. BC Latin text is preserved on the back of one of these tablets. Since the expected + sanctio 1s missing, it can not be a law and therefore

also not, as formerly presumed (as e.g. [1. 113-120]), a Caesarian lex Iulia municipalis. The surviving passages deal first with details of the — census of the city of Rome, then with the repair and cleaning of the streets in Rome (Il. 1-82), decisions on the holding of municipal offices (Il. 83-141), the conduct of the municipal census in Italy (ll. 142-158) and, finally, the enigmatic municipia fundana (ll. 159-163). Still the most plausible assumption is that it is a matter of ideas, locally collected, for a future > municipal law (as in [2]). 1H.Rupo pH,

Stadt und Staat im rémischen

Italien,

1935 2 F.W. FREDERIKSEN, The Roman Municipal Laws: Errors and Drafts, in: JRS 55. 1965, 183-198.

93

94

EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS: IG XIV 645; F. SARTORI et al., Die Tafeln von Herakleia, in: B. Orro (ed.), Herakleia in Lukanien und das Quellheiligtum der Demeter, 1996, 39-46 (German and Italian translation); M.H. CraWFORD (ed.), Roman Statutes, 1996, no. 24 (with an English translation and commentary); H.FRe1s, Historische Inschriften zur rémischen Kaiserzeit, *1994, no. 41 (German translation).

Tabula Iliaca. Archeological technical term for marble plates with illustrations of the Homeric epics ( Homerus [r]). The small plates with a height of up to 25 cm are covered on both sides with low reliefs in miniature with accompanying texts. Most of the 22 extant plates refer to the Iliad, one to the Odyssey. The most complete plate, the so-called Tabula Capitolina (Rome, KM), contains parts of the > Aethiopis as well. The

plates are dated to the early Imperial Period and were all found in Rome. Some are attested to have been produced by Theodorus. An iconographic connection to text illustrations is plausible but cannot be proven. A.SapuRSKA, Les Tables iliaques, 1964; K. BuLas, s. v. T., EAA 7, 1966, 579-580; S.M. BursTEIN, A New T.L, in: The J.P. Getty Museum Journal 12, 1984, 153-162; A. Rouveret, Les Tables iliaques et |’art de la mémoire, in: Bull. de la Soc. des antiquaires de France 1988, 166-

175.

RN.

Tabula Lugdunensis. Bronze tablet from Lugdunum (modern Lyon) with part of a speech by the emperor — Claudius [III 1] in the Senate in which as censor in

AD 47/8 he supports the wish of Gaulish nobles to be accepted into the Senate. Comparison of the original text (CIL XIII 1668 = ILS 212) with the version in Tacitus (Ann. 11,23-25) is revealing of the latter’s way of working. H.Freis, Historische Inschriften zur romischen

Kaiser-

zeit, *1994, no. 34 (German translation); F. VITTINGHOFF, Zur Rede des Kaisers Claudius itiber die Aufnahme von ‘Galliern’ in den romischen Senat, in: W. Eck (ed.), Civitas

Romana, 1994, 299-321.

H.GA.

TABULA

PONTIFICUM

scapes and peoples are named. Bigger cities are marked by standardized colourful symbols (vignettes) according to their administrative roles, smaller cities by only a hook on the road. The captions designate c. 4000 place names, among them c. 550 cities. Cities and stations along the road are connected through a network of red lines and the distances between them are listed (Roman miles, > leugae in Gallia, + parasdngai in Mesopotamia). The rivers (green), mountain ranges (grey, pink, yellow), forests and coast lines do not reflect the actual geographical facts very well. Considering the fact that the north-south expansion of the ancient world had to be condensed to c¢. 33 cm due to the given format which was rather practical for a parchment role and that the east-west expansion is almost 7 m wide, it is not surprising that the TP could not be created true to scale. This is particularly obvious in the representation of the Mediterranean region: the sea is narrowed to a thin strip, Italy stretches from east to west like Greece instead from north to south. Furthermore, the number of the cities and roads listed data has an impact on the expansion of certain regions on the TP. For a merchant, officer or administrator, it was sufficient to know which roads he could best use to travel from one place to another, how long the distances were he had to overcome and where he could spend the night. This is the type of information the TP offered. In this sense, it is closer to the written road descriptions (— periplous, — Itinerare) that list their practical route information in a linear sequence than to the scaled maps common today. Regarding the question whether maps of large areas existed that were true to scale existed at all in Antiquity, cf. the contrary positions in [1] and [2].

~ Cartography; > CARTOGRAPHY 1K.BRODERSEN, Terra Cognita, 1995 Dirk, Greek and Roman Maps, 1985.

20.A.W.

K. MILLER (ed.), Die Peutingersche Tafel,

1887; E. WEBER,

T. P., 1976; W.KUBITSCHEK, s. v. Karten, RE ro, 20222149, here 2126-2143; K. MILLER, Itineraria Romana, 1916.

UL.FE.

Tabula lusoria see > Board games Tabula Peutingeriana. Medieval copy (12th/1r3th cents.) of a map-like representation, named after one of the former owners, K. PEUTINGER of Augsburg (died in 1547) and based on an ancient model: it shows Pompeiis (destroyed in AD 79; 6,5) as well as Constanti-

nopolis (founded in 328/330; 9,1). The original model must have been created in the 4th cent. with the aid of sources that reach back to the rst cent. AD. The TP is a parchment role (c. 680 x 33 cm) in rr individual sheets (Vienna, Nationalbibliothek; the TP is numbered by these segments with five sub-columns each). It contains geographic data covering ~ Britannia (the westernmost, 12th sheet with > Hibernia and + Hispania was probably already missing in the immediate predecessor model) to > India. The mainland and islands are represented in a yellow hue, the sea in green. Provinces, land-

Tabula pontificum. From the 4th cent. BC at the latest (going back too far: Cic. De or. 2,52) to the period of P. Mucius [I 5] Scaevola (from 130 BC), the — pontifex maximus published notes about current events — the type and length of which are contested — in front of the >» regia on a white-washed wooden plate (album: Cic. De or. 2,52; tabula dealbata: Serv. Auct. Aen. 1,373): along with price increases (due to bad harvests) and solar or lunar eclipses (Cato Orig. fr. 77 P.; cf. Cic. Rep. 1,25) probably prodigies, vota, temple consecrations and other items of religious importance, presumably including the founding of colonies and important military events. The plate appears not to have been archived (despite [2. XXV]) [r. 31; 3. 100 f.; 5. 174]. According to wide-spread opinion, its content was always copied into a continuous ‘chronicle’ (> annales or

95

96

> commentarit pontificum?; cf. Liv. 6,1,2) ([3. 173-

1,2,2,4) tablets. However, they have not survived in epigraphic form. Text and content must be reconstructed from ancient literature. It may be assumed, in the light of accounts of the legislative process in ancient authors (esp. Liv. 3,32 ff.), that they were written around 450 BC.

TABULA

PONTIFICUM

175; 4.25]; [1. 33] even surmises bronze plates); according to Cicero’s statement (Cic. De or. 2,52), the

text of the tabula was more likely to have been a copy (or an excerpt) from this ‘chronistic’ record [5. 174]). 1G.S. BucHer, The annales maximi in the Light of Roman Methods in Keeping Records, in: AJAH 12 (1987), 1995, 2-61 2 M. CHassiGneT, L’annalistique romaine, vol. 1, 1996, XXIJI-XLI]_ 3 Frrer, PontMax,

esp. 83-105 45S.P. OakLey, A Commentary on Livy, Books 6-10, vol. 1, 1997 ~=5 J. RUpKE, Livius, Priester-

namen und die annales maximi, in: Klio 75, 1993, 15 5179.

W.K.

Tabula Siarensis see ~ Tabula Hebana

Tabulae Caeritum. In the TC Roman censors registered citizens from whom they had withdrawn the active or passive right to vote, by means of a -> nota censoria and/or by transfer into another ~ tribus (tribu

movere). The term TC is explained from the original inclusion in this list of those citizens of the Etruscan city of + Caere who were liable for military service. Presumably Caere gave its name to the list because in c. 390 BC it is supposed to have been the first community to receive civitas sine suffragio: Caere had provided help to Rome during the Gaulish attack in c. 390 BC and had in thanks been given hospitium publicum (Liv. 5,50,3) and civitas sine suffragio (Roman citizenship without voting rights; — Suffragium) (Gell. NA 16,13,7; Str. 5,2,3 speaks of citizenship without isonomy). If, in contrast, we go with [1. 515-518] and [2. 321 f.] and date the awarding to Caere ofcitizenship without voting rights as a consequence of an uprising against Rome only toc. 273 BC, then the name TC arose because Caere was the last existing community of this type, whereas others had already received full Roman citizenship. Cives sine suffragio had no political rights in Rome, but fought in the Roman army, and it is for this reason that Rome had to be notified of the number of male citizens. It must have made sense to include Roman citizens who had been deprived of their voting rights but continued to be liable to tax and military service into the TC. 1 BRUNT

2 T.J. CoRNELL, The Beginnings of Rome,

1995.

H.GatsTERER,

Herrschaft und Verwaltung im republi-

kanischen Italien, 1976, 72 f.; M. HUMBERT, Municipium et Civitas sine suffragio, 1978, 410-416. H.GA.

Tabulae censoriae see > Tabulae publicae Tabulae duodecim

(‘Twelve Tables’, or, more com-

pletely, lex duodecim tabularum, ‘Law of the Twelve Tables’), the most important legislation of the Roman Republic. The name originates in the tradition that they were written on twelve oak (roboreas, as it ought to

read, rather than eboreas, ‘ivory’, in Pompon.

Dig.

I]. OCCASION AND DEVELOPMENT OF LEGISLATION Il. FORM AND CONTENT III. LEGAcy

I. OCCASION AND DEVELOPMENT OF LEGISLATION According to Roman tradition, the TD constituted a compromise in the Struggle of the Orders between the patricians (> patrici) and plebeians (+ plebs I). Modern historiography has mostly followed this view, where it has not entirely denied the historicity of the TD as real legislation (against this, correctly, [1. 291-295]). It is true that the known content of the TD in no way reflects the traditional motive: procedural law, civil penalties, formal legal transactions and expulsion from the family all require regulation in an archaic agrarian society, but the regulated conflicts themselves need not depend upon a confrontation of orders or even classes [2. 24]. It appears that the legal equality of citizens and heads of family was not created by the TD, but was already taken as read in its provisions. Like every codification of > law, the TD enabled or improved the reliability and recognizability of the law. Until their publication, the > law may rather have been a matter of arcane priestly lore. By the TD, this — ius (A 1) first became a constituent of a legal provision (— Jex), and it was thus only now that it became an ‘objective’ law. The plebeians were far more interested in such a record of the law than were the patricians, from whose ranks

alone the — priests were drawn. Ten men

(- decemviri [1]) were commissioned

to

prepare the TD, probably as extraordinary magistrates (publica auctoritate, with authority devolved from the people, Pompon. Dig. 1,2,2,4). It is probable that they not only prepared the law, but also ‘gave’ it as > lex (B.) data, i.e. enacted it. Unmistakable in the TD is the influ-

ence of Greek legislation, probably esp. that of the cities of Sicily and Lower Italy, where the renowned legislators » Charondas and - Zaleucus worked. According to Liv. 3,31,8, a study group also travelled to Athens to acquaint themselves with the laws of -> Solon {1] there. However, the impact of the TD differed fundamentally from that of those Greek laws in that where the latter transferred jurisdiction to jurors from among the peo-

ple, jurisdiction at Rome remained in the hands of the magistrates. Instructed by the priests and, from at least the 2nd cent. BC (-> Aelius [I 11] Petus Catus), by secular jurists, the praetors amended the law of the TD by + interpretatio (I.).

Il. FORM AND CONTENT Because they are only transmitted indirectly, the original form of the TD can only be conjectured. However, their archaic linguistic form was lovingly preser-

97

98

ved in individual quotations from later times. Even schoolchildren were said to have learned them by heart (Cic. Leg. 2,23,59). Some of the fragments are composed in a highly abstract and exceedingly terse way, but some are also quite concrete and case-based. A modern translation [2. 114] of the (presumably genu-

created upon which the reception of Roman law in Europe would depend. +> Law, codification of

ine) first three sentences, for instance, needs approxi-

mately six times as many words if it is to be understood. The sentences

are: Si in ius vocat, ito. Ni it, antest-

amino. Igitur em capito (approx.: “If (someone) calls (someone else) to court, (the person called) must go

there. If he does not go, a witness must be called. Then (the person not attending) is to be captured”.). Conversely, precise provisions govern when the complainant must provide the respondent with a vehicle to answer the summons, and that it is not necessary for this cart to be covered. The regulations (3,3—6) on chaining a debtor are even more precise, going so far as to stipulate the weight of iron chain and leg-irons that may be used. It is probable that tables 1-3 of the TD concerned law of procedure and enforcement, tables 4 and 5 family and inheritance law, table 6 mostly liability arising from ‘contracts’ (> nexum, > mancipatio), table 7 law

concerning neighbourly relations, table 8 private penalties, table 9 crimes against the commonwealth and public property and table ro funerary law. Tables 11 and 12 seem to have contained addenda to the preceding fields of reference. Just these few examples show that the TD were not a comprehensive instrument containing regulation of all legal issues of the time of their composition. The often-highlighted social protection measures (cf. e.g. [3. 58 f.]) in the TD should probably not be exaggerated. The TD did open the way to the prevention of access to the person of the debtor to the point of killing him. The law of private penalties provided the possibility of satisfying revenge by a financial forfeit (table 8,2). However, the barbaric harshness of access to the person was in no way abolished, as is shown in a macabre way by the authority granted to multiple creditors to dismember the debtor (table 3,6). It must always remain doubtful whether the innovations ascribed to the TD were an expression of the reforming zeal of their authors or merely an account of developments that had already taken place. Ill. LeGacy The Roman jurists still saw the TD as the most

TABULAE

1 WIEACKER, RRG, 287-309

der frithen rémischen

NUPTIALES

2 D.FLacu, Die Gesetze

Republik,

1994, esp. 109-207

3 DULCKEIT/SCHWARZ/WALDSTEIN, 54-59.

O. BEHRENDS, Der Zwélftafelprozef$. Zur Geschichte des romischen Obligationrechts, 1974; J.BLEICKEN, Lex Publica. Gesetz und Recht in der rémischen Republik, 1978, 90-97; O.F. Ropinson, The Sources of Roman Law, 1997; A.Watson, The State, Law and Religion: Pagan Rome, 1992; WENGER, 357-372. GS.

Tabulae honestae missionis Tabulae honestae missionis is the name given to Roman documents certifying the good conduct of soldiers during their period of service; they were issued upon request to > veterans at their retirement from military service, enabling them, if they were entitled, to receive the > military diploma and thus —> citizenship. Only a few copies have been found, but these were distributed across the entire Roman Empire. Their structure corresponded to that of military diplomas: 1. confirmation of honesta > missio [1], 2. the certifying officer, 3. authentication, 4. date, 5. the names of the seven witnesses. Y.LB.

Tabulae Iguvinae. Seven bronze tablets, found in 1444 in > Iguvium (modern Gubbio), between 87 cm x 57 cm and 40 cm X 28 cm in size, some written on one side,

some on both. The earlier ones are in a local right-to-left alphabet, borrowed from — Etruscan, and the later ones in Roman letters, but all are in the Umbrian language. Their origin is from the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC to the beginning of the rst, and they represent the sacred archive of a priesthood, the Fratres Atiedii (cf. the > Arvales Fratres in Rome), in which details of

sacrifices by the priesthood for the people of Iguvium and individual families were described. Tablets VI and VII repeat the specifications of Tablet I, in more detail and in the Latin alphabet, and are therefore probably the most recent parts. The tablets are the most important source of information on the Umbrian language (> Oscan-Umbrian) and religion. EDITIONS UND TRANSLATIONS: VETTER, Vol. 1, no. 2393 A.L. Prospocimt, Le tavole Iguvine, in: Lingue e dialetti dell’Italia antica, 1978, 591-787.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: J.B. WiLkins, The Iguvine Tables, Umbrian Civilisation and Indo-European Stud., in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 11, 1998, 425-430. H.GA.

important source of the law of Roman citizens (ius civile) when their provisions had long ceased to have any practical application. This is made clear by the fact

Tabulae novae see > Debt, Debt redemption

that > Antistius [II 3] Labeo (d. c. AD 20) and even ~» Gaius [2] in the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. AD wrote

Tabulae nuptiales (lit. ‘marriage tablets’). Marriage

commentaries on the TD. In spite of their obvious incompleteness, the TD were accorded the symbolic rank of a source for all public and private law (Liv. 3,3 4,6). Only with the Codex Theodosianus (AD 438;

codex

II. C.) and the > Corpus iuris of Justinian (mostly AD 529-534) were truly comprehensive collections of laws

contracts in Roman law, set out in documents from the Imperial period onwards (cf. Tac. Ann. 6,45,5 on ~ Messalina [2] and Silius in AD 48). In Roman law, + marriage itself was not a (formal) contract, it was sexual communion with the intention of living a mar-

ried life (affectio maritalis). The subject of the TN, by

TABULAE

NUPTIALES

contrast, were question of property connected with marriage, primarily the pledging of a dowry (+ Dos) to the husband for the wife’s maintenance, in Late Antiquity probably also the husband’s pledging of gifts to the wife before or because of the marriage (donatio ante/propter nuptias). As late as the first cents. AD, the legal effects of the law of dowry (in particular of the wife’s claim for its return after the end of the marriage) were regularly the immediate result of either the conveyance of the dos to the husband (dotis datio) or the promise of adowry in the oral form of a > stipulatio. In Late Antiquity, these kinds of dowry provision were supplanted by the TN (also: tabulae sponsales, instrumenta dotis, etc.). They then simultaneously had the significance of an indicator of a serious intention to marry. > Marriage; + Marriage contracts 1 B. KUBLER, s. v. t.n., RE 4 A, 1949-1955 2 TREGGIARI, 140 n. 72, 165 with ns. 41, 323-364.

GS.

Tabulae privatae. Privately-composed Latin > documents, as opposed to official documents (— tabulae publicae). TP dealt with private legal actions, esp. contracts under the law of obligations including receipts, wills and marriage certificates, also procedural contracts such as the > vadimonium. These documents were often twofold, containing the drawn-up text written out twice. The inner text (scriptura interior) was tied up and sealed (—> Seals) and was

thus protected from subsequent forgery, while the outer text (scriptura exterior) offered access to the document content at any time. By the SC Neronianum

(AD 61),

the cords had to run through two extra holes on the edges of the tablets. The TP were mostly made of wood, hollowed out inside and covered with a layer of shellac (‘wax tablets’, tabulae ceratae; > tabula). The text was incised into this layer with the writing implement (graphium, stilus). From the Imperial period, parties would often call on the aid of professional document scribes (> tabelliones). The probative force of the TP was founded on the documents concerned being written in the debtor’s own hand (chirographum) or being sealed by witnesses who thereby confirmed the validity of the content (testatio). From the late 2nd cent. AD, the TP developed into documents that established liability with incontestable probative effect. ~ Contract;

Documents;

Epirions: ciorum,

> Writing materials

G.Camopeca,

2 vols.,

1999;

Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpi-

TH.

MOMMSEN,

instrumenta

Dacica in tabulis ceratis conscripta aliaque similia, in: CIL Ill/2, 1873, 921-966;

I0O

99

K. ZANGEMEISTER, Tabulae ceratae

Pompeis repertae annis MDCCCLXXV et MDCCCLXXXVII, in: CIL IV Suppl. 1, 1898, 274-454; N. Lewis, The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters, Greek Papyri, 1989. LITERATURE: J.G. Worr, J.A.CRook, Rechtsurkunden in Vulgarlatein (AHAW, 1989.3), 1989, ro-14; H.L. W.

Nexson, U. MANTHE, Gai institutiones II] 88-181, 1999,

472-483, 516-525; P. GROSCHLER, Die tabellae-Urkunden aus den pompejanischen und herkulanensischen Urkundenfunden, 1989, 18-21. P.GR.

Tabulae publicae. Official records and proclamations in Rome, which were recorded on tablets. The TP usu-

ally consisted of wood with whitewash (- album [2]) or a layer of wax (tabula cerata). Later papyrus, parchment and bronze (for documents posted outdoors) were added as writing materials. The individual tablets could be bound together into a ‘book’ (» Codex). Among the things recorded were Senate resolutions (~ Senatus

consultum) and laws (-» Lex), magistrates’ edicts, electoral and judicial protocols, + commentarii, accounts,

census lists and treaties. TP were predominantly kept in ~ archives. + Aerarium; > Tabularium 1S.DEMouGIN, La mémoire perdue: 4 la recherche des archives oubliées, publiques et privées, de la Rome antique,1994 2 PH.CULHAM, Archives and Alternatives in Republican Rome, in: CPh 84, 1989, 100-115 3. C.H. RosBerts, T.C.SKEATS, The Birth of the Codex, 4E.Posner, Archives in the Ancient World,

1983 1972

5 L. WENGER, Quellen des romischen Rechts, 1953. Ld.

Tabularium . A building in + Rome ([III] with map 2, no. 62), probably built or dedicated in 78 BC under the consul Q. Lutatius [4] Catulus, after the fire of 83 BC, as a place of safe-keeping for public and private documents (CIL I* 736; 737). It was originally primarily public monies that were kept here, later numerous

archived materials of state and city administration. According to a funerary inscription found in 1971, its architect was probably a certain Lucius Cornelius. The huge structure, almost 74 m long and, together with the Aedes Concordiae and the Aedes Saturni, bounding the

+ Forum Romanum to the west towards the Capitolium, was continually rebuilt and expanded until as late as the modern period, beginning with its first restoration under emperor Claudius [III 1] in AD 46. Uncertainty prevails as to its original structure and its multistorey construction, both of great importance to the T.’s functional purpose. The level of the substruction, facing the Forum and successively excavated in the 19th cent., is largely original: it has arches framed by halfcolumns and a groin vault — this being the earliest known example of that kind of structure. The present building is the result of a Renaissance reconstruction by which Michelangelo in the mid-16th cent. converted the architecture of what had until then served as a salt storehouse into the Palazzo del Senatore. A.Mura

SOMMELLA,

Contributo allo studio del T., in:

Palladio 7, 1994, 45-54; RICHARDSON, 376 f., s. v. T. CHO.

Io.r

102

Tacape (Taxdnn/Takdpe, Latin Tacape). City on the Syrtis Minor, possibly a Phoenician or Punic founda-

Egypt, rebelled against T., probably supported by the temples, which had been heavily burdened to finance the campaign (first - minting in Egypt to pay the mercenaries). Tjahapimu elevated his son > Nectanebus [2] Il to king and the army sided with him. T. fled to Persia, where he died.

tion, modern Gabes in Tunisia. Punic remains are scanty [r. 126']. T., a ‘very large trading centre’ (Str. 17,3,17), was ‘in the middle of the desert’ (Plin. HN 18,188). At the time of Augustus T. was a civitas (Plin. HN 5,25; 18,188), later a colonia (Tab. Peut. 6,5; It. Ant. 59,6). Further evidence: Plin. HN 16,115 (?); Ptol. 4,3,11; Stadiasmus maris magni 106 f.; It. Ant. 48,9 f.; KOSAG 7S 555 745s 4s 170085) 5 Lo53, Cod. Theod. 11,30,33; lulius Honorius, Cosmographia A 44; Anon. Cosmographia 1,44; Procop. Aed. 6,4,14; Geogr. Rav. 37,425 89,6. In late Antiquity the border between Byza-

cena and Tripolitana ran near the city. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 39-43; 100; 2569; 2, 1o0016(?); 10018; 10021(?); 10022 f.; 10024(?); 10492-10497; Suppl. 1, TLOF2=LLOF6;

1122833,

2L9U8;

21920;

4;22777—

22783; 22787 f.; [2. 60-63]; RIL 58 f. 1 S.GsELL, Histoire ancienne de L’Afrique du Nord, vol. 2, 31928 (repr. 1972) 2 A.MeRLIN latines de la Tunisie, 1944.

(ed.), Inscriptions

AATun 050, sheet Environs de Gabés, Nr. 61; H. TREIDLER, Ss. v. T., RE 4 A, 2052-2056. W.HU.

Tacfarinas.

Numidian, deserter from the Roman ~ auxilia; leader of an uprising against Roman power in Africa (> Africa [3]) from c. AD 17 until AD 24. T. led the -» Musulamii in raids, petty wars and even sieges. In the West, the Moors under Mazippa, who were dissatisfied with Iuba [2] II, followed T. (Tac. Ann. 2,52; [1. 89, 104-106, 127]); even the Romans came to terms with him (Tac. Ann. 4,13). After victories cel-

ebrated prematurely by the pro-consuls M. Furius [II 2] Camillus and L. Apronius [II 1], T. recovered quickly (cf. [II 2]). Q. Iunius [II 6] Blaesus repulsed him again in

TACHYGRAPHY

T.Hoim-RasMussEn, s. v. T., LA 6, 1986, 142f.

KJ.-W.

Tachygraphy I. DEFINITION

II. Latin

III. GREEK

I. DEFINITION Tachygraphy is the conventional term for the ancient technique of speed writing, which replaced letters, syllables, words or short sentences by symbols, and was practiced by sémeiographoi and tachygraphoi (Lat. notarii and exceptores) [1.30-31]. The existence of mutual Greco-Roman influences may be assumed, although the priority of either contemporaneous system is difficult to ascertain. The chronological priority of the Greek system might be attested by a letter of ~ Cicero from 45 BC (Cic. Att. 13,32), in which he uses the Greek expression dia sémei6n, ‘by means of (stenographic) symbols’. Cicero himself clearly introduced the practice of taking minutes by tachygraphy in the trial against > Catilina (Plut. Cato minor 23). According to a later testimony (Isid. Orig. 1,22), Cicero’s freedman and secretary > Tiro (98 BC. — AD 2z) had invented a system of symbols for lecture notes. 1 H.C. Terrier, Notarii and exceptores, 1985.

II. LATIN Since the beginnings of Latin > writing, the forms of

1 L.Mazarp, Corpus nummorum Numidiae Mauretani-

alphabetic script (> Italy, alphabetical scripts) and of tachygraphy have been closely related, and sometimes exhibit comparable phenomena. Latin tachygraphy was not only used for speed writing, but was also a stenographic script, in which the symbols for reproducing letters and words were simplified, rapidly executable, and even combined. The merit of inventing or perfecting the first complete system of tachygraphic symbols is traditionally ascribed to Cicero’s freedman and secretary > Tiro, and they are therefore called ‘Tiro-

aeque, 1955.

nian notes’ (notae Tironianae, = n. T.) after him. They

22/3 (Tac. Ann. 3,72-74), but in 24 T., in conjunction with the Moors and the + Garamantes, threatened the

whole western half of northern Africa. With the help of the king Ptolemaeus [24], P. Cornelius [II 12] Dolabella

engaged him in battle at Auzia (probably not the wellknown city), in which T. committed suicide (Tac. Ann.

4,23-26; AE 1961, 107 f.; [1. 135]).

M. RAcHET, Rome et les Berbéres, 1970, 82—126.

Tachos

(Tayws,

in Manethon

Tewc/Teos;

JOR.

Egyptian

Dd.hr). Second king of the Egyptian 30th Dynasty, c. 362-360 BC (calculations differ by up to two years), son of his predecessor > Nectanebus [1] I and his coregent during the last three years of his reign (from c. 365). T. tried to exploit the collapse of Persian power in western Asia, and in c. 360 BC, he led a campaign to

Syria, with a great number of Greek mercenaries under the Spartan king > Agesilaus [2] and a fleet under the Athenian — Chabrias. During this campaign, T.’s brother Tjahapimu, who was acting as governor in

represent the individual letters of the alphabet, sometimes being modelled after their forms, but more often merely taking up some random element. They are then joined to a word that is reproduced either wholly or in abbreviated form. The combination of two forms is characteristic: ending symbols (signum auxiliare) are added to a fixed word symbol (signum principale = root). The Tironian system exhibits several analogies with the Greek system (see below, III.). N. T. are preserved in MSS of the 9th and roth cents. in the Commentarii notarum Tironianarum, a list of some 13,000 symbols with their solutions. This system was used for speed writing in many High Medieval MSS and documents [1.1 10-111]. The only witness to Latin

TACHYGRAPHY

103

104

tachygraphy on papyrus goes back to the 4th cent. AD, but the symbols it contains do not seem to correspond

Segni tachigrafici nelle notae iuris I, in: Archivio Storico Italiano 72, 1914, 241-254; I, in: ibid. 73, 1915, 245-

to the Tironian notes (LowE, CLA V 699 [7]). Begin-

275

ning in the 2nd cent. AD, so-called syllabic tachygraphy can be distinguished within the system of Latin tachygraphy, becoming definitively established in the 4th cent. AD. Each of its symbols stood for one syllable, and it was widely used ina variety of distinct types, because it could be quickly learned. Tachygraphy was widespread in Rome throughout the entire Imperial Period. Young men learned it, and it was used by private citizens, primarily by notarii and exceptores in the imperial administration, in other words by salaried stenographers. In particular, it gradually became common in legal practice. Through their regular use in the legal sphere, the nv. T. influenced abbreviations in juridical codices (the so-called notae iuris), primarily in the 4th cent., which included numerous instances of tachygraphic — ligature. Specialized symbols, which were already frequent in Late Antique juridical codices and became generally widespread in Latin writing (con-, et, -ur, -us) were originally tachygraphic symbols, such as the contraction symbol for prepositions and personal pronouns formed from P and Oy Tachygraphy (particularly syllabic tachygraphy) continued to be used in notarial and documentary work in the High Middle Ages. In Merovingian and Carolingian documents, civil servants used tachygraphic symbols as signum recognitionis (a seal used as a symbol of certification on the document). They once again disappeared under the later Saxon kings, when meaningless pseudo-symbols appear. In Italy, however, judges and notaries, particularly in the Langobard kingdom and in general down to the rith cent., used tachygraphy to authenticate their signatures or for inscriptions on the back of documents. Yet such tachygraphic symbols are seldom encountered, and the system remained limited and

sclerotic. Insular writing (Britain and Ireland; > National scripts) nevertheless adopted tachygraphic symbols (e.g. for est, contra or autem) and disseminated these abbreviations inspired by tachygraphy to such continental scriptoria as Luxeuil, Bobbio, Fulda and St. Gall. Outlines of new tachygraphic systems, whose conception testifies to some degree of knowledge of the n. T., emerged in the 12th and 13th cents., primarily in England, in the form of purely arbitrary symbols analogous to Greek or Chaldaean numbers [1.11 1-112]. 1B.BiscHorr, Palaographie des romischen Altertums und des abendlandischen Mittelalters,*1986 2H.BoGeE,

Griechische Tachygraphie und Tironische Noten, 1973 3 G. COSTAMAGNA, Tachigrafia notarile e scritture segrete medievali in Italia, 1968 4 Id., Studi di paleografia e di diplomatica, 1972 5 Id. et al., Notae Tironianae quae in lexicis et in chartis reperiuntur novo discrimine ordinatae, 1983 6P.GaAnz (ed.), Tironische Noten, 1990 7 F. Gruietti, Storia delle scritture veloci, 1968 8E.A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, vols. 1-12, 1934-1972

(=CLA)

9A.Mentz, F.HAgGER, Geschichte der Kurz-

schrift, 31981

10 L.SCHIAPARELLI, Notae paleografiche.

N.G.

Ill. GREEK The earliest testimonies to Greek tachygraphy in papyri date from the rst-2nd cents. AD [6.452]. They appear with increasing frequency in the 3rd cent., reaching their high point between the 4th and the 6th cent. AD; the last text with preserved tachygraphy is PBerolinensis 17016 (7th—8th cents.) [3.33-34]. This development is based on the enormous growth of Late Antique bureaucracy. Originally practiced only by slaves and freedmen working as — scribes [10.27-29,

31-34], tachygraphy became an indispensable skill for A papyrus containing an apprenticeship contract with a tachygraphy teacher (POxy. IV 724: AD 155) attests to a two-year course of study. The large quantity of tachygraphic fragments from + Antinoupolis is explained by the city’s increased importance from the 4th cent. AD as an administrative centre and site of tachygraphy schools [10.163]. Tachygraphy manuals and exercises on papyri or tablets, also preserved elsewhere, are mainly fragmentary. However, two papyrus codices from the 3rd—4th cents. [9] provide a full reproduction of the komentarion, a section of the manual that contains over 3,000 words with their abbreviations. They are arranged by association, in order to facilitate the memorization of similar tachygraphic symbols. Additional tachygraphic fragments are contained in a sillabary, including monobola (turns of phrase consisting of several words that are abbreviated by a single symbol), ptdseis (endings of declinations and conjugations), and perhaps even so-called tachygraphic vocabularies [7]. Greek texts written exclusively in tachygraphy have not, with a few exceptions, been deciphered, nor have the tachygraphic symbols added to notarial signatures throughout the Byzantine Period. Tachygraphy was used for dictation, for taking minutes, recording legal evidence, and for church councils. Its widespread dissemination is also shown by the secretaries.

fact that Basil [1] the Great uses it ina metaphor (PG 30,

733A-D). Many tachygraphers were still important members of the imperial administration in the 6th cent. (cf. Lydus, Mag. 3.9). The Byzantine Middle Ages saw the emergence of a tachygraphic system called ‘Nilianic’ (after St. Neilos of Rossano, ¢ 1004), or else after the abbey ‘of Grottaferrata’, whose scriptorium copied MSS by means of this syllabic tachygraphy) [5.286-288]. 1B.BiscHorF,

Palaographie

des rémischen

Altertums

und des abendlandischen Mittelalters, *1986, 110-112

2H.Bocer, Noten, 1973

Griechische

Tachygraphie

und

Tironische

3 W. BRASHEAR, Vier neue Texte zum anti-

ken Bildungswesen, in: APF 40, 1994, 29-35 4R.A. Cotes, Reports of Proceedings in Papyri, 1966 5 V.GARDTHAUSEN, Griechische Palaeographie, vol. 2, *1913, 270-298 6 G.Menct, Il commentario tachigra-

fico, in: Proc. of the r9"" International Congr. of Papyrol-

105

106 ogy, 1992, vol. 2, 451-465 7Id., Vocabolario tachigrafico, in: Dai Papiri della Societa Italiana. Omaggio al XX Congr. Internazionale di Papirologia, 1992, 16-23, pl. II 8 A.Menvz, Ein Schiilerheft mit altgriechischer Kurzschrift, 1940 9H.J.M. Mine, Greek Shorthand Manuals, Sillabary and Commentary, 1934 10H.C. TEITLER, Notarii and exceptores, 1985. P. Canart, Paleografia e codicologia greca. Una rassegna bibliografica, 1991, 67-68. G.M.

Tacita (‘the silent’, also Dea Muta ‘mute goddess’). The name, date (21 February, on the Feralia) and nature of

her cult (Ov. Fast. 2,569-582), which is supposed to have been introduced to Rome by the king > Numa Pompilius (Plut. Numa 8,65b), suggest an Underworld deity (cf. Ov. Fast. 2,609; 5,422; Verg. Aen. 6,264 f.). T. is identified with the Nymph Lara/Lala or > Larunda

(Varro

Ling.

5,74), who

betrays

a plan of

+ Iuppiter, and he tears out her tongue. Raped by ~ Mercurius, she becomes the mother of the > Lares (Ov. Fast. 2,583-616; Lactant. Div. inst. 1,20,35).

SLA. Tacitus

[1] (P.?) Cornelius T. Latin historiographer, c. AD 55 — CHAD a20: I. Lire IJ. Worxs III. ErHics anp HISTORIOGRAPHICAL EVALUATIONS IV. VIEW OF HISTORY AND CONCEPTS OF ORDER V. STYLE AND FORM OF REPRESENTATION VI. VALUE AS A sourRcE VII. LEGAcy VIII. TRANSMISSION HISTORY

I. LIFE (Publius?) Cornelius T. came from Gaul, and had a

successful senatorial career under the Flavian emperors (70-96). He was a praetor in 88, consul in 97, procon-

sul in the province of Asia in 112 (OGIS 487 Mylasa). After the murder of Domitian in 96, controversies emerged as to how senators should relate to an emper-

or. T. replied to this issue initially with the Agricola, later with his two great works of historiography, the Historiae and the Annales. Il. Works

Around AD 98, T. published his ‘Life of Agricola’ (De vita Iulii Agricolae), an encomium on his father-inlaw, Cn. > Iulius [II 3] Agricola. In places, the work resembles a + laudatio funebris. Most of it deals with Agricola’s activities as governor of > Britannia under the regime of Domitian. T. praises Agricola as having completed the conquest of Britain (in fact, Agricola conquered an area no larger than his predecessors: [5]). According to T., Domitian was envious of this campaign of conquest, because it by far eclipsed his own in Germania (39,1). T. makes his father-in-law a model exemplum of how a Roman senator could demonstrate > virtus even under malevolent emperors (42,3 f.).

TACITUS

In the Germania (De origine et situ Germanorum, ‘Origin and Situation of the Germans’), which appeared a little later, T. demonstrated that a large and heavilypopulated area (which he delimits to the south at the Danube and in the west at the Rhine, but not to the north or east) inhabited by a great diversity of tribes had remained untouched by Roman rule. Domitianic propaganda (Germania capta, announcing conquest on

coins) was accordingly a lie. Ethnographically (chapters 1-27: general data on origin and customs, chapters 28-46: characterization of individual tribes) it is imprecise. T. remained trapped in Roman habits of thinking and concepts, and classified the increasing savagery of the tribes in proportion to their distance from the Roman Empire [1. 77 ff., 154 ff.]. T. held the Germans (> Germani, Germania [1]) to be the definitive enemies

of the Empire, against whom the latter had consistently triumphed for over 210 years (37). It was vital to the fate of the Empire that these dangerous enemies constantly fought amongst themselves (33). The Dialogus de oratoribus (‘Dialogue on orators’) appeared between roz and 107 [11.203]. T. has Roman senators of the Flavian period deliberate on the political and social reasons for the decline in oratory (— Rhetoric). If it flourished, this was not a good sign for the stability of the state (40). If it declined, other

cultural activities blossomed in its place. The Historiae (‘Histories’) appeared from c. 105— 109. They dealt with the victory and rule of the Flavian Dynasty (from the year of four emperors in 69 to the overthrow of Domitian in 96), in 12 or 14 books. Of these, the first four survive in their entirety with parts of the fifth. They span the period from 1 January 69 to the summer of 70, and comprise the most detailed report of Graeco-Roman — historiography. T. chose the > year of four emperors as the epochal watershed, separating the era of the Julio-Claudian Dynasty from that of the Flavians. T. made the year of four emperors into a spectacle of the fragility of the Roman order. One after another, the armies promoted three emperors, only to overthrow them again: first > Galba [2], then > Otho and - Vitellius [II 2]. Vespasian (— Vespasianus) finally prevailed late in AD 70. According to T., he was the first to become a better man after becoming emperor (1,50,4). All politically active groups are censured: the senators welcomed as emperors men whom they had only recently declared enemies of the state (and vice versa) and spinelessly adapted to any regime. The urban population of Rome was addicted to the circus and the theatre, and was fickle and prone to lick the emperor’s boots (1,4). The army was venal and mutinous. The Annales (Ab excessu divi Augusti, ’|Annals] from the demise of the divine Augustus’, published c. 110-120) consisted of 16 or 18 books, of which 1-4 and 12-15 are intact and 5, 6, rz and 16 survive in

fragments. They cover the period from the accession of Tiberius in AD 14 to the death of Nero in 68. He argues that the assumption of power by Augustus’ successors shows how firmly the monarchy was already institu-

TACITUS

107

tionalized by the time of Augustus’ death. > Augustus, it is suggested, corrupted the people, soldiers and senators and obtained general acceptance for his personal rule (1,2).

> Tiberius receives from T. the most com-

prehensive character portrayal extant in Latin literature. T. on the one hand asserts that the initially exemplary character of Tiberius went through several phases and deteriorated in proportion as the emperor paid less attention to those close to him, until as an old man he

committed crimes and indulged his appetites without restraint (6,51). But the narrative discourse in no way

follows this pattern. T. deploys no study of character development, nor do his incoherent and unsystematic attempts at defining motivation produce a psychology. Rather, he depicts Tiberius as furtive and equivocal in word and gesture from the start (1,11).

T.’s portrayal offers the first ancient scenario of a court culture. The overbearing dowager emperormother > Livia [2], the ambitious daughter-in-law -» Livilla [1] with her sons as potential heirs to the throne, the high-ranking senators and a praetorian prefect (+ Aelius [II 19] Seianus) all try to secure their own positions against one another. Against this field of action, T. has a new form of politics emerge, namely dissimulation and exclusion of the public as maxims of rule. According to T., the senators (> senatus) in this climate developed a new mode of conduct, involving a loss of courage and giving up their freedom of speech, but consisting above all in flattery. Imperial government thus brought with it two intrinsic dangers: on the one hand, bad emperors abused their power, and on the other hand the senators failed to make full use of the available room for manoeuvre and neglected to incorporate the emperor in a senatorial climate of communication characterized by frankness and trust, and thus amplified the risk that he would fall victim to the corruption of power. III. ETHICS AND HISTORIOGRAPHICAL EVALUATIONS T. brought the moral quality of senatorial conduct into the foreground, and hence chose more widely-discussed events not on the basis of their political importance but according to whether certain parties involved illustrated courage and uprightness in particular ways, or conversely demonstrated sycophancy. To an extent not previously encountered in historiography, T. subjected individuals and actions to scrutiny according to moral yardsticks. However, these yardsticks were not valid for ‘humanity in general’, but exclusively for the ethics of a tiny aristocracy in a vast empire [6. 154]. T. thus neither needed to define an ethics founded in philosophy nor to define his central ethical concepts (‘fawning’, adulatio; ‘moderation’/‘discretion’, moderatio/modestia;

‘contumacy’,

contumacia).

His ‘flex-

ible’ method of evaluation sees actions as expressions of character, and often furnishes these actions with dia-

metrically contradictory values depending on the agent. T. portrays no characters, but sees types of senatorial

108

behaviour embodied in certain persons, and he assembles a gallery of negative and positive exempla. For instance, he stylizes -» Clodius [Il 15] Thrasea Paetus, who openly opposed Nero, as a moral and political paragon, although elsewhere he approves of temperate behaviour towards the emperor. Yet Thrasea’s denouncer, Eprius, justifies his actions with precisely the same virtues for which T. praises Agricola (Tac. Hist. 4,8,2). » Seneca[2] the Younger is praised for attempting to provide an educative influence on Nero when a courtier of the young emperor (Ann. 13,2,1) and for resigning when the chances of success vanished. On the other hand, it was the praetorian prefect > Afranius|3] Burrus who actually curbed Nero (Ann. 14,52,1), and T. places most of the blame for the emperor’s matricide at the door of Seneca (Tac. Ann. 14,7). IV. VIEW OF HISTORY AND CONCEPTS OF ORDER T. saw no alternative to monarchy. In the Republic he feared the horrors of civil war (Ann. 3,28; Hist. 2,37 f.). Since Marius, moreover, the Republic had been nothing more than a procession of ‘reigns’ of individual men (Ann. 1,1 f.), which culminated in anar-

chy. The Republic (> res publica), for T., did not constitute a particular form of ~ constitution, but a period of particular political morality, in which the individual courage of senators guaranteed the independence of the Senate — against prominent individuals and against the people. ‘Freedom’ (/ibertas) thus had nothing to do with institutions. In T., itis not a political concept, but a class virtue of the small aristocratic elite (Ann. 4,33 f.). Only the aristocracy was capable of it, because only it was capabie of self-restraint. T. was an implacable opponent of any constitutionally guaranteed political participation by the people. To him, freedom in the army or the urban Roman population would immediately give rise to ‘licence’ (licentia). Consequently, in opposing the court politics of secrecy, T. demanded an openness that included the thousand or so senators and officials of the Roman Empire, i.e. extremely limited (Ann. 1,6; 2,36). Monarchy and freedom, to T., were partially reconcilable, depending on how emperor and Senate communicated with each other (Hist. 1,16; Agr. 3). For T., the Roman order consi-

sted in the lower orders’ being controlled so that they did not fall into ‘licence’ and thus destroy the social hierarchy. He thus saw the army as a force hostile to order. It was nothing but an armed mob, controllable with difficulty, and it was to be given no latitude. Some senators’ thirst for power, however, would always lead

to internal disputes and civil wars, in which the army would suddenly become more important and gain latitude for independent action. Military groups developed their own dynamics, from which catastrophes resulted and through which the social order threatened partially or entirely to collapse (Hist. 3,11; 32 f.). Only inasmuch as senators nurtured Roman virtues could the order and strength of the Empire be maintained. Beyond Roman rule, any freedom invariably degenerated

109

110

into barbarian wildness (Hist. 4,74). T. was thus the consummate exponent of a specifically Roman moralizing historiography.

with ignorance and anti-Semitism.

V. STYLE AND FORM OF REPRESENTATION Such an order-focused historiography pays attention neither to power relationships between social groups nor to practical constraints: it personalizes proceedings. For T., historical causes consist almost exclusively in moral conditions. He thus has no need of an aetiology, as, for instance, do > Thucydides or > Polybius[2]. He rigorously avoids any kind of political philosophy, foregoing analytical categories of a non-moralistic nature in his studies of political behaviour or events, and generally suppresses the political and social contexts of events and actions, in order to link isolated elements of them in narrative according to moralizing criteria. The motives he ascribes to agents are restricted to a few (‘avarice’, avaritial cupiditas; ‘cowardice’; ‘thirst for power’, cupido potentiae), which he varies or combines. Generally, once one considers the circumstances, which T. mentions mostly in passing, and the historical contexts, these motivations prove untenable, and not infrequently absurd [r. 48 ff.]. His reports of words and deeds often contrast very sharply with T.’s interpretative commentaries, which he not infrequently undermines once more by the introduction of contradictory observations. Within the text, narrative discourse and a commentary that is guided by maxims become estranged to an unprecedented degree. T. often breaks up the progression of events or actions and transposes their order. The logic of events is thereby lost [8. 14-25], and the text becomes obscure. The ‘terse style helps to encrypt contexts and conjure a threatening atmosphere which distinguishes Tacitean text within its genre [9. 71]. This has tended to suit the moralizing historiographical approach of subsequent ages, so that these texts continued to lend themselves to considerable political exploitation, particularly in the modern period. VI. VALUE AS A SOURCE T. almost never names his sources. But he used historiographical accounts and memoirs as his models, consulted the Roman senate archive (an innovation) and had access

to verbal

accounts

from

senators

(Ann.

3,16,1). Where he seeks to give precise detail, he does so to a striking degree. In places, his informational value is very high. The course and outcome of the trial of + Calpurnius [II 16] Piso (Ann. 3,7-24) have now been confirmed by inscriptions [ro] (+ Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre), as have individual speeches which have been reproduced very exactly in terms of their sense (e.g. the speech of the emperor > Claudius [III r], Ann. 11,24 = ILS 212). But T. was arbitrary in what he chose or disdained to research. He requested a report from Pliny the Younger (> Plinius [2]) on the AD 79 eruption of Vesuvius (which destroyed Pompeii), but he did not note Flavius Josephus’ (> Iosephus[4]) account

TACITUS

of the Jewish Revolt, and his own depiction bristles

VII. LeGacy The historical works seem already to have been widely received in antiquity. Christian authors in particular refer to them (+ Orosius; > Sidonius Apollinaris). + Ammianus Marcellinus probably wished to position himself as T.’s successor when he began his own work of history at the point when that of T. ends (with Nerva). T. was rediscovered during the Renaissance. The Annales in particular had a strong reception in the late 16th and the 17th cents.; v. > TACITISM. VIII. TRANSMISSION HISTORY Humanist copies of the Agricola, the Germania and the Dialogus appeared based on the Cod. Hersfeldensis, which reached Italy in 1455. The Cod. Aesinas was discovered in 1902; it contains the Agricola from 13,1 to 40,2 (probably a detached section of the Hersfeld codex). The Dialogus de oratoribus is best preserved in the Cod. Leidensis Perizonianus XVIII Q 21. The crucial transmission of the first six books of the Annales is Cod. Laur. LVII/x (=Mediceus I, 9th cent.); the Annales bks. r1-16 and Historiae are best preserved in Cod. Laur. LXVIII/2 (=Mediceus II, rrth cent.), which became widely distributed from the mid-14th cent. The Cod. Leidensis BPL 16 B, discovered in the 2oth cent., is probably independent of Mediceus II, and has been drawn upon for the textual structure of the Historiae (KOESTERMANN, WELLESLEY).

+ Annalists; > Biography; > Historiography; > Rhe-

toric (III C 1 and VI B 3); > TacitT1sM ED.:

Agricola:

M.WINTERBOTTOM,

R.M.

J. DELz, 1983. Germania: M.WINTERBOTTOM,

R.M.

OGILVIE,

1975;

OGILVIE,

1975;

A. ONNERFORS, 1983. Dialogus: E.KOESTERMANN,

1954

(with Agricola and

Germania) H. HEUBNER, 1983. Historiae: K. WELLESLEY, Cornelius T., vol. 2.1, 1989. Annales: §.BorsZzAK, K. WELLESLEY, Cornelius T., vols.

1.1 and 1.2, 1986-1992. TRANSL.: Agricola: R. TILL, 1961 (German); A. BIRLEY, 1999 (with

Germania; English). Dialogus: H. VOLKMER, 1967 (German); H. W. BENARIO, 1991 (with Agricola and Germania; English). Historiae: J.Borst, 1959 (German); D.S. LEVENE, W.H. FYFE, 1999 (English). Annales: E.HELLER, 1982 (German); P. WUILLEUMIER, H.Le BoNnNiEc, 1987-1992 (French); J.C. YARDLEY, 2008 (English). COMM.: Agricola: H. FURNAUx (J.G.C. ANDERSON, *1922) (Eng-

lish); A.GUDEMAN,

*1950

(with Germania;

German);

R.M. Ocirviz, I.A. RICHMOND, 1967 (English); A. HEUBNER, 1984. (German). Germania: G.PERL, 1990 (German); J.B. Rives, 1999 (English). Dialogus: A.GUDEMAN, *1914 (repr. 1964) (German); R.GUNGERICH, 1980 (German); R. MAYER, 2001 (English).

en a |

Tels

Historiae: K. WELLESLEY, 1972 (book 3) (English); G. E. F. CuiLver, A Historical Commentary on T.’ Histories, 2 vol., 1979-1985; A. HEUBNER, 5 vols., 1963-1982 (Ger-

cient historians and — military writers document various marching orders and possible transitions (often probably rather remote from reality) from one troop

man).

formation to the next (Thuc. 5,66-68; Xen. Lac. 11; Xen. Cyr. 2,3,21 ff.; Pol. 10,23(21); Asclepiodotus

TACITUS

Annales: E.KOESTERMANN, 1963-1968 (German); F.R.D. Goopyear, 1972, 1981 (book 1-2; English); A. J. WoopMan, R.H. Martin, 1996, 1989 (book 3-4; English). Lexica:

PH. Fasra, Onomasticon Taciteum, 1900 (repr.

1964); A.GERBER, A.GREEF, Lexicon Taciteum, 1903 (repr. 1962); D.R. BLACKMAN, G.G. Betts, Concordantia in Tacitum, 1986. Lir.: 1G.WaALser,

Rom, das Reich und die fremden

Volker in der Geschichtsschreibung der friihen Kaiserzeit, 1951 2B.WALKER, The Annals of T.,1952 3 R.SYME, T.,2 vol.,1958 41d.,T. und seine politische Einstellung, in: V.P6scut (ed.), T., 1969, 177-207 5 H.NessELHAuF, T. und Domitian, in: [4], 208-240 6 M. VIELBERG, Pflichten, Werte, Ideale, 1987 7 R.MartIn, T., 1981 8 E.FLaic, Den Kaiser herausfordern, 1992. 9R.MeELLoR,T.,1993 10 W.EckKet al.,

Das

senatus

consultum

de Cn.

Pisone

patre,

1996

11 R.SyMeg, The Senator as Historian, in: Entretiens 4, 1985, 185-212. EF.

[2] Imp. Caesar M. Claudius T. Augustus, Roman emperor, AD 275-276. B. c. AD 200, with large estates at + Interamna[r] (place of birth?), in Mauretania and Numidia. Wife unknown, probably several sons (SHA

Tac. 11,6; 6,8; 16,4; 10,5). Cos. ord. in 273 (CIL VIII 18844; Aur. Vict. Caes. 36,1), perhaps also 275; princeps senatus. Chosen as emperor by the army in autumn 275 (Zon. 12,28; according to SHA Tac. 3,1-8,1 chosen by the senate, but cf. 8,5). Cos. ord. in 276. With his half-brother, M. > Annius [II 4] Florianus, who was

named Praetorian prefect, he fought with success in AD 276 against the Goths, who had invaded from the Sea of Azov (> Maiotis) as far as Cilicia (SHA Tac. 13,2 f.;

victory title Gothicus maximus: CIL XII 5563 = ILS 591). He was murdered in mid-276 in Tyana/Cilicia,

probably

by soldiers

(Aur. Vict. Caes.

36,2; Zos.

1,63,1 f.) who, according to Zosimus, were trying to

evade punishment for murdering his kinsman Maximus, the governor of Syria. A cenotaph was erected for T. at Interamna (SHA Tac. 15,1). F. HARTMANN, Herrscherwechsel und Reichskrise, 1982, 116, 122-125; KIENAST*, 250 f.; PIR* C 1036; PLRE 1, 873; RIC V x, 319-348. T.F.

10-12), of which the countermarch (the turning of the army through 180 degrees) was the most demanding manoeuvre. In the field, the commander’s tactical leeway was minimal unless the phalanx of heavilyarmed -» hoplitai was joined by other weapon types. In general, the phalanx stood several ranks deep (Pol. 18,29-32). The commander generally fought at the front on the right-hand side. Lightly-armed men and archers, placed either in front of or beside the phalanx, had the job of harrying the ranks of the enemy. The -» cavalry provided lateral assaults and protection on the wings. It required flat terrain to be effective. In mountainous regions such as Aetolia, therefore, lightlyarmed units were deployed, which could cause the hoplitai considerable losses (Thuc. 3,97 f.; 4,32). In the 4th cent. BC, > peltastai were often deployed together with hoplitai. This arrangement enabled — Iphicrates to annihilate a Spartan > mora [1] in 390 BC (Xen. Hell. 4,5,11-18). An important tactical innovation of the 4th cent. BC was the introduction of the ‘oblique’ phalanx by Epaminondas. He massed his best troops on the left wing, and sought thereby to achieve a breakthrough and force victory (Diod. Sic. 15,55 f.; Plut. Pelopidas 23). Philip II (> Philippus [I 4]) and > Alexander [4] became masters of battle with combined forces. The cavalry was expanded to become a decisive force, and the light infantry was given extra weight after 330 BC. Often, part of the infantry was held in reserve. Battle with combined forces remained the norm in the Hellenistic period, and elephants were also now introduced as a new weapon. The Macedonian phalanx, having become too cumbersome, finally yielded to the more flexible Roman manipular tactic. + Armament; > Armies; > Military technology and engineering; — Phalanx 1 J.K. ANDERSON, Military Theory and Practice in the Age

of Xenophon, 1970

~=—.2 P. Ducrey, Guerre et guerriers

dans la Gréce antique, *1999 Western Way of War, 1989.

3 V.D. Hanson, The LB.

I. ROME In antiquity, wars were very often decided by a single battle. Given this, the most important task of a Roman

Tactics I. GREECE

II. ROME

I. GREECE Tactics are understood as the planning and execution of military operations, such as marching and battles. Before the emergence of the > phalanx, no tactical

organization of the army is discernible. The battle formation of the phalanx, however, required the army to be divided into subunits, with a marching order, an ordered array in file and a clear system of orders. An-

commander was to conduct a campaign in such a way that the enemy could be fought under the most favourable possible conditions. Tactics were thus not limited to the arrangement of the army for battle and leading the troops in battle, but also included all operations connected with precipitating the decisive battle. The fundamentals of tactics were clearly formulated at Rome

(Liv. 9,17,10).

Decisions

on the campaign

itself were in principle reached after exhaustive consultations in the consilium, although the responsibility for the tactical direction of the army lay with the com-

Tis

114

mander. One of the most Roman warfare was as far as own troops from losses. This construction of a field camp

Tadius. Italian family name, in inscriptions also Taddius. There is literary evidence in the Republican period only of P.T., a businessman and the legate of C.

important principles of possible to protect Rome’s purpose was served by the every evening, and by the clear marching order (Pol. 6,40; Jos. Bl. 3,115-126) which enabled the rapid formation of battle lines. Moreover, a commander had to ensure the sufficient supply of provisions to the army during the campaign, in order to sustain the soldiers as a fighting force. — Logistics and esp. the organization of supplies were therefore accorded great importance. As it was of decisive importance to the safety of the Roman army and to military success to know the strength and movements of the enemy, military reconnaissance (exploratio) was also important. The aim of operations was to choose a suitable location for the battle and to determine a favourable time for it. An elevated position was advantageous for an attack, because firstly the long-range weapons would be more effective, and secondly the Roman battle lines would be able to march with greater momentum against the enemy. Factors such as sun, dust and wind were also to be considered in setting up for battle. For battle order, infantry stood in the middle ina long front, the Roman > cavalry and that of the allies (> soci) on the wings. Ahead of the battle line of the heavy infantry (milites) were the light infantry (velites), who began the battle with long-range weapons. The legion (- legio) itself was divided into three battle lines: hastati (— hasta [1]), principes and — triarii, the triarti forming the reserve (Liv. 8,8,5-13). The tactical units of the

legion were the maniple (> manipulus) and, from Caesar, the cohort (+ cohors). These units could operate

independently in battle, and thus gave the Roman army more manoeuvrability than the Greek > phalanx. The commander usually took up position between the right wing and the infantry. There were various battle arrangements, including esp. the ‘oblique’ battle line. In this formation, battle was started on the right wing with the best units, and it was then attempted to outflank the enemy and attack them from the rear. The military tactics of the Romans are described in detail by > Vegetius (Veg. Mil. 3), who depicts the battle arrangements comprehensively (Veg. Mil. 3,1 1-20). + Armament; + Armies; > Military technology and engineering 1B.CAMPBELL,

The Roman Army 31 BC-AD 337, A 2 A.K. Gotpswortny, The Roman

Sourcebook, 1994

Army at War 100 BC-AD 200, 1996

romische Armee, 1993.

3 Y. Le BoHEc, Die

H.SCHN.

TAENIA

~ Verres in Sicily 73-71 BC (Cic. Verr. 2,2,49; 2,5,63) —

perhaps identical with the acquaintance of T. Pomponius [I 5] Atticus (Cic. Att. 1,5,6; 1,8,1) —and Q. T., his relative (brother?), who also had business with Verres (Gig) Vertis 2.ie 02852-0405 2-4.3 00)

K-L.E.

Tadmor see + Palmyra Taenarum (Tatvagov/Tainaron, Taivaooc/Tainaros; Lat. Taenarum, Taenaros). Promontory on the southern

tip of a peninsula formed by the > Taygetus, the southernmost point of the > Peloponnesus, modern Tenaron or Matapan. It is a marble mountain of 5 km length (311 m height), without any bays on the rugged west side and with two bays dividing the east side (Ormos Asomaton in the south, Ormos Vathi in the north). It is connected to the peninsula in the north (modern Mani)

by an isthmus of 540 m width that is flanked by two (Achilleion in the west, Psamathus in the east). The city of T. was located at Asomaton Bay, anharbours

other city at Psamathus Bay (Str. 8,5,2; Plin. HN 4,16;

only few remains). For seafaring, the deep and well protected Psamathus Bay was the actual harbour of T. This was also a camp for mercenaries for whom T. was an important gathering and recruitment place, especially in the 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC. Marble quarries are documented (Str. 8,5,7; Plin. HN 36,135; 158; > Marble, with map). On the western side of a gorge that leads to the eastern part of this bay is a 10 m deep and somewhat wider cave. In front of it are traces of a rectangular structure that took up the entire width of the gorge, a temple of ~» Poseidon (Paus. 3,25,4). The T. and this cave gave rise to many ideas in Greek mythology; for example, the cave was regarded as the entrance to the underworld (cf. Pind. Pyth. 4,43 f.; Aristoph. Ran. 187; Sen. Phaedr.

1201; Sen. Herc. f. 662 ff.), this is where Heracles is

claimed to have brought up > Cerberus, the hellhound (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 27). The cult of Poseidon was Achaean/Pre-Doric, its sanctuary was endowed with the right to grant asylum (> dsylon), especially for + Helots (Aristoph. Ach. 510; Thuc. 1,128,1; 33,1; Ael. VH 6,7; Paus. 4,2.4,5; 7,25,33 Diod. Sic. 11,45,4; Aristodemus FGrH 104 F 8,2). The sanctuary was plundered in c. 240 BC by Aetolians (Pol. 9,34,9) and in the rst cent. BC by pirates (Plut. Pompeius 24,5). It housed a bronze statue of a rider on a dolphin, interpreted as + Arion (Hdt. 1,23 f.; Paus. 3,25,7).

Tadinae Municipium in Umbria (Plin. HN 3,114), modern Sant’Antonio della Rasina to the west of Gualdo Tadino. Road station on the via Flaminia. In

552 AD > Narses [4] defeated the Goth - Totila at T. (Proc. BG 4,29). Later abandoned in favour of the higher-lying Gualdo. G. SIGISMONDI, La battaglia tra Narsete e Totila, in: Bol-

letino della Deputazione di Storia Patria dell’Umbria 65, 1968, 5-68.

G.U.

F. BOuTE, s. v. T. (1) and (2), RE 4 A, 2030-2049; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, 440 f.; MULLER, 858-861. CL.

Taenia see > Tainia

TAESIA

115

I16

Taesia (Tawoia; Taisia). City in Bruttium of unknown location near Rhegium (according to [2] near Motta San Giovanni, but cf. [1; 3. 267]). Station of Delphic

Sat. 5,19,13). The Etruscan text is not extant but parts of Latin translations from the rst cent. BC have survived. A possible depiction: Praenestine Ciste (3rd cent. BC, Rome, Villa Giulia 13133; [2]). The connection between the doctrine of T. with the

theorodokoi (SGDI 2580, Z. 88: 3rd/2nd century BC; [4]), presumably identical with the fortress of Tisia (App. Hann. 188; Steph. Byz. s. v. Twoia) or Isia (Diod.

Etruscans (cf. Cic. loc.cit.; Fest. loc.cit.; Commenta Ber-

3752513):

nensia loc.cit.; Censorinus, DN 4,13) must be seen in

1 E. Pats, Tisiae ed Isiae, in: id. (ed.), Italia antica, 1922, Iti-122 2C.TuRANo, T., in: Klearchos 13, 1971, 1937. 3P.G. Guzzo, Le citta scomparse della Magna Grecia, 1982 4G.MANGANARO, Citta di Sicilia e santuari panellenici nel [le Il sec. a.C., in: Historia 13, 1964, 414-

439.

MLL.

Tagara (Taydéea: Peripl. m. r. 51, Tayaea: Ptol. 7,1,82). Inland city in the Indian state of Maharashtra, modern

Ter, where excavations have found e.g. lamps of an Hellenistic type.

connection with the uniform all-Etruscan divination and religious literature at a time when the question of its origin had become important and when the maintenance or creation of common political and/or cultural ties had become necessary. The legend suggests an independent cultic figure while the localisation of the event points to the cultural importance of Tarquinia. -» Divination (with image) 1 M.Boncur

Jovino, C.CHIARAMONTE

nia. Tarchna 1, 1997.

TRERE, Tarqui-

+2R.HersiG, Etruskische Rekru-

ten?, in: K. SCHAUENBURG (ed.), Charites, 1957, 182 ff.

H.P. Ray, Monastery and Guild. Commerce under the

PFIFFIG, 352 ff.; S.WEINSTOCK, s. v. T., RE 4 A, 2009-

Satavahanas, 1986, 69 f.

2011.

K.K.

Tagaste. Numidian settlement in Africa Proconsularis (— Africa [3]), whose Punic past is to date attested only by a Neo-Punic inscription [1], modern Souk-Ahras in Algeria (It. Ant. 44,6; oppidum Tagesense: Plin. HN 5,302). T. was a municipium (ordo, decuriones: ILAlg

1, 875; 880), and a bishopric as early as the 3rd cent. AD; birthplace of > Augustinus. Inscriptions: [LAlg 1, 866-927; Bull. archéologique du Comité des trauvaux historiques 1932-1933, 476 f.; 1934-1935, 227-2293 351 £.5 362; RIL 524-529. 1 J.-B. CHABOT, Punica, in: Journal asiatique 11,7, 1916,

443-467, esp. 458. AAAIg, 18, no. 340; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de |’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 175-184.

W.HU.

Tages. Legendary Etruscan cultural hero, son of Genius and grandson of - Iuppiter (Fest. 359; Commenta Bernensia on Luc. 1,636) or of + Hermes Chthonius (Procl. in Lyd. de ostentis 3). According to Etruscan tradition, he had the appearance of a child combined with the wisdom of old age (Cic. Div. 2,50). After a farmer who was plowing near Tarquinia (> Tarquinii) or > Tarchon had lifted him from the clod, T. supposedly proclaimed the Etruscan discipline (disciplina Etrusca,

— Etrusci,

Etruria

II. D.) and

then

disap-

peared or died. The tomb of a ritually worshipped child from the late 9th cent. BC on the plateau of Tarquinia [x. 152 ff.] might have formed the historical background for the creation of the legend. Supposedly, the words of T. were written down by those present and formed the core of the Tagetic doctrine composed in the Etruscan language (Isid. Orig. 8,9,34) which originally contained the haruspicy (Fest. loc.cit.; Cic. loc.cit.; ~ Haruspices Il. C.) and which was later expanded by the theory of lightning and the afterlife (Cic. Div. 1,72; cf. Amm.

Marc. 17,10,2; Aug. Epist. 234,1; Macrob.

LA.-F.

Tagonius. River in the territory of the ~ Carpetani (Plut. Sertorius 17,2), modern Tajuna. It rises in the extreme east of the Sierra de Guadalajara at Maranchon,

flows past Caracca and into the > Tagus (Tajo) on its right side. TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 216.

PB.

Tagos (tayoc; tagos). Tagos (etymologically from taxis,

cf. German Herzog) is usually seen as an elected (originally for life, later in the event of war: IG IX 2,257) highest official of the Thessalian League [1. 237-249; 2]. The effect of the dominance of the noble ‘clans’ (+ Aleuadae; Echecratidae; - Scopadae) in the sth cent. BC was that the office of tageia lost its significance [3. 125-127]; under Jason [2] the office temporarily gained a new prestige [5]. Recent studies, in contrast, see tagos as a genuinely local official (the official term for a high office instead being archos or tétrarchos: [4]). In the Hellenistic poleis of Thessalia we encounter colleges of several tagoi (IG IX 2,258-259; 1228). » Thessalia 1 Ep. Meyer, Theopomps Hellenika, 1909 2M.Sorp1, La legatessala,1958 3 H.Bercx, Polis und Koinon, 1997 4B.He iy, L’etat Thessalien, 1995 5 S. SPRAWSKI, Jason of Pherae, 1999.

HA.BE.

Tagus (Tayoc/Tagos). A gold-bearing (Mela 3,8) river, at 1008 km the longest (Str. 3,2,3; 3,1; 3; Plin. HN 3,19; 25; Ptol. 2,5,4) in the Iberian peninsula, modern

Tagus (Spanish Tajo, Portugese Tejo). It rises in the modern Universales mountains, flows through Toletum, Caesarobriga, Augustobriga and into the Oceanus at Olisippo; first mentioned during the campaign Hannibal [4] conducted against the Carpetani in 218 BC (Roli oyna. sailuivesoine 5.8)

ity

118

SCHULTEN, Landeskunde 1, 341-349; P. BARCELO, Anibal de Cartago, 2000, 81; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 216.

RST.

Taharka, Taharko see > Taracus

Taht-i Suleyman see — Sis Taifali (TatpadoWTaiphaloi, Suda s. v. T.; also Taifruli). Semi-nomadic Eastern Germanic equestrian people, recorded in the mid-3rd cent. AD in Dacia (> Daci) and Moesia

(— Moesi; Jord. Get. 91) and then with the

~ Tervingi in the north of Transylvania (Eutr. 8,2,2). In the middle of the 4th cent., they probably settled to the east of Muntenia (in modern Romania) as far west as the Alutus (modern Olt) with their core in the Muntenian Baragan Steppe. Earliest mention in_literature: Pan.

Lat.

11,17,1

(291); Laterculus

Veronensis

13,26 (297). In AD 322 some of the T. were deported to Phrygia (Symeon Metaphrastes, PG 116, 337 f.; 342), others, as Roman

> foederati,

provided

the Trans-

Danubian border defence. Until the Hun invasion, the T. and the Tervingi were in association. In 376 some of

them, under pressure from the — Goti, invaded the Roman Empire, were defeated and resettled in Upper Italy (Amm. Marc. 31,3,7; 9,3-5) and Gaul (north of Poitou and west of Tours) as coloni (+ Colonatus B.) (Not. Dign. Occ. 42,65). Under Theodosius I (379395), some T. were deported to Thracia (Zos. 4,25,1; Ps.-Aur. Vict. epit. Caes. 47,3). H.Wo.trraM, Die Goten, +1990, 66-73, L. SCHMIDT, Ostgermanen, *1941, 546-548.

100 f.;

GHW.

TAKTIKA

[4] (also Greek totwio/tainia). Ancient technical term from architecture [x] used in the Doric order (> Column B. Orders of columns) for the prominent projecting strip at the upper end of an architrave (> Epistylion) or other building element used as an upper termination. Correlated with the flow of the ~ frieze, a regular ornamentation of the tainia on the architrave was the > regula, which was usually, together with the other two (architrave, tainia), made as a single piece. 1 EBERT, 65 s. v. T. (sources).

D.MertTENS, Der Tempel von Segesta und die dorische Tempelbaukunst des griechischen Westens in klassischer Zeit, 1980, 254, s.v. Architravy; W.MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 112-120.

C.HO.

Taktika [1] Byzantine term for military handbook, cf. Taktika [2]; cf. also > stratégikon. [2] Taktika of Leo. Military handbook (stratégik6n) in 20 books, written c. AD 905 by the emperor Leo [9] VI

or at his command. It is to some extent based on earlier sources such as writings by > Onasander [2] and the — stratégikon of Mauricius, but it also contains many contemporary passages, e.g. on the Arabs and Hungary. The work, which is preserved in two different versions, exercised great influence on later military writings in Byzantium. + Military writers EDITIONS: 1PG 107, 669-1120 2R.VARI, Leonis imperatoris Tactica, 1917-1922 (incomplete). LITERATURE: 3I1.A. ANTONOPOULOU, The ‘Aristocracy’

in Byzantium: Evidence from the Tacticon of Leo VI the

Tainia (Greek taivia/tainia). Term for bindings of all kinds. [1] (Head)band, worn at Greek festivals (Pl. Symp. 212d.e, 213d; Xen. Symp. 5,9). Even gods wore, or bound their heads with, tainiai. (Paus. 1,8,4). Furthermore, cult images (Paus. 8,31,8; 10,35,10), trees (The-

ocr. 18,44), monuments [3], urns, sacrificial animals and deceased (Lucian, Dial. mort. 13,4) had tainiai wound round them. The Romans adopted tainiai from the Greeks (e.g. Ov. Met. 8,724 f.). As a sign of a victor and of success

(Paus. 4,16,6;

6,20,10;

9,22,3; Verg.

Aen. 5,269; Ath. 13,610a; Nep. Alkibiades 6,3), tainiai

appear in Greek vase painting on victorious athletes, cf. also (+ Polyclitus’ [rt] Diadoumenos). [2] Binding used to fasten or conceal, also for instance in blind-man’s buff (Poll. 9,123); > fasciae. [3] Pennant on ships and javelins (Poll. 1,90; Diod.

4 G.DaGRon,

Byzance et le modéle islamique au X° siécle, in: Comptes rendues des scéances de |’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1983, 219-243 5 T.G.Ko.tas, The “Taktika’ of Leo the Wise and the Arabs, in: Graeco-Arabica 3, 1984, 129-135.

[3] Byzantine term for official lists of titles and offices. Of these taktika, in succession to the late antique > Notitia Dignitatum, the one known today as the Taktikon Uspenskii (8 42/3), Philotheus’ > Klétorologion (899), the Taktika Benesevié (943-944) and a taktikon now in the Escorial (971-975) survive, also a treatise written c. 1347-1368 by Ps.-Codinus. The main purpose of a taktikon was to enable the correct seating of dignitaries at official banquets in the imperial palace of Constantinople. Their almost complete cataloguing, particularly when their data is augmented by narrative texts and finds of seals, isa valuable source for the structure of the Byzantine state administration.

15,52,5). + Diadema; > Infula; > Strophium 1D. Kurtz, Athenian White Lekythoi,1975 2 A.Kruc, Binden in der griechischen Kunst, Dissertation Mainz 1967 3 M.PEANNER, Zur Schmiickung griechischer Grabstelen, in: Hefte des archaologischen Seminars der Universitat Bern 3, 1977, 5-15.

Wise, in: Byzantiaka 13, 1993, 151-159

R.H.

Epitions:

1N.O1koNomIpEs, Les listes de préseance

byzantines des IX° et X° siécles, 1972 (with French trans.) 2 J. VERPEAUX, Traité des offices, 1966 (Ps.-Codinus, with

French trans.). LITERATURE: 3 F. WINKELMANN, Byzantische Rangund Amterstruktur im 8. und 9. Jahrhundert, 1985, 1928.

AL.B.

TAKTIKON

BENESEVIC

119

Taktikon Benesevié see > Taktika [3] Taktikon Uspenskij see - Taktika [3] Talarius ludus (from Latin talus, ‘ankle’, ‘dice’). The four secure written records about the TL allow no final conclusion as to whether it was a Roman game of -» dice (thus [7. 184*]) or a type of staged presentation in which the performers wore a toga that reached down to their ankles. For Cicero (Cic. Att. 1,16,3; Cic. Off. 1,150), the TL was immoral and the lowest profession next to ‘salve vendors’ and ‘dancers’ (> Entertainers); Quintilianus (Inst. 11,3,58) emphasises its frolicsomeness and implies song as an accompaniment. Fronto (De orationibus p. 157,10-12 V. D. H.) mentions a censor who prohibited the TL because his foot twitched when he passed a TL and heard crotala (castanets) and the

cymbala (cymbal). A conjecture by MOMMSEN to a contested place in Cassiodorus’ chronicle connects the TL with a censorial edict from 115 BC [3. 620; 8. 371] which [2. 11] refers to the passage in Fronto. References to clothing speak for an interpretation of the TL as a staged performance [2. 12; 6]. The main argument is the analogy between talarius and the Greek adjective katastolaria (‘with a stola’), with which Lydus (Mag. 1,40) describes a certain type of > comedy

[4. 267]: planipedaria (‘flatfooted’ or ‘barefoot’, Lat. planipedia), according to Euanthius (de comoedia 5,2, in Donat. 1,26 W), a ‘lower’ dramatic art; it is equated in the noun form of planipes by Diomedes (GL 1,490) und Festus (342) with the — mime. According to {[z. 14], TL must be seen in connection with magoedia and /ysioedia (> Simodia) (but cf. [1. 2062]).

I20

Taleides Painter. Attic Black Figure vase painter, c. 550-530 BC, named after the potter Taleides, most, perhaps all, of whose signed pots (15) he decorated: various shapes, mainly > Little-Master cups. In addition he painted two hydriai for the potter Timagoras. The TP also had connexions with Amasis (+ Amasis Painter); the authenticity of an Amasis signature on the foot of a TP lekythos in Malibu (GM 76.AE.48), however, is disputed. The more than 30 pots ascribed to the TP show that among his contemporaries he was a second-rate artist, who nevertheless painted a number of quite large pots (hydriai) with exquisite care and gave them > kalos inscriptions. Apart from Theseus and the Minotaur and Heracles and Triton he was scarcely interested in mythical themes; prominent among his genre pictures are the weighing of trade goods on a small amphora in New York (MMA 47.11.5) and the recordbreaking carouser on a psykter-oinochoe in Berlin (SM Beate

a)

+ Pottery; > Black Figure vase painting (with illustration) BEAZLEY, ABV 174-176; 688; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena 72-73; BEAzELy, Addenda’, 49; B. LeGAkis, A Lekythos

Signed by Amasis, in: AK 26, 1983, 73-76; CVA Berlin 7, 1991,

51; P.HEESEN,

The J. L. Theodor

Attic Black-Figure Vases, 1996, 127-129;

Collection

of

H. MOMMSEN,

AMASI= MEMOIESEN, in: J. OAKLEY et al. (eds.), Athenian Potters and Painters, 1997, 17-18. H.M.

Talent (téiavtov/talanton; Latin talentum). The talent

1 F.ALTHEIM, s. v. T.1., RE 4 A, 2061-2063

was the biggest Greek unit of measurement for the monetary system and for commercial weights. Thus, the word talanton was used in the Greek Bible translation as a synonym for the highest weight level of the Hebrew

2 M.HeErt1z, De ludo talario, 1873.

text (Hebrew kikkar, cf. 2 Sam

3 TH. MOMMSEN,

Die Chronik des Cassiodorus Senator, in: Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der koniglich sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 3, 1861, 547-696

12,30; 1 Kings 9,14;

9,28 et alibi; cf. Mt 25,14-30), without any connection

RO.HA.

to its actual weight. A talent was always worth 60 minai (— mina [1]) regardless of their weight. The silver cointalents from Aegina, Euboea, Attica and probably Corinth, too, consistently weighed 26,196 kg. Since talents for coins and commerce were of the same weight on Aegina, Euboea and in Corinth, the bronze or lead weights used for commerce must have weighed 26,196 kg as well. Only in Athens during the historical period, the weight of coin and commercial talents was

Talaus (TéAaoc; Talaos). Mythical king of Argos, son

mai but a commercial mina 105, 138 and 150 drachmai. As a result of this calculation, talents weighed 27,50 kg (2nd half of the 6th cent. to 430/420 BC), 28,81 kg (430/420 to the 3rd cent. BC), 36,15 kg (3rd

4 A. REIFFERSCHEID,

ROmische

Litteraturgeschichte,

in:

Jahresbericht tuber die Fortschritte der klassischen Altertumswissenschaften Hostus, 1,264-266 503-504

23, 1880, 243-288 5 SCHANZ/ 6P.L.ScHMipT,s. v. fabula, KIP 2,

7 M.TestarD

(ed.), Cicéron:

1965 (witha Frenchtranslation)

Commentary

Les Devoirs,

8 M. VAN DEN Hout, A

on the Letters of M. Cornelius

1999.

Fronto,

not identical, since a coin mina was worth too drach-

Talassio see > Wedding customs and rituals

of > Bias [1] and > Pero [1], brother of Perialces and Arius, husband of > Lysimache. T., who was probably originally a mountain daimon, in the earlier legend is made to lose his life and rule by > Amphiaraus (Pind. N. 9,13) and appears in later literature as one of the + Argonauts (Apoll. Rhod. 1,118) and as the father (Hyg. Fab. 70) of Adrastus, Aristomachus, Hippomedon, Mecisteus, Parthenopaeus, Pronax and Eriphyle (> Seven against Thebes). His grave was worshipped in the market place of Argos (Paus. 2,21,2).

HE.B.

cent. to c. 146 BC) and 39,29 kg (c. 146 to c. 86 BC).

At present, two extant ancient talent-weights are known: in Olympia, a bronze cube was found from the and half of the sth cent. BC with an edge length of t5 cm and a height of 11,5 cm; it weighs 26,2 kg. For the purpose of being hung on a scale, its upper side has a moveable ring in an eye, all of a piece. On its lower side, there is a square opening through which lead was poured until it had the desired weight. This lead-filled

122)

I21

cube is a talent of the Aeginetan standard. In Eretria [1], a rough limestone rock (with minor damage) with a length of 32 cm, a width of 31 cm, and a thickness of 22 cm was uncovered; it weighs 26 kg. It is a talent of the Euboean standard. The back part of its naturally smooth top-side shows the inscription TAAANTON which is dated to c. 450 BC. Its extremely rough form suggests that it may have been used as a private weight. The term tdlanton/talentum originally referred to ‘scale’, ‘scale pans’ in the plural. In the Middle Ages, talentum referred to a gift from God, allocated to man and weighed appropriately. This formed the basis for the development of the modern term. ~» Coinage, standards of; Mina [1]; > Weights III. 1 K.Hirz1, Die Gewichte griechischer Zeit aus Olympia (OIF 25), 1996, especially 54f., 71 f., r0o5-120 =.2 Id. Gewichte in Eretria, in: AK 40, 1997, 109-121 3 M.Lanc, M.Crossy, Weights, Measures and Tokens (Agora 10), 1964, 2-33. K.H.

Talion (Latin talio, ‘equal retribution’) means that the

penalty must be appropriate to the evil committed against the victim. I. GENERAL POINTS

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

I. GENERAL POINTS Talion is found in many ancient laws, e.g. Cod. + Hammurapi 229 (killing the son of the builder because of the builder’s responsibility for the death of the landlord’s son) or Ex 21:22-25 (“An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, blood for blood”). From a historical perspective, talion can be regarded as a mitigation compared to the unrestricted right of revenge of the injured party. It was, in turn, replaced by fixed penalties; e.g. B. Cod. Hammurapi 203 (a fine for a slap in the face); Lex XII tab. 8,3 (fines for breaking a bone). In Sumerian, Egyptian and Greek law, the idea of retribution plays only a minor role. Conceptually related to talion is the ‘mirror punishment’. Here, the offense is punished on the body part with which it was committed, e.g., the hand of the thief is chopped off. On the legal concept of talion, cf. Isid. Orig. 5,24 (a just penalty through the infliction of the same

evil), I.KANT (retribution as a

basis for assessment), or the justifications for the death penalty in modern law systems. The idea of talion changed from a limitation of private revenge to the dictate of justice that governs state penalties. 1 W.Boocus, Strafrechtliche Aspekte im altagyptischen Recht, 1993,67,79

2G.Carpasctia, La place dut. dans

histoire du droit pénal a la lumiére des droits du ProcheOrient ancien, in: Mélanges J. Dauvillier, 1979, 89-183 (repr. in: Méditerranées 3, 1995, 181-195)

3 A.HERDLITCZKA, s.v. Talio, RE 4A, 2069-2077 4 1. Kant, Metaphysische Anfangsgriinde der Rechtslehre, 1797, 197-199) 5 E.KAUFMANN, s. v. Spiegelnde Strafen, in: A. ERLER et al. (eds.), HWB der deutschen Rechtsgeschichte 4, 1990, 1761-1763 6 J. WEISMANN, T. und 6ffentliche Strafe im Mosaischen Rechte, in: FS A. Wach, vol. 1, 1913 (repr. 1970), 1-102.

JO.HE.

TALMUD

II. CLassicaAL ANTIQUITY

In the Greek legal sphere, talion is documented only for the laws of > Zaleucus and > Charondas (cf. the

mythological example: > Sciron). Early Roman law knew talion from a sentence in the Laws of Twelve Tables (+ Tabulae duodecim) which probably reflects an old customary law: lex XII tab. 8,2 (Si membrum rupsit, ni cum eo pacit, talio esto: “who breaks the limb of

another should, if he cannot come to an agreement with him, suffer the talion”). Here, however, the range of application is limited not only by the suggestion that a monetary compensation is possible, but also through the probably later determinations of tab. 8,2 and 3 which stipulate fixed fines. The observation that the talion in Rome always preceded a fine should not be generalized into a pattern of historical development, neither is the opposite pattern, which was claimed to be based on records from the oldest cuneiform laws [1]. One can only state with certainty that the development of the talion assumes that the passive solidarity of the clan — which will protect a member from retribution — had been overridden. In cases where the solidarity of the clan was stronger, fines were more likely to develop, since fines may have been an outgrowth of peace agreements between clans. Extensive catalogues of penalties can therefore be found in the early Germanic laws (— Volksrecht) as well, while the talion developed much later under the influence of the Bible. Closely related to the talion and similarly widespread in Antiquity (documented even before Hammurapi in older > Cuneiform laws) is the rule according to which a person who makes a false accusation (at times the false witness as well; > testimonium falsum) is himself subject to the punishment for the alleged crime. 1 A.S. DIAMOND, Primitive Law, Past and Present, 1971.

A. VOLKL, Die Verfolgung der Korperverletzung im friihen romischen Recht, 1984, 49-79.

Talmud

(‘study,

learning’,

A.VO.

from

Hebrew

lamad,

‘learn’). The central work within > rabbinical literature, consisting of a) the Mishnah, the oldest authorita-

tive collections of laws of rabbinical + Judaism (c. AD 200) and b) the Gemara, i.e. interpretations of and discussions on the material of the Mishnah. Since in the

rabbinical period there were two centres of Jewish scholarship, i.e. Palestine and Babylonia (— Sura, > Pumbedita), two different Talmudim came into being: the Palestinian (= Jerusalem Talmud; essentially finalized c. AD 450) and the Babylonian (essentially finalized in the 7th cent.). The Babylonian T. is more comprehensive by far than the Palestinian Talmud Since the Babylonian > diaspora had greater significance for the Judaism of the time than the land of Israel (cf. also the first responses), the Babylonian Talmud acquired canonical significance.

TALMUD G.STEMBERGER,

Der T. Einfiihrung, Texte, Erlauterun-

gen, 1982.

B.E.

Talos (Téhwc/Talos). [1] Myth of various versions in Apollod. 1,140 f.: T. was one of the bronze race or was given to >» Minos by Hephaestus (by Zeus to > Europe [2]: Apoll. Rhod. 4,1643); he is a bronze man (triple > giant: Orph. A. 1351) ora bull; he has a single vein from the neck to the ankles which is sealed at the end by a bronze nail (a

membrane: Apoll. Rhod. 4,1647 f.); he runs all the way around Crete three times a day and keeps the > Argonauts from landing by throwing stones; he is killed by ~» Medea, who by madness-inducing potions or by promising him immortality gets him to remove the nail and bleed to death (according to Apoll. Rhod. 4,166 51688, the angered Medea casts a spell on his eyes, causing him to injure his ankle on a rock so that the > Ichor flows out); or > Poeas (Argonaut: Apollod. 1,112) kills him by shooting him in the ankle. According to schol. Hom. Od. 20,302, T. — heated by fire - embraces his victims who die facing his ‘sardonic’ grin. 1 M.C.VAN DER KOLF, s. v. T. (1), RE 4 A, 2080-2086 2J.K. Papapopou_os, s. v. T. (1), LIMC 7.1, 834-837.

[2] Athenian, son of > Perdix, nephew and student of + Daedalus [1]. T. outdoes his uncle by inventing the saw (he copies a snake’s lower jaw), the compasses and the potter’s wheel and, as a result, Daedalus throws him from the Athenian Acropolis (Apollod. 3,214; Diod. Sic. 4,76). There, Paus. 1,21,4 knows of his tomb. In Ov. Met. 8,236-259, where T. is referred to as Perdix (as in Soph. fr. 323 IrGF), Athena transform him into a partridge (perdix) during his fall. DER KOLF, s. v. T. (2), RE 4 A, 2086-2088

QU LEVENT IS. V1 Le (2) LNG wer, Sar.

M.RoBERTSON,

The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical

Athens, 1992, 256-259; H.A. SHAPIRO, The Marriage of Theseus and Helen, in: H. FRONING (ed.), Kotinos. FS E. Simon, 1992, 232-236.

Talmudic law, Talmud schools see > Judaic law

1 M.C.VAN

I24

123}

P.D,

E.BO.

Talpa see > Mole Talthybius (Tai0uBioc; Talthybios). Herald and follower of Agamemnon (Hom. Il. 1,320 f.), at whose command he and > Eurybates [1] unenthusiastically go and fetch from — Achilles [1] the object of their dispute, > Briseis (ibid. 1,327-347). T. also acts in the service of all Greeks, e.g. when he and the Trojan herald Idaeus [3a] interrupt the single combat between — Ajax [1] and — Hector (ibid. 7,273-312); as a general Greek herald he also appears in Euripides (Hec., Tro.), who makes the idea of the “unwilling accomplice of the powerful” explicit (Eur. Tro. 709-789). In Sparta, T. was worshipped by a cult, and a Spartan family of heralds, the Talthybiades, regarded him as their ancestor (Hdt. 7,13 4,1). O. WASER,

s. v. T., ROSCHER

5, 37-42;

O. TOUCHEFEU-

MEYNIER, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 837-839.

RE.N.

Tamarus. Right-bank tributary of the Calor (modern Calore) in the territory of the > Hirpini, modern Tammaro. It rises in the region of Saepinum, crosses the Ager Taurasinus, touches Forum Novum (modern Sant’

Arcangelo) and into the Calor at Beneventum; stretches of it are flanked by the via Minucia (station Super Tha-

mari fluvium: It. Ant. 103,1) and the via Traiana. MILLER,

370; G.De BENEDITTIS, L’alta valle del T., in:

Studi Beneventani 4-5, 1991, 3-38.

GU.

Tamassus (Tapao[o]o¢c/Tamas(s)6s). City in the centre of Cyprus at the eastern fringes of the Troodus Moun-

tains at the modern village of Politiko to the southwest of Nicosia. T. was known in Antiquity for its wealth of Talos Painter. Attic vase painter of the late Classical period, c. 410-390 BC, successor of the > Meidias Painter and the > Dinos Painter, named after a volute krater in Ruvo with a rare depiction of the death of the mythical bronze giant > Talos [1]. The TM is known exclusively by large pots: kraters, a loutrophoros and a stand for a lebes. Typical of the TM is his unusual way of depicting mythological themes: wedding of Theseus and Helena, feast of Dionysus and Hephaestus in a vine arbour, apotheosis of Heracles. His monumental figures are modelled pictorially, the heads often in threequarter view, the coloration effect heightened by yellow and white. The clothing shows elaborate folds, detailed

patterns and figural braiding. The style of the figures and the dense space-filling compositions are inspired by panel and wall painting. BEAZLEY, ARV*, 1338 f.; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 481; Beaziey, Addenda’, 366 f.; H.SICHTERMANN, Griechische Vasen in Unteritalien, 1966, 231-234, Taf. 24-34;

copper (Hom. Od. 1,184: Tewéon; Str. 14,6,5). The set-

tlement can be traced back as far at the Bronze Age. T. is first mentioned as an autonomous city kingdom in 673/2 BC in an Assyrian inscription [1]. In the middle of the 4th cent. BC the last king, Pasicyprus, sold T. for 50 talents to Pumiaton, the king of > Citium. Placed under

the rule of Salamis [2] by Alexander [4] the Great in 332

BC, like all other Cypriot states, T. became part of the kingdom of the + Ptolemies. In the Christian period a bishopric. Excavations have uncovered a fortification wall from the classical period, houses of various eras, and sanctuaries to > Aphrodite and + Cybele. In the necropolis archaic chamber tombs of the aristocracy are noteworthy for their lavish architecture. Two sanctuaries to + Apollo have been excavated at Pera and at Frangissa on the banks of the Pediaeus. The latter contains numerous sculptures, including a 5th cent. BC bronze statue, the head of which can be found today

125

126

under the designation Chatsworth Head in the BM in London.

Parthenon. One stone of the lists of holdings, receipts and expenditure required by the decree has survived (IG I> 383). Uniting the holdings, formerly kept in local temples, into one fund of the ‘other gods’, centrally administrated on the Acropolis, was intended to make money transfers easier. The term of office for both treasury offices lasted from one Panathenaea festival

1 R. BorGer, Die Inschr. Asarhaddons, K6nigs von Assyrien (AfO Beih. 9), 1956, 59-61.

H.-G, Bucnno1z, K. Untiepr, T., ein ant. Konigreich auf Zypern, 1996; MASSON, 222-228; O. Masson, Recherches sur les antiquités de T., in: BCH 88, 1964, 199-238; E. OBERHUMMER, S. v. T., RE 4 A, 2095-2098. R.SE.

Tamesa (Tamesis). River in southeastern Britain, modern Thames (Caes. Gall. 5,11,8; Tac. Ann. 14,32; Cass. Dio 40,3,1; 60,20 f.; 62,1). At the mouth of the T., an excellent natural harbour, was > Londinium (modern London). M. Forster, Der FlufSname Themse, 1942; A. L.F. River, C.SmiTH, The Place-Names of Roman Britain, 1979, 466.

M.TO.

Tamia (tauia/tamia). In a well-to-do Greek house the tamia managed provisions and objects of value stored in the house, usually in a lockable closet (> Tamieion; + Thalamos). Among the servants she had a special status and enjoyed the trust of the owner of the house (Hom. Od. 2,345; Pind. Ol. 13,7; Xen. Oec. 9,10-13; 10,10; Lib. Or. 16,47). WS. Tamias (tapiac/tamias, pl. tayia/tamiai). Administra-

tor of temple coffers or state coffers. In Athens the tamiai of Athena (tauiou. tis Seo, tamiai tés theov) held the most important treasury office. The ten tamiai were appointed by lot from the property class of the > pentakosiomédimnoi, one from each > phyle. At the beginning of their year of office, in the presence of the council (+ boulé) the tamiai were handed the gold-ivory image of Athena, the bronze statues of Nike, covered in silver and gold leaves, the votive offerings and the balance of cash kept in the opisthodomos (> Temple) of the + Parthenon. From 45 4/3 BC they received from the > hellénotamiai a sixtieth of the contributions from the > Delian League (+ phoros). The tamiai drew up inventories (/6goi) on the objects of value and consecrated items kept in the three — cellae [1] of the Parthenon; from 434/3 onwards these were published on stone (pronaos: IG P 292-316; hekatompedon: IG P? 317-342; Parthenon: IG DP 343-362). No accounts survive for the money kept in the opisthodomos. According to the decisions of the people’s assembly (-» ekk/ésia) and under the control of the council, the tamiai collected the money designated for the temple coffers, accepted deposits and paid out money for building measures and as loans for military campaigns. In 434/3, loans paid back to the gods were transferred by the Decree of Callias (cf. + Callias [7]) toa newly set up board of ‘treasurers of the other gods’ (tapicu tov Wdwv Oe@v, tamiai ton allon theén) (IG P 52A). These coffers were also located in the opisthodomos of the

TAMIAS

(+ Panathénaia) to the next. The ‘tamiai of Athena’ and those of the ‘other gods’ were united between 406/5 and 386/5 and again from 3 46/5 into one institution (IG I/IU* 1370-1492). Owing to different forms of archiving, there are no longer any inventory lists from the 3rd cent. BC, in spite ot the further existence of the treasury offices. In the 4th cent. BC, the system of expenditure and keeping of state monies was fundamentally changed in Athens. The treasuries, under the management of the + kolakrétai and hellénotamiai, were closed after Athens’ defeat in the Peloponnesian War. Instead, the financial officials (> apodéktai; ‘receivers’) allocated particular sums directly to individual institutions according to a distribution plan (merismos). These allocations were administered at the individual institutions by special treasury administrators. “Tamiai of the people’ (tosicu tot Sjwou, tamiai ton demou) and ‘tamiai of the council’ (tapiat tis Bovdtis, tamiat tés boulés) paid contributions for sacrifices, honours and the publication of decisions. There were additionally tamiai for the state ships, the building of war ships and soldiers’ rations. The treasurers were chosen by vote; — logistaz checked their accounts. The war chest, first mentioned in 373, which was administrated by a chosen tamias (tapiacs oteatwtx@v, tamias stratiotikOn; > stratiotikd), and the theorikon fund, from which, among other things, the monies for putting on theatrical performances were paid, took on particular significance. At times of war the surpluses in excess of the merismos were transferred to the war chest, and after the Social War (357-355, > Social War [1]) to the administrators of the theorikon (ot émi 10 Dewoindv, hoi epi to thedrikon). With the treasurers of the theorikon and in the presence of the council, the tamias of the war chest took part in the leasing of the mines of > Laurium and the collection of taxes by the -» polétaz. Politicians such as Apollodorus [x] and Demosthenes [2] demanded that the surpluses should be concentrated on the war chest, in order to enable the war against Macedonia to be effectively conducted. When, after the defeat of Chaeronea (338), the office of the administrators of the theorikon became weaker, a new central office developed (6 or ot émi tq dSiommoet, sing. ho or pl. hoi epi téi dioikései) with important functions for the entire financial administration. Numerous tamiai were put under the control of this office in the 3rd cent. BC. There is evidence of treasurers in many other Greek poleis as well. Tamias may in these cases designate either the simple treasury clerk who received payments and made payments by order of superior authorities,

TAMIAS

127

usually the council, or else the head of municipal finances. In some cities and federal states tamiai were eponymous office bearers (~ Eponymous dating). Temple monies were frequently administrated by municipal tamial. + Taxes III. B; > Temple economy II. J. BLEICKEN, Die athenische Demokratie, 41995, 274; 299306; P. Brun, Eisphora, Syntaxis, Stratiotika. Recherches

sur les finances militaires d’Athénes au IVS siécle ay. J.-C., 1983; W.S. FERGUSON, The Treasurers of Athena, 1932;

H. Leppin, Zur Entwicklung der Verwaltung 6ffentlicher Gelder im Athen des 4. Jahrhunderts y. Chr., in: EDER, Demokratie 557-571; I. Linpers, The Treasurers of the Other Gods in Athens and Their Functions, 1975; P.J. Ruopes, The Athenian Boule, 1972; L.J. Samons II., Em-

pire of the Owl. Athenian Imperial Finance, 2000.

WS.

128

estina in e.g. Ez 8:14 and Dan 11:37. There are similarities with the cult of + Adonis; a LXX MS substitutes T.

for Adonis, as does the Vulgate. As late as the sth cent. AD there appears to have been an active cult of T. in northern Syria (Isaac of Antioch, Opera 2,210 BIKKELL). T. lives on in modern

times in the Tammuzi

Songs. 1D.O. Epzarp, s. v. Dumuzi, WbMyth, vol. 1, 51-53 2 K.GALLING, s. v. T., Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte 13, 1929,172f. 3 1.JACOBSEN, The Treasures of Darkness,

1976, 25-73 45S.M. Maul, kurgarré und assinnu und ihr Stand in der babylonischen Gesellschaft, in: V. Haas (ed.), AufSenseiter

und

Randgruppen,

1992,

159-171

5 E.M. YaMAoucul, Additional Notes on T., in: Journ. of Semitic Studies 11, 1966, 10-15

6 H. ZIMMERN,

babylonische Gott Tamuz, 1909.

Der

J.RE.

Tamieion (tapuetov, tamieion). Cash office or strongroom in which monies and objects of value belonging to temples, the polis or private individuals were kept by a

Tamos (Taywc/Tamos) from + Memphis in Egypt, representative (byparchos) of > Tissaphernes in Ionia

bursar or treasurer, a servant of the household (tapiac/

in — Cyrus [3]’s rebellion in 401 BC as a commissioner (epimeletes) for lonia/Aeolis (Diod. 14,19,6) and a naval leader (Xen. An. 1,2,21; 1,4,2) and after the death

tamias, tauia/tamia).

For the Athenian symmachia (> Delian League), the Sanctuary of Apollo on Delos

(Thuc. 8,31,2; 8,87,1 and 3; for the year 411), took part

was the treasury (xowov tautetov/koindn tamieion) for

of Cyrus at > Cunaxa fled to Egypt, where he and his

incoming dues (@deoU/phoroi; Thuc. 1,96,2; Diod. Sic. 11,47,1). In Athens, the dmo0d5ou0¢/opisthodomos

sons were killed by Psammetichus [6] (according to Diod. Sic. 14,35,3-5; probably a royal name for — Amyrtaeus [2]), who intended to take possession of T.’s fleet and wealth. W.ED.

was the place in which the financial resources of the polis were kept. Tamieion is also the term for private treasuries and stores or warehouses in which goods were stored (the tamieion of the Athenian troops at Syracuse: Thuc. 7,24,2; cf. furthermore Pl. Resp. 416d; 548a; 550d; Xen. Mem. 1, 5,2; Xen. Eq. 4,1; Plut. Mor. OBE GZ, 209.7; 472,10 b Lond) 2216-22) 5 Inethe Roman period, the Greek tamieion corresponds to the ~ aerarium populi Romani or the — fiscus of the prin-

Tamphilus.

Roman

cognomen,

see

> Baebius

[I 1;

10-13; II 13]. Tamsapor. Commander

of - Sapor [2] II, entrusted with the defence of the Persian western frontier. He spoke in favour of peace negotiations with Rome in AD

ceps, and the tawetov otgatiwti@v/tamieion stratiotion

357 (Amm.

to the aerarium militare.

War flared up again in 359, T. and Nohodares successfully led small, highly manoeuvrable divisions against

~ Tamia; > Tamias

WS.

Marc.

16,9,3 f.; 17,5). When the Persian

the Romans (Amm. Marc. 18,8,3; 19,9,7; cf. Them. Or. Tammuz

(Thammuz;

Sumerian

Dumu-zi,

‘legitimate

ASS hs

M.SCH.

son’, Aramaic Tham(m)uza, Hebrew Thammiiz, Greek

Oappovt/Thammouz). Prehistoric king of > Uruk and

Tamuda.

husband of the city goddess Inanna (- Ishtar; > Hieros

cents. BC) at Tetouan (in Morocco) near the coast (of the Mare Ibericum), with strong Carthaginian influences (forms of burial, coin minting). Earliest archaeo-

Gamos). She hands T. over to the world when she — having failed in the rule over the Underworld for from the Underworld on condition

forces of the Under-

her attempt to seize herself — is released

of the promise of a

(human) substitute. Dumu-zi is captured by the demons of the Underworld; however, his sister offers to share

the stay in the Underworld, i.e. each of the two must stay there for half of the year (in the myth of ‘Inanna’s descent to the netherworld’, cf. TUAT 3. 458-495). The disappearance of Dumu-zi, which was associated with the dying of vegetation in the heat of summer, is lamented in numerous Sumerian and Akkadian cult songs. In the rst millennium BC, burial rituals [4. 164 f.; 5. 13 f.] are associated with the Akkadian myth (TUAT 3. 760765) of > Ishtar’s descent to the Netherworld. There is evidence of the spread of the cult of T. in Syria/Pala-

Small Mauretanian

rural town (3rd to rst

logical evidence from the 6th cent. BC; in the Roman Imperial period the site of a military camp. M.Ponsicu, s. v. T., DCPP, 436.

Tamynae

H.G.N.

(Tapuval/Tamynai, also TaytvalTamynai). Township in the territory of Eretria [1] (Str. 10,1,10) about 14 km to the north of Porthmus [2] at modern Avlonari, settled from the Early Helladic until the Roman Imperial period (remains of the city wall and a 4th cent. BC Doric temple). The assumption that the Persians landed at T. in 490 BC (textual conjecture on Hdt. 6,ror) is untenable. Inscriptions of the 3rd cent. BC record T. as a demos of Eretria (cf. IG XII 9, r9r). In

129

130

the conflicts between Athens and Philippus [4] II over influence on Euboea [1], > Phocion won a victory at T. in 348 BC (Plut. Phocion r2 f.; Aeschin. Or. 3,86 ff.;

destruction in 335 BC, T. prospered. Its territory comprised the whole of eastern Boeotia, from Thebes up to the Gulf of Euboea. Wide-ranging relations seem to have existed especially during the Hellenistic Period (proxenia decrees: [2]). T. and Plataeae were the only Boeotian cities to be considered during the Cyrenean grain donation (SEG 9,2,32; > grain trade, with map). T. had, no later than the Imperial Period, the status of a civitas libera (Plin. HN 4,26); from Augustus to Commodus, T. was a Roman mint. Strabo (9,2,25) knows only T. and Thespiai as Boeotian cities. T. was possibly an Episcopal see (Hierocles, Synekdemos 64 5,5) [3]. There is evidence of numerous cults [4. 151-156; 7]: main cult for - Hermes (Promachos, Kriophoros [7. vol. 2, 44-50]); temple for Dionysus (cult image of + Calamis, Paus. 9,20,4; [7. vol. 1, 183-185]); in the 3rd cent. BC, reconstruction of a Demeter temple (LSCG 72; [7. vol. 1, 161 f.]); Orion’s tomb [x] (Paus.

Dem. Or. 21,161; 39,16). There is evidence of a cult

and oracle of > Apollo with games (Str. loc.cit.; IG XI 9, 90-95a) and a cult of > Zeus (Paus. in Steph. Byz. Saiveraiee) = F.GgEYER, Topographie und Geschichte der Insel Euboia, 1903, 75 f.; E. FREUND, s. v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 648 f.; MULLER, 425. AKU.

Tanager. Tributary of the > Silarus, modern Torrente Tanagro in Lucania

(Verg. Georg. 3,151 and Serv.: siccus T.; Plin. HN 2,225 without giving a name; Vibius Sequester 151 R.; ad Tanarum, the station at the river crossing: It. Ant. 109,5). H. Puivipp, s. v. T., RE 4 A, 2153.

E.O.

TANAIS

9,20,3; [7. vol. 2, 193 f.]); in the rst cent. BC, there are signs of Serapea [4. 110-115; 7. vol. 1, 203 f.]. The

Tanagra (Tdvayeo/Tanagra). City in east Boeotia on the eastern foothills of the Ceryceum mountains, north of the point where the Laris flowed into the Asopus [2], c. 4,5 km southeast of modern T. (formerly Vratsi). The extensive remains have not been systematically excavated [1; 6]. The Mycenaean settlement and the ne-

cropolis near Vratsi, with its many lavish burials made after the Minoan model, are no direct precursors of T. (Ber.: [8]).

T.’s founding hero was said to be > Poemander (that is why Poimandria is identified with T. in Plut. Quaest. Graec. 37t; Steph. Byz. s. v. Mouwwavdoia; schol. Lycoph. 326; [7. vol. 2, 203-205]), whose wife T. was a daughter of Aeolus [1] (according to Corinna of Asopus [2], Paus. 9,20,1). In Antiquity, there were erroneous attempts (Paus. 9,20,2; [4,37 f.]) to identify T. with Graia (Hom. II. 2,498), since T. is not mentioned in the

Homeric catalogue of ships. Already important in the archaic period, T. was involved in the colonization of Heraclea [7] Pontica (c. 560 BC) by Megara [2] (Paus. 5,26,7). The settlement

of the Tanagraioi, of whose existence there is plenty of evidence from the 6th cent. BC (Olympia: SEG 11, 12023 15, 245), in separate villages (xata xmpac/kata komas), concentrated itself during the archaic period, probably through > synoikismos (Plut. Quaest. Graec. 37), in T., which had been already densely populated from the Neolithic until the early Mycenaean period, before being abandoned. The tell was inhabited until the Byzantine period. Being a leading member of the Boeotian League (> Boeotia, with map) already in the 6th cent. BC (League’s coin with stamp TA: HN 347 f.), T. provided, after 447 BC, a > Boeotarch (Hell. Oxyrh. 19,3,392). In 457 BC, Athens’ defeat at the hands of Sparta took place near T. (Paus. 5,10,4; IG

) 1149);

after the Athenians’ victory at Oenophyta, T. was captured and its walls were demolished (Thuc. 1,108,1-3; Diod. Sic. 1r,80-82). T. must have been rebuilt, however, after the King’s Peace of 386 BC. After Thebes’

poet > Corinna came from T., where she was also burCriticus (fr. 1,8—-r10) describes T. as a thriving, safe city with friendly inhabitants, and praises its wine; famous were also T.’s cocks (Paus. 9,22,4; Varro, Rust. 3,6,9; Columella 8,2,4; Plin. ied (Paus. 9,22,3). Heraclides

HN 10,48).

From the archaic period on, terracotta figures were produced in T., reaching especially high artistic quality and abundance of production during the period of Hellenism, making T. today the namesake for the generic term ‘T. figurines’. Sources in [4]; also inscriptions: IG VIL 504-1663; 3501-3547; 4238; Schwyzer, Dial., 451-463; supplements SEG, cf. [5]; coins: HN 347-

349. ~» Boeotia (with map) 1J.Binruirr etal., The T. Survey 2000, in: Pharos 8, 2000, 93-127. 2 J. Fossey, Ta pydiouata meoEe_vias tijs Tavayeas, in: Horos 2, 1984, 119-135 3 KopER/HILD,

267.

4D.W. Ro.ter, Tanagran Studies I. Sources and

Documents,

1989

5 Id., Tanagran Studies II. The Pro-

sopography of T. in Boiotia, 1989 6 Id., T. Survey Project, in: ABSA 82, 1987, 213-232 7 SCHACHTER 8 TH.G. SPYROPOULOS, ‘Avacxagh puxnvalxod ... Tavayoas, in: Praktika 1969 ff. (until 1984). C. Frenn, s. v. T. (2), RE 4 A, 2154-2162; Fossey, 43-58; M.H. Hansen (ed.), Introduction to an Inventory of Pol-

eis, 1996,

104-106;

R.Hiceins, T. and the Figurines,

1986; G. KLEINER, T.figuren, newly ed. by K.ParLasca, 1984; K. BRAUN, s. v. T., LAUFFER, Griechenland, 649 f.

M.FE.

Tanagra figurines see

+» Tanagra;

> Terracottas

Tanais (Tévaic/Tanais). [1] A 1970 km long river forming the border between

the Scythae and the Sarmatae (Hdt. 4,21; according to Plin. HN 6,20 called Silis by the Scythae) and flowing into the + Maeotis, modern Don. Sarmatian tribes lived around its lower reaches from the 4th cent. BC

TANAIS

132

Ee

onwards; some 15 ancient settlements are known from archaeology there. [2] City founded in the 3rd cent. BC by Bosporanian Greeks, probably under Spartocus [3] II], on the right bank of a branch of the T. [1] (modern ‘silted Don’), navigable in Antiquity, at modern Nedvigovska (Str. 11,2,3), where several necropoleis have been discoy-

ered. T.’ territory also included the bordering Maeotae region. About 40% of the personal names in T.’ burial inscriptions are non-Greek. In the Roman period, the Sarmatian proportion of the population increased. T. was used as a common trade post for Greek, Sarmatian and Maeotian traders. There is particularly good evidence of trade relations with the > Sarmatae on the River > Rha. T. continually tried to break away from the + Regnum Bosporanum and was probably successful in the second half of the 2nd cent. BC. After Mithridates [6] VI, T. was again under Bosporanian rule. In connection with a rebellion by the Bosporanian population against Polemon [4] unrest broke out in T., during the suppression of which (between 15 and 8 BC)

contains oriental themes [2] and was dramatically embellished by Livius, certain details may have been inspired by Hellenistic models and the Augustan Imperial household (Livia [2]) [3]. The figure of T. who was firmly anchored in Roman tradition and in the Roman ambience does not allow any insights into the Etruscan social structure, despite repeated attempts (thoroughly outdated [r]) [3]. 1 J.J. BACHOFEN, Die Sage von T., 1870 rois de Rome, in: Gerion 16, 1998, 113-141

3 I.McDouGALt, Livy and Etruscan Women, in: Ancient 4 MOMIGLIANO 4, History Bulletin 4.2, 1990, 24-30 P.AM. 455-485.

Tanarus. River rising in the Alpes Maritimae (Plin. HN 3,118) and flowing from the right-hand side into the Padus

(modern

Po) near

tered by a royal official (moeoBitnc/presbytés; IOSPE 2,433); the meanings (ethnical or territorial) of the terms for the officials é\Anvaoync/hellénarchés and coeyovtes Tavaeitav/archontes Tanaeiton is debatable. The rebuilding of the city did not begin until the end of the rst cent. AD, when T. was strongly fortified. T. became an important Roman military base against nomad tribes in the interior. In the 2nd cent. AD or at the beginning of the 3rd, T. attained its economic peak. The latest datable inscription from T. is from the year 244 (IOSPE 2,454). C. 250 AD the city fell victim to attacks by the > Goti and the > Heruli.

monte, 2000, 25.

(ed.), Anti¢nye 1984, 93-95.

gosudarstva

severnogo

Pricernomor’ja, Iv.B.

Tanaquil. According to Roman tradition, T. was a noble Etruscan lady from > Tarquinii and the wife of the fifth King of Rome (Pol. 6,11a,7; Fabius Pictor in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,6,3 and 30,2 f.; Liv. 1,34,4 ff.), the half-Greek L. > Tarquinius [11] Priscus who also came

from Tarquinia. Familiar with the art of prophecy, she predicted, upon the couple’s arrival in Rome, her husband’s rise to the throne (Liv. 1,3 4,8 f.; Dion. Hal. Ant.

Rom. 3,47,3 f.) and, after he was murdered, cunningly procured the crown for her favourite Servius > Tullius {I 4] (Liv. 1,41; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,4 f.). In the Republican Period, T. was regarded as a good wife and a model for Roman - matronae (Enn, Ann. 147 SK.; Varro in Plin. HN

8,194), a view which was further

supported by her later identification with Gaia > Caecilia [x] [4]. T. is the Latinised form of the Etruscan feminine pronoun Oanayvil; the fact that it is derived from the nonsyncopated form suggests that the name was adopted into Roman tradition prior to 480/70 BC. The legend

and

Forum

Fulvi,

A. CosTANzo, La romanizzazione nel bacino idrografico padano,

255, 362-364; T.M. ArcEn’EVA, T., in: G.A. KOSELENKO

Valentia

modern Tanaro. Hasta [4], Alba Pompeia, Pollentia [1] and Augusta [1] Bagiennorum are on its course.

T. was seriously affected (Str. 11,2,3). T. was adminis-

F.V. GarpukeEvi¢, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 15 1-

=2 D. BRIQUEL,

Les figures feminines dans la tradition sur les trois derniers

Tang-e

1975,

Sarvak.

98; E.PANeRo,

La citta romana

in Pie-

ASA.

Gorge

midway

between

Ramhor,

Hormuz and Behbahan in ancient - Elymais (region in southwestern Iran), where rock reliefs (some with Elymaean inscriptions) were carved on four stone blocks in the 2nd/3rd cents. AD. Some of the reliefs show the dynasts Abar-Basi and Orodes with dependants and dignitaries in rites of legitimization or rulership (in the presence of deities and divine symbols), and on Block II a cavalry battle (with minor characters) is depicted. The

identification of this location with one of the Elymaean sanctuaries known from literature remains disputed. H.von Gatt, Das parthische Felsheiligtum von T. Sarwak, in: AMIN. F. 32, 2000, 319-359.

l.W.

Tanis (Tavic; Tanis).

[1] City in the northeast of the Nile Delta, Egyptian D‘n.t, Biblical Zoan, modern (Tell) San el-Hagar, the

largest ruin mound in Egypt (177 ha, 30 m high). T. was founded as a residence in place of the abandoned Pi-Ramesses (c. 20 km to the south) at the beginning of the 21st Dynasty (c. 1070 BC). Sculptures and other

stone from Pi-Ramesses (some of which had already been re-used there) were used for the construction of T. This older building material supported the now refuted view that T. is identical with Pi-Ramesses, i.e. the old Hyksos residence of Avaris. After the New Kingdom, T. was the most important port and residence in Lower Egypt and replaced + Thebes [1] as the royal necropolis. The main cults (+ Amun, > Mut, Chons) corresponded to those of Thebes. After the 8th cent. BC, T. was no longer the residence, but it remained the capital of the r9th nome of Lower Egypt; T. is called a large city as late as Str. 17,1,20. Only after the Arab conquest

133

134

(AD 642/3) the settlement was almost entirely abandoned.

ished him for his hybris by having a stone hover dangerously above T.’s head, making it impossible for T. to enjoy his good fortune (Nostoi F 9 EpGF). This type of punishment is mentioned by others as well (Archil. 91,14 IEG; Alem. 79 PMGF; Alc. 365 Vorer; Eur. Or. 4-10 has T. hanging in the air himself). In Pindarus, T.’s wrongdoing was to have stolen > nectar and > ambrosia [2] from the gods only to give it to humans. Pindarus rejects a version as slanderous in which T. offers his son Pelops to the gods as a meal (Pind. Ol. 1,37—66; schol. Lycoph. 152). In other places, the punishment is justified with the claim that T. had told secrets of the gods (Diod. 4,74,2; Apollod. Epit. 2,1; Hyg. Fab. 82). Later, T. was accused of having stolen the golden dog of Zeus

Pu. Brissaub, T., in: J.G. WesTENHOLZz (ed.), Royal Cities of the Biblical World, 1996, 113-149; M. ROMER,

s. v. T., LA 6, 1986, 194-209.

[2] According to Str. 17,1,41, a place near > Hermupolis to which a canal led.

KJ-W.

Tanit see > Tinnit Tannaites (from Aramaic t‘nd = Hebrew Sandbh ‘repeat, teach, learn’, cf. also the technical term Mishnab). In the traditional periodization of - rabbinical literature, a term for the rabbinical teachers who worked in the period of the edition of the Mishnah, and therefore between > Hillel and ~ Shami (around the beginning of the Common Era), up to Yehudah ha-Nasi (> Jehuda ha-Nasi) and his sons (beginning of the 3rd cent. AD). According to Joseph ibn Agnin, a pupil of Maimonides (who died in 1204), the era of the T. begins as early as with Simon the Just around 300 BC; according to Abraham ibn Daud, on the other hand, it does not begin until after Yochanan ben Zakai (around AD 80). Their statements (introduced by verbal forms such as t’u, t°ni)

TAOCHI

along with — Pandareus (Paus. 10,30,2; Antoninus Liberalis 36; schol. Pind. Ol. 1,91a). Pausanias, who mentions the tomb of T. at the Sipylus (Paus. 2,22,3),

wrote that Polygnotus [1] depicted in the Cnidian ~» Lesche in Delphi how T. endures the torments described by Homer along with the threat of the stone (Paws, 10,30,22):

+ Underworld A. Kossatz-DEISSMANN, s.v. T., LIMC 7.1, 839-843; C.Sourvinou-INwoop, Crime and Punishment: Tityos,

carry greater authority than those of the later > Amo-

T. and Sisyphos in Odyssey 11, in: BICS 33, 1986, 37-58; C.W. Witiink, Prodikos, “Meteorosophists” and the

raim, the T.’ successors in time.

“T.” Paradigm, in: CQ 33, 1983, 25-33.

G.STEMBERGER,

Einleitung

in Talmud

und

Midrasch,

81992, 17, 75-90.

Tannetum.

Township

in

Gallia

Cispadana

J.STE.

BE.

Tanusia. Daughter of the equestrian L. Tanusius, well acquainted with Octavia [2], the sister of Augustus. She and the freed slave Philopoemen rescued her proscribed

(Pol.

husband T. — Vinius in 43 BC (Suet. Aug. 27,2; Cass.

340,13), modern Taneto near Sant’Ilario d’Enza (in the

Dio 47,7,4 f.; App. B Civ. 4,44).

province of Reggio Emilia). Municipium, Regio VIII (Plin. HN. 3,116), on the right bank of the Incia, itself a

Tanusius Geminus (the cognomen only in Suet. Tul.

right-bank tributary of the Padus (modern Po), between Parma [1] and Regium, somewhat to the north of the Via Aemilia (It. Ant. 267,8; Tab. Peut. 4,3; It. Burd. 616,12: Canneto). M.Deaant, Edizione archeologica 1974, 30 f.

74 (Reggio Emilia), G.U.

Tantalus (Tavtadocd/Tantalos, Lat. Tantalus). Mythological king on the > Sipylus, son of Zeus (Eur. Or. 5; Paus. 2,22,3) or of Tmolus (schol. Eur. Or. 4) and Pluto

[x], husband of Dione or Euryanassa and father of Broteas, > Niobe and - Pelops [1]. In Greek and Roman

literature and the visual arts, T. is represented primarily along with — Ixion, - Sisyphus and -> Tityus as the ones undergoing punishment in the underworld. According to Homer, T. stands in the water there but cannot drink from it because it always retreats. In the same fashion, the fruit above his head is lifted up by the wind whenever he tries to reach for it (Hom. Od. 11,582-592). One reason for the punishment was mentioned in the Noéstoi epic: T., who was allowed in the company ofgods, was granted a wish by Zeus. When he asked to live like a god, Zeus granted his wish, but pun-

ME.SCH.

9,2). Roman historian of the Late Republic of whose life nothing is known. It is also unclear whether his work, which (because of Plut. Caesar 22,3) was not finished until after 55 BC and contained accounts hostile to Caesar (especially fr. 1 P. = HRR 2, p. 50: on the ‘conspiracy’ of 66 BC), was an account of contemporary events only [1. 327] or whether it was organised as an annalistic comprehensive history (as in [2. 265]; annales in Sen. Ep. 93,11). According to Seneca, the work was voluminous and ‘ponderous’ (ponderosi); he may have been confusing it with the (poetic) Annales Volusi (Catull. 36,1). Frr.: HRR 2, S. 49-51. 1 SCHANZ/Hostus

t

2 BARDON

1.

W.K.

Taochi (Téoyot, cf. Xen. An. 4,4,18 et passim; according to Sophaenetus FGrH rog F 2 also TéoW/Taoi). Mountain people in northern Armenia, who maintained several fortified places with stores of foodstuffs in the valley of the Glaucus (tributary of the modern Coruh Nehri). The T. were not directly dependent on the Great King, but occasionally served in the Persian army as mercenaries. A. HERRMANN, Ss. v. T., RE 4 A, 2247.

B.B.

TAPAE

135

136

Tapae. Town at which L. > Tettius [II 2] lulianus was victorious over the — Daci in 88/9 AD (lord. Get.

of — Pterelaus, who in turn had a son called T. (FGrH

10,12; Tama, Cass. Dio 67,10,2; 68,8,1). It was from

kill all the sons, apart from Licymnius, of > Electryon,

there that Trajan set out on his first campaign against the Daciin ror AD. The identification of T. is uncertain (between -> Tibiscum and -> Sarmizegetusa or the ‘Iron

whose throne he claims.

Gate’). J.Dos1as, The History of Czechoslovacian Territory before the Appearance of the Slavs, 1964, 171 f., 176 (Czech).

.BU.

31 F 15). T. returns to Mycene, he and his descendants

HE.B.

Taposiris (Tamoototc; Taposiris). {1] Town in the Nile Delta (modern Abusir), about 50 km to the west of Alexandria [1] between Lake Mareotis and the sea; first recorded in the Ptolemaic period and named after a temple of ~ Osiris (enclosure walls are extant). In the Christian period, a church was

Tapes see > Rug Taphiae

(Tadiwv

viico/Taphion

nésoi).

Group

of

islands between — Leucas and the Acarnanian coast,

the main island of which can probably be identified with

modern

Meganisi,

in ancient

sources

called

Taphos, Taphious or Taphioussa. Carnus [2] (probably modern Kalamos) was considered one of the T. (Scyl. 3.4; Str. 10,2,14; 20; 24; Plin. HN 4,53; 36,150; Steph.

incorporated into the temple. Another large church building was discovered outside the area of the town. In addition, there are remains of a lighthouse and of (interior) port installations. T. (megalé) was probably a transit and customs station for trade and exchange with ~ Cyrenaica. M.-F. Boussac, Deux villes en Maréotide: T. Magna et

Plinthine, in: Bull. de la Société francaise d’Egyptologie 150, 2001, 42-72.

Byz. s. v. Ta&dos). In the ‘Odyssey’, the Taphii are con-

[2] Town to the east of Alexandria [1], not far from

sidered seafarers and dreaded pirates (Hom. Od. 1,105; 181; 14,452; 15,427; 16,426). The island group is sup-

Nicopolis (Kom et-Terban?), mentioned by Str. 17,1,16

posed to have once had the name ‘Islands of the > Teleboae’. The legendary march of — Amphitryon of Thebes was against the Taphii (Hes. Sc. 19; Apollod. 2,4,5-7). A Taphiddas is attested in Acarnanian > Palaerus for the Hellenistic period (IG IX 17,2, 456). Archaeological finds have established that a number of the T. was settled in the Neolithic and Mycenaean periods

1S. BENTON, The Ionian Islands, in: ABSA 32, 1931, 231246. KF.

Taphiassus (Tadwaoodc; Taphiassos). Mountain and headland on the northern coast of the Gulf of Corinth (> Corinth, Gulf of), opposite > Patrae, presumably in the border area between Aetolia and (western) Locris near Chalcis [2]. The smell of sulphur springs on the southeastern slopes of the mountain is supposed to be from the graves of Nessus and other -> Centaurs (Str. 9,4,8; Paus. 10,38,2). Mount T. can probably be identified with the rogr m high Mount Klokova. The distinctive headland on the Gulf of Corinth was used as an point for navigation

(Diod.

A. CALDERINI, s. v. T., in: §. DARIs (ed.), Dizionario dei

nomi geografici e topografici dell’ Egitto greco-romano, vol. 4.4, 360. K.J.-W.

Tappulus. Roman cognomen, see > Villius. Taprobane (TanooBavy/Taprobané). The most common name for the island of Ceylon from the time of

[r]. — Acarnanians (with map); > Taphius

orientation

T. 4 wind (hé mikra; ‘small’).

8,17,1;

Str.

loc.cit.; 10,2,4; 21; Plin. HN 4,6; Myrsilos FGrH 477 F

6).

K. Freirac, Der Golf von Korinth, 2000, 54.

KF.

Taphius (Tad(ijoc; Taph(i)os). Descendant of — Perseus [1] from Mycenae; eponym of the island of Taphos and the Taphian Islands allegedly settled by him (> Taphiae; schol. [Hes.] scut. rr). It is after him that the + Teleboae are also called Taphians (Taphii). Son of Poseidon and > Hippothoe [3], father (Apollod. 2,51)

Onesicritus (in Str. 15,1,17 and Plin. HN 6,81) and Megasthenes (Plin. HN 6, 81) onwards, Ancient Indian Tamraparni, Middle Indian Tambapanni. The unrealistic geographical ideas of Antiquity, which are probably based on > Eratosthenes [2], are noteworthy: in all Greek and Latin sources T. is much larger than in reality and extends far to the west. Nevertheless, in Ptolemaeus [65] for instance, who devotes a whole chapter to T. (7,4), modern Ceylon can be so well

recognised that attempts to identify T. as Sumatra are mistaken. Ptolemaeus knows e.g. the old capital of Anuradhapura as Anurogrammum. Occasionally, other names were used, such as Palai

Simoundou (Ptol. 7,4,1; possibly Old Indo-Iranian Parasamudra, ‘beyond the Ocean’, with Palaeogoni for the inhabitants) and Salike (Marcianus 81 = GGM 1,521), later Sielediba (Cosmas Indicopleustes, PG 88,

2,45 and 11,13) and perhaps Serendivi (Amm. Marc. 22,7,10, cf. Arabic Sarandib), both probably from Pali Sihaladipa. Actual knowledge of T., which is occasionally identified with the imaginary land of the > Antipodes (Plin. HN 6,81), was initially meagre, and only a Taprobanian delegation to Rome (Plin. HN 6,84 ff.) in the reign of Claudius [III 1] (mid-rst cent. AD) brought somewhat more accurate information, although in Plinius

137

138

references to the Indika of Megasthenes can be recognised. This delegation was brought about by a freedman of Annius Plocamus who had been driven on to the island by a storm. Trade continued for a long time afterwards mainly by way of southern India; in Peripl. m. r. 61, the description of T. is still perfunctory, but Ptolemaeus was familiar with many details as early as the 2nd cent. AD. The many Roman finds of 4th and sth cent. coins in Ceylon attest to a flourishing trade, as does the fact that a number of Late Antiquity authors (Ps,—Palladius, Cosmas [2]) were very well informed about the island. ~ India, trade with

a nominative Taranos can be deduced. Whereas CIL III 2804 from Dalmatia invokes Jovi Taranuco, the two Upper German inscriptions from Godramstein in the Palatinate and Boéckingen near Heilbronn (CIL XIII, 6094 and 6478) are dedicated to Deo Taranucno. Etymologically, the Celtic taran means ‘thunder’. T. is therefore the god of thunder and in this function an aspect of the sky god Iuppiter, probably similar to the Germanic Punor (Nordic Thor), who in turn is an aspect of the Germanic sky god Tiw/Tyr. As yet there are no indications that T. is the Celtic god with a wheel, which can be understood as an > interpretatio of Iuppiter in his function as a light or sun god [3]. The scanty and altogether not unambiguous epigraphical evidence for T. suggests a rather limited significance of the god within a number of tribal federations.

S. FALLER, T. im Wandel der Zeit, 2000; D. P.M. WEERAKKopy, T. Ancient Sri Lanka as Known to Greeks and Romans, 1997. KK.

Taracus

(Tdgxos/Tarkos, Assyrian Tarqa, Egyptian

T:h(3)rq(3), in scholarly literature usually Taharka/o). Nubian king, third and most significant ruler (690-664

BC) of the Egyptian 25th Dynasty, throne name HwyNfrtm-R‘. When he was 20 years old, he was summoned by his brother(?) and predecessor Sebichus from ~ Nubia to Egypt, and led the Egyptian army in the (lost) battle of Eltekeh (ANET, 287 f.; 2 Kg 19,9) in 701

TARAS

1F.Grar, Menschenopfer in der Burgerbibliothek, in: Archaologie der Schweiz 14, 1991, 136-143 2P.-M. Duvat

(ed.), Recueil des inscriptions gauloises, vol. 1,

1985, G-27 3 G.BAUCHHENSS, Die Iupitersdulen in den germanischen Provinz (Suppl. BJ 41), 1981, 73-81. D.Gricourt, D. HoLiarp, T.: Le dieu celtique a la roue, in: DHA 16, 1990, 275-315; Id., T.: caelestium deorum maximus, in: DHA 17, 1991, 343-400 MLE.

Tarantinon (tagavtivov; tarantinon). A light diapha-

BC. In 690 BC, he succeeded Sebichus to the throne,

nous luxury garment with fringes, first recorded in lit-

according to his own account as his chosen successor. He developed an extended building program from the Sudan to the Nile Delta. By contrast, his defensive campaign against the Assyrians in the second half of his reign had little success: in 674 BC he was able to repel them, but by 671 BC + Asarhaddon had conquered -» Memphis. T.’s family was captured, but he himself was able to escape. In about 667 BC, he managed to regain Memphis but shortly afterwards, again defeated, he had to retreat to southern Egypt. A conspiracy against the Assyrians between the Delta princes and T. was defeated in 665. Shortly afterwards, in 664 BC, T. died and was buried in a » pyramid in Nuri (in Sudan). Despite his lack of success, T. was considered a great conqueror in later tradition (in Megasthenes, FGrH 715 F 20; then in Str. 1,321; 15,156).

erature in the 4th century BC (Men. Epitr. 272); the original place of production was Tarentum (- Taras), cf. Poll. 7,76. Hetaerae wore it without undergarments (Aristaen. 1,25, cf. Ael. VH 7,9). In Ath. 14,622b male

1 K.A. KircHen, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, 31995, 161-172; 383-393 2J.LEecLANT,s.v. T., LA 6, 1986, 156-184.

K.J.-W.

Taranis. Celtic god. Luc. 1443-446 tells of three Gaulish gods worshipped through - human. sacrifice: > Teutates, > Esus and T. Of the Late Antiquity and early Mediaeval commentaries on the passage [1], the Adnotationes (p. 28 ENDT) equate him with > Dis Pater, the Commenta Bernensia (p. 32 USENER) once with Dis Pater, and once with — luppiter; on inscriptional evidence the latter version is to be preferred. There are no pictorial representations of T. Of the few votive inscriptions a Gaulish inscription from Orgon/ Arles [2] gives a Greek genitive of Taranou, from which

participants in a Dionysian

festal procession wear

tarantina.

~ Barbaron Hyphasmata; > Coae Vestes; + Fimbriae; + Clothing U.ManpbeL, Zum Fransentuch des Typus Colonna, in:

MDAII(Ist) 39, 1989, 547-554.

RH.

Taras (Tdoac/Taras).

[1] Son of - Poseidon and a South-Italian nymph (Paus. 10,10,8), or son of > Heracles [1] (Serv. Aen. 3,551); hero and eponym of the town of Taranto (cf. T. [2]) and of its river. He is considered to be the founder (Paus. l.c.), or at least the patron (Serv. l.c.) of Taranto.

On a coin from Taranto, he is represented as a boy reaching out for Poseidon; the image of a dolphin rider appearing on other coins from Taranto, represents rather > Phalantus [1], in spite of the word TAPA® as the place name. In Delphi, there was a votive offering from Taranto representing the defeat of the lapygian king Opis at the hands of T. and Phalantus (Paus. 10,13,10). 1 R. VOLLKOMMER, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1 Suppl., 1185 f.

TGO: [2] T. (Lat. Tarentum) Town Taranto.

in South Italy, modern

TARAS I. GREEK PERIOD

IJ. ROMAN

II]. RELIGION AND CULTURE

PERIOD IV. BYZANTINE PERI-

OD

I. GREEK PERIOD The only Spartan colony in the > Magna Graecia (> Colonization [IV]), founded in 706 BC on the gulf that was subsequently named after T., at a time when — Sparta was threatened by social and military conflicts (1st > Messenian War, problems with the Helots: Ephor. FGrH 70 F 216). The mythical founder > Phalantus is said to have consulted, beforehand, the Delphic Oracle (Antiochos FGrH 555 F 13; Diod. Sic. 8,21; Dion Hal. Ant. Rom. 19,1,2—4), on whose advice the colonists settled first around Satyrion and T. Afterwards, a urban centre developed in T. and Satyrion lost significance. The hostile relations between the colony and the native peoples had already been predicted by the founding oracle. The victories of the 5th cent. BC over the > lapyges, > Messapians and > Peucetii were celebrated in Delphi with votive offerings (Paus. LO;13,L0).

In 473 BC, T. suffered a heavy defeat in the war against the Messapians, whose aftermath saw the overthrow of the aristocratic regime and the introduction of a democratic constitution (cf. Hdt. 7,170; Diod. Sic. 11,52,2; Aristot. Pol. 1303a 3-6; 1320b 9-14). In the middle of the 5th cent. BC, the town, which had been located, from the Archaic Period, on a small peninsula with two natural harbours, was fortified and widely enlarged on the basis of an orderly layout. So it came that the necropoleis were located within the town area, an unusual occurrence that had to be justified afterwards by an oracle (Pol. 8,28,5-8). Under + Archytas’ [1] leadership in the rst half of the 4th cent. BC, T. reached the peak of its power (Str. 6,3,4) and the highest number of inhabitants. T. enlarged its territory at > Siris’ expense and founded, in 433 BC, Heraclea [ro]. In Late Antiquity and in the Hellenistic Period, the polis’ wealth was made by agriculture, fishing, animal husbandry, trade and an abundant production of arts and crafts (pottery, goldworking, > toreutics). In the 4th cent. BC, the growing pressure of the Messapian and Lucanian peoples forced T. to ask other states for military help: Archidamus [2] III 342-338 BC (Theopomp. 115 FGrH F 232-234; Diod. Sic. 16,62,4), Alexander [6] 334-331 BC (lust. 12,2; Liv. 8,17,9 f.; 8,24).

Ancient historians have interpreted this policy as a sign of weakness

140

139

(Pol.

8,24,1;

Str.

6,3,4).

Subsequent

attacks on the part of native tribes brought about the intervention of Cleonymus [3] 303 BC. (Diod. Sic. 20,104,1-3) and Agathocles [2] 298 BC. Il. ROMAN PERIOD

A treaty between T. and Rome had already existed at the time of Alexander’s [6] campaigns; the conflict between Rome and T. became more critical during the 2nd Samnite war (—» Samnites IV.) of 326-3 23 BC (Liv. 9,14,1-7), culminating in 303 BC, when > Cleonymus

[3] concluded a -> foedus with Rome, in which the respective spheres of influence were laid out (App. Sam. 7,1; StV 3, Nr. 444). The breach of treaty on the side of the Romans in 282 BC brought about war (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 15,16; App. Sam. 7,1), in which > Pyrrhus

[3] intervened on T.’s behalf (Plut. Pyrrhos 15 f.; Pol. 8,24 ff.; Iust. 18,1,3). After the battle at Maleventum (+ Beneventum)

in 275 BC, T. submitted to Rome in

272 BC (Frontin. strat. 3,3,1); the founding of aRoman colony in Brundisium in 244 BC and the construction of the > via Appia marginalized T. even further. The relations between T. and Rome were entirely hostile. Although T. supplied ships for the Roman fleet during the 2nd - Punic war, (Pol. 1,20,14), it broke away from Rome in 213 BC and was captured, in 209 BC, by Q. Fabius [I 30] Maximus (Liv. 27,15,9 ff.; 16,10; Plut. Fabius Maximus 22,3-8; Str. 6,3,1; cf. Pol. 8,24 ff.; Liv. 24,13-25). The aftermath was disastrous

for T: the city was plundered, remained foederata (> foederati) and tributary, but it lost the right to mint its own coins (Liv. 35,16,3). The establishment of > ager publicus out of confiscated land led to the ruin of small farmers and to an agrarian crisis (Liv. 44,16,7). Only in T.’s harbour, trade thrived (Plaut. Men. 24-31; Pol. 10,1). In 122 BC, the colonia maritima Neptunia was established near T. (Str. 6,3,4; Vell. Pat. 1,15,4).

From the social war (> SocialWars [3]) on, Neptunia was united with the Greek city as a municipium (duoviri) of the tribus Clodia. Substantial parts of the lex municipalis Tarentina have survived (ILS 6086). In 37 BC, the negotiations between the later Augustus and Antonius [I 9] took place in T. (App. B Civ. 5,93 f.). T. is mentioned by sources of the Imperial Period exclusively as a quiet city suitable for otium (— Leisure) and with a good climate (Hor. carm. 2,6; Sen. Dial. 9,2,13).

The progressive decline of the city centre prompted, in the 4th cent. AD, the intervention of the + corrector Apuliae et Calabriae (Dion Chrys. 33,25). Ill. RELIGION AND CULTURE T. had a complex, multi-layered — pantheon. Besides the pan-Hellenic religious culture, an Aegean, preMycenaean substrate (Anemoi, Zeus Kataibates) can be

identified. The relations with Sparta were confirmed not only with cults (Apollo Hyacinthus, Dioscuri, Artemis Korythalia), but also with the so-called toponymic redoubling of the Laconian cults (Aphrodite, Athena Chalkioikos, Apollo Hyacinthus; cf. [1. 37 f.]). A special aspect of the private religiousness in the Greek Period is revealed by the extremely high number of votive offerings with a distinct Chthonic character. The abundant evidence of the + Dionysus’ cult would seem to suggest that T. played an important part in the dissemination of this cult in Italy. The investigation in connection with the > Bacchanalia affair in 186/5 BC included T. as well (Liv. 40,19,9; Cass. Dio 9,19,5).

During the Hellenistic Period, T. was a culturally active city, with the sculptor Lysippus [2], the philosopher Aristoxenus [1] and the poet Leonidas [3] working

I4I

142

there. Livius [III 1] Andronicus came from T. Owing to the modern development of the town, only little remains to be seen of the ancient stock: remains of the oldest stone temple of the Magna Graecia to be known, city walls (2nd half of the 5th cent. BC), necropoleis, Roman thermal baths, aqueduct. 1 E.Lrppo ts, Taranto (E.Lippo.is et al., Culti greci in Occidente, vol. 1), 1995.

P. WUILLEUMIER,

Tarente,

1939;

Taranto

nella civilta

della Magna Grecia (Atti X Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 1970), 1971; E.GREcO, Dal ter-

ritorio alla citta, in: AION 3, 1981, 139-157; M. OSANNA, Chorai coloniali da Taranto a Locri, 1992, 1-38; E. LipPOLIS (ed.), Catalogo del Museo Nazionale Archeologico di Taranto, vol. 3.1: Taranto, la necropoli, 1994; vol. 1.3: Atleti e guerrieri, 1997; I.MaLKrn, Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean, 1994, 115-127; G.C. Braver, T. Its History and Coinage, 1986; A. Mucaia, L’area di rispetto nelle colonie magno-greche e siceliote, 1997, 69-75.

A.MU.

IV. BYZANTINE PERIOD Being chiefly significant because of its strategic position, T. was heavily fought for during the Gothic wars, and only in 550 was captured by Byzantium. Constans [2] Il arrived in T. in 663, during his campaign against the duchy of Beneventum. After his death, in 680, the town fell, together with the Terra d’Otranto, to the ~ Langobardi. The sources concerning T.’s Langobardian period are scanty; and so are those on the period 840-880, when T., with short interruptions, was under the Arab rule, until it was captured, finally, by Byzantium and Leon Apostyppes and was annexed to the > Katepanate of Italy. After a recapture on the side of the Arabs in 925, T. was rebuilt in 967. In 1060, T. fell to the Normans. In the Middle Ages, the population was made up of Langobardi and Greeks; the bishop and the clergy were mainly of Latin-Catholic orientation, the officials and landowners Greek-Byzantine. P. Corsi, s. v. Tarent II., LMA 8, 470-474; F. GABRIELI, Gli Arabi in terraferma italiana, Id (ed.), Gli Arabi in Italia, ‘1985; V.VON FALKENHAUSEN, Taranto in epoca bizantina, in: Studi Medievali 9, 1968, 133-166; A.Ja-

cos, La réconstruction de Tarente par les Byzantines aux IX¢ et X¢ siécles, in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 68, 1988, 1-19. LT.N.

Tarasius (Taodovoc; Tardsios). Patriarch of Constanti-

nople (c. AD 730-806), of noble descent, secretary to the empress - Irene, who had him elected patriarch in 784 in connexion with her efforts to restore iconolatry. The Synod (+ Synodos II.D.) at Nicaea in 787, convened by him to solve the iconoclasm controversy (+ Syrian dynasty), was able at the second attempt to resolve to restore the worship of icons. It is to him that resolutions made at the synod are due; he had already written them in 754.

TARBIGILUS (TRIBIGILD)

EDITIONS:

PG 98, 1424-1428

(Apologeticus); PG 98,

1481-1500 (Oratio in Sanctam Dei Matrem in templum

deductam); PG 98, 1428-1480 (Letters). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

S.EFTHYMIADIS, The Vita Tarasii and

the Hagiographical Work of Ignatios the Deacon, thesis, Oxford rog91. K.SA.

Taraxippus (Tagdéuinoc/tardxippos, ‘confuser of horses’, from hippos and the aorist stem of tardttein). The monument in the form of a round altar, which was associated with T. (v.i.), stood on the (long) eastern side of the Hippodrome in > Olympia, near the nyssa (turning post); the horses often shied there, which may have been due to preparing to round the turning post, but was explained by divine action. Paus. 6,20,1 5-18 offers several identifications for T. and his monument and himself considers an altar to > Poseidon Hippios likely (neutral: Dion Chrys. 32,76; grave of the giant Ischenus: Lycoph. 42-43, schol. ad loc. with a rationalistic interpretation; grave of Pelops: Hsch. s. v. T.). For a T. in Isthmia and Nemea cf. Paus. 6,20,19. J.Esert, Agonismata,

1997, 347; J.G. FRAZER, Pausa-

nias’ Description of Greece, *1913, vol. 4, 84 f.; V.GEBHARD, S. v. T., RE 4 A 2, 2288-2292.

P.SCH.

Tarbelli (TagfedvoU/Tarbelloi). People in the west of + Aquitania (Caes. B Gall. 3,20-27; Ptol. 2,7,9; with an unexplained epithet in Plin. HN 4,108: T. Ouattuorsignani; cf. ILS 6962) living on both sides of the middle and lower Aturrus (modern Adour). Extracting gold brought them a certain wealth (Str. 4,2,1), as did hot and cold mineral springs (Plin. HN 31,4); their focus, however, remained on field and meadow husbandry. Subjugated in 56 BC by P. Licinius [I 16], the T. formed with other peoples the Civitas Aquensium in Gallia Aquitania with capital Aquae Tarbellicae (modern Dax). Several large peristyle buildings, which were lived in and remodelled between the rst and the sth cents., are well-known for their Late Antiquity mosaics (cf. Sorde-l’ Abbaye [1. 33-5o]). 1C.BALMELLE,

Recueil

général

des mosaiques

de la

Gaule, vol. 4,2: Province d’Aquitaine, 1987.

A.Lussautt, Carte archéologique de la Gaule, HautesPyrénées 65, 1997; D.Scuaap, M.Vipat (eds.), Villes et agglomerations urbaines antiques, 1992, 77-81.

J.-M.DE.

Tarbigilus (Tribigild). Goth, related to > Gainas, > comes in the Eastern Empire. Probably an enemy of >» Eutropius [4] (Claud. in Eutropium 2,176-180). In 399 AD he and his foederati troops rebelled (with Gainas’s knowledge?) against > Arcadius in Phrygia (Zos. 5,1352-4), at first he was victorious over the imperial

troops sent against him but afterwards he was defeated by them at Selge (Zos. 5,16,1-5); after uniting his troops with Gainas he marched on Constantinople (Zos. 5,18,4-9). He was killed during battles in Thrace (Philostorgios 11,8; [2.

151]).

143

144

1 W. LieBescuuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 1990, 1002 F.PascHoup (ed.), Zosime 3.1, 1986, 122-136; 103 3 PLRE 2,1125 f. WE.LU. 147-151

army that fight on the side of > Aeneas against > Me-

TARBIGILUS

(TRIBIGILD)

Tarchetius (Taoyétioc/Tarchétios). [1] Eponym of the city of + Tarquinii and name of + Tarquinius, hailing from there. The root tarch- is well attested for people (Latin > Tarquinius, Greek T.) and place names (Etruscan - Tarchna) and belongs to the original core of the Etruscan language; the etymology is unknown. [2] Name of a legendary king of + Alba Longa (Promathion in Plut. Romulus 2): he is toppled from his throne by his grandsons, twin brothers from the union of his daughter with a > phallus which emerged from the hearth; they had been exposed by their grandfather, but later rescued by animals. Connections with the legend of > Romulus [1] and Remus and with the character of Servius > Tullius [I 4] betray the origin as from the Italian-Etruscan cultural sphere. There may be a foundation of genuine tradition going back to the 6th cent. BC, the period of hegemony of the Etruscan kings of Rome over the Latin neighbouring cities in the Alban Mountains. MARBACH, Ss. v. T., RE 4 A2, 2294 f.; PFIFFIG, 153 f.

L.A-F.

Tarchna [1] Etruscan name for the city of Tarquinia (> Tarquinii) from the 5th cent. BC (Early Etruscan: *tarchuna).

[2] Etruscan nomen gentile, especially in the ‘Tomb of Inscriptions’ in + Caere/Cerveteri. The names of more than seven generations are inscribed there, of which the two last are in the Latinized form > Tarquitius. M.CrIsToFANI, 1965.

La Tomba

delle Iscrizioni a Cerveteri, FPR.

zentius (Verg. Aen. 10,153). -» Divination 1 M.CRISTOFANI, s. v. Tarconte, in: Id., (ed.), Dizionario

della

civilta

3 H.Rix,

etrusca,

Teonimi

1985,

etruschi

285-286

e teonimi

2 PFIFFIG

italici, in: Annali

della fondazione per il Museo Claudio Faina 5, 1998, 207—

229.

LA-F.

Tarcondarius

(Taoxovddoiod/Tarkondarios).

— T.

Castor I, tetrarch of the — Tectosages, with a Celtic

name [1. 1732]. In the battle of + Pharsalus in 48 BC, T. and his father-in-law Deiotarus supported + Pompeius {I 3], sending him 300 horsemen (Caes. B Civ. 3,4,5). After Caesar’s death in 44 BC, he and his wife were killed in his residence of + Gorbeus by Deiotarus (Str. 12,5,3). He was the father of T. Castor II (> Deiotarus).

> Galatia 1 HOLDER

2

Tarcondimotus (Taoxovéinotod Tarkondimotos; also Taoxdovdnuod/Tarkondémos). {1] T. I. Philantonius. King of + Amanus, son of Straton. Roman ally, partisan of Pompeius [I 3], Caesar, Cassius [I 10] and finally Antonius [I 9], on whose side he fell at > Actium in 31 BC (Plut. Antonius 61,2; Cass. Dio. 41,63,13; 47,26,23 50,14,2; Flor. Epit. 2,13,5;IGR

3, 901 = OGIS 752 and 753). In 51 BC Cicero appraises him as fidelissimus socius trans Taurum amicissimusque populi Romani (“the most faithful ally beyond the Taurus and the best friend of the Roman people”, Cic. Pani 1 530,23 Ch Stramay 5558); (2] T. I. Philopator. Son of T. [1]. After the death of their father, > Octavianus [1] initially withdrew the rank of ruler from him or his brother Philopator, but in

20 BC he was given back a slightly reduced kingdom (Cass.

Tarchon also Taryunies (ET Ve 7.33; Cl 1.1060); Taryunus (ET AT p.11). Legendary son (Cato in Serv. Aen. 10,179) or brother (Serv. Aen. 10,198) of > Tyrrhenus, or son of > Telephus (Lycoph. 1246 f.). The form T. derives from the name of the city of > Tarquinii (Etruscan Taryna) [1. 285], the name may be connected with the Luwian daemon Taryu(n) [3. 215 f.]. T. is supposed to have founded the twelve Etruscan cities (Str. 5,252), including Tarquinia, and to have transferred the twelve-city league model to northern Italy (Liv. 5,3 3,9). The legend betrays Tarquinia’s intra-Etruscan hegemonic claims. In Etruria, T. also appears as a cultural hero. He adopts the Etruscan Discipline (disciplina Etrusca: ~> Etrusci, Etruria Ill. D.) promulgated by > Tages and passes it on to the Etruscans (Lydus De ostentis 3; cf. Columella 10,346; representation as haruspex: ET AT p.11; [2. fig. 3]). Associated with this tradition from the indigenous repertory is one, elaborated in a Roman context, of T. as the leader of the Etruscan navy and

Dio

5§1,2,2;

51,7,43

5§4,9,2).

It is uncertain

whether it was his death or that of a successor that triggered unrest in AD 17 (Tac. Ann. 2,42,5). W. Hosen, Untersuchungen zur Stellung kleinasiatischer Dynasten in den Machtkampfen der ausgehenden Republik, Diss. Mainz 1969, 195-211; D. Macaig, Roman Rule in Asia Minor, 1950, 1337 f. W.SP.

Tarentini ludi see

- Ludi, + Tarentum

Tarentum [LSee=> faras'f2)] [2] Sacred district in Rome at the extreme northwest of

the Campus Martius on the Tiber (+ Rome IIL. D.; Paul. Fest. 440 f.: Terentum). It was there that the Sabine Valesius from Eretum is supposed to have landed and established a cult on the spot where he had discovered an altar to Dis Pater and Proserpina at a depth of 20 feet. The cult was the preserve of the Valeria gens. For the games in T. see > Ludi (III. K.). The nearby ford over the Tiber was called Vada Tarenti (Ov. Fast. I,§OT).

145

146 P.BrInD’AMouR,

L’origine

des

jeux

séculaires,

in:

ANRW II 16.2, 1978, 1334-1417; J. ARONEN, II culto arcaico del T. a Roma e la gens Valeria, in: Arctos 23, 1989, 13-39; F. CoaRELLI, [| Campo Marzio, 1997, 74Tis G.U.

Targetius see > Tasgetius Targum (Hebrew targim, ‘translation’). Name of the Aramaic translation of the Hebrew — Bible since the Tannaitic Period (c. 2nd cent. AD). Of the > Pentateuch, several Targum versions exist: a) Targum Ongelos, probably based on a Palestinian text (c. late rst/early 2nd cents. AD) and revised in Babylonia presumably between the 3rd and the sth cents. AD, is largely a literal translation of the Hebrew text; b) Targum Neofiti, Targum Pseudo-Jonathan (= Targum Jerushalmi I) as well as the Fragment Targum (= Targum Jerushalmi II), which is extant only for individual verses that are also of Palestinian origin (dated from the rst/2nd cents. AD to the Gaonic Period, 6th-1 rth cents.), are more liberal translations that in places

TARNIS

Tarhuntassa. Inland country of the Hittite Empire (+ Hattusa II. with map)

in southern

Asia Minor,

which first makes an appearance in history at the time of Muwattalli II (c. 1290-1272 BC) during the temporary relocation of the Hittite capital to this region’s capital of the same name (T.; at modern Karaman or in the upper > Calycadnus valley). After Mursili III Urhitesub (c. 1272-1265) was deposed, Hattusili II (previously “III”; c. 1265-1240) established in T., as compensation for his brother Kurunta Ulmitesub who had been excluded from the legitimate succession, a contract of secundogeniture [3], which was strengthened by Tudhaliya II (“IV”; c. 1240-1215) in a second contract of secundogeniture, in particular by ceremonially equating Kurunta with the king of > Karchemish [2]. This split in the royal line, which had been threatening since the fall of Mursili III, could be prevented by these concessions only for a short while. By the time of Tudhaliya II, Kurunta had unilaterally proclaimed himself high king (e.g. in the Hatip rock inscription at Konya {x]). Under Suppiluliuma II (until c. 1180) there was

embellish the basic text with long narrative insertions. Furthermore, another Targum exists of the Prophets

military confrontation with T., which ultimately contributed, probably decisively, to the collapse of the Hittite Empire, since T. was its immediate successor in

(Targum Jonathan), which also tends towards a more

southern Asia Minor c. 1180 BC (see > Asia Minor

liberal translation and is extremely hard to date; certain passages (e.g. the Messianic interpretation of Mi 5:1)

are difficult to explain plausibly after the spread of Christianity. A Babylonian revision probably occurred— as it did for the Targum Ongqelos—between the 3rd and the sth cents. The Targumim of the K ‘tubim (‘writings’, -» Bible) originated in the sth to 8th cents. AD. Here, the Haggadic element (~ Haggadah)can be recognized most clearly. These texts were probably written for the service in the > synagogue: Since Aramaic—as the official language of the Persian Empire in the post-Exile Period (from 538 BC)—increasingly pushed Hebrew aside even in Palestine, the Hebrew reading of scripture in the synagogue was accompanied by a presentation of the so-called m ‘turg “man (Hebrew, ‘translator’) who trans-

lated the text into Aramaic. The fact that a Targum of Job (11QTg Job and 4Tg Job) as well as Targum fragments of Leviticus (4QTgLev) were found among the writings from > Qumran indicates that these Rabbinic Targumim had precursors in the 2nd or rst cents. BC. Beyond their significance for the research of Aramaic, Targum literature is esp. important for the history of interpretations of the OT since these texts reveal how Judaism interpreted the Biblical tradition in the first cents. after Christ. -» Rabbinic Literature J. Giessmer, Einleitung in die Targume zum Pentateuch, 1995; Journal of the Aramaic Bible, 1999 ff.; E. LEVINE, The Aramaic Version of the Bible. Contents and Context,

1988; M.McNamara et al. (ed.), The Aramaic Bible. The Targums, vol. 1 ff., 1987-2007 (Engl. transl., nearly complete); P.ScHAFER, s.v. Bibeliibersetzungen II.; Targumim, TRE 6, 1980, 216-228.

B.E.

Ill. C.1.c.).

1 A.M. Dincot, Die Entdeckung des Felsmonuments in Hatip, in: Turkish Academy of Sciences Journ. of Archae-

ology (TUBA-AR) 1, 1998, 27-35 2H.OrrTeEN, Die Bronzetafel aus Bogazk6y, 1988 3 TH. VAN DEN Hout, Der UlmiteSub-Vertrag, 1995.

FS.

Tarius. L. T. Rufus. Possibly from Liburnia ([1. ro5— 135], but cf. [2. 563]), of lowly origins (Plin. HN 18,37). He was involved in leading sea operations at + Actium

(Cass. Dio

50,14,1),

probably

already a

senator at the time. He acquired a large estate in Picenum (Plin. HN /oc.cit.), possibly proconsul of Cyprus: IGR 3, 952. He took part, in c. 16 BC, in campaigns in Macedonia (Cass. Dio 54,20,3), possibly as (legatus) pro pr(aetore) (AE 1936, 18), but possibly only as promagistrate pro pr(aetore). In 16 BC cos. suff. According

to Frontin. Aq. 102,3 f., in AD 23 and therefore at least 80 years old he became curator aquarum; for doubts about this: [3. 223 f.5 4. 156]. Closely connected with Augustus, who took part in a lawsuit against T.’ son in his house (Sen. Clem. 1,15,2-7). 1G.A.LFOLpy, Die Hilfstruppen der rémischen Provinz Germania inferior (Epigraphische Studien 5), 1968 2 J. Sasex, Senatori ed appartenenti, in: EOS, vol. 2, 553-

581

3SymeE,AA

Ancient Rome, 1991.

4 Cu. Bruun, The Water Supply of W.E.

Tarnis. Tributary of the Garumna, modern Tarn (Auson. Epist. 22,27-32; 26,31; Auson. Mos. 465; Sid. Apoll. Epist. 5,13,1; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 24,45), rising on Cebenna Mons, border river between > Narbonensis and > Aguitania. According to Plin. HN 4,109 (correction of [1. 148]) border river between the Tolosani (> Tolosa) and the - Petrocorii.

TARNIS

147

148

1 E. Desyarpins, Géographie historique et administrative de la Gaule romaine, vol. 1, 1876.

their deaths in accordance with a law written by T. [4] (e.g. Ov. Fast. 6,34; Ov. Met. 15,866; Prop. 4,1,7).

H. Zeiss, s.v. T., RE 4A, 2328; M.Provost, Archéologique de la Gaule 81, Le Tarn, 1992, 44.

toline fortress under - Romulus [1] during the attack

Carte MLPO.

[3] T., Sp. Father of > Tarpeia, commander of the Capiof the Sabine king T. > Tatius on Rome (Liv. 1,11,6).

Tarodunum (Tagddovvov; Tarédounon). Celtic township at the end of the Hdllental valley (Ptol. 2,11,30), modern Zarten in the Black Forest. There is evidence of

a fortified site (approximately 200 ha) with murus Gallicus (scarcely traces of settlement), with a 2nd/rst century BC settlement area outside it (approximately 1216 ha) (Celtic coins, products of gold smelting, a planchet, amphora sherds, a glass bracelet, ring beads). F.FiscHer,

Beitrage zur Kenntnis

von T., in: Badische

Fundberichte 22, 1962, 37-49; K.ScuMrp (ed.), Kelten und Alemannen im Dreisamtal, 1983 (several contributions); R. DEHN et al., Neues zu T., in: Archaologische Aus-

grabungen in Baden-Wirttemberg 1987, 85-88; G. WeBER, Neues zu T., in: Fundberichte Baden-Wirttemberg

$.ZIM. [4] T., Sp. As cos. in 454 BC (MRR 1,42 f.) in a tense internal situation (> Siccius; > Romilius [1]),heagreed to send a legation to Greece (Liv. 3,31,5—8; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,50,3—52,1) and introduced a law to punish defiance of magistrates’ rulings (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,50,1 f.; Cic. Rep. 2,60; Gell. NA 11,1,2 f.). In

449 at the have been and in 448 coopted as

second > secessio plebis, he is supposed to one of the senatorial legates (Liv. 3,50,15) — more than unlikely — one of two Patricians people’s tribunes (Liv. 3,65,1).

D.FiLacu, Die Gesetze der friihen romischen Republik, 1994, 98-101; 227 f.; R.M. Ocitvie, A Commentary on Livy Books 1-5, 1965. Index s. v. T.

C.MU.

14, 1989, 273-288; R.DEHN, Gold aus T., in: Archaolo-

gische Nachrichten Baden 50, 1993, 118 f.; Id., Neues zu T., in: Archaologische Ausgrabungen in Baden-Wiurttemberg 1998, 113-115. RA.WI.

Tarphe (Taoo1/Tarphe). City in eastern Locris (Hom.

Il. 2,533); according to Str. 9,4,6 the original place name of Pharygae (cf. Steph. Byz. s. v. T.; s. v. Pagvyat; s. V. Oodoviov). Location unknown.

Tarpeia (Taoneia/Tarpeia). According to Antigonus [7] (FGrH 816 F 2), daughter of the Roman general T. + Tatius, otherwise (esp. Liv. 1,11,5-9; Ov. Met. 14,776; Ov. Fast. 1,261 f.; Val. Max. 9,6,1; Plut. Antiquitates Romanae 17f; Cass. Dio fr. 4,12) daughter of Sp. > Tarpeius [3]. T. betrays the Romans in their war

with the Sabines (— Sabini) by opening a gate of the city to the enemy soldiers and demands what the warriors are wearing on their arms (their gold bracelets) in return. The Sabines kill T. by throwing their shields, which they are also wearing on their arms, at her. According to Varro Ling. 5,41 and Prop. 4,4, T. is a Vestal

E. W. Kase et al., The Great Isthmus Corridor Route, vol. I, 1991, 88.

G.D.R.

Tarquinii (Tarquinia, Etruscan Tarch(u)na). Etruscan city on the left bank of the Marta, c. 8 km from the

coast. The ancient city was on the high plateau Pian di Civita, 4 km SE of the modern Tarquinia. The oldest finds are from the 13th/12th cents. BC; in the 9th—8th cents.

(> Villanova

Culture),

the

large number

of

treason out of love for Tatius. According to Dion. Hal.

graves (Pozzetto tombs, mostly cremations; — urns biconical or in hut shape; grave-goods jewellery, weaponry) indicates strong population growth. Early in the 8th cent., products of local craftsmanship, esp. bronze

(Ant. Rom. 2,38-40), the earliest version of the legend

work (e.g. shields, helmets, swords, belt buckles, flasks)

of the woman as an arch-traitor can be traced to Fabius peium Saxum), as the > Capitolium was originally cal-

were exported not only to Etruscan and Italic centres, but also to Greece (Olympia). At the same period, artefacts and perhaps also master-craftsmen from Phoeni-

led, from which traitors were thrown to their deaths, is

cia, - Euboea

(— Vestals), according to Prop. (/oc.cit.), she commits

Pictor (FGrH

809 F 8). The “Tarpeian Rock’ (— Tar-

supposed to be named after T.

$.ZIM.

Tarpeium Saxum. Steep crag at the southeast of the Capitol

(+ Capitolium)

in

-» Rome;

named _ after

~ Tarpeia. Place of execution, where delinquents accused of various crimes were thrown from the rock to their deaths. RICHARDSON, 377 f. s. v. Tarpeia Rupes.

C.HO,

Tarpeius [1] T. mons. According to Varro (Ling. 5,41), term for

the > Capitolium, cf. » Tarpeium Saxum. [2] Epithet of > Iuppiter as lord of the Capitolium, where the rock was from which traitors were thrown to

[1], Oenotria, Central and Eastern Europe reached T. The stimulus for this was the city’s solid economic prosperity, probably based on the exploitation of ore reserves in the nearby Monti della > Tolfa. The first Etruscan inscriptions at T. date from the 7th cent. BC (the oldest carved on a proto-Corinthian - kotyle). Many vases were imported from Corinth (+ Corinthus/Corinth) at this period, and these were also imitated. The Bacchiad > Demaratus [rt], who settled at T. in the mid-7th cent. BC with a retinue of artists (Plin. HN 35,152), is to be seen in this context. In the late 7th/early 6th cents. BC, high-quality artisanal products dominated at T. (Orientalizing and Archaic reliefs, Bucchero vases decorated with small cylinders and reliefs, Etrusco-Corinthian pottery and

funerary paintings). This type of figurative imagery,

149

Iso

which arose here later than in other southern Etruscan centres (— Veli, — Caere), endured into the 2nd cent. BC. After the Persian conquest of the Ionian coastal cities in 546 BC, it is likely that Ionian painters migrated to T. and introduced their artistic style. At the same time, numerous black-figured and red-figured Attic vases reached T. Like the other coastal cities of southern Etruria, T. was affected by the defeat of the Etruscan fleet at > Cyme [2] in 474 BC in battle against > Hieron [1] I, as it was weakened by the attacks on Elba (- Ilva; Diod. Sic. 11,88,4 f.) by a Syracusan fleet under Phayllus and Apelles in 453 BC. Conflict with Rome broke out early in the 4th cent. BC, ending with a truce in 351 (renewed in 308) (Stv 3, 435). The landowning aristocracy seems to have set the tone at T. in this period; cf. the large family tombs of Orco, Scudi and Giglioli and painted marble sarcophagi (> Sarcophagus [II]). The st half of the 4th cent. BC saw the last phase of the construction of the great temple, begun in the 6th cent., of the Ara della Regina. Of note is a series of tuff sarcophagi, dating from the late 4th to the 2nd cents. BC. T. supplied sailcloth for the Roman fleet during the 2nd

TARQUINIUS

tici nell’abitato. Campagne 1982-1988. I materiali vol. 1, 1999; Studia Tarquiniensia

(Archaeologia

Perusina 9),

1988.

GLC.

Tarquinius [1] The name T. is the Latinized form of an Ancient Etruscan nomen gentile *targ/yu-na, from which the Latin name was derived by means of the -io suffix inherited from the indo-European basic form. In Etruscan itself, the name in the form targ/yuna is not attested; instances of a basic form *tarq/y- from the Archaic period are rare (cf. perhaps taryumenaia [1. 251, Cl 2.8], taryelnas |1. 86, Vs 1.2]). Inherited forms occur in Late Etruscan in the nomina gentilia tarcna/taryna (cf. tarcnai, tarynas from the Tomba delle Iscrizioni, Caere, CIE.

§907—5974;

farcne:

[1.295,

Taryunies, in the well-known

Pe

x. x2z24}).

inscription

from the

Tomba Francois (CIE 5275), is a reverse Etruscaniza-

tion of the Latin T., identifiable by the preservation of the -io- suffix in the form -ie-. LEY

BR.SCH.

forced to accept a Roman colony on the coast at > Gra-

[2] T., Ar(r)uns. According to tradition, the elder brother of T. [11] and father of Egerius [1] who was not born until after T.’ death (Liv. 1,34,2 f.; Dion. Hal. Ant.

viscae (modern

Rom.

— Punic War in 205 BC (Liv. 28,45). In 181 BC, T. was

Porto Clementino)

(Liv. 40,29; Vell.

3,46,5; 354751).

Pat. 1,15). T. was a municipium of the tribus Stellatina

[3] T., Ar(r)uns. The tradition, in which T. was in-

(CIL XI 510).

cluded as early as the time of Fabius [I 3 5] Pictor (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,30,2 = Fabius Pictor fr. r1b HRR), identifies him as the brother of T. [12] whom he murdered, a deed in which T.’ wife Tullia also played a part (Liv. 1,46,1-9; 1,47,3; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,28,5-

Remains of the city wall survive (5th/4th cents. BC), as do the Ara della Regina and numerous necropoleis. Baths, the fountain of Q. Cossutius, reliefs and inscriptions date from the Roman Imperial period. The first to write of the ancient monuments of T. were the Humanists (Lorenzo Vitelli, Annio da Viterbo). In the 16th cent., Antonio Sangallo the Younger made a sketch of T. In 1546, the community of Corneto (since 1922 Tarquinia) settled a debt with the Pope with 6,000 pounds of ancient bronzes. There are further references to Tarquinian antiquities in writings of the 18th cent. (GIANNICOLA

FORLIVESI,

J. WINCKELMANN).

SCIPIONE

rg9th cent.

MAFFEI,

excavations

Rom. 4,63,13 4,69,23 5,153 Liv. 1,56,7; 2,6,5—-9).

[5] T., Gn. Portrayed in the Tomba Frangois (c. 330 BC) in Vulci, where he bears the Etruscan name Cneve Taryunies Rumay (CIE 5275 = [3. 121, Vc 7.33]), Le.

centrated in particular on the urban area and the Ara della Regina, as well as the > necropoleis. ~ ErTRUSCOLOGY Tarquinia, in: Monumenti

antichi 37,

1936, 5-618; G. CAMPOREALE, Pittori arcaici a Tarquinia,

in: MDAI(R) 75, 1968, 34-53; H. HENCKEN, Tarquinia, Villanovans and Early Etruscans, 1968; M.CRISTOFANI,

La tomba del “Tifone”, in: Memorie della Classe di Scienza morali e storiche dell’Academia dei Lincei 8.14, 1969, 209-256; Id., Storia dell’arte e acculturazione, in: Prospettiva 7, 1976, 2-10; M. TorELLI, Elogia Tarquiniensia, 1975; S. Brunt, I lastronia scala, 1986; M. BONGHI Jovino, C.CHIARAMONTE TRERE (ed.), Tarquinia. Testimonianze archeologiche e ricostruzione storica, 1997;

A.Maccianl, Un programma figurativo alto arcaico a Tarquinia, in: Riv. di Archeologia 20, 1996, 5-37; C. CHIARAMONTE

delegation to Delphi; in the attempt to restore the Tarquinii to Rome, T. fought hand to hand with Iunius, resulting in the death of both men (Dion. Hal. Ant.

revealed

entalizing style). In the zoth cent., archaeologists con-

M.PALLOTTINO,

[4] T., Ar(r)uns. According to tradition, the son of T. [12] who installed him as ruler of > Circeii and, together with T. [8] and Iunius [I 4] Brutus, a member of the

JOHANN

tombs, some with paintings (Villanova Culture, Ori-

— Etrusci, Etruria;

ZOyL427 940 Cass. Dio ti ET, ZO, 759).

TRERE (ed.), Tarquinia. Scavi sistema-

Gn. T. from Rome. The event depicted is the killing of T. by Marce Camitlnas, a companion of the Etruscan brothers Avle and Caile Vipinas (Latin: Aulus and Gaius Vibenna) and Macstrna (- Mastarna). Some scholars have occasionally identified him with T. [11].

Admittedly, the differing praenomina do not suffice to refute this identification, as they are not likely to be historical (cf. L. in the case of T. [rr], falsely derived from

+ Lucumo), nevertheless, T. cannot securely be

identified (although he is probably historical). 1A.ALFOLDI,

Das

frithe Rom

und die Latiner,

1977,

Index, s.v. Tarchu(nies) 2 T.J. CoRNELL, The Beginnings of Rome, 1995, 138f. 3ET 2. C.MU.

[6] T., L. A follower of > Catilina, he was tried by the Senate on 4.12.63 BC. T. incriminated M. Licinius

TARQUINIUS

[I 12] Crassus, and was detained as a liar; Crassus suspected Cicero to be behind T.’ accusation, others P. Autronius [2] Paetus’ (Gic, Cat, 4,x0; Salll Catil, 48,39). JO.R. [7] T., S. Son of T. [12]. According to tradition, which

portrays him similarly to his father, he colluded with the latter to make himself king of + Gabii, by the rape of - Lucretia [2] brought about the banishment of the

Tarquins and, after several attempts (with Porsenna among others) to restore their power in Rome, perished in the battle of > Lacus Regillus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 45551-58545

4,64,2-65,4;

5515545

5542543

554051

is

HOLS SS Osss LOMsous Onesys elven 79O= 510n55 Cl 1,60,2, according to which T. was already killed in Gabii, straight after his father’s banishment). [8] T., T. Son of T. [12]. According to tradition, he was installed as ruler of Signia by his father, and, like T. [4], was a member of the delegation to Delphi. Like his brother T. [7], he is supposed to have perished at +> Lacus Regillus after making several attempts to restore the Tarquins (Liv. 1,56,7; 2,19,10-20,3;

Dion.

Halk Ant? Rom: 4.63.05) 4.69.2; 5,015.42, 5,22,400.5 Gurmenite) [9] T. Collatinus, L. According to tradition, the son or grandson (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,64,2 f. = Fabius Pictor fr. 14 HRR) of > Egerius [1]. As the husband of — Lucretia [2], after her rape by T. [7] he turned against T. [12]. He held the first consulship together with > Junius {I 4] Brutus, but then had to resign owing to his kinship with the Tarquins (Liv. 1,57,6-60,4; 2,2,2—10; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,70,2 f.; 4,76,1; 4,84,5; 551523 5554-556513 §5952—-5,12,3; on the nature of T.’ role, seen in the light of the end of Peisistratid rule in Athens [1. 232, 239]). 1R.M.

Lye

151

Ocitviz,

A Commentary

on Livy Books

1965.

1-5, C.MU.

[10] T. Egerius (Collatinus), Ar(r)uns. See Egerius [1]

[11] T. Priscus, L. (Supposedly originally > Lucumo; cognomen Priscus from a later period). According to Roman tradition, the fifth king of Rome 616-578 BC. T. was said to be the son of - Demaratus [1]; with his Etruscan wife > Tanaquil, he left > Tarquinii and, in Rome, rose by social skill and wealth to become the guardian of the sons of Ancus > Marcius [I 3]. T. became ruler in their place by trickery. Besides wars against the > Sabini and Etruscan and Latin cities, he was credited with an enlargement of the Senate (-> Senatus) and the introduction of traditions regarded as Etruscan, such as > ludi, the > triumph, > fasces, sacrificial rites: hence the modern conception of ‘Etruscan rule’ over a Rome that, while strongly influenced by immigrants such as T., was otherwise Latin in character. The sons of Ancus were supposed to have killed T., but without returning to the throne, because of his

choice of Ser. > Tullius as his successor. Main sources: Cic. Rep. 2,34—-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,46-73; Liv.

1,34-41; further reading [7. 142-56].

Although T. is an essentially historical figure, dates, numbers and the particular character of the Tarquins are later additions. There is dispute as to the allocation between him and T. [12] of the facts in the tradition relating to ‘king T.’; T. features sometimes as a good ancestor of this tyrannical descendant, sometimes as an intriguer. The modern verdict as to details is subject to controversy, as is true of the entire early history of Rome. What is certain is Rome’s struggle for dominance in Latium, with wars (from c. 570-5 50? [3. 124])

under a Tarquin against Collatia, Crustumerium and Corniculum among others, followed by an interruption in Rome’s only royal dynasty (removal of T. by Ser. Tullius?).

[12] T. Superbus, L. (Cognomen from a later period). According to tradition, the seventh and last king of Rome, 534-509 BC; regarded as the son of T. {11] in older sources, as his grandson from the time of L. Calpurnius [III 1] Piso (owing to chronological problems in the king list [2]), and as the restorer of Tarquin rule by the assassination of his father-in-law Ser. > Tullius [I 4]. T. seized power illegally, disregarded the Senate and laid unreasonable burdens on the people; the expansion of Roman power over the Latin Federation, prestigious buildings and the acquisition of the — Sibyllini libri are eclipsed in the sources by T.’ arbitrary use of power, his cunning and his cruelty. His legendary removal from power by relatives around his nephew L. Iunius [I 4] Brutus, on account of the misdeeds of T.’ two (or three: [2]) sons (cf. > Lucretia [2]), followed by the banishment of the entire gens Tarquinia, was definitive for the self-conception of the Classical Roman Republic, as was Rome’s self- assertion against the attempt by Lars > Porsenna to restore T.’ rule. After the death of his sons in battle against the Republic, the tyrant is supposed to have died in exile in Cyme [2] (or Tusculum) in 495. Main sources: Cic. Rep. 2,44—46; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,41-85; Liv. 1,46-2,21 (rule: 1,49-60, cf. also [7. 184-232]).

The picture of T. presented in the sources derives from the topic of tyrants on the Greek model. The image of a hard-line restorer of the dynasty is, however, credible. Undeniable are the construction of the most visible token of the city’s prosperity, the temple of the Capitoline Triad on the > Capitolium in the third quarter of the 6th cent. BC (not dedicated until after T.) [4], and Rome’s rise to supreme power in Latium and Central Italy at the end of the monarchy: the tradition — capture of Pometia, control over Gabii, a coup against T. during the siege of Ardea — fits well with the first treaty between Rome and Carthage in the Early Republic (Pol. 3,22; authenticity and date disputed), which presupposes Rome’s control of the coast from Antium to Tarracina. The fall of the Tarquins in c. 509 (otherwise [1; 5]: c. 475/450) is definite, but not the direct transition from monarchy to (aristocratically dominated) Republic; the victor over T. — or beneficiary of a palace revolution by his family - was perhaps > Porsenna, who (until his defeat at Aricia in 504?) evidently

153

154

ruled over Rome (thus Plin. HN 34,139; Tac. Hist. 3,72,1), whether as ‘king’ or after the manner of a tyrant [3. 217f.]. + Rome I C; > Tarquinii

[II 2] T. Priscus, M. Senator; legate of Statilius [II 13] Taurus, the pro-consul of Africa in AD 52/53, whom he indicted at Agrippina’s [3] instigation (Tac. Ann. 12,59,1; see also > Statilius [II 13]); he was therefore

1 A. ALFOLDI, Early Rome and the Latins, 1965, passim 2 E. Bessong, La gente Tarquinia, in: Rivista di Filologia TIO, 1982, 394-415 3 T.P. CorNELL, The Beginnings ofRome,1995 4 M.CrisTorant (ed.), La grande Roma dei Tarquini, 1990 5 E. GyersTap, Early Rome, 6 vols.,

removed from the Senate himself. Under Nero, he was

1953-1973, passim 6J. MARTINEZ PinNaA, Tarquinio Prisco. Ensayo historico sobre Roma arcaica, 1996

7R.M.

Ocitvie,

A Commentary

on Livy, Books 1-5,

1965.

JO.F.

TARRACO

pro-consul of Pontus-Bithynia and must therefore have been re-admitted to the Senate; in 61 he was indicted

and convicted by the Bithynians for repetundae (-> Repetundarum crimen; Tac. Ann. 14,46,1); possibly identical with the author T. Priscus. PIR T 20. W.E. Tarracina. Originally Anxur (Liv. 4,59,4), a city of the

Ausoni and the Volsci on a rocky promontory on the coast of Latium Adiectum, modern Terracina (Latina).

Tarquitius. Roman nomen gentile of Etruscan origin (in Antiquity probably seen as a variant of ~ Tarquinius, cf. Fest. 496). K-LE. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] T. Priscus. Latin writer perhaps of the rst cent. BC (cf. Verg. Catal. 5,3); mentioned in + Macrobius [1]

Conquered in 406 BC by the Romans who established a colonia maritima ( Coloniae C.) there in 329 BC. T.

was linked to Rome in 312 BC by a stretch of the via Appia (decumanus maximus). Municipium ofthe tribus Oufentina. The city wall survives, as does the ‘Forum Aemilianum’ (paved by Aulus Aemilius, modern Piazza del Municipio) with the ‘Temple of Roma and Augu-

(Sat. 3,20,3; 5. cent. BC) as the author of an ostentarium arborarium (> Etrusci, Etruria III with ill. on

stus’ (Capitolium?; cathedral of San Cesario). Remains of an amphitheatre, thermae, harbour possibly from the time of Trajan (a mole survives). On the Monte Sant’

Etrusca disciplina), probably an ordered and annotated

Angelo was the so-called Temple of Iuppiter Anxur

list of trees and shrubs

(> Feronia?, early rst cent. BC). Remains of three aqueducts; in the surrounding area a sanctuary to Feronia and villae. Under Trajan, the foothills of the Saltus Lautulae (modern Piscomontano) were cut through for a rerouting of the via Appia along the sea.

(arbores)

of significance

in

~ divination. T. may also be meant in Plin. HN 2; 11 ind. auct.; Amm. Marc. 25,2,7; Serv. Ecl. 4,43; Lyd. De ostentis 2,7 W. (uncertain: Fest. 340,4 L.; Lactant. Div.

inst. 1,10; contra: [2. 304]). The nomen gentile, which can be traced to an Etruscan ethnic name [1. 743 f.], could indicate Etruscan descent but a translation from

Etruscan can not be compellingly concluded from the formulation in Macrob. Sat. 3,7,2 (‘liber Tarquitii transcriptus ex ostentario Tusco’) (cf. also [3. 98]; contra: 1 H.Rrx, Zum Ursprung des romischen und mittelitalischen Gentilnamensystems, in: ANRW I 2, 1972, 700-758

2 E.Rawson, Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic, 1985 3 C.GurrrarD, Contribution des sources littéraires a notre connaissance de |’Etrusca Disciplina: T. Priscus et les arbores infelices, in: H.HERES, M. KUNZE (eds.), Die Welt der Etrusker (Kongress Berlin 1988), 91-99.

M.HAA,

{I 2] T. Priscus, C. In 89 BC a staff officer of Cn. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo at Asculum (ILLRP 515, Z. 9); identified with T. Priscus, the legate of Q. > Sertorius in 76 BC (Frontin. Str. 2,5,31) who was involved in the

murder of his commanding officer in 73 (Sall. Hist. 3,81; 3,83 M.). MRR

3,203.

K.-L.E

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {1 1] T. Catulus. Described in CIL XIII 8170 (= ILS 2298) as the leg(atus) Aug(usti) who led the rebuilding of the praetorium in > Colonia Agrippinensis (modern Cologne); he was presumably the governor of Germania inferior in the 2nd/3rd cents. Eck, Statthalter, 218

Anxur-T.,

1926;

B. CoNTI-

CELLO, T., 1976; M.R. Coppota, T., il foro emiliano, *1993; M.CANCELLIERI, La valle Pontina nell’antichita,

1990, 45-50.

GU.

Tarraco (Tagedxwv/Tarrakon). City on the east coast

[2. 28, 93]).

1990,

G.LucGui, Ager Pomptinus.

f.

of the Iberian peninsula (earliest mention in Avien. Ora Maritima 512 ff.; Eratosth. in Str. 3,4,7; cf. Plin. HN 3,18; 23; 110; Pol. 2,6,17; It. Ant. 391,1), modern Tar-

ragona. The city was built in terraces on a sandstonerock of 160 m height with a harbour to the south west whose bay is shoaled today. In the 2nd > Punic War, T. was built-up into a fortress under the guidance of the brothers P. and Cn. Cornelius Scipio (-» Cornelius [1 68] and + [1 77]) and became a Roman base until 209 BC (capture of + Carthago Nova by Roman troops, cf. Pol. 3,95,5; Liv. 22,19,5). From this period is the city wall (including the lowest level made of massive boulders) with six gates, 1,5 m in width, and towers

jutting out in front (cf. Plin. HN 3,21). A length of 1100 m of this wall is still extant. In 45 BC Caesar raised the status of T. to colonia Iulia Urbs Triumphalis Tarraco (cf. AE 1929, 235), tribus Galeria (CIL Il 4193; 4212; CIL VI 3349). From

T., Augustus led his operations in the war against the > Cantabri

(26-24

BC).

Probably

from

the

2nd

cent. BC but definitely no later than in 27 BC, T. became the capital of the province Hispania citerior (Cass. Dio 53,12,5. The designation + Hispania Tarraconen-

155

156

sis appears in literary sources beginning with Plin. HN 3,6; it rarely appears among the titles of the iuridici and procuratores, never in those of governors). The province was not divided into > dioikéseis (doixyorc/ dioikésis on inscriptions means Latin conventus). A

Gates [1] to the western coast of Asia Minor, to Con-

TARRACO

governor of the Imperial province was a legatus Augusti pro praetore of consular rank, since - Diocletianus of equestrian rank (praeses provinciae Hispaniae citerioris). Nothing is known about the deployment of a garrison in T. In the Imperial period, T. was the centre of political power on the Iberian peninsula. At the top of the urban administration were the duoviri; quaestores and aediles as well as flamines and pontifices are also documented. T. enjoyed an economic peak in the rst and 2nd cents. AD (agriculture, trades, commerce). In AD 476 T. was conquered by the + Visigoths. In 724 the city was destroyed by the Arabs. Extant, along with the city wall, are remnants of a circus and an amphitheatre on the eastern edge of the city. An altar of Augustus, a temple of Augustus built in AD 15 for the provincial parliament and a temple of Jupiter are documented archaeologically on the uppermost terrace of the city. Originating from T. and its surroundings are numerous coins [1; 2] as well as Ibe-

rian, Latin and Greek funerary, honorary and building inscriptions [3]. 1 L. VILLARONGA GarriGa, Les monedes ibériques de T.,

1983

2A.M.prE Guapan, Numismatica ibérica e ibero-

romana,1969 von T., 1975.

3 G.ALFOLDy, Die romischen Inschriften

G. ALFOLDY, s.v. T., RE Suppl. 15, 570-644; R.HaENSCH, Capita provinciarum, 1997, 162-175, 480-488; A. NUNNERICH-ASMUS,

s. v. T., in: K. BRODERSEN

(ed.),

Antike Statten am Mittelmeer, 1999, 23-26; TIR K/J 31 Tarraco/Baliares, 1997, 151-154; TOVAR 3, 453-460.

R.ST.

Tarrutius. T., L. from Firmum Picenum, an accomplished astrologer (author of Greek technical works:

Plin. HN Index 18) and philosopher in the rst cent. BC. For his friend M. Terentius > Varro [2] T. drew up the horoscope of Romulus [1] and calculated the day of the founding of Rome, the future fate of which he prognosticated (Cic. Div. 2,98; Plut. Romulus 12,3-6; Manil.

4,773; Solin. 1,18; Lydus, Mens. 1,14).

JOR.

stantinopolis and to the Pontus Euxinus (Black Sea) at Amisus. In the rsth cent. BC, royal residence of the Kingdom of - Kizzuwatna, then under Hittite dominion (Tara), in the 9th cent. probably in the Late Hittite Empire of Mopsus of > Karatepe, from 713 to 663 Assyrian [1] with Greek colonisation. From 612 to 333, it was the royal residence of the Kingdom of Cilicia which expanded all the way to Cappadocia and the Euphrates (from 401 to 333 as a Persian satrapy). After the death of Alexander [4] the Great, it became Seleucid with the name of Antiochia on the Cydnus. During Pompeius’ [I 3] re-organisation of the East, T. became the capital of the major Roman province of + Cilicia in 66 BC (along with Cyprus and Pamphylia), named

in honour

of Caesar

(Cass.

Dio

> Paulus [II 2] (Acts 21,39) came

from the Jewish community of T. In AD 72 T. became the capital of the newly established province of Cilicia. The city was the seat of the provincial parliament (koinon Kilikias), it was the centre of the Imperial cult,

the location of several schools (university), of numerous temples (among them the so-called Doniiktas) and of important festivals. The Hiyiik G6zlii Kulesi was the site of an acropolis (also the site of pre-historic excavations [2]) with a theatre in a hillside hollow. Furthermore, there was the Late Roman city wall with the ‘Cleopatra Gate’. It is due to the continued settlement of T. that monuments have been lost almost completely. In 260 T. was captured by the — Sassanids (R. Gest. div. Sap. 28), rivalries developed above all with the city of > Anazarbus. Under Theodosius [3] I], T. became the capital of Cilicia Prima in the west and Anazarbus of Cilicia Secunda in the east and the ecclesiastic metropolis with the bishoprics of Adana, Augusta [8], Korykos [2], Mallos, Pompeiopolis (— Soli [2]), Sebaste (> Elaeussa) and Zephyrion [3. 73]. Under Iustinianus [1], the Cydnus, which originally ran through the city, was redirected as a result of floods (Procop. Aed. 5,5,17—-20). T. was an important Byzantine and Arabic border fortification from the 7th into the roth cents. In

1199, Leon I

was crowned as King of Lesser Armenia in the Church of Sophia in T. > Asia Minor (incl. map); > Cilices, Cilicia 1S.Da

73-80

Tarsatica. Liburnian coastal city on the road from Aquileia [1] to Siscia (Plin. HN 3,140; Tab. Peut. 5,1 f.; It. Ant. 273: Tharsatico), modern Trsat to the east of Rijeka. Oppidum, tribus Sergia (duoviri, decuriones: CIL Il, 3027-3029).

[uliopolis

47,26). The Apostle

ey, Sennacherib

and Tarsus, in: AS 49, 1999,

2H.GoLpDMaN (ed.), Excavations at Gézlii Kule,

3 E. HONIGMANN, Studien zur Notitia Antiochena, in: ByzZ 25, 1925, 60-88.

Tarsus, vols. 1-3, 19 50-1963

W.RuGgE, s. v. T. (3), RE 4 A, 2413-2439; MAGIE, 1146— 1148; HitD/HELLENKEMPER s. v. T. F.H.

J.Sa8eL, s. v. Alpium Tuliarum Claustra, RE Suppl. 13,

11-14.

Tarsus

(Taoodc/Tars6s, Taooot/Tarsoi,

PICA.

Tartaros (6 Taetagod/ ho Tartaros, t1 Tagtaga/ta Tar-

Latin Tarsus).

tara; Lat. Tartarus). According to Homer and Hesiodus, the T. is the gloomy and fusty prison of the + Titans into which they were locked after their defeat

City with river port in the west of Cilicia Pedias on the lower Cydnus, modern Tarsus in Turkey. T. was located on the route from Antiochia [1] through the > Cilician

against Zeus (Hes. Theog. 729 f.). The T. lies as deeply below > Hades as heaven is distant from earth (Hom.

Il. 8,16; cf. Hes. Theog. 720). It is surrounded by a

T57

158

bronze wall with iron gates (Hom. Il. 8,15; Hes. Theog. 726; in Verg. Aen. 6,549-551 a triple wall with the waters of the > Phlegeton [2] flowing around it). From above, the roots of the earth and the sea reach down to DT) (Hes) Theogs 727i). In’ Pl, Phd. xi2a-d, T. is described as a gorge into and out of which the rivers of the underworld flow. T. is also the place of punishment for disobedient gods (Hom. Il. 8,13). Along with the Titans, T. is the dwelling place for Day and Night (> Nyx), for > Atlas [2], Hypnos (> Somnus) and + Thanatos, - Hades and > Persephone with —> Cerberus and > Styx (Hes. Theog. 744-806; [1]). Furthermore, T. is regarded as the deepest and most horrible part of Hades (Anac. fr. 395,8 PMG; Thgn. 1036) where evil-doers are punished (Pl. Grg. 523b; Verg. Aen. 6,542 f.) whose crimes cannot be redeemed (PI. Phdr. 113e), esp. > Tantalus, > Tityus and > Sisyphus. As a place for evil-doers after their death, T. forms the counterpart to > Elysium: according to Pl. Grg. 524a, the judgment of the dead takes place at a crossroad ona meadow, one path leading to Elysium and the other to Tartaros ([Plat.] Ax. 371c; Verg. Aen. 6,540-543; ibidem 6,566-569 -»Rhadamanthys questions the evild-doers in T.). Christians regarded T. as the pagan equivalent of hell, esp. in reference to Virgil (Lactant.

region surrounding Huelva) and a peripheral zone between Cap de la Nao in the east and Rio Guadiana in the west is called Tartessian culture. Its development is stamped by eastern Mediterranean influences: in the gth cent. BC by Phoenician trade prior to colonization (indirectly evidenced by archaeological finds), and since the beginning of the 8th cent. BC by the presence of Semitic merchants, craftsmen and ‘settlers’, especially from — Tyrus. This presence determines the ‘orientalizing’ appearance of a Bronze Age farming and herding culture. Isolated finds of Phoenician ceramics created on the potter’s wheel are encountered in indigenous sur-

Div. inst. 6,4).

In Hes. Theog. 119, T. was among the first things to be created (after + Chaos and ~ Gaia but before

+ Eros [r]) [2]. The personified T. fathers, with Gaia, Typhon (Hes. Theog. 821 f.; > Typhoeus), > Echidna (Apollod. 2,4), the eagle of Zeus (Hyg. Astr. 2,15), +» Thanatos (Soph. OC 1574 f.) and > Hecate (Orph.

A. 977; [3)). + Afterlife, concepts of; + Underworld 1 M.D.

Norrurup, Tartarus Revisited: A Reconsidera-

tion of Theogony

711-819,

in: WS

13, 1979, 22-36

2 M.L. West (ed.), Hesiod, Theogony, 1966, 194 f. (with introd. and comm.) 3C.Locum, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 848.

O. Waser, s. v. T., ROSCHER 5, 121-128.

K.SCHL.

Tartarus. River in Venetia, which flows into the sea at Atria (Plin. HN 3,121), modern Tartaro. Its lower

reaches used the original bed of the Padus (Po) and was drained by the Fossa Philistina. Caecina [II 1] camped

in the protection of the swamps near Hostilia in the autumn of 69 AD, before leading his army against Antonius [II 13] Primus (Tac. Hist. 3,9,1). A.M. Rosst ALDROVANDI, Le operazioni militari lungo il Po, 1983; M.CALzorarti, Le operazioni militari a Ostig-

TARTESSUS

roundings. In areas to the western margins of T. (Estremadura, the Algarve), finds of carved warrior steles are

concentrated that sometimes portray details of Mediterranean dress and weaponry (knee fibula, comb, Herzsprung shield etc.). From the end of the 8th cent., urban features are revealed in the form of structured (rectangular rows of houses among others) and sometimes fortified settlements, cf. Castillo Dona Blanca, Tejada La Vieja (metal trade). Since this time, new technologies for the mining and processing of iron and silver emerge, as well as for the ceramics manufacture (the potter’s wheel), but also new crop plants like vines and olive trees. Eastern forms and motifs (e.g. griffins, rosettes, volutes, and palmettes) dominate indigenous luxury ceramics, bronze cutlery, decoratively carved ivory products, as well as intricate jewellery work (cf. treasure finds at Aliseda or at Carambolo with filigreed and granulated embellishments amongst other techniques.) The necropoleis (cf. funeral urns) indicate a society organized by extended families — e.g. the tummulus tombs of Setefilla (Lora del Rio, Seville,) which form graveyards with a central > ustrinum (later a chamber tomb)

and individual graves. In T., deities were worshipped who, in terms of iconography, resembled Eastern types, e.g. > ReSep (the Smiting God) or > Astarte. The Tartessian culture ended during the course of the 6th cent. BC. At this time, the regular ties were severed between the west Phoenician settlements and the Tyrean metropolis; Ionian merchants filled the gap up to the third quarter of the 6th cent. in the Huelva region (formerly Onuba), the port to the mineral rich hinterland, the area of the Rio Tinto. The identification of this

area with T. (see below Hadt.) is supported by the relatively rich finds of Greek, and especially Ionic, ceramics. In the peripheral region of the Extremadura, this ‘Orientalizing’ culture was extinguished by the end of the sth cent. BC only (> Cancho Roano). Earlier scholarship assumed that around 500 BC Carthage destro-

lia, in: Quaderni di Archeologia del Mantovano 1, 1999,

yed the Tartessian culture, but this needs to be revised;

85-121.

in fact, T. and the Tartessian civilisation continued

Tartessus

E.BU,

(Taotynoooc; Tartéssos). According to clas-

sical tradition, T. was a city or kingdom in Southern Spain. The culture of the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning ofthe early Iron Age of Southern Spain witha core domain (Lower Guadalquivir Valley and the

without a break in the Iberian-Turdetanian culture (> Turdetani). Phoenician and Greek contacts left their traces in both forms of the following names, T. (harbour, the name of a region) and TarSis (region: Ps 72,10; Is 23,6 et

al.; boats: 1 Kings 10,22; Is 2,16 et al.). Both versions

TARTESSUS

160

I§9

are based on the adaptation of the indigenous phonetic structure ¢rt/trs [5. 116, cf. 114]. According to the biblical sources, prior to colonization, contacts with the eastern Mediterranean began in the roth cent. BC (1 Kings 10,22) with ships from Tarsi8, equipped by ~ Hiram and > Salomo. The earliest Greek sources locate T. on the other side of the Straits of Gibraltar, i.e.

on the periphery of — oikuméné (Stesich. 184 SLG). They thereby designate an emporion, i.e. a region governed by a > basilers (Hdt. 1,163). The sources reflect the experiences of Ionian seafarers, for example of Samian sea captains such as > Colaeus (Hdt. 4,152),

Taruttienus Paternus. The Roman jurist P. Taruttienus (Taruntenus) Paternus was the head of the chancellery ab epistulis Latinis in AD 171-173 and praetorian prefect under - Marcus [II 2] Aurelius (Cass. Dio 71,12,3; 71,3353) beginning in 177. After the latter’s death, T. was relieved of his office about AD 182 and executed for high treason (SHA Comm. 4,7 f.). T. wrote the first legal work on the military (De re militari, 4 books). O.LENEL, Palingenesia iuris civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 335 f.; KUNKEL, 219-222; D.Lriess, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 136f.

TG.

and since 600 BC, those of Phoenician merchants (Hdt.

1,163) who had sealed friendship with the long-lived basiletis Arganthonios. + Hispania;

Pyrenean peninsula (with map)

1M.E. Auer (ed.), T., 1989 2 P. BaRcELO, Karthago und die Iberische Halbinsel vor den Barkiden, 1988 3 J.M. BLAzQquez, T., 1968 4M.BueEcu, T., in: Deutsches Archaologisches Institut (ed.), Hispania Antiqua, vol.r, Vorzeit, 2001 5 M.Kocu, Tarschisch und Hispa-

nien, 1984

6D.Ruiz Mata, T., in: Protohistoria de la

Penisula Ibérica, 2001, 1-190 8 TovAR 1, 28 f.

~=7 A.SCHULTEN, T., 1950 M.BL.

Tarvisium. City in the region of Venetia on the Silis with a fertile territory (Geogr. Rav. 4,31: Trebicium; cf. Plin. HN

3,126), modern Treviso. Municipium of the

tribus Claudia (quattuorviri: CIL V 2109; 2115; ordo decurionum: CIL V 2117). Of particular significance in late Antiquity (Cassiod. Var. 10,27; Procop. Goth. 2,2:95;40!

35315353

3;2;7-9

and

xz;

Greg.

M.

Epist.

I,16a). E. Bucut, T. e Acelum nella Transpadana, in: E. BRUNETTA (ed.), Storia di Treviso, vol. 1, 1989, 191-310. E.BU.

Taruenna see — Tervanna

Tarus. Right-bank tributary of the Padus (modern Po), modern Taro (126 km long). It rises in the Ligurian

Appenninus and flows through Forum Novum; it was crossed by the Via Aemilia (where the Ad Tarum road station was: It. Burd. 616,14) and into the Padus at Parma [1]. GU.

Tarusates. Celtic people in + Aquitania, probably to the north of Aire-sur-l’Adour (in the département of Landes). The T. were subjugated in 56 BC by Licinius [I 16] (Caes. Gall. 3,23,1; 27,1). The identification with the Toruates (in Plin. HN 4,108) is correctly rejected by [1], that with the Aturenses, who were around Aire-sur-l’Adour from the time of Augustus, is a hypothesis. 1 P.-M. Duval, Les peuples de |’Aquitaine d’apres la liste de Pline, in: RPh 29, 1955, 214-227.

M.Provost, Carte Archéologique de la Gaule 40, Les Landes, 1994, 33 f., 45-47. MLPO

Tas Silg. Large rural sanctuary to Juno/Astarte on the Gulf of Marsaxlokk in the southeast of Malta (> Melite [7]), originally dedicated to the mother god-

dess of the indigenous megalith culture of the Copper Age (3rd millennium BC), from no later than the 8th/7th cent. the site of a Phoenician cult of ‘Strt/ ~ Astarte, who is named in inscriptions on votive gifts. Plundered by Verres during his period in office as propraetor of Sicily (Cic. Verr. 2,4,103 f.: fanum Iunonis), it was extended in the Roman period, then abandoned in the 2nd cent. AD. An early mediaeval monastery arose on the ruins. A. Ciasca, M.G. AMADASI GuzZ0,s. v. T. S., DCPP, 442;

A. C1asca, Malte, in: V. Krincs (ed.), La civilisation phé-

nicienne et punique, 1995 (HbdOrI. vol. 20), 698-711. H.GN.

Tasciovanus. King in > Britannia. According to coin evidence, between c. 20/r5 BC and 5/10 AD his area of influence was in Herfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Northamptonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire,

Oxfordshire to the east of the Cherwell, Middlesex, ‘Tarusco [1] City in Gallia Narbonensis in the territory of the +> Salluvii (Str. 4,1,3; 12: Tagovoxwv; Ptol. 2,10,15), modern Tarascon. A.L.F. Rivet, Gallia Narbonensis, 1988, 300.

[2] City in the territory of the Volcae Tectosages on the northern slopes of the Pyrenees (—» Pyrene [2]; Plin. HN 3,37), modern Tarascon sur Ariége.

E.O.

northeastern Surrey, and in Essex together with that of Addedomarus. The main site of minting was Verulamium (Saint Albans), only few coins are from > Camu-

lodunum. On a number of them the Celtic RIGONUS appears as the equivalent of REX on the coins of the Atrebates [2]. S.S. FReRe,

Britannia.

A History

of Roman

Britain,

1987, 29-36; P.SALWAy, Roman Britain, 1991, 47, 55 f.

C.KU.

I61

162

Tasgetius. Prominent pro-Roman Celt [1. 378] whose ancestors were kings of the + Carnutes. Installed by Caesar in 56 BC as the king of this tribe, he was killed in the third year of his reign by his own people (Caes. B. Gall. 5,25; 5,29,2). Coin minting [2. 442 f.].

tion of Hellenistic culture in all its manifestations (art, philosophy, poetry), maintaining in contrast the superiority of Christian teaching. In the second part (chs. 31-41) of the apologetic text, which is characterized by excursions and polemic vocabulary, he cites the evidence of Antiquity in favour of Christianity. T.’ approach, which, in his theory of the - Logos [1], is strictly monotheistic, provides an early draft of a Christian dogma [4.129]. + Apologists; > Polemics

1 Evans

2 J.-B. COLBERT DE BEAULIEU, Les monnaies

gauloises au nom des chefs mentionnés dans les Commentaires de César, in: M. RENARD (ed.), Hommages a A. Grenier, vol. 1, 1962, 419-446. W.SP.

Tashkent. The capital of modern Uzbekistan, on the western slopes of Mount Tianshan, in an oasis irrigated by the Ciréik (a tributary of the Iaxartes). The country of Juni mentioned in 2nd cent. BC Chinese sources was later identified with the area of T. The local name was presumably Caé, as also used in the Islamic period; Arabic authors used Sa. The earliest traces of settlement date from the 6th—4th cents. BC ($a8-Tepe). From the sth cent. AD several towns developed, which ultimately merged to become T. After battles with the Chinese army in the 8th cent. T. came under Arab rule; from then on Sa8 was regarded as the boundary between the Islamic sphere and the Turkic peoples. C.E. Bosworty, s. v. Tashkent, EI ro, 1999, 348-351;

M.I. FILANOvIcH, Sistema rasselenija i gradostroitelnye formy Taschkentskogo mikrooazisa v drevnosti i rannem srednevekovje, in: G.A. PUGACHENKOVA stroitel’stvo i architektura, 1989, 35-51.

(ed.), GradoHJ.N.

Tatianus I. GREEK

IJ. ROMAN

I. GREEK {I 1] (Tatvavoc; Tatianos). Christian apologist and theologian (born c. AD

120). By his own account, T. was

from the East Syrian/North Mesopotamian region (Or. 42). His work betrays a knowledge of classical authors relying upon Hellenistic scholarly tradition. His travels brought T. into contact with a variety of the philosophical and religious systems of his period (i.a. participation in mystery cults, which he fails to define more precisely). In Rome, study of the ~ Bible finally brought him to Christianity (Or. 29). While there, he also met - Iustinus [6] Martys, as whose pupil he is regarded in the tradition. Probably c. 172 (thus Euseb. in Jer. Chron. ad annum 2188), disputes occasioned by T. views -— he espoused a rigorous encratism (yxoateva/enkrateia, ‘abstinence’), probably influenced by gnostic conceptions (-» Gnosis, Gnostics, Gnosticism), with a pronounced asceticism (e.g. rejection of marriage) — brought about his alienation from the Roman community. T. then returned to the East. Of his writings, only two works survive: an early gospel harmony [5] known under the title Diatessaron, and the Address to the Greeks (Adyog me0¢ “EAnvac/Légos pros Héllénas, Oratio ad Graecos; ed.: [1; 2]). The date and place of origin of the ‘Address’ are disputed (overview: [6. 327]). In its 42 chapters (overview of contents [4.50-2]), T. expresses his stark rejec-

TATIANUS

EpITIONS:

1M. WHITTAKER, Tatian: Oratio ad Graecos

and Fragments, 1982 (with Engl. tr.)

2M.Marcovicn,

Tatiani Oratio ad Graecos, 1995 3 R.C. KuxkuLa, Tatians Rede an die Bekenner des Griechentums, in: G. RAuSCHEN (ed.), Frithchristliche Apologeten, vol. 1 (BKV* 12), 1932, 177-257 (Germ. tr.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4 M.E1ze, Tatian und seine Theologie, 1960 5 W.L. PETERSEN, Tatian’s Diatessaron (Suppl. to Vigiliae Christianae 25), 1994 6R.HANIG, Tatian und Justin. Ein Vergleich, in: Vigiliae Christianae 53, 1999, 31-73. JRL

Il. ROMAN {1 1] Flavius Eutolmius T. Praefectus praetorio Orientis AD 388-392. T. came froma non-senatorial family, probably in Sidyma (Lycia). After training in the law, between 358 and 380 he spent a long career in the administration of the Eastern Empire (ILS 8844), with, i.a., four governorships and finally a court appointment in the imperial financial administration (comitiva sacrarum largitionum). > Theodosius [II 2] Icalled him back out of retirement early in 388, and, despite his advanced age, appointed him praetorian prefect in the East (Zos. 4,45,1). T., who was not a Christian, re-

ceived an ordinary consulate in 391. He lost his post as praetorian prefect in the middle of 392 as the result of an intrigue by > Rufinus [II 3] (Zos. 4,52,2), was subsequently condemned to death in a trial for high treason, but pardoned by the emperor and banished to Lycia. He died shortly afterwards (Asterius, Homiliae in Psalmos, 4). W.ENSSLIN, s.v. Tatianus (3), RE 4A, 2463-2467; A.GuTsFELD, Die Macht des Pratorianerprafekten. Studien zum praefectus praetorio Orientis von 313 bis 395 n. Chr., 2001; PLRE 1, 876-878. A.G.

{11 2] Grandson of T. [1], born c. AD 380 (?), governor

of Caria before 450, praefectus urbi Constantinopolitanae 450-452. Soon afterwards he received the title patricius, and in 466 (with the emperor > Leo [4] I) the consulate. Owing to his absence from the fasti consulares, however, it is assumed that he soon fell out of

favour (through the intrigues of Aspar > Ardabur [2]?). PERE ross5 mont {11 3] Magister officiorum in the Eastern Roman Empire, attested in 520 and 527. > lustinianus [1] I and -» Theodora [2] are supposed to have inherited his estate on the basis ofacounterfeit will (Procop. Arc. 12,5; PURE eames Ateimons))) Ban.

163

164

Tatius, T. Legendary king of the Sabines (> Sabini) in the city of > Cures. T. waged war with the Romans because of the rape of the Sabine women (Varro Ling.

sented by a bishop. As late as the end of the 4th cent. AD -» Cybele was also worshipped in T.

5,46; Liv. 1,10,1 f.). Through the treachery of > Tar-

L9G3; ESP. LOA Me sy 225 by 272 i ty biaKBES, tony, Tauchira, RE 4 A, 2500 f. (with further documentation); A. LARONDE, Cyréne et la Libye hellénistique, 1987, 596, LOU fi 9 355 3.022 W.HU.

PALI

Sai

peia, who was either bribed by T. or in love with him, he succeeded in occupying the Roman Capitol (—» Capitolium; Liv. 1,11,6; Prop. 4,4; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

2,38-40; Plut. Romulus 17,2—4). The war with Rome was settled when -» Romulus [1] and T. concluded a treaty (foedus; Cic. Rep. 2,13; Verg. Aen. 8,63 5-641; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,46,1 f.). The two ruled the city

together as equal kings for five years (Liv. 1,34,6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,50,4; Solin. 1,21) and enacted laws in common (Fest. 260,7). T. established sanctuaries and

introduced Sabine cults to Rome,

in particular for

+ Janus (Varro Ling. 5,74; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,50,33; Liv. 1,5 5,2; Serv. Aen. 1,291). He resided where

the Temple of uno

> Moneta later stood (Plut. Romu-

lus 20,5; Solin. 1,21). After T. was murdered by the Laurenti in Lavinium (Liv. 1,14,1 f.; Dion. Hal. Ant.

Rom. 2,51 f.; Plut. ibid. 23,1-4), he was buried in Rome on the Aventine (Varro Ling. 5,152). The Titienses > tribus was named after T. (Varro Ling. 5,55; Cic. Rep. 2,14); the Titii > sodales can also be traced to him (Tac. Ann. 1,54,1). J.Poucer, Les rois de Rome. Tradition et histoire, 2000,

63-66; 382-388; Id., Recherches sur la legende sabine des origines de Rome, 1967, 265-410.

J.STE.

Tatta (Tatta Aiuvn; Tatta limne). Largest lake in Asia Minor (Str. 12,5,4; Plin. HN 31,84), modern Tuz Golii (‘Salt Lake’), an undrained basin in the highlands of central Anatolia (Galatia), about 900 m above sea level,

mean depth 1 m, According to the season the surface area is between about 1100 km* (summer, salinity up to

F. CHAMOUX,

Cyréne sous la monarchie

des Battiades,

Taulantii

(Tavidcvtio/Taulantioi). Illyrian people, known already by > Hecataeus (FGrH 1 F 99; ror; cf. Ael. NA 14,1; Str. 7,7,8; App. Ill. 16; App. B Civ. 2,39; Ptol. 3,13,33 3,13,20; Liv. 45,26,13; Plin. HN 3,144; Meia 2,3). Galaurus, a king of the T. and an enemy of the Macedonians (Polyaenus Strat. 4,1), has been dated to as early as the end of the 7th cent. BC. At the founding of Epidamnos (~ Dyrrhachium) in 626/5 BC, the T. came to the aid of the colonists of Corcyra against Liburnian pirates (App. B Civ. 2,39). In 435-433 they supported the aristocrats of Epidamnos who had been expelled by the démos (Thuc. 1,24,5; Diod. Sic. 12,30,3). [he sources show that > Glaucias [2], whom all Illyrii recognised as their king, was a contemporary of Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab. 1,5,1). In 313 BChe successfully fended off the Macedonian King > Cassander who wanted to gain ground in Apollonia [x] (cf. Diod. Sic. 19,67,6 f.; 19,70,7; 19,78,1). After the victory over - Genthius, the Romans declared the T. as liberi et immunes (‘free and without tribute duty’: Liv. 45,26,13) in 167 BC. In 33 BC the ruler later to become Augustus finally subjected the T. under Roman rule (App. Ill. 16). Originally, the T. resided on the coast of the Ionian Sea (->lonios Kolpos) between - Epidaurum and — Lissus (Plin. HN. 3,144); later Thuc. 1,24,1 (cf. Ps.Scyl. 26) attested their home to have been located in the

32%) and 2500 km* (after winter rains). > Salt extrac-

hinterland of Epidamnos between the Shkumbi and Mati rivers. In 170 BC they were found in the south of

ted from Lake T. was considered to have healing pow-

Lissus (cf. Liv. 45,26,13), that is, south of the Mati.

ers (Dioscorides, De materia medica 5,109,r).

+ Illyricum

BELKE, 230 f.

E.0.

Tattius. C.T. Maximus. Eques. Tribune of the + equites singulares in Rome, attested 142-145 AD. Recorded from 156 until 158 as praefectus [16] vigilum; in 158 he became > praefectus praetorio succeeding Gavius [II 6] Maximus until his death in 160. R.SABLAYROLLES, Libertinus miles, 1996, 487 f.

WE.

P. CaBANES, Les Illyriens de Bardylis a Genthios, 1988, 65 f.; 137-142; M.SaSeL Kos, Appian and Dio on the Illyrian Wars of Octavian, in: Ziva Antika, 47, 1997, 187198.

Taunus. One of the highest mountain ranges mania (Mela 3,30; name possibly Celtic). In Germanicus [2] had a fort built 2 monte Tauno ruins of a fortress designed by Claudius [II 24]

PILCA.

in GerAD 15 on the Drusus

(Tac. Ann. 1,56,1). This fortress has often been identi-

Tauchira (Tavyeioa; Tauicheira). City in Cyrenaea, modern Tokra in Libya (Hdt. 4,171); founded by -» Cyrene (schol. Pind. Pyth. 4,26). T. was conquered in 322 BC by Ptolemaeus [1] and renamed by Ptolemaeus [3] to Arsinoe after his step-mother, by M. Antonius [I 9] to Cleopatris. Towards the end of the 4th cent. AD, T. was under pressure from Berber tribes; later it was again fortified under [ustinianus [1] I (Procop. Aed. 6,2,4). At the Council of Nicaea (in 325) T. was repre-

fied with a fort established by Drusus ‘among the Chatti immediately on the Rhine’ in rx BC (Cass. Dio 5453354). Since the latter is now presumed rather to be in the area of the Neuwieder Basin, the identification of Drusus’ two fortresses is as uncertain as the connection with “Agtavvow/Artaunon in Ptol. 2,11,29. The T. gave their name to the Civitas Taunensium (2nd cent. AD) with the suburb of Nida. The modern term T. for the mountains between the lower reaches of the Main, the middle Rhine, the Lahn and the region of Wetterau,

165

166

which until the r9th cent. was called merely ‘Die Hohe’

the inland hills. They occupied themselves especially with agriculture and animal husbandry; there is evidence of trade with Greek poleis only from the 4th cent. BC onwards. A goddess worshipped among the T. was identified by the Greeks with Artemis or ~ Iphigenia (Hdt. 4,103). In 513 BC the T. declined to help the Scythae against Darius [1] (Hdt. 4,119). In the sth/4th cent. BC they came under Scythian rule. Out of the Scythian-Taurian symbiosis the Tauroscythae emerged (first mention in Plin. HN 4,85). In Mithridates’ [6] VI war with the Scythae, Diophantus [2] subjugated the T. too and founded Eupatoria in their territory (~ Cerci-

(‘The Heights’), is based on historicising innovation.

Until the rst cent. BC, the area of the modern T. was part of the Celtic > La Téne Culture. Political centres were fortified sites (ring walls). By the time the Romans under Augustus and Tiberius advanced through the Wetterau in the direction of the Lahn and the Weser, Germanic groups had largely destroyed this structure. At the end of the rst or the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD, the T. Limes was established, secured by forts. Around the middle of the 3rd cent., the area on the right bank of the Rhine enclosed by the > Limes (III) was lost. — Limes III (with map) A. BECKER, Rom und die Chatten, 1992, passim; K. Korrum, Zur Datierung romischer Militaranlagen im obergermanisch-ratischen Limesgebiet, in: Saalburg Jahrbuch 49, 1998, 5-65, especially 34-37, 49-65; H.-G. Srmon, D.Baatz, Eroberung und Verzicht ..., in: D. BAaTz, F.-R. HERRMANN

(eds.), Die Romer in Hessen, *1989, 38-83.

RA.W1.

Taurasia [1] City of the > Hirpini in the mountains of Samnium, destroyed by the Romans in 298 BC. It was to the territory ofT. that in 180 BC Ligurian Apuani were deported (Liv. 40,38,3; 41,4; Plin. HN {I 12]).

3, 105; > Baebius

D. MarcorreE, Lucaniae, in: Latomus 44, 1985, 721-742; J. PATTERSON, Sanniti, 1988, 168-170; G. DE BENEDITTIS,

1G.De

Sanctis,

over the Scythae, the T. capitulated to him voluntarily (LOSPE 2,423). When the Borani and the Goti appeared on the Chersonesus in c. AD 255, the T. as well as the Scythae seceded from the > Regnum Bosporanum. The offer of alliance made by Sapor [1] I to the Scythae and the T. was repudiated (SHA Valer. 4,1).

~ Scythae (with map) A.N.SéEGLov, Tavri v VII do pervoj polovini IV v. i greéesko-tavri¢eskoe vzaimootnosheniya, in: O.D. Lorpx1PANIDZE (ed.), Lokal’nye etno-politiéeskie osobennosti Pricernomor’ja v VII-IV vv. pr. n. e, 1985, 55-68; Cu. M. Danorr, s. v. Pontos Euxeinos, RE Suppl. 9, 866-

1175, especially 1025; A.M. Leskov, Die Taurer, in: Antike Welt 11, 1980, 39-53. Lv.B.

Taurianum. City in Bruttium (Cato HRR, fr. 71; Mela 2,4,68; Lab. Peut. 7,2: Tauriana; Plin. HN

3,73: Tau-

roentum) to the south of the Mataurus river on the

of the > Taurini (App. Hann. 5; 218 BC unsuccessfully opposed into Italy [1. 24, 67|, possibly [5] Taurinorum [2].

border with Rhegium at modern Monte Traviano [1. 147-130]. It is unclear whether it is the inhabitants of T. [1. 126; 2] that are meant by the Tauriani who capitulated to the Romans in 213/2 BC (Liv. 25,1,2). Scanty archaeological remains [1. 118 f., 130-133]; inscriptions from the Bruttian (brick stamps) and Roman

Storia

dei

Romani

3.2,

71968

2 G. BONFANTE, G. PETRACCO S1carDI, Il nome di Torino,

in: RAL, 43, 1988, 35 f.

ASA.

Taureas (Tavoéac; Tauréas). As a son of a cousin of Leogoras [1] (whose son, the orator Andocides [r], boasted he was from the “oldest of all the noble houses”, And. 1,47), he belonged to the Athenian no-

bility. Between 430 and 415 BC he was trounced by Alcibiades [3] in a dispute over a - choregia; denounced in the scandal of the Mutilation of the Herms (> Herms, Mutilation of the) in 415, he was released when Andocides confessed. At about this time T. already had an adult son. Plato [1] knows of a palaestra belonging to T. (Plat. Charm. 15 3a). DAVIES, 29.

nitis; Str. 7,4,7). After Sauromates [2] II was victorious

ith

Fagifulae, 1997, 17-22, 65-74.

[2] Probably the capital cf. Pol. 3,60,9), who in Hannibal’s [4] march identical with Augusta

TAURINI

K.KI.

Tauri (Toteo/Tatroi). Pre-Scythian people on the Chersonesus [2] (Crimea), probably descendants of the bearers of the Kizil-Koba culture, in the 7th/éth cent. BC driven by the > Scythae and Greek colonists into

periods [1. 133-144; 3; 4. 255]. 1S.Serris, Tauriana, in: RAL ser. 8°, vol. 19, 1964, 117144 2 F.PRONTERA, Cosentini e Tauriani in Livio XXV,1,2, in: Klearchos 14, 1972, 83-87 3 P.PocceTTI, Lingua e cultura dei Brettii, in: Id. (ed.), Per un’identita culturale dei Brettii, 1988, 119-121 4 M.INTRIERI, A.ZumBo (ed.), I Brettii, vol. 2, 1995, 86 f., 184-188,

25 5.

MLL.

Taurike Chersonesos (Taveixh Xegoovnoos; Tauriké Chers6nésos) see J.M. Mocariéev Krymy, 1994.

> Chersonesus [2]. (Hrsg.), Problemy istorii i arheologii Lv.B.

Taurini. Ligurian (Plin. HN 3,123; Str. 4,6,6) or Celtic

people between the Doria Riparia (— Alpes Cottiae) and the upper Padus (modern Po). They were involved in Rome’s wars against the Celts at the end of the 4th cent. BC (Pol. 2,28,4) and opposed in vain Hannibal’s [4] march into Italy in 218 BC, resulting in the destruction of their capital > Taurasia [2] (App. Hann. 5; cf.

TAURINI

Pol. 3,60,9; Liv. 21,39,4)

168

167

Refounded

after 25 BC

1 G.Cresct Marrone, La fondazione della colonia, in: E. Serai (ed.), Storia di Torino, 1997, 143-155. E.CuLasso GasTALpI, Il contesto ligure e i Celti, in: see

[1], 95-107.

archdologischen Interpretation, in: E. JEREM,

A. KRENN-

Lees et al. (eds.), Die Kelten in den Alpen und an der

[z. 143] as Colonia Augusta [5] Taurinorum.

ASA.

Donau, 1996, 433-440; P. W. Harper, Zu den norischen Tauriskern, in: A. Lippert (ed.), Hochalpine Altstrafen im Raum Badgastein-Mallnitz, 1993, 219-247; R. HEvuBERGER, Iaurisker und Noriker, in: Innsbrucker Beitrage zur Kulturwissenschaft 2, 1954, 161-171; P.PETRu, Die ostalpinen Taurisker und Latobiker, in: ANRW II 6, 1977, 473-499. H.GR.

Taurinus see > Pelops [2] Taurion (Tavoeimv; Taureton). Macedonian, philos (> Court titlesB.) of Antigonus[3] and Philippus [7] V, when as their governor in the Peloponnese T. was acting on behalf of the Achaei (Pol. 4,6,4; 10,2; LO,63/1957 £-3'8O)35 54925795535 9555). 1 2719/8 BC T. was affected by the Apelles [1] affair (Pol. 4,87,1 f.; 4,87,8 f£.; 5,27,4) and in 217 was probably one of the peace negotiators at Naupactus [1. 112]; T.’s negative

influence on Philippus (Pol. 9,23,9) and his complicity in the death of Aratus [2] (Plut. Aratus 52,2-3) are questionable.

Tauriscus (Tavoicxoc/Tauriskos). [1] Grammarian of the 2nd cent. BC and pupil of + Crates [5] from Mallus, to whom his definition of philological scholarship (xoixh téxvn, Rritike téchne) can be traced [1.56]. According to Sext. Emp. ady. math. 248-249, T. distinguished three sub-disciplines: grammar (Aoyix0v, logikén), dialectology and stylistic criticism (toiBixov, tribikdn) and commentary (iotogixov, historikon) on content needing explanation. For T.’ position within the classification of the grammatical discourse of his time cf. [2. 184-186].

1S.LE Bouec, Les philoi des rois Antigonides, in: REG

1H.J.

98, 1985, 93-124.

Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft, vol. 2, 1891 (reprint

L.-M.G.

Merre,

Parateresis,

1961).

Tauris. Island between Pharus [2] and Corcyra [2] Melaina off the Dalmatian coast (Tab. Peut. 6,4), modern Scedro (in Croatia). Caesar’s legate P. Vatinius [I 2] was victorious at T. over the fleet of Pompey’s party in 47 BC (Bell. Alex. 45,1,2). M.Kozu1é1¢, Historical Adriatic, 1990, 300.

Geography

of the

Eastern E.O.

Taurisci (TavoioxoTauriskoi). Celts in the area of the Alpes and the Ister [1] (Danube), first mentioned at the southern edge of the western Alpes, where they ap-

peared in 225 BC as part of the Celtic war alliance against Rome (Pol. 2,15,8; 28,4; 30,6); the > Taurini were also counted among them (Pol. 3,60,8). Cato

1952

2 H. STEINTHAL, M.B.

[2] A son of Artemidorus, a sculptor from Tralleis [2] and a pupil of > Menecrates [8]. With his brother + Apollonius [18], he sculpted a ‘Dirce group’ a Roman copy of which survives. 1 OVERBECK, no. 2038 2 CH. Kunze, Der Farnesische Stier und die Dirkegruppe des Apollonios und Tauriskos, 1998.

[3] Metal-worker. He is mentioned by Plinius (cf. [1]) among the artists working with gold in the Late Hellenistic period. 1 OVERBECK, no. 2167 1966, 629-630.

2 P. MORENO, s. v. T. (2), EAA 7,

RN.

tyrant, was annihilated by Heracles [1]. In the eastern

[4] Greek painter, mentioned only in Plin. HN. 35,144, in the context of a series of artists described as less significant. The date, style and appearance of his five attested paintings with mythical themes, portraits and sports subjects are unknown.

Alpes, the Norici (+ Noricum; Pol. 34,10,10) and the —» Carni (ILS 8885) are counted as T. In the Augustan

G. LippoLp, s. v. T. (5), RE 5 A, 16; P. MORENO, s. v. T. (3), EAA 7, 1966, 630. N.H.

Orig. 2,6 includes the - Lepontii and the — Salassi among the T. In the late rst cent. BC, Timagenes [1] (FGrH 88 F 2) mentions that the tribal hero, a Gaulish

period, this term for a large ethnic alliance fell out of use in favour of particular populations; the T. now were considered part of the Norici (Str. 4,6,9) probably in the area of > Celeia, but also on the lower Save, where they were subject to the Thracians (Str. 4,6,9-123 5,1,63 753,113 75,2). Nauportus [1] was considered a T. set-

tlement (Str. 7,5,2). After the Roman occupation 3 5-33 BC, which also affected the T. (App. Ill. 16; Cass. Dio 49,3223 50,28,4), there is no further evidence of the

ethnonym; Plin. HN 3,133 recorded this change of meaning using the example of the Norici. G. ALFOLpy, T. und Norici, in: Historia 15, 1966, 225-

241; M. Gustin, T. — Verknupfung der historischen und

Taurobolium (taveofddov; taurobdlion). The taurobolium is known primarily through its depiction in Christian sources (see below), according to which an initiate to the cult of the + Mater Magna stood in a pit and had the blood of a bull (ta#ros), which was sacrificed above him, flow over his head. However, the validity of this depiction is debatable [1.3 14-320]. The development history of the taurobolium can be divided into three phases. In its first phase (middle of the 2nd cent. BC — middle of the 2nd cent. AD), the ritual, which first appeared in Asia Minor, was not as-

169

170

sociated with a specific deity; this tawrobolium was apparently as much a bullfight as a sacrifice (e.g. TAM II 508, Pinara). Emigrants may have brought this ritual to Italy (cf. CIL X 1596, Puteoli, AD 134). In the second phase (middle of the 2nd cent. AD — end of the 3rd cent. AD), the taurobolium was incorporated into the cult of the > Mater Magna [1] (> Cybele C.2.), first in Rome, later in the west of the Roman Empire. This change may have begun in AD 159 with > Antoninus [1] Pius. The colonia in > Lugdunum celebrated the taurobolium the following year; the ritual included the transfer of vires (probably bull testicles) from a sanctuary on the (local

eastern slope of Mt. Tauros (250 m above sea-level), on the via Pompeia from > Messana [1] to > Catane. The

or Roman) Vaticanus (CIL XIII 1751; [2.83-88, 124-

127]). There, the taurobolium was a public ritual; however, it could also have a private character in this period. In the third phase (late 3rd cent. — end of the 4th cent. AD), the non-Christian aristocracy in the city of Rome adapted the taurobolium (e.g. CIL VI 1778; [13 3.

vol. 1, 364—-388]): apparently, it then held the aspect of personal renewal and rebirth (CIL VI 510). Christian literature used the blood of this ‘barbaric’ sacrificial rite as a counter-point to the blood of the Christian martyrs and Jesus Christ and to the pure rite of baptism (Firm. Mat. De errore 27,8—28,1; Anon. Carmen contra paga-

nos 57—62 with [3. vol. 1, 386]; Prudent. Peristephanon 10,1001-1050 with [4.1-97]).

~» Baptism; > Kriobolion; > Sacrifice 1N.McLynn, The Fourth-Century T., in: Phoenix 50, 1996, 312-330 2R.TuRCAN, Les religions del’Asie dans la vallée du Rhéne (EPRO 30), 1972 3 M.Bearp et al., Religions of Rome, 1998

4 A.-M. PALMER, Prudentius

on the Martyrs, 1989. P. BORGEAUD, La mére des dieux, 1996,

156-168; R. Du-

THOY, The T., Its Evolution and Terminology (EPRO tro),

1969; J.B. RutreR, The Three Phases of the T., in: PhoeNix 22, 1968, 226-249. SLPR.

Taurokathapsia

(Tavooxaderpia/Taurokathapsia:

CIG 3212, Smyrna). From tauros (‘bull’) and kathaptein (‘hang on to’). A form of bull-fighting at the Eleutheria in > Larisa [3] (IG IX 531; 5353 536), in whicha rider swung himself on to the bull grabbing its horns and tried to throw it to the ground (as in Heliod. 10,2830; cf. Anth. Pal. 9,543); a relief from Smyrna and coin images from Larisa have been preserved [1. 221-224]. In inscriptions, taurokathapsia is suggested for cities of the Greek East (Aphrodisias: CIG 2759b; Ancyra: CIG 4039; Sinope: CIG 4157); it is contentious for Eleusis (cf. Artem. 1,8). The Thessalian custom was introduced into Rome by Caesar (Plin. HN 8,182) and also practiced under Claudius (AD 41-54; Suet. Claud. 21,6). 1K.J. Gaius, The Games in Ancient Larisa, in: W.J. Rascnke (ed.), The Archaeology of the Olympics, 1988, 217-235. P.SCH.

town of T. was built in 396 BC at a place where the + Siculi had settled as early as the 8th cent. BC (Diod. Sic. 14,88,1; necropolis of Cocolonazzo) and where, for the 6th cent. BC, there is evidence of Greek settlers (Scymn. 289); in 403 BC Dionysius [1] I had settled the Siculi in the region of Naxos [2] which he had destroyed in the same year (Diod. Sic. 14,15,2f.). Himilkon [1] induced the Siculi who had deserted Dionysius to found T. (Diod. Sic. 14,59,1f.). In the winter of 394/3 BC, Dionysius besieged T. in vain (Diod. Sic. 14,87,4-88,4), but the town was handed to him in 392 BC in the peace treaty with the Carthaginians (Diod. Sic. 14,96,4). He drove out most of the Siculi once again and settled his own mercenaries in T. (Diod. Sic. 14,96,4). In 358 BC Andromachus, the father of the historian Timaeus [2], gathered together the survivors of the Naxos catastrophe, took T. and gave them a home here (Diod. Sic. 16,7,1). Under him T. attained

power and wealth (Plut. Timoleon 10,7). In 345 BC he supported Timoleon against Dionysius [2] II of Syracuse (Diod. Sic. 16,68,7-9; Plut. Timoleon ro-12z). Around 316 BC Agathocles [2] of Syracuse captured the town (Diod. Sic. 19,102,6), but lost it to the Carthaginians after his defeat at the + Eknomon massif (Diod. Sic. 19,110,3). From c. 285 BC T. was ruled by Tyndarion (Diod. Sic. 22,2,1) who, in 278 BC, admitted > Pyrrhus [3] to his kingdom and supported him in his attempts to conquer Sicily (Diod. Sic. 22,7,4; 22,8,3). A little later, Hiero [2] Il of Syracuse seized T. (Diod. Sic. 22,13,2), which he was specifically allowed to keep in the peace treaty with Rome in 263 BC (Diod. Sic. 23,4,13; StV 3, 479). After Hiero’s death in 215 BC, T. allied itself with the Romans in the second > Punic War (App. Sic. 5); as a reward, T. was given the status of a civitas foederata in the Roman province of Sicilia (Cic. Verr. 2,3,13). In the first > slave revolt T., an important stronghold of the slaves, was only captured after a long siege by the Roman consul Rupilius [I 1] in 132 BC (Diod. Sic. 34f.,2,20f.). Augustus selected T. to receive a colony of Romans, probably in 21 BC (Diod. Sic. 16,7,1; Plin. HN 3,88; Ptol. 3,4,9).

The town’s orthogonal ground plan is laid out on terraces wedged between hills, those of the ancient theatre in the east and that of the mediaeval fort. The ruin of the + theatre is impressive; it was built in the third cent. BC and was reconstructed for gladiatorial and animal fights (-~ Munus, Munera III.) in the second cent. AD on the model of the theatre in Syracuse, the largest in - Magna Graecia (a skene building with three niches and two different orders of columns) [1.364-368; 4.70-78; 5; 6; 7.76]. In addition the following are to be found here: the so-called naumachia (a monumental

Tauromenium (Taveouévov/Tauroménion, Lat. Tauromenium; present-day Taormina). Town on the east coast of > SiciLy, 5 km north of > Naxos [2], on the

TAUROMENIUM

+ nymphaeum

[2.95-98;

3.21]);

an

> odeum (erected under Nero [1] or the Flavian emperors [1.366-368; 4.79f.; 2.93-95]); a Greek temple [8.545-548] from the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC

171

AG2.

(under Santa Caterina; [9.347f.]); a Hellenistic temple to Isis and Serapis (under San Pancrazio; IG XIV, 433;

Theran coin with a bull on the reverse, of which to date

TAUROMENIUM

CIL X, 6889; [4.2993 Lo. nos. 131-193; 195]); a gym-

nasium (IG XIV, 422; [11.2968; 12]) with fragments of the library catalogue [13; 14]; baths dating from the Imperial period on the forum (previously the agora, present-day Piazza Vittorio Emanuele; | 15]); fragments of the Roman calendar and the fasti consulares [16.724f.]; two aqueducts from the Imperial period leading to T. [4.95-97]; housing architecture, up to now

only

sparsely

detected

[17.34-39,

1 O. BELVEDERE, Opere pubbliche ed edifici per lo spettacolo, in: ANRW II 11.1, 346-413 2 G. Lucu, L’architettura in Sicilia, in: Atti del 7. congresso nazionale di

3R.J.A.

Witson,

(Palermo

Aqueducts (ed.), Cura

1950),

1956, 89-107

and Water

G.C.M.

JANSEN

aquarum

3-36

41d., Sicily under the Roman

Supply, in:

in Sicilia, 2000,

Empire,

1990

5 F.SEAR, The Theatre at Taormina, in: PBSR 64, 1996, 41-79 6P.PENSABENE, Marmie architettura nel teatro

di Taormina, in: Un ponte fra I’Italia e la Grecia. Atti del simposio in onore

di Antonino

di Vita (Ragusa

1998),

2000, 214-225 7 L.BERNABO Brea, Restauri del teatro antico di Taormina 1949-1956, in: Quaderni dell’Istituto di Archeologia dell’Universita di Messina 1.1, 2000, 59-

123.

8 P.PELAGatTTI, L’attivita della Soprintendenza alle

Antichita della Sicilia Orientale, in: Kokalos 22-23, 1976-

1977, 519-550 9 W.vON SypDow, Die hellenistischen Gebalke in Sizilien, in: MDAI(R) 91, 1984, 239-358 10 G.SFAMENI GASPARRO, I culti orientali in Sicilia, 1973 11 P.PELAGATTI, s. v. Tauromenium, Taormina, in: Fasti archaeologici 22, 1967, 207 f. no. 2968 12 Ead., Il ginnasio di T., in: PdP 295-297, 1997, 256-261 13 H.BLanck, Anaximander in T., in: MDAI(R) 104, 1997, 507-511 141d., Un nuovo frammento del ‘Catalogo’ della biblioteca di T., in: PdP 295-297, 1997, 241-

255

1 C. BOEHRINGER, Zur Chronologie mittelhellenistischer Miinzserien 220-160 v. Chr., 1972 2.J. R. MELVILLEJones, Greek Coin Names in -phoros, in: BICS 21, 1974, 3 L.Ropert, Etudes de numismatique grecque, 55-74 1951,

156-159.

DLK.

Tauropolos see + Artemis

97-109];

remains of the town wall in the north [18.88] survive; inscription [19]. —» Punic Wars; > Sicily (with map)

storia dell’architettura

no tetradrachma and only one example of a > didrachmon are known, however.

15 P.PELAGATTI, Scoperta di un edificio termale a

T., in: Cronache di archeologia 3, 1964, 25-37 16G.M. Baccl, Scavie ricerche a Avola, Grammichele, Portopaloe T., in: Kokalos 30-31, 1984-1985, 711-725 17D.von BOESELAGER, Antike Mosaiken in Sizilien, 1993 18 L.Karisson, Fortification, Towers, and Masonry Techniques in the Hegemony of Syracuse, 1992 19 G.MANGANARO, Le tavole finanziarie di T., in: D.KNOEPFLER (ed.), Comptes et Inventaires dans la cité grecque. Actes du colloque d’épigraphie (Neuchatel 1986), 1988, 155-190.

M.BELL, s. v. T., PE, 886f; G.M. Baccl, s. v. T., EAA, 2. Suppl., 1997, 526 f. M.CLL.

Taurosthenes (TavoooSévync; Taurosthénés) from Chalcis, son of Mnesarchus, supported his brother +» Callias [9] in an attempt at independent Euboean power politics between 349 and 338 BC. When he joined the Athenian position on + Demosthenes’

[z]

instigation, he was given Athenian citizenship. After the battle of + Chaeronea (in 338) T. lived in Athens. Main sources: Aeschin. 3,85-87 with schol.; Din. 1,44. PA 13435; I.WoRTHINGTON, A Historical Commentary on Dinarchus, 1992, 207-209 (Lit.). ULWAL.

Taurus {1] Southern Anatolian coastal mountain range, today the Toros Daglari; it extends from Caria and Lycia in

the west (Western T. with the Bey Daglari, 3086 m), through Cilicia (Middle T. with the Kali Dag, 3734 m), from where the ~ Amanus branches off to the southeast and the Anti-T. to the north, while the main range stretches north-east to the Ararat highlands (Inner and Central Eastern T. with Ararat, 5165 m), beyond which a further Anti-T. (Outer Eastern T. with the Cilo Dag1) splits off to the south-east in Sophene. The T. formed a pronounced divide between Asia Minor and Syria, and consequently played an important role on various occasions, e.g. in the treaty of Apameia in 188 BC [x. 221-4]. 1 WILL 2.

W.-D. Hurrerotn, Tiirkei, 1982, 30-36; MAGIE, 757f.

[2] To be distinguished from T. [1] is the part of the + Amanus that stretches northwards from the Gates of Syria (the modern Belen Pass, 750 m high; Ps.-Aristot. De ventorum situ et nominibus 973a; Plin. HN

today Alma Dagi.

5,80),

E.O.

[3] (‘Bull’) see > Constellations [4] Roman cognomen (‘Bull’); in the Republican Period

in the - Statilius family, in the Imperial Period also in the > Flavii, > Petronii and > Rutilii.

Taurophoros

(téteayua

xawca

taveoddea).

A coin

(— Tetradrachmon; according to the numbering also fractions) with an image of a bull, mentioned only in the Delos treasure lists (IDélos 1429 B I; 1432 BBI and Ba Il; 1449 Ba I, c. 166 BC). According to [3] the large Eretrian silver coin with an ox in a laurel wreath on the reverse (after 196 BC), to [1. 37] an early tetradrachmon of Macedonia Prima with Artemis Tauropolos on a bull on the reverse (after 167 BC), and to [2. 61-63] a

Decrassi, FCap., 149; Id., FCIR, 270; KAyANTO, Cognomina, 86; 329.

K.-L.E.

[5] Lucius Calbenus T. (Aotxtog KaaBfvoc T.; Loukios Kalbénos T.), from Berytus, was a Middle Platonist phi-

losopher of the 2nd cent. AD (c. AD 145; fr. 1 LaKMANN), who taught in Athens. His pupil Aulus > Gellius [6], in his Noctes Atticae, gives numerous insights into everyday school proceedings, and portrays T. as a

173

174

charming, extensively cultured man (frr. 4-17) [1]. T. produced many (now lost) writings (fr. 18) [x. 210f.]. Known to us are: On the difference between the teachings of Plato and Aristotle, On the corporeal and the incorporeal [2. vol. 3, 62, 74, 246f., 289], a polemical text against — Stoicism (fr. 12,43f.), and a commentary on Plato’s Gorgias and Republic [2. vol. 3, 40, 46, 195, 205; cf. 199]; > Iohannes Philoponus adopted many passages from T.’ commentary on the Timaeus in his De aeternitate mundi (frr. 22-6) [2. 50, 214f.]. T. espoused the Platonic/Peripatetic teaching of metriopatheia (‘restraint of the emotions’), and rigorously rejected the Stoic ideal of apatheia [1. 3.4f., 40-5, 137, 147f.]. Regarding the question of the origin of the world, he demonstrated that the world according to Plato has no origin, and is eternal (frr. 22-6) [2. vol. 5, 122-8, 138-44, 428-33, 454-60; 3. 105-21]. In common with most Middle Platonists, he assumed three principles to be the causes of the world (God, paradigm and matter; fr. 22B,56f.) [2. vol. 4, 198, 526]. Posterity had high regard for T. as an interpreter of Plato. He was regarded as one of the particularly useful commentators (chrésimoteroi, fr. 19), and had especial influence not only on > Porphyrius and Johannes Philoponus, but also > Alexander [26] of Aphrodisias and ~ Proclus. > Middle Platonism; — Plato [1]

Theod. 6,30,21), 428 consul and 433-434 praefectus praetorio Orientis (Cod. Theod., e.g. 11,28,16; 5,3,1)During this period he received the status of patricius; and in 445 was again praefectus praetorio (probably likewise for the Oriens diocese; Cod. Iust. 1,2,11; 10,48,2). Letters are extant to him from — Johannes [13] of Antioch, > Isidorus [6] of Pelusium and - Theodoretus [1]. He died in 449 (> Marcellinus [II 14]

1 M.-L. LAKMANN, Der Platoniker T. in der Darstellung des Aulus Gellius, 1995 2 DORRIE/BALTES 3M.Ba.tEes, Die Weltentstehung des Platonischen Timaios nach den antiken Interpreten, vol. 1, 1976. FRAGMENTS: M.-L. LAKMANN (s. [1]), 229-258. BIBLIOGRAPHY: J.DiILLton, The Middle Platonists, *1996, 237-247; H.DOrritk, L. Kalbenos T., in: Kairos 15, 1973, 24-35 (= Id., Platonica minora, 1976, 310-

323); H.A.S. TaRRANT, Platonic Interpretation in Aulus Gellius, in: GRBS 37, 1996, 173-193. M.-LLL.

[6] Flavius T. He rose from modest circumstances to high positions under -» Constantius [2] II; initially notarius (Lib. Or. 42,24f.), AD 345 comes (Athan. Hist. Ar. 22), then quaestor sacri palatii (visited Armenia in 354: Amm. Marc. 14,11,14), 354/5 patricius (cf. AE 1934,159), 355-361 praefectus praetorio Italiae et Africae (Cod. Theod., e.g. 7,4,2; 8,4,6). He was consul in 361. In 351 he took part in the condemnation of Photinus in Sirmium (Epiphanius, Adversus haereses 71,1,5). As leader of the synod of Ariminum in 359, he enforced a unified formula of the creed (Sulp. Sev. Chron. 2,41,1). In 361 he fled from > Iulianus [11] to Constantius (Amm. Marc. 21,9,4; Zos. 3,10,4). After Julian’s assumption of power, he was exiled by the commission of Chalcedon (Amm. Marc. 22,3,4). He was still living c. 390 (Synes. De providentia 92a,d). Harmonius, + Aurelianus [4] and > Eutychianus [2] were his sons (cf. Synes. De providentia 88a). PLRE 1, 879f. no 3. [7] Flavius T. Son of > Aurelianus [4]; grandson of T. [6]. In AD 416 he was comes rerum privatarum (Cod.

TAXATIO

Comes, sub anno 449). PLRE 2, 1056f. no 4.

W.P.

Tautalus (Tavtadrod/Taitalos; in Diod. Sic. 33,1,4 according to Posidon.: Tavitamos). Successor to > Viriatus as supreme commander of the > Lusitani, in 139 BC he capitulated to the Romans, who in return awarded his people land to secure their existence (App. Hisp. 320-321).

TAS.

Tavium also Tavia, Tabia (Taouow/Taouion, Tapia/ Tabia; Old Anatolian Tawinija), city in Galatia at mod-

ern Biyiiknefes. Centre, settled since the Chalcolithic period, which had acquired wider significance by the early Bronze Age. Important cult city of the Hittite Empire, significant centre in the rst millennium BC. From 274/272 BC onwards a speedily Hellenized centre of the > Trocmi and cult place of > TeSSup/Zeus Tavianus (Str. 12,5,2). From 25/4 BC onwards part of the Roman province of Galatia, from 21 BC T. was organized as an autonomous polis and comprised the territory of the Trocmi, who established their > ruler cult there. T. is

documented as a bishopric from 325 until the r2th cent. In 727 T. was conquered by the Arabs, but the Byzantine garrison held its ground until the r1th cent. K. STROBEL, C. GERBER, T., in: MDAI(Ist) 50, 2000, 213-

263; BELKE 229 f.

K.ST.

Tax farming see > Publicani; > Taxes Taxatio (the ‘appraisal’) in the Roman > formula process was the upper limit to which the > iudex (‘judge’) could set the sentence sum on conviction (> condem-

natio), by instruction of the > praetor. The taxatio typically occurred in cases of (1) liability of the master for the property (-» peculium) of the slave or filiusfamilias from the actio de peculio or the actio de in rem verso, in respect of asset gains made by the action of such individuals under his power (- patria potestas), (2) an exception sought by the debtor because of distress (> beneficium competentiae) and (3) an appeal for > iniuria (‘unlawful behaviour’) of the debtor. M.Kaser, K.Hackt, Das rémische Zivilprozefrecht, *1996, 316 f., 339 f.; D.NOrR, Zur condemnatio cum taxatione im romischen Zivilprozefs, in: ZRG 112, 1995, 51-90; Id., Zur t. bei der actio iniuriarum, in: Collatio iuris romani. FS H. Ankum, vol. 2, 1995, 389-401; P.GRZIMEK, Studien zur T. Strukturen des rémischen Zivilprozesses, 2001. GS.

TAXES

175

176

Taxes I. MesorpoTramMia II. Ecypt III. GREECE IV.RomeE V. LATE ANTIQUITY VI. BYZANTIUM

duced products and to goods (e.g. cattle, horses and gold) from conquered or dependent overseas territories. There was no distinction between taxed citizens and subject peoples.

I. MESOPOTAMIA Income needed to finance tasks of state and general social functions (administration, the military, —> irrigation, prestige buildings, the court, > cults, etc.) did

The inscription on the ‘Palermo Stone’ [1], which lists important events year by year, from the early period into the 5th Dynasty (c.3000-2500), already attests to a two-yearly assessment (‘count’) of sources of income. An effective system for the collection of agricultural produce must be assumed, especially for the major construction projects of the Old Kingdom (c. 27002190). While it is true that we have no documents from this period relating to the collection of taxes, the fact that even trees and wells were included in the assessment suggests that the taxation system was already as painstakingly applied as is indicated in the administrative documents of a later period. New-Kingdom sources permit a more precise insight, especially as regards > grain. The predominant expression for the collection of grain is identical with the word for harvest (smw). This suggests that the entire yield may have been collected (apart, perhaps, from that portion needed by peasant workers for food and seed stock). The levels of contributions did not depend

not come from an all-embracing system of taxation levied on individuals, transactions or property, but ona general duty of service and labour on the part of subjects. Under the + ozkos economy (3rd millennium BC), the palace’s income came predominantly from the domestic operation of the institutional economies of temple and > palace. In the tribute-based economy dating from the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, which was characterized by the extensive individualization of agricultural production on mostly small plots, the palace obtained its income from contributions in kind from producers. Insofar as contributions were based on leasing arrangements (> Leasehold), they were usually linked to yield. From the middle of the 2nd millennium onwards, contributions were increasingly based on the ownership or tenure of land suitable for agriculture. An obligation to pay taxes, related to regions, groups or individuals, and sometimes based on the use of ‘state utilities’ (e.g. the irrigation system), existed in any event at all periods in Mesopotamia, over and above the obligation of subjects to contribute their services. The income of the palace was augmented to a not inconsiderable degree by — war booty and the tributes of conquered territories. A comprehensive and systematic investigation of the system of contributions and taxation in Mesopotamia is yet to appear.

on farmers’ income per head, but on the legal status and

quppu; R. DE JONG-ELLIs, Agriculture and the State in An-

nature of each plot of land. The late New-Kingdom Wilbour Papyrus gives 5 to 10 sacks of grain (at c.76.8 litres per sack) as the yield of one > aroura (2,756 m*), depending on the quality of the soil, and it is clear that this amount was often even exceeded. An adult labourer could be called on to produce 200 sacks of grain, which, depending on soil quality, corresponds to 20 to 40 arourai of land; it is unlikely that this quota could be managed by one person, except with the corvée (which is intimated). Many farmers attempted to escape these high targets through flight. A group of smaller plots, on

cient Mesopotamia,

1976; F.R. Kraus, Ein mittelbaby-

the other hand, would primarily have served for the

lonischer Rechtsterminus, in: J. A.ANKUM (ed.), Symbolae M. David, vol. 2, 1968, 9-40; N. PostGate, Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire, 1974; P. STEINKELLER, Renting of Fields in Early Mesopotamia, in: Journ. of

self-sufficiency of lower-ranking individuals, among them many members of the army. Here, the required contribution was only 1.5 sacks per aroura. These contributions from the producers and their

Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, s. v. eSirtu; igisd; ilku; irbu;

the Social and Economic History of the Orient 24, 1981,

113-145; Id., Administrative and Economic Organization of the Ur III State, in:

McG. Grpson

(ed.), The Organiza-

tion of Power: Aspects of Bureaucracy in the Ancient Near East, 1987,

19-41;

Empire, 1985, 149.

M.W.

Srovrer,

Entrepreneurs

and |.RE.

IJ. Ecyrr Many terms used in the excise system of Pharaonic Egypt are translated as ‘tax’. Most of them, however, do not represent a fiscal charge on an individual income, but refer to the income of royal institutions and temples, for which the officials of those bodies were

responsible, and from which they themselves lived. There is no indication of the sharp distinction between public and private income, on which today’s taxation system is based. In the New Kingdom (c.15 50-1070 BC), some excise terms related equally to home-pro-

overseers, however, did not flow into the coffers of a

central ‘state’, but to the particular institution to which the land belonged, e.g. a temple. The transfer was thus not a legal act in the sense of a transformation from private wealth into public wealth, but a technical process, even if it might be associated with the use of force against peasant labourers. And the product’s route into the barn or treasury and onwards to its entitled end users evidently did not imply any change in its legal status. It was possible to provide an equivalent in silver or other precious metals in place of the required contribution in kind; conversely, officials were even required to provide precious metals as a portion of the contributions they were liable to pay other institutions. We know that cattle were counted, but not the manner in which contributions were raised on the basis of the count, although Middle-Kingdom (c. 2050-1800) bio-

177

178

graphical sources tell us that such contributions were made by district overseers to the royal house. As well as such herds whose yield was shared by the royal house, temple herds are attested in the New Kingdom. We know that, in the 22nd Dynasty (945-730), it was customary for a temple to be offered a daily sacrificial steer by highly placed individuals and surrounding settlements. Apart from general items such as the ‘harvest’, there were many other burdens whose relationship to one another is still to some extent unexplained; among these was a claim on agricultural and craft products, its level depending on the use of means of production (working

stratus [4] is supposed to have levied an annual tax of five or ten percent on agricultural produce (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 16,4).

animals, boats from transport and also human labour); the contribution (b3kw) had to be paid by the users to

the body to whom the particular means belonged. In respect of the abundance of royal and non-royal institutions that possessed estates and workshops from which they gained an income, the king’s primary function was to allocate an appropriate portion to these institutions, and above all to the gods as celestial owners of the land, and to guarantee the use of the land. Even the so-called Naucratis Stele from the 30th Dynasty (c.380-342), which used to be seen as evidence for a ten-percent tax on this Greek trading colony, in all probability represents only a donation of ro percent of the royal income from the port to the goddess > Neith of Sais. Insofar as landowning institutions might be obliged to provide services to royal officials, in exceptional cases the king could release them from such obligations. + Economy; > Temple 1 W.HELCcK, s. v. Abgaben and Steuern, in: LA 1, 1975, 3-12 2 J.J. JANSSEN, Prolegomena to the Study of Egypt’s Economic History during the New Kingdon, in: Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 3, 1975, 173-177 3 S.L.D. Katary, s. y. Taxation, in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt, vol. 3, 2001, 351-356 4 M.Romer, Gottes- und Priesterherrschaft in Agypten am Ende des Neuen Reiches, 1994, 373-411 5D.A. WARBURTON, State and Economy in Ancient Egypt. Fiscal Vocabulary of the New Kingdom, 1996. M.RO.

III]. GREECE A. ARCHAIC PERIOD

B. CLASSICAL PERIOD

C. HELLENISM A. ARCHAIC

PERIOD

Taxes (tédn/télé, doeoV/phoroi, ovvidEeic/syntaxeis), in the sense of obligatory contributions imposed by a polity on persons or groups, with no reciprocal claim for a particular service, are attested only sporadically for the Archaic Period. -» Alcinous [1] calls on the noble Phaeacians (> Phaeaces) to give Odysseus costly gifts and have them refunded by the people (Hom. Od. 13,14f.). After the conquest of Messenia (-» Messana, Messene [2]), the Messenian -> helots had to deliver half their agricultural produce to their Spartan masters each year (Paus. 4,14,5). In Athens, the tyrant + Peisi-

TAXES

B. CLASSICAL PERIOD In the poleis of the Classical Period, there was no direct taxation on agricultural yields or commercial income. Solon’s four property classes were not tax-related (> Solon [1]). Extraordinary, directly levied taxes (eiodboea/— eisphora) were, however, used in Athens at times of emergency; they were initially graduated according to property class, and subsequently levied only on the wealthiest citizens. In 378/7 the 1,200 wealthiest Athenians were divided for purposes of taxation into 20 associations (ovpmoeiat/> symmoria), each of 60 members, and had to contribute according to their allocated share of the amount stipulated for the eisphord. The 300 wealthiest citizens were obliged to pay in advance (meoe.opoed/—> proeisphord; Isaeus 6,60). They also had to undertake services, or leitorgiai (> Liturgy I.), entailing considerable financial outlay (— Trierarchia, ~ Choregia). A regular, direct tax was imposed on the métotkoi (> Metoikos; uetoiniov/metotkion). Métoikoi could be placed on an even tax footing with citizens by iootéheva/— isotéleia. In Athens, the most important indirect tax may have been the > toll levied in the Piraeus, initially of one percent, subsequently two percent on all goods imported and exported (mevtnxootr/pentékoste; > Pentekoste); in any event, after 404 BC this tax brought Athens as much as 30 or 36 talents (And. 1,133 f.). In 413, the tributes levied from allied cities (pdgoW”/phoroi; > Phoros) were replaced by a five-percent toll on all goods imported and exported in the federated cities (Thuc. 7,28,4). At Chrysopolis from 410, furthermore, Athens levied a ten-percent tax on all goods passing through the Bosporus (Xen. Hell. 1,1,22). There was also a sales

tax in Athens on goods sold in the market. Aristotle describes the administration of public finances for Athens (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 47,2-48,2). Taxation was franchised by the -> poletai to individual citizens (cf. And. 1,133 f.), who passed on the proceeds directly to the college of ten — apodektai; these allocated them to the individual funds administered by heads of treasuries ( Tamias, > Kolakretai). The people’s assembly (> Ekklesia II.) decided how the money should be spent. A salary was paid to office-holders, members of councils, jurors and participants in the assemblies of the people, and from the middle of the 4th cent. BC also to visitors to festivals. Large sums were also spent on construction projects and the military (construction and maintenance of warships; -> soldiers’ pay). ~ Sacrifices, honorific gifts, inscriptions publicizing decisions and treaties, and payments to the needy (SuwPedta/didbelia;

> diobelia) also had to be financed.

From the beginning of the 4th cent. onwards, the apodéktai gave the proceeds directly to institutions and responsible bodies, in accordance with a financial plan. The council decided on the allocation of funds (> Me-

TAXES

179

180

rismos), first attested in 386 BC. The 4th cent. also saw the introduction of central funds for warfare

IV. ROME A. RepuBLic B. PRINCIPATE C. LATE ANTIQUITY D. EXPENDITURE E. SUMMARY

(otoatintixd/stratidtika;

—» Stratiotika,

Stratiotikon)

and payments for drama festivals (Oeweixov/thedrikon; + theorikon); at the end of the 4th cent., the theorikon was replaced by a new central fund. In other Greek poleis, rather than direct taxes on income or commerce, the returns from municipal property, income from taxes on trade and sales, and /eitourgiai imposed on wealthy citizens were the most important sources of funds. At the same time, there is evidence for tolls on imports and exports (at 2%), transit tolls

and tax on traffic, most of these being franchised out (> Misthosis).

A. REPUBLIC As in all ancient cities, the maxim in Rome, too, was

that citizens should not really be taxed for the normal outgoings of their state (Cic. Off. 2,74). Only in exceptional situations such as great wars was this principle set aside. Thus in Rome a tax is first supposed to have been introduced on the occasion of the long war against > Veii (Liv. 4,59,11-60,8). With the virtually continuous wars of subsequent centuries, taxation, too, became ever more regular and sometimes more oppressive (Pol. 1,58,9); but repayments of tax were also not unknown

(Liv. 39,7,4f.), and from 167 BC direct taxation for

C. HELLENISM In the Hellenistic Period, cities, temples and tribes

Roman citizens in Italy was largely suspended (Plin.

had to pay contributions to the royal treasury. A tithe was levied on the returns from agriculture, trade, + rents and > leases. The most significant direct tax levied per head on men and women, native inhabitants,

HN 33,56: “a quo tempore populus Romanus tributum

Greeks and Persians was the salt tax. There were, be-

sides, a poll tax, a crown tax (otepavitixds bdQo¢/stephanitikos phoros) and other, indirect taxes: import and export tolls, which might be at differing levels according to the goods involved, transit tolls and general sales taxes. The levying of taxes depended on tax lists that, in Ptolemaic Egypt, were drawn up by the villages (+ Kome B.) and compiled at a higher administrative

level. Officials of the central administration implemented the levying of taxes, and forwarded the proceeds to the royal banks and storehouses. Taxpayers were issued with receipts, many of which have survived. The income from tolls and taxes went to finance war fleets and military expeditions, the royal administration, public buildings, the establishment of colonies, and the cult.

> Toll 1 A. ANDREADES, Geschichte der griechischen Staatswirt-

schaft, 1931

2 J.BLEICKEN, Die athenische Demokratie,

41995, 291-311; 610-617 3 A.BorckHn, Die Staatshaushaltung der Athener, vols. 1 and 2, 1817, 31886; vol.

3,1840 4 P.BRun, Eisphora-Syntaxis-Stratiotika, 1983 5 BUSOLT/SWOBODA 1, 598-617; 624-630a 6 W.CrarySssE, D.J. THompson, The Salt-Tax Rate Once

Again,

in: Chronique

7 H.Francorre,

d’Egypte

70,

1995,

223-229

Les finances des cités grecques,

1909,

repr. 1964 8H.Leppin, Zur Entwicklung der Verwaltung Offentlicher Gelder im Athen des 4. Jahrhunderts vy. Chr., in: EpER, Demokratie, 557-571 9 C.PREAUX, L’économie royale des Lagides, 1939

Egypt, Augustus and Roman Centre G. Glotz 4, 1993,

Hellenistic World,

81-112

309; 328-330;

12 P.J. StjpEsTEIJN, Customs Egypt, 1987.

10 D. RATHBONE,

Taxation, in: Cahiers du 11 ROSTOVTZEFF,

464-472;

528-530

pendere desiit”). Indirect taxes and the vectigal on grazing rights continued in being. Prior to the conquests of + Pompeius [I 3] in the East, taxes (tributum or vectigal) paid by the provincial population were said to have amounted overall to 200 million HS (Plut. Pompeius 45); Caesar set the taxes for

Gaul at 40 million HS (Suet. Jul. 25,1). The most important document for the levying of taxes in the Roman provinces is Cicero’s third speech against > Verres (Cic. Verr. 2,3). Cicero justifies taxes in general as “victoriae

praemium ac poena belli” (‘the price of victory and the punishment for war’). In — Sicily, one tenth of the grain harvest was collected by tax franchisees (decumani) and taken away to Rome; some cities, as civitates sine foedere immunes ac liberae, were relieved of taxation. At

the founding of the provinces, existing taxes under a lex Hieronica were retained by the Romans, who thus by no means increased taxes (Cic. Verr. 2,3,12-15).

As Rome possessed only a small staff of administrative officers, public functions such as military > logistics, larger construction projects, and eventually the collection of taxes in Asia and other provinces, were assigned to individual citizens. These > publicani, besides guaranteeing the Republic the amount of tax determined in an auction before the censors, were also permitted to collect additional amounts to cover their own costs. As, in view of the large amounts involved,

the franchises could no longer be taken on by individual citizens, societates were created for the purpose (> Societas).

B. PRINCIPATE tr. DIRECT TAXES 2. INDIRECTTAXES

3. EXTRAORDINARY REVENUES 4. NON-MONETARY SERVICES 5. THE ADMINISTRATION OF TAXES

Duties in Graeco-Roman WSS.

1. DIRECT TAXES Until Diocletian (284-305), direct taxes (> tributum or vectigal), to the amount of to % and

more of agricultural yield, and in many provinces also a poll tax, were levied only in the provinces; cities with ius

181

182

Italicum (> lus) or > immunitas, and individuals who

tined for the > aerarium militare; according to Augustus’ calculations, they were thus supposed to bring in sufficient to cover the 50 million HS required for the +> veterans’ renumeration. It is supposed that > Caracalla, in extending the right of citizenship to all free inhabitants of the Empire in 212, intended to increase the revenue from these taxes. The importance of the societates publicorum declined under the Principate. The cities assumed an ever greater role in the collection of taxes, with each council being responsible for payment of the sums required,

had been granted personal privileges, were exempt (Dig. 50,15). The levying of taxes was justified by the theory of dominium populi Romani in solo provinciali. Taxation was based on the citizen’s declaration of his family circumstances and wealth at the — census, last held under Vespasian (AD 69-79). Subsequently, these

functions were assigned to imperial departments as well as to the census in individual provinces and cities. In the Imperial Period, the tributum was collected by local communities, who had cadastral maps (Arausio/Orange) to aid them in their task. A temporary exemption from tax might be granted as aid in the event of catastrophes, or in thanks for services rendered (Tac. Ann. 2,47). When the proceeds from taxation were envisaged not to be sufficient to cover public expenditure, indictiones, supplements, might be demanded; this probably happened quite frequently from the 2nd cent. onwards (— Indictio). 2. INDIRECT TAXES

The most important indirect taxes were those on — manumission (vicesima libertatis, thus 5 %), on the sale of slaves (4 %), on legacies (vicesima hereditatum, 5 %), and on the proceeds of auctions (centesima rerum venalium, 1 %; cf. Tac. Ann. 2,42,4). Besides these, there were hundreds of smaller taxes, some local, some

at the provincial level, but all benefiting the state: on donkeys and irrigation ditches, on beeswax and the use of archives, on the services of bankers and prostitutes. Scarcely a single one is mentioned in the literary sources, and most are attested only for Egypt (cf. Suet. Calig. 40). Vespasian’s celebrated urine tax is known only from the anecdote in Suetonius (Suet. Vesp. 23,3). Internal tolls were also levied at a moderate level at the borders of the five great customs regions (— Toll). 3. EXTRAORDINARY REVENUES Extraordinary revenues included legacies and gifts to the > princeps (aurum coronarium, gold crowns of the provinces and cities, comprising up to 7,000 or 9,000 pounds of gold; Plin. HN 33,54), penalties and confiscations (+ proscriptions and prosecutions of senators during the period of the Principate were often caused by lack of funds),

debasement of coins, > war

booty, as well as income from state lands (silver- and gold-mines) and from the private wealth of the princeps (> Patrimonium, res privata). There ceased, in practical terms, to be any distinction made between the income of the state and that of the princeps. 4. NON-MONETARY SERVICES Many services were not financed from taxation, but provided by means of - munera/liturgies, perhaps in the > cursus publicus, or in the construction and maintenance of roads and canals. 5. THE ADMINISTRATION OF TAXES In principle, the tributum from the senatorial provinces was supposed to flow into the ~ aerarium Saturni, that from the imperial provinces into the + fiscus. Revenues from the vicesima hereditatum and the centesima rerum venalium (see above, 2.) were des-

TAXES

while at the same time, in the course of the rst cent., the

imperial administrative apparatus under the — a rationibus (cf. Stat. Silv. 3,3) was progressively enlarged by the use of > procuratores and freedmen, with slaves in subordinate roles. Tables of projected revenues and expenditure existed from the time of Augustus at the latest, and were on occasion read out in the Senate. Taxes and tolls (+ Toll) were never used for political ends,

such as to increase exports or prevent imports from India; their sole purpose was the financing of public expenditure. Taxes were usually paid in cash, but contributions in kind also existed to supply food to the capital and the army. A comprehensive picture of the Roman taxation system would have to include municipal taxes, which were as numerous and diverse as those ofthe state; but we are far from any more precise understanding of the system. Jones’ frequently cited thesis, that 95% of tax revenues

(and of the gross social product) came from agriculture, and only 5 % from the cities, may be regarded as having been refuted. C. LATE ANTIQUITY

The principal tax, called the annona, having initially been levied on landed property, payment in cash (+ Adaeratio) took over with the recovery of the currency, as it did with most forms of taxation in Late Antiquity. The tax on land and the poll tax were now combined in one system, described as > capitatio-iugatio. Capita and iuga were now tax units with a different content in each individual proyince; the functioning of this system is still a matter of dispute. The tax burden was probably not appreciably greater in Late Antiquity than in the early Imperial Period. The many surviving complaints are probably associated both with the highly bureaucratic mode of collection, and with the different nature of our sources for this period, now also reflecting the view from below. D. EXPENDITURE 1. THE MILITARY 2. THE CIVIL SECTOR 3. THE ADMINISTRATION 4. CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS

t. THE MILITARY Income from taxation must also always be seen in relation to the expenditure of the Roman Empire. Probably the biggest item of expenditure was the military (— Armies), whose costs can be estimated to some de-

TAXES

184

183

gree: from the time of Caesar, a legion (-» Legio) cost some 6 million HS in - soldiers’ pay (900 HS for the individual soldier), under Domitian 8 million HS, under Severus 16 million HS, and finally under Caracalla 24 million HS. Taking the size of the army as some 250,000 to 300,000 men, this represents an increase from 150 Mio HS under Augustus to c. 800 million HS under Caracalla. Assuming that the soldiers of the > auxilia received ‘/6, > praetorians three times the pay of a legionary, the cost of pay alone for the active army may have risen from c. 300 million HS under Augustus to c. 1.2 billion HS under Caracalla, not counting donativa (+ donativum) at the beginning of the reign and at jubilees or victories of a princeps; under Marcus Aurelius, these donativa corresponded to a soldier’s pay for 4-5 years. To these amounts must be added the cost of equipment. It is unclear how much soldiers were charged for clothing, food and weapons, but all other items of equipment must have been paid for out of public funds. After 20-25 years’ service, soldiers of the legions received a settlement of c. 13 years’ salary, amounting to 12,000 HS, with correspondingly more to the higher ranks. Assuming a 50% survival rate, some 4,000 legionaries had to be provided for every year (approximately 50 million HS). This sum increased in line with the salary increases mentioned, to 67, then 130, and finally 260 million HS under Caracalla. The total cost of the army probably rose from 400-500 million HS under Augustus to 1.5 billion under the Severans, which then represented at least one half or two thirds of the income of the Roman Empire. On top of this amount, in order to maintain the peace, subsidies were paid to outlying peoples, especially in the East. 2. THE CIVIL SECTOR The annona (> Cura annonae) for the city of Rome, which initially comprised only > grain, then oil and ~ wine, and finally also pork, was also paid for from taxation. The 12 million modii of grain required to supply the plebs frumentaria had a market value of some 60 million HS. From Nerva to Commodus, the congiaria ( Congiarium) for the Roman population

had a total value of some 2.26 billion HS; an average of almost 25 million HS was thus spent per year on such benefits. The princeps also financed foundations outside Rome. In addition, a multiplicity of games was given for the population of the city of Rome. 3. THE ADMINISTRATION Administration costs rose owing to the payment of senators in the service of the princeps and the considerable increase in procuratorial posts (150-200 million HS according to [10. 823]). The precise extent of expenditure on the princeps and his household cannot be gauged. 4. CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS Considerable sums were spent on construction projects in Rome, and to some extent in the provinces; road building is thus said to have cost 100,000 HS per mile (CIL IX 6075=ILS 5875), and the overall cost of an

aqueduct was up to 350 million HS (aqua Claudia; Plin. HN 36,122). Another area of the — infrastructure was the improvement of harbours. E. SUMMARY With annual income and expenditure of, initially, 1.5 billion HS, the Roman Empire always operated financially at an extremely low level. Wars especially, and internal conflicts (-> Social conflicts) in particular,

led to a high degree of debt. Strikingly, a princeps, such as Tiberius, who waged no wars could leave his successor just under 3 billion HS (Suet. Calig. 37,3). Vespasian estimated the deficit after Nero’s death and the civil war at some 4o billion HS, which corresponded approximately to between 15 and 20 years’ income from taxes (Suet. Vesp. 16,3). 1R.Atston,

Roman

Military Pay from Caesar to Dio-

cletian, in: JRS 84,1994, 113-123 2 Armeées et fiscalité 3 F.M. AusBUTreL, Die dans le monde antique, 1997 Verwaltung des romischen Kaiserreiches von der Herrschaft des Augustus bis zum Niedergang des westromi4 J. BLEICKEN, In provinschen Reiches, 1998, 69-94 ciali solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, in: Chiron 4, 1974, 359-414 5J.FRANCE, Quadragesima Galliarum, 2001 6 P. GARNSEY, Cities, Peasants and Food in Classical Antiquity, 1998 7 K.W. Hart, Coinage in the Roman

Economy, 1996

8 L. NEESEN, Unter-

suchungen zu den direkten Staatsabgaben der romischen Kaiserzeit,

1980

Staatshaushalt

9 P.SCHROMBGES,

Zum

romischen

in tiberischer Zeit, in: Gymnasium

94,

1987, 1-49 10 B.SHAW, Roman Taxation, in: M. GRANT, R.KitTzINGER, Civilization of the Ancient Mediterranean. Greece and Rome, 1988, 809-827 11 M.A. SpEIDEL, Roman Army Pay Scales, in: JRS 82, 1992, 87-106 12R.WoLTERs, Nummi signati. Unter-

suchungen zur romischen Miinzpragung und Geldwirtschaft, 1999.

H.GA.

V. LaTE ANTIQUITY

The system of taxation in Late Antiquity is essentially that of the reform period under - Diocletian and » Constantine [1], as constantly adjusted to meet the changing needs of the Roman Empire. Faced with what, under the pressure of decades of crisis, had become seizures, tantamount to requisitions of the products and services of the inhabitants of the Empire, the two emperors were concerned to recreate a reliable system of tax demands, reasonable by virtue of their regularity and size. The intensification of fiscal seizure, which

often appears oppressive, can thus be conceived as reflecting a rational, relatively modern concern, on the one hand for fiscal justice, and, on the other, for the

safeguarding of the functions of the state, subject to the capacities of individuals and cities to pay the amounts demanded. This was also evident to many contemporary 4th-cent. witnesses (cf. Them. Or. 8,r12c). The right of citizens in Italy to exemption from taxation was also removed in the course of these reforms. It is the attempt to reconcile the dictates of this tax regime with regional fiscal practices established through long fa-

185

186

miliarity that gives the tax system in Late Antiquity its specific period flavour. While the financial needs of the Roman Empire extended over the same areas as before, on account of these very reforms they grew in a manner that is hard precisely to quantify. The size of the army was doubled, and — political administration consolidated in what were now some roo provinces. At the same time, new, intermediate authorities (dioceses/vicariates) were created, and regional praetorian prefectures established; Constantinople became the new capital, with a prerogative on the supply of foodstuffs, while Rome’s privileges were preserved. An intensive spate of building in the exposed regions of the Empire (e.g. the construction or repair of forts, roads and aqueducts, the rebuilding of city walls, or the building of new ones, and other opera publica) also required a high financial outlay. Besides the cost of virtually uninterrupted military actions on the frontiers, subsidies to adversaries also had to be financed. The material requirements of Christian churches should also be mentioned in this context. The annual financial requirement was calculated at the imperial central administration [9. 33ff.], in what amounted to a state budget, with expenditure on the army and the administration taking the lion’s share of the whole. In an allocation procedure (+ Delegatio) based on the most recent > census, the required tax revenue was apportioned to the different kinds of tax instrument at the beginning of the new tax year on 1 September, and the results notified, via the praetorian prefects, vicars and provincial governors, to the institutions and groups of individuals appointed to collect and pay the taxes in the cities and territories. Owing to the economic dominance of the agricultural sector, most importance was attached to the tax on land and labour. In ways that varied according to region, from AD 287 [4; 5] this was derived by means of the so-called > capitatio-iugatio, a procedure using the assessment units iugum and caput, or their regional variants, either in combination (Gaul) or separately (Egypt), to assess tax liability in individual instances. This system had developed from the annona, levied since the Severan period; the yields, to be provided pre-

Like the annona, the other taxes serving to equip the army (the canon vestium for uniforms, the collatio equorum for the acquisition of mounts and packhorses, and the aurum tironicum to settle the landowner’s duty to provide recruits) were also the responsibility of the > praefectus praetorio; but taxes to be paid in cash and precious metals came under the aegis of the comes sacrarum largitionum. These were what have been referred to as the normal class-based taxes [16]: the collatio glebalis, levied on the landed property of senators and members of the imperial family, and abolished by Marcianus (450-457), the — collatio lustralis, paid by city-dwelling traders and merchants, and the > aurum coronarium, the contribution expected from city curiae upon the accession of a ruler or similar events in the imperial house, in a way emphasizing the survival of the ritual voluntarism of traditional gift exchange under the conditions of Late Antiquity. This applies similarly to the gifts (strennae) normally given by the Senate on the occasion of their reception by the emperor at each new year and on other festive occasions (aurum oblaticium [6. 400 ff.]), and, on the expenditure side, also to the ceremonial distribution of commemorative coins and medallions and table-ware of precious metal, the scattering of missilia at the games, the > congiaria, and finally the + donativa, indispensable for ensuring the loyalty of troops on particular occasions. Of the less well known taxes on consumption, worthy of note is

dominantly in kind (grain, wine, oil, meat and animal

fodder), while primarily going to supply the troops and the imperial administration, also went to the privileged cities of Rome and Constantinople. The costly transportation of goods collected by way of tax [17] entailed in itself entire branches of further fiscal services and trades

(+ Cursus

+ Munus, Munera

publicus;

munera

sordida,

cf.

II.; > Navicularius). This require-

ment for transport services not only fed the Roman Empire’s demand for coinage and precious metals; it also meant that those very provinces from which the required natural produce did not derive were permitted to settle their taxes in money or metal (-» Adaeratio). The Empire used the money collected to acquire the produce at the appropriate location by means of coemptio (compulsory purchase at an imposed + price).

TAXES

the siliquaticum, a sales tax set at */24 of the value of

wares, and levied in the West from 444 [15. 205]. The tax on land and labour was collected by curial > susceptores and > exactores, although subject to the constant control and collaboration of the imperial administration. The allocation of yields from sources that had formally belonged to the cities, particularly in respect of the frequent arrears of tax (reliqua), the + epibole in the case of anachorésis/—> deserti agri, problems of tax liability and legal exemptions from tax (+ Immunitas), was the province of the imperial administration; this applies i. a. to the civic fundi or vectigalia incorporated into the res privata (— Patrimonium) from the time of Constantine [6. 276 ff., 641 ff.]. In rural areas, praepositi pagorum might act as taxcollectors; from the sth cent. onwards, particularly in Egypt, many great houses became autopraktoi, that is to say they employed their own people to assess and administrate their taxable revenue, and might even perform public functions for their civic communities [2; 13; 18; 21]; in this way, they played their part in the apportionment of taxes between Empire and municipality. When inefficiency was suspected, tax collection could also be withdrawn from curiales; thus, under ++ Valentinian [1] and > Valens [2], the tax on land and labour was temporarily entrusted to honorati or provincial officials, on account of their being thought more efficient or less corrupt. Under > Anastasius [1], tax collection was made subject to inspection by vindices (+ Vindex[2]) in the imperial service. Other taxes and services akin to tax were either always or occasionally

187

188

franchised to mancipes ( Manceps). Even collection of the senatorial collatio glebalis was sometimes — as from 397 —imposed on curiales [6. 374 ff.]. Such repeated transfers of responsibility for collection to different groups of state and civic functionaries indicate that the capacity of the tax system in Late Antiquity was inherently limited. The efficiency of this taxation system and the consequences of the burden of taxation are matters of dispute. The system can scarcely have been entirely inefficient: when Anastasius abolished the collatio lustralis in the face of complaints that it was oppressive, putting nothing in its place, he was still able to leave a gold reserve of 320,000 pounds. It is also difficult to accept that powerful and prosperous men (potentiores), al-

VI. BYZANTIUM The transition from the tax system of Late Antiquity to the Byzantine system essentially occurred during the period from the 7th to the 9th cents.; however, the information provided by the sources, comprising #. a.

bes, is inadequate, especially as documents and the socalled moaxtixd/praktikd (inventories connected with the levying of taxes) do not exist in substantial number until the 13th/14th cents. onwards. A first turning-point in the transition to the Byzantine Period was the abolition of the commercial tax (xovocoyvoov/ chrysargyron, Latin collatio lustralis) in 498. There followed the replacement of the

though solvent, shifted their tax debt onto other, less well-to-do shoulders, or waited out the time until the

» capitatio-iugatio, whose character is disputed, and which, in the opinion of many, was a combination of a

next, regular occurrence of a remission of reliqua. If anything, the granting of immunities is uniformly suggestive of a restrictive practice in this respect. Conversely, the administration was not burdened with demanding the payment of tax debts come what may. It is thus impossible to accept unreservedly the idea that the fiscal system in Late Antiquity suffocated economic potential, or tended to weaken resistance against external threats.

poll tax and a tax on land, by new forms of tax from the 7th cent. onwards; these were the hearth or household

TAXES

1F.M. AusBtTtrei, Die Verwaltung des romischen Kaiserreiches, 1998, 69-94

Antiquity, 1993

2R.S. BAGNALL, Egypt in Late

3 P.Brown, Autoritat und Heiligkeit,

1998 4J.-M. Carrié, Dioclétien et la fiscalité, in: Antiquité Tardive 2, 1994, 33-64 5 J.-M. Carriz, A. RousSELLE, L’Empire romain en mutation 192-337, 1999 6 R.DELMAIRE, Largesses sacrees et res privata, 1989 7 A.DEMANDT, Die Spatantike, 1989 8 G.DEPEYROT, Crises et inflation entre Antiquité et Moyen Age, 1991 9 R.DuNCAN-JONES,

Money

and

Government,

1994

10 J.DuRLI1AT, Les finances publiques. De Dioclétien aux Carolingiens, 1990 11 J. W. ERMATINGER, The Economic Death of Theadelphia during the Early Fourth Century AD, in: MBAH

16, 1997,

1-10

12 J.F. FIKHMAN,

Aspects socioéconomiques de |’activité des corporations professionelles de Egypte byzantine, in: ZPE 103, 1994, 19-40 13 J.Gascou, Les grands domaines, in: Travaux et mémoires du Centre de recherches byzantines 9, 1985,

I-90

14 H.HeINeN,

Das spatantike Agypten, in:

M.Krause (ed.), Agypten in spatantik-christlicher Zeit, 1998, 35-56 15 Jones, LRE 16 J.KARAYANNOPOULOS, Das Finanzwesen des friihbyzantinischen Staates,1958

17 A.Ko Bs, Transport und Nachrichtentrans-

fer im Rémischen Reich, 2000 18 J. H. W. G. LieBeSCHUETZ, Civic Finance in the Byzantine Period, in: ByzZ 89, 1996, 389-408 19 J.MartTin, Spatantike und V6lkerwanderung, *1995 20 M.Mause, Der Kaiser als Fachmann in 6konomischen Fragen?, in: MBAH 13.1, 1994, 89-101 21 E.Pack, Stadte und Steuern in der Politik Julians, 1986 22 J. A. SHERIDAN, The Vestis Militaris Codex, 1998 23 Id., The Anabolikon, in: ZPE 124, 1999, 211-217 24 W.TREADGOLD, Byzantium and Its Army, 1995, 284-1081. EP.

occasional accounts in histories, a few treatises on taxa-

tion [7], and land registers [3], among them that of The-

tax (xamvixov/ kapnikon, ‘smoke tax’), the ground tax

(ouvwvi/synone) and the xouugoxov/kommeérkion, a tax or toll on traded and imported goods. These were accompanied by numerous special taxes [5]. Taxes were levied not only in coinage, but also in kind or in the form of services provided [6]. The collection of taxes in the Byzantine Period was by state officials or by tax franchisees [8]. The system of common tax liability applied in many village communities [9]. Abatement of tax was accorded in special cases in the privileged form of permanent exemption (immunity, éExovooew/exkousseia) [11. 153-224], otherwise only for a length of time that might be relatively short or long [19]. The influence of the head of the supreme tax authority in Late Antiquity, the comes sacrarum largitionum (+ Comes, comites), had already appreciably declined c. 500; the office is no longer attested after 610. From c. 700 there is evidence for the transfer of his functions to the > logothetes tou genikovi, whose department, the yevixov/genikon [4], survived until the 12th cent. 1 P.SCHREINER, Ss. Vv. Finanzwesen, -verwaltung, LMA

455-457

158-160 363

5 A.N. 1863 f.

4,

2J.GOLDSTEI, s. v. Steuern, -wesen, LMA 8,

3A.N. OIKONOMIDES, s. v. Cadaster, ODB 1, 4 A.KAZDHAN,

OIKONOMIDES, 6A.KAZDHAN,

s.v.

Genikon,

ODB

2, 829 f.

s. v. Secondary Taxes, ODB s. v. Taxation, ODB

3,

3, 201 5—-

2017. 7Id., A.N. OIKONOMIDES, s. v. Taxation, treatises on, ODB 3, 2017. 8 A.N. OIKONOMIDES, s. v. Tax Collectors, ODB 3, 2017 f. 9M.C. Bastusis, s. v. Vil-

lage Community, ODB 3, 2168 f. 10 F. D6LGER, Beitrage zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung, 1927 (repr. 1960) 11N.A. OIKONOMIDES, Fiscalité et exemption fiscale 4 Byzance, 1996

12 W. TREADGOLD, The Byzantine State Finances in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries, 1982 (critical review by R.-J. Lixig, in: Byzantinoslavica 48, 1987, 49-55). ET.

Taxiarchos (ta&iagyoc; taxiarchos). In Greek and Macedonian armies he was commander of a téEtc/> — taxis; in Athens, the highest military rank after the

189

190

+ strategos I (e.g. Aristoph. Ach. 569; Aristoph. Av. 353; Thuc. 4,4,15 8,92,4; Dem. Or. 4,26; Aeschin. Leg. 169). He commanded the members of his > phyle, appointed lochagoi (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 61,3; /échos), and probably maintained the roll of the phyle (Aristoph. Pax 1172ff.). The closest Roman equivalent of the taxiarchos is the centurio. LB.

(Mauc/MOphis, Diod. Sic. 17,86,4; Mot(h)is in the Epitome Mettensis 49), which cannot be satisfactorily explained from Sanskrit (the old explanation as Ambhi is arbitrary).

Taxila (Ta&tAa/Taxila, Skt. Taksasila, Middle Ind. Tak-

Taxis (tdEtc; taxis). In the military sense, the term is

kasila, Taksaila). City in the + Punjab between the Indus and the Hydaspes, near modern Islamabad, visit-

primarily used to designate the battle order, the disposition of the army or the individual battle line. As a military unit, it referred at Athens to the army contingent provided by each > phyle [1] (431 BC: c. 1,000 men), in Macedonia to the regionally recruited and most imporant tactical unit of the > phalanx of the > pezhetairoi (Arr. Anab. 3,11,9 f.), and in Asclepio-

ed in the spring of 326 BC (Arr. Anab. 5,8; Str. 15,1,28) by + Alexander [4] the Great (with map); its young king > Taxiles became his faithful follower. T. was already inhabited in prehistoric times, and excavations have revealed several city sites from different periods: Hathial A and B (roth—6th and 6th—4th cents. BC), Bhir Mound (approximately 3rd—2nd cents.), Sirkap (2nd cent. BC — rst cent. AD) and Sirsukh (1st—2nd cents.).

Although Philostr. VA 2,20 ff. gives quite a good description of Sirkap, Alexander’s T. can still not be identified with certainty. In Indian literature, T. is often described as the seat of scholarship and Buddhism, as is also attested by many remains of monasteries and cult buildings. A.H. Dant, The Historic City of T., 1986; K. KARTTUNEN,

T., Indian City and a Stronghold of Hellenism, in: Arctos 24, 1990, 85-96; J. MARSHALL, T., vols. 1-3, 1951. KK.

Taxiles (Ta&iAnd/Taxilés). King of > Taxila, who ruled over a broad and fertile plain between the Indus and the ~» Hydaspes; his neighbours were > Abisares in the north and > Porus [3] in the east. His father already had allied with Alexander [4] by letter (Diod. Sic. 17,86,4; Curt. 8,12,4 f.; see also Arr. Anab. 4,22,6),

and the young king approved the alliance when Alexander stayed with him as a guest for some time in the spring of 326 BC (Arr. Anab. 5,3,5 f.3 5,8,2 f.; Diod. Sic. 17,86,4-7; Plut. Alexander 59; Str. 15,1,28; Curt.

8,12,4-16). He then accompanied Alexander during the campaign in the Punjab (Arr. Anab. 5,8,53; 5,18,6 f.;

5,20,4) and became his loyal companion, continuing to rule his lands and some incorporated territories as + satrap or sub-king. After Alexander’s return and the death of the satrap Philippus [9], T. ruled as king together with the Macedonian governor Eudamus [1] (Arr. Anab. 6,27,2). After Alexander’s death in 323 BC, Perdiccas confirmed T. as king or satrap (Diod. Sic. 18,3,2; Just. Epit. 13,4,20) as did Antipater [1] at the agreement of ~ Triparadisus in 321 BC (Diod. Sic. 18,39,6). He then probably continued largely independently. Afterwards, nothing more is heard of him: Eudamus returned from India in 317 (Diod. Sic. 19,14,7), and the kingdom of T. soon became a part of the new Maurya kingdom (-» Mauryas, with map). Following the Indian manner, he is usually named merely with the dynastic name T., however his personal name was Omphis (Curt. 8,12,4; 12; 14) or Mophis

TAYGETUS

K. KaRTTUNEN, India and the Hellenistic World, 1997, pale KK.

dotus (2,8) to a force of 128 men. The expression was

also used for other armies, e.g. that of the Greek > mercenaries in 401 BC (Xen. An. 4,3,22) and also for naval and > cavalry units. 1 KROMAYER/VEITH, 49; 99.

L.B.

Taxus (Greek # [o]uidoc//s/milos, oviiaé/smilax: Dioscorides, to ObuahdAov/thymallon; Latin taxus, f.), a ~ fir-like evergreen (Theophr. Hist. pl. 1,9,3; Plin. HN 16,80) and long-lived (cf. Plin. ibid. 16,212) forest tree, the yew (Taxus baccata L.). In Antiquity the cold-insensitive taxus (Verg. G 2,113) was widespread. Homer does not mention it, but Theophrastus knows the milos well (Hist. Pl. 3,4,2 and 3,10,2; 4,1,3 and 5,7,6; cf. Plin. HN 16,50 f.). Its needles and seeds (within the red berries) were already known to be poisonous in Antiquity (Dioscorides 4,79 WELLMANN = 4,80 BERENDES; Verg. Ecl. 9,30 and Serv. ad loc.; cf. Verg. G. 2,257). The Erinyes (~ Erinys) punished sacrilege with its poison [z. 51]. According to Caes. B Gall. 6,31,5 the chieftain Catuvolcus of the Eburones committed suicide with taxus, which is abundant in Gaul and Germania. Its cedar-like wood, which according to Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,10,2 varied by region in colour, was used for durable bows (Verg. G 2,448) and images of gods (Paus. 8,17,2). Because of its dismal appearance, for poets (e.g. Luc. 6,645 and Sil. Pun. 13,595) the taxus became the tree of the Underworld. 1 H. BAUMANN, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982.

F.Oxck,s. v. T., RE 5 A, 87-50; V. HEHN, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere (ed. O.SCHRADER), *1r911 (repr. 1963),

reine:

C.HU.

Taygete see > Pleiades Taygetus (Taiyetoc/Taygetos). Mountain range in the south of the > Peloponnesus (Str. 4,6,12; 8,5,1; Paus.

3,20,4 ff.; Ptol. 3,16,14; in the Byzantine period and in the modern era Pentedaktylon, ‘Five Finger mountain range’, present-day again T.). It is c. 110 km long and c. 25 km wide and stretches from the + Megale Polis

TAYGETUS

191

192

basin to > Taenarum (highest elevation: present-day Profitis Elias, 2407 m; the southern part in the Middle Ages Mane, Maine, present-day Mani). Sloping steeply

E.La Rocca, L’eta d’oro di Cleopatra. Indagine sulla T. F., 1984; E.Stmon, Alexandria, Samarkand, Florenz, Rom. Stationen der T. F., in: H. ALTRICHTER (ed.), Bilder

to the east, it separated

-» Laconica from

liatis;

erzahlen Geschichte, 1995, 15-28.

-» Messana

[2] (Messenia) and thus strongly impaired the infrastructure of the Spartan state. It consists of metamorphous slates and lime (marble), which dominate the terrain to the south from the middle of T. and barely facilitate soil formation, so that the landscape is shaped by grey-blue rock, a lack of vegetation and draught. The height and steepness of T. were particularly stressed in Antiquity (Hom. Od. 6,103; Aristoph. Lys. 117 f.; Stat. Achil. 2,427; Str. 8,5,1; Sparta under the precipice of Te Hebome 171934554; Pind. Pythem,6sii ote. 85.5305 10,2,11). Only the lower, broader northern part (Aegytis) and the wide foothills towards Messenia (Denthe> Denthalii) were inhabited. The west and east

sides of T. are only connected by the two passes between Sparta and > Pharae [1] (present-day Kalamata) and between Gytheion and present-day Areopolis. No roads went over the central part of T. Nowadays the forests have almost disappeared, as has the much vaunted population of big game (Paus. 3,20,4). Rock falls occurred frequently, as for example in the earthquake of 465 BC (Str. 8,5,7; Plin. HN 2,191; Plut. Cimon 16,4; Cic. Div. 1,112; Schol. Aritoph. Lys. 1144).

DLWI.

Tessup, Tesop see » Weather gods Teaching see -» Education; -» Grammaticus; ~ Gymnasium; -> Philosophy, teaching of; + School Teano Ware. Genre of vases from the last quarter of the 4th cent. and the first half of the 3rd cent. BC, named after their main find spot in northern Campania, the ancient

> Teanum Sidicinum, which was probably also

the centre of production. Shallow bowls on small circular stands, known as footed dishes, with tall stems,

skyphoi, gutti, oinochoai, kernoi and vessels in the shape of birds (see ill.) are common; other vessel types, such as kalyx kraters, are distinctly rare. The decoraTeano ware

Bowl

Footed dish

PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, 417-438; F.BOLTE, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 91-95; Id., s. v. Sparta, RE 3 A, 1301-1303; MUutLER, 863-865. Gr,

=.

Tayma (Taima’). Oasis in northwestern Arabia on the

~» Incense Road, which led along the western side of the Arabian peninsula. The earliest traces of settlement point to the late 2nd millennium BC. T. is mentioned among the Arabian tribes defeated by the Assyrian ruler ~> Tiglath-Pileser II in 733 BC (cf. OT Jes 21,14). The Jast ruler of the neo-Babylonian Empire, >» Nabonid, stayed in T. from 552 until 542 BC (cult city of the moon goddess (~ Moon deities)). After the Achaeme-

nid period T. — itself in Nabataean territory — was in the shadow of the Nabataean trading cities of Hegra and Dedan (> Nabataei; rst cent. BC — 2nd cent. AD). The small ruin, primarily from the Achaemenid period, lies within a broad horticultural and agricultural area enclosed by walls.

eg

Guttus

Bird-shaped guttus

tion of the vases, which are covered with a dark glossy clay, consists of impressed decoration, incised lines or drop patterns and painted wave lines or ivy tendrils predominantly in white or yellow. On a number of vessels inscriptions in Oscan writing have survived with the names of the Berii brothers, who evidently worked from

c.

310 until c. 280 BC as a family business. M. Mayo, K.HAmMa (ed.), The Art of South Italy. Vases from Magna Graecia (exhibition catalogue Richmond), 1982, 259; 277-279; P.PocetT1, Nuove iscrizioni vasco-

ogy in the Near East, vol. 5, 1997, 160 f.; W. W.MULLER,

lari dei Berti di Teano, in: RPAA 59, 1984 (1988), 27-35; B. RUcKERT, in: CVA Tubingen 7, 1997, 58-64 with pls.,

S.F.AL-Satp, Der babylonische K6nig Nabonid in tay-

31-35.

P.J. Parr, s.v. T., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeol-

manischen Inschriften, 2OOT, 109-119.

in: Biblische

Notizen

107-108, HLJ.N.

Tazza Farnese. Cameo cup (of agate, c. 200 mm in diameter (+ Gem cutting III.) in Naples, MAN. The TF is a major work of ancient gem engraving; because of its outstanding quality, which permits no comparative observations, the interpretation of the content, rich in figures from Egyptian-Ptolemaic iconography, and the dating — suggestions range from the 3rd cent. BC to the rst — remain controversial.

RH.

Teanum Apulum see > Teate[2] Teanum

Sidicinum (Teavov Swimiwvov/Tednon Sidikinon). City of the Oscan > Sidicini in the north of >Campania on the via Latina (Str. 5,3,9; Plin.

HN 3,63), modern Teano. Little Oscan evidence (necropolis, coins). The city came into being towards the

end of the 4th cent. BC and — affected by the Samnite Wars

(+ Samnites IV.) (Liv. 8,1,8-10;

23,5,8) — re-

194

193

mained loyal to Rome in the second of the > Punic Wars and in the Social War (+ Social Wars [3]) (Sil. 12,524). Under Augustus the municipium received a colonia (Plin. HN 3,9,63). Ancient remains: in T. S. thermae (cf. Gell. NA 10,3,3), a theatre; outside the city on the Savo (modern Savone) a sanctuary at modern Loreto; amphitheatre; Roman necropolis; inscriptional evidence of two sanctuaries to Fortuna (CIL X 4633). Mineral springs (Acidula, modern Le Caldarelle; Plin. HN 31,5,9; Vitr. De arch. 8,3,17). Goldsmithing products, pottery. 1P.G. Guzzo, Oreficerie dei Greci d’Occidente, in: G.PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), I Greci in Occidente, 1996, 471-480.

BTCGI 19, s. v. Teano Sidicino; $. De Caro, A.GRECO, Guide archeologiche Laterza: Campania, 1981, 23 5-237; W.JOHANNOWSKY, Ss. v. T. S., PE 888.

M.LG.

TECHNE

5 A.Russi, T. Le iscrizioni e la storia del municipium, 1976.

Tebtynis (TeBtivic/Tebtynis, also Texttvic/Teptynis). City in the > Faiyum, Egyptian Bdnw [x], modern Umm al-Buraigat; the main god was > Sobek, Lord of T. (Greek Soknebtynis). Remains of the city and the temple have been excavated [2; 4]. Although not of great relevance in Antiquity, T. has particular significance for modern scholars because it includes the remains of a comprehensive temple library from the first two centuries AD, containing hundreds of hieroglyphic, hieratic and primarily demotic MSS of religious, scientific or literary content [3; 5], in addition to a number of Greek texts, primarily documents from official archives. Besides the contemporary works, the abundance of earlier traditions is striking. 1 W. CHESHIRE, Demotic Writings of ‘T.’, in: Enchoria 14, 1986, 31-42 2C.GaLLAzzi, G. HapjiI-MInaGLov, T.,

Tearus (Téagoc/Téaros). Tributary of the Contadescus (modern Kaynarca), which in turn flows into the

Agrianes, a tributary of the > Hebrus. According to Hdt. the T. had healing water from 38 springs, some warm, some cold; the area of the source was two days’ journey both from Apollonia [2] on the Black Sea

Vol. 1, 2000 3 J.OsINnG, Hieratische Papyri aus T., Vol. 1, 1998, 19-23 4 V.RONDOT, Le temple de Soknebtynis a T., in: Archeologia e papiri nel Fayyum (Atti del convegno, Syrakus 1996), 1997, 103-121 5K.-TH. ZAuzicH, Demotic Texts from the Collection (The Carlsberg Papyri rt), 1991, 5-8. Av.L.

(— Pontos Euxeinos) and from Heraeum near > Perin-

thus on the > Propontis. On his campaign against the ~» Scythae in 513 BC Darius [1] I erected a column with inscription on the T. (Hdt. 4,89 f.). The T. flowed through the core lands of the + Odrysae in the area of the modern Strandza, in the Astice (Plin. HN. 4,45). Despite the unusually accurate description of the T. and the area of its source it has not yet been possible to locate it precisely; an identification with the modern Biiyukbunardere near Bunarhisar, for example, is debated. V.BESEVLIEV,

Ein Ratsel der antiken

Geografie Thra-

kiens, in: Studia Balcanica 19, 1976, 19-22; T. SPIRIDONOV, Historija na trakijskite plemena, 1983, 83; 108; 112. Lv.B.

Teate. The original name, mostly replaced by the form Teanum, of two cities. [1] Sole municipium of the > Marrucini (Str. 5,4,2: Teatda/ Teatd; Plin. HN 3,106: Teatini Marrucinorum)

on the lower reaches of the Aternus on the Via Valeria, modern Chieti, successor to an earlier settlement at the foot of the Maiella mountains in the area of modern Rapino [1; 2]. [2] City in Apulia (Liv. 9,20,7: Teates Apuli; 9,20,4: ex Apulia Teanenses; cf. Cic. Cluent. 197; Cic. Att. 7,12,2; Str. 5,4,23; 63,115 Ptol. 3,1,72) on the lower reaches of

the Fertur (modern Fortore) at modern San Paolo di Civitate [3; 4]. Ancient remains (city walls, aqueduct, temple); inscriptions: [5]. 1C.Coppra (ed.), Chieti e la sua provincia, 1990 2 V.CIANFARANI, s.v. T. Marrucinorum, PE 888 f.

3G. Votre, La Daunia nell’eta della romanizzazione, 1990 4F.G. Lo Porto, s. v. Teanum Apulum, PE 888

Techne (téyvv/téchne, Latin ars). I. TERM AND AREAS OF USAGE II]. THEORETICAL REFLECTION III. EDUCATIONAL BOOKS

I. TERM AND AREAS OF USAGE Techne or ars refers to any kind of professional knowledge and skill (— art I), and in the larger sense, intelligence, cunning and a clever course of action in general. Areas of usage are the > crafts (V. H.), visual arts (+ Art, theory of), poetry and music, medicine, sports, mantics etc. The term implies a general awareness of culture and progress (cf. > Progress, idea of; +» Origin myths and theories on the origin of culture; + Art; > Konnensbewuftsein). Il. THEORETICAL REFLECTION In the 5th cent. BC, the earliest fundamental reflec-

tion began about the nature of techne —-knowledge, first probably in > Sophistic where, in a new approach to teaching, subjects were introduced that the sophists claimed to have the rank of a techne. > Rhetoric emerged as the prominent field. > Protagoras’ [1] ambition was particularly exalted (according to PI. Prt. 319a) in that he intended to teach the modttixh téexvy (politiké téchne, ‘the art of life in a polis’). In this en-

deavour, the cognitive element, conveyed through teaching, became the focus. Techne was understood asa teachable, rationally grounded directive with the claim to encompass and gain mastery in a specific field. It has been assumed [2. 111 f.] that a text by Protagoras (mentioned in Pl. Soph. 232d) played a key role in the discussion. Pairs of terms emerged such as téyvy — Wyn

(téchneé — tyche, ‘art — coincidence’) and téyvy — vos

TECHNE

195

(téchné — physis, ‘art — nature’). These ideas were adopted by contemporary > medicine. There, technical competence was often contested and a unified standard was the aim. A fundamental text is Ps.-Hippocrates’ [egi téxvys (Peri téechnés, De arte, ‘On the art’; Corpus Hippocraticum). The critical reflection about techne was continued in the Hellenistic Period [2; 3. 367-415]. When > Socrates [2] and - Plato [1] focused on human action (i.e. — ethics) as a topic for fundamental contemplation, they took up concepts from the techne-discussion and derived from it criteria for a universally human competence of action, the Geet (areteé, ‘virtue’): They understood techne as learnable, ration-

ally grounded knowledge (in contrast to éusevoia/ empeiria, ‘experience’) which was aimed at practical action (eyov/érgon) (-» Epistemology; — Practical philosophy). In this way, the model of techne combined with a comparative view of the professional trades became an important part of Socratic and early-Platonic ethics. II]. EDUCATIONAL BOOKS Still in the 5th cent. AD, the habit emerged to refer to rhetorical texts as techne ( Rhetoric III, bk.3.), thus first in Isoc. Or. 13,19

(c. AD

390;

> Rhetoric V),

which is an abbreviation of Aoywv téyvy (logon téchne, ‘Art of Words’ or ‘of speeches’). This metonymic use was then expanded to educational books of all types (> Technical literature). A humorist parody is Ovid’s Ars amatoria (‘Textbook on the Art of Love’), For Roman law, Cicero demanded a more systematic approach similar to a textbook: de iure civili in artem redigendo “On making Civil Law into an art” (Cic. De or. 1,42,190;

Gell. NA

1,22,7). Later,

+ Gaius

[2]

made this a reality with the rather didactic title Imstitutiones (‘Instruction’, probably in reference to + Quintilianus’ [1]Institutio oratoria, ‘Rhetorical Instruction’). In late Antiquity, the term — Artes liberales became common, referring to the ‘liberal’ (that is, appropriate for a free person, as opposed to professional or specialised subjects) ‘arts’ (disciplines). 1A.D1He,

Philosophie — Fachwissen

— Allgemeinbil-

196

1. OBJECTS

2. LITERARY FORMS

3. FUNCTIONS

1. OBJECTS

TL includes general and specialized presentations of ancient science, arts, and techniques. TL dealing with manual work is seldom transmitted, except, for instance, for the cookbook by -> Caelius [II ro] Apicius and the works of the Roman > Surveyors. Technology is also not represented until late; practical transmission must have been usual. Rhetoric was prevalent by far among the ‘arts’, but it was the sciences that were pre-

dominant, among which philosophy (with its specialized disciplines of physics, logic-dialectics and ethics), grammar (with its specialization of metrics), and medicine soon became independent and specialized as major subjects. Among the sciences, mathematics and geometry (derived from astronomy) were situated in their own tradition, as were technical works on mythology, antiquarian studies, ethnography and geography (originally part of historiography and logography), with a tendency toward popularisation as poikilography (> Buntschriftstellerei); among the arts, music (> Aristides [7] Quintilianus), as well as metrics, insofar as it

was not a part of grammar (— Hephaestion [4] from Alexandria), art and architecture (specializations: construction of water works, instruments and machines of

war), jurisprudence (insofar as it was not a part of rhetoric), the art of war, sports (riding and sword fighting) hunting (including fishing), as well as household and property economies (understood as ‘management’ by the lord and lady). In literature, individual fields continued to spring forth from the large-scale disciplines as they became further specialized, especially since Hellenism. From physics, for instance, there were zoology, botany, optics, and mechanics; from astronomy, astrology and horoscopy; from medicine, animal medicine (> VETERINARY MEDICINE) pharmacology (> Pedanius [1] Dioscorides), and cooking. 2. LITERARY FORMS Since its beginnings in the 6th cent. BC (Thales, Anaximander), TL used both prose and poetic forms. These

included the following: a) -» Didactic poetry, usually

dung, in: Entretiens 32, 1986, 185-232

hexametric (Hesiod, Epicharmus, Parmenides) or elegi-

2 F. HEINIMANN, Eine vorplatonische Theorie der téxvn,

ac (Xenophanes; Ovid, Fasti), developed its own diction, characterized by the fact that it addressed a (read-

in: MH

18, 1961, 105-130

1966

4B.Metssner, Die technologische Fachliteratur

der Antike, 1999

tum, 1954

=3. M. ISNARDI-PARENTE, T.,

5 H.Mertre, lus civile in artem redac-

6 H.SCHNEIDER, Studien zum griechischen

Technikverstandnis, 1989.

H.GO.

ing) student. It cultivated a didactic style and disposition (adhortatio, recapitulatio, propositio), without abandoning poetic aspects (prologues, metaphors, excursus, for instance Verg. G. 4, 453-527: Orpheus and Eurydice). b) The systematic textbook (institutio)

Technical Literature A. SYSTEMATIC PERSPECTIVE

B. HISTORICAL PER-

SPECTIVE

A. SYSTEMATIC PERSPECTIVE

Ancient TL is defined 1. by its object, 2. by its literary form, and 3. by its function.

provided the material to be transmitted with a maximally strict hierarchical structure, striving for completeness and delimitation from neighbouring disciplines rather than didactic training. The positioning of the discipline served primarily for establishing orthodoxy and ensuring precise transmission. An inexpensive excerpt (-> Epitome) from a comprehensive manual was often published, closely related to c) the > Isagoge. The latter was of moderate length. As an introduction

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LITERATURE

UsdDg

TECHNICAL

ueiuoe/) jeuonIppe (spafqns

198

197

TECHNICAL LITERATURE

199

for beginners, it pursued primarily pedagogical-didactic and therefore also promotional goals (+ Protreptics). Its equivalent in practical ethics was the Cynic and Stoic > Diatribe. d) In the case of the popular-scientific work, these goals came even more sharply to the fore, to which was added a glorification of the discipline. Addressed to the lay public, it had literary aspirations

200

B. HisTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

(often in the exordia, as in > Vitruvius), and strove for

The early works which the Presocratics wrote peri physeos (‘on nature’) were inspired by the question of the origin of being (arché) in various domains, which can be understood as the first specification into ontology, cosmogony, theology and, since the > Sophists at the latest, anthropology. The quest for a way of life ona scientific foundation, first Pythagorean (beginning of

informality and entertainment value through excursus, anecdotes and a certain degree of rhetorical adornment. It could appear in the form of the -> dialogue, the didactic letter (> Epistle) or sympotic discussions in the

the 5th cent. BC), and then, following a different path, Socratic (end of the 5th cent.), led to the differentiation of the useful specialized disciplines (dietetics, medicine, music, astronomy, mathematics; ethics, politics, meta-

round (+ Symposium literature), and can best be de-

physics). In confrontation with the establishment of positive individual sciences in the Peripatos, the Hellen-

fined as an exoteric variety of the textbook. e) As a learned reference work, the lexicon, organized by (crude) alphabetical order or by subject (> Lexicography), represents the opposite stylistic extreme through the extreme terseness of its definitions, its enumerations (such as catalogues of works), and references to parallels and sources. It could appear as a universal lexicon (for instance, > Stephanus [7] S. Byzantium; -» Suda) or a specialized lexicon (+ Festus [6] Sex. Pompeius),

but also as a simple list of words (glossary; > Glossography) (> Moeris,— Hesychius [r]). 3. FUNCTIONS A basic distinction must be made between esoteric (intradisciplinary) and exoteric works (intended for the public). Lecture notes (> Aristoteles), quite free from a literary perspective, were esoteric, while Arrian’s transcriptions of lectures (> Epictetus [2]) were already intended for publication. Except for mysteric poetry (> Orphism, Orphic poetry; ~ HERMETICS), didactic poetry was usually directed with missionary emphasis to a named addressee, but always simultaneously to the average citizen. It used poetry for prophetic elevation (> Empedocles [1]]), or didactically as ‘honey on the rim of the bitter cup of medicine’ (Lucr. 1,936-938 =

4,11-13). Beginning with the Hellenistic period, the technical mastery of difficult content was considered a poetic challenge which the connoisseur was to appreciate (> Aratus [4]; > Manilius, > Terentianus Maurus).

The systematic textbook, initially intended esoterically for professional colleagues and professional posterity (sometimes with the obligation to keep it secret, as in the Hippocratic Oath), increasingly also addressed (exoterically) the interested layman, as in rhetoric (Quintilian) and philosophy (Cicero), mythology (Apollodorus) and agriculture (Cato, Varro), and saw

itself as a part of overall education (-» Encyclopaedia). The transition to works of vulgarization led to the diversified educational work (Pliny the Elder) and the reader (Gellius). Roman jurisprudence produced particular discipline-specific forms: in addition to instructional works (+ Gaius [2]), these included primarily collections of legal texts and commentaries (-» Ulpianus; > Papinianus, Aemilius). Here, the technical work

overlapped with Late Antique lexicography, which, in addition to direct use by professionals and laymen, also served for the preservation of positive knowledge, endangered by interruptions of the tradition.

istic schools (ca. 300 BC) once again gave primacy to

practical ethics, which did not impede the autonomous development of philology, mathematics and cosmography, especially at Alexandria, but also medicine and astronomy (~ Zenodotus [1], — Eratosthenes [2] of Cyrene, > Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium; — Aristarchus [4] of Samothrace, > Archimedes [1] of Syracuse, > Hipparchus [6] of Nicaea). In the rst cent. BC, all the various tendencies (Antiochus of Ascalon, Poseidonius)

once again came closer together as a result of Roman participation, culminating in a many-sided flourishing of TL in the rst and 2nd cents. AD (Claudius — Ptolemaeus, - Hero I, > Soranus, > Galen of Pergamum). This tendency yielded in the 3rd cent. to speculative Neoplatonism and a certain anti-scientific attitude on the part of Christianity, so that science, except for isolated popular-scientific publications (- Solinus, > Palladius, Physiologus, + Geoponica), withdrew into + Lexicography and the > Artes liberales. Roman science, in principle lacking in independence, was predominant in the disciplines of jurisprudence and grammar since the 2nd cent. AD, and exerted a decisive influence on the European Middle Ages. -» Technical terminology LESKY,

253-259,

544-555,

877-891,

992-1001;

ALBRECHT I, 450-464; 2, 982-1013; O.GiGon, Philosophie und Wissenschaft bei den Griechen, in: NHL 2, 1981, 231-304;

M.FUHRMANN,

Die rémische

Fachlite-

ratur, in: NHL 3, 1974, 181-194; D. Liens, Die juristische Literatur, ibidem, 195-208; K.SALLMANN,

Die Fachwis-

senschaft und die Ausbildung der spatantike Enzyklopadie, in: NHL 4, 1997, 195-233; O. NEUGEBAUER, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, *1956; B.L. VAN DER WAERDEN, Erwachende Wissenschaft, 1956; W.H. STAHL, Roman Science, 1962; W.GRATZER (ed.), A literary Companion to Science, 1990; M. ERREN, Untersuchungen zum antiken

Lehrgedicht,

1956; E.PGHLMANN,

Charakteristika

des

romischen Lehrgedichts, in: ANRW 1.3, 813-901; M.FUHRMANN, Das systematische Lehrbuch, 1960;

H. Raun, Morphologie der antiken Literatur, 1969, 142—170; T. JANSON, Latin Prose Prefaces, 1964; B. DEINLEIN, Das rémische Sachbuch, 1975; A.STUCKELBERGER, Einfilhrung in die antike Naturwissenschaft, 1988; G. WENDEL (ed.), Wissenschaft in der Antike, 1986; M.FunrMANN, Die antike Rhetorik, +1990; H. Usenrr, Ein altes Lehrgebaude der Philologie, in: Id., Kleine Schriften 2,

1913, 265-314; H. FLASHAR (ed.), Antike Medizin, 1971;

201

202

W.KALTENSTADLER, Arbeitsorganisation und Fihrungssystem bei den rémischen Agrarschriftstellern, 1978; A. RIETHMULLER, F. ZAMINER (eds.), Die Musik des Altertums, 1989; J.ANDRE, L’alimentation et la cuisine a Rome, 1961. KL.SA.

Technical terminology. Usually understood as the language used in specialist and technical writing. In ancient prose, strictly speaking the only established genres were oratory and (since - Herodotus) — historiography. Treatments of the arts and academic subjects were stylistically open, ranging from dry, specialist (esoteric) prose (the texts of + Aristotle’s lectures), via highly stylized, mimetic > dialogue (exoteric), to ceremonial or artificially > didactic poetry. Particular dialects remained typical of some schools (e.g. Hippocratis: Ionic; Pythagoreans: Doric). Typically, the elaboration of a specialist terminology to accompany a discipline, usually combined with a simple syntax, was made relatively easy thanks to the flexible formation of Greek words and expressions (substantivization of adjectives and infinitives, prepositional conjunctions; e.g. ta dvta, Gtouos, tO 颒 hiv). Latin, by contrast, was disadvantaged, at least in the humanities, not only by being a target language for translations, but also by being less flexible in the formation of words and by its lack of articles, and, when it did not simply adopt Greek technical terms (e.g. philosophia, comoedia, architectura),

had to resort to metaphors or periphrasis. The style of Latin technical prose is seldom as casual and laconic as in the case of land > surveyors (some of them not native Latin-speakers) and in — Varro [2] (De lingua Latina,

incompletely edited). The rule for the > isagoge, the - textbook and the didactic letter (+ Technical literature)

is a plain, sober cogency, not lacking embellishment, with authors often apologizing for the monotone quality of their style (e.g. in listing nuda nomina). ~ Technical literature

TECHNOLOGY

Menander [4]) plays, but also newer ones (lost without trace) [3. 99f.]. However, the task of the associations was primarily a religious one. They served > Dionysus by celebrating his festival. A priest led each association, and the agonistic performances of the festival were preceded by a procession and sacrifice, led by the technitai. The administrative structure of the associations of the technitai was that of the Hellenistic > polis. As a ‘state within a state’, they sent out embassies which negotiated — on an equal footing with cities, rulers and amphictyonies (> amphiktyonia) on such matters as the privileges guaranteeing the safety of travelling technitai and emphasizing their priestly character: inviolability of the person (asylia); freedom from obligations to the state; the right to wear a garland in every city. They also conferred honours. What we know of the associations of the technitai emerges from Hellenistic and Imperial inscriptions [4. 249]; there are sparse literary references in LSJ s. v. technites and [3. 105-109]. The foundation of the Athenian Synod (synodos),

which emerged from the > Dionysia at Athens, followed closely upon that of the Isthmian-Nemean koinon, which attained transregional significance through its branch associations and began to compete with it. Other important associations of technitai were the IonicHellespontic, at first based on Teos, and the Egyptian, based at Ptolemais [3]. The activity of technitai associations was regulated in the Imperial period by a panImperial association based at Rome; from the reign of Trajan, the associations venerated the Emperor as the ‘new Dionysus’ [4. 239]. In late antiquity, the technitai seem to have merged with the athletic associations [5. 55, 58] which in turn merged into the > factiones (blues, greens) in the Byzantine period [5. 140, 147, L52|2 + Associations; > Entertainers; > Spectacles

und Kiinste bei den Griechen und R6mern, vols. 1-4, *1912 (repr. 1969); M. STEPHANIDES, La terminologie des anciens, in: Isis 7, 1925, 468-477; L.RyDBECK, Fachprosa, vermeintliche Volkssprache und NT, 1967;

1 F. POLAND, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 2473-2558 2S.PoMEROY, Technikai kai Mousikai, in: AJAH 2, 1977, 51-68 30.LUpeERs, Die dionysischen Kiinstler, 1873 4 E. Jory, Associations of Actors in Rome, in: Hermes 98, 1970, 224-253 5 C.RovECHE, Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias, 1993, 50-60.

J.Anpré, Sur la constitution des langues techniques en

L’association

H. BLUMNER, Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe

latin, in: Etudes de Lettres

1986/1,

5-18; C.SANTINI,

N.Scivotetro (eds.), Prefazioni, prologhi, opere technico-scientifiche latine, 1990-92.

proemi di KL.SA.

Ba.

Technitai (teyvita/technitai). Originally a general term for artisans and artists, attested epigraphically from 278/7 BC in the (always expanded [1. 25 19]) formula oi meoi tov Atovuocov texvitat (‘the technitai around Dio-

dionysiaque

dans les sociétés anciennes

(Collection Ecole Frangaise de Rome 89), 1986; PICKARDCAMBRIDGE/GOULD/LEWIS, 279-321; G. SIFAKIS, Studies in the History of Hellenistic Drama, 1967; WELLES, 219-

RO.HA.

Technology I. DEFINITION OF TECHNOLOGY II. THE ANCIENT ORIENT AND Ecypt III. CLassicat ANTIQUITY

nysus’). These ‘artists’ associations’ (Rkoina, synodoi)

brought together, amongst others musicians, poets, actors(perh. including women: [2. 54-55], but cf. [1. 2527]), providers of costumes and stage properties, to meet the increasing demand for musical and staged performances of the Attic style in the Hellenistic world. The stage artists performed mainly old (Euripides [1],

I. DEFINITION OF TECHNOLOGY Technology describes the ensemble of — tools, devices and procedures used for the acquisition and transformation of materials, the production and transportation of foodstuffs and consumables, the erection of structures, the provision of > infrastructure, and the

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204

storage of information. The devices and procedures employed in different areas of technology are not independent of one another; rather, they constitute a technological complex with many interdependencies. Thus, for instance, the production of — tools and devices used in > agriculture, mining and many > crafts is dependent on the level of metal working attained. Technological development as a whole depends less on isolated discoveries than on a general readiness and capacity for innovation, and for the commercial and industrial application of technological innovations (— Economy); technology transfer, the adoption of the technological achievements of other peoples and other lands, plays an important role in this context. The historical relevance of technology is based on the influence of the technological potential available to a society over eco-

Asia Minor: 2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC). Special technologies following individual courses of development were extremely various, involving many fields of activity, such as household economy (cheese, preserving techniques such as drying and pickling in oil or

TECHNOLOGY

nomic, social, and even political developments, even be-

fore the Industrial Revolution.

salt), the production of beer and wine, textile produc-

tion (+ Textiles, production of) and leather products, > crafts and artistic crafts, architecture, hunting and war, writing (cf. Scribes; + Writing) and others. A.R. HALL, A History of Technology, vol. 1: From Early Times to the Fall of Ancient Empires, 1975; R.J. FoRBEs, Studies in Ancient Technology, vol. 1-9, 1955-1966; R.-B. Warrke (ed.), Handwerk und Technologie im Alten Orient, 1994; P.R.S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian

Materials and Industries,

1994; P. T. NICHOLSON, I. SHAW

(ed.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, 2000. R.W

H.SCHN.

Il. THE ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPt Despite substantial material remains (in the form of artefacts, tools, devices and installations, and also semifinished products, debris, tool-marks on objects), written accounts (‘recipes’ and instructions, sometimes

using specialized terminology, e.g. ‘glass texts’; > Glass II.) and graphic representations (esp. on Egyptian tomb reliefs), it is seldom possible either to obtain an overview or to determine the first evidence of a particular technology in the Ancient Orient and Egypt. Specialized theoretical knowledge and special technologies (e.g. boring and grinding technologies in stone-masonry; -» Seals) can only be deduced. The origins of some ancient technologies reach back into prehistory. External factors occasionally lead to the development of particular technologies (e.g. methods of food production and agriculture using special techniques of irrigation and flood protection; > Agriculture I.). New technologies had considerable effects on conditions of life (e.g. the

potter’s wheel on the mass production of various ceramic vessels, > pottery) and social development (e.g. the wheel on transport vehicles, the - war chariot). By the 4th millennium BC, an advanced state of technology had been reached in the Near East and Egypt, using basic physical and chemical principles (e.g. pyrotechnology in ceramics production and early > metallurgy I.). Strong development is evident in the 4th/3rd millennia BC, including the specialization of tools and devices (e.g. the seed-drill and irrigation devices: sadaf, attested since the Akkadian period, 2nd half of the 3rd millennium BC; the axle bearing), the mastery of problems in monumental architecture (> pyramid, > palace and — temple structures), bronze metallurgy including casting techniques (hollow casting; lost wax), craftbased technologies (e.g. granulation), and the manufacture of artificial and synthetic materials (e.g. bitumen mastic, quartz ceramics / Egyptian - faience, the first

~ glass). New technologies in the 2nd millennium BC are the manufacture of hollow glass (glass vessels; c. mid 2nd millennium), and iron metallurgy (Palaestina,

III]. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITY IN THE HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGY B. STAGNATION AND INNOVATION C. TECHNOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE D. THE EVALUATION OF TECHNOLOGY

A. GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITY IN THE HISTORY OF TECHNOLOGY During the Neolithic, the fundamental technologies of pre-industrial agrarian societies, such as the cultivation of grain, animal husbandry, the production of pottery (> Pottery, production of) and textiles (+ Textiles,

production of), and house building, found their way into the areas of Greek settlement, probably under eastern influence. New technological accomplishments, such as metalworking, the erection of monumental stone structures, the use of horse-drawn

> wagons, and

the building of large ships, established themselves on the Greek mainland and Crete during the Bronze Age (2nd millennium BC). The end of the + Mycenaean culture brought the loss of much technological knowledge and many skills. It was not until the Archaic Period, again under the influence of Eastern Mediterranean civilizations, that an accelerated civilizational and technological change took hold in all areas of Greek life. The construction of large Archaic > temples of heavy stone or marble blocks, > water pipes and well-houses to provide > water supplies to the inner cities, and harbour moles to provide for safe anchorages for shipping (+ Navigation); the erection of life-size and largerthan-life > statues of members of aristocratic families, the introduction of the hollow casting process in the production of bronze sculptures, the qualitative improvement in pottery (especially the development of complex firing techniques for the creation of black- and red-figure vases); the building of ships with several rows of oarsmen on each side, the appearance of large, square-rigged trading ships: all these factors attest to the rapid, almost simultaneous implementation of technological innovations in the 7th and 6th cents. BC.

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206

During this period, mediated by contacts with the cultures of Egypt and the Near East, technologies essential to civilization, such as > writing, > astronomy and geometry (+ Mathematics) reached Greece; coinage

quity: the milling of grain, a basic foodstuff, was one of the most frequent and most exhausting work processes; the development of the lever mill, which considerably eased the process, was a significant advance for working people; the rotary mill then enabled the use of animal power, thereby liberating humans from this kind of hard labour (> Mills). After the discovery of waterpower as an energy source, water mills were built to assure the supply of bread to larger towns. Other examples illustrate that technological devices were greatly improved by individual changes; this applies in particular to the > presses used in the production of wine and oil. The use of large wooden screws led to the development of an extraordinarily efficient type of screw press, which remained in use without significant changes until the roth cent., and was used very widely in Europe’s wine-growing regions. Other agricultural devices developed in the Roman period are mentioned in the literature: the wheeled > plough, the Gaulish > reaping machine and the > threshing sled; new methods of fertilization are also attested, for instance the planting and ploughing-in of lupins (— Fertilizer). In > mining, the development of water-lifting devices such as the ‘Archimedes’ > screw was significant, because they could be used for controlling water levels in the mines; thereby it was possible to exploit veins of precious metal even when they occurred below the water table. Improvements to devices and tools and the use of new processes are apparent in various branches of the > crafts, e.g. the loom with warp beam and cloth beam facilitated weaving, because the weft thread was cast downwards, and it was possible to weave in a seated

(+ Minting), which then had considerable implications

for > commerce and exchange, was also adopted from Asia Minor by the Greeks in the 6th cent. BC. These foundations of the technological system of Antiquity arose in the Archaic Period; despite further individual technological developments, this system persisted into Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. Two factors characterize ancient Greek and Roman technology: (1) The most important sources of — energy were human and animal muscie power, with wood and charcoal burned as fuels; water power was not used for the milling of + grain until the Early Principate. (2) The technology of this period can be called a tool technology: craftsmen transformed objects by the direct use of their tools. Only in exceptional cases some degree of mechanization was applied to working processes. Ancient technology thereby differs specifically from the technology of the High and Late Middle Ages. A significant technological difference between Antiquity and the Middle Ages is exemplified by the use of water power. In Antiquity, water power was used solely for the milling of grain. In the Middle Ages, the development of transmission mechanisms and the subsequent possibility of the transformation of the rotational movement of the water-wheel into a to-and-fro movement led to the use of water power by various trades in further processes (fulling mills, ore-crushing mills, wire-drawer mills, water-powered bellows). New methods of cultivation raised the productivity of agriculture considerably, and metallurgy and engineering reached a level that enabled (among other developments) the construction of clocks powered by weights. The ancient technological system, which had arisen in the Archaic Period, was fundamentally transformed by these advances in the Middle Ages. Antiquity may thus be discerned as a distinct epoch in the history of technology, clearly delimited from preceding and later periods.

B. STAGNATION AND INNOVATION Ancient technologies were not static and unchanging; a great number of technological innovations

arose, some of which were of importance until the Industrial Revolution. There is no doubt that there were areas in which > farmers and craftsmen continued to use the same tools or the same traditional processes, with no interest in the introduction of new technologies: in the rural Mediterranean world, agricultural and craft technologies that were rooted in Antiquity, and had passed down virtually unchanged, could be observed until the mid 20th cent. However, this should not lead one to overlook or marginalize the multitude of innovations that characterized the ancient world. One example may suffice to illustrate the significance and nature of technological progress in Anti-

TECHNOLOGY

position (+ Textiles, production of). The creation of

+ terra sigillata with moulds enabled the creation of a vessel in one production step, and its simultaneous decoration with a relief pattern; moreover, by reusing the mould, identical vessels could be produced in great numbers. The production of transparent > glass and the introduction of glass-blowing can be considered as a technological breakthrough, which enabled the use of glass on a large scale as a material in the production of vessels and dishes. Transparent glass was also used for the production of windowpanes, a new element in the architecture of Late Antiquity. Technological innovations are also discernible in transportation. In the extensive internal territories of the north-west provinces, heavy loads were carried in four-wheeled wagons pulled by two or four horses (harnessed in tandem pairs; > Land transport). In Late Antiquity, oxen were used as draught animals to tow barges upstream, thereby rivers could be navigated more efficiently than previously. In the Roman period, a new building material, > Opus caementicium, a mortar that could be poured into shuttering, and became so solid after drying that it required no support after the shuttering had been removed, revolutionized

terial, Roman

— architecture; using this ma-

architects could create large internal

TECHNOLOGY

207

spaces whose roofs no longer had to be supported by pillars or columns. The + dome of the > Pantheon [2] in Rome attests to the competent mastery of the possibilities of this material. It also demonstrated its superiority over traditional methods in the development of the infrastructure, in the construction of aqueducts, bridges and port facilities (-- Harbours, docks), and

public structures such as market halls. The significance of the

> codex (with ill.), which

prevailed over the scroll as a method of storing and imparting information during the Principate and in Late Antiquity, has often been overlooked or underestimated. In fact, the codex is essentially easier to handle than a scroll; it can hold more text, the

> parchment

pages are written on on both sides, and the text can be better protected by the book cover; rapid reference is possible with a codex, but not with a scroll. On these grounds, in the history of information technology the introduction of the codex is comparable with the inyention of printing (~ Book; > Textual history). This (by no means comprehensive) overview of technological innovations in various sectors of ancient civilization should be supplemented by some remarks on technology transfer. With the — self-Romanization (and -» Romanization) of the western provinces, those regions also acquired Roman technology; the provinces were given the roads, aqueducts, bridges, monumental stone structures and > thermae enjoyed by the cities of Italy; pottery workshops migrated northwards through Gaul; in Late Antiquity, Cologne (— Colonia Agrippinensis) became a centre of glass production. Technology transfer is not normally associated with spectacular inventions, but this does not mean that it is insignificant: it fundamentally transformed the appearance of the provinces. C. TECHNOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE Technological problems initially arose mostly in the > Building trade, e.g. in the transportation of heavy ashlars or pillar shafts, and the lifting of such blocks of stone and marble (> Construction technique). In these

circumstances, > architects were the first to study technological problems and their solutions, and they wrote about their projects (Vitr. De arch. ro,2,11 f.). The selfconfidence engendered in architects by their achievements is expressed in the dedication by > Mandrocles at Samos: the image he endowed represents the bridge he had built over the Bosporus (Hdt. 4,88,1 f.). The construction of devices (unyavai/mechanai) also required specialized technological competence; in this context, the professional title pnyavomowe/mechanopoids emerges (PI. Grg. 512b). In the Hellenistic Period, the analysis and construction of devices that used mechanical principles such as the law of levers, the > winch, the wedge and the > screw came under the heading of mechanics. The beginning of specialized technological literature is marked by the ‘Mechanics’ (Méchanikda) of > Aristoteles [6]; the writings of > Hero I of Alexandria (1st cent.

208

BC) give an overview of the competence of ancient engineers. Technological knowledge was not imparted solely in writings on mechanics, but also in works such as the De architectura of -» Vitruvius and the Naturalis historia of — Plinius [x], who mentions many technological innovations in the volume on agriculture (Plin. HN 18,172; 18,296f.; 18,317). Procopius’ work (-» Procopius [3]) on the buildings of + Iustinianus [1]

also contains a multitude of technological descriptions; for example the crescent-shaped dam wall at Daras (Procop. Aed. 2,3,16—20). D. THE EVALUATION OF TECHNOLOGY Technological activities are mentioned in many passages of Homer, but no negative evaluation is given: on the contrary, stress is often laid on Odysseus’ technical skill (Hom. Od. 5,243 ff.; 23,188 ff.). The gods — especially Athena and Hephaestus — impart technological knowledge to humanity (cf. also Hom. H. 20). In the Prometheus myth, - Prometheus takes on that function: in the tragedy by Aeschylus [1] he brings téyvau/ téchnai to humanity. In Plato [1], humanity is dependent on technology to survive in a hostile environment (Pl. Prt. 320c-2d). In historiography, technological achievements are acknowledged, e.g. Herodotus’ [1] comments on Samos (Hdt. 3,60). The beginnings of a philosophical theory of technology can be found in the writings of Plato; for example in discussions of problems regarding the use of tools (Pl. Crat. 387d—90d) or the taxonomy of téchnai (PI. Plt. 259d—-60e; 279a-8 5c). In the Nomot, the development of téchnai is inextri-

cably associated with the development of civilization. A critical view of technology was also known in Antiquity. For > Diogenes [14], the requirement that man should control his needs led to the renunciation of all the superfluous achievements of technology and civilization (Dion Chrys. 6,8-35). Seneca [2] considers technological inventions as worthless from a moral philosophical point of view (Sen. Ep. 90). However, the tradition of a fundamentally critical view of technology always remained a marginal position in Antiquity. » Agriculture; > Automata (with ill.); + Construction technique (with ill.); — Crafts, Trade; — Energy; > Glass (with ill.); > Heating (with ill.); > Infrastructure; > Land transport (with ill.); + Leather; > Mecha-

nics; — Metallurgy; — Mills (with ill.); — Mining; > Plough (with ill.); + Pottery, production of (with ill.); - Presses (with ill.); > Progress, idea of;

+ Rea-

ping machines (with ill.); > Roads and bridges, construction of (with ill.); > Screw; > Shipbuilding (with ill.); + TECHNOLOGY, HISTORY OF; > Textiles, produc-

tion of (with ill.); > Threshing (with ill.) 1 BLUMNER, Techn. 2 A.GarA, Tecnica e tecnologia nelle societa antiche, 1994 3 .B.GILLE, Les mécaniciens

grecs, 1980 = 4.J. W. Humpurey et al. (ed.), Greek and Roman Technology: A Sourcebook, 1998 5 F. KIECHLE, Sklavenarbeit und technischer Fortschritt im romischen Reich, 1969 6 J.G. LANDELS, Engineering in the Ancient World, 1978 7 B.MetssNner, Die technologische Fachliteratur der Antike, 1999 8 A. NESCHKE-HENTSCHKE,

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210

Geschichten und Geschichte. Zum Beispiel Prometheus bei Hesiod und Aischylos, in: Hermes rr1, 1983, 385-402 9 j.P. OLESON, Bronze Age, Greek and Roman Technology. A Select, Annotated Bibliography, 1986 10 H.Scune1perR, Einfuhrung in die antike Technik-Geschichte, 1992 11Id., Die Gaben des Prometheus, in:

TECTOSAGES

1991, 17-313, 12 Id., Das griechische Technikverstandnis, 1989 13 WuiTe, Technology

Tecmessa (Téxpynooo/Tékméssa, Latin Tecmessa). Phrygian princess, given to > Ajax [1] as a prize (Hom. Il. x,138). With her he fathers > Eurysaces. In Soph. Aj. the character of T. is developed for the first time, her relationship with Ajax is defined by mutual respect and fidelity (Dictys 2,18; Quint. Smyrn. 5,521-567). Roman tragedy writers also took an interest in the subject, as did Horace (Carm. 2,4,5f.) and Ovid (Ars am.

H. ScHNEIDER, Geschichte der antiken Technik, 2007.

3557-520).

W.Konic

(ed.), Propylaen Technik-Geschichte,

vol. 1,

H.SCHN.

Technopaegnia. Poems that depict an object (lit.: ‘Jests that reveal their maker’s skill’). Viewed semiotically, they link the graphic and iconic with the linguistic and symbolic [4.140; 3]. The simultaneous occurrence of these affects the process of reception, which alternates between reading the words and looking at the image (full perception of technopaegnia can only be visual). A distinction can be made between: (a) outline poems, in which, based on polymetric verses, the outline shape of an object is reflected (technopaegnia in the narrower sense; the term is originally from — Ausonius, Opusc. 16,1 PRETE, who uses it otherwise, however), and (b) grid poems, in which figures are made visible by rubricating particular letters; their basic texts, for the most part in hexameters, are laid out as squares or rectangles; the prominent letters also form a text of their own (inner text).

Greek technopaegnia by > Simias (axe, wings, egg), ~ Theocritus (syrinx: debatably genuine) and > Dosiadas (altar) survive. The syrinx and the altar also feature enigmatic language which has to be decoded in order to understand the poems. A second altar is ascribed to a Besantinus (L. Julius Vestinus?, under Hadrian). There are Greek technopaegnia in Anth. Pal. 15,21ff. (» Anthology) and in the MSS of bucolic poets. Latin outline poems were written by > Laevius (xst cent. BC) and > Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius

J. BOARDMAN, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 832; E.OBERHUMMER,

s. v. T. (1), RE 5 A, 157 f.; K.SYNODINU, Tecmessa in the Ajax of Sophocles. Amid Slavery a Moment of Liberation, in: A&A 33, 1987, 99-107. R.HA.

Tecmon (Téxuov; Tékmon). Fortified township of the ~ Molossi in > Epirus, probably at modern Kestritza to the south of the modern Lake of Ioannina. T. was conquered by the Romans in 167 BC (Liv. 45,26,4). P. Capangs, L’Epire, 1976, 506; N.G. L. HaMMonp, Epirus, 1967, 527.

DS.

Tectaeus (Textatoc; Tektaios). Greek sculptor of the

mid-é6th century BC. Like his brother > Angelion, T. is supposed to have been a pupil of > Dipoenus and Scy]llis and teacher of Calon [1] (Paus. 2,32,5). He and

Angelion created a cult statue of Apollo on Delos; on the basis of literary (Plut. Mor. 1136a; Paus. 9,35,3) and pictorial evidence of seals and reliefs Apollo was represented as a kouros with Charites on one hand and a Sphinx. A later account (Athenagoras, Legatio pro Christianis 17,4 SCHOEDEL) of an Artemis by T. in Delos is of doubtful veracity. OVERBECK, Nr. 334; 3363 337; P.MORENO, s. v. T., EAA 7, 1966, 666; M.F. Boussac, Sur quelques représentati-

ons d’Apollon délien, in: BCH 106, 1982, 427-443; W.LAMBRINUDAKIS, s. v. Apollon, LIMC 2, 1984, 234, Nr. 390; FUCHS/FLOREN, 179 f.

RN.

(under Constantine), who produced, after Hellenistic models, a ‘syrinx’, an ‘altar’ and as a new creation a

Tectamus see > Teutamus

‘water organ’. In these technopaegnia he altered the conventional form in as much as he no longer composed polymetrically, but used the same metres with different numbers of letters. In addition Porfyrius is considered to be the inventor of grid poems, of which he wrote

Tector (tector albarius). According to Vitr. De arch.

more than twenty. His most famous successor is Hra-

banus Maurus. The pictorial representations of texts in the magical papyri (bunches of grapes, wings, spheres) may also be considered technopaegnia in the broadest sense. Hellenistic technopaegnia were taken up again in Baroque poetry, which adopted and developed the tech-

1J.ADLER,

U.ERnst,

Text als Figur,

figuratum,

craftsman who was responsible for

Tectosages (Textoomyec/Tektosages). I. Overview II. Gavia III. East I. OVERVIEW

Sub-tribe of the > Volcae, a Celtic group of peoples, referred to as Volcae T., who probably originated in the

nique [Tr]. — Figures; > FIGURED POEM 2 U. Ernst, Carmen

2,8,20 a Roman

plastering walls, asa rule in three layers, the top layer of which could be painted or stuccoed while still moist. + Fresco; — Stucco; -» Construction — technique; + Wall-painting CHO.

1991

1987,

58-211

3 T.A. SEBEOK,

Theorie und Geschichte der Semiotik, 1979, 105-112 4 Cu. Weiss, Seh-Texte, 1984 5 G. Woyaczek, Daphnis. Untersuchungen zur griechischen Bukolik, 1969, 56-126 6 Id., Schliissel und Schlange, in: WJA 14, 1988, 241-252.

SEP.

low mountain ranges from Thuringia to northeastern Bavaria (circum Hercyniam silvam, Caes. B Gall.

6,24,1—4) ([x. 172-179]; differing: [4]). In the 4th cent. BC, the majority group of the Volcae were caught in a migration-dynamic in which a part of them, dominated

TECTOSAGES

200

by the T., moved across the Danube region into southeastern Europe. Another group of the T. adopted strong influences of the Danubian > La Téne culture and moved across the upper Rhine (> Rhenus [2]) to South Gallia [3]. Another part of the Volcae (T.) remained behind as the neighbours or adversaries of the Elbe Germanics who were beginning to form up. Il. GALLIA Among the east-central European and Danube-area groups of Celts to appear in -> Gallia in the rst half of the 3rd cent. BC were the migrating groups of the Volcae Arecomici and Volcae T. who arrived in SouthGallia [1. 172; 3]. In 218 BC, Hannibal [4] forced the Volcae, who at that time lived on both sides of the river, to cross the + Rhodanus (Rhone). In the 2nd cent. BC,

the majority of the T. had moved towards the southwest to the upper Garumna (Garonne) and around their centre of > Tolosa (Toulouse). The T. had established their dominance between the Pyrenees (-» Pyrene [2]), the Cévennes (Cebenna mons), the rivers Garumna and Tarnis (Tarn) and the Mediterranean and had super-im-

posed themselves over numerous indigenous population groups, at times integrating them. The area of the Volcae Arecomici bordered on that of the T., lying between Orb or Hérault and the lower Rhodanus with its centre of > Nemausus [2] (Nimes). The T. accumulated

great wealth due to their important position in long-distance trade traffic and due to their own gold deposits (cf. the treasures of the sanctuaries of Tolosa). The T.

were integrated into the Roman province of Gallia ~» Narbonensis (> Gallia [B]) — founded in 121 BC —as > socii, rose up in 108/106 and were forced back to the

status of dependent confederates by Q. Servilius [I 12] Caepio. In 74/72 BC, their city of Tolosa became a Roman colony.

212

~» Paphlagonia. Following > Mithradates’s [6] VI massacre of the Galatian aristocracy in 86 BC, the T. were ruled by only one, then two and finally again by only one tetrarch (Castor Tarcondarius). Apparently during Pompeius’s [I 3] reorganisation in 65/4 BC, » Ancyra was added to the area of the T. In 44 BC, > Deiotarus eliminated Castor, his son in law, and seized the rulership over the T. and the Trocmi (Cic. Phil. 2,37,95; Str. 12,5,1). After the annexation by Augustus of the realm of - Amyntas[9] and the founding of the province of Galatia in 25/4 BC, the area of the T. was added to the territory of the newly founded independent polis Ancyra (polis of the ,Sebastenoi’ T.), after it had been enlarged with the northeastern region of the > Tolistobogii. Ancyra became the metropolis of the province and the main town of the Galatian koinon. > Celts (II-III) 1 K.StrroBeEL, Die Galater, vol. 1, 1996 2/1Id., Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: E.SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Galatien, 1994, 29-65 3 H.BANNERT, Ss. Vv.

Volcae

(Arecomici/T.),

4 G.Dosescu,

F. Lerrner

Caesars

RE Volcae

(ed.), Carinthia

Suppl.

15,

937-960

T. in Mitteleuropa,

Romana

in:

und die romische

Welt. Festschrift G. Piccottini, 2001, 79-102. W.RuGE,

s.v.

Staatenbildung

T., RE

5 A, 171-173;

bei den

K.STROBEL,

kleinasiatischen

Die

Galatern,

in:

H.Bium et al. (eds.), Brickenland Anatolien, 2002; K.STrROBEL, Die Galater und Galatien: Historische Iden-

titat und ethnische Tradition Klio 89, 2007, 356-402.

im Imperium Romanum, K.ST.

Tedzen. Modern city and river in southeastern Turkmenistan. Excavations between 1956 and 1965 record Copper Age settlement (Namazga I-III, c. 4000-3000 BC), in the last stage (GOksun period) with connexions

In the 4th cent. BC, groups of the Volcae T. appeared in South Pannonia, from where they pushed to the

with Sistan (Helmand Rad: Sahr-e Sate I) Afghanistan (Kandahar: Mundigak III) and Zeravsan (Sarazm II.2). The T. sites were abandoned after this period, evidently only the Sarahs branch was developed over a greater area in the Middle Ages.

Histri (> Histria). In 279/8 BC, as an important part of

V.V. BarTOL’D, Raboty po istori¢eskoj geografii, Bd. 3,

Ill. East

the army of > Brennus [2], they marched to the gates of Delphi (Iust. 32,3,125 Str. 4,1,13; [1. 179-181]). After

the defeated units had retreated to the north in 278 BC,

a part of the southeast European T. began moving towards -> Thracia, where the migrant group was recruited in 277 to reinforce the Celtic confederates of the Anti-Seleucid

allies

(+ Diadochi,

wars

of the)

[1. 236-256]. After 275/4 BC, these T. occupied the Middle-Galatian region of South-Paphlagonia up to the northern -> Tatta, a region that extended beyond the +» Halys (Kizilirmak) and included Sarmalia (around Kirikkale) [2]. The centres of the four T.-tetrarchies were Sirkeli, Gorbeus, Giizelcekale and Odunbogazi. In

189 BC, the T. and the + Trocmi as well as the Paphlagonian and Cappadocian allies of Antiochus [5] III were defeated by Cn. Manlius [I 24] Vulso at Mount Magaba. In 179 BC, the northernmost area of the T. (the land of > Gaizatorix, basin of Gerede) fell to

1965,

134f.;

I.N.

CHtLopin,

Ancient

Farmers

in the

Tedzen Delta, in: East and West 24, 1974, 51-87; Pu.L. KOHL, Central Asia: Palaeolithic Beginnings to the Iron Age, 1984, 73-103;

G.N.

LisicyNa,

OroSaemoe

zeml-

edelie eneoliticeskich plemen Jugo-Vostoénoj Turkmenii, in: $.P. ToLtsrov,

B. V.ANDRIANOV

nego oroSenija, 1969, IL1O-121.

Tefnut, legend goddess Tefnut of Atum, who brought back

(eds.), Zemli drevTH.G.

of. Group of myths about the Egyptian (Greek Tonvic; Tphénis), the daughter parted with her father in anger and is from Nubia to Egypt by her brother

> Onuris with the aid of Thoth (— Thot). Attestations of the legend can be found in temple inscriptions (mostly in the form of short epithets and allusions) mainly in Nubia and southern Upper Egypt, and in the Demotic Myth of the Eye of the Sun, which was also translated into Greek. This Greek translation

213

214

(P. Lit. Lond. 192, ed. [4]) has been discussed by scholars as indicating an Egyptian antecedent or an Egyptian context for the Greek > novel (cf. [5]). Sirius’ phase of invisibility and its heliacal rising are considered to be the likely background of the Egyptian myth in nature.

also remained loyal to Sparta after the defeat of the

1 F.pDE CentvaL, Le mythe de l’ceil du soleil, 1988 2 D.INCONNUE-BOCQUILLON, Le mythe de la Déesse lointaine a Philae, 2000 3 H. Junker, Die Onurislegende, 1917.

4M.Torri

(ed.), Ausgewahlte Texte der

Isis- und Sarapis-Religion, 1985, 168-182 (with commentary) 5 S.A. STEPHENS, J.J. WINKLER (ed.), Ancient Greek Novels: The Fragments, 1995, 13 f.

JO.QU.

Tegea (Teyéa/Tegéa).

[1] I. Location

II. History

III. SuRviviING BUILD-

INGS

I. LOCATION Important town in the south of the eastern Arcadian plateau (> Arcadians, Arcadia, with map; Str. 8,8,2; Paus. 8,44,1-53,11; Ptol. 3,16,19; Plin. HN. 4,20.; []), whose vast area lay between the present-day villages of Hagios Sostis, Episkopi and Alea. The rich, fertile, loamy plain is drained via katavothras (sinkholes) on the east and southwest edges. The present-day Sarandapotamos river flows through the south and east of the plateau; it is debatable whether this river (identified in Antiquity as the upper reaches of the Alpheus [1]) flowed into the Limni Taka (Lake Taka) [2.564567; 3-120-130]. The important street intersection for the traffic from Arcadia into > Laconica was protected on all sides by mountain ranges. The climate at this ~ height (670 m) is harsh; the olive tree no longer thrives here. Il. History T., which had already been mentioned in the catalogue of ships (Hom. II. 2,607)[4.92], grew due to the ~» synoikismos of nine villages (Str. 8,3,2; Paus. 8,4 5,1)

probably dateable to the 5th cent. BC (c. 478 BC —473 BC; cf. [5.13 1-139]). It is unclear when T. was divided up into the four tribes of the Klareotis, Hippothoitis, Apolloniatis and Athaneatis (IG V 2, 40). Whilst T. had held its ground against > Sparta in the 6th cent., the town had to join the > Peloponnesian League around 550 BC. From the middle of the 6th cent. BC the return of the mortal remains of Orestes [1] from T. to Sparta (Hdt. 1,67 f.) and the Spartans’ treaty drawn up with T. around 550 BC (Stv 2, 112) were fundamental features of the new Spartan policy of alliance. T. was involved with a large number of troops (Hdt. 7,202; 9,28; 9,31) in the battles of Thermopylae in 480 BC and of -» Plataeae in 479 BC against the Persians (— Persian Wars [1]). The attempt to free themselves from their dependence on Sparta was suppressed at the battle of Dipaea (probably present-day Davia) around 470 BC (Hdt. 9,35,2). The rivalry with - Mantinea [2.362518] led to military clashes in 423 BC (Thuc. 4,134). T.

TEGEA

Spartans at > Leuctra in 371 BC (Xen. Hell. 6,4,18).

The continuing rivalry with Mantinea in the second Arcadian League (371-338/7 BC; -» Arcadians) was also the cause for the league’s disintegration. Philippus [4] Il expanded T.’s territory southwards (Caryatis; +» Caryae [2]; Pol. 9,28,7). In 324 BC, on the basis of + Alexander [II 4 F] the Great’s order, a resolution was passed in T. to implement the repatriation of the exiles (Syll.3 306; SEG 15, 327). T. was involved in the + Lamian War (Syll.3 434f.). From around 240 BC T. was part of the Aetolian League (> Aetolians, Aetolia); in 229/8 BC, Aratus [2] struggled in vain to free T. from the latter (Plut. Cleomenes 4,1). In 226 BC, T. was allied to Cleomenes [6] III (Pol. 2,46,2; Plut. Cleomenes 14,1), in 223 BC, to Antigonus [3] Doson (Plut. Cleomenes 23,1; Pol. 2,54,6ff.; 2,70,4) and joined the Achaean League (— Achaeans, Achaea). Dedications to Roman emperors extend as far as Constans [1] (IG V 2, 140). In AD 395, T. was captured

by the + Visigoths under Alaricus [2] (IG V 2, 153). The female poet > Anyte and the tragedian Aristarchus [2] came from T. Amongst Roman poets “Tegean’ often stands for ‘Arcadian’. III. SURVIVING BUILDINGS Scarcely any remains of the ancient town remain above the ground. Small sections of the town wall foundations, the theatre [6] and various sanctuaries have been investigated by archaeologists [7.15 4-156]. The centre of the town with the agora and a theatre, which was built on the orders of Antiochus [6] IV. (Liv. 41,20,6), was situated by the church of Pelea Episkopi; the acropolis with the temples of Athena Polias, Zeus Klarios and other deities were on the hill (706 m high) to the east of Hagios Sostis. The famous temple of Athena Alea lay outside the town in present-day Alea. Very few remains from the Mycenaean period survive (8.339, 395, 403, 424]. The so-called ‘ancient sanctuary’ [9] as well as remains of two sacred buildings [10] and an archaic temple (end of the 7th cent. BC [1r]) date from the 8th and 7th cents. BC. Following the fire of 395 BC, this temple was rebuilt around 350 BC [12; 13] by > Scopas [1] who created the pediment sculptures (Paus. 8,45,4-7): the only marble temple in the Peloponnesus, it had a Doric > peripteros of 6x14 columns with Corinthian half-columns in the interior. Other sanctuaries, the stadium and the spring of » Auge [2], which was associated with the founding legend of Pergamon, lay close by. Inscriptions: IG V 2, I-2593 560-565. Coins: HN 418; 454-456. 1 V.BéRARD, Tégée et la Tegéatide, in: BCH

16, 1892,

529-549

2G.FouGErES, Mantinée et l’Arcadie orien-

tale, 1898

3 PrircHetr,vol.1

4R.Hope Simpson,

J.F.LazenBy, The Catalogue of the Ships in Homer’s Iliad, 1970

5 M.MoaaI, I sinecismi interstatali greci,

vol.1,1976 6R.VALLOIS, Le théatre de Tégée, in: BCH 50, 1926, 136-173 7 M.Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie, 1985 8 Cu. Duaas, Le sanctuaire d’Athéna Aléa a Teégée, in: BCH 45, 1921, 335-435 9M.E. Voy-

TEGEA

215

216

aTzis, The Early Sanctuary of Athena Alea at T., 1990

people, but to the Thracian tribes that settled in Boeotia in the prehistoric period [1].

10 E.Osrsy et al., The Sanctuary of Athena Alea at T., in: OpAth 20, 1994, 89-114 11 Id., The Archaic Temple of Athena Alea at T., in: OpAth 16, 1986, 75-102 12 Cu. DuGas et al., Le sanctuaire d’Athéna Aléa, 1924 13 N.J. NorMANN, The Temple of Athena Alea at T., in: AJA 88, 1984, 169-194. MULLER, 866-869;

S.GRUNAUER VON HOERSCHELMANN,

s. v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 651 f.; W. FUCHS, s. v. T., PE 889 f. ae

[2] Town in Africa proconsularis (> Africa [3]; Bell. Afr. 78,1), probably present-day Sidi Dekril or Henchir Merbesse in Tunesia, 9 km west-northwest of Aggar |r] {1.111, 120]. In the Roman civil war of 47/6 BC T. was on Caesar’s side. 1S. GsELL, Histoire ancienne de l’Afrique du Nord, vol. 8, 1928.

J.Kromayer, G.Verto, Antike Schlachtfelder, vol. 3.2, 1912,

819-821.

W.HU.

1 J.Torprrer, Attische Genealogie, 1889, 42.

Teia(s) see

> Theia [2]

Teichioussa (Tetytotooa; Teichionssa). Fortified settlement in > Milesia (from teichideis ‘with high walls’: Hom. Il. 2,559; 646), 18 km to the southeast of Miletus [2] on the Basilikos Kolpos (modern Akbiik Limant) on the Sapli Adasi peninsula, attested from the 6th cent. BC until the 3rd (IDidyma 6; Archestratus fr. 55; Stratonicus in Ath. 8,351a and b; Thuc.

8,26; 28), the demotikon T(e)ichiesseis until the Imperial Period. In the 5th cent. T. was a member of the > Delian League (ATL 1, 553 f.). Finds from between the 8th and 3rd cents. BC are recorded, after that T. was abandoned. H. LOHMANN, Wo lag das antike T.?, in: Orbis Terrarum 7 ZOOL, L6—37.

Tegianum (modern Teggiano). City in Lucania (> Lucani) on the left bank of the > Tanager (modern Tanagro) on the via Popilia from + Consentia to Aquilonia [1] (Plin. HN 3,98: Tergilani = Tegianenses?; Liber Coloniarum 209). > Municipium, which under Nero [1] was elevated to a colonia, tribus Pomptina. V. Bracco, Nuove scoperte archeologiche in Lucania, in: RAL 20, 1965, 283 f.

E.O.

Tegula see > Bricks; Brick stamps Tegyra (Téyvea, Teybea; Tégyra, Tegyra). Place in -» Boeotia to the north of Orchomenus [1] on the northwestern bay of the > Copais at modern Poligira (name

of a piece of farmland and a stream) about 2 km to the north of modern Dionisos (earlier Tsamali; [1. 45-50; 3. 323, 325-328; 4. 104-109]; an earlier approach assumed T. to be > Aspledon, see [2. 360-373]). It was there that > Pelopidas was victorious over two Spartan morai (-» Mora [1]) in 375 BC. At T.: temple of Apollo and oracle (closed after the + Persian Wars [1]) [5.75]. Sources: Plut. Pelopidas 16 f.; Plut. De def. or. 5; Diod. Siew .3y75 0d Meycophmedios 1J.BucKkier, The Battle of T., in: Boeotia Antiqua 1995,43-55

2FossEy

4, 103-122

5 SCHACHTER, vol. r.

H.LO.

Teichoscopy (tetyooxonia/teichoskopia, ‘viewing from the walls’). Term, coined already in Antiquity (Schol. Eur. Phoen. 88), for the scene in the Iliad in which Helen (— Helena [I 1]) identifies for — Priamus the

most important leaders of the Greek army (Agamemnon, Odysseus, Menelaus, Ajax [1], Idomeneus [r]) from the Trojan walls (Hom. Il. 3,161-244, imitated e.g. by Eur. Phoen. 88-192). The Homeric narrator has Helen observe an event happening elsewhere at the same time and present it verbally toPriam (and hence indirectly to the audience/reader). The device plays an important role esp. in (both ancient and modern) drama, particularly when staging restrictions or social taboos need to be avoided [1]. 1 M.Prister, Das Drama, 1982, 276-281.

REN.

Teidius. Roman gens name. Most important bearer: S. T., a senator, who in 52 BC found the body of P.

Clodius [I 4] on the via Appia and took it to Rome; in 49 T., although elderly and one-legged, fled from Italy with Cn. Pompeius [I 3] (Ascon. 32 C on Cic. Mil. 28; Plut. Pompeius 64,7). JOF.

5,

35S.LAUFFER, D.HENNIG,s. v.

Orchomenos (1), RE Suppl. 14, 290-335

NIJO.

4 PrircHETT

M.FE.

Tegyrius (Teybeocs; Tegyrios). Mythicat king of the Thracians. T. takes in the banished -» Eumolpus and his son Ismarus and gives the son his daughter in marriage. Eumolpus flees to Eleusis when an ambush he has planned against T. is revealed. After Ismarus’s death, however, T. calls Eumolpus back. They are reconciled and Eumolpus takes over power from T. (Apollod. 3,202). T., eponym of the Boeotian city of > Tegyra, evidently does not belong to the historical Thracian

Teiresias

(Tevgeoiac/Teiresias,

Lat.

Teresias/Tiresias,

Etruscan Teriasals, Terastas). Blind seer from Thebes, son of Eueres and the nymph — Chariclo, father of » Manto and > Historis. At the time when T. was con-

nected to the myth of Odysseus in the Nekyia (Hom. Od. 10,490-495; 11,90-151), an established seer figure had already been part of the tradition, as in the

-» Melampodia, where it is told that T. explains —after two sex changes— that women experience greater pleasure during the act of love. For this, Hera blinds him but Zeus compensates for it by granting him the gift of divination (Ps.-Hes. fr. 275 M.-W.; Ov. Met. 3,3 16-350) and a life-span of over seven generations, from

217

218

~» Cadmus [1] to the grandchildren of + Oedipus (Ps.Hes. fr. 276 M.-W.). A variation of this aetiology was presented by -> Pherecydes [2]: T. is blinded by Athena because he had seen her bathing naked and receives the gift of divination as compensation (FGrH 3 F 92; Callim. H. 5; [1]; the connection to the story of > Actaeon and Artemis in the bath is unclear: [1. 188; 2]). T.’s death at the spring of Telphousa near Haliartus (tomb and oracle are located there: [3]) was already the topic of the > Epigonoi [2] (e.g. Paus. 7,3,1; 9,33,1 int. al.). It is therefore possible (contrary to [4]) that the connection between T. and the Labdacids -esp. with ~ Oedipus— known from Attic tragedy (e.g. Soph. Ant.; Soph. OT.), had been established even prior to the P Lille 76abe (= PMGF 222b) which was attributed to Stesichorus. T. appears in the context of the birth of Heracles as well (Pind. Nem. 1,58—59; Theoc. 24,64—

+ Argonauts (Apollod. 3,158—16r). T. marries Glauce, the daughter of the Salaminian king Cechreus, and after

TO2).

~ Divination; > Mantis 1 C.CaraME, T. dans un hymne alexandrin, in: Id., Poé-

tique des mythes dans la Gréce antique, 2000, 169-205 2 L.R. Lacy, Aktaion and a Lost “Bath of Artemis”, in: JHS 110, 1990, 26-42 3 SCHACHTER, vol. 3, 37-39 4 Gu. UGOLINI, Untersuchungen zur Figur des Sehers T., 1995

5 K. ZIMMERMANN,

s. v. T., LIMC

1191; 8.2, 826 (Suppl.).

8.1, 1188-

TH.

Teispes (Tetons; Teispés). According to the testimony of a cylinder inscription of Cyrus [2] Il (TUAT I 409,21) an ancestor of his grandfather Cyrus [1] I and hence probably, like him, of Persian descent and a ruler in Fars (Persis) in the 7th cent. BC. The genealogical connection with the > Achaemenids [2] in Hdt. 7,11, who puts ‘into the mouth of Xerxes I a family tree with a T. as the son of Achaemenes [1] and another T. as great-greatgrandson, can presumably be traced to Darius [1]. The latter mentions T. as a son of Achaemenes in the — Bisutun inscription (TUAT I, 421-441) and himself as a great-great-grandson of T., presumably in order to link his own family of Achaemenids with that of Cyrus [2], the founder of the Empire. W.ED. Teithras

(Tei®oac/Teithras, TiSouc/Tithras). Attic + paralia(?) deme, Aegeis phyle, four > bouleutai. Decrees of the Teithrasians place T. certainly at modern

Pikermi (SEG 21, 520; 542; 24, 151-153). There is evi-

dence of cults of Athena, Zeus, Kore (SEG 24, 542),

Heracles [1] and the hero Datylus (SEG 24, 151). A hero T. (schol. Aristoph. Ran. 477) and T. figs (Ath. 14,652f) are mentioned. TRAILL, Attica 5, 41 with note 13, 68, 2; WHITEHEAD, Index s. v. T.

112 No 133, Table. H.LO.

Telamon (Tedapwv; Telamon). [1] Son of king > Aeacus and of Endeis in > Aegina, brother of > Peleus, both banished by Aeacus for murdering their half-brother > Phocus [1]. Participant in the Calydonian Hunt and in the expedition of the

TELCHINES

the latter’s death inherits rule of Salamis (Diod. 4,72). With his second wife, Eriboea or Periboea, he fathers > Ajax [1]. Together with > Heracles [1] he marches in the first Trojan War against > Laomedon [1] and re-

ceives the latter’s daughter — Hesione [4] as a prize. With her he fathers > Teucer [2]. When Teucer returns from the Trojan War without Ajax, he is banished by T. (cf. Pind. I. 6,27-54; Apollod. 2,133; Hyg. Fab. 89 with Hom. Il. 8,284). S.ZIM. [2] Etruscan port (Plin. HN 3,51; Itin. maritimum 500),

about 20 km to the south of modern Grosseto; the city centre was on the Poggio di Talamonaccio on the Mare Tyrrhenum. Myth ascribes the founding of the city to the Argonaut T. [1] (Diod. 4,56,6). A small amount of archaeological evidence is from the end of the Bronze Age, the late > Villanova Culture, the Orientalizing and the Archaic periods, more from the 4th—2nd cent. BC (ring wall, bronze grave goods), particularly a temple from the end of the 4th cent. BC. In 225 BC the Romans defeated the Celts at T. (Pol. 2,27,2), at the beginning of 86 BC Marius [I 1] landed in T. (Plut. Marius 41,3; Granius Licinianus 35,6 CRINITI). T. appears to have been destroyed by Cornelius [I 90] Sulla in punishment for receiving Marius. O.W.von VACANO, B. VON FREYTAG LORINGHOFF, Talamone (exhibition catalogue Florence), 1982; G. MAETZKE

(ed.), La coroplastica templare etrusca, 1992; L. SENsI, Gli scavi di G. Sordini sul poggio di Talamonaccio, 1987; O.W.von

Vacano,

Der Talamonaccio.

Alte und neue

Probleme, 1988; M. TorELLI (ed.), Atlante dei siti archeologici della Toscana, 1992, 539-542. GLG.

Telandrus (TiAavdeoc; Télandros). City in the border region of Caria (+ Cares) and Lycia (> Lycii) on the River Glaucus

(Plin. HN

5,101; Quint. Smyrn. 4,7);

hardly to be correctly located in the ruin sites of modern Nif on the upper River Nif (ancient Glaucus?), rather, as a member of the > Delian League, to be found near the coast: the Telandrii, who were included in the tribute lists for the years 453/2-425/4 BC (> Phoros C.; cf. ATL 1, 555), probably inhabited the island of Telandria (modern Tersane) on the western side of the Bay of Glaucus (modern Fethiye); this settlement was deserted

by the rst cent. AD (Plin. HN 5,131). W.RuGeE, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 193.

H.KA,

Telchines (Tedyivec/Telchines). Telchines, the mythical original people of the Aegean, particularly of Rhodes;

malicious blacksmiths and magicians. According to ancient etymology the name is derived from thélgein (‘bewitch’) (EM; Hsch. s.v. T.). According to local historical tradition the T. are the native inhabitants of the islands of Rhodes, Crete, Cyprus and Ceos; the name T. is however documented on the Greek mainland (Teu-

messus, Delphi, Sicyon). The T. raise + Poseidon on Rhodes, who fathers children with their sister > Halia

TELCHINES

220

219

[2] (Diod. Sic. 5,55). The T. are connected with the sea

Tele see > Taxes III. Greece; + Telonai; — Toll

as the sons of Thalatta (according to Diod. Sic. ibidem;

not so Bacchyl. fr. 52: Nemesis and Tartarus or Ge and Pontus). They can change their appearance and in part have fishlike characteristics (cf. Suet. in Eust. Il. 771,56772,4). Their dwarf shape (-» dwarves) is not clearly documented, but is probable on the basis of mythical parallels [1; 2]; no pictorial images. The T. appear from time to time as a group of three, four or nine individuals; some have names (-» Lycus [3]). The T. are often equated with comparable mythical figures such as the + Daktyloi Idaioi (Idaian Dactyls), -» Cabiri and ~» Curetes (Str. 10,3,7; 10,3,19). It is not clear whether

the T. should be understood in the context of the metal trade of Asia Minor and the Middle East as pre- Greek deities which turned into evil demons, or as a memory of prehistoric earthquakes [3]. They are regarded as the inventors of - metallurgy and the manufacture of statues of the gods (explanation of the invocations Telchinios/-a: Diod. Sic. 5,55; cf. GOETHE, Faust 2,82758302); they make Poseidon’s trident (Callim. H. 4,31) and Cronus’ sickle (Str. 14,2,7). However the negative image of the T. as magicians who cause harm (g0détes) predominates in the ancient sources, and is probably a reflection of the ambivalent fascination which is attached to the blacksmith’s craft in popular belief [4]. The T. are associated with phthonos and baskania (‘envy’, ‘malevolence’) and have become notorious for this characteristic trait (Suet. ibidem; Suda s.v. T.). They possess the evil eye (Ov. Met. 7,366; [4]) and make the fields infertile by sprinkling them with water from the river Styx (Str. 14,2,7). Stesichorus (fr. 265 PMGF) compares the T. with the Keres (goddesses of death;

> ker). In the famous “Telchines

prologue’ of the Aitia (fr. 1) Callimachus [3] calls his historical or fictitious critics T. in order to stigmatise them as malevolent, envious people [6; 7]. The disappearance of the T. is explained by divine punishments in the form of natural catastrophes, which are always followed by a new settlement (Rhodes: Diod. Sic. 5,56; Ov. Met. 7,365-367; Nonnus, Dion. 14,36-48). Thus Zeus destroys the T. of Ceos including their leader Damon (Demonax) on account of their hubris; only Dexithea is spared thanks to her hospitality, and in one version her mother Macelo also (Pind. Pae. 4; Bacchyl epinician 1; Xenomedes 442 FGrH; Callim. Fr. 75,6469; Nic. fr. 116; Ov. Ib. 470; 475 with scholium; [8}).

According to another myth the T. are killed by Apollo Lycius in the guise of a wolf (Serv. Aen. 4,377). 1 WILAMOWITZ

1,279 f.

2 V.DAsSEN, Dwarfs in Ancient

Egypt and Greece, 1993, 175-204, esp. 196 fF. 3 H.MaeHLER (ed.), Die Lieder des Bakchylides, 1.2 (comm.), 1982, 6-8 4R.J. ForBes, Metallurgy in Antiquity, 1950, 78-91 5 T.Raxoczy, Boser Blick, Macht des Auges und Neid der Gétter, 1996, 58 f.; 166 f.

6 W.WiIMMEL Kallimachos in Rom, 1960, 72-74 7M.AspeR, Onomata allotria, 1997, 145-147 8 D. FLUCKIGER-GUGGENHEIM,

Gottliche

Gaste,

1984,

42-44. H. HErTEeR, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 197-224.

AA,

Teleboae (Tyrefou; Telebdai). Mythical people in the west of Acarnania, on Leucas (Str. 7,321 f.) and the adjoining islands (Plin. HN 4,53). Their eponymous progenitor Teleboas is considered a son of -> Poseidon and the father of Pterelaus (Anaximand. FGrH 9 F r) or

as the latter’s son of Pterelaus and the brother of » Taph(i)us (Herodorus FGrH 31 F 15). His descriptive name means ‘far-calling’ (Eust. Od. 1396,3—-4) or derives in a strange etymology

from T.’s campaign

against Electryon to steal his ‘oxen’ (bdas) ‘far’ (tele) from his homeland (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,747), to which Amphitryon and Cephalus respond with war (Apollod. 2,4,5-6 WAGNER; cf. Hdt. 5,59). The T. are often identified with the Taphii (Hsch. s. v. Taphioi; Hdn. 84,26 f.; Steph. Byz. s. v. Telebois), who were considered pirates in the Odyssey (Hom. Od. 15,427). The island they inhabited can probably be identified as modern Meganisi to the east of Leucas (cf. also [1. 224]; + Taphiae). In Roman epic poetry the T. are considered to be the rulers of Capri (Verg. Aen. 7,734 f.; Sil. Pun. 7,418), although in Plautus there are is still a reference to their presence in central Greece (Plaut. Amph. ror). 1 R.SpeicH, Korfu und die Ionischen Inseln, 1982.

Joss.

Teleboas (TnireBoac; Télebdas).

[1] See > Teleboae. [2] Greek name for a river in + Armenia described in Xen. An. 4,4,3 as beautiful but small. It is usually identified with the Karasu, an eastern tributary of the > Euphrates in the Muh region. F.H. WEISSBACH, S. v. T. (3), RE 5 A, 313.

K.KE

Telecleides (Tyrexreidyc; Telekleidés). Writer of the Attic Old - Comedy with three victories at the Dionysia [1. test. 3] and five at the Lenaea [r. test. 4], from the generation of Cratinus [1. test. 3 and 4], i.e. c. 450420 BC. Despite his success only 8 titles and 73 fragments have been preserved. In them there is a great deal of personal derision: against Pericles (fr. 18; 47), but also against poets such as Philocles [4] (fr. 15; 31),

Nothippus (fr. 17) and and the Socrates-inspired Euripides [1] (fr. 41), perhaps against Morychus (Apseudeis, fr. 12, probably soon after 426 BC). A friendly mention of Nicias [1] (fr. 44) may have been as late as the beginning of the + Peloponnesian War. The landof-milk-and-honey motif was prominent in_ his Amphiktyones (fr. 1). 1 PCG VII, 1989, 667-692 2 F. Conti Bizzarro, Poetica e critica letteraria nei frammenti dei poeti comici greci, 1999, 173-186.

B.BA.

Telecles (TnexAtjc; Téleklés). Academian philosopher of the 3rd/ 2nd cent. BC from + Phocaea, after + Lacydes’ resignation from leading the Academy

225

Apps

(+ Akadémeia) he apparently held a prominent position alongside + Evander [3] (cf. Diog. Laert. 4,60). T. had his own pupils and gave lectures, but we know nothing of any writings or specific doctrines, Apollodorus [7] (Chronikd 30 DoRAND!) gives 167/6 BC as the year of his death; T. presumably died before Evander.

poison was considered fatal. According to Sophocles (IrGF 4, 453-461) he takes his father’s body back to Circe’s island, Aeaea. There he marries his step-mother -» Penelope and fathers by her the eponym of Italy, + Italus. > Telegony 5.ZIM.

W.GoOr ER, T. Euandros. Hegesinus, in: GGPh?, Bd. 4.2, 834-836. K.-H.S.

Teleclus (Triexhoc; Teleklos). King of Sparta, who according to legend played an important role a generation before the beginning of the first Messenian War. As a person he is probably historical; he is supposed to have conquered Amyclae, Pharis and Geronthrae (Paus. 3,2,6) and settled several places in Dentheliatis (> Denthalii) with Laconic colonists (Str. 8,4,4). His

killing by Messenians allegedly led to the first of the — Messenian Wars (Paus. 4,4,2-3). M. Meter,

Aristokraten

und Damoden,

1998,

102-106.

85-87, K.-W.W.

Teledamus [1] (TndAéd5auoc; Telédamos). According to Eust. on Hom. Od. 16,118, the author of the > Télegonia names a son of + Odysseus and — Calypso“Telegonus or Teledamus”,

which would make him the brother of

Nausithous [2] and Nausinous. The passage is evidently corrupt, since elsewhere > Telegonus is Odysseus’ son with > Circe. For a discussion of conjectures: [1]. 1 K.SCHERLING, s. v. T. (1), RE 5 A, 313 f.

[2] (Paus.: Tekédapnoc/Telédamos,

schol. Hom.

Telegony (Tnieyovera/Télegoneia; TyreyovialTélegonia). Concluding part (2 bks.) of the > Epic Cycle about + Odysseus’s (= O.) last phase of life following his return home to Ithaca and his death caused by his own son > Telegonus (= Tel., ‘the one born far away’) whom he had fathered with > Circe. In Antiquity, the T. was consistently attributed to - Eugam(m)on of Cyrene (with scepticism: [3]). Correspondingly, the period of origin could be no earlier than the 6th cent. BC (the founding of Cyrene: 631). Except for six testimonies and two summaries (Procl; Hyg. Fab. 127; all in [z]), five (or six, see [8]) fragments are still extant, four of them paraphrases of certain parts and one or two (attributed) hexameters (see [8]). This material yields the following: the author’s point of departure for the compilation was probably the prophecy of seer > Tiresias (evidently adopted from older narratives even in the Odyssey) in Hom. Od. 11,119-137 = 23,(248253)267-284, which reveals that O., after having killed the suitors, will in his last adventure reach a country whose inhabitants have not seen the sea, that he will return safely to Ithaca only to suffer there an ‘ex-maritime’ (§ &Adc/ex halds) death. From this and through the compilation of various legends about O.’s last adventure, the author of the T. developed the following (‘tragic’) story (s. [4]): (1) Tel. is sent away by Circe to look for his father. (2) O. goes to Elis and views the

Od.:

Tedédnuoc/Telédémos). Son of ~+ Agamemnon and ~» Cassandra, twin brother of Pelops, killed by > Aegisthus when a small child together with his parents and his brother and buried in Mycene (Paus. 2,16,6 f.; SLA. schol. Hom. Od. 11,420). [3] (Teké5ap0c; Telédamos). T. from Argos, leader of a pro-Macedonian + hetairia [2] which conspired with > Philippus [4] II (Dem. Or. 18,295); Polybius (18,14,3 f.) defended him

on the grounds that T.’s treachery caused Argos to be spared and the Spartans to be humiliated by the presence of Philippus in the Peloponnese. H.-J. GEHRKE, Stasis, 1985, 33.

TELEGONY

HA.BE.

Telegonus (Tndéyovoc/Télégonos, ‘born far away [sc. from Ithaca]’). Not mentioned in Homer; according to Hes. Theog. ror1-1014 one of the three sons of -+ Odysseus and -> Circe, who sends him, when he is a young man, to search for his father. Main character of a lost Télegoneia ascribed to Eugamon of Cyrene. On Ithaca he inadvertently kills his father with a lance, which was made for him by Hephaestus, (schol. Hom. Od. 11,134), the tip of which was from a ray whose

herds of + Augias; he is welcomed as a guest by a Polyxenus (‘host of many’) and is given a crater with paintings (the building of a treasure house for Augias by Trophonius and Agamedes, with an integrated novella of the + Rhampsinitus treasure house type) described in >» ekphrasis style (3). Following his return and his sacrifices for Poseidon, O. leaves again, arrives in Thesprotia where he marries the Queen > Callidice [2] (with

whom he has a son named > Polypoetes [2]), excels as a commander and then returns to Ithaca. (4) Tel. reaches

Ithaca —which is foreign to him- and robs cattle; when O. and Telemachus apprehend him, he unwittingly kills his own father O. (5) After the error is uncovered, Tel.

takes O.’s body as well as Penelope and Telemachus to his mother Circe; Tel. marries Penelope and Telemachus Circe. The divine sorceress Circe renders Penelope and Telemachus (and probably O. as well) immortal. Although the original story-the actual T.-appears to be old (albeit Post-Odysseic, see fragment 4 II PEG), the Eliaka and the Thesprotis were evidently independent later narratives integrated by the author. ED: Lit.:

LPEGI 3U.von

“2EpGF WILAMOow!ITzZ-MOELLENDORFF,

rische Untersuchungen, MANN, Untersuchungen

1884, 349-351 zur Rekonstruktion

Home-

4 A. Hartder T. des

TELEGONY

224

223

Eugamon von Kyrene, 2 vols., 1915-1917. s.v. Kyklos, RE 11, 2347-2435 (there:

6M.L.

West

(with comm.)

5 A.RZACH, 2426-2433) (ed.), Hesiod. Theogony, 1966, 433-43 7M.Davies, The Date of the Epic Cycle,

6, 1958, 158-177;

ies

Telegraphy. The term is a French coinage (télégraphie) from the end of the 18th cent., on the basis of Greek

elements (the ‘long-distance writing’ of communications). It includes all methods of transmission of news without the transportation of an object, as well as most of the technical means of transmission (-» Communi-

cations) used almost exclusively by the military in Antiquity. Based on the use of acoustic and optical signals, telegraphy reached its highest point of development in the 2nd cent. BC with Polybius [2], and there were no essential innovations after that. The only acoustic signals known

are shouts, as in the so-called ‘shout-

1-80; R. REBUFFAT,

V. AscuorF, Geschichte der Nachrichten-Technik, vol. 1, *1989, I-70.

in: Glotta 67, 1989, 89-100 = 8 E. Livrea, Nuovi frammenti della T., in: ZPE 122, 1998, 1-5

For further lit. cf. » Epic Cycle

DOMASZEWSKI,

Végéce et le télégraphe Chappe, in: MEFRA 90, 1978, 829-861; W. Leiner, Die Signaltechnik der Antike, 1982; AK.

Teleia (stigme) see

Punctuation

Telemachus (Tyéuayoc; Télémachos). Only son of » Odysseus and > Penelope (cf. — Telegonus). As often, the name of the son (‘far fighter’) reflects a char-

acteristic of the father [1]. T. is portrayed in the Odyssey as well brought-up but uncertain and lacking initiative. He watches the activities of Penelope’s suitors without feeling able to do anything about them, until » Athena, in the guise of Mentes [2], encourages him to a more self-assertive demeanour (Hom. Od. 1,269-

305). He summons the first assembly of the people on Ithaca since Odysseus had left for the war and afterwards sets out to see + Nestor [1] in Pylos [1] and -» Menelaus [1] in Sparta, in order to learn something about the whereabouts of his father (Hom. Od. books 1-4, the so-called ‘Telemachy’). Penelope observes the incipient process of maturation with mixed feelings, because it reminds her of Odysseus’ charge to remarry, should he not have returned before, when T. is grown (ibid. 18,265-270). The journey to Pylos and Sparta allows T. to mature fully into a self-assured young man, who finally stands at his father’s side as a fully-fledged aid in the revenge against the suitors. In addition, the ‘Telemachy’ functions as a ‘Little Odyssey’, underscoring the parallels between father and son and proves T. to be the son of Odysseus. On his return journey, T. escapes an ambush by the suitors with the help of Athena. At the farm of + Eumaeus, he meets his father, who had since returned and disclosed his identity to T. first. Together, they plan and carry out the slaughter of the suitors (ibid. books 15-22). In the - Kypria (argumentum p. 40 BERNABE), + Palamedes [1], who is recruiting the warriors for Troy, exposes the feigned madness of Odysseus by threatening to kill the infant T. (according to Apollod. 3,7 with his sword, in Hyg. Fab. 95, by laying him in front of his father’s plough). Odysseus rescues his son and has to go to Troy. In the >» Telegoneia (argum. p.

post’ in Persia (Diod. Sic 19,17) or in Gaul (Caes. B. Gall. 7,3). The use of optical signals, particularly smoke and fire, enabled the transmission of simple messages, such as warning signals (Hom. Il. 18,211 f.; Thgn. 549554). Their range could be increased by intermediary stations: from Salamis by way of the islands to Asia Minor (Hdt. 9,3) or from Troy by way of eight relay stations to Argos (Aesch. Ag. 281-316). There is evidence for pyrotechnics in the Seleucid kingdom (Diod. Sic. 19,57,5), and perhaps in Ptolemaic Egypt [1. 98 f., 102]. More sophisticated information had already been transmitted by aquatic or synchronous telegraphy since the 4th cent. BC (Pol. 10,44) and later by the alphabetic code of Polybius [2] (Pol. 10,45,6-47,2); this technique could be expanded to include any kind of message. The Roman army seems to have largely renounced such complex signaling techniques, although the use of smoke signals by Caesar is attested at the end of the Republic (Caes. B Civ. 3,65). In analogy to the towers represented on Trajan’s Column, with burning torches projecting from their upper stories, it is assumed that the watchtowers along the limes of the northwestern provinces transmitted signals, although the lack of further evidence and the dependency on the weather inspire doubts [2; 3]. According to Veg. Mil. 3,5,11, fire or smoke signals were still used in Late Antiquity between separated segments of the troops, and signals were also relayed by simple semaphores on the towers of cities and citadels. However, Vegetius gives no precise information on the technique (-> Signals).

T. primarily as the hero of a Bildungsroman, an idea which is already found in Antiquity (schol. Hom. Od.

~ Communications;

1,284).

> Signals

103

BERNABE),

T. marries

> Circe

after Odysseus’

death and is made immortal by her. Reception in the modern era (starting from [2]) sees

1 A. Heuseck et al., ACommentary on Homer’s Odyssey,

1 E. VAN’r Dack, Postes et telecommunications ptolemaiques, in: Id., Ptolemaica Selecta, 1988, 96-102 2G.H.

Bd. 1: Books

DONALDSON, Signalling Communications and the Roman

aventures de Telemaque, 1699.

Army, in: Britannia 19, 1988, 349-356 3 P.SOUTHERN, Signals versus Illumination on Roman Frontiers, in: Britannia 21, 1990, 233-242.

H. Herter, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 325-357; F. KLINGNER, Uber die ersten vier B. der Odyssee (Sachsische Akad. der Wiss.,

1-8, 1988, 91 f.

2 ABBE FENELON, Les

1913,

Philol.-Histor. Klasse 96.1), 1944; C.M.H. Miiiar, J.W.S. CARMICHAEL, The Growth of T., in: G&R 1,

43-122; R.J. ForseEs, Studies in Ancient Technology, vol.

1954, 58-64; G.P. Rose, The Quest of T., in: TAPhA 98,

W.RtiepL, Das Nachrichtenwesen

des Altertums,

225

226 1967, 391-398; N. Austin, T. polymechanos, in: Califor-

nia Studies in Classical Antiquity 2, 1969, 45-63; P.V. Jones, The xAéog of T.: Odyssey 1.95, in: AJPh 109, 1988, 496-506;

A. BERNHARD-WALCHER,

s.v. T., LIMC

855 f.

7.1,

REN.

(Tndreuvaotoc; Telemnastus Télémnastos) from + Gortyn. Cretan mercenary leader, who supported > Philopoemen against — Nabis in 192 BC (IG IV? 244,3 f.5 Pol. 33,16,1; 33,16,6). In the third > Macedonian War T. was the ambassador of > Perseus [2] taking his request to > Antiochus [6] IV for diplomatic or military aid in the spring of 168 BC (Pol. 29,4,8—10; Liv. 44,24,1-7; cf. [1. 167 f.]). 1 E.OLSHAUSEN, Prosopographie Konigsgesandten, 1974.

der

hellenistischen

L.-M.G.

Telemus (TiAewoc; Telemos). Son of Eurymus (Hom.

Od. 9,507-21; allusions to this e.g. in Theoc. 6,23; Ov. Met.

13,770-773);

according to [1] literary names,

abbreviations of Télémachos and Eurymachos, without basis in the mythological tradition. T. lives for a long time as a soothsayer among the > Cyclopes; whether he himself is a Cyclops is not clear from the texts. He prophesies to > Polyphemus [2] that he will be blinded by > Odysseus. 1 A. Heuseck, A. Hoexstra,

A Commentary on Homer’s

Odyssey, vol. 2: Books 9-16, 1989, 39.

SV.RA.

TELEOLOGY

ses to global questions for meaning; and, more recently, to system theory and cybernetics. Il. EARLY HISTORY AND CLASSICAL MANIFESTATION The origin of an explicitly teleological thought pattern is owed to a Socratic impulse: > Socrates [2] appears as a teleologist not only in > Plato[x], but also Xen. Mem. 1,4. However, there is a prior history of the problem in the ‘ontology of order’, as manifested in the doctrine of reality-defining measures (uétea/métra) of all things, laid out by ~ Anaximander (12 A r DK) and categorically formulated by > Heraclitus I[1r] (22 A 30; 31; 94 DK). If all that there is regularly complies with a particular measure, this would seem in itself to presuppose an ‘intelligent purpose’ in the coming-to-be and passing-away of things. Late in the Presocratic period, ~ Diogenes|12] of Apollonia linked a similar doctrine with the nous philosophy of > Anaxagoras [2], which is itself characterized by cosmo-teleological aspects (Anaxag. fr. 59 B 12-14 DK): behind the ‘things most beautifully ordered’, an overriding intelligence was now installed as their creator (cf. Diogenes fr. 64 B 3 DK; > Intellect). The Platonic dialogue of the Phaedo contains in 97b102a what is at once the ‘founding statement’ of teleology as a science of purposes as supreme causes (té aitia/ ta aitia), and of the theory of > ideas. Here Plato deve-

lops the idea that only the question of ontological good order (cf. duaxoouetv/diakosmein, 98c) and the ‘good’

(ya00v/agathon) or the ‘best’ (BéAtiotov/béltiston) per-

Teleology I. INTRODUCTION

mits conclusive answers in the study of causes. One exII. EARLY HISTORY AND

CLASSICAL MANIFESTATION

CHRISTIANITY

III. HELLENISM

AND

IV. LEGACY

I. INTRODUCTION Teleology, coined as a technical philosophical term in 1728 by Cu. Wo irr, but already present as a subject in ancient philosophy, refers to the doctrine of end or purpose (Greek téhoc/télos, Latin finis), that is, to processes and relations, in both nature and the human world, which are (‘intrinsically’) directed toward, or

(‘extrinsically’) suited to, a purpose. Teleological reflection considers a situation from its end point. Characteristically reversing the chronological sequence, it sees the subsequent as determining what precedes it. The possibility of such a more than merely ‘linear’ sequence of phenomena has been at issue in the dispute about teleology, which itself goes back to Antiquity. From its beginnings, teleological thought has found application primarily in the philosophy of living beings and of the organism, but also in - practical philosophy, including the philosophy of history. It also bears systematic relations to the problem (already central in Antiquity) of the mediation between unity (ontological identity) and multiplicity (particular determinacy; cf. +» Metaphysics B., > Epistemology B.); to the question of the relationship between part and whole; to ‘metaphysical’ respon-

ample is Socrates [2] himself, who continued to sit in captivity in spite of the possibility of escape, not ‘because’ his bones and sinews were not initiating any motion, but rather because he thought it better to obey the laws than to withdraw from them. What Socrates did is understood only with the recognition that he was acting with a purpose, a ‘good’ in mind. The good par excellence, in which all perspectives of purpose flow together, was according to Plato not only of subjective but also of objective importance, constitutive for all being. The idea of the good is introduced in this sense in the Republic (Pl. Resp. 5 rob) as a supreme and ‘unconditional principle’ (&ex} &vund0etoc/arche an(b)ypothetos) beyond all being (~~ Metaphysics A.; > Principle). The dialogue of the Timaeus then develops a teleo> cosmology. While that cosmology does logical permit processes which contravene a purpose as well as mere natural necessities in particular cases, both ac-

quire their specific significance only in view of a world order that is in itself purposive (> Cosmology D. 2.). Aristotle ( Aristoteles[6]) in a differentiated way anchors teleology in his ethics as well as in his natural science. All art, all practice and all insight, he argues, strive towards their (respective) good (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1,1,1094a 1 f.), which however raises the question for a ‘complete end’ (tého¢ tédevov/télos téleion) (Aristot. Mag. mor. 1,2,1184a 13). Yet in the physical realm,

TELEOLOGY

227

too, we must always ask for the structural element of ‘that for the sake of which’ (10 ot évexa/to hott héneka). That which is by nature is, according to Aristotle, to be considered with respect to the four aspects of its material, efficient, formal, and final cause, and can only be sufficiently described in terms of all aspects together. The dimension of end or purpose here draws attention to the fact that the natural appears in the form of processes that regularly lead to a norm condition, presenting themselves as a meaningful and purpose-driven continuum (Aristot. Ph. 2,7-8):

a human

does not now

beget a human and now something else; a swallow does not ‘accidentally’ build a nest, but does so for the sake of its own self-preservation and the preservation of its kind. Teleology thus points to the natural process in which a being through itself projects its eternal form (etSoc/eidos) into mutable material (tAn/byle), manifesting the form in the matter. Aristotle calls the capacity to enact such an internally directed self-realization ‘entelechy’. Book 12 of the Aristotelian Metaphysics moreover provides some insight into his pan-cosmic teleology, which however does not envisage a divine ‘world architect’ in the Platonic sense (cf. the ~» demiourgos |3] in Timaeus).

II]. HELLENISM AND CHRISTIANITY While the representatives of atomism from > Democritus [1] (68 A 69 DK) on, and hence also the > Epicurean School [3. 66-75] were always a-teleological (or even anti-teleological), Stoicism gave teleology a new turn: in founding it on divine care for the > world, it provided teleology with a more ‘extrinsic’ and anthropocentric aspect. The world, here, is seen as properly arranged in accordance with the controlling divine provision, and nature as a purposive artist governed by the + logos ([{1]D.), and at the same time directed towards the rational being and end-in-himself Man and his benefit. Even bugs have their good ‘purpose’ — specifically, according to > Chrysippus [2], that of waking us (cf. SVF II 1163; evxornotmc/euchréstos). The (cosmo-)teleology of the pseudo-Aristotelian treatise De mundo is then influenced in turn by the Stoa (while remaining thoroughly in the Peripatetic tradition). In the sense of the Aristotelian doctrine of the ‘inner’ purpose, medi-

cine could also describe (according to > Galen in De usu partium [2. 762-773]) the functional purposiveness of the limbs of the organism as being directed at the well-being of the whole. At approximately the same time, teleological motifs begin to be found in early Christian paraenesis (e.g. already the first epistle of Clement 20; > Clemens [1]) and apologetics (> Minucius Felix, Octavius 17 f.), teleology now becoming linked to creation theology. Later still (— Lactantius, De opificio det; + Basilius [1], Homiliae in HexaemerOn

3,10;

5,3; ~ Ambrosius,

Hexaemeron

3,14-17),

they are developed further to praise the creator — even to prove the existence of God.

228

IV. LEGAcy The intellectual history of Europe has been heavily influenced, at least until the beginning of the Modern Period, by teleological thought in the Platonic and (even more) the Aristotelian tradition. Teleological thinking

lay behind the high scholastic concept of the ordo untversi (‘universal order’) as well as behind early work on natural law, ‘physicotheology’ (the teleological ‘proof’ of God) and all the physical, ethical and aesthetic theories surrounding the concept of perfection. The early modern triumphant progress of mechanistic thinking (F.Bacon,

TH.

Hopspes,

R.DeEscArTES,

R.BOYLE,

B. Spinoza, I. Newron) thus had to unsettle not only teleology itself, but also the foundations of a metaphysics that was built on the basis of teleology [1]. In this confrontation, G. W. Lerpniz, like the later representatives of German Idealism, argued for the compatibility of purposive and causal perspectives, and reasserted what was still at root a Platonic ‘principle of optimity’ (we live in ‘the best of all possible worlds’). According

to KANT, although teleology was not to be allowed as an ‘objectively’ satisfiable concept, it was permissible in the regulative, heuristic sense (teleology of the ‘as if’). In the zoth cent., vitalism (H. DRIESCH) sought to adapt ancient teleology to natural science, though at the price of an unreasonable reification of the Aristotelian ‘final cause’ and ‘entelechy’. Even so, the question of the necessity or dispensability of teleological perspectives, especially in contexts beyond human determination of purpose, remains to this day a subject as controversial [4] as it is unresolved [5]. + Causality; + Cosmology; > Ideas, theory of; > Intellect;

+ Metaphysics; > Ontology; > Principle

1 E.J. DijKsTERHUIS, Die Mechanisierung des Weltbildes, 1956 2Moraux,vol.2 3A.A. Lone, D.N.SEDLEY, The Hellenistic Philosophers, 1987

4 .N.RESCHER (ed.),

Current Issues in Teleology, 1986 5 R. SPAEMANN, R.LOw, Die Frage Wozu? Geschichte und Wiederentdek-

kung des teleologischen Denkens, *1985. BIBLIOGRAPHY: K. GAISER, Das zweifache Telos bei Aristoteles, in: I.DURING (ed.), Naturphilosophie bei Aristoteles und Theophrast, 1969, 97-113; K. GLoy, Das Ver-

standnis der Natur, vol. 1: Die Geschichte des wissenschaftlichen

Denkens,

1995

(esp. 79-133);

vol. 2: Die

Geschichte des ganzheitlichen Denkens, 1996; W.KuLLMANN, Die Teleologie in der aristotelischen Biologie, 1979; J.-E. PLeines, Philosophie und Metaphysik. Teleologisches und spekulatives Denken in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 1998; W. THEILER, Zur Geschichte der teleo-

logischen Naturbetrachtung bis auf Aristoteles, *1965.

TH.S.H.

Telephassa (TyrAépacoa; Teléphassa). Wife of the Phoenician ruler Agenor [1], mother of Europe [2], Cadmus [1], Cilix and Phoenix [1] (Apollod. 3,2). Together with her sons she sets out in search of her abducted daughter. Since they are not allowed to return without Europe and are unable to find her, they remain in Greece. T. dies in Thrace and is buried by Cadmus (Apollod. 3,21). According to another source (Mosch.

229

230

2,41) T. is the wife of Phoenix and a daughter of Poseidon and Libye. HE.B.

ably belongs to the development stage of Greek > epic after the Aeolian settlement of Troy, possibly at the earliest to the 7th cent. BC, as a pastiche, as it were, of central episodes of the myth of Troy [5. 155]. T. is in any case not mentioned in the ‘Iliad’ and is not known before the Posthomerica (Procl. l.c.; Pind. Ol. 9,70-72; Pind. Isthm. 5,41 f.; 8,49-52; [1. 22]).

Telephontes see > Polyphontes [4] Telephus (Thepoc/Télephos). [1] Son of + Heracles

[1] and > Auge [2] (Hes. fr. 165,8-10 M./W.). There are two legendary versions of his youth. According to one version (probably in essence epic, but also assumed by Euripides [1] in his T.), Auge of Tegea, a priestess of Athena, was made pregnant by Heracles [1], gave birth to T. and hid him in the sanctuary. When, as a consequence of this, the goddess imposed a famine and the child was discovered, Auge’s father > Aleus [1] had the child exposed (> Exposure, myths and legends of) and handed his daughter over to ~ Nauplius [1], who sold her into slavery in Mysia, where King — Teuthras married her. T. was found and brought up by a shepherd (or suckled by a hind). Later, by a circuitous route, he reached Mysia and Teuthras, whom he supported against Idas and as a reward was to marry Auge, but at the last moment he recognized her as his mother. He ultimately became Teuthras’ successor as King of Mysia (Diod. Sic. 4,33,712; Apollod. 2,147; 3,104; cf. Eur. fr. 696 N.’/K.). According to a different version (probably assumed predominantly by Aeschylus [1] and Sophocles [1]) Auge and T. were exposed together in a crate on the sea (or sold) and cast up in Mysia, where Teuthras married Auge and brought T. up as his son (Hecat. FGrH 1 T ZGa=PAUSy O,4,9> othe L31569)):

When the Greeks landed in Mysia by mistake during their campaign against > Troy (I), T. killed > Thersander and was himself wounded in the thigh with a spear by — Achilles [1]. As the wound would not heal, on the basis of an oracle (ho trosas idsetai, ‘he who caused the wound will heal it’), T. went in search of Achilles in

Argus. For, after their first unsuccessful attempt to find Troy, the Greeks had returned there from the Aeolis. Here T. persuaded the Greeks to heal the wound with the rust or the filings of the spear that had made the wound, either by promising to show them the way to Troy (Procl. Cypria 132-134 SEVERYNS) or by ransom, by — disguised as a beggar — kidnapping and threatening to murder — Orestes [1], who was still a baby (Eur. Telephus fr. 727 a-c N.’/K.; on the myth in general cf. schol. Aristoph. Nub. 919; Hyg. Fab. 101; Apollod. Epit. 3,19-20; [1. 17-22; 2. 41-115]]). As well as the three great tragedians (TrGF II-V), many other poets wrote — tragedies with the title T. (TrGE 22 F 2c; 39 F 4; 77 F (11)) and a > satyr play is also attested (IrGF adesp. 9a). Aristophanes impressively parodied the Euripidean T. (Aristoph. Ach. 38 5488; 496-556; cf. Aristoph. Thesm. 466-764). In art, the scene in which T. threatens Orestes predominates [3]; Aristoph. Thesm. l.c. is depicted on an Apulian bell krater ofc.370 BC (Wiirzburg H 5697; [4. 37-40 with panel 11.4]). The myth of T. as a Mysian king of Greek descent and loyalty to both Greeks and Trojans prob-

TELES

1 C.COLLARD et al. (eds.), Euripides, Selected Fragmentary Plays, vol.1,1995 2 C.PREeISER, Euripides: T. (Spudasmata 78), 2000 3H.Heres, B.Srrauss, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 856-870; 7.2, 590-602

Angels, 1993

4 O.TAPLIN, Comic

5 M.L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of

Women, 1985.

LK.

[2] T. Euergetes (T. Evegyétc/T. Euergétés). IndoGreek king in Gandaritis, probably in the first half of the rst cent. BC, attested only by his coins; Middle Indian Telipha. O. BoOPEARACHCHI, Un roi indo-grec Téléphe, in: SM 39, 1989, 88-94; BOPEARACHCHI, 133-1353 344 f. K.K.

[3] T. of Pergamum.

Greek grammarian of the 2nd

cent. AD, teacher of Lucius > Verus (SHA Verus 2,5).

Of his extensive work, apart from three fragments (FGrH 505), only titles are known (Suda s. v. T. Teoyaunvos). Besides writings on literary, cultural and linguistic history (for categorization cf. [1]), they include a lexicon of synonyms (Okytékion), an > onomastikon of utility objects and items of clothing and an introduction to philology [2. 137]. The influence of his writings about Homeric rhetoric on the Homer scholia and exegeses [3. 560-581] is disputed [4. 6-9]. Lit.: 1F.-C. WENDEL, s.v. T. (2), RE 5 A, 369-371 2R.A. Kaster, Guardians of Language, 1988, 137 3 H.ScHRADER, T. der Pergamener, in: Hermes 37, 1902, 530-581 4F.WenRLI, Zur Gesch. der allegorischen Deutung Homers im Alt., 1928.

Ep.: FHG 3,63 4-635; FGrH 505.

M.B.

Teles (Ténc; Télés). A Cynic of the mid-third cent. BC,

who taught philosophy at Athens and Megara [2]. Eight extracts from the > Diatribes of Teles are preserved in Stobaeus’ Anthology, after the epitome of a certain Theodoros. They have the following themes: being and appearance (Iegi tod doxeiv xai tod eivot), autarky (Ileoi abtaexetac), exile ([egi muyijs), poverty (two untitled extracts), pleasure (Ilegi tot pi) eiva tédo0¢

hdoviyy), the circumstances of life brought about by fate (leo meouotdoewv) and the state of existence without passions (Ileoi Gaeiac). These texts are the oldest surviving testimonies to what is known in modern research as the Stoic-Cynic diatribe, and they provide valuable examples of Hellenistic Greek + Koine. They convey an individual ethic philosophy influenced by Cynicism. He appeals to various philosophers, especially to Socrates [2], Diogenes [14] of Sinope, Crates [4] of Thebes, Metrocles, Stilpo and Bion [1] of Borysthenes, his favourite informant. Modern source studies have under-

231

232

estimated Teles, and the editor of his fragments [3] saw

[1] Epithet of » Gaia Makaira in Thebes [2] ([1. 363 no. 3]; SEG 46,535). KL.ZI.

TELES

in him merely a mediocre compiler, whose primary merit consisted in the transmission of sayings by Stilpo and Bion. He was a givena more balanced evaluation as a genuine author by [2]. -» Diatribe; + Cynicism Ep.: 1A.J. FesruGiére, Deux prédicateurs de |’Antiquite: Télés et Musonius, 1978 (French transl.) 2 P.P. Fuentes GONZALEZ (ed.), Les diatribes de Télés, 1998

(with French transl.andcomm.)

3 O.Henss (ed.), Tele-

tis Reliquiae, *1909 (repr. 1969) 4E.N.O’NeEtL (ed.),T. the Cynic Teacher, 1977 (with transl.). Lit.: 5 U.von WILAMow1TZ-MOELLENDOREF, Antigonos von Karystos, 1881, 292-319.

M.G.-C.

Telesia. City of the + Samnites in Campania in the valley on the right side of the river Calor (modern Calore) at its confluence with the Volturnus (modern

Volturno) at the branching of the roads from Alifae to Beneventum and Capua. In 217 BC T. was conquered by Hannibal [4], in 214 by Fabius [I 30] (Pol. 3,90,8; Liv. 22,13). T. was a colonia Herculea (ILS 5987) probably from the time of Sulla with new buildings, then a municipium of Regio IV, tribus Falerna. Copper coins: TELIS. There is evidence of centuriation (> Surveyors).

Remains, e.g. of city walls (three main gates, 35 towers), theatre, amphitheatre and thermae (sulphurous springs), are between Telese and San Salvatore Telesino. C. Pontius [I 4], the leader of the Samnites in the Social Wars [3], was from T. A.Rocco, T., in: NSA 7.2, 1941 (1942), 77-84; L. Qut-

ici, T., in: Quaderni dell’ Ist. di Topografia antica dell’ Universita

di Roma

A.GreEcO,

Guide

2,

1966,

archeologiche

85-106;

S.DE

Laterza:

Caro,

Campania,

1981, 198 f.

G.U.

Telesilla (TeAéouwha; Telésilla). Greek poet from Argos, c. 451/450 BC (Eus. Chronicon Ol. 82.2, p. 112 HELM). She is supposed to have armed the women of her home city and prevented a victory by > Cleomenes [3] (Paus. 2,20,8-10; Plut. Mor. 245c-f; but not in Hdt. 6,77,2). The few preserved fragments make frequent mention of Apollo and Artemis in a mythological context. It appears that fragment 726 PMG represents a poem on the wedding of Zeus and Hera and that fragment 717 PMG is meant for a chorus of girls. The acephalic glyconeus

was

called a telesilleion

after her (> Metre

V. D.4.; Heph. 11,2 p. 35 CRONSBRUCH). ~» Woman authors Ep.: PMG 717-726; D.A. CAMPBELL, vol. 4, 1992, 70-83 (with transl.).

Greek

Lyric, E.R.

Telesphorus (Tedeopdooc, ‘he/she who fulfills, accomplishes’). [1] God of healing in the form of a boy and characteristic dress (capuchin: {2]), whose origin is unclear and whose worship from the 2nd cent. BC until the rst cent. AD is recorded only by terracottas from various regions of the Greek world. T. is first mentioned by name in a Pergamene votive inscription from 98-102 AD [3. 135 no. 125]. Paus. 2,11,7 gives an account of his cult in Pergamum based on an oracle. Under Hadrian T. appears on the city’s coins; he receives several mentions

in Aristeides [3]. From the middle of the 2nd cent. AD the cult spread over the whole Empire (particularly in Asia Minor and in the Danube area [4. 13 54-1357]). I. was frequently worshipped together with - Asclepius and > Hygieia [5. 3.42 f.]. 1 W. VoLierar, Inscriptions de Béotie, in: BCH 25, 1901,

359-378 2 H.RUHFEL, Statuettengruppe des T. mit Kind, in: AA 1994, 62-67 3 CH. Hasicnur, Die Inschriften des Asklepieions, 19695 4 V.VELKOV, V.GERASSIMOVA Tomova, Kulte und Rel. in Thrakien und Niedermosien, in: ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 1317-1361 5G.DE Luca, Zur Hygieia in Pergamon, in: MDAI(Ist) 41, 1991, 325-362.

H. RUHFEL, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 870-878; M. Weiss, T., in:

Journal of Paleopathology 5, 1993, 53-59.

KL.ZL

[2] Probably a nephew of > Antigonus [1] (cf. Diog. Laert. 5,79; cousin of + Demetrius [2]), who sent him in 312 BC to Greece to ‘liberate’ the cities from the garrisons of — Polyperchon [1]. He drove these out of the entire Peloponnese except Corinth and Sicyon, but was not able to lift + Cassander’s siege of Oreus (cf. Diod. 19,74,1-2; 75,7). When Antigonus sent -> Polemaeus [1] to Greece in 311 as commander, T. rebelled

against him, conquered and fortified Elis and plundered Olympia (Diod. 19,87). But Polemaeus took everything

from him again, apparently peacefully. In 307/6 T. had influence in Athens (Diog. Laert. 5,79). R.A. Bittows, Antigonos the One-Eyed, 1990, 435 f.

EB. Telesterion

(tedeotjo.ov/telestérion; > telete). In Greek usage a general term for a temple of mysteries or a chapel of devotion for the Eleusinian gods, named after the Telesterion in the sanctuary of Demeter in Eleusis (on the building there see -» Eleusis [1] C.; cf. also >» Mysteries B.2.). Besides the site at Eleusis there is evidence of telestéria in the Attic town of Phlya, the

Telesippus (Tekéournoc; Telésippos). Great-nephew of + Pericles [1], son of -» Hippocrates [3], from —» Cholargus. C. 420 BC he and his brothers Demophon and Pericles were the target of comedic mockery (Aristoph. Nub. toot; fr.

116 and 568 PCG; Eupolis fr.

Davies, 11811, 456 f.

112 PCG). K.KI.

Heraion at -» Argos [II 1] and the Kabeirion at -» Thebes [2]. In Eleusis the Telesterion changed from a small megaron-shaped temple between the early 6th cent. and the late 5th cent. BC into a many-naved one with a 52 m xX 54 m almost square columned hall (with 7 x 6 Ionic columns supporting a flat roof), which held a congregation of about 7,000 and was both the con-

233

234

structional and the religious centre of the sanctuary. A formal connexion between this Eleusinian Telesterion and later Greek -> assembly buildings, particularly of the > bouleuterion ‘type’, is debated.

Telete finally became detached from concrete cult practice and used figuratively and metaphorically (as in Pl. Phdr. 249¢; Chrysippus fr. 42; fr. 1008; Galen. de

A. JORDENS, IG II? 1682 und die Baugeschichte des eleusinischen T. im 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr., in: Klio 81, 1999, 359-390. Additional bibliography, cf. + Eleusis [1]. C.HO,

TELEUTIAS

usu partium 7,14 p. 1,418 and 17,1 p. 2,448 HELMREICH). On teletai as the title of ancient writings see [11. 40 f.].

Regarding the cultic worship of Telete as a — personification of ‘consecration’, there exist, for instance,

calendar inscriptions from Koukounari in Attica (Leges Telestes (Tedgotc; Teléstés). [1] According to a list of kings in Diod. 7,9,2—5, T. was the last king of Corinth. The name’s apt meaning (télos = ‘end’) casts doubt on his historicity. His murder was, according to tradition, closely followed by the > Bacchiadae (Paus. 2,4,4). J.B. SALMON, Wealthy Corinth, 1984, 47; 55.

[2] Dithyrambic poet from Selinus [4]. The

B.P.

> Marmor

Parium (65) mentions a victory in Athens in 402/401

BC. Titles of his works are Argo (with criticism of ~» Melanippides), Asclepius, Hymenaeus, The Birth of Zeus (? Avog yovat). Alexander [4] the Great had the works of T. sent to him during a campaign (Plut. Alexander 8,3). The tyrant Aristratus of Sicyon had a statue raised to T. (Plin. HN 35,109). Ep.: PMG 805-812; D.A. CAMPBELL, Greek Lyric, vol. 5, 1993, 122; 124 (with transl.); D.F. Surron, Dithyram-

bographi Graeci, 1989, 36.

ER.

Graecorum sacrae, vol. 1 No. 26, p. 46-54 B 10 Prott/

ZIEHEN; 4th cent. BC) or a group of statues on the Helicon (T. alongside Orpheus: Paus. 9,30,4). Contested is

a relief from the Loukou monastery in the Thyreatis [5.256 with plates 83,2; 6. 396 f.]. An isolated case is the mythical placement of Telete as the daughter of Dionysus and nymph Nicaea (Nonnus, Dion. 16,399-402; 48,879-882). > Initiation; > Mysteries C.

1 H.BoLkesTEIN, Theophrastos’ Charakter der Deisidaimonia als religionsgeschichtliche Urkunde, 1929 2 W. Burkert, Antike Mysterien, 1990 3 Id., Greek Rel., 1985 4K.Dowbpen, Grades in the Eleusinian Mysteries, in: RHR 197, 1980, 409-427. 5 S.Karusu, Die

Antiken

vom

A, 393-397

Loukou

7 Nitsson,

in der Thyreatis,

in:

6O.KeRN,s. v. T., RE 5

GGR

8 Nock,

vol. 2

9 G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Soteriology and Mystic Aspects in the Cult of Cybele and Attis, 1985 10 F.M.J. WAAnDERS, The History of TEAOZ and TEAEQ in Ancient Greek, 1983

(tedeti/telete, pl. teletai, < *tla-eta, from teléo/télos < *tel-a,, ‘to bring’ [ro. 232] in contrast to the common two-fold derivation of *k“el- and *tel-a,; - asa Greek foreign word in Lat. teleta, Apul. Met. 11,22 et alibi on the cult of — Isis). In the religious realm, the term could refer to various types of events (cf. Hsch. s. v. t.: festivals, sacrifices, mysteries), originally to religious acts in general (e.g. Batr. 303 [11. 97]; Aristoph. Pax 413). Itis therefore used in connection with various Greek — festivals (in general: Aristoph. Pax 418; ~» Choes: Eur. Iph. T. 959; > Panathenaea: Pind. Pyth. 9,97; Olympic Games: Pind. Ol. 10,51) including orgiastic types (Corybants: Aristoph. Vesp. 121; Dionysus: Eur. Bacch. 22; [2. 36-38]). From the 5th cent. BC on, the meaning was increasingly narrowed down (‘conse-

Kloster

MDAI(R) 76, 1969, 253-265

11 C. ZIJDERVELD, T., 1934.

JOS.

Telete

cration’, ‘initiation’) to the realm of the

mysteries of

various deities (cf. Aristot. Rh. 1401a 14 f.; Ath. 40d), for instance for Meter/Cybele [9.14, 20 f.] and Demeter ([2. 593 3. 280; 7. vol. 2, 355 f.]; telete as initiation step of the > mysteria in Eleusis still in [7 vol. 1, 655-659], however, cf. [4]), later for Isis as well [2. 44, 63]. Chris-

tian religion might therefore be referred to as a ‘new telete’ (Lucian. Peregrinus 11; Orig. contra Celsum 3,59). The term also appeared in healing rites (Asclepius: Aristid. Or. 50,7 p. 427 KetL; Serapis: Aristid. Or. 49,48 p. 424 K.) and purification ceremonies [1. 53-58] and in magical contexts at consecrations [8. 798] (on the > magical papyri [10. 158}).

Telethrion (Tedé0e.0v; Teléthrion). Mountains in the north of Euboea [1], to the southeast of a line from Oreos (modern Pyrgos) to Histiaea (Str. ro,1,3 f.), modern Galitsades (predominantly slate and sandstone, up to 977 melevation: Profitis Elias); the location of the T. at Oechalia [4] (Steph. Byz. s. v. T.) is incorrect. T was famous for its medicinal herbs (Plin. HN 25,94; Theophr. Hist. pl. 4,5,23 9,15,43; 9,15,83 9,20,5)-

A particular region of T. was called Drymos (‘oak forest’: Str. loc.cit.). K.Frenn, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 397; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, 572 f.; J.KoDER, Negroponte, 1973, 37. AKU.

Teleutias (TeAevtiac/Teleutias). Spartiate, step-brother of Agesilaus [2] Il (Xen. Hell. 4,4,19; Plut. Agesilaos 21,1), commander of Spartan fleets several times be-

tween 392 and 381 BC, » nauarchos in 387/6 (Xen. Hell. 5,1,13). In 392 he conquered ships and destroyed wharves in -» Lechaeum (Xen. Hell. 4,4,19; Plut. Agesilaos 21,1—3); in 390 he took over the fleet of the nauarchos Ecdicus in Cnidus, captured ten Athenian triremes and supported Sparta’s partisans in Rhodes [x. 84-86]. He surrendered his fleet to the nauarchos Hierax in Aegina in 389 (Xen. Hell. 4,8,24 f.; 5,1,1-4). T. was very much loved by his soldiers, was given a new naval command in 388 and gained great plunder in an attack on Piraeus and in battle with an Athenian grain

TELEUTIAS

235

236

fleet (Xen. Hell. 5,1,13-24). As an harmostes (> Harmostai [1]) in 382 his operations against the Chalcidians at Olynthus were initially successful, but he was defeated there in 381 and fell in battle (Xen. Hell.

presents profoundly Greek values (worldliness, ideal of citizenship, immortality through descendants and fame) [2. 382 f.].

553,1-6; Diod. Sic. 15,21,1-2).

1930, in: W. Marc (ed.), Herodot, +1982, 375-407.

1 R. UrBan, Der Konigsfrieden von 387/86, 1991.

K.-W.W. Telines

(Tydivys; Télinés) from

> Gela, hierophant

(+ Mysteria D.) of the chthonic deities, who shortly

after the founding of the city in 688 BC led the Gelans, who had been defeated in a civil war and had fled to Mactorium, back to Gela under the protection of the cult apparatus of these deities. This happened under the condition that his descendants, which included + Gelon [1], should retain this priestly status (Hdt. ug K.MEL.

Telis see

1 F.Jacosy, Patrios Nomos, in: JHS 64, 1944, 37-66 2 O. REGENBOGEN, Die Geschichte von Solon und Krésus,

Fenugreek

Tell (or tall; Arabic tall, plural tulal; ‘hill’, then also ‘settlement mound’). A common component of presentday names of ruin sites in the Near East. It indicates a widespread shape for earlier places of settlement in the Near East and Central Asia, which grew, some to a considerable height, by the accumulation of layers of settlement on top of each other. This was caused by the most widespread building material, unbaked mud bricks, which often disintegrated after a few decades. The resulting piles of rubble were only rarely removed; more often, they were levelled and used as a base for new buildings. These mounds are ideally suited for stratigraphic excavations and for determining archaeological and chronological sequences. H.J.N. Telliads (TedAvadcu; Telliddai). Family of seers in Elis (Hdt. 9,37). > Hegesistratus [2] and Tellias are known by name (Hdt. 8,27,3-4). HA.BE,

Tellis (TéAdtc; Téllis). Spartiate, father of > Brasidas, married to Argileonis, who commented on the death of her son (in 422 BC) with the words that he had been brave but Sparta had better men (Plut. Lycurgus 25,8-9; Plut. Mor. r90b; 219d; 240c; Diod. Sic. 12,74,3). T. swore to the Peace of Nicias (> Nicias [1]) in 421 BC (Thuc. 5,19,2; 5,24,1) and was then doubtless a champion of Spartan peace policy. K-W.W.

J-W.B. [2] More than for any other Roman deity study of the ‘Earth’-goddess T. is besec with problems. Interpreting T. as a counterpart to the sky-god — luppiter [1. 84] and as part of a ‘pure’ Roman proto-religion formed a romanticising leitmotiv of the 19th and early zoth centuries. This called for the harmonisation of the supposed proto-religion with possibly influence from the Greek ‘Mother Earth’ (+ Gaea) or from the Earth-related -» Demeter/> Ceres. An additional problem resulted from the ancient association of T. with the ~» Sondergétter, which seemed to provide evidence that the goddess belonged to an early phase of Roman religion: while [2], for instance, following [3], emphasized the influence of the Greek Demeter on Roman ideas of T., others (e.g. [4]) tried to prove a role for T. in a proto-Roman religion. A Tellurus appears in an Etruscan context (Mart. Cap. 1,49), but the extent and significance of Etruscan influence are disputed. Clarity is not attainable in this dispute. T. may originally have been a Roman goddess of grain and agriculture, that under Greek influence (cf. Varro Antiquitates fr. 269 CARDAUNS; Verg. Aen. 7,136 f.) became connected with the goddess Terra Mater

(first attested with

Pacuvius

fr. 93 RIBBECK;

Varro Rust. 1,1,5) and then with other ‘> mother goddesses’ and fertility goddesses (Varro Antiquitates fr. 265; 267; 268 CARDAUNS). T. was probably never entirely identified with Terra Mater; she is only once called mater (‘mother’; Macrob. Sat. 3,9,12); ‘chthonic’

aspects of the Earth, however, probably led to a partial identification of the two (Liv. 8,9,8; Suet. Tib. 75,1;

CLE 1129,2; 1476,2). ‘Chthonic’ aspects also explain the mention of T. alongside the Di - Manes in the -» devotio by P. + Decius [I 1] Mus (Liv. 8,9,14 ff.) and

her connection with particular functions of Ceres [5. 91-107, 358]. A temple to T., unlike a sanctuary to Ceres, was not vowed in Rome until relatively late (268 BC) (Flor. Epit. 1,14); it consisted of an area already

characterised

by earlier

sacred

buildings

(Inserlt

I352,5373 [6]).

Tellus

Records of the cult always concentrate not the goddess. On the -> Fordicidia on gnant cows were sacrificed to T.; in this pendent T. tradition is superimposed by

[1] (TéAdoc; Téllos). Athenian, praised by > Solon [1] to — Croesus as a most fortunate person (Hdt. 1,30): T.

tion of Ceres (Ov. Fast. 4,645): in every curia (> Curiae) a cow was sacrificed, a further sacrifice was

saw healthy children and grandchildren grow up in a

performed under the direction of the + pontifexmaximus on the Capitol. The ritual curiae indicates an agrarian context, the Capitol sents the public centralisation of the cult. T. and were sacrificed to on the + Sementivae Feriae. context of this ancient agrarian festival as well,

Telluno, Tellurus see > Tellus

well-ordered polis, died in battle for his homeland and

was given an honorary burial in - Eleusis [1] (+ Hero cult). Doubt as to T.’s historicity are without foundation [1. 44 f.]. In Herodotus’ [1] Lydian tale(‘légos’), which is imbued with oriental doctrines of wisdom, he

on the ritual, 15 April pretoo an indeOvid’s men-

in the repreCeres In the a sec-

237

238

ondary assimilation with Ceres appears to have become established (Ov. Fast. 1,671-673; [5. 56-65]): there were seven days between the sacrifices to the two goddesses (Lyd. Mens. 3,9). The sacrifice of a pig (the ‘porca praecidanea’) before harvest is also of agrarian

HN 14,74), but production of earthenware is also documented (TAM 2, 63; 72; 128). Archaeological remains survive at Hizirlik, including two Lycian grave pillars, an acropolis, a necropolis of rock tombs, tumuli and a settlement wall. In Fethiye there are necropoleis from the Late Classical, Hellenistic and Imperial periods, an acropolis, theatre and odeion; the ancient residential area is now built over [1]. ~» Lycioi, Lycia; > Telmissus

orientation:Cato (Agr. 134,1) mentions Ceres in this connection, Varro (in Non. 163; Gell. NA 4,6,8) adds

T. When Varro connects T. with the Sondergétter Tellumo, Altor and Rusor (Antiquitates fr. 266 CarDAUNS), this probably also belongs in the context of agrarian rituals. The male counterpart of T., Tellumo, and the two other deities indicate great antiquity; the same may hold for sacrifices to Ceres, T. and other Sondergotter in Serv. Georg. 1,21. The connection between T. and agrarian protective deities continues in the Imperial period [7. 448]. In Augustus’s ideas of religion T. played a prominent role, e.g. at the Ludi Saeculares (> Saeculum) and on the -> Ara Pacis Augustae. The connection with the Emperors and iconographic representations of the goddess increase further in the Imperial period [7; 8]. T. and Terra Mater’s embodiment of the fertile Earth makes a clear iconographic or religious separation of the two goddesses difficult in individual cases [7. 429-43 5]. 1J.Hartunc,

Die Religion der Romer,

2 F.ALTHEIM, Terra Mutter Erde, 1905

Mater, 1931 45%. WEINSTOCK,

vol. 2, 1836

3 A. DIETERICH, s.v. T., RE 5 A,

791-806 5 H.Le Bonniec, Le culte de Cérés, 1958 6 F. COARELLI, s. v. T., aedes, LTUR 5, 24 f. 7 T.GeszrTetyi, T. — Terra Mater in der Zeit des Prinzipats, ANRW II 17.1, 1981, 429-456 8 E.GHISELLINI, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 879-889. CRP.

Telmessus

(TeA(e)unoodd/Tel(e)méssos

or Tedptoooc/

Telmissos; Lycian Telebehi). Dynast residence, then polis in West Lycia, near present-day Fethiye (formerly Makri). Bronze Age traces [1]; significant since the 5th cent. BC (archaeological evidence; Lycian inscription TAM 1, 1-5; coins), member of the > Delian League (ATL list 9, col. 3, line 33; list A 9, col. 1, line 130); ruled

by the dynasty at + Xanthus [4] from c. 420 BC. Shortly before 400 BC the central site was transferred from the Hizirlik mountain to the sea [1]; in the 4th cent., as well as Greek, there was also a strong Carian influence; from c. 360 BC T. was affiliated with the whole of Lycia to the Carian satrapy (— satrap). In the 3rd cent., T. was Ptolemaic: polis constitution with eponymous priest, three Archons (> archontes [1]) and the division of the citizens into > polis and -> perioikoi [2.19 ff.]. In the middle of the 3rd cent., T. was awarded to the Carian dynasty of the Lysimachidai (> Lysimachus [5]) as a dored (‘gift’) (TAM 2, 1; [2.159 ff.]). In

197 BC, T. was Seleucidian, and in 188 BC, an Attalid exclave. In 133 BC, T. became independent and in the late 80’s BC it joined the > Lycian League [1]. In AD 43, it became part of the Roman province of Lycia and from the 4th cent. AD was a bishopric, occasionally called Anastasioupolis. The economy was mainly shaped by agriculture (TAM 2, 1; especially wine: Plin.

TELONAI

1 W. Tietz, Der Golf von Fethiye, 2003. 2 M.Dominco GyGax, Untersuchungen zu den lykischen Gemeinwesen in klassischer und hellenistischer Zeit, 2001.

Telmissus

(TeApioodc/Telmissos;

W.T.

by-form Tedweoodc/

Telmessos: Syll.3 1047,7 f.). City in Caria (+ Cares) at

modern Giirece, about 11 km (Polemon FHG 3, 128 Fr. 35) to the west of > Halicarnassus, for the expansion of which T. had to relinquish part of its population c. 361 BC (Callisthenes FGrH 124 F 25; Plin. HN 5,107). With its Apollo sanctuary, still famous in the Roman Imperial period (HN 619), T. formed the League of the Telmisseis [1. 377-380]. At the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC T. was entirely absorbed into Halicarnassus. On the Kale Hill above Giirece there are remains of a Lelegan (> Leleges) fortified hill settlement with encircling walls and a tall watchtower (5th cent. BC?); nearby there are chamber and rock tombs. On the common confusion of T. and > Telmessus in Antiquity cf. the seers in the myth of > Gordius [1] (Arr. Anab. 2,353 f.: T. instead of Telmessus) and the description of the fertile surroundings of T. in Cic. Div. 19,4, which in fact means Telmessus. 1 W.R. Paton, J.L.Myres, Three Carian Sites: T., Karyanda, Taramptos, in: JHS 14, 1894, 373-380.

W.Rapt, Siedlungen und Bauten auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos

(MDAI(Ist) supp. 3), 1970, 75;

D. Mu1-

LER, Topografisches Bildkommentar zu den Historien Herodots: Kleinasien, 1997, 382-384. H.KA.

Telon (TijAwv; Télon). King of the > Teleboae, ruler of the island -» Capreae, father of > Oebalus [2] by the nymph Sebethis (Verg. Aen. 7,734-736; Serv. Aen. Taal fa Ch, SU Pun Os 5 Ai ts) SLA. Telonai

(tek@vav/telénai,

Sg. tekwvyc/telones;

‘tax

leaseholders’, from té\/— télé = ‘taxes’ and @vi/one = ‘buying, lease’); private entrepreneurs or businesses in the Greek domain, comparable with the Roman +> publicani (see Cic. Ad Q. fr. 1,1,33). They either purchased for a lease guaranteed to the state, the right to collect taxes and tolls for a certain period in a defined area as well as the right to exploit mines, or they received a certain sum of money from the state and had to provide an agreed service for it. In Athens during the Classical period contracts of this kind were registered under the collective term misthomata (Aristot. Ath. pol. 47,2) and concluded by the - polétai under the super-

TELONAI

240

239

vision of the council and partly of the archontes (> Ad-

the 500 richest citizens of the city and confiscated their

ministration). The duties of the te/6nai (guarantees, lia-

wealth. After these found shelter in > Croton, T. attak-

bilities, dates for payment) were prescribed by law (Dem. Or. 24,96 and 1oof.: n6moi telonikoi), omissions were punished severely (Aristot. Ath. pol. 48,1; And. Or. 1,73; 133-135). Along with the Greek banking system and the monetary economy, the Hellenistic states also adopted the system of farming taxes which was particularly highly developed and clearly evident in Ptolemaic Egypt. There, the te/6nai are documented in almost all areas of tax collection, e.g. also in the awarding of fishing and

ked the city, in spite of the warnings of the seer Callias of Elis. After the Crotonians were victorious Sybaris was razed to the ground and T. was killed by his followers (Heraclid. Pont. fr. 49 WEHRLI). The morally coloured tradition derives from the Crotonians.

hunting rights. However,

in contrast

to Greece

(and

Rome) they were not allowed to collect the taxes themselves — this was done by royal officials —, although they were liable for the agreed amount with their own money. In order to make a surplus (epigénema), perhaps also to obtain a bonus (opsonion), the telénai had to

supervise the taxpayers and tax collectors closely and thus contribute to the efficiency of the system. W.SCHWAHN, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 418-425 (part of the section on Hellenism has become dated because of newer finds); RostovtzeEFF, Hellenistic World, 296 f.; 328-330;

349 f.; PREAUX, 197 f.; 450-459.

W.ED.

H.Berve,

Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 1967,

158.

B.P.

Tembris (Téufoi/Témbris, also Témbros, Thymbris, Tembrogius; modern River Porsuk). Left bank tributary of the > Sangarius (Liv. 38,18,8; Plin. HN 6,4; HN 681). It rises in the » Dindymum to the south of modern Kiitahya, flows first to the north and then turns eastwards past > Dorylaeum. BELKE, 232; W.RUuGE, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 433.

KST.

Temenium (Tnuéviov; Téménion). Coastal town about 6 km to the south of > Argos [II 1] with sanctuaries to +» Temenus, Poseidon, and Aphrodite (Str. 8,6,2; Paus. 2,36,6; 2,38,1 ff.); remains survive (to some extent

under water). The long walls of Argos probably ended in T. (cf. Thuc. 5,82,5 f.; 5,83,2 on the year 417 BC).

Telos [1] (Tioc/Télos). Island to the northwest of Rhodes with deeply incised bays, 16 km in length, up to 9 km in width, 63 km? in area, rising to 651 m in height, predominantly of slate and limestone formations with broad tuff valleys in between; originally named Agathoussa (Hesych. s. v. Aya@ovooa, Steph. Byz. s. v. T.). Settled in the 3rd millennium BC (settlement remains at Kastello near Livadia in the south) and in the Minoan

period (17th/16th cent. BC, at Megalo Chorio in the north). Settled c. tooo BC by the > Dorieis, in the 7th cent. BC linked politically with — Lindos (Hdt. 7,153 f.). From 427/26 BC onwards a member of the + Delian League, from 404 Spartan, in the - Corinthian War (395-386 BC) Persian (sea battle of Cnidus in 394: Diod. 14,84,3), subsequently independent. In the 3rd cent. BC annexed by > Rhodes. The city of T. was in the north at modern Megalo Chorio (remains of city walls and buildings, e.g. a temple of Athena Polias). T. was destroyed by an earthquake in 227, c. 200 BC

A.Fo.Ltey, The Argolid,

1988,

196; E.ZANGGER,

Geoarchaeology of the Argolid, 1993, 62 f.

The

SA.T

Temenos (téuevoc/témenos (plural teméné), ‘the separated’, from Greek téuvetv/témnein, ‘cut, divide off’). In

Mycenaean [1] and Homeric linguistic use, a high quality piece of land granted to a ruler or noble [2; 3]. However, in Homeric epic, deities are also encountered as the owners of a temenos, which could contain an altar (Hom. Il. 8,48; 23,148; Hom. Od. 8,363) and thus was a cultic site. In the subsequent period, the term became restricted to the area of the sacred, but retained both aspects. Thus, in accordance with the original meaning, temenos can describe estates which belong to one of the deities — as a rule, leased (IG P 84; I/II 2498; Syll.3 963) — the incomes from which were intended for the

maintenance of the sanctuary and the performance of the cult. Additionally, temenos is, in a special sense, the

rebuilt (Hellenistic circular altars, > spolia to the south

holy district (Hdt. 3,142,2), within which an altar and,

of Megalo Chorio). Remains of watchtowers can be found around the island. T. was famous for producing

if applicable, temple, housing for priests and treasuries, etc. were found and where specific rules of purity and behaviour applied (see below). However, a temenos is in no way a necessary requirement for cult practice; many altars were not located in teméné. The need for the early polis community to delimit legally the property of the god inside and outside the city, just as with the possessions of a citizen, is accordingly behind the frequent connection between cult and temenos. The desire for neutral —i.e. independent of the wishes of influential people — places of assembly may also have played a role, which brings the temenos close to the > agora in the history of its origins. The storage of public documents,

ointments (Plin. HN. 4,693 13,133 Str. 10,5,14; Scyl. 99;

Callim. fr. 581). K. FIeuN, s.v. T., RE 5 A, 427-431; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 4, 304-307; H.KALETSCH, s.v. T., in: LAUFFER,

Griechenland, 653 f.

A.KU.

[2] (téA0c/télos) see > Teleology.

Telys (Tiuc; Télys). King or tyrant (Hdt. 5,44,47; Diod. Sic. 12,9,2) in proverbially rich - Sybaris [4]c. 510 BC. Probably supported by the démos, he banished

241

242

effectively under the oversight of the deity, became an important political function of sanctuaries inside and outside of the cities (SEG 46,155). A temenos was clearly demarcated by boundary stones (IG I 2,r068—1070) or a fence (peribolos), de-

pending on its size and importance. This is where the property rights of the deity began; for cult sites, this is where the separation between the secular and sacred norm ran: law enforcement ended within the temenos (IEph V 1520; Inscriptions of Stratoniceia II 1,505 Z. 61; [4.59 No. 8 Z. 55 f.]; > asylia, > dsylon); water basins served for cultic > purification; actions which caused pollution (miasma), such as birth, sexual intercourse and death were to be avoided, as was the burial

of the dead (Thuc. 3,104,2; [5. 146]); taboo regulations affected the introduction of certain animals or objects (LSCG 136; SEG 36,1222; Str. 12,8,9), but also the removal of sacrificial meat [6. 476] or wood (Paus. 2,28,7), indeed even the removal of inedible remains of the — sacrifice. Construction (Syll.3 988), agricultural and pastoral use (Aeschin. 3,108; Syll.3 963 Z. 35-37), felling of trees (Thuc. 3,70,4), etc. were forbidden or limited. Although the acceptance of these sorts of norms were based on the greatest possible continuity, sacred ground was not an inalterable quantity. Archaeological finds record the expropriation of private property for the creation or expansion of a temenos; the converse procedure — renunciation and secularization of a temenos — is likewise recorded [7. 130-132, 154156]. Besides the large public cults, trade associations (SEG 37,1651) or private cult groups also had their temenos (temenitai in Miletus: [8. 93-97 No. 795-804;

9. 501-506]); tomb facilities could also be surrounded by a temenos |10]. The church built around the column of the elder Simeon Stylites is described by Church historians as a temenos (Evagrius Scholasticus, Historia ecclesiastica 1,14; [11]). ~ Sanctuaries; > Templum 1 H.vAN

EFFENTERRE,

T., in: REG

80, 1967,

17-26

TEMESA

Temenothyrae

(TypevoOvea/Témenothyrai,

also:

Typévov Oveal Téménou Thyrai). City in the highlands of eastern — Lydia (cf. Paus. 1,35,7) on the border with northwestern Phrygia (> Phryges) in ~ Mocadene on an old overland route, probably a station on the Persian Royal Road, near modern Usak. The indigenous form of the name (-t(h)yra(i)) suggests that T. was an old Lydian settlement, according to inscriptions and coins (only rst—3rd centuries AD) it was temporarily also named Flaviopolis; in late Antiquity it was part of the province of Phrygia Pacatiane (Hierocles, Synekdemos 668,14). J. Kein, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 458 f.; K. Burescu, Aus Lydien, 1898, ror; 161-166; MAGIE, 999, 1429.

H.KA.

Tementhes (TevévOnc/Teménthes). Egyptian king, according to Polyaenus, Strat. 7,3 (cf. FGrH 665 F 200) defeated near Memphis by > Psammetichos [1] I with the aid of Carian mercenaries. T. is probably a Graecized form of Tanutamani, Egyptian Tnwt-Ymn, throne name B3-k3—R‘, the last king of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty (664-656 BC, not in Manetho [1]) and successor of + Taracus (Taharga). In 664 BC, T. reconquered Egypt as far as the Nile Delta, with > Necho [1] I being killed. Shortly afterwards T. was driven out by troops of — Assurbanipal. It is unclear whether T. then attempted a second advance in which be was repulsed by Psammetichus [1]. In Upper Egypt dates refer to T. up to 657 BCat least, of his subsequent fate in Nubia nothing is known. He is buried in a pyramid tomb in AlKurru.

~> Egypt [E] 1 P.W. Harper, Griechenland — Nordafrika: ihre Beziehungen zwischen 1500 und 600 v. Chr., 1988, 179-184 2 J. LECLANT, s. v.Tanutamun, LA 6, 211-215. K JW.

Temesa (Tevéon/Temésé). City in Bruttium (— Bruttii),

2 W. DoNnLAN, Homeric téptevoc and the Land Economy of

in the Roman

the Dark Age, in: MH 46, 1989, 129-145

35S.LINK, T.

3,72); its location is uncertain, but it was somewhere in

und ager publicus bei Homer?, in: Historia 43, 1994, 241245 4J.ReyNoLDs, Aphrodisias and Rome, 1982 5 BURKERT 6 K.ZIMMERMANN, Spathellenistische Kult-

the valley of the Sabutus (modern Savuto). T. was foun-

praxis in einer karischen Kleinstadt, in: Chiron 30, 2000,

194 BC a Roman colonia (Str. loc.cit.; Liv. 34,45) was established. Followers of - Spartacus used T. as a base

451-485

7B.BerGquist, The Archaic T. in Western

Greece, in: Le sanctuaire grec (Entretiens 37), 1992, 1098 P. HERRMANN (ed.), Inschriften von Milet. part 2, 158

1998 9A.Bresson, De Marseille a Milet, in: REA 99, 1997, 491-506 10F.IstK, Zum Typus des T.-Grabes in Lykien, in: MDAI[(Ist) 48, 1998, 157-172

11 E. HONIGMANN, S. v. Dupew@vos teuevoc, RE 4 A, 1099-

period Tempsa

(Str. 6,1,5; Plin. HN

ded by the ~ Ausones; these were followed by the » Aetolians under > Thoas [3], then the Bruttii. In

(Cic. Verr. 2,5,39-41). Near T., there was a heroon to > Polites [2] (cf. Paus. 6,6,4-10). Copper mines at T.

had already been exhausted by the earliest times (Hom. Od. 1,184; Str. loc.cit.; 12,3,23); the wine of T. was well known (Plin. /oc.cit.).

T1o2.

G.Mappoi (ed.), T. e il suo territorio, 1982; G.Ca-

B. BerGQuisT, The Archaic Greek T., Diss. Uppsala 1967;

MASSA,

K.Latre, s. v. T. (1), RE 5 A, 435-437; G.P. Lavas, Altgriechisches T., 1974; G. NEMETH, Med’ dvOov éyBaaév, in: R.HAGG (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, 1994, 59-64; A. REICHENBERGER,

E.Greco, Archeologia della Magna

T., templum, nemeton,

Viereckschanze,

in: JRGZ

35,

1988, 285-298; G. WAGNER, Les inscriptions grecques d’Ain Labakha, in: ZPE 111, 1996, 97-114, bes. 107. KL.Z1.

Dov’

é la fonte

dell’argento,

1984,

30-36;

Grecia, 1992, 39,

86-96; R.SPADEA, II territorio a sud del Savuto, in: J. DE La GENIERE (ed.), Epéios et Philoctéte en Italie (Cahiers du centre Jean Berard 16), 1991,

117-130.

A.MU,

TEMNUS Temnus

(Tivoc/ Témnos, Aeolic T&uvoc/Tammnos). Aeolian city to the southeast of Dumanl: Hill on the right bank of the Hermus [2], where in Antiquity the river flowed into the ~ Aegean (Plin. HN 5,119); its ruins (fortress of Nemrut) are at modern Gorece. Al-

though not a member of the > Delian League, in the 5th and 4th cents. BC T. was able to preserve its independence of the Persian Great King (Xen. Hell. 4,8,15). Apparently, by the end of the 3rd cent. BC T. was under the rule of the Attalids (> Attalus; cf. the > isopoliteia treaty between T. and > Pergamum StV 2, 555). In 155 BC Prusias [2] IJ had the sanctuary of Apollo Kynneios plundered (Pol. 32,15,12). The earthquake of 17 AD affected T. badly; as with other cities in this region the reconstruction of T. was generously supported by Tiberius [1] (Tac. Ann. 2,47; OGIS 471). The orator Hermagoras [1] was from T. J.Keir, T., RE 5 A, 461 f.; L. ROBERT, Et. Anatoliennes,

1937, 90.

E.0.

Temonarius (temonarius equus, literally ‘leading horse of a team’). One responsible for payment of taxes. From the time of > Diocletianus (AD 284-305) onwards the conscription of recruits was to some extent integrated into the > capitatio-iugatio taxation system: Land

owners, usually several, belonging to a taxation unit had to supply one recruit annually or advance the sum needed to raise recruits (+ adaeratio). In yearly rota-

tion one from among the land owners was designated temonarius or capitularius (payer of poll tax), who provided the recruit or the corresponding payment and then collected from the others the proportions fixed by the capitatio; it was fixed in AD 375 at 36 solidi (> solidus) (for the procedure cf. Cod. Theod. 6,4,21; for the amount of the repeatedly altered sum cf. Cod. Wheods 7.13573 75135133 7oi35,20; Noy. Valentiniant 6,3,1). The responsibility of a temonarius was a —» munus (II.), termed by the time of Diocletian as a protostasia (‘office of guarantor’) (Cod. Just. Epit. 10,62,3). J.-M.

244

243

Carrig£,

in: J.-M.

Carrié,

A.ROUSSELLE

(ed.),

L’Empire romain en mutation des Sevéres 4 Constantin (192-337), 1999, 172;

U. HILDESHEIM, Personalaspekte

der fruhbyzantinischen Steuerordnung, Die Personalveranlagung und ihre Einbindung in das System der capitatioiugatio, 1988, 82 f. B.BL.

Tempe (ti Téunn/ ta Témpeé, Latin Tempe, Stenae). A gorge, ca. 8 km long, up to 45 m wide and 500 m deep, between > Olympus [1] to the north and > Ossa [1] to the south, traversed by the - Peneius from the Thessalian interior (+ Thessalians, Thessalia) east to the ~ Aegean Sea; known today as Koilada Tempon. In Classical Antiquity, the valley, actually formed by erosion, was held to be the result of an earthquake (Hdt. 7,129,4; Plin. HN 4,31). Myth has it that, in this valley, the nymph > Daphne [2], while fleeing from Apollo, was changed into the sacred laurel tree from which a

branch was taken to Delphi every eight years (Paus. 10,5,9). The valley was one of the main links between Greece and Macedonia, but, militarily, its passage was thought too risky, and usually bypassed — thus by the Persians in 480 BC via the western slopes of Olympus (Hdt. 7,172-4), by + Alexander [4] the Great in 336 (Polyaenus, Strat. 4,3,23). During Macedonian

rule,

the valley could be negotiated safely, thus by — Antipater [1] during the > Lamian War in 323 BC (Diod. Sic. 18,12,2), by — Philippus [17] V in 197 (Liv. 32,15,93 33,10,6). In 186/5 it was the location of a con-

ference where the Romans mediated between the Greeks and the Macedonian king (Liv. 39,25). From its western mouth, > Perseus [2] launched several assaults on the Romans in 171 BC (Liv. 42,54; 42,57; 42,62;

42,67). Caesar had a road constructed through the valley in 48 BC; the building inscription (CIL III 588) of

his legate > Cassius [I ro] Longinus is at the narrowest point (Liv. 44,6,11). » Hadrian visited the valley in AD 125 (CIL I] 7362; 14206; on the beauty of the landscape cf. Hor. Carm. 1,7,4; Ov. Met. 1,569). In the Byzantine Period the defile was called Lycostomion. Modern traffic routes (railway and road) have inflicted

considerable damage to the ancient remains. Still extant are the so-called Spring of Daphne, parts of the Roman carriageway and, shortly before the eastern mouth, ancient structures thought to constitute the sanctuary of Apollo. H.KRAMOLISCH, s.v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 654 f.; F.STAHLIN, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 473-479; TIB 1, 269.

HE.KR.

Temperament (xodou/krasis, Latin mixtio, ‘mixture’; complexio, temperatio, temperamentum). Medical term (in physiology, pathology and pharmacology).

Continuing the theories of the first Greek philosophers concerning nature (— Natural philosophy), especially on the four elements (+ Elements, theories of) together with their qualities, krdsis describes the ‘mixture’ of

materials and thus of specific characteristics which are individually constitutive for the psychology of every subject (e.g. Emp. 31 B 6,96 DK). In the ancient humoral system (+ Humoral theory), this theory was concretized by the balance of the four humours (yvpoi/ chymoi, Latin humores), which were associated with the four elements of the cosmos and their characteristics. Temperament was first especially connected with the four universal character types in the Middle Ages, based on the four humours of Galen (sanguine, melan-

choly, phlegmatic, choleric). The concept of the temperament also appears in therapeutics, especially in the medicinal therapeutics of + Galen, who introduced them in his renovation of the Hippocratic orthodoxy: the krasis then described the mixture of characteristics (and substances), which were constitutive of medicaments; it could contain basic sub-

stances and their opposing properties in variable proportions and cause change depending on the property of the remedy (e.g. dry or wet). The mixture thus deter-

245

246

mined the therapeutic effect of the medicinal substances as well as their kinetics in the body. Thus, the therapy consisted of restoring the correct temperament, depending on the type of disturbance, through introduction or elimination of physiological substances. The thus defined temperament reached its greatest importance in + pharmacology (V.) starting with the development of compound remedies (from the rst cent. BC

purposes nor do they qualify as palaces. Distinct characteristics, such as an alcove for the > cult image with an altar in front of it, appear sporadically after the end of the 4th millennium; after the 3rd millennium BC they became consistent features. Around that time, the layout became more uniform as well. In southern Mesopotamia the typical temple consisted of a wide antecella with an equally wide antechamber and axially-aligned door openings; in northern Mesopotamia there was a langraum, sometimes with divisions and with an entrance at the end of a long side wall. Clay models are the only evidence for the appearance of these early structures. The names of some Mesopotamian temples suggest they were places of cosmic importance and underline their essential function as guarantors of order: e.g.a temple may be called the ‘foundation of heaven and earth’ (Sumerian é-temen-an-ki, the name of the ziggurat of > Babylon). Several hymns on temples (26th to r8th cents. BC) give a similar impression. There is neither archaeological nor written evidence relating to the actual cult practices, and thus we know hardly anything about them. Temples were also economic centres (+ Temple economy) and in some cities they even were the most important economic forces. As an oikos they could include all sectors of the economy (— Oikos economy). This was especially true for cult centres of a ~ city deity, often arranged around a > ziggurat. Among various forms a type of free-standing tall temple with several rooms, one behind the other, evolved in the 3rd millennium in Syria and Anatolia. The Temple of > Solomon [1] in Jerusalem — known only from descriptions (1 Kg 6-7; Ez 40-43) — may have been of that kind (see below, III.). Hittite temples are known primarily from — Hattusa, especially the Great Temple in the lower city and the rock sancturay of > Yazilikaya. There were at least 29 temples in the upper city, probably representing cults of various Hittite cities. The complexes seem wellstructured with a cult room with courtyard in the front and adjoining rooms or groups of rooms of various

on), which combined several ingredients. In Galen, the characteristics of remedies were asso-

ciated with pairs of contrasting properties and measured in four levels, the middle point of the scale defining

their balance; there was no zero level in this system (i.e.

absence of a characteristic). This fact complicated all later reflections — above all in Arabic medicine — about composite medicaments. The strict parallelization of therapeutics on the one hand and physiology and pathology on the other through the concept of temperament largely defined the medical writings of the early Byzantine period (Oribasius, Aetius [3], Paulus [5] of Aegina) on medicaments. Asa result, this approach was abandoned in Byzantium in favour of a more strongly Dioscoridean pharmacology. The concept of graduation of the properties of materia medica was further developed in Arabic medicine and the medicine of the western Middle Ages (e.g. Arnaldi de Villanova [3]). In the Renaissance, the theory of compound remedies and the temperament were abandoned in pharmacology and there was a return to the pharmacology of simple remedies on the recommendation of the Ferrarese doctor Nicolao LEoNICENO (1428-1524).

~ Galen of Pergamum; — Hippocrates [6]; > HuMoRAL THEORY; — Pedanius Dioscorides 1 G. Hare, Bestimmung der Intensitat im medizinischen

System Galens, 1974 2 G.HELMREICH (ed.), Galeni de temperamentis libri III, 1904 3 M.McVauGH (ed.),

Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia, vol. 2: Aphorismi de gradibus, 1975 (*1992)

4 E.SCHONER, Das Vie-

rerschema in der Humoralpathologie, 1962.

Tempestates see

A.TO,

> Winds

sizes.

Temple I. Mesopotamia IV. PHOENICIA

II. Ecypt

TEMPLE

III. Jupaism

V. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

After a period of local architectural traditions and of Mesopotamian influence in the Iranian region and in its west, fire temples for the state religion of > Zoroastrianism were built starting in the Achaemenid Period (5th cent. BC).

I. MESOPOTAMIA The Sumerian term é and the Akkadian term bitu, meaning ‘temple’ or ‘house (of the deity)’, were not restricted to ‘dwellings’ of deities of a particular size or importance. They applied to sanctuaries from small neighbourhood shrines in residential areas to large, freestanding, tall buildings, from one-room cult sites to temple complexes with extensive auxiliary buildings, and they could be used for temples where one or many deities were worshipped. Prehistoric structures are often classified as temples only because apparently they neither served residential

+» Cult; > Religion; > Ritual;

> Temple economy

E.Herinricu, Die Tempel und Heiligtumer im Alten Mesopotamien, 1982; A. GEORGE, House Most High. The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia, 1993; J.F. ROBERTson, The Social and Economic Organization of Ancient Mesopotamian Temples, in: J.M. Sasson et al. (eds.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. 1, 1995, 443-

454; J. BRETSCHNEIDER, Architekturmodelle in Vorderasien und der éstlichen Agais vom Neolithikum bis in das 1. Jahrtausend, 1991; W.G. Dever, Palaces and T. in Canaan and Ancient Israel, in: J. M. Sasson et al. (eds.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. 1, 1995, 605—

614; A.CauseT, Art and Architecture in Canaan and An-

TEMPLE

247

248

cient Israel, in: Ibid., vol. 4, 1995, 2671-2691; P. NEVE, HattuSa. Stadt der Gotter und Tempel, 1993; K.ScHIppMANN, Die iranischen Feuerheiligtiimer, 1971. H.J.N.

and the return from the Babylonian exile (Esr 1:2-4),

Il. Ecyrer The oldest archeological and pictorial evidence for temples in Egypt (Egyptian hw.t-ntr, ‘house of the god’) comes from the Early Dynastic Period (c. 3000-2700 BC). The temples of the Old Kingdom (c. 2700-2190 BC) were simple undecorated mud brick constructions,

built according to local traditions. From the early Middle Kingdom (c. 1990-1630 BC) temple construction

was overseen by the state; temples became elaborate and increasingly standardized stone edifices with sumptuous hieroglyphic and pictorial decorations. Usually the layout was axial; a sequence of pylons, courtyards and columned halls led to the sacrificial hall and the inner sanctum. Progressively darker and smaller rooms with rising floor level marked the approach to the sacred space and emphasized the difference between sacred and secular. Large temples sometimes included a ritual palace that allowed the > ruler to participate in the cult. Sun temples were special forms where sacrifices were performed in open courtyards, and were most common in the Amarna Period (14th cent. BC; + Amenophis [4]). There were also rock temples and temples on high places which architecturally evolved from old cult sites located at natural grottoes or at exposed sites in the landscape. A temple was considered the residence of a deity where in daily rituals the > cult image was fed and cared for; accordingly, the floor plans of early temple architecture resembled residential buildings. In exaltation of the sacred sphere the temple was later interpreted as an image of the world. Temples became centres of larger settlements and symbols of collective identity. These prominent structures served as centres of public, mostly state-dominated, communication, especially in the context of public > festivals. Temples were institutions of economic and administrative significance. In the New Kingdom (c. 1550-1070 BC) in particular, temples were sponsored by the state and grew into large landowners with extensive holdings. The temple complexes were surrounded by warehouses and workshops and occupied various groups of workers (priests, custodians, artisans, farmers). + Cult; > Ritual; > Religion; -- Temple economy R.STADELMANN et al., s.v. Tempel-Tempelwirtschaft, LA

6, 1986, 355-420; D.ARNOLD, Die Tempel Agyptens, 1992; B. E. SHAFER (ed.), Temples of Ancient Egypt, 1997.

5. Ill. JuDaIsm

The Temple of Jerusalem was designed by King -» David [1] as a central sanctuary to replace the tabernacle. In the 2nd third of the roth cent. it was built and consecrated under King > Solomon (1 Kg 6-8). In 586 BC the First Temple was destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar [2] (2 Kg 25:9). After the edict of Cyrus [2] in 538 BC

worship resumed first at the altar. In 516 BC the Second Temple was consecrated (Esr 6:15-18). It was destroyed in AD 70 by the Romans under Titus [4] (> Jewish Wars). In AD 615 under Sassanid rule, there was an effort to resume worship at the altar, however the Temple was never rebuilt. The Temple in Jerusalem was a place for offerings (2 Sam 24:25) and the house of God (— Yahwe; 1 Kg 8:12 f.). Its construction and the furnishings were specified by the Bible’s instructions for the Ark of the Covenant (Ex 35:11-19). The Ark, installed in the Holy of Holies (1 Kg 8:6), symbolized the continuity of

cult. Therefore old cult elements were incorporated into the Temple, e.g. the description of God enthroned between the Cherubs (Ps 99:1 etc.). Along with daily offerings and offerings on holidays, the ceremony of the Day of Atonement (Lv 23:27-32), when once a year the High Priest entered the Holy of Holies, made it clear that the Temple played a crucial role in the relationship between man and God. The central temple underlined the importance of — Jerusalem as the capital and the desire for unity of cult and ethnic community. In the Second Temple, weekly changing regional emissaries as representatives of the people (mamadot) witnessed the Temple cult, personifying the connection between regional religious practice and central temple cult. Pilgrimages to the Temple involving sacrificial offerings focused on three festivals and continued the biblical tradition of the pilgrimage to the Ark and its sanctuary (1 Sam 1:3). The identification of the Temple Mount as Moriah mountain (Gn 22; later identified as the site of Adam’s and > Noah’s altar, Gn 8,20), first attested in 2 Chr 3:1, endowed it with eschatological significance. Although the Temple was destroyed in AD 70, its idea was kept alive in > Judaism. Jerusalem and the Temple Mount remained sacred places, chosen by God. Some of the Temple symbolism from the late phase of the Second Temple was incorporated into -> rabbinical literature. In the calendar of holidays, the destruction of the First and Second Temples was commemorated together on the Ninth of Av (fast day). The prohibition to reproduce details of the Temple in synagogues emphasised the sanctity of the Tempie. In memory of Temple music, instrumental music was forbidden in —> synagogues, certain expressions of joy were suppressed as well. Most of the theology associated with the Temple was adopted by rabbinical Judaism. Rabbinical literature had not only rules for sacrifices and purity and laws about levies for the Temple but also discussions of Temple architecture (mMiddot) suggesting a continuity which can not be verified historically. This is also the context for the adoption of the purity laws (> Purity Ill.) of the Temple by all Jews. The memory of the Temple was kept alive in biblical exegesis (Midrash, cf. ~» Rabbinical literature V.) and constantly renewed in the liturgy and poetry of the synagogue which some-

249

a)

times replaced Temple rituals with descriptive texts and included prayers for the rebuilding of the Temple. > Cult; Jerusalem II. with maps; — Judaism; —> Ritual

buildings as the pinnacle of > Greek Architecture. Yet, even highly irregular and eclectic building complexes such as the Erechtheum on the Acropolis in > Athens [1], unprepossessing shed-like structures (e.g. the early ‘treasury’ in the sanctuary of Demeter Malophoros at - Selinus [4]), fortress-like labyrinths such as the Nekyomanteion of > Ephyra [3], and asymmetrically closed hall buildings such as the sanctuary of Artemis Hemera at > Lusi or the > Telesterion of > Eleusis [1] qualify as temples in the functional sense of the term

B.Herr, Deinem Haus gebithrt Heiligkeit, Jhwh, alle Tage, 2000; W. ZWICKEL, Der Tempelkult in Kanaan und Israel, 1994. E.H.

IV. PHOENICIA Just as in near-by Palestine and in Bronze Age Syrian-Canaanite culture, Phoenician cult sites were typi-

cally — although not necessarily — somewhat large, highlying ‘sacred enclosures’. A late transformation of such a site has survived in the Ma‘abid of ‘Amrit (> Marathus). Unlike monumental Greek religious architecture,

temples in the Phoenician and Punic world (+ Phoenicians, Poeni IV. A. 2.) were not bound by any fixed

formal canon. Most temple buildings were small, rectangular and of simple construction with a main room for cult images and a sacrificial altar (Sarepta, 6th cent. BC); partitioned-off side rooms might have been storage or staff areas. The location of the entrance was not fixed, usually there was no antecella and the orientation was often to the west. Temples with an ‘irregular’ plan [x], or sanctuaries with such a temple, could be situated in the centre or at the periphery of a city, or in rural surroundings. In the Levant and on Cyprus langraum types with antae (Tell Ta‘yinat; Jerusalem, First Temple of Solomon,

see above, [III]) as well as breitraum types (Citium, Astarte Temple; Temple of Kamid al-Lauz in the Biqa‘ valley) are attested. Temples of the > naiskos type, known mostly from the Persian and Hellenistic Periods (often in Phoenician settlements in the Western

Mediterranean), were modelled after Egyptian prototypes and featured Egyptianizing decorative elements (frieze of uraei, etc.). 1 A. Mazar, Excavations at Tell Qasile, vol. 1: The Philistine Sanctuary, 1980, 61-73. G. MarKok, Phoenicians, 2000, 125-129; C. PERRA, Sulle

origini dell’architettura templare fenicia e punica in Sardegna, in: Riv. di Studi Fenici 27, 1999, 43-77. H.G.N.

V. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. GREECE B. ETRUSCAN-ITALIAN AREA

C. ROME

A. GREECE 1. GENERAL

REMARKS

2. FUNCTIONS

3. FLOOR

PLANS

1. GENERAL REMARKS In ancient texts the Greek word for temple usually is vadc/naos. In Antiquity (e.g. in Vitr. De arch. 3,2 f.) and thereafter, the Greek temple was generally considered a typologically clearly defined and thus formally coherent structure. This idea stemmed from the misconception or rather widespread idealization of colonnaded

TEMPLE

(see below, V. A. 2.) — the only relevant definition.

There are two different traditions for the Doric Greek temple of the 7th to 4th cents. BC. Most colonnaded monumental stone buildings (on the Greek orders, cf. -» Column) were designed as if they were over-dimensional wooden constructions (in the late 7th cent. BC e.g. the Temple of Hera at Olympia; cf. > Epistylion, > Triglyphos). Yet, at the same time, as far as the external form is concerned, there were also other types, much less grand and monumental in appearance, as is evidente.g. in the reception of the prehistorical Mycenaean — megaron (cf. also — Altar; + House). Formally these two strands of the tradition appear largely unrelated (and actually cannot be related). But there are some general functional analogies, since in their basic plan both were probably inspired by a somewhat grand residence of a ruler which later became a heroon or featured in other ritual actions. There is still much controversy among archaeologists and architectural historians about the derivation of the originally Doric peripteral temple with > cella [1] (consisting of pronaos/ante-room, inner chamber and either adjacent adyton or separate opisthodomos) and four-sided — peristasis, which, from at least 600 BC on, appears in various forms throughout the area of Greek influence. Architecturally Ionic temples appeared better than Doric buildings by a little more than a generation. A connection has been proposed between the development of monumental Ionic temples of the dipteral type (> Dipteros) — the preferred type at first — and a specific way of presenting offerings which was supposed to moderate differences within the community and was practiced in the 6th cent. BC in the area of Greek and Persian contact, which was relatively open to outside influences. A similar connection could be envisioned for early Doric temples in the mother country. In the early Greek + polis, the temple as a building which exceeded by far the resources of an individual or of an individual clan is rightly seen as a collective, community-building activity that promoted identification with the community within the context of social tensions. For architectural details of the Greek temple, see + Angle triglyph problem; > Cella [1]; — Column; + Dipteros;

— Epistylion;

-» Frieze;

~» Geison;

-» Krepis [1]; > Metope [1]; — Optical Refinements; Pediment; -» Peripteros; > Pseudodipteros; — Triglyphos

TEMPLE

251

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cult was > sacrifice; this activity was carried out at the > altar and in relation to a cult image within the sanctuary. To the Greek idea of cult the temple was optional and not necessarily required in a — sanctuary. Accordingly, there were sanctuaries without a temple (sanctuary/oracle of Zeus in + Dodona) but no sanctuaries without an altar. Ideally, the temple held the > cult image (an image of a deity; it could be non-iconic but had ritual importance, cf. + Image II; as part of a ceremony it was washed, anointed or dressed). In terms of architecture, the spatial relationship between altar (location of cult activity) and temple was often loosely defined and lacked an aligned, axial connection. The Greek temple was not a place of assembly but a place for safe-keeping (and thus usually only priests had access to it). Its power was directed towards the outside, as became apparent when the cult image was carried out of the ‘house’ and presented to the cult participants who watched from the side-lines. The general function of the Greek temple as representational viewing and stage architecture is also reflected in the ‘un- architectural’ aspect of the peripteral temple which was not designed primarily to enclose space. In keeping with this aspect, in the late 6th cent. BC, new temples tended to be placed at a central, highly visible location in a sanctuary (e.g. Argos, Heraion). Almost like statues on a pedestal, they stood on a high stepped base (— Krepis [1]), towering over their surroundings. But function not shape determines whether a particular Greek colonnaded building within a sanctuary can be considered a temple. Some colonnaded structures were not temples but representational treasure houses (- Thesauros [1]). Any colonnaded temple-type building in a sanctuary has to meet various criteria that determine whether — or to what extent — it actually had cult functions and really was a temple. Indications for temple function are immediate proximity — or possibly direct connection — to an altar; iconographic, epigraphic or literary evidence for cult activity; or the perpetuation of a certain architectural type through several successive building phases (suggesting the ritual importance of a particular location). Conversely, new templetype architecture in genuinely ancient sanctuaries and at a location that had remained vacant until the 6th cent. BC probably had no cult function and did not serve as a temple (e.g. the Temple of Zeus in > Olympia and the > Parthenon on the Athenian Acropolis). On the other hand, it can be misleading to assume that a temple-type building must necessarily have had a secu-

ples that did have cult function, also served as banks or treasuries, e.g. the Temple of Apollo at > Delphi where the assets of the priesthood were kept (+ Temple econo-

lar function when there was no altar (Delphi).

One possible concept of temple building was inspired by the ‘hearth-house’, a derivative of the early Greek — megaron, although there were few instances of it in ancient Greece. Without > roofing, the hearthhouse had an altar for burnt offerings or libations in the interior (e.g. temples of Apollo at Delphi and Didyma, the Cretan temples of Drerus und Prinias). Some tem-

TEMPLE

my).

3. FLOOR PLANS Formally and typologically, small temple buildings are distinctly different from monumental, elongated and rectangular, colonnaded structures. Small-format temples, rarely longer than c. 20 m (among the larger ones is the temple on the Ilissus in Athens), were antae temples without peristasis, with an almost square + cella, a pronaos (anteroom) and (usually) two columns in — antis (the same type that was commonly used for treasuries; cf. > Thesauros [1]). The temple of Sangri (Naxos; cf. ill. no. 2) with its five columns in antis was a special case. The typical floor plan could be expanded to form a double-antae temple (with an opisthodomos with columns in antis analogous to the pronaos; then the lay-out corresponded to a canonical ~ cella [1] surrounded by a persistasis ina monumental peripteros (e.g. Temple of Athena ad Lindos). Another variation was the > prostylos (with one row of columns across its entire front, usually a — tetrastylos, rarely a hexastylos; cf. ill. no. 3); this floor plan could be expanded in the back by placing a row of columns across its breadth to mirror the front (~ Amphiprostylos, cf. ill. no. 4; exceptionally with two columns in antis in the rear as in the case of the Temple of Zeus in the agora of Magnesia [2] on the Maeander, cf. ill. no. 5). There are only very few monumental temples without peristasis, e.g. the hexastyle amphiprostylos of the Athenians on Delos. At first the monumental Greek temple was a hall without

pteron

(Samos,

Heraion:

ill. no. 6; Sparta,

Artemis Orthia sanctuary; Delos, so-called ‘Oikos of the Naxians’). Soon the temple was placed on a stepped base, usually rectangular, at first rather low and later increasingly higher (— Krepis [1]). After the late 7th cent. BC, a simple (— Peripteros) or double (> Dipteros) circle of columns was added (cf. ill. nos. 7-9). With the dipteroi of Samos, Ephesus and Didyma Ionic temple architecture became canonical, whereas the peripteral model of the Doric temple evolved from early elongated, irregular forms (Temple of Apollo in Syracuse, c. 580 BC; cf. ill. no. 7) into a structure of harmo-

nious - proportions and dimensions (Temple of Zeus at Olympia, c. 470 BC; > Angle triglyph problem). From the early 4th cent. BC on, there were also shorter models (e.g. Olympia, Metroon; Pergamon, Temple of Athena; Labraunda: Temple of Zeus; cf. ill. no. 8) in

addition to the ‘classical’ floorplan (with 6x13 columns). It is not clear to what extent they were the result of a typological development, or whether they point back to a building tradition that existed as early as 500 BC, The — pseudodipteros type (cf. ill. no. ro) of the Hellenistic Period with an emphasis on the front concludes the typological development of Greek temples; by that time a strict axial integration of the building into

TEMPLE

255

its architectural surroundings had become customary. In the Hellenistic Period, most of the newly constructed temples, although sumptuously decorated, were of small format. Outside of the Greek mainland, their typology was influenced by traditional local models. On the Greek East during the Roman > Imperial Period, see below C. 3.; on round temples, cf. » Tholos.

+» Amphiprostylos; + Dipteros

(with

-» Pseudodipteros;

-» Architecture B. Ill. 3.; > Cult; > Prostylos; — Peripteros; vile — Religion; -» Sanctuaries; ill.);

trastylos; > Tholos (with ill.); > TEMPLE J.N. CoLpstreaM, Greek Temples. Why and Where, in: P.E. EAsTer LING (ed.), Greek Religion and Society (conference, Cambridge), 1985, 67-97; H.Drerup, Die Ent-

256

B. ETRUSCAN-ITALIAN AREA The principal characteristics of the Etruscan (called ‘Tuscan’, tuscus, by Vitr. De arch. 4,7) temple are a floor plan of the proportions 6 : 7 width to length and two rows of columns in the front half (> pars antica). The rear half (pars postica) was divided into three chambers with a middle > cella [1] and side cellae (or — disputed — open side rooms: alae) of the proportion 3: 4:3. Other charcteristics are the > Tuscan column and wooden beams protected against the elements by terracotta plates. Unlike the Greek temple the Tuscan temple had strict frontal orientation, and rather wide (latus). Short and widely-spaced columns and a roof with a low angle and wide overhang gave a rather

stehung der griechischen Tempelringhalle, in: N. HiIMMEL-

‘bulky’ (varicus; cf. Vitr. De arch. 3,3,5) appearance. As

MANN-WILDSCHUTZ et al. (eds.), FS F. Matz, 1962, 32-38; B. Fenr, The Greek Temple in the Early Archaic Period, in: Hephaistos 14, 1996, 165-192; G. GRUBEN, II tempio, in: S. SetTis (ed.), IGreci, vol. 2.1, 1996, 381-434; S.C. HErBERT, The Orientation of Greek Temples, in: Palestine

examples of Tuscan temples that still existed in his time

Exploration Quarterly 116, 1984, 31-34; CH. HOcKER, Architektur als Metapher. Uberlegungen zur Bedeutung

des dorischen

Ringhallentempels,

in: Hephaistos

14,

1996, 45-79; Id., Sekos, Dipteros, Hypaithros — Uberle-

gungen zur Monumentalisierung der archaischen Sakralarchitektur Joniens, in: R.ROLLE, K.ScHMIDT (eds.), Archadologische Studien in Kontaktzonen der antiken Welt. FS H. G. Niemeyer, 1998,147-163; M.B. Hotins-

HEAD, Adyton, Opisthodomus, and the Inner Room of the Greek Temple, in: Hesperia 68, 1999, 189-218; H. KAHLER, Der griechische Tempel, 1964; TH. KALPAXIS, Friiharchaische Baukunst in Griechenland und Kleinasien, 1966; H.KNELL, Dorische Peripteraltempel mit gedrungenem Grundrifs, in: AA 1975, 10-13; Id., Grundziige der griechischen Architektur, 1980, 15-174; Id., Dorische

Ringhallentempel in spat- und nachklassischer Zeit, in: JDAI 98, 1983, 203-229; H. Lauter, Die Architektur des Hellenismus,

1986,

180-210;

A. MALLWITz,

Kritisches

zur Architektur Griechenlands im 8. und 7. Jahrhundert. v. Chr., in: AA 1981, 599-632; W.MArtTINI, Vom Herdhaus zum Peripteros, in: JDAI ror, 1986, 23-36; D. MerTENS, Der Tempel von Segesta und die Tempelbaukunst des griechischen Westens in klassischer Zeit, 1984; Id., Die Entstehung des Steintempels in Sizilien, in: DiskAB

6, 1996,

25-38;

D.Merzier,

‘Abstandsbeto-

nung’. Zur Entwicklung des Innenraumes griechischer Tempel in der Epoche der frithen Polis, in: Hephaistos 13, 1995,

58-71;

A.Mazarakis

AINIAN,

From

Ruler’s

Dwellings to Temples. Architecture, Rel. and Society in Early Iron Age Greece, 1997; W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 139-148; H. Rik-

MANN, Zum griechischen Peripteraltempel. Seine Planidee und ihre Entwicklung bis zum E.des_ 5. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., 1935; Id., Hauptphasen in der Plangestaltung des dorischen Peripteraltempels, in: G.E. MYLONAS (ed.), Studies D. M. Robinson, vol. 1, 1951, 295-308; R.R. ScHENK, Der korinthische Tempel, 1997; V.SCULLY,

The Earth, the Temples and the Gods. Greek Sacred Architecture, *1979; M.C.V. Vink, Houses and Temples, Men and Goddesses, in:

M. MAASKANT-KLEIBRINK, The Land-

scape of the Goddess (conference, Groningen), 1995, 95118.

C.HO.

(rst cent. AD) Vitruvius mentions

i.a. the temple of

Ceres at the foot of the Aventine and the temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline. The original architecture of the latter, however, no longer existed at his time, but for

cult reasons the temple had been rebuilt on the original floor plan in the Tuscan style (on the importance of this temple for Roman architecture and its importance for the Capitolia, cf. + Capitolium, I. Capitol Capitolium; see below, V. C.). The original temple of > Iuppiter Optimus Maximus was probably built under Tarquinius [12] Superbus in the last third of the 6th cent. BC, when also the earliest Etruscan three-cella temple were built in Etruria (> Veii, Portonaccio; Acquarossa, zone F) where this type of temple appeared repeatedly and in variations — i.e. not canonized (5th cent. BC: Marzabotto C; Pyrgi A; Volsinii/Orvieto, Belvedere; 4th cent.

BC:

Falerii, Celle). Three-cella

architecture

is

probably a specifically Etruscan form, since in Etruscan secular and funerary architecture there is evidence for three cellae as early as the rst half of the 6th cent. (e.g. ‘palace’ of > Murlo/Poggio Civitate; tomb type D-1 in Caere).

In addition to the temple with three cellae, or with one cella and open side rooms, there were also, possibly even prior to three-cella temples, Greek-inspired oikoi (Satricum, Sacellum: mid 7th cent. BC; Veii, Piazza d’Armi: early 6th cent.) as well as peripteroi (Pyrgi B: late 6th cent. BC, + Peripteros) and Greek-Etruscan

mixed types (+ Tarquinii, Tempio della Regina: 6th cent. BC); all of these buildings have strict frontality. In Tarquinia (Edificio Beta: rst half of 7th cent. BC), NearEastern influence is apparent in the cult room with altar platform. Characteristic for Etruscan-Italian temples are ‘open’ pediments and terracotta plates with decorative reliefs covering the visible rafters (+ mutulus) (antepagmenta of Pyrgi A: Seven against Thebes). Another characteristic are large sculptures on the roof ridge of official buildings (Murlo/Poggio Civitate; Rome, Regia) and of temples (Veii, Portonaccio; Satricum, Mater Matuta). Large and elaborate depictions of scenes from Greek mythology feature in the pediments only by the Hellenistic Period (Telamon; Civit’ Alba). +> Etrusci, Etruria [II C 1]

258

ZVI A.M. BonGui-Jovino, CH. CHIARAMONTE TRERE, Tarquinia, in: Tarchna 1, 1997, 55-62; 167-193; G.CoLONNA (ed.), Santuari d’Etruria, 1985; Id., Urbanistica e architettura, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Rasenna,

1987, 431-494;

H.KNne LL, Der etruskische Tempel nach

Vitruv, in: MDAI(R) 90, 1983, 91-101; F. PRAYON, Frithetruskische Grab- und Hausarchitektur, 1975, 23-27; 130-135; 154-156.

FPR.

C. ROME t. DEFINITION AND CHARACTERISTICS 2. REPUBLIC: ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT 3. ROMAN EMPIRE 4. THE FATE OF TEMPLES IN THE CHRISTIAN PERIOD

1. DEFINITION AND CHARACTERISTICS The Roman temple (Latin aedes, templum) evolved in Rome and Italy. It was influenced first by Etruscan and later by Greek temples. Characteristic for the Roman temple are a high podium with steps (sometimes designed as a > rostrum), a deep pronaos (anteroom) and a wide, almost square > cella [1], usually without any support and a base for the cult image at the rear wall (or in an > apse). Essential features are frontality and axiality, often emphasized by situating the temple in a recessed, yet prominent location in a courtyard (or + forum). The Roman temple was part of a larger architectural unit, and thus clearly lacked the autonomous, self-referential monumentality of Archaic and Classical Greek temples. — Vitruvius provides a survey of the various types of temples that existed in Italy at the time of Augustus. In books 3 and 4 of his treatise De architectura he presented a classification of regular temples (Vitr. De arch. 3,2) and a description of round temples (Vitr. De arch. 4,8). In the Republican Period both the Doric (and Tuscan, see above, V.B.) as well as the Ionic and Corin-

thian orders were in use, whereas in the Imperial Period the Corinthian order (> Column [II B]) prevailed. 2. REPUBLIC: ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT

The earliest temples in Rome were built in the Etruscan style as wide rectangular 3-cella temples (e.g. the Temple of Jupiter on the Capitoline Hill; cf. » Capitolium [II]: ill. no. 1, and the first temple of Castor and Pollux on the > Forum [III 8] Romanum, both built c. 500 BC). While temples of this type were still built in the 2nd cent. BC (e.g. first rebuilding of the Temple of Castor and Pollux, of the temple in > Cora and of the temple of the Samnite federal sanctuary in -> Pietrabbondante), in the early 3rd cent. BC in Rome, Greek-in-

spired temples were already being constructed. One of the first among them was Temple A on the Largo Argentina. Noticeable influence came from the Greek colonies in southern Italy and Sicily: e.g. as early as the 6th cent. BC a thoroughly Greek peripteral temple (— Peripteros) was built on the Foro Triangolare in Oscan -» Pompeii, and the Temple of Apollo of the 2nd cent. BC was of the same type albeit elevated on a podium.

TEMPLE

At the same time, the Hellenistic eastern Greek architects -» Hermogenes [4] and — Hermodoros [4] exerted great influence on Roman temple architecture. The mixing of local traditions and new Greek ideas is examplified by the new construction of the Temple of Castor and Pollux on the Forum Romanum (cf. ill. nos. 2; 3) initiated by L. Caecilius [I 24] Metellus in 117 BC. It is uncertain whether the structure was a — peripteros (with an enclosure of columns) or a peripteros sine postico (with a pteron, or colonnade, that ended at the rear wall, like e.g. Temple C on the Largo Argentina); both types were in use at the time (the latter model being more common). Although this eight-columned temple looked modern and ‘Greek’, the pronaos was unusually deep and the cella was almost square with a large base for the cult image at the rear wall. The podium was very high and the temple as a whole had a strict frontal orientation. In this temple, Greek forms of colonnaded architecture were integrated into a traditional ItalianEtruscan structure (see above, V.B.). The Augustan successor to the Temple of Castor and Pollux (which certainly was peripteral) used the same floor plan, and so did other temples of the early Imperial Period, e.g. the temples of Mars Ultor (cf. ill. no. 4) and Venus Genetrix (both of them peripteroi sine postico) which were built on the early imperial fora and oriented on a symmetrical axis. Most temples were still > prostyloi), often with half columns or antae on the exterior cella walls substituting for a peripteros (+ Pseudoperipteros, e.g. the so-called Temple of Iuno in > Gabii and the Portunus Temple in Rome). In the Augustan Period round temples in the Greek style were built as well (e.g. on the Forum Boarium in Rome, in > Tibur/modern Tivoli and on the Acropolis of Athens; + Tholos). The great terraced sanctuaries (e.g. of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste and of Hercules Victor in Tibur/Tivoli) in central Italy that were built in the late Hellenistic Period also illustrate a harking back to the Hellenistic architectural tradition. 3. ROMAN EMPIRE The buildings of the Augustan Period established the canonical form of the temple; however, thereafter there were some surprisingly innovative temples in Rome, such as the central-plan building complex of the > Pantheon [2] and the Temple of Venus and Roma without podium (from the time of Hadrian, AD 117-138). In

the following centuries temples built in Italy and the provinces usually — but not always — followed models from the early Imperial Period. Regional traditions could also have a significant impact on particular building types. In the West there were both canonical Roman temples (e.g. the Augustan ‘Maison Carree’ at Nimes: ill. no. 5, and numerous Capitoline temples) as well as local Gaulish temples. The temples built in the fastgrowing cities of Northern Africa conformed almost completely to Roman-lItalian building types (e.g. the Capitolium of > Thugga/modern Dougga and the Severan temples in Djemila); sometimes

Punic traditions

also came into play (as in the case of the Temple of Saturn in Dougga).

TEMPLE

259

260

Roman podium temples: origin and development =

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eeaes Artabannes [1], against him, and by doing so brought about the king’s internment at Tarsus in 372. The murder of Pap after his flight from Roman protection in the autumn of 374, organized by T.’ successor Traianus [2], is also linked in the Armenian

sources with T. (Faustus of

Byzantium 5,32; Moses of Chorene 3,39). It would therefore seem that T. and Traianus are conflated in the stratelatos “Terent’ in the Armenian sources [t. 78 f. note 2; 153 note 3]. (PLRE 1, 881 f.). 1 J. Marxwart, Siidarmenia und die Tigrisquellen, 1930.

M.SCH.

Ep. 10,58,5).

[119] A. (Olus) T. Pudens Uttedianus. Legate of the legio XIII Gemina in Dacia under Septimius [II 7] Severus between AD 198 and 209. Then governor of Rhaeflank Dileasx ff {11 10] T. Rufus. Mentioned in Jos. BI 7,31 as archon tés stratids (‘commander of the army’) in Jerusalem (AD 70). He is generally taken to have been a legate of the legio X Fretensis, but may have been merely an equestrian commander of a > vexillatio [1. 314]. 1 TH. FRANKE, Die Legionslegaten der r6mischen Armee,

1991.

283

284

Senator, perhaps from the + Narbonensis province — if CIL XII 3169 (from Nimes, -» Nemausus [2]) refers to him. Following a typical senatorial career, a legionary command and a governorship of a praetorian Imperial province, he became suffect consul in AD 102 or, more probably, 104. Took part in the 2nd Dacian War of Traianus [1], becoming governor of Dacia not later than 109 (RMD III 148), where the colonia Sarmizegetusa was founded under his command [1. 99-123]. In 110 auxiliaries of his army were decorated by the award of Roman citizenship (CIL XVI 57; 160; 163). He probably also accompanied Trajan in the Parthian War. CIL Il 14387a does not refer to him. The inscription of Claudius Maximus probably mentions him as a legate not of Mesopotamia but of the new province of Dacia (AE 1969/70,583). His son was T. [Il 5]. — Daci (with map)

who had previously promoted Caecilius Statius. His Eunuchus was such a success for T. that, allegedly, the play was performed again on the same day, and the manuscripts were said to mention the very high price of 8,000 HS. T.’ purchase of gardens on the > via Appia attests to a considerable fortune. He is said to have died in 159 or 158 BC while returning from Greece, in Arcadia or on the sea voyage, at the age of just 25 (or 35).

TERENTIUS

{11 11] D. T. Scaurianus.

1H.Wotrr, Miscellanea Dacica, in: Acta Musei Napocensis 13,1976 2 Piso, FPD 113-18. WE.

B. Works 1. THE PLAYS

MATIC ART

2. LANGUAGE AND STYLE 4. PEOPLE AND SOCIETY

3. DRA-

1. THE PLAYS Performance dates: Andria (“The Girl from Andros’) in 166 BC, Hecyra (‘The Mother-In-Law’; first version) in 165, H(e)autontimorumenos (‘The Self-Tormentor’) in 163, Eunuchus (‘The Eunuch’) at the ludi Megalenses

of 161, Phormio at the ludi Romani of 161, Hecyra (second version) and Adelphoe

(‘The Brothers’, only

play without a recognition scene) at the ludi funebres for Aemilius [I 32] Paullus in 160, Hecyra (third verII]. LITERARY FIGURES {II 1] T. Afer, P. The Roman comic poet Terence, 2nd

cent. BC, the first African poet in the Latin language. A. Lire B. Worxs C. TRANSMISSION AND LEGALon

sion) 160 BC.

Greek antetypes: » Menander [4] was the model for Andria, H(e)autontimorumenos, Eunuchus and Adelp-

hoe, > Apollodorus [5] of Carystus for Hecyra and Phormio. T. did not translate the Greek comedies word for word, but worked in scenes and roles from other

A. LIFE According to the (auto-)biographical references in the six comedy prologues (— Prologue D), and the

plays at certain points, for which his rivals accused him of plagiarism and ‘improper appropriation, sullying’

sometimes garbled biographical information (Vita Terenti of Suetonius in [1]; also the > didaskaliai of the

20-34, Ad. 6-11), for plays used in this way could no

comedies and Cic. Att. 7,3,10; Quint. Inst. 10,1,99), T.

was born around 185 (or 195) BC at -» Carthage. His cognomen Afer, however, shows him to have been a Libyan. He may already have acquired his knowledge of the Greek language and literature in the highly Hellenized Carthage. Brought to Rome as a slave in early youth, he quickly learned Latin. With the exception of a few Graecisms, his works are free of foreign-language influences. His owner, Terentius Lucanus (cf. T. [I 8]), to whom he owed his nomen gentile, had him thoroughly educated and granted him his freedom on account of his erudition. T. found benefactors in the -> Scipionic circle. He did not explicitly deny that the somewhat younger P. -» Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus (born c. 185 BC) and his friend C. —» Laelius [I 2] supported him in the writing of his comedies (Ter. Haut. prol. 22-26, Ter. Ad. prol. 15-21). The recitation of his first comedy won him the admiration of the leading Roman comic poet of the day, ~» Caecilius [III 6] Statius (died in 168; if the Andria was already complete two years before the performance, accomplished with difficulty despite the protests of > Luscius [I 2] Lanuvinus, there are no chronological incongruities). His comedies were brought to performance between 166 and 160 in the face of rivals’ hostility by the theatrical director > Ambivius Turpio,

(contaminare, Ter. Andr. prol. 8-21, Haut.

16-21, Eun.

longer be presented as ‘new’ [7. 91-148; 28].

The following changes are demonstrable (in two cases by T.’ own admission, otherwise thanks to the commentary of + Donatus [3]: (1) removal of Menander’s expository prologues, although they were important for the comprehension of the complex prior histories of the > anagnorisis plays (all except Adelphoe!). The information thereby lost had to be worked in through expository monologues or dialogues or be introduced little by little, later still in the stage action

(Andr. prol. 22-24) — the belated revelation

lends

Hecyra in particular great dramatic tension [23]. (2)

Addition of characters and scenes from other plays (Andr. prol. 23 f.): in Andria, the slave Davos in the expository dialogue (after Men. Perinthia) and the roles of Charinus and Byrria (the second Andria finale vv. 978 ff., however, is certainly inauthentic); in Eunuchus

the characters of Thraso and Gnatho from Men. Kolax (replacing other characters?) and Antipho (II 4 f.); the abduction scene Ad. II 1 from Diphilus’ [5] Synapothneskontes. Genuine four-person scenes (in all comedies except Hecyra) are always a sign of T.’ interventions. (3) Transformation of action into narrative (Donat. on

Hec. 825) or monologue into dialogue (Donat. on Phorm. 339). (4) More effective finales, especially the altered finale to Adelphoe with the rehabilitation of the strict Demea and the embarrassment of the liberal

285

286

brother Micio. (5) Abridgements (some Menander frag-

external events than in the often painful conflicts arising from differences of gender, age and (occasionally) social status, but especially from individual approaches to life and education. The humour lies in the fact that almost all characters in the plays succumb either to the deception of others or to self-deception dictated by their personality, alternately mistaking truth for illusion and vice versa. The way to the happy ending is blocked in particular by old people, who misjudge matters because of prejudice and react with rage to becoming victims of deception. Such conflicts are only in the end resolved through self-awareness and the capacity to open the mind to one’s fellow man and listen. The internal change of course often happens in the middle of a scene. External hazard merely accomplishes what has already been prepared in the mind of the character [5; 6].

ments have no counterpart in T.). (6) Alteration of

many personal names and replacement in Phormio of the Menandrian title Epidikazomenos. (7) Alteration of the metre in preference for the long recited verse accompanied by the flute (almost 50%), but he seldom made use of sung verse (> canticum: Andr. 481-485, 625-

638; Ad. 610-615; cf. > Metre VI. C. 3.). (8) Removal of typical Greek legal institutions that were objectionable at Rome (e.g. > epidikasia in Phormio). (9) One new element was the > prologues [14; 21; 23]. Though > Plautus had given information about the Greek antetype’s author and title in addition to the promotional statement of content (argumentum), T. was the first to discuss purely literary issues in the prologue (spoken by an actor or, in H(e)autontimorumenos and the third performance of Hecyra, by the theatre director [7. 31-60]. 2. LANGUAGE AND STYLE T. eliminated the many archaisms of morphology and syntax still present in Plautus. His Latin is more expressive and feels more modern even than that of Cato [1] ([16]). While indebted to his Greek models on an artistic level, he avoided linguistic Graecisms (of the 93 Greek words, almost all were already naturalized). By pura oratio (Haut. prol. 46), T. himself meant a stylistic purity that eschewed both vulgarity (> Vulgar Latin) and artificiality - and the mixing of styles of which Plautus was so fond. T.’ literary opponents reviled this moderation as stylistically anodyne (Ter. Phorm. prol. 5). On the other hand, his language is equal to the subtlest nuances of the fluctuations of the mind [5; 6; 7. 170-212; 11; 12]. The very sounds of words and even the metre become means of expression [30. 83-160]. The frequent ellipses, interjections and alternation of speaker lend spontaneity to the interaction of characters in dialogue [3 1; 34]. 3. DRAMATIC ART

From his Greek models, T. adopted the dramatic structure of the New -~ Comedy [I H], especially its plots of intrigue and recognition, but he rejected the burlesque stereotype roles, preferring unconventional characters (the noble hetaera, the helpful > parasite, the benevolent mother-in-law) and calm plots (Haut. prol. 3 5-40). His portrayals of women are striking. The figure of the scheming slave, so prevalent in Plautus, retreats somewhat [32]. By excising the Greek prologue of the gods, which revealed the prior history and chief focus of the plot, T. created an innovative element of dramatic tension. He also enriched the dramatic structure by his elaboration of the original plots and casts of characters to double plots with contrasting pairs of older and younger men, etc. [10; 13; 245 25; 27]. The audience is permitted emotional identification with the plot by the sustaining of the stage fiction, which is never disturbed by breaches of illusion. 4. PEOPLE AND SOCIETY

The comic plots are always triggered by the love affairs of young people, but T.’ interest lies less in these

TERENTIUS

C. TRANSMISSION AND LEGACY The didaskaliai show re-performances taking place in the 2nd cent. BC. > Volcacius [1] Sedigitus placed T. only in sixth place in his canon of the ten Roman comic poets, probably in consideration of stage effectiveness. Since the rst cent. BC, the positive regard for T. has been primarily based on reading. Cicero, who often quoted T. (especially Haut. 77), praised his exact reproduction of Menander, his fine style and the moderation of affect. Caesar, while recognizing his linguistic purity, felt the lack of the vis comica, the ‘power of wit’, and called T. a Menander halved (Donat. Vita Terenti 7). The legacy of readings of T. can be detected especially in the poets of the Augustan period and later. Horatius [7] (Epist. 2,1,60) already named T. as a school author.

The Church Fathers also used and quoted him. The transmission of the texts goes back to the poet’s copy. The manuscripts, apart from Andria, carry title and author, the official hosting the festival and the consuls of the year of first performance (and year of re-performance if any, especially Hecyra), the theatrical directors, the composer of the flute music, the type of flutes, author and title of the Greek antetype and the opus number. In the Imperial period, C. > Sulpicius [II 2] Apollinaris (died c. AD 160) added summaries of the plays’ contents (periochae), each in 12 iambic senarius. In the 4th cent., Aelius -» Donatus [3] wrote a compre-

hensive commentary on the language, style, metre, dramatic structure and relation to the Greek models [18],

prefacing it with the treatise of + Euanthius on the history of drama (De fabula) and Suetonius’ biography of T. The Donatus commentary was expanded by compilations until the 8th cent. The four earliest manuscripts, including the only almost complete one, the Codex Bembinus (Vat. lat. 3226, Andr. 1-887 missing), are from the 4th cent. All other manuscripts, approximately 650 in number (the gth—13th cents. alone yielding approximately 100), are based on another edition of Late Antiquity overseen by an otherwise unknown Calliopius (2, so-called Recensio Calliopiana). All are much-interpolated [15; 17]. Around 12 of the y manuscripts contain drawings of the

287

288

characters, based on a model from Late Antiquity (> Book illustration). They do not represent an actual performance, but are developed from the text [33; 35]. T. remained a potent stylistic model and source of moral sententiae for poets and prose writers from Late Antiquity into the modern period thanks to his being intensively used as school reading. He was less influen-

BERG, Terence, Cato and the Rhetorical Prologue, in: CPh 78, 1983, 198-211 (with [7.31-60]) 15 J.N. Grant, Studies in the Textual Tradition of Terence, 1986 16 H. Harrrer, Untersuchungen zur altlateinischen Dichtersprache, 1934 17 G.JACHMANN, Die Geschichte des Terenztextes im Altertum,1924 18 R.JAkKoBI, Die Kunst der Exegese im Terenzkommentar des Donat, 1996

tial for the stage. Hrosvit (Roswitha) of Gandersheim (roth cent.) wrote six comedies on saints’ lives, freely

und Terenz im 19. Jahrhundert., 1988 20H.KINDERMANN, Theatergeschichte Europas, vol. 2, 1959 21 D.Ktose, Die Didaskalien und Prologe des Terenz,

TERENTIUS

19 B.R. Kes, Die Rezeption

inspired by T., in an attempt to replace the ‘heathen’ author. These too, however, were only intended to be read [29]. The commentary on T. by Aelius Donatus, rediscovered in 1433, permitted a better understanding of the drama, language and metre. First printed edition of T.: Strasbourg c. 1470. Only with R. BENTLEY’s commentary of 1726 was textual criticism and explication of T. put on a scholarly footing. T. was performed in the -» LATIN scHOOLS in the rsth and 16th cents., and influenced the Latin school comedies of the period, but less so than Plautus. W11-

cially 23 f.

LIAM CONGREVE

Terence, in: TAPhA

(1670-1729)

and

Denis DIDEROT

(1713-1784) praised T.’ poetical art; MOLIERE used Adelphoe in Ecole des Maris (1661) and Phormio in Les Fourberies de Scapin (1671), and enriched L’Avare, a reworking of Plautus, with the double plot structure of T. [22]. Only with Herper did T. become more important than Plautus by virtue of his greater proximity to the Greek models. ADOLF VON WINTERFELD’S successful Winkelschreiber (‘The Barrack-Room Lawyer’, 1860), a modernization of Phormio, remains an exception in absorbing the dramatic legacy. OscAR WILDE, in The Importance of Being Earnest (1895), used Plautine motifs, and merely the structure of the double plot with recognition scene [79; 20]. + Anagnorisis; > Apollodorus [5] of Carystus; ~» Comedy I H and II; > Diphilus [5]; Aelius > Donatus [3]; > Menander [4]; > Metre VI C 3.; > Plautus; -» Prologue D.; > COMEDY Vitra:

1P.Wessner

(ed.), Aeli Donati

commentum

Terenti, 1902 (reprint 1966), vol. 1, 3-10, with Auctarium

Donatianum 9,14 ff. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 2G.CupPaIuoLo, Bibliografia Terenziana (1470-1983), 1984, with Supplementum Terentianum, in: Bolletino di studi latini 22, 1992, 32-57 3 K.Gatser, Zur Eigenart der romischen Komédie, in: ANRW1I2, 1027-1113 4 M.LENTANO, Quindici anni di studi terenziani (1979-1993), in: Bolletino di studi latini

27,1997, 497-564. COMPLETE OVERVIEW: 5 K.BUCHNER, Das Theater des Terenz, 1974 6 G.CuPAIUOLO, Terenzio: teatro e 7S.M. Go.LpBerG, Understanding societa, 1991

Terence, 1986

8H.Harrrer, Terenz und seine kiinst-

lerische Eigenart, in: MH 10, 1953, 1-20; 73-102 (= special edition 1967) 9G.JACHMANN,§s. v. T. (36), RE 5 A, 598-650 10H.JUHNKE, T., in: E. LEFEVRE (ed.), Das romische Drama, 1978, 224-308 11 D. KONSTAN, Roman Comedy, 1983. INDIVIDUAL ASPECTS: 12 P.FLURY, Liebe und Liebessprache bei Menander, Plautus und Terenz, 1968

13 W. Gor LER, Doppelhandlung, Intrige und Anagnorisis bei Terenz, in: Poetica 5, 1972, 164-182

14S.M.GoLp-

der Komédien

des Plautus

Diss. Freiburg 1966 22 H.W. Lawron, Térence en France au XVle siecle, vol. 1, 1926 (reprint 1970), vol. 2,

1972

23 E.LeFEvReE, Die Expositionstechnik in den

Komodien

des Terenz, 1969

24 Id., Der Phormio des

Terenz und der Epidikazomenos des Apollodor von Karystos, 1978 25 Id., Terenz’ und Menanders Heautontimorumenos, 1994 26Id., Terenz’ und Apollodors Hecyra, 1999 27 H. Marti, Untersuchungen zur dramatischen Technik bei Plautus und Terenz, Diss. Ziirich 1959 281d., Terenz, in: Lustrum 8, 1963, 5—-Io1, espe-

29C.E. NewLanps, Hrotswitha’s Debt to 116, 1986, 369-391

woop, The Art of Terence, 1923 Terence, 1932 32 R.RAFFAELLI, lunghi di Plauto e di Terenzio, 1982

30 G. Nor-

31 Id., Plautus and Ricerche sui versi 33 M.P. SCHMUDE,

Reden — Sachstreit — Zankereien, 1988

34 P.P. SpRAN-

GER, Historische Untersuchungen zu den Sklavenfiguren des Plautus und Terenz, 1984

35 F.R. VARwIG, Die anti-

ken Terenzillustrationen, in: Hermeneumata. Festschrift H. Horner, 1990, 257-305 36 B.WALLOCHNY, Streitszenen in der griechischen und rémischen Komddie, 1992 37 K.E. Weston, The Illustrated Terence Manuscripts, in:

HSPh 14, 1903, 37-54 (with plates 1-96). Epitions:

R.KauverR,

W.M.

Linpsay,

O.SKUTSCH,

1958; J. MAROUZEAU, 1942 ff.; O. BIANCO, 1993; P. GRIMAL, 1990.; G. JACHMANN, Die Geschichte des Terenztextes im Altertum, 1924 (on the manuscripts); L.W. JONES

and C.R. Morey, The Miniatures of the Manuscripts of Terence prior to the Thirteenth Century, 1931; M.D: REEVE in L.D. REYNOLDs (ed.), Texts and Transmission, 1983; J.N. GRANT, Studies in the Textual Tradition of Terence, 1986 COMMENTARIES: A. DACIER, 3 vols., 1688; R. BENTLEY, 1726 (ed. by E. VOLLBEHR, 1846); S.G. ASHMORE, 1908

(*1910); G.P. Supp, 2. ed., 1960 (Andr.); J.A.BARSBY, 1991 (Andr.); G. ZANETTO, 1998 (Andr.); A. ].BROTHERS, 1988 (Haut., with Latin text and English translation);

J.BarsBy,

1991/1999:

(Eun.);

P.FABia,

1895

(Eun.,

French); K. Dz1aTzxo, E. HAULER, #1913 (Phorm., with Latin text); R.H. MartTIN, 1959 (Phorm.); J. A. BARSBY, 1991 (Phorm.); S.IRELAND, 1990 (Hec., with Latin text and English translation); K.Dz1aTzKo, R. KAUER, *1903 (Ad., with Latin text); R.H. MARTIN, 1976 (Ad.); A.S. GRATWICK, 1987 (Ad., with Latin text); A.J. BROTHERS, 1988 (Ad., with Latin text); J.A.BarsBy, 1991 (Ad., with Latin text).

TRANSLATIONS: B.RADICE, 1976; F.O. Copley, 1976; P. Bovig, C. CARRIER, D. PARLER, 1974 JU.BL.

{1 2] T. Clemens. Roman jurist of the mid-2nd cent. AD, according to Dig. 28,6,6 probably a pupil of + Iulianus [1]. Known only through his commentary (the most comprehensive in legal literature) Ad legem

289

290

Iuliam et Papiam (‘On the law of Julius and Papius’, 20 vols.), from which Justinian’s + Digesta preserves 37 direct quotations.

Tereus (Tneevcs; Térevs). Mythical king from Thrace. By marrying > Procne he allies himself with the Attic king > Pandion [1], whose other daughter Philomele he rapes. In order that she should not be able to denounce him, T. cuts out her tongue. She depicts the crime on a loom, however. Procne avenges herself on her husband by cruelly killing their son + Itys. When T. in turn wants to take revenge all three transform themselves into birds, T. into a hoopoe, the sisters into a swallow and a nightingale (Apollod. 3,193-195; Ov. Met. 6,424-674). Sophocles wrote a (largely lost) Téreus (fr. 581-595 IrGF).

O.LENEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 335342; KUNKEL, 177-181; D.Ligss, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL

4, 1997, 143 f.

T.G.

[Il 3] Q. T. Scaurus. The most influential grammarian of the era of Trajan and Hadrian (Gell. NA 11,15,3; generally [5]). His professional self-assurance expressed itself especially in polemics against his contemporary and colleague — Caesellius Vindex (Gell. NA loc. cit.). His teaching activities were reflected in a grammar, detailed orthographical studies and commentaries on school classics. (1) The Ars (grammatica), preserved in papyrus fragments [1] and two excerpts of Late Antiquity ([7], cf. [6]), formed the basis of the development of Latin school grammar at the onset of Late Antiquity. (2) The only work of T. to survive, the treat-

ise De orthographia [2], and (3) De litteris novis on orthographical reforms (from which a series of individual issues has been transmitted) [3], were probably amplifications of (1). (4)/(5) The commentaries on Horace and Virgil, also lost, entered the main current of

exegesis on these authors. EDITIONS: 1 A. Wouters, The Grammatical Papyri from Graeco-Roman Egypt, 1979, 93-108 2 GL 7, 11-

29

3 GL7, 29-35;

Fr.: [4. 1-8].

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

4H.KumMMROW,

Symbola critica ad

grammaticos Latinos, 1880 5 P.L.ScHMmuipT, in: HLL 4, 222-226 6 V.Law, An Unnoticed Late Latin Grammar, in: RhM 130, 1987, 67-89 7P.L.ScHMipT, in: HLL 5, 1o8-11I.

BLS:

Teres (Thons; Térés). Popular Thracian (ruler’s) name. {1] T. (I) The first powerful Thracian king, who, after

the retreat of the Persians in the first half of the 5th cent. BC, obtained for the > Odrysae dominion over the largest part of Thrace (Thuc. 2,29). In the southeast he advanced presumably as far as the — Propontis (cf. Xen. An. 7,2,22), in the north as far as the Danube. His

daughter married king > Ariapeithes of the Scythae (Hdt. 4,80). He lived 92 years (Theop. FGrH 115, fr. 310) and was replaced as ruler at the beginning of the second half of the 5th cent. by his son — Sitalces [1] and/or the latter’s brother -» Sparadocus (Hdt. 7,137; They 2721952595): [2] T. Il. (less often T. I). Thracian ruler, in power after 351 BC as successor to > Amadocus [2]. For a time T. evidently supported the Macedonian -> Philippus [4] II against -> Cersobleptes; during the victorious Macedonian campaign in 342/1 BC, however, both were deposed (Dem. Or. 12,8). T. minted bronze coins. A silver > phialel from Branicevo is ascribed to a T.,

son of Amadocus (SEG 37, 618). [3] Thracian king in the 2nd cent. BC, who married a daughter of Philippus [7] V. In 149 BC he and > Bars-

abas

supported

(Diod. 32,15,5-7).

- Andriscus

[1]

Pseudophilippus UP.

TERIAS

O. HOFER, s. v. T., ROSCHER

5, 371-376; E. TouLoupa,

s. v. Prokne et Philomela, LIMC 7.1, 527-529.

REN.

Tergeste (Tegyéote/Tergéste; modern Trieste). Village settlement, later a polis or fortress, port in the territory of the Illyrian > Carni to the east of > Aquileia [1] (Artemidorus [3] fr. 9, GGM I, 575; Caes. B Gall. 8,24; Ses syle goes Welle Wein, 2 ieatoyn> sin Wwolls Tesetye7 351,27: Téoyeotow/Térgeston; Steph. Byz. S. V. Téyeotea). Roman colonia, tribus Pupinia, probably from the Roman civil war in 42/1 BC onwards (Plin. HN 3,127). Parts of the fortifications survive from the late Republican Period (gateway: ‘Arco di Riccardo’), of an orthogonal street system, a Roman temple (presumably from the period of Domitianus, 81-96 AD) and a theatre; sites of villas outside the city. B. ForLaTI TAMARO, s. v. Tergestum, PE, 894.

PICA.

Tergiversatio (literally ‘to turn your back’). In Roman law, the term refers to the turning away of the private accuser in a criminal trial (+ accusatio, > delatio nominis) from the case he had brought against the defendant. Beginning with the SC Turpillianum (AD 61), the tergiversatio led to a case against the accuser himself. When the withdrawal was unjustified, the tergiversatio was punished with a fine (Dig. 47,15,3,3). Beyond that, the private accuser lost his right to hold an office as well as his civic honour (— infamia, Dig. 48,16,2). The defendant who had been brought to court by the (withdrawing) accuser was able even prior to the above mentioned SC to demand the continuation of the case after the tergiversatio and, if acquitted, could bring the original accuser to court for wrongful accusation and slander (+ calumnia) (Dig. 48,16,18). Along with the calumnia and the -> praevaricatio (obstruction of punishment), the tergiversatio was a means to prevent abuse in the prosecution of Roman law which was characterized by private indictments. E.Levy, Von den rémischen Anklagervergehen, in: Id., Gesammelte Schriften, vol. 2, 1963, 379-395.

Gis!

Terias (Tyoiac; Térias). River on the eastern coast of

+ Sicilia with > Leontini on its upper reaches (Scyl. 13; Diod. Sic. 14,14,3; cf. Thuc. 6,50,3; 6,94,2; Plin. HN 3,89), modern San Leonardo di Lentini.

TERIAS

291

292

E. Mannl, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica,

Nearby, there are two large Lelegean tombs, and necropoleis on the surrounding hills.

1981, 125.

K,MEI.

Terillus (Tedoc; Terillos). Son of Crinippus, tyrant of + Himera, was deposed by -» Theronc. 483 BC. A call for help by T. and his father-in-law Anaxilaus [1] of Rhegium led in 480 to an invasion of Sicily by the Carthaginians under - Hamilcar [1], a guest-friend of T.; Hamilcar and his army were decisively defeated by Gelon [1] and Theron at Himera (Hdt. 7,165-167). Of the later fate of T. nothing is known. H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 134, 156.

K.MEL

F. Prayon, A. Witrke, Kleinasien vom 12.-6. Jh. v. Chr. (TAVO B 22), 1994, 108; E. VARINLIOGLU, Lelegian Cities in the Halicarnassian Peninsula in the Athenian Tribute Lists (Studien zum antiken Kleinasien 2), 1992; D. MUL-

LER, Topographischer Bildkommentar zu den Historien Herodots: Kleinasien, 1997, 387-389.

H.KA.

Termerus (Téoueooc; Térmeros). Pirate from the > Le-

leges tribe on the coast of Caria (FHG 4,475,3), also the founder and eponym of the city of + Termera there. Killed by Heracles [1] (Plut. Theseus 11). A great misfortune was proverbially called a Termérion kakon after him (Zenob. 6,6; Macarius 8,8 in [r]).

Terina (Téowa; Térina). City in Bruttium (> Bruttii;

Thuc. 6,104,2; Plin. HN

3,72) on the “Gulf of T.”

1E.L. Leutscu, F.G.SCHEIDEWIN (eds.), Paroemiographi Graeci, vol. 1, 1839, 162; vol. 2, 1851, 215. SV.RA.

(Thuc. loc.cit.: Tegwatoc xdAs0¢/Terinaios kélpos; Plin. HN loc.cit.), presumably at Santa Eufemia Vetere (an-

F. PRONTERA, Temesa e T., in: G.MADDOLI (ed.), Temesa e ilsuo territorio, 1982, 41-48; R. SPADEA, L’area di Piano della Terina e di S. Eufemia Vetere, in: ibidem, 79-92;

Termes (Téoues/Térmes). City in the territory of the Celtiberic > Arevaci (Plin. HN 3,27; Flor. Epit. 2,19,9; Ptol. 2,6,56), at modern Tiermes (Montejo de Liceras). With > Numantia a focus of the Celtiberic Wars in 15 4— 133 BC. T. also asserted itself after the fall of Numantia in 133 BC and was not occupied until 98 BC by T. Didius [I 4] (App. Ib. 431). The latter caused the inhabitants of T. to resettle in the Sobre valley. Remains of a Celtiberic settlement on sandstone rocks survive: rock habitations, rock walls, necropolis in Carratiermes (6th

cient remains). Founded by — Croton in the 6th cent. BC (Ps.-Scymn. 306-308; Steph. Byz. s. v. T.); after 444 BC besieged by the > Thurii (Polyaenus, Strat. 2,10,1), in 356 BC conquered by the Bruttii, in 203 BC destroyed by > Hannibal [4] (Str. 6,1,5). Minting of silver coins from the second quarter of the sth cent. BC (HN iit)

G. DE SEnsI Sest1To, Momenti ed aspetti della storia di T.

cent. BC to rst cent. AD); Roman

attraverso la circolazione monetaria, in: Rivista Storica

foundations of public and private houses, a partially

Calabrese 6, 1985, 199-208; E. Greco, Archeologia della Magna Grecia, 1992, 86-96. A.MU.

artificially raised forum, a water distributor, shops, the

Termera (Téquega/Térmera). City of the > Leleges in Caria ( Cares IV.) on the southwestern coast of the + Halicarnassus peninsula (Str. 14,2,18; incorrect location: Plin. HN 5,107) at modern Asarlik. The Lele-

ruins in the valley:

‘Casa del Acueducto’ (a large building, partly hewn out of the rock, with wall paintings), an aqueduct and ceramics. TOVAR 3, 371-374; IIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 219.

PB.

gean bandit + Termerus is named as eponymous found-

Termessus (TeQunoodc/Termeéssos).

er (Schol. Eur. Rhes. 509; Steph. Byz. s. v. T.); his rav-

[1] City in southwest Pisidia, the biggest polis in > Pisidia along with -» Sagalassus and - Selge, located at a height of c. tooo mon Mount Solymos (modern Gulliik Dagi, 35 km northwest of Antalya). Mythically, T. was associated with > Bellerophontes and the — Solymi, and T. based its tradition on the hero Solymos (coins: {1]). In the sources, T. is attested in the context of Alex-

aging and his removal by Heracles [1] (Plut. Theseus 11) are the origin of the expression “Termeran evil’, when an evil-doer is given a taste of their own medicine. At the end of the 6th cent. BC, T. was ruled by the pro-Persian dynast Tymnes (Hdt. 5,37); under his grandson (?) of the same name, T. was part of the Delian League in c. 440 (ATL 1, 446). Inc. 361 BC T.

was one of the six Lelegean cities that were compelled by - Maussolus to surrender part of their population to Halicarnassus for his - synoikismos (Kallisthenes FGrH 124 F 25; Str. 13,1,58 f.), and was then used by the tyrants

(= Hecatomnidae?;

-» Hecatomnos)

as a

place of internment (Suda s. v. Tequéoua xaxd/Termeéria kaka). After that, T. was outstripped by the newly founded -» Myndus, into which T. was later absorbed (Str. loc.cit.).

Among the earliest burial finds, there are sub-Mycaenean ceramics; remains of a Lelegean hill settlement with a double ring wall survive on the Asartepe.

ander’s campaign (Arr. Anab. 1,27). In the wars of the

+ Diadochi, T. was the place of refuge of Alcetas [4] who, besieged by Antigonus [1], committed suicide there and was buried in a rock tomb [3]. T. was under Ptolemaic influence in the 3rd cent. BC [2. 18-20], then under Attalid influence in the 2nd cent. BC (cf. the stoa

on the agora donated under Attalus [5] II). From the beginning of the Roman supremacy onwards [4. 94—roo], T. was largely independent, a fact confirmed in a law from probably 71 BC (ILS 38). In the Roman Imperial Period, T. belonged to the province of > Lycia et Pamphylia (which was probably only established by the Flavians) and, after Diocletianus’ reforms, to the prov-

ince of > Pamphylia (IV.).

293

294

The city, for which there exists a wealth of inscriptional documentation (TAM 3) [5], had a large territory [6]. Extant are well preserved fortification walls, the bouleuterion, the temple of Zeus Solymeus, a theatre, an odeum, a gymnasium and large necropoleis. T. became a diocesan town in the Byzantine Period.

Tiber bank (CIL VI 1234-42; 31540-57; 37025-29;3 40856-68), too, were marked with boundary stones. On the boundary stones of the Gracchan commissions, indicating pieces of land to be assigned to new owners, cf. ILLRP I* 467-475.

1 E.Kosmetatou, The Hero Solymos on the Coinage of T. Maior, in: SNR 76, 1997, 41-63 2 Ead., Pisidia and the Hellenistic Kings, in: AncSoc 28, 1997, 3 A. PEKRIDOU, Das Alketas-Grab in T., 1986

5-37

4 H.BranptT, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft Pamphyliens und Pisidiens im Altertum (Asia Minor Stud. 7), 1992 5 B. IPLIKGIOGLU et al., Epigraphische Forschungen in T. und seinem Territorium, 3 vols., 1991-1994 61d., Zum Territorium von T., in: P.SCHERRER et al. (eds.), Steine

und Wege. Festschrift D. Knibbe, 1999, 309-314.

H.B.

[2] T. } wtxod (bé mikra, ‘the small one’) in contrast to T. [1]. City in northern > Lycia, identical with > Oenoanda. Inscriptions from Oenoanda refer to a polis of the Oivoavdeic/Oinoandeis and to the ethnic name Oivoavéetc/Oinoandeus, but to the council and the people of the Teounooeic of med¢ Oivodvbord/Termesseis hoi pros Oinodndois (‘the Termessi among the people from Oenoanda’), leading [1] to conclude that there were two closely connected neighbouring cities. But the same polis is referred to, and its unusual designation has to do with the settlement there of Pisidic colonists from T. [1] in the Hellenistic Period [2; 3; 4]. 1 R.HEBERDEYR, s. v. T. (3), RE 5 A, 775-778 2J.J. CouLTon, Termessians at Oinoanda, in: AS 32, 1982,

115-131

3M.WoOrRLE, Stadt und Fest im kaiserzeitli-

chen Kleinasien, 1988, 45-53

4 N.P. MILNER, A Hellen-

istic Statue Base in the Upper Agora at Oinoanda, in: AS 48, 1998, 113-116.

C.SCH.

Terminalia see > Terminus

Terminatio (from Latin > terminus, ‘boundary’). The definition of boundaries between land belonging to individuals, but esp. between communities. An official boundary was almost never drawn between Roman provinces, however, because their limits were defined by the territorial extent of the autonomous administrative units concerned. Markers were boundary stones (termini; ILS 5926) or wooden posts [1. 244]. The terminatio was carried out by mensores, -> ‘surveyors’; some of the theoretical > technical literature survives (cf. [x; 2; 3]). Roman magistrates were legally responsible for the terminatio, either special appointees or governors, who could delegate the responsibility to centuriones, tribuni, etc. Terminationes were occasioned by disputes between owners or communities, who often turned to the emperor for arbitration. Records of such boundary defintions survive e.g. in the sententia Minuciorum of 117 BC (ILLRP 517; > Minucius [I 12]) and

from Trajanic Greece (Delphi: FdD III 4, 290-295). Wooden posts survive nowhere, but there are inscriptions on stones and rocks in almost all provinces. The boundary of the city of Rome, the > pomerium (CIL VI

TERMINUS

1231-333 31537-393 37022-24; 40852-55), and the

1 F. BLuHMe et al. (ed.), Schriften der romischen Feldmesser, 2 vols., 1848/1852 (repr. 1967) 2 C. THULIN, Corpus Agrimensorum Romanorum, vol. 1, 1913 (repr. 1971) 3B.CAMPBELL, The Writings of the Roman Land Surveyors, 2000 (text and trans.).

G.H. Burton, The Resolution of Territorial Disputes in the Provinces of the Roman Empire, in: Chiron 30, 2000, 195-215;

W.EcK,

Terminationen

als administratives

Problem: das Beispiel der nordafrikanischen Provinzen, in: A. Mastino (ed.), Africa Romana 7, 1990, 933-941; L. GAsPERINI (ed.), Rupes loquentes (Atti del Convegno sulle ‘Iscrizioni rupestri’, Rome 1989), 1992.

W.E.

Terminus. The Romans like other ancient Mediterranean peoples determined the placement of their ~ boundary stones as well as the guardianship of their boundaries (lat. termini, sing. terminus) by calling on divine assistance and legal ordinances [1]. The latter were attributed to King > Numa (Fest. 505 L.). They may even have been included in the inscriptions of Rome’s > Lapis niger (6th cent. BC; [2]) and played an important role in Roman property law ([3. pp.110124]; cf. Ov. fast. 2,660; [4. pp.98-122]). The importance of the divine and legal protection of boundary markers reveals itself not least in the writings of the Roman land > Surveyors on the placement of the boundary stones (Siculus Flaccus pp. 104-109 CAMPBELL). The religious rituals that took place were dedicated to the Roman god T. At the festival of the > Terminalia on February 23rd worshipers brought garlands and cakes to the termini (Ov. fast. 2,639-684; InscrIt 13,2, p. 414f.). The aniconic cult of T. as a boundary stone on the Capitol (Liv. 1,55,2-4), supposedly initiated by Titus -» Tatius (Varro ling. 5,74) and after the building of the Capitol’s sanctuary continued in there, (Cato fr. 24 HRR; Liv. lc.; [5]), has given rise to the modern assumption that T. (as > mumen) points to an early,

primitive phase of Roman religion. Others surmized Greek influence and interpreted T. in the Capitoline temple of > Iuppiter as Iuppiter Terminalis [6. 210 f.] analogously to the Greek Zeus Horios who was regarded as the guardian of the > horoi and often confused in this role with + Hermes. [7. 205]. While Iuppiter Terminalis is documented by inscriptions dating from the Imperial era (CIL XI 351;8.64'), representations of the Republican era possibly portray a ~ Herm or Iuppiter himself, but probably not Iuppiter Terminalis [9. 894]. The attempt to identify Iuppiter T. in Augustan art (by citing Verg. Aen. 9,448; Serv. Aen. 9,446; Aug. Civ. 4,29) remains a matter of speculation [9]. Iuppiter (Terminalis) who appears as guardian of the boundaries (termini) in the prophecy of the nymph

TERMINUS

295

296

> Vegoia (p. 256 CAMPBELL) from the rst cent. BC is a reflection of an Etruscan tradition and may demonstrate Greek influence (Zeus Horios). The supposition that T. was associated with the end of the Roman year [10. 143-116] because the Roman month was interca-

Terpnus (Téoxvoc; Terpnods). Famous citharode. When Nero became emperor in 54 AD, he summoned T.., liste-

lated

A3,11,%33 45544533 Macrob. Sat. 1,713,174 £.; cf. + Calendar B.4. for a survey), is refuted by the fact that the month and the festival were not directly connected

(Cass. Dio 8-10; Philostr. VA 5,7—8). Vespasian in contrast honoured T. with 200,000 HS on the occasion of the restoration of the Roman > Theatrum Marcelli (Suet. Vesp. 19). RO.HA.

[11. 160-166]. ~» Hermes; > Horoi;

Terpsichore (Teowiyoon, ‘she who delights in choral

after

1K.-H.

the Terminalia

ZIEGLER,

(Varro

> luppiter; s.v.

Grenze,

ling.

6,13;

Liv.

> Terminatio RAC

12,

1095-1107

2 L.HOLLAND, Qui Terminum Exarasset, in: AJA 37, 1933, 549-553. 3A.WarTson, The Law of Property in the Later Roman Republic, 1968 4 G. PrccaLuaa, T., 1974 5 G.TAGLIAMONTE, s.v. T., LTUR 5, 27 f. 6 R. Ocitvie, A Commentary on Livy, Books I-V, 1965 7 Nitsson, GGR 1 8 LATTE 9 E.SIMON, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 893-895 10 A. BRELICH, Tre variazioni

Romane sul tema delle origini, *1976

11 A. MICHELS,

The Calendar of the Roman Republic, 1967.

CRP.

ned to him daily and used him as inspiration for his own music (Suet. Nero 20,1); towards the end of his reign (67) Nero was allowed to ‘defeat’ T. at the » Periodos

dances’). One of the +» Muses (Hes. Theog. 78), whose

name indicates responsibility for > chorus and > dance (Pind. I. 2,7; Korinna, fr. 935 PAGE; Pl. Phdr. 259b-d; Anth. Pal. 9,504) and is connected with >paideia (Diod. 4,7). She wears a wreath oflaurel and ivy and her

attributes are the lyre and the flute. Some accounts make her the mother of — Linus (Suda s. v. Aivos), + Hymenaeus [1] (Alci. Epist. 1,13), + Rhesus (Aristoph. Hypothesis zu Eur. Rhes.) and the — Sirens (Apoll. Rhod. 4,895). + Muses

Terpander (Tégnavdeoc/Térpandros, Lat. Terpander).

Early 7th cent. BC kithara player from Lesbos or Cyme [3] (Suda s. v. T.). His life was closely tied to > Sparta where he was the first victor at the > Carnea (Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 85a) of the 26th Olympiad (676/673 BC). He achieved four sequential further victories at the + Pythia (Plut. Mor. 1132e) which took place every eight years at that time — his career must therefore have spanned 25 years. He died in 640 BC ay the latest (Euseb. Chron. Olympiad 34.3). In Antiquity, T. was regarded as an innovator of Greek — music and was credited, for instance, with the invention of the barbitos (Ath. 14,63 5de; > Musical instruments V. A.1.) and increasing the number of strings on the lyra from four to seven (Sudas. v. T.). He is claimed to have been the first to organise music in Sparta (Plut. Mor. 1134b) [4] and to have founded and named the citharoedic > n6mos [3] (and to have sung his own works as well as Homer’s, Plut. Mor. 1132ced) and perhaps the Spartan laws (Clem. Al. strom. 1,16,78,5 = vol. 2. 51, § 3-5 STAHLIN). According to Greek tradition, T. laid down the seven parts of the citharoedic némoi (Poll. 4,66), expanded the scale from the septime to the octave (Aristot. Pr. 9204), invented the mixolydic mode (tov MiEoMd10v tOvov SAov) as well as the music of > skolia as a genre (t@v GxodL@v Wed@v) and innovated metrics (Plut.

Mor. r14of). Many of these achievements might be projections ofcitharodes from the Classical Period back onto the first famous representative of their discipline. The few extant fragments attributed to T. are regarded as inauthentic today. There is no indication that an Alexandrian edition of T. existed, although a new papyrus fragment contains a quotation that is from T. according to Aristarchus [4] (S 6 SLG). Ep.:

1PMG697-698

2SLG5,6

3D.A. CAMPBELL,

Greek Lyric 2, 1988, 294-319 (with trans..)

4 A.Gos-

TOLI, Terpander, 1990 (with It. transl. and comm.; bibl.).

ER.

Terpsion (Teowiwy; Terpsion). {1] From Megara [2]. In the introductory part of Plato’s [1] Theaetetus, Euclides [2], coming from the harbour, where he has run into the mortally ill Theaetetus [1], meets up with his friend T. in the city of Megara; in the main part of the dialogue, he uses the notes he was taking to recall for T. a conversation that Socrates [2] once had with the mathematician Theodorus [I 2] from Cyrene and Theaetetus. In Pl. Phd. 59c, T. is named among those present at the death of Socrates. There is no evidence that he belonged to the — Megarian School. SSR VIB 94-98.

K.D.

[2] Founder of — gastronomical

poetry, presumably

4th cent. BC, teacher of — Archestratus [2]. T. was the

first to write a Gastrologia (presumably in verse), of which only a single fragment — on the edibility of tortoises — survives

(Clearchus

fr. 78 WeHRLI

= Ath.

8,337a-b). The quotation “i, det yeAwvng xoéa Hayety, 7} wu dayetv”, * one must eat tortoise meat or not eat’) is also attested later in the > paroimiographoi (Zenob. 4,19; Diogenianes 5,1; cf. Hsch. n ro8 Latre; Suda n 85 ADLER). The comical context suggests a fictional person [1]. 1 F. Wenrtt, Klearchos, 1948, 73.

Terra mater see — Tellus

O.M.

297

298

Terra Sigillata

the focus has been increasingly on the economic significance of TS [12. 36-50; 13; 14] (> Pottery Trade).

I. DEFINITION AND DELIMITATION II. PRopucTION III. REsEARCH HistToRY IV. CATEGORIES

TERRA SIGILLATA

IV. CATEGORIES A. ITALY/AREzZzO

I. DEFINITION AND DELIMITATION Modern technical term for a kind of plateware of Roman fine ceramics (- pottery II) with red surface and usually a name stamp. Writers of antiquity (e.g. Pin. nat. 35,160) seem to suggest a connection with + Samian Ware (— Samia vasa) [1]. TS developed around 40 BC in the west out of > black-glaze ware. Black variants precede the red TS in Arezzo (> Arretium) and the Po Valley (+ Padus). The existence of a precursor ‘red’ stage, a so-called presigillata, is disputed [2. 4]. TS quickly replaced the hitherto predominant black-glaze ceramics on Mediterranean markets and was produced in regional centres into the 7th cent. AD. In table ware made of TS, open forms predominate. Il. PRODUCTION

The vessels were formed with a technique that combined use of the potter’s wheel and moulds, then fired in an oxidizing atmosphere, bringing about the red hue (+ pottery II. A.3.f). The potter decorated his vessels by means of stamps, roller-die decorations, relief appliqués, barbotine technique, incised designs, as well as with relief created using a pottery mould (> stamped ware relief ware). Ornamentation of Arretine TS can be

traced back directly to the wealth of motifs of its Hellenistic (metal) models; it soon adopts the motifs of the Augustan era, e.g. Victoria in front of the > Tropaion or on a biga, or the satyrs and maenades of the Bacchic world; there is also undecorated and unstamped TS ware. Stamps (‘signatures’) of the Arretine and Gallic workshops give us insight into the way workshops were organized

(cf. — Pottery, production of, — Potters). Graffiti from areas where there were workshops can also provide such information [4]; thus, a list in Greek lettering with the names of eight slaves from Arezzo who belonged to a body (ordo) of plate manufacturers (catillarii), was found not long ago [5]. ;

III. RESEARCH HIsToRY TS is one of the best-researched categories of pottery in antiquity. Initially, interest centered mainly on the stamped inscriptions. M.A. ALEssi compiled a list of the names of Arretine manufacturers as early as 1492 [6] (cf. CIL XI). Earliest classification of the vessels was done in 1895 by H. DRAGENDORFF vorgenommen [7],

his work soon becoming the typological guide. Further typologies, based on finds at the sites Haltern (on the Lippe) and Hofheim

(in Taunus),

were

compiled

in

1909 and 1912 [8; 9]. Even complete sets of tableware can be identified [2. 46-47, 50]. The newer classifications of 1981 [ro], 1985 [11], and 1990 [2] are based

increasingly on methods from the natural sciences. The manufacturers’ stamps on Italian TS have recently been published in a new edition [12]. In more recent research

B. WESTERN

C. EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN

PROVINCES D. NorrtH AFRICA

A. IvaLy/AREZZO Production of TS in Italy began around 40 BC in Arezzo (- Arretium) [2; 12]. Today it is assumed that there were about ten other production sites in Italy, some of which have been documented. Production outside of Arezzo began in the late rst cent. BC (i.a. with the potter Iucundus). Two findings suggest that such production was inspired by Arezzo: the large-scale enterprise of Cn. Ateius is linked to Arezzo and Pisa (— Pisae) by workshop finds [15]; the proprietor had probably built up a branch location for himself nearer to the sea because of better export possibilities. Arretine moulds can also be documented for Lyon (> Lugdunum;) they most likely come from a potter who emigrated from Arezzo (end of rst cent. BC) [16]. From about 75 to 150 AD, the region around Pisa is one of the most important suppliers of Late Italic TS [17; 18]. A typical proprietor of a large workshop here is L. Rasinius Pisanus; his name was imprinted on wares by means of rectangular stamps (tabella ansata), footshaped stamps (planta pedis), or half-moon stamps; his workshop was active between 50 and 120 AD. There are large differences with regard to the distribution of the wares of individual workshops [12. 46-49, Illus. 10-11].

B. WESTERN PROVINCES

Under the influence of the Arretine workshops, production ofTS in southern Gaul began during the Augustan period. Apart from the short-lived production site Lyon-La Muette [16; 1932. 19f.], the sites La Graufe-

senque (Aveyron; > Pottery, production of) and Montans in particular yield indications of significant TS production [19; 20; 2. 18f.]. Starting in about 25 AD, the wares manufactured here were exported to the northern provinces of the Roman Empire and, after 50 AD, to the Mediterranean countries as well. In Pompeii, a crate of TS from southern Gaul was found that had not yet been unpacked [21]. In Lezoux, in central France, the same development can be observed, beginning in the Tiberian era. Short-lived TS workshops have been documented in the Germanic provinces as well as in Spain and Helvetia [2. 20f.; 11. 97-174; 22], sometimes in connection with the Roman military, as in Haltern [23]. Occasionally, however, production can be documented going into the 2nd cent. AD [4; 24] and, in the case of the later workshops, the 3rd and 4th cent. AD. C. EASTERN

MEDITERRANEAN

Five different kinds of TS have been identified in the east [11. 1-96]: ‘Eastern Sigillata A’ from Syria or

TERRA SIGILLATA -» Cilicia, ‘B’ from

western

Turkey

(- Tralleis

and

~» Ephesus) and ‘C’ (= Candarli- Ware) from the - Pergamon region, Cypriot [14] and Pontic TS (-» Pontus Euxinus). TS production began in Asia Minor and Syria

as early as the middle of the 2nd cent. BC (although not always with a red surface). Italian influence is not discernible until between to BC and ro AD. Eastern Sigillata B in particular developed under the influence of Italian potters, as can be seen from names on stamps like ‘C. Centius’ of Arezzo and ‘Serenus’ of —» Puteoli. Otherwise, the language on the stamps in the eastern provinces is usually Greek. These products were distributed mostly in the eastern Mediterranean region, with Carthage and Rome as the most important commercial destinations in the west. D. NortH AFRICA From the late rst cent. AD on, TS wares (‘African

Red Slip Ware’) from the area around Carthage (“TS Africana A’, to c. 300 AD) — and later from the provinces of Africa, Byzacena and Numidia — drove other TS wares out of Mediterranean markets. “TS Africana C’ was produced in central Tunesia (220-500 AD), while ‘TS Africana D’ (4th to 7th cent. AD) was the product of many centres in northern Tunesia. The most important classifications: [25; 26], recently improved chronology: [27], cf. [10. 9-224]. > Logistics; -» Armies; > Crockery; > Pottery trade; + Pottery, production of; + Lamp; > Relief ware; — Stamped ware; > Table utensils; > Pottery; > VASEs 1 P. WeBsTER,

Roman

Samian

Pottery in Britain, 1996

2 E.ETTLINGER et al., Conspectus formarum terrae sigillatae italico modo confectae, 1990

3 M.T. MARABINI

Moevs, Penteteris e le tre Horai nella Pompé di Tolomeo Filadelfo, in: BA 72, 1987 Nr. 42, 1-36 4B.HOERNER, M.ScuHourz, “Topfereirechnungen” aus der S.-T6pferei von Chémery-Faulquemont, in: Germania 78, 2000, 3975 5 A.W. Jonnston, A Greek Graffito from Arezzo,

in: Oxford Journ. of Archaeology 4, 1985, 119-124 6 F.Paturzo,

Arretina

Vasa,

1996,

32-33,

Abb.

4-5

7 H.Dracenvor®F, T. S. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der griechischen und rémischen Keramik, in: BJ 96/97, 1895,

18-155 8S.LOESCHKE, Keramische Funde in Haltern, in: Mitteilungen der Altertums-Kommission Westfalen 5, 1909,

IOI-322

300

299

9 E.RITTERLING,

Das friihr6émische

Lager bei Hofheim im Taunus, in: Annalen des Vereins fiir Nassauische Altertumskunde und Geschichts-Forschung 40,1912,1-416 10 A.CaRANDIN‘etal., in: G. PUGLIESE CARATELLI et al. (eds.), Atlante delle forme ceramiche 1 (EAA 10.1), 1981, 1-207 11 J.W. Hayes et al., in:

G.PUGLIESE CARATELLI et al. (eds.), Atlante delle forme ceramiche 2 (EAA 10.2), 1985

12 A.Oxé et al., Corpus

Vasorum Arretinorum. A Catalogue of the Signatures, Shapes and Chronology of Italian Sigillata, *2000 13 R. TOMBER, Quantitative Approaches to the Investigation of Long-Distance Exchange, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 6, 1993, 142-166 14J.LUND, The Distribution of Cypriot S. as Evidence of Sea-Trade Involving Cyprus, in: S. Swiny et al. (Hrsg.), Res Maritimae. Cyprus

and the Eastern Mediterranean from Prehistory to Late Antiquity, 1997,201-215

15 P.M. Kenrick, Cn. Ateius

— the Inside Story, in: Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum

Acta 35, 1997, 389-402

16 M.Picon, J. LASFARGUES,

Transfert de moules entre les ateliers d’Arezzo et ceux de Lyon, in: Rev. archéologique de |’Est et du Centre Est 25, 1974, 61-69 17M.MeEpkr1,T. S. tardo italica decorata, 1992 18 C.Rosserri TELLA, La T. S. tardo-italica decorata del Mus. Nazionale Romano, 1996 19 C. BEMONT, J.-P. Jacos (eds.), La terre sigillée gallo-romaine, 1986

20 A. W. Megs, Modelsignierte Dekorationen auf siidgallischer TS, 1995 21 D.Arxinson, A Hoard of Samian Ware from Pompeii, in: JRS 4, 1914, 26-64 22 M.BeEL-

TRAN-LLORIS, Ceramica romana: tipologia y classificacion, 1978, 87-89 23S.VON SCHNURBEIN, Halterner S.-Produkte in rheinischen Stutzpunkten, in: Germania 64, 1986, 45-59 241.HuLD-ZeETSCHE, Trierer Reliefsigillata, Werkstatt Il, 1993 25 J.W. Hayes, Late Roman Pottery,1972 26 Ders., A Suppl. to Late Roman Pottery, 1980 27J.LUND, Hellenistic, Roman and Late Roman Fine Wares from the Segermes Valley, in: $. Drerz et al. (eds.), Africa Proconsularis II, 1995, 449-629

28J.W.

Hayes, 1997.

Pottery, RD

Handbook

of Mediterranean

Roman

Terracing. Terracing is used worldwide in settlement areas with considerably variable surface relief to extend the usable agricultural area and increase yields, and to this day it characterizes the appearance of many Greek landscapes. By reshaping steep slopes into a number of gently sloping or horizontal steps, water retention is improved, root formation is promoted, soil erosion is retarded and working the land is made easier. Most terraces in the Mediterranean may have their origin in the 18th/19th cents., but since the 1980s, archaeology

has succeeded in demonstrating ancient terracing, primarily in karst regions (for repudiation see [7]). In erosion landscapes they are rare. The dating of terracing is not undisputed, however. Of the different types of terracing only parallel terracing, as slanting terraces or level steps, have to date been demonstrated archaeologically. Slopes of 2°-37° inclination were terraced, and up toa height of 1100 m. Measurements of ancient terracing in southern Attica show a gradient parallel to the slope of 2-6 %, presumably for better water flow. On the terraces, people probably cultivated mainly oil (usually not above 600 m), > grain and in higher locations also > wine, but in individual cases it is often hard to say which; terracing is often bounded by field walls. It is presumed that there was terracing as early as the early Bronze Age; it is confirmed for Minoan Crete. For the Levant, the Greek islands and large parts of mainland Greece, terracing can be postulated from no later than the 2nd millennium BC. Significant remains of Classical Period terracing survive in Attica, on Delos and in Lycia. There are sporadic mentions of terraces in ancient sources; the terminology here is unclear. In particular, it is difficult to distinguish the walls (aivaovai/ haimasiat) that supported terraces from boundary walls. A number of descriptions of rural activities in Homer could imply terracing (Hom. Il. 21,257-262; Hom. Od. 18,357-359).

301

302 1R.Barapré, Sur le sens geographique du mot grec ‘ophrys’, in: Journal des Savants 1994, 153-19 2P.P. BETANCOURT et al., Excavations at Pseira, in: D.A. Harpy (ed.), Thera and the Aegean World, vol. 3.3: Chronology, 1990, 96-99 3 J. BRADFORD, Fieldwork on Aerial Discoveries in Attica and Rhodes, in: The Antiquaries

Journal 36, 1956, 172-180 4M.Brunet, Terrasses de cultures antiques: l’exemple de Délos, Cyclades, in: Méditerranée 3/4, 1990, 5-11 5 Ead., Le paysage agraire de Delos dans l’antiquité, in: Journal des Savants 1999, 1-50 6 G. EDELSTEIN,

I. MiLevsxi,

The

Rural

Settlement

of

Jerusalem Re-evaluated, in: Palestine Exploration Quarterly 126, 1994, 2-23. 7 L. FOXHALL, Feeling the Earth Move: Cultivation Techniques on Steep Slopes in Classical Antiquity, in: G. SHIPLEY, J. SALMON (eds.), Human Land-

scapes in Classical Antiquity, 1996, 44-67. 8 V.H6nFELD, Antike Terrassenkomplexe am Nordwesthang des Kolaklar Tepesi, in: Lykische Studien 4, 1998, 243-250 9 ISAGER/SKYDSGAARD, 81 f. 10 H. LOHMaNN, Atene, 1993, 166-173; 196-219 11O.RACKHAM, J.Moopy, Terraces, in: B.Weis (ed.), Agriculture in Ancient Greece, 1992, 123-130 12 C.RENFREW, The Emergence

of Civilisation, 1972.

H.LO.

TERRACOTTAS

respect of technology (multiple moulds) and painting. Female figures, generally fashionably dressed, continued to be the most important. In Pharaonic Egypt, terracottas (mostly hand-moulded) were rare in comparison to faience figures. Only under the influence of (in particular) Greek culture from the 6th/s5th cent. BC did the repertoire and numbers of terracottas increase. Centres of terracotta manufacture developed at — Alexandria [1] and in the -» Faiyum. As well as the prevalent types of clothed women (so-called Tanagra figurines), Egyptian deities such as Harpocrates, Isis, Osiris and Bes were still also produced and in their turn became popular in the Greek world. Rather than assuming all portrayals of naked women to be goddesses as formerly, they are nowadays seen as fertility symbols in the early period (as are bull figurines), connected with the wish for children, protection

and well-being, which also applies to later types. Many terracottas were used as votive gifts for temples and as treasured votive objects in the home, and also as decoration.

Terracottas

R. Oprrictus, Das altbabylonische Terrakottarelief, 1961;

I. INTRODUCTION II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND Ecypt III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

E. KLENGEL-BRANDT, Die Terrakotten aus Assur im Vorderasiatischen Museum Berlin, 1978; N.CHOLIDIs,

Mobel aus Ton, 1992; E. DOUGLAS VAN BUREN, Ss. v. Figu-

I. INTRODUCTION Terra cotta (an Italian term meaning ‘burnt clay’) was the commonest material used for many kinds of ancient utensils, vessels and art objects. In archaeological terminology, it refers to artistically formed objects. As well as free moulding by hand, mass production was also usual, in the Near East (from the 3rd millennium BC) and the Mediterranean (from the 6th cent. BC). A

rinen, RLA 3, 1957, 62-64; W. HorsosTEL, H.-P. Laus-

SCHER, S. v. T., LA 6, 1986, 425-456. III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

A. BRONZE AGE

B. GREECE: 9TH-6TH CENTS. BC

C. GREECE: 5TH CENT. TO HELLENISTIC PERIOD D. ETRUSCAN AND ITALIC REGION AND IMPERIAL PERIOD E. ASPECTS OF RESEARCH

matrix was derived from the patrix (original) to serve as

a mould. If the object was made hollow, it was given a firing vent. Painting was done before or after firing. For figures, the statuette format was usual. Life-size figures were fitted with wooden or metal reinforcements. RN. II]. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGyPT From the Neolithic period (7th millennium BC), terracottas were the most numerous examples of small-

scale art in almost all localities of Western Asia. Handformed at first and sometimes painted, they were later usually made with the help of a model. Animal terracottas, though, were still freely modelled. In the depictions of women which prevail from the Neolithic, mostly small and strongly abstracted, the breasts and hips are emphasized and often the genital area as well. From the 2nd millennium BC on, there are increasing numbers of chariots, ships, furnishings and other objects in miniature, as well as the human and animal figures. From the rst half of the 2nd millennium BC in particular there are terra cotta reliefs showing scenes of everyday life and religious practice. With the + Achaemenids (from the 6th cent. BC), the forms and iconog-

raphy began to change, coming increasingly under the influence of Hellenistic culture from the 4th cent. BC in

A. BRONZE AGE Figurative terracottas began to appear in large numbers in Minoan culture from the early 2nd millennium BC. There are human and animal depictions, limited to a few types, then from the 13th cent. also large female figures made from turned cylinders. Mycenaean terracottas from the rs5th cent. initially emulated Minoan, and then became schematized as idols. B. GREECE: 9TH—-6TH CENTS. BC

An artistic terracotta production of high quality developed in the Greek world and on its peripheries in the early rst millennium BC, esp. from the 7th cent. The almost invariably small figures depicted gods, animals and people, individually or in groups, at artisanal work, banqueting, dancing, in erotic contexts and as caricatures. Terracotta reliefs reproduce fixed iconographies from myth and cult. In addition, almost everything from altars to ships was also depicted in miniature format. The function of these terracottas as votive objects or grave goods was always religious. Clay models for stone and bronze statuary (proplasmata) were also regarded as works of art in their own right (— Arcesilaus [7]).

303

304

The earliest, still hand-made terracottas of the Geo-

masks and theatrical figures c. 350-250 BC. In Hellenistic Egypt the entire pantheon was represented in terracotta (generally furnished with Egyptian divine at-

TERRACOTTAS

metric period (9th—8th cents. BC) to survive are from Laconia. In the Archaic Period, centres of exporting manufacture developed with a stylistic iconographic tradition which was adopted by the numerous local workshops. The leading centres were on the Peloponnese, where Corinth and Sparta were prominent at first, with votive altars, masks and reliefs. From the 6th cent.

BC, new statuette types appeared on > Euboea [1], such as the sitting goddess and female protomes, while at Athens the > kourotrophos type appeared. There were independent centres on the islands, that of Rhodes strongly influencing Asia Minor. In Magna Graecia, -» Locri [2] was known in the 6th cent. for votive reliefs to chthonic deities (e.g. Persephone). Demeter statuettes reached the Italian hinterland from > Sybaris [4], - Croton and + Metapontum from the 7th cent. On Sicily, > Gela, > Naxos [2] and > Megara [3] Hyblaea produced types of a goddess and small terracotta altars with mythical reliefs from the 6th cent. Also in the Archaic period, there appeared architectural terracottas for cladding wooden elements of early — temples. The ancients attributed the invention of figurative antefixes in the 7th cent. to — Butades of Corinth (Plin. HN 35, 151). During the 6th cent., great elaboration took place in simae (> sima), with subjects ranging from gorgoneia (+ Gorgoneion), chariot processions and banqueting scenes to large figurative acroteria (Nikes and Sphinxes). At Athens, Delphi and Olympia, architectural terracottas were equally important. In Asia Minor, figurative > friezes spread in the late 6th cent. from Larisa and > Sardis as far as the Greek islands and the Black Sea coast. They started appearing in Magna Graecia as early as the late 7th cent. Important centres in 6th cent. Sicily were > Acragas, + Selinuntum, > Syracusae, > Camarina and Gela, where terracottas formed monumental gorgoneia on pediments as well as figurative acroteria and water spouts. C. GREECE: 5TH CENT. TO HELLENISTIC PERIOD

The incidence of architectural terracottas declined as + marble came to be used in temple construction in the Classical period. Instead, the 5th cent. BC saw the beginnings of a high-quality production of terracotta statuettes, a tendency which intensified further in the Hellenistic period. These were mainly used as grave goods, but were also employed as household equipment. From 320 BC, Athens manufactured statuettes of girls which were widely exported and were imitated at + Tanagra. The market in Asia Minor was dominated by Pergamum, Miletus, Ephesus and Smyrna, with reproductions of masterpieces of large-scale statuary. Most of the 5,000 statuettes from graves in + Myrina [4] are erotes and girls. The rich typology of the gilt terracottas of Macedonia is even exceeded in the necropoleis of > Stobi and ~ Amphipolis. Graves at > Taras [2] contained many gilt terracotta appliqués and Dioscuri reliefs. > Lipara had a characteristic production of

tributes), as were sacrificers, priests and dancers. Such

caricatures are often incorrectly ascribed solely to Alexandrian workshops. D. ETRUSCAN AND ITALIC REGION AND IM-

PERIAL PERIOD The importance of Etruscan terracottas is shown by the supposed emigration of the coroplast (= sculptor working in terracotta) » Damaratus from Corinth to » Tarquinii (Plin. HN 35,152). Typical features of the abundant Etruscan production of terracottas are large formats and architectural function. The figurative richness of the architectural terracottas ranges from the lifesized ridge-statues of the 6th cent. BC to the mythical relief pediments of the Hellenistic period. Latium also produced figurative terracotta friezes from the 6th cent. BC on. As so-called Campana reliefs (> Relief II E), these survived into the early Imperial period. ~ Sarcophagi and > urns with mythical scenes were made in terracotta in Tuscany from the 6th to the 1st cent. BC. Votive heads and body votives in terracotta were also widespread in Central Italy in the 4th—3rd cents. As the Etruscan cities declined in the 3rd cent. BC, an Italic-Hellenistic koine developed. Most terracottas were by now standardized mass production of votives or large-scale funerary sculpture in the local tradition (> Etrusci [II C 2]). Terracotta votives declined in importance compared

to small-scale bronzes in the Roman Imperial period. Only a few new themes emerge, such as gladiators and actors. The terracotta industries of parts of Gaul and Germania in the 2nd cent. AD in particular were innovative in terms of subject matter. In the eastern provinces as well, the quality of production remained exemplary until the end of the rst cent. AD, but it declined in + Alexandria [1], where terracottas were produced into the Christian Period. In the contact zones where the ancient world met eastern cultures, a Hellenistic influence on local styles was evident from the 3rd cent. BC, but there was no such influence on themes or iconographies. Terracottas

in large quantities appeared as votives esp. in Parthia and areas of Central Asia, where they survived into the period of the Gandhara culture (+ Gandaritis). E. ASPECTS OF RESEARCH Terracottas played an important part in the religious and sepulchral aspects of daily life in Antiquity. Research has hitherto focused more on aspects of art history and economic history. Questions of the transmission of iconographies or creatively relevant workshops presuppose a knowledge of production centres and their chronologies. These are being archaeometrically researched, with a pivotal role for petrographic analysis. At the basis of this work is steady progress in publishing find complexes.

306

319)

TERTIA

S. BESQUES, Catalogue raisonné des figurines et reliefs en

Territorium.

terre cuite grecs, étrusques et romaines, vols. 1-4, 195 4-

(Greek chora) meant the area of a > town (> civitas A.,

1992; H.PRUCKNER, Die lokrischen Tonreliefs, 1968; W.D. He1tMeyer, Friihe olympische Tonfiguren, 1972; L. BERNABO BREA, Menandro ed il teatro greco nelle terrecotte liparesi, 1981; F.H. Parrautr Massa, Recherches sur l’art et l’artisanat étrusco-italiques a l’époque hellénistique, 1985; R.Hiccins, Tanagra and the Figurines, 1986; B. VON FrEYTAG, Das Giebelrelief von Telamon und seine Stellung innerhalb der Ikonographie der Sieben gegen Theben, 1986; M. BonGut Jovino (ed.), Artigiani e botteghe nell’Italia preromana. Studi sulla coroplastica di

+> polis) within which the civic sovereignty (in spite of the essentially personal nature of the ancient polity) unconditionally applied. This territorial body, used as a means to structure an area, consisted of a central location which formed the focus of political, administrative, economic (> Market II.), cultic and cultural life, and the surrounding land with its villages. The Greek East, Italy, Spain and North Africa were urbanized in this way at an early stage, i.e. there were many towns everywhere with relatively small territoria (in Italy, on average 1,500 km’). In many areas of the north and west of the Mediterranean region, towns first had to be founded in order to create civic territorial sovereignties (Gaulish civitates had an average territorium of 8,300 km?). Towns found growing competition in the ‘empirebuilding’ of Classical Greece (e.g. in the > Delian League), but especially in the > Hellenistic states and the Imperium Romanum. These saw the emergence of larger territorial and regional, non-city states which brought together multiple civic communities under a single superordinate sovereign power (in respect of law, defence, coinage, finance, economy, cult and culture). Even in these territorial ‘states’, however, the autonomous administrative functions of the towns within their own territoria remained largely intact, albeit each with a different focus. They became subordinate administrative units within the superordinate ‘state’ unit. ~» Political administration; > State; > Town, city

area etrusco-laziale-campana, 1990;

N. A. WINTER (ed.),

Proc. of the First International Conference on Archaic Greek Architectural Terracottas, in: Hesperia 59, 1990,

5-323; V.KARAGEORGHIS, The Coroplastic Art of Ancient

Cyprus,

vols.

1-6,

1991-1998;

A.MoustTaka,

Grofplastik aus Ton in Olympia, 1993; N.A. WINTER, Greek Architectural Terracottas from the Prehistoric to the End of the Archaic Period, 1993; E.RysTeprT (ed.), Deliciae fictiles (Proc. of the First International Conference on Central Italic Architectural Terracottas, Rome 1990), 1993; S. BESQUES, Figurines et reliefs grecs en terre cuite, 1994; N. A. WINTER (ed.), Proc. of the International

Conference on Greek Architectural Terracottas of the Classical and Hellenistic Periods (1991), 1994; M. D. GENTIL1, I sarcofagi etruschi in terracotta di eta ellenistica, 1995; P.D’Amore et al., s. v. terracotta, EAA 2. suppl. 5, 1997, 679-738; F. HOFFMANN, M. STEINHART, Tiere vom Nil, 2001. RN.

Terramare culture. Bronze Age culture in the Po valley, characterised by earth mounds with dark nutrient-rich soil containing the remains of TC settlements and used in modern times as fertiliser. The range of the TC is delineated by modern Emilia and Veneto. In time, it encompassed the middle (16th—14th cents. BC) and late (13th-12th cents. BC) Bronze Age. Few settlements

The

original

Latin

term

territorium

F.M. AusBuTreL, Die Verwaltung des romischen Kaiserreiches, 1998; H. GALSTERER, Stadt und T., in: F. VITTINGHOFF (ed.), Stadt und Herrschaft, 1982, 75-106; A.H.M. Jones, The Greek City, 1966; F. Kos, Die Stadt im Altertum, 1984.

UL.FE.

have been examined to date; better known find locati-

ons are Poviglio, Tabina and Castione dei Marchesi. The finds show rectangular buildings with pile foundations to protect the inhabitants from floods. To some extent the villages are surrounded by ditches and earth walls. The predominant burial rite is cremation, in the north inhumation also occurs. The bronze objects (e.g. axes, sickles and needles) and the ceramics, whose main

characteristic is horn or ear handles, are part of the general cultural wealth of Bronze Age Italy. M. BERNABO Brea (ed..), Le terremare si scavano per concimare i prati (Ausstellungskatalog Parma), 1994;

A.Mutrtt et al., La Terramara di Castione dei Marchesi, in: Studi e Documenti di Archeologia 5, 1988, 1-456. OKO.

Terrasidius. Uncommon Roman nomen _ gentile (SCHULZE, 373). T., T. Served as an equestrian prefect or military tribune under Caesar in Gaul. While requisitioning grain in the winter of 57/6 BC he and other officers were captured by Breton tribes who were then subjugated (Caes. Gall. 3,7-16). J.BA.

Terruncius (from tres and uncia). Unit of 3 > unciae, in

the duodecimal system '/; of a Roman pound or > as, probably older than the > quadrans (Plin. HN 33,45; cf. Varro Ling. 5,174). Coin in the Roman and Italian > aes grave with a value indicator of 3 balls. In modern scholarship ¢. is used as a term for the three-wncia unit in decimal as-systems (aes grave in Apulia, Umbria). T. in the sense of ‘small sum’: Plaut. Capt. 477; Cic. Att. 6,2,4; Cic. Fin. 4,29; Cic. Fam. 2,17,4. In accounting f. = '/, of a > libella, i.e. at first '/4o> denarius, then */40

> sestertius. H.CHANTRAINE, und rémischen

Bemerkungen Miinzwesen,

zum

in: JNG

altesten sizilischen 12, 1962,

51-64,

dort 58-64; K. REGLING, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 820 f.; SCHROTTER; S:\v. L. Tertia. Woman’s praenomen (Varro Ling. 9,60), more

commonly a cognomen. The best-known bearers are Clodia [3] T., Iunia [2] T. and > Mucia T. 2 H.Souin, 1 KAJANTO, Cognomina, 292 romischen Sklavennamen 1, 1996, 153 f.

Die stadt-

K.-L.E.

TERTIUS

307

308

Tertius. Roman praenomen (the numeral often indicating birth-order), common cognomen and Roman slave name.

rum 39,4; it cannot be confirmed that his father served as a Roman officer). He enjoyed a superlative rhetorical and legal education (the oft-assumed sojourn at Rome, cf. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 2,2,4, where he supposedly worked as a lawyer, remains dubious: [3] rejects, probably rightly, the identification with the jurist T. [1] cited in the Digesta). He knew the Roman classics and some of the Greek, while his knowledge of the authors of the Flavian and Trajanic periods (+ Suetonius [2], Pliny the

1 KAJANTO, Cognomina, 74; 292 2 SALOMIES, 17; 1163 H.SoLin, Die stadtro6mischen Sklavennamen 1, 118 1996, 152f. K.-L.E.

Tertulla {1] Married before 87 BC to M. Licinius [I 11] Crassus, after previously being married to his elder brother (who was dead when she remarried). Alongside public praise (Cic. Cael. 9) there were also rumours of affairs (Plut.

Cicero 55s suetalulies oy): [2] Wife of T. Flavius Petro, a veteran of the Civil War, and grandmother of the emperor -> Vespasianus, whom she raised on her estate in > Cosa (Suet. Vesp. 1 f.). J.BA.

Tertullianus {1] Roman jurist of the Severan Period (around AD 200), wrote Ouaestiones (‘Legal questions’, 8 bks.) and

the only monograph De castrensi peculio (‘On the property of those in military service’, 1 bk.) in the legal literature. Justinian’s — Digesta preserves only five fragments from the two works [1]. The identification, suggested by Euseb. Hist. eccl. 2,2,4, of this iuris antiqui interpres (‘interpreter of the old law’, Cod. Lust. 5,70,7,1a) with the legally proficient Church Father T. [2] is not inconceivable [2; 3]. 1 O. LENEL, Palingenesia Juris Civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 341344 2D.Lress, Jurisprudenz, HLL 4, 1997, 123-125 3 Id., Jurisprudenz, RAC 19, 608-611. TG.

[2] Q. Septimius Florens T. Early Christian Latin theologian, around the turn of the 2nd/3rd cents. AD I. Lire Il. WorKs AND THEOLOGY III. LANGUAGE AND CULTURE IV. LEGACY I. LIFE

Christianity had already taken firm root in Africa by the late 2nd cent. AD. The congregation of > Carthage was with Rome and Lugdunum (modern Lyons) the third centre of the Church in the West, and with > An-

tioch [1] and

> Alexandria [1] one of the Christian metropolises of the empire. Alongside orthodox forces, the city also played host to Gnostic groups (> Gnosis, Gnostics, Gnosticism), followers of > Hermogenes [6] and -» Marcion and adherents of » Monarchianism. +» Montanism, the movement which had emerged in Asia Minor around AD 170, enjoyed its greatest suc-

cesses here. Theological disputes and state repression destabilized the congregations, and the air was full of eschatological terrors and yearnings (cf. Passio Perpe(UES ana hee [lar 72)he Into this world at Carthage was born T. (c. AD 160/170 — after 212). His pagan family was evidently connected to literary circles at Carthage (a relative was active as an author: Tert. De praescriptione haeretico-

Younger (- Plinius [2]), + Tacitus [1], esp. Juvenal (> Iuvenalis)) was peerless, at least in Christian circles.

It is not known what led him to Christianity (towards the mid-190s?). By the time we meet him in his first writings (c. 196), he is already an established member of the Carthaginian congregation, married toa Christian. Like his contemporary at Alexandria, Clement (> Clemens [3]), he taught catechumens (neophytes). Above all, though, he deployed his rhetorical talents to bear witness to the Christian faith in books and possibly also before the congregation. After 200, T. became enthused by the radical message of the Montanists, and promoted their ideals in several treatises (see below II.). When the African clergy followed the East and Rome in refusing to acknowledge this charismatic reformatory movement, T. turned his back on the Church and joined the Montanist camp (the Tertullianistae whom Augustine (+ Augustinus) encountered in Carthage in 388, cf. Aug. De haeresibus 86, and whom he brought back to the Church, were descendants of the Montanists rather than a sect in their own right founded, as established opinion would have it, by a T. disenchanted with Montanism). Probably the latest of T.’ treatises to survive, Scorpiace, is from 212. It is

not known whether T. died soon after this or whether he lived ad decrepitam aetatem (‘into the age of decrepitude’; Jer. Vir. ill. 53). Il. WORKS AND THEOLOGY The Apologeticum (‘Apology’, c. AD 197) is among the earliest and best-known of T.’ 30 or so surviving works. Designed in imitation of a legal speech, it makes a case for the trustworthiness of Christians as citizens of the Roman Empire. They were, it argues, the most loyal of subjects. They obeyed authority, committed no wrongs, paid their taxes. But T. did not confine himself to apology. Against all apologetic tradition, indeed, he attacked the pagan cults and the superstition and amorality (being the work of -» demons) which they brought to the world. He consciously refrains from any evangelical appeal. Instead, he encourages Rome’s political elite to continue preying upon the Church. The injustice of the persecutors, he argues, was the best evidence for the innocence of those persecuted — and their best advertisement: semen est sanguis Christianorum (‘the blood of the Christians is the seed’, Tert. Apol. 50,13). Two early writings in particular, aimed at the congregation, are devoted to the conflicts brought to the Christians by their pagan environment. T. warns them against the ‘illusions of the Devil’ — the display of

309

310

the theatre and the arena — the immorality and cruelty

In opposition to + Gnosticism, T. formulated the apostolic dogma that the Church —and not the heretics — possessed the original truth, as it had received the Holy Scriptures and the oral doctrinal tradition from the Apostles, predating all heresy (De praescriptione haereticorum). He was won over to Montanism, in which he recognized the original spirit of Christianity, because of its apocalyptic zeal, its charismatic ecstasy, its rigorously-lived asceticism and its longing for martyrdom. Again and again (e.g. in De fuga in persecutione, ‘On Flight during Persecution’; De pudicitia, ‘On Modesty’) he preached the Montanist ideals, combining them with bitter assaults on the ossification and secularization of the Church and its lost sheep. Only at Carthage, and patently under T.’ influence, did Montanism achieve an independent theological profile, taming the > eschatology and putting the focus on ethics.

of which would poison their souls (De spectaculis). Not

enough with this: the Christian must at all costs avoid any collusion in idolatry (idolatria encompassing all aspects of the pagan cults) and everything connected with it in the private or public space. Hence he should not become a soldier or a public official, or teach the repugnant myths at schools. Still, T. does concede that the believer did need a classical education as a precondition for his Christian instruction (De idololatria) -— a daring position in the early Church. Along with theological subjects (De carne Christi, ‘On the Body of Christ’) and liturgical actualities (De baptismo,

‘On

Baptism’),

T. was

around

AD

200

mainly concerned with issues of Christian ethics: the virtue of patience (De patientia), woman’s care of the

body and clothing (De cultu feminarum), prayer (De oratione) and the expiatory act (De paenitentia; T. adopted a stern position in the controversy on peni-

TERTULLIANUS

Ill. LANGUAGE AND CULTURE

absurd’).

In T.’ time, Greek was still the language of communication for the Christian clergy throughout the Church (T.’ lost Greek publications were more intended for Carthage’s educated elite), but Latin was clearly gaining ground in the congregations of the west. T. implemented this shift in the field of theological writing. Just as two centuries before, Cicero had opened the language of Rome to philosophy, so T. made it the idiom of the western Church and laid the foundations for its dogmatic vocabulary (some central concepts, e.g. the trinitas, “Trinity’, originated with him). His new, fabricated language blended the speech of the congregation with the figures of speech of high rhetoric (hence the clarity and drama of his diction on the one hand and his sententious, pathetic or dark tone on the other). It gave Latin Christendom a genuinely new form of expression. Erudition and rhetorical technique betray T. as a child of the + Second Sophistic, as embodied in the West by > Gellius [6], the African > Fronto [6] and esp. Apu-

Some later writings concern T.’ battle against the internal enemies of faith (from c. AD 203), i.e. ‘false

leius (+ Ap(p)uleius [III]) (they made Carthage the hub of Latin literature of the time). No text shows this better

teachers’ and ‘heretics’ (after his defection to Montanism also the Church itself). The treatise against > Hermogenes [6] (who taught by recourse to Plato that God created the world out of material already at hand) makes a contribution to Christian cosmology. T.’ is one of the first Christian voices to argue for creatio ex nibilo, ‘creation from nothing’ (Adversus Hermoge-

than T.’ self-justification for wearing the philosopher’s cloak (De pallio; c. AD 205). In cynical guise, T. holds a mirror up to his pagan fellow-citizens and leads them to a double conclusion: all sensible people should wear the -» pallium instead of the-> toga, and anyone who wears the pallium should ... become a Christian. The highly eccentric style (the most difficult writing in Latin thatI

nem, ‘Against Hermogenes’). In opposition to > Praxeas, who identified God as Father and Son, T. drafted

have read: [4.615]), its rhetorical refinement sometimes

tence).

In spite of all sarcastic nuances, T.’ view of humanity is essentially a sanguine one. Human nature, according

to his argument, was flawed, but intrinsically retained its original righteousness and goodness. Man was still the image of God, albeit beclouded (not that this benevolent evaluation of the conditio humana prevented T. from vitriolic outbursts against women — the locus classicus is De cultu feminarum 1,1 -, which paved the way for the misogynistic tradition of the Church). The believer owed salvation to the mercy of God the Father, but more still to the incarnation, crucifixion and resurrection of Christ, in which T. believed in defiance of all reason (dei filius ... sepultus resurrexit; certum est, quia

impossibile, ‘the son of God ... resurrected from the grave; this is certain, because impossible’: De carne Christi 5,4 — upon this passage depends the apocryphal dictum credo quia absurdum, ‘I believe because it is

a doctrine of the Trinity (Adversus Praxean, ‘Against Praxeas’; see below IV.; cf. > Trinity). He saw a greater danger in the Gnostics, who denied the human incarnation of the Son of God in the earthly Jesus and withdrew God into an abstracted transcendence (esp. Adversus

Valentinianos;

‘Against the Valentinians’),

and esp. in the ‘arch-heretic’ + Marcion with his two Gods, the hostile > Yahweh of the Old Testament and the Christian Father-God (De carne Christi; De resurrectione mortuorum; Adversus Marcionem — T.’ theo-

logical chef-d’ceuvre).

drowning its philosophical argumentation, signals the intellectual pretensions (and hence the attractiveness) of the Christian message. Although T.’ attitude to Greek philosophy was an ambiguous one and although (unlike the Greek Apologists) he disputed its revelatory value for the theologian, the gulf he detected between Athens and Jerusalem, Academy and Church (Quid ergo Athenis et Hierosolymis, quid academiae et ecclesiae; ‘What then has Athens to do with Jerusalem, or the Academy with the Church?’ — De praescriptione haereticorum 7,9) was

TERTULLIANUS

311

rather dug by his own bad conscience. For T. reacted most ambivalently to the conflict among the early theologians as to how to respond to ‘classical’ culture. He made polemics against pagan erudition while at the same time requiring it in his theology at every turn. But it was this very pagan erudition that enabled him to announce his new truth so effectively. IV. LeGacy Superficially at least, T.’ break with the Church hampered his influence on western theology. He is seldom cited openly and approvingly in subsequent centuries. But it was his influence that allowed Christian Latin literature to blossom beyond Africa, and that inspired + Minucius [II 1] Felix, Cyprian (-» Cyprianus [2]), > Pontius [II 9], - Novatianus,

> Arnobius [r],

and > Lactantius [1]. Cyprian studied him daily and called him ‘the Master’ (magister, Jer. Vir. ill. 53), while Jerome found and admired in him a kindred spirit. Augustine’s tart verdict on the ‘heretic’ T. did not prevent him from having recourse to T.’ formulations. Not by chance is T. the only theological outsider of the West whose writings are preserved almost intact. One example in particular attests to this legacy. In his Montanist

oes lio, with Fr. transl.); J.-C. FREDOUILLE, *1999 (De patientia; with Fr. transl.); R.F. REFOULE, P.pE LABRIOLLE,

1957 (De praescriptione haereticorum; with Fr. transl.); G.ScarPAT, *1985 (Adversus Praxean; with It. transl.); C.MIcAELLI, 1993 (De pudicitia; with Fr. transl.); Id., 1990 (De resurrectione carnis; with It. transl.); P.A. GRAMAGLIA, 1980 (Ad Scapulam; with It. transl.); E. CasToRINA, *1973 (De spectaculis);

M. TURCAN, 1986 (De spec-

taculis; with Fr. transl.); CH. MUNIER, 1980 (Ad uxorem; with Fr. transl.); J.-C. FREDOUILLE, 1980-81 (Adversus Valentinianos;

GEL,

1977,

2 vols.; with Fr. transl.); E. ScHULZ-FLU-

*1997

(De

virginibus

velandis;

with

Fr.

transl.).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: R.Braun,

Deus

T.D.

BARNES,

Christianorum,

Tertullian, *1977;

*1985;

J.-CL.

FRE-

DOUILLE, Tertullien et la conversion de la culture antique, 1972; R. KLEIN, Tertullian und das romische Reich, 1968; E.F. Osporn, Tertullian, First Theologian of the West, 1997; D. RANKIN, Tertullian and the Church, 1995; R.D. SrperR, Ancient Rhetoric and the Art of Tertullian, 1971. PE.HA.

Tertullus. Common Roman cognomen, derivative (diminutive) of > Tertius. Decrassi, FCIR, 270; KAJANTO, Cognomina, 128; 292.

Ee

polemic Adversus Praxean (c. AD 210), T. created the

Latin formula of the Trinity, still prevalent to this day, of one substance and three persons, terminology which became a fixed element of theological vocabulary. The Latin theologians broke with T.’ conception of subordination in the 4th cent., but they construed the Nicene solution (+ Nicaenum) in the light of his differentiation of substantia and persona. + Apologists; > Carthage; > Christianity; > Heresy; + Monarchianism; > Montanism; > Theology; > Tri-

nity

2,2; It. Ant. 376; 378 f.: Tarvenna; Ptol. 2,9,8: Tagovavva/ Taroudnna), which developed at a ford

across the Leie/Lys from a river island to the northern bank. Archaeological finds remain lacking, since the vieille ville was razed in 15 53 at the behest of Charles V; the modern town of Thérouanne (in the département of Pas-de-Calais) is farther to the south. R.DELMarIRE,

Notes

sur

evolution

urbaine

de Thé-

rouanne, in: Rev. archéologique de Picardie 1984, 223-

1 G. SCHOLLGEN, Ecclesia sordida? Zur Frage der sozialen Schichtung friihchristlicher Gemeinden am Beispiel Karthagos zur Zeit Tertullians, 1984 2 J.B. Rives, Religion and Authority in Roman Carthage from Augustus to Constantine,1995 3 T.D. Barnes, Tertullian, *1985, 22-29 4 E. Norben, Die antike Kunstprosa, *1909, vol. 2, 606— 615.

EDITIONS/COMMENTARIES:

Quinti

Septimi

Florentis

Tertulliani opera, 2 vols., 1954 (CCL vol. 1-2);J.H. WasZINK, 1947 (De anima); M.MENGHI, 1988 (De anima); C. BECKER, 41992 (Apologeticum; with Germ. transl.); R.F. REFOULE, 1952 (De baptismo; with Fr. transl.); J.-P.

Mange, 1975 (De carne Christi; 2 vols.; with Fr. transl.); J. FONTAINE,

Tervanna Civitas, capital of the > Morini (Tab. Peut.

1966 (De corona); F. RUGGIERO,

1992 (De

corona; with It. transl.); M. TuRCAN, 1971 (De cultu femtnarum; with Fr. transl.); C.MorescHINI, J.-C. FrReDOUILLE, 1985 (De exhortatione castitatis; with Fr. transl.); J. H. Waszinx, 1987 (De idololatria; with Engl. transl.); H. TRANKLE, 1964 (Adversus Iudaeos); R. BRAUN, 1990-2001 (Adversus Marcionem; 4 vols., bks. 1-4; with Fr. transl.); A.QUACQUARELLI, 1963 (Ad martyras; with It. transl.); P.MATTEI, 1988 (De monogamia; with Fr. transl.); A.SCHNEIDER, 1968 (Ad nationes, bk. 1; with Fr. transl.); CH. MuNIER, 1984 (De paenitentia; with Fr. transl.); $. COSTANZA, 1968 (De pallio); V.HUNINK, 2005 (De pallio, with Eng]. transl.); M. TuRCAN, 2007 (De pal-

228; Id. et al., Le Pas de Calais. Carte archéologique de la Gaule 62/1, 1994, Nr. 12: Thérouanne, 83-98.

F.SCH.

Tervingi. Gothic people at the end of the 3rd and in the 4th cent. AD (Amm. Marc. 31,3,4; 31,5,1: Thervingi; Claud. De consulatu Stilichonis 1,94: Visi; Not. Dign. Or. 6,20; 6,61), first mentioned in AD 291 in the Genethliacus Mamertini to nO eytap Ue According

[1.407], the name can be traced to the Gothic triu (‘tree’). After the

-» Goti split after AD 280, the T. set-

tled as T. and + Greuthungi in the woodlands to the east of Prut (> Pyretus). In the 4th cent., they spread out in the east of Romania as far as the lower Danube (> Istrus [1]) in the area of the Santana de Mures culture. In AD 324 they were allied with Licinius [II 4], from 332 foederati of Constantinus [1] the Great and later of Constantius [2] I, until the war with Valens [2] in AD 367-369. The bishop > Wulfila worked among them. In 375 the majority of the T. fled from the -» Hunni into the Roman Empire and, after hard battles against Rome in 382, were stationed in the provinces of Macedonia and Thracia (> Diocletianus with map). As

followers of Alaricus [2] I, the T. were part of the ethnogenesis of the + Visigoths.

313

314

1 J.C. Zeuss, Die Deutschen und ihre Nachbarstamme, 1837.

V. BIERBRAUER, Archdologie und Geschichte, in: FMS 28, 1994, 98-134; P.HeATHER, The Goths, 1996, 43-63; L.ScHmMipT, Die Ostgermanen, *1941, 221-2493 H. WOLFRAM, Die Goten, 31990, 65-145.

Tessera (from Greek téooages/téssares; téooaoa/ téssara, ‘four’). ‘Square’, cube, small plate, tag, token; an object made of ore, lead, bone, glass or terra-cotta the shape of which could be rectangular, stick-like or figurative, but usually round and coin-like. The tessera, referred to as symbolon in Greek, was used as a> token of entry or authorization, as a game-token or for counting [x]. In Athens, it served as a ticket for participation in the assembly or in court and thus was the requirement for receiving the financial compensation that went along with it [5; 6]. On the Roman tessera militaris, a small plate, the name of the soldier (identification tag) or a password was inscribed [2. 6]. The best-known Roman tesserae are coin-like, usually minted from brass or ore with numbers from I-XVI (rarely to XIX) on the reverse, in

the early Imperial Period with the emperor’s head on the obverse. These ‘grain tokens’ were introduced in c. 23 BC by > Augustus [1] during the reform of grain provisions (> cura annonae). The numbers evidently reflect the day on which the grain ration was issued [2. 9-15]. Since these tesserae — similar to the symbola in Athens — were connected to a material value, they can be regarded as a money substitute [1]. Lead-cast tesserae occurred (other than for the grain supply) both in the private sphere and in the realm of the state with various functions. In dealings with clients (— cliens), they served as a voucher for food or money (> sportula) or as a money substitute. Furthermore,

they were used at festivals or in religious life [2. 18-25; 3. 10-15; 4. 5 f.]. A special group of tesserae are the ~ spintriae, which must be regarded as a means of payment in or in connection with brothels. -» Metallae [2] which earlier had been regarded as miners’ tags are no tesserae but small bronze coins from the period of the Roman emperors Trajan (AD 98-117) to Antoninus Pius (AD 13 8—

161). Another group of tesserae are the rectangular tesserae nummulariae (cf. > nummularius) made of bone

that were used to mark small money bags: they had the name of the consul in office to indicate the date as well as certifications or other entries on the four sides, [Peagas 275. 27s16N687|

Disk-shaped tesserae made of ivory with concentric rings on the obverse and the numbers I to XX were game tokens, those in the shape of animals or plants with I to XV on the reverse were probably lot-stones belonging to the private sphere |2. 25]. 1 GosL 1, 31 f.

2 A.M asowsky,

LITERATURE

R6émische Bleimarken in der Staatlichen Miinzsammlung Miinchen, 1995 4 Ead., Romische Bleimarken im Civiche Raccolte Numismatiche zu Mailand, 2001

ALFOxpI, Antike Numismatik, 1978, 215 f. TER, 686 f., s. v. T.

5 M.-R.

6 SCHROTGES.

A.SCH.

Teshebai(ni), Te(i)Sebai(ni) see > Urartu; > Urartian

Die antiken Tesseren 3 M. OVERBECK,

im Kestner-Museum Hannover, 1991

TESTAMENTARY

Tesserarius. In the Roman military sphere one of the tactical lower ranks (- principales) with one-and-ahalf pay (> sesquiplicarii; Soldiers’ pay II.). A tesserarius was responsible for conveying to the men passwords and orders in writing on a tablet (tessera;Veg. Mil. 2,7,5); this function is recorded from the time of Polybius (6,3 4,7-12; cf. Liv. 27,46,1; 28,14,7). Under

the Principate, there is evidence of tesserarii as a service rank in infantry units until > Gallienus (AE 1936,55): both for the legions (CIL VI 2672 = ILS 2054; AE 1997,1252) and auxiliary cohorts (CIL Il 2553 = ILS 9127; CIL Ill 10318), as well as for the urban Roman ~ Praetorian troops (CIL VI 2454 = ILS 2060; CIL IX 5839 = ILS 2084; CIL XIV 220 = ILS 2061), the > vigiles (CIL VI 220 = ILS 2163; CIL VI 222 = ILS 2160; CIL XIV 4509) and the cohortes urbanae (CILIX 1617 =ILS 2117; CIL XV 7175). Inthe 2nd cent. AD, a

promotion took place, for the most part to optio with double pay (duplicarius). 1 M.Czauss, Untersuchungen zu den principales, 1973, 17-40 2D.J. BREEZE, B. DoBson (eds.), Roman Officers and Frontiers, 1993, 11-58. LE.SCH.

Test mark see > Coins, control of Testament see > Wills and testaments

Testamentary literature. The genre of testamentary literature (TL, derived from dSia0%xn/diatheké, Lat. testamentum, ‘testament’ = test., ‘last words’, legacy’)

comprises Jewish as well as Christian texts; typically they are words of wisdom, paraenetic and ethical contents in the form of prophecies and speeches (e.g. admonitions for the progeny in the testament of Job to help the poor and not to overlook those in need). The bestknown texts of this genre are the “Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs’ (testamenta duodecim patriarcharum ='lestXII) transmitted in Greek but Christian in

their final versions, texts that claim to preserve the last will of Jacob’s twelve sons. The heterogenous components of this pseudepigraphical text (> Pseudepigraphy II.; Apocryphical literature) originated in the period from the 2nd cent. BC to the 2nd cent. AD and contain — along with biographical details for each patriarch — warnings against vices and the recommendation of virtues. From

1900, an Aramaic testament of Levi has

been known through the finds of the Cairo Geniza, probably a source for the Test. of Levi from the Test XII; in Qumran, several MSS of the so-called ‘Aramaic Levi Document’ were found as well. This and the Test. of Qahat and Amram, found in Qumran as well, convey important knowledge about ancient Judaism: With the

TESTAMENTARY LITERATURE

315

316

aid of the transmitted chain of testaments, cult ordinan-

decrees the erection of a gravestone on which his age is to be given in gold lettering (99.5 years). Seven pigs witness the will, which is dated 17 December (sub die XVI kal. lucerninas [3}) in the year of the consuls Clibanatus and Piperatus (‘Floured’ and ‘Peppered’). In terms of textual criticism and language the wording of the TP is not without problem [4; 5], its content is significant from the point of view of legal history [6], its intent more harmlessly comic than satirically critical [7]. Jerome attests, not without disapproval, that this small text was a favourite in schools (In Isaiam lib. 12 pr.; adversus Rufinum 1,17). » Parody

ces and priestly theology were traced back to Noah thus legitimized. TL typically includes a death-bed scene as well confession of sin and remorse, but not all named correspond to this pattern: The Test. of Abraham,

and as a test.

for

instance, (extant in two Greek recensions, originally

written probably in the rst or 2nd cent. BC, perhaps in Hebrew) does not contain an actual test., but offers a spiritual legacy: The angel ~ Michael [1] reveals his impending death to Abraham and takes him along to heaven in order to show him Paradise and Hell. TL offers insights into popular concepts of angels, ~ demons and astrology (as does the Test. of Salomo,

which ultimately confirms Christ’s rule over the demons). The influence of Jewish TL on early Christianity is revealed in Biblical texts as well (cf. 2 Petr 1:14 f.). In the first cents. AD, the genre expanded further, not least due to the attribution of authoritative texts to the Apostles. It finally appeared in certain -» Church regulations and was even regarded as the test. of Christ himself: The so-called ‘Test. of our Lord Jesus Christ’ (Testamentum Domini Nostri lesu Christi,

sth cent.) was

based on the Church

regulation of

1P.L. ScHmipT, in: HLL, vol. 5, 1989, § 550.2 2 G. ANDERSON, The Cognomen of M. Grunnius Corocotta, in: AJPh ror, 1980, 57 f. 31.MariottTi, Kalendae Lucerniae, in: Riv. di cultura classica e medioevale 20, 1978, 1021-1025

4 F.BUECHELER

(ed.), Petronii Satu-

rae, 71958, 346f. 5 B.Moccr (ed.), T. P., 198x (with Italian trans.andcomm.) 6A.bD’ORs, EIT. P. y su interés para la historia juridica, in: Rev. internationale des droits de l’antiquité 3/2, 1955,219-236 7 E.CHAMPLIN, The Testament of the Piglet, in: Phoenix 41, 1987, 174183.

R.GL.

+ Hippolytus [2] and presents Jesus’s instructions to

the Apostles in a dialogue after the resurrection. TL is a fruitful field for scholarship yielding questions regarding the age, the homogeneity and the sources of the texts (for instance, whether Christian themes and vocabulary were original or interpolated into Jewish writings) and literary and rhetorical analyses of the admonitions and instructions which the authors tried to endow with the authority of the great figures of Israel or the Church.

Testimonium. The attestation of a legal transaction (for its validity) or another action (as evidence in a trial)

according to Roman law. The enforceability of legal positions has always been dependent on the possibility of proving the conditions for their coming into existence. The importance of witnesses for criminal proceedings is evident; however, it was no less so for civil trials.

hellenistisch-rémischer Zeit, vols. 3.1-3, 1974 ff.

Although documentary evidence surpassed the evidence of witnesses for the latter branch of law toward the end of Antiquity, the Romans retained the importance of witnesses — which originated from an initial lack of written records — for many centuries. In his complaint on the hectic pace of life in the big city, Plinius [2] mentions, among other things, the frequent necessity of

LITERATURE: A.-M. DENIs et al., Introduction a la litté-

testimonium (Plin. Ep. 1,9).

Epitrons: J.H. CHARLESworRTH, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 1983; R.H. CHARLES, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs Translated from the Editor’s Greek Text, 1908; W.G. KUMMEL (ed.), Jiidische Schriften aus

rature religieuse judéo-hellénistique, 2 vols., 2000-2001 (esp. vol. 1, 173-199; 227-289); R.A. KUGLER, s. v. Testaments, in: L.H. SCHIFFMAN, J.C. VANDERKAM (ed.),

Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, vol. 2, 2000, 933936.

A.G.B.

The testimonium of a business transaction was widespread in Rome and covered, for example, the > mancipatio in all of its various forms (especially the > emancipatio and the + adoptio), marriage according to the lex Aelia Sentia (Gai. Inst. 1,29), divorce according to the lex Iulia de adulteriis (Dig. 24,2,9), or the

Testamentum see > Wills and testaments, [2] IV

Testamentum porcelli (‘The piglet’s will’). Latin Saturnalia jest (> Saturnalia) probably from the middle of the 4th cent. AD [1] in the form of a parody will: when the piglet M. Grunnius Corocotta (‘Dangerous Grunter’ [2]) is to be slaughtered by the cook Magirus, he

reserves the right to an hour’s deferral in order to dictate his last will. His wealth in the form of acorns, wheat

and barley he bequeaths to his father, mother and sister; there is a particular, rather crude, joke in it in that that

his body parts are inherited by various groups of profesand individuals. Furthermore, the testator

sionals

creation of a > will, a fundamentally important procedure for the Roman upper class [1]. Strict requirements were placed on the ability to act as a witness: the person must be a Roman citizen, have passed certain age limits and — in the case of creating a testament — also have the ability to make a will. Thus, slaves were excluded, as were women and persons who had a specific agnatic connection (> agnatio) with the person whose business was being attested. A duty to act as a witness was only partially based on law: Pliny’s above-mentioned complaint is explained solely by social constraints; it was a precept of friendship to attest to a transaction. On the other hand, the law of the Twelve Tables already sanc-

318

317

tions witnesses to a transaction appearing as trial witnesses to confirm the events (> tabulae duodecim, tab. S22 Rais

Procedural law was the actual domain of the testimonium. This applied not only for the finding of the actual course of events crucial for the legal judgement, but also for the formalities of the procedure, as is clear from the word for the > Jitis contestatio (‘attestation of a dispute’), which initiated the process. In the classical era, the judge was always free in considering evidence for establishing the truth, and there was also essentially no limitation on evidence; however, evidence given by witnesses carried the primary weight (cf. on this especially Quint. Inst. 5,7). In civil procedures (— indicium privatum), there was a constraint to appear as a witness

in a trial only in accordance with the mentioned law of the Twelve Tables; certainly, the voluntary aspects was more or less strongly limited by social connections and obligations. In criminal proceedings (iudicia publica, + iudicium),

witnesses

were

summoned

by

a

~ denuntiatio, without being able to withdraw. Not everyone was able to appear as a trial witness: slaves were questioned under torture, which was not called testimonium; in addition, certain previously convicted persons were generally incapable of acting as witnesses due to legal regulations. Furthermore, there was a ban on witnesses just for certain cases, especially for personal closeness (e.g. kinship) between witnesses and litigants. Witnesses were placed under oath and gave evidence in person. At least in criminal proceedings, witnesses for the prosecution began before those on the defence spoke. The counsel for the opposing side also had a right to question them; thus, cross-examination was permitted. False statements by a witness (— testimonium falsum) were also subject to punishment beginning with the Twelve Tables (lex XII, tab. 8,23; Gell. NA 20,1,53: being thrown from the Tar-

TESTUDO

1C.G. Pautus, Die Verrechtlichung der Familienbeziehungen in der Zeit der ausgehenden Republik und ihr Einfluf auf die Testierfreiheit, in: ZRG 111, 1994, 425-435. M.Kaser, s.v. T., RE 5 A, 1046-1061; Id., K. HACKL, Das romische Zivilprozefrecht, *1996, 367 f.; 605-607; C.G. PauLus, Romisches Eigentumsverstandnis und Aberglaube, in: RIDA 43, 1996, 283-314; A. WACKE, Zur Beweislast im klassischen Zivilprozef$, in: ZRG 109,

1992, 411-449.

C.PA.

Testimonium falsum. False witness in Roman law. Witnesses had an important function in the orally defined law of the early period. Probably above all for this reason, the perpetrator of f. t. dicere (false statement by a witness before the court) was under threat of being thrown from the Tarpeian Rock (+ Tarpeium saxum) as early as c. 450 BC in the law of the Twelve Tablets (> tabulae duodecim, tab. 8,23). While this punishment was later abandoned, the > death penalty may have survived for those who brought about a sentence of death through TF, because the corresponding provision of the lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficis (concerning assassination and poisoning, Marcianus Dig. 48,8,1,1) probably only codified older common law. In

the Imperial era, there was a more restrictive attitude in which any TF was handled as a > falsum (‘forgery’; Paul. Coll. 8,2 £.). R. TAUBENSCHLAG, s. v. TF, RE 5 A, 1061; M.P. Prazza,

La disciplina del falso nel diritto romano, 1991, esp. 2855AO.

ness was no longer sufficient in certain cases (Cod. lust.

Testudo. The term testudo (‘tortoise’) was used by the Roman military in two senses; it described on the one hand various tactical formations in battle, and on the other hand various engines deployed in besieging cities. In the first case it consisted of soldiers, who, standing in a line, held their rectangular — shields side to side without gaps in front of themselves, in such a way as to confront the enemy with a wall, as it were, of wood and iron (Liv. 32,17,13). When the soldiers formed up into several ranks, those behind held their shields above their heads; the soldiers at the side protected the flanks

4,20,9); it was also ruled there that the > honestiores (members of the upper class) were to be given more

of the unit in the same way, so that together they and the first rank formed a shell; in this formation they could

credence than the bumiliores (members of the lower

even march (Liv. 31,39,14; 34,39,6; Cass. Dio 49,30).

class): thus, social position (and not the free judiciary consideration of the evidence) determined the value of the evidence. The inability to be a witness was augmented by some religious matters: for example, heretics and Jews could only testify against co-religionists, but not

Besieging a city, soldiers approaching the enemy walls protected themselves by forming a testudo (Tac. Hist. 3,27,2 £.; Tac. Ann. 13,39,3). In order to surmount a

peian Rock, > Tarpeium saxum; cf. Dig. 48,8,1,1).

Around the beginning of the 4th cent. AD, statements by witnesses lost their original significance in favour of documentary evidence. For example, Constantinus [x] ordered that the evidence of just one wit-

against Christians. [ustinianus [1] (6th cent. AD) ex-

tended the obligation to act as a witness to everyone (Cod. Iust. 4,20,19 pr.). Likewise, he made the questioning of witnesses the sole responsibility of the judge. Because all witnesses were placed under oath before questioning from then on, a false statement always represented perjury and thus a criminal act.

wall without a ladder soldiers also formed a testudo,

with the soldiers in the first rank standing and ranks behind bending or kneeling, with their shields over their heads to make a steep ramp; the soldiers of the first rank and the flank covered themselves as usual with shields;

soldiers could then climb the wall by way of the ramp (siege of Heracleum [2] 169 BC: Pol. 28,11(12); Liv. 44,9,3-9). The Germani adopted the testudo in the rst cent. AD (Tac. Hist. 4,23,2). A pictorial representation

of a testudo can be found on Trajan’s Column (REINACH, RR, 50-51).

TESTUDO

320

3)

In > siegecraft, testudo is the term for various types of siege engine, mounted on wheels and making use of protective roofs; a testudo provided soldiers with protection when filling or digging ditches and enabled them to approach walls (Vitr. 10,14,1; 10,15,1). In particular, the battering ram (aries, ‘ram’), which was intended to break down walls, was protected in this way. The ‘ram’ had an undercarriage with wheels and a protective roof (testudo arietaria: Vitr. De arch. 10,13,2; cf. also Diades’ testudo: Vitr. De arch. 10,13,6; Athenaeus [5] 12,12-14,3; Hegetor’s testudo: Vitr. De arch. 10,15,2-7; Athenaeus [5] 21,1-26,5; Apollodorus [14]

153,8-154,11). As the ineffective deployment of a testudo arietaria at the siege of Massilia in 49 BC shows, defenders could definitely take measures against a testudo (Vitr. 10,16,11 f.). To prevent the enemy setting fire to a testudo, it was covered with skins filled with wet chaff (Vitr. 10,14,3; cf. 10,15,1). A tower served to allow soldiers to observe enemy actions (Vitr. 10,15,5). According to Vegetius, legions regularly made use of testudines (Veg. Mil. 2,25,7; 4,13 f.). ~» Chelone; > Siegecraft (with ill.) 1 D.Baatz, Bauten und Katapulte des romischen Heeres, 1994 2 O.LENDLE, Schildkroten. Antike Kriegsmaschinen in poliorketischen Texten, 1975. Y.LB.

354 MERKELBACH/WeEstT). In Roman poetry, T. is sometimes used metonymically for the sea (e.g. Verg. G. 1,31; Catull. 88,5; Ov. Met. 2,508—53 1); mythological references follow Greek models (e.g. Ov. Met. 11,784-786;

13,950). 1 W. Burkert, Die orientalisierende Epoche, 1984.

O. HOFER, s. v. T. (1), ROSCHER 5, 394-398; M.-O. JENTEL, s. v. T. (t), LIMC Suppl.,

s. v. T. (1), RE 5 A, 1065-1069.

1193-1195;

K. SCHERLING,

K.WA.

Tetrachalkon (tetodyahxov; tetrachalkon). Coin of 4 chalkoi (-» Chalkos), in Athens '/2 + obolods, in Chios

inscription on bronze coins of the Imperial period (= 7/; > as (?), in the Seleucid Kingdom value indicator

X A (4 chalkoi). Hesychius (s. v. x€a-vog) equates Spartan iron money with one tetrachalkon. DLK.

Tetradrachmon

(tetoddoayuov/tetradrachmon or tetoaypov/tetrachmon; Latin tetradrachmum, tetrachmum, Cic. Fam. 12, 13,4; Liv. 34,52,6). Coin of 4 drachmai (> Drachme [1]}), the usual large silver coin in

the Attic and Phoenician/Rhodean coinage standards (+ Coinage, standards of), approximately 14-17 g in weight; the standard coin was a + statér. Tetradrachmai minted from the late 6th cent. BC until the end of the 4th in Athens (+ Owls (coins)) and tetradrachmai

Tethronion (Te09mvov; Tethronion). City in eastern + Phocis (Hdt. 8,33; Plin. HN 4,8) on the northern

edge of the valley of the upper > Cephis(s)us [1], 20 stadia from Drymus [1], 15 stadia from + Amphicaea (Paus. 10,33,12); presumably to the northeast of modern Amphikleia or ona hill 5 km to the south of modern T. with ancient remains of city walls. In 480 BC destroyed by the Persians (Hdt. 8,33; Paus. 10,3,2), in 208

BC occupied by Philippus [7] V (Liv. 28,7,13). N.D. PapacHatTzis, Ilavoaviov “EAAadoc Meoujynots, Bd.

5, 1981, 431; MULLER, 583; J.McINERNEY, The Folds of Parnassos, 1999, 273 f. G.D.R.

Tethys (Tn0vc; Tethys). In Hom. Il. 14,200 f., > Hera calls T. and her brother -» Oceanus as the ancestors of all the gods. According to Hesiod and others, T. is the daughter of -» Gaea and > Uranus, sister of Oceanus and by him mother of all rivers and the - Oceanids (Hes. Theog. 337-370; Apollod. 1,8; cf. Diod. Sic. 4,69,13 4,72,1). During the battle between > Zeus and -» Kronos, > Rhea takes the young Hera to safety with T. and Oceanus (Hom. Il. 14,202-204). Hera is there-

fore able to pretend to want to visit her step-parents at the edges of the world in order to reconcile the estranged couple (Hom. Il. 14,205-210). For a striking parallel of the Homeric version and myths of the Ancient Near East (particularly the + Enuma elis) cf. [1. 8790}. In the Orphic poets, T. plays an important role (PI. Crat. 402b; Orph. H. 22). T. refuses to allow the con-

stellated — Callisto and her son > Arcas to bathe in Oceanus (Oy. Fast. 2,191 f.; possibly as early as Hes. fr.

minted in accordance with the Attic coinage standard by Alexander [4] the Great (obv. bust of Heracles, rev. enthroned Zeus) and the Hellenistic successor states came to be of particular significance. In the Ptolemaic empire, the tetradrachmon rapidly declined in value and became a > billon coin, reminted as such under Roman rule until as late as AD 296, from the middle of

the 3rd cent. onwards only in bronze. The cistophorus from Asia Minor was reckoned as three Roman denarii (+ Denarius)

(Fest. 359; on the limited valuation of

- cistophori cf. Cic. Att. 2,6,33; 2,16,4; 11,1,2). A 5th cent. BC copper tetradrachmon with a value indicator from the eastern coast of the Adriatic in [1]. 1 K.REGLING, Kupfernes T., in: Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique 11, 1908, 243 f. DLK.

Tetrakosioi

(oi tetoaxdo.o/hoi tetrakdsioi, ‘the four

hundred’). A group of 400 Athenians, assigned to political tasks as a council (see 1), or usurping those same tasks (see 2).

[1] A ‘probouleutic’ council in Athens consisting of roo members

from each of the four (Ionian) tribes (> Phyle[1]), created by Solon in 594/3 BC to advise the > ekklesia (Ath. Pol. 8,4, Plut. Sol. 19,1 f.). Its existence has been doubted, but probably mistakenly [5. 92— 96]. It was replaced after 508/7 BC by > Cleisthenes’ council of five hundred [1; 2. 153-156]. [2] An oligarchic régime set up in Athens in 411 BC, based (probably in imitation of Solon, see 1) on a council of four hundred. + Alcibiades [3] approached the Athenian fleet at Samos, claiming that if the Athenians

220

OD

changed from democracy to oligarchy and restored him, he could persuade the Persians to support Athens instead of Sparta (Thuc. 8,47 f.; > Peloponnesian War [E]); and since Athens was short of money the prospect of abolishing stipends was attractive. > Peisander [7] was sent to Athens to prepare for the revolution (Thuc.

en are connected by content. Further tetralogies are recorded for + Polyphrasmon (Lykourgeia), > Philocles [4] (Pandionis) and > Meletus [4] (Oidipodeia). The change from the Aeschylean content tetralogy or trilogy to the self-contained pieces of Sophocles and Euripides can be explained by the hypothesis [3. 21] that, for a certain time after 450 BC, one tragedy was staged on each of the three tragedy days of the Greater > Dionysia from one of the competing tragedians (‘drama versus drama competition’) [1. 260]. > Tragedy I; > Trilogy; > Satyr play

8,67-69).

Persian support was not obtained, but the oligarchs went ahead without Alcibiades. In May 411 BC a commission of thirty men was appointed to draft proposals; after the suspension of the + paranomon graphe and other safeguards for democracy, proposals were made for a powerful council of four hundred, which was appointed at once, and a citizen body limited to the hoplite (+ Hoplitai) class and expected to number five thousand. Further commissions were appointed to work out the details of the constitution, and to compile a register of the five thousand (which was never completed). The democratic council of five hundred (- Boule) was paid and dismissed, and the four hundred entered office and ruled despotically. The fleet at Samos reverted to de-

TETRARCHES, TETRARCHIA

1 A.Lesxy, Die tragische Dichtung der Hellenen, 31972 2 PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/GOULD/LEWIS, 1988 3 7.B.L. WesstTerR, The Order of Tragedies at the Great Dionysia, in: Hermathena roo, 1965, 21-28.

B.Z.

Tetrapolis (Tetodmodc/Tetrdpolis, ‘four-city’). Cult association of the Attic démoi of + Marathon (capital), + Oenoe[5], — Probalinthus and — Tricory(n)thus (Str. 8,7,1) on the eastern coast of Attica, founded by Xuthus (Str. 8,7,1); surviving prehistoric settlements at

mocracy (Thuc. 8, 75) and recalled Alcibiades, who prevented it from sailing to Athens (Thuc. 8,86). The

modern Nea Makri (> Probalinthus), Plasi (cf. Marathon) and Kato Souli (cf. Tricorynthus), middle Hella-

four hundred attempted to make peace with Sparta, but unsuccessfully (Thuc. 8,90). In September, when there was growing discontent among the hoplites in Athens (led by + Theramenes, who had helped to set up the régime), a squadron of Spartan ships defeated a squadron of Athenian ships in the Euripus [1] at Eretria [1], and this led to the overthrow of the four hundred and the establishment of a régime based on the five thousand, which lasted until 410 BC, when the democracy was restored (Thuc. 8,95-97; Ath. pol. 29-33). + Alcibiades [3]; > Athens (2 and 8); -» Oligarchia

dic and early Mycenaean necropolis of a local dynasty in Vrana [1]. As (pre-Greek) Hyttenia T. was part of the Attic Dodekdpolis (‘twelve-city’, Str. 9,1,20) and sent festal legations from the > Delion in Marathon to + Delos and from the > Pythion [1] in Oenoe [5] to +> Delphi (Philochoros FGrH 328 F 75). According to [2] this is no evidence of state unification of > Attica in the > Dark Ages. The cult calendar of T. (IG II* 1358; [3. 190-194, 384 no. 76]) attests to numerous, some

1 P.CLocué, La Boulé d’Athénes en 508/507 avant J.-C., in: REG 37, 1924, 1-24

2RHODES

3G.A. LEHMANN,

Oligarchische Herrschaft im klassischen Athen, 1997, 40-45 4A.W.Gommeetal., A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, vol. 5, 1981, 106-340 5 C.HiGNeTr, A History of the Athenian Constitution, 1952, repr. 1967. PR.

ancient, cults. 1 TRAVLOS, Attika, 217, ill. 281-288 2K.-W. WeLweE!, Athen, 1991, 66 3 WHITEHEAD, Index s. v. Marathonian T. H.LO.

Tetrarches, Tetrarchia (tetodcoync/tetrarchés, tetoaoyia/tetrarchia). I. DEFINITION

II. MILITARY

RANK

III. INcI-

DENCE IN THE CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC

Tetralogy (f tetoadoyia/hé tetralogia). Originally a technical term in rhetoric to describe four speeches treating the same case from different perspectives (+ Antiphon [4] A.), later also used to summarize the Platonic dialogues in groups of four (Diog. Laert. 3,57; -» Plato [x] C. 1. — 2.). Since the Hellenistic era, —> philology has used the term primarily for four theatre pieces connected by content: three — tragedies (> Trilogy) and one > satyr play [2. 80 f.]. The ‘originator’ of the tetralogy was probably + Aeschylus [1]; his Oresteia (458 BC) survives (without the satyr play); for an overview of certain and inferred content of tetralogies by Aeschylus: TrGF Ill, pp. 111-119. A Telepheia by + Sophocles [1] is recorded in an_ inscription ({x. 259 f.], TrGF IV, p. 434); by > Euripides [1], the Alexander, Palamedes and Trojan Women (415 BC) and the Oenomaus, Chrysippus and Phoenician Wom-

PERIODS, DOWN TO THE ROMAN IV. DIOCLETIAN’S TETRARCHY

PERIOD

I. DEFINITION The noun tetrarches (from tetedc/tetrds = ‘entity of four parts’ and Geyew/darchein = ‘rule’) designates a

military rank, but specifically the head of a tribal area within a fourfold alliance (tetrds or tetrarchia); subsequently a ruler of lesser rank (see below III.). The two meanings were brought together at the time of > Diocletian, so that the term now meant rule in four parts of the Roman Empire, but with differentiated competencies for each ruler (see below IV.). KBR. Il. MILITARY RANK The tetrdrchés was commander of a tetrarchia. This equestrian unit in the army of - Alexander [4] com-

TETRARCHES, TETRARCHIA prised four léchoi (> lochos [1]), each of 16 men Anab 3,18,5). By the period of — Philippus [I 7] Macedonia, but probably earlier, this subdivision applied to foot soldiers. + Military writers also

(Arr. V of also men-

tion a tetrarchia comprising four lochoi (Asclepiodotus 2,8; Arr. Tact. 10,1; Ael. Tact. 9,2). Tetrarchés was thus

one of the lower officers’ ranks. ~» Dekas

LB.

III. INCIDENCE IN THE CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC PERIODS, DOWN

TO THE ROMAN

PERIOD

~» Philippus [I 4] Il of Macedonia installed tetrarchs (tetrarchai, pl.) in Thessaly (— Thessalians, Thessalia), which was divided into the four territories of Thessaliotis, Pelasgiotis, Hestiaeotis and Phthiotis (Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 52; cf. Dem. Or. 9,26; Theopompus FGrH

115 F 208; Syll.3 274). In Asia Minor, the tribes of the Galatians (> Galatia), the Tolistobogii,

> Trocmi and > Tectosages, who

had migrated into the area at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC, were each divided into four sections, with a tetrarchés at their head (Str. 12,5,1); in 86 BC > Mi-

thridates [6] VI of Pontus had all three assassinated (App. Mithr. 46), and in 63 > Pompeius [I 3] gave each of the three tribes a ruler. One of these, > Deiotarus, bore the title of king, and the others, > Brogitarus and Castor > Tarcondarius, that of tetrarchés. In this way, the term tetrarchés lost its reference to the number four, and came to signify a ruler of lesser rank. It was in this sense that the Romans granted the title to numerous dynasts in the East (cf. Plin. HN 5,74; 5,81f.; Jos. AJ 17,286; Jos. Vit. 52; Tac. Ann. 15,25,3 and passim). In the case of > Iudaea, in 41 BC, M. > Antonius {I 9] appointed > Herodes [1] and Phasael tetrarchs under the ethnarch and high priest > Hyrcanus [3] II (Jos. BI 1,244; Jos. AJ 14,326). In 20 BC, with the approval of > Augustus, Herodes appointed his brother -» Pheroras tetrarchés of the > Peraia in Transjordan (Jos. BI 1,483). In 4 BC, in accordance with Herodes’ will, Augustus divided the kingdom between Herodes’ three sons. + Archelaus [10] received the Jewish heartland including Jerusalem, under the title &0vaoync/ ethndarchés. > Herodes [4] Antipas was given > Galilaea and Peraia, and - Philippus [I 26] the external northern possessions of Trachonitis, -» Batanaea, + Gaulanitis and Panias at the sources of the Jordan (see map under -» Hasmonaeans): both, as lesser-ranking dynasts, bore the title tetrarchés (Jos. Bl 2,93-7; Jos. AJ 17,317-20). SCHURER T, 333-335

324

Ras

(n. 12) with references and literature

K.BR.

IV. DIOCLETIAN’sS TETRARCHY The term “Tetrarchy’, describing the system, created by > Diocletianus in AD 293, of co-dominion by four emperors, combined with the actual division of the empire into four realms, is a modern coining. In the first Tetrarchy, the two Augusti Diocletian and ~ Maximianus [1], who had already been ruling together since

286, were joined in 293 by two Caesares, + Constantius [xr] and > Galerius [5]; these were newly elevated, and assigned as subordinates to the Augusti, who adopted them. As in earlier cases of collegiate rule since the foundation of the Principate, (- Princeps II.), the aim of this system was as much to assure an ordered succession as to share the responsibility of rule. What was, however, new was Diocletian’s choice in 293 of Caesares who were not related to him or Maximianus except in law, even passing over the son of his fellow Augustus Maximianus, > Maxentius. Also new was an ingenious system of advancement, and the setting of a time limit on periods of active rule, so as to avoid the chaotic successions that had marked the 3rd cent. (— Soldier emperors). Soon after the 2oth anniversary (Vicennalia) of Diocletian’s accession (284), on 1 May 305 he and Maximianus retired, becoming seniores Augusti; the existing Caesares rose to the rank of Augusti, and new Caesares were appointed in the persons of - Valerius [II 31] Severus and + Maximinus [1] Daia (the new arrangement is depicted on the pilaster reliefs

at Gamzigrad [2. 163-7]). After 20 years’ rule, the new Augusti were in their turn to cede place to their Caesares, and so on. When Diocletian conceived this system of succession

remains subject to question, and, in the final analysis, is contingent on the general assessment adopted of his motives and political aims. If, with [3], we accept that, in his naming of co-regents in 286 and 293, Diocletian merely reacted to current crises (on the causes cf. —» Maximianus [1], + Constantius [1], > Galerius [5]), it is not necessarily the case that, in 293, he was already

pursuing the concept of a fixed-term order of succession. The contrary position is expressed especially by [4], who supports the notion that abdication was part of the plan from the beginning. This is supported by the date of 295-305 for the palace complex at > Spalatum, which Diocletian meant to occupy after his retirement from active politics [5. 745], and by the simultaneous elevation of Constantius and Galerius to Caesares, which cannot be reconciled with an improvisation (Pan. Lat.

8,3,1-3

on

the ortus

Caesarum

ont.3.293,

cf.

Chron. min. 1 p. 230 MOMMSEN). The differentiated hierarchy, conforming to the official sequence Diocletian, Maximianus, Constantius

and Galerius, the emphasis on the symmetry and similarity (similitudo) of the rulers (cf. the Four Tetrarchs relief in Venice: [2. 147]), and the self-representation as a double dynasty (lovius and Herculius) established by Jupiter, guaranteed the integrity of the Tetrarchy until Diocletian’s retirement. This in turn assured the transition to the so-called second Tetrarchy (cf. fig.), headed by Constantius. But Constantius’ death soon thereafter (July 3.06) set off severe conflicts, as the emperors’ sons, -» Constantinus [1] and Maxentius, did not accept their displacement by the Tetrarchy’s artificial order of succession. Diocletian intervened again in person at the imperial conference of > Carnuntum (308). The system barely survived, continually threatened by usurpers,

326

Western half of the Roman Empire Caesar

Augustus

TETRARCHES,

TETRARCHIA

Eastern half of the Roman Empire Augustus

Augustus

Diocletian

Diocletian L___

pjocietian

1 March 293

First Tetrarchy Maximianus

Diocletian

(resigned; t 310)

1 May 305 1 May 305

Valerius [ll 31]

Galerius [5]

Second Tetrarchy

Severus

Val. Severus

(resigned; + 313)

25 July 306 25 July 306

Constantius t Val. [Il 31] Severus Constantinus [1]

Galerius

Maximinus

Galerius

Maximinus

Third Tetrarchy

Uuly) Constantinus [1]

Maxentius (Oct.)

(August)

until 312 Val. Severus (t 307)

Galerius

Maxentius Maximianus [1]

until 308 Constantinus

Maxentius

Galerius

Maximinus

Domitius [Il 4] Maximianus

Imperial conference at Carnuntum, 308 Constantinus

Licinius [II 4] Licinius

Nov. 308

Galerius

Fourth Tetrarchy

Galerius

Maximinus

Maxentius

Domitius [ll 4] Constantinus

Licinius

Galerius

Maxentius

Maximinus [1]

Maximinus

Maximianus (+ 310)

Constantinus [1] “—®Licinius [II 4]

Galerius (+ 311)

Constantinus

Licinius

Maximinus

Licinius

Maximinus (+ 313)

Maxentius (+ 312) Constantinus

Crispus [1]

Constantinus

Licinius [I] 4]

Constantinus

Licinius [Il 4]

Licinius [Il 5)

Constantinus [2] Licinius [Il 4]

Licinius [Il 5]

(abdicated; + 325)

(deposed; + 326) Constantius [2]

Constantinus [1]

Constans [1]

Dalmatius [2] Dalmatius t+

Constantinus [1] + Constantinus [2] Il.

Constans [1] I.

Constantius [2] Il.

337-340

337-350

337-361

Maxentius: not generally recognized as Augustus.

For the division of the Empire, cf.

> Diocletianus, map.

TETRARCHES, TETRARCHIA

B27

until 3 11, then relied solely on Augusti until 317, and in 324, after the victory of Constantine over —> Licinius [II 4], ended ina return to family rule, with Constantine as sole Augustus and his four sons as Caesares. Despite the Tetrarchy’s collapse, lived through by Diocletian (who died probably in 313), the influence of this model of multiple rule can scarcely be underestimated, as it introduced a phase of the Empire when multiple rule and division of the realm became normal. > Diocletianus; — Dominatus; —» Late antiquity ; Principate; > Rome L.E.3 1D. VoLiMeEr, Tetrarchie, Bemerkungen zum Gebrauch

eines antiken und modernen Begriffs, in: Hermes 119, 1991, 435-449 2F.Kors, Herrscherideologie in der Spatantike, 2001

chie, 1946 chie,1987

3 W.SesTon, Dioclétien et la Tétrar-

4F.KoLs, Diocletian und die Erste Tetrar5 W.Kunoer, Diokletian und die Epoche der

Tetrarchie, 2001.

B.BL.

Tetras (tetodc/tetras; suffix probably Siculan [r. 57]). Sicilian bronze coin, part of a > litra. According to Pollux (on the > trids; 9,80 f.) and Hesychius [1] (s. v. tetoavta) the tetras was interpreted as 4 > unciae = "/;litra, the trids as 3 unciae = ‘/,litra [x. 53 f.]. Linguistically this is not tenable, the suffix -G¢ in fact describes parts of a whole, therefore t. describes '/,litra, hence 3 unciae, and corresponds to the Roman ~ quadrans [1. 54-58]. Accordingly, the coin described in numismatics as a trids is in fact a tetras. (and vice versa; an

alteration to the established nomenclature, however, would

only lead to confusion).

The

tetras

328

in the Attic, Phoenician/Rhodean and Persian coinage standards (+ Coinage, standards of). The Athenian t. is mentioned by Aristophanes (Pax 254); Pollux (9,63) describes the Athenian tetrobolon of the 4th cent. BC somewhat incorrectly as having a head of Zeus on the obverse (in fact of Athena), and two owls on the reverse. W.SCHWABACHER, S. v., RE7 A, 160 f.

DLK.

Tettarakonta (oi tettapdxovta/hoi tettarakonta, ‘the Forty’). In Athens, a college of forty judges appointed by lot, four each out of the ten phylai (+ phyle [1]) after 404/3 BC. They were assigned to a phyle other than their own and handled cases concerning defendants of that phyle. They decided private suits for sums up to 10 drachmae on their own, and referred private suits (— dike [2]) for larger sums to the > diaitetai [2]. However, it was possible to appeal against the decision of the diaitetes to a > dikasterion presided over by one of the Forty. The college succeeded the — dikastai kata demous established by — Peisistratus [4] and revived in 453/2 (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 16,5), and at first had only 30 members. After they had ceased visiting the demes (+ demos [2]) in the last years of the > Peloponnesian War, and after the number thirty had been rendered inauspicious by the oligarchy of the ‘Thirty’ (— triakonta) in 404/3 BC, the number was increased and their work reorganized (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 53, 1-3). A.R.W. HARRISON, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971, PLR. 18-21; 66-68; RHODES, 587-591.

(ancient

name) bears a value indication of 3 balls or strokes. 1 H. CHANTRAINE, Bemerkungen zum Altesten sizilischen und rémischen Minzwesen, in: JNG 12, 1962, 51-64.

DLK.

Tetrastylos (from the adjective tetocotvioc/tetrastylos, ‘four-columned’). Modern architectural term describing, in analogy to the established term hexastylos (‘six-columned’), a temple or column construction with only four frontal columns. Lit. vgl. + Tempel (V. A.3)

Tetrax see

CHO,

» Appenninus (Varro

Rust. 2,1,5; Verg. Aen. 7,713) to the north of the Via Salaria, which separates the fourth (Nursia der Sabini) and fifth (Asculum

in Picenum)

Monti Sibillini (up to 2476 m high). Tetricus see

1 M.Gacerorni, EOS 2, 263.

L. Sensi, Italia: regio VI (Umbria), in:

[2] T. T. Serenus. Brother of T. [1]. Praetorian governor of — Lugdunensis in c. AD 78-80 [1. 300]; cos. suff. probably in 81. Member of the — pontifices low Sttesta. aa oct 1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter, in: Chiron 12, 1982, 281-362 2 L.ScHu-

> Capercaillie

Tetrica mons. Mountain in the

Tettienus [1] Galeo T. Petronianus. Senator from — Asisium. Cos. suff. in AD 76. Brother of T. [2]. Probably the adoptive father of T. [3]; [1. 263].

> regiones, modern

GU.

> Esuvius

Tetrobolon (tetemPodov). Coin of 4 obols (+ Obolos), */; of a > drachme [1] or '/; of a > didrachmon, or ofa -» stater. These third-staters were also called drachmai,

e.g. in Corinth, Mende, where the stater was equal to three (instead of two) drachmat. The tetrobolon. occurs

MACHER, Prosopographische Untersuchungen zur Besetzung der vier hohen rémischen Priesterkollegien, 1973 3 A. ANDERMARR, Totus in praediis, 1998.

[3] Galeo T. Severus M. Eppuleius Proculus Ti. Caespio Hispo. For the nomenclature see [1. 136 f.]. He may have been from northern Italy and was adopted by T. [x]; his career in CIL V 5813: after a praetorship, he became praefectus aerarii militaris, proconsul provinciae Baeticae, cos. suff. inc. AD 102/3, proconsul Asiae in 117/8 or 118/9. 1 SALomies, Nomenclature. G. ALFOLDY, Stadte, Eliten und Ges. in der Gallia Cisal-

pina, 1999, 335 f.

WE.

329

330

Tettius. Old and frequently attested Roman nomen

shape of an oblique-angled triangle with differentlyformed (curved, straight) edges.

gentile (SCHULZE, 2423 425). I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] T., T. As praef. of the Pompeians, he took part in the fortification of + Curubis in c. 47 BC (ILS 5319). [12] T. Damio. Owned a vestibulum (hallway) on the + via Sacra in Rome into which Cicero fled from P. Clodius [I 4] in 57 BC (Cic. Att. 4,3,3). J.BA. II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {11 1] C. T. Africanus Cassianus Priscus. Eques, from

Asisium. Under — Vespasianus praefectus vigilum and praefectus annonae; under > Titus [II 2] prefect of Egypt, where he is recorded up to February AD 82 (CIL Ill 35). Married to > Funisulana Vettula, sister or daughter of the consular > Funisulanus Vettonianus. For the family relationship see [1. 110 f.; 2. no. 395; 3. 482 f.]. 1 J.K. Evans, The Role of Suffragium in Imperial Political Decision-making, in: 2 RAEPSAET-CHARLIER

Historia 27, 1978, 102-128 3 R.SABLAYROLLES, Libertinus

miles, 1996.

{fl 2] L. T. Iulianus. Senator. Related to T. [II 1], perhaps his brother. By AD 69 already a legionary legate in Moesia when, at the request of Otho, he was given ornamenta consularia for success against the Sarmates (Tac. Hist. 1,79,5). For his wavering political position

Apponius [8] Saturninus, the governor of Moesia, wanted to have him killed, but T. fled to Vespasian (Tac. Hist. 2,85,2); a praetorship awarded to him for the year 70 was withdrawn by the Senate, but was then restored for his aligning himself with Vespasian. Legate of the Legio III Augusta in Africa in 81 and 82; in 83 suffect consul. He presumably led the army that defeated the Dacian king + Decebalus at Tapae in 88 (Cass. Dio 67,10,1 f.). W.E.

TEUCER

1 A. Kruc, Binden in der griech. Kunst, 1968, 34 f.; 128; 132 (Iyp 10) 2K.SCHAUENBURG, Stud. zur unterital. Vasenmalerei, Bd. 2, 2000, 41.

RH.

Teucer (Tetxgoc/Teitkros, Latin Teucer). [1] Oldest mythical king in the Troad, son of > Scamander and — Idaea [2]; he gave both his daughters, Neso and Bat(i)eia (Arisbe), in marriage to > Dardanus {1] (> Dardanidae). Bat(i)eia bore Dardanus a son, Erichthonius, who fathered > Tros, the father of > Ilos [1], who in turn was the father of > Laomedon [1]. The latter’s daughter, > Hesione [4], bore a son > T. [2] to ~» Telamon [1] (Apollod. 3,13 9f.; Diod. Sic. 4,75). He is considered to be an immigrant from Crete (Lycoph. 1302 with scholium; Verg. Aen. 3,104ff. and Serv. z. Stays

[2] Descendent of T. [x], from Salamis [1], son of + Telamon [1] and > Hesione [4], warrior before Troy, half brother of + Ajax [1]; he fights alongside the latter as the best archer in the Greek army before the walls of Troy (Hom. Il. 13,169-182; 13,266ff.; 15,437-499; Apollod. epit. 5,6; Quint. Smyrn. 4,405-435). In Sophocles’ ‘Ajax’ he endeavours to obtain an honourable burial for Ajax [1] (Soph. Aj. 1141; 1146; 1402 ff.). At the capture of Troy he is inside the wooden horse (Paus. 1,23,8), on his return to Salamis he is turned away by Telamon because he has not avenged Ajax’s death [1] (Lycoph. 450-478). He therefore founds Salamis [2] on Cyprus (Pind. Nem. 4,46; Aesch. Pers. 895; Hor. Carm. 1,7,21-32; cf. Verg. Aen. 1,619-626). T.’s connection with Cyprus might go back to the Athenian policy of expansion immediately after the Persian Wars [1.64 f.]. 1M.P. Nizsson, Cults, Myths, Oracles and Politics in Ancient Greece, 1951. eK

[3] T. of Cyzicus, Greek historian, rst cent. BC (s. v. T. =

Tettix (Tétné, lit. > “cicada”). [1] A Cretan said to have founded a city on the > Taenarum near the supposed entrance to Hades: there the man who killed + Archilochus in battle, Callondas,

nicknamed Corax, was sent by Delphi to placate Archilochus’ ghost (Plut. De sera 17.615E, whence Suda «a 4112, probably via Ael. (fr. 80)). The hypothesis of [1] that Archilochus called himself T. remains unproven, in spite of Lucian, Pseudol. 1 and Archil. fr. 223 WeEsT. 1 GOBER, Ss. Vv. L. (x), RE 5 A, rrr.

E.BO.

[2] Greek forehead decoration on a headband, appeared in the early 5th cent. BC. It took its name from its resemblance to a cicada (-> Asius in Ath. 12,525 f; Heraclid. Pont. in Ath. 12,512c; Thuc. 1,6,3; Aristoph. Equ. 1331; Aristoph. Nub. 984; cf. Ael. VH 4,22). It fell out of fashion in the second half of the 5th cent. Modern scholarship follows the evidence of monumental art [1] to equate the tettix with a forehead decoration in the

T 1) who wrote the following works: About gold-producing land, About Byzantium, About the Deeds of Mithridates (5 vols.), About Tyre (5 vols.), Arabika (5

vols., Arabian), History of the Jews (6 vols.) and others. The contents of the work Peri horism6n, mentioned by Ath. 10,83 = F 3, remains a mystery. Only three fragments in all are extant. A certain T. of Cyzicus, whose history of illness is recounted by Rufus [5] of Ephesus (in Orib. collectiones medicae 45,30,11-13), was probably a descendant of T. Ep.: FGrH 274 (with JAcoBy’s comm.).

K.MEI.

[4] Astrologer, probably rst cent. BC; from Babylon (prob. in Egypt rather than the Persian one or Seleuceia), on his name see [3. 22f.; 4. 45f.]. He wrote a Sphaera barbarica (‘sky-map of the foreigners’, about > paranatellonta), who

influence the effects of (the

areas of) individual degrees of the signs of the > zodiac. Fragments of three different texts with unknown titles

TEUCER

551

532

are extant, of which the second and the end of the first

tains. Urban institutions, magistrates and various cults are recorded in inscriptions. Capital in about AD 400

were presumably integrated in the roth cent. into a compendium about the zodiac; it was translated in the Late Middle Ages into Picard and Latin. Edition of the fragments: text 1 [1. 16-21] and in ~-» Rhetorius (CCAG 7, 192-213); end from Aquarius 18°: [4.vol. 1, 126f.], commentary [4.vol. 2, 94-103]; text 2 [4.vol. 1, 108-127], commentary [4.vol. 2, 1-93]; text 3 CCAG 9.2, 180-186.

T. had an impact on Manilius [III 1], Vettius Valens, Antiochus [23], Porphyrius, Firmicus Maternus, Julianus [19] of Laodicea, Rhetorius, Aba Ma‘Sar, Johannes Kamateros (12th cent.) as well as Giordano Bruno and, via Aba Ma ‘Sar, influenced pictorial repre-

sentations of the paranatellonta and the decans of the modern era. + Zodiac 1 F.Box1, Sphaera, 1903.

5 A,

1132-1134

2 W.GuNDEL,s. v. T. (5), RE

3 W.HUBNerR, Manilio e Teucro di

Babilonia, in: Manilio fra poesia e scienza, 1993, 21-40 4 Ders., Grade und Gradbezirke der Tierkreiszeichen, 1995. W.H.

Teucri (Tetxeot; Tekroi). Tribe in the > Troas (Hdt.

50133 51223 7,205 7,433 Str. 13,213 13,1,48; 13,1,64), possibly the > Thraces, who had migrated back to Thrace even before the ‘Trojan War’. A few remained in + Gergis in the Troas (Hdt. 5,122; 7,43), hence the identification of the T. and the Gergithae. Identified as early as Aesch. Ag. 112 with the Troes, the T. were mentioned from the 5th cent. BC onwards only in mythological, not in historical contexts, and continued living in the legend around Teucrus [1].

of the province of Noricum

Mediterraneum

(+ Dio-

cletianus with map). Because of the dangers caused by the Migrations, the population withdrew to the walled hilltop. In AD 472 T. was besieged by the + Ostrogoths under Widimer. From the middle of the 5th cent., T. is recorded as a bishopric (an episcopal see with xenodochium and a late antique church with cemetery have been excavated). In about 610, the > Slavs brought urban life there to an end. F.GLASER;,

131-141

Friihes

Christentum

3Id., T. Romerstadt

im Alpenraum,

und

Bischofssitz,

1997,

1992;

G.Piccotrini, Die Romer in Karnten, 1989, 126-141.

GHW.

Teuta (Tevta/Teuita, also Teutana, cf. Flor. Epit. 1,21;

Illyrian title: ‘queen’ [1. 93]). From 232/1 BC ruler, as the widow of > Agron [3] and regent for her step-son Pinnes, of a confederation of Illyrian tribes (Cass. Dio fr. 49,3; [2. 41, 68]). T.’s pirate-like attacks on the coasts of Epirus, Acarnania and even the western Peloponnesus unsettled the Greek cities there as well as Italic merchants in the Adriatic. In 23 1/o T. (with the help of > Scerdilaedas) raided — Phoenice, -* Corcyra [1] and Epidamnos

(—~ Dyrrhachium),

defeated an Aeto-

W.Ruce,s. v.T., RE 5 A, 1121 f.; W. Lear, Strabo on the

lian/Achaean fleet off the Paxi Islands and by her dismissive treatment of a Roman legation sent to protest provoked the first Illyrian War (229-228 BC; Pol. 2,4,7-6,7; 2,89; Flor. Epit. 1,21; App. Ill. 7,18; Cass. Dio fr. 49,1 f.; [2. 42 f.]). Here it is a matter of debate whether the Roman declaration of war was caused primarily by the killing of the Roman ambassador > Coruncanius or by a request for help from > Issa, which

Troad, 1923, 245.

was (or it was pretended to be) allied with Rome [2. 48,

E.SCH.

Teumessus (Tevpnoodc; Teumeéssos). Town or mountain in > Boeotia (Hom. h. ad Apollinem 224), modern Mesovouni; about 7 km to the northeast of Thebae [2]

({2. 242-217]; contra [4. 96-98]: about 4 km to the southeast of this near the district of Soula on the modern Paliobouna) on the route to Chalcis [1] (Paus. 9,19,1); evidence of a sanctuary of Athena Telchinia without cult image [3]; cf. Str. 9,2,24; Steph. Byz. s. v. T., further sources in [1]. 1C.Fieun,

s.v.

T.. RE

5A,

1134f.

2 Fossey

3 SCHACHTER, vol. 1, 129; vol. 3, 40

4P. W. Wallace,

Strabo’s Description of Boiotia, 1979.

M.FE.

Teurnia

(Teovevia/Teournia).

Celtic settlement (Plin.

HN 3,146; Ptol. 2,13,3; Late Antiquity Tiburnia; Eugippius 17,21: metropolis Norici), modern St. Peter im Holz (Carinthia, Austria). Traces of settlement on

the Holzer mountain 4 km to the west of Spittal in the valley of the > Dra(v)us (modern Drau) extend back to the rrth cent. BC. Under Claudius [III 1], T. became a

+ municipium; its territory encompassed the western part of modern Carinthia as far as the Tauern moun-

51-53]. Ancient authors characterize T. according to the prevalent stereotype of a barbarian woman: driven by emotion, hot-headed and fickle [2. 52; 3]. The swift successes of the consuls Cn. > Fulvius {I 2] Centumalus

(with 200 ships at Epidamnos and Issa) and L. > Postumius [I 5] Albinus (with 20,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry at Apollonia [1]) were facilitated by the switching to the Roman side of Demetrius of Pharos, T.’s govyernor of Corcyra. After the peace agreement with T., who

abdicated

in 229, fled to > Risinum

(Rhizon)

(Risan in modern Montenegro) and remained there until her (soon following?) death, Demetrius, with the

assent of Rome, succeeded T. as regent for Pinnes in an Illyrian kingdom which was territorially considerably reduced and limited in its freedom of movement to the sea (Pol. 2,12,3; Cass. Dio fr. 49,7; 53; cf. [2. 54, 793 4. no. 50o]). > Illyricum 1 H.Kraue, Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu den messapischen Inschr., in: Glotta 17, 1929, 81-105 2D. VoLLMER, Symploke, 1990 3 N.EHRHARDT, T. Eine ‘barbarische’ K6nigin bei Polybios und in der spate-

ren Uberl., in: R. ROLLINGER/CuR. ULF (eds.), Geschlechterrollen — Frauenbild — Antike Ethnographie, 2002, 23 6247 4StV, vol. 3. L-M.G.

325

334

TEUTLUSSA

Teutamus (Tevtapoc/Tevtamos). [1] (also Tautanes: Aug. Civ. 18,19). According to Diod. Sic. 2,22,2, he is the twentieth Assyrian king after Ninyas [1], who at > Priamus’ request sends auxiliary troops during the Trojan War. [2] (also Téxtapoc/Téktamos). The son of > Dorus, he is the leader of a group of settlers who migrate from Thessaly to Crete (Diod. Sic. 4,60,2). His son Asterion [x] by a Cretan princess is Europe’s [2] mortal husband. CH.KR. [3] Macedonian officer, who after > Alexander’s [II 4] death commanded the — argyrdspides with or under ~ Antigenes [2], and, after the two at > Polyperchon’s [x] command joined up with > Eumenes [1] in 319 BC, also the latter’s bypaspistai (bodyguards; Diod. Sic. 18,59,3; 19,28,1). T. was also a satrap, possibly of ~ Paraetacene. By means of alleged contact with Alexander, Eumenes won T.’ and Antigenes’ trust, so that they were not moved to secede (Plut. Eumenes 13,7-8; Diod. Sic. 18,62—63). But when in the battle of Gabiene (316 BC) > Antigonus [1] seized the possessions and families of the army, negotiations conducted by T. led to the return of the people and things captured and the handing over of Eumenes to Antigonus (Plut. Eumenes 16-18; Diod. Sic. 19,42,3 and 43). There is no further mention of T.

Teuthis (Teb@tc; Tedithis). City in - Arcadia) on the + Lusius with sanctuaries to Athena, Artemis and Aphrodite (Paus. 8,28,4—6), at modern Dimitsana. Settled from the Bronze Age, T. originally belonged to + Orchomenus [3] (Paus. 8,27,4) and in 368/7 BC was added to + Megalopolis and minted, occasionally independently, as a member of the Achaean League (> Achaeans, Achaea [1]) its own copper coinage. S. HORNBLOWER, When was Megalopolis founded?, in: ABSA 85, 1990, 71-77; R. Hope Simpson, Mycenaean Greece, 1981, 88; H.CHANTRAINE, Der Beginn der jiin-

geren achaischen Bundespragung,

in: Chiron 2, 1972,

175-190.

SAT.

Teuthrania (TevOgavia; Teuthrania). Region or its capital in the Mysian valley of the lower Caicus [1]. The name is derived from > Teuthras, who reportedly took in + Auge [2] and her son > Telephus [1] as guests when they were washed ashore in + Mysia. The region is generally located from the Aeolian coast between + Atarneus and Cisthene (at modern Gomeg) inland about as far up as the upper > Macestus. The site of the city (Str. 13,1,69; Plin. HN 5,126) has been located (though without certainty) near modern Kalerga beneath Mount Geyikli [1. 115]. T. was one of the cities that Darius [1] I presented to the fugitive Spartan king

1,443-446), was al-

— Damaratus after 491 BC (Hdt. 6,70; Xen. an. 2,1,3; 7,8,17). There was a city of the same name on the Paphlagonian coast of the Black Sea (> Pontos Euxeinos; Ptol. 5,4,2).

legedly worshipped by > human sacrifice. Of the Late Antiquity — early mediaeval commentaries on Lucanus,

(ed.), Alterttimer von Pergamon, vol. 1, 1912/13, 93-143.

HECKEL, 316-319.

EB.

Teutates. Celtic god, who, along with > Esus and ~ Taranis (according to Lucanus

the adnotationes (p. 28 ENDT) equate T. with > Mercurius II., the commenta Bernensia (p. 32 USENER) both with Mercury and with > Mars (cf. [1]). The name T.

could have arisen etymologically from a fusion of Celtic touto-tati-s (‘father of the tribe’) [2]. Among the little epigraphic evidence for T. is a silver tablet dedicated to Marti Toutati from Britain (CIL VII 84; uncertain CIL

VII 335). The dedication in the barracks of the equestrian guard in Rome is considered to be Toutati Medurini (CIL VI 31182). An inscription from Styria, CIL II 5320, calls on Mars with a number of epithets, among which is Toutatis. It is not to Mars, but to Iuppiter Teutanus (CIL III 10418; [3. 419]) that several dedications from the area of the civitas Eraviscorum (modern Gellérthegy in Budapest) turn. Evidence from Rome, Styria and particularly Hungary supports the assumption, derived from a possible interpretation of the word, that the name T. is merely an epithet to describe tribal gods 21 > Interpretatio 1 F.Grar, Menschenopfer in der Burgerbibliothek, in: Archaologie der Schweiz 14.1, 1991, 136-143 2J.DE Vries, Keltische Religionen, 1961, 45-50 3 J. Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens in der Rémerzeit, vol. 2, 1993. P.M. Duvat, T.-Esus-Taranis, in: Id., Travaux sur la Gaule, vol. 1, 1989, 275-286; J.CH. BALTy, s.v. T., LIMC 8.1, 1197. ME.

1 A. SCHUCHHARDT, Die Ruinenstatte, in: A. CONZE et al.

W.RucgE, T. (1-2), RE 5 A, 1158-1161.

E.O.

Teuthras (Tev0Qac; Teithras). Possibly a son of Midius and Arge (IG XI 4,1207); he rules as eponymous king

over > Teuthrania (Apollod. 2,147) or Mysia (Plut. De fluviis 21,4). The figure of T. is most prominent in connexion with Auge [2] and Telephus [1] (Paus. 8,4,9 with a reference to Hecataeus). Ancient sources (additionally: Apollod. 3,103 f.; Diod. Sic. 4,33) agree that T. marries Auge, who has been exposed, and raises her son

(otherwise: Hyg. Fab. roo; Plut. ibid. 21,4). Plutarch

tells that T. kills a boar sacred to Artemis on Mount Thrasyllus and is punished with madness. After he is healed as a result of a sacrifice by his mother., T. names the mountain Teuthras. T. is also depicted on the Telephus frieze in Pergamum. CH.KR. Teutlussa (Tevthovooca/Tevtloussa, Tevthotooa/Teutlotissa; Teutloessa, TevtkOeooa; modern Sesklion).

Island on the coast of Caria (> Cares). In the winter of 412/1 BC the Athenians, defeated by a Spartan fleet 1km to the north at - Syme, sought shelter there (Thuc. 8,42,4; Steph. Byz. s.v. T.). Plin. HN 5,133 locates T. incorrectly at Rhodes. Limited traces of settlement survive. G.SusIn1,

Supplemento

epigrafico,

1963/1964, 203-292, here 260.

in: ASAA

41/42, A.KU.

TEUTOBODUUS

335

336

Teutoboduus. The name is probably partly Celtic and

formed three divisions, by means of which the T. and the + Ambrones sought to invade Italy by way of the + Alpes Maritimae. In roz BC at > Aquae [III 5] Sex-

partly Germanic [1. 202; 2. 277]. King of the > Teutoni, who were annihilated in 102 BC by C. Marius [I 1]

at Aquae [III 5] Sextiae. T. was captured in flight and in ror handed over to Marius, who paraded him in his triumphal procession (Flor. Epit. 1,38; Eutr. 5,1,4; Oros. 5,16,11). -» Germani, Germania; 1 A.SCHERRER,

-» Cimbri

Die keltisch-germanischen

chungen, in: H. KRAHE (ed.), FS F. Sommer, 210

Namensglei1955, 199-

2 SCHMIDT.

W.SP,

tiae, first the Ambrones, then some days later the T.,

were defeated and obliterated by the Romans. > Teutoboduus, the king of the T., was captured, the booty was shared among the Roman soldiery or dedicated to the gods (Flor. Epit. 1,38,10 f.). The sources then fall silent as regards the T. The C. were defeated some time later at Vercellae [1]. It is unclear to what extent elements of the T. and C. split off in the course of their migrations. Neither the consecrations to Mercurius Cimbrius/Cimbrianus of the Heiligenberg near Heidel-

Teutomalius (Toutomotulus). King of the Celtic - Salluvii, who fled to the > Allobroges in 121 BC. They supported him against his tribe, but were defeated by Cn. + Domitius [I 3] Ahenobarbus (Liv. Per. 6r).

Teutomatus

(Toutomatus; Celtic name: ‘one who is good for his tribe’ [r. 117 f.]). King of the + Nitiobroges, son of > Ollovico. T. supported > Vercingetorix at Gergovia in 52 BC, but was able to escape a surprise attack by the Romans only by fleeing (Caes. Gall. 7531553 724655). 1 EVANS.

W.SP.

Teutoni. Germanic tribe, settled, according to Pytheas [4] (Plin. HN 37,35) on the western coast of Jutland, probably neighbouring the > Cimbri (=C.), in conjunction with whom they are often named (cf. Vell. Pat. 2,8), most scholars (cf. e.g. [1. 232 note 71]) therefore supposing that the two tribes migrated southwards together to the Danube (- Ister, Istrus [1]), to + Noricum (victory over Papirius [I 8] Carbo at Noreia in 113 BC) and thence through the region of the > Helvetii to Gaul (— Gallia). It is also inferred, however, that the migra-

tion of the T. was only motivated by the successes of the C., and should be seen as a subsequent migration [5. 44]. In ro5 BC the C. annihilated a Roman army at + Arausio. If the T. did fight in this Germanic army, they now separated from the C., who moved on to northern Spain (+ Hispania, Iberia), while the T. remained in Gaul. Repulsed by the — Celtiberi, the C. returned to Gaul, probably (re-)uniting with the T. in the region of the -» Veliocasses at Rotomagus (modern Rouen) (Liv. Per. 67). Repulsed by the > Belgae, both plundered in Gaul and moved south, having left behind 6,000 men and impedimenta with the > Eburones. Later, following the defeat of the main armed force, these

men merged into the Atuatuci, who succeeded in establishing themselves along the > Mosa [1] (modern river Meuse) (Caes. B Gall. 2,29,4 f.; cf. Cass. Dio 39,4,1).

According to Plut. Marius 15,6, they forthwith formed two detachments and moved south; according to Oros. 5,16,9, it was only after Marius [I r] had erected a fortified blockade at the mouth of the > Isara [1] (modern Isére) into the > Rhodanus (modern Rhéne) that they

berg and Miltenberg, however, nor the much discussed so-called Teutonenstein of Miltenberg (CIL XII 6610, on which [2]; contra [3. 493 note 1463]) can be invoked in this connection. The state of research on the T. is controversial because of (1) the largely Romanocentric sources and the rhetorical and ideological clichés which long survived Antiquity in the idea of the furor Teutonicus (“Teutonic fury’; Luc. 1,255) [4], (2) ancient authors’ limited knowledge of the motives and intentions of the migrating C. and T. in the late 2nd cent. BC, (3) backward projection of the political and military conflicts and the destruction of both tribes on to earlier events and (4) the glorification of the victor Marius. — Cimbri; - Germani [1] 1 H.-W. Goetz, K.-W.

1995,eSp.202-271

WeL.we1, Altes Germanien, vol. 1,

2H.NESSELHAUF, Zur Deutung des

Toutonensteins, in: J. RGODER (ed.), Toutonenstein und Heunesaulen bei Miltenberg, 1960, 85 f. 3 H.BIRKHAN, Germanen und Kelten, 1970 4 TH. TRAZASKA-RICHTER, Furor Teutonicus, 1991 5 D.T1mMpe, Kimberntrad. und Kimbernmythos, in: B. and P. ScarRDIGLI (eds.), Germani

in Italia, 1994, 23-60. K.Krart, Tougener und Teutonen, in: Hermes 85, 1957, 367-378; E.KOESTERMANN, Der Zug der Kimbern, in: Gymnasium

76, 1969,

310-329;

E.DEMOUGEOT,

L’in-

vasion des Cimbres-Teutons-Ambrons et les Romains, in: Latomus 37, 1978, 910-938.

RA.WI.

Text, corruption of the. It is unavoidable in the writing of lengthy texts that mistakes will occur — on the part of the author [1] or of the copyist — given the human inability to concentrate and to co-ordinate brain and hand for long periods of time. Letters are swapped (examples: [3. 223 ff.; 4.57-62]), while very often a + scribe who knows the language of the text will tend to replace one word by another [5; 6] (e.g. in Sen. Phaedr. 919: for turpibus the MSS A have turbidus), or more rarely to confuse letters (e.g. in Sen. Herc. f. 1325, MS E has turbibus for turbidus, with an ending that is still Latin; see also [7. 155-157; 8. 15-29]). The same applies to inflectional endings in Greek and Latin. Of interest in the history of literary transmission are confusions of P and C, commonly caused by the similarity of the > majuscule forms. The example of the Cod. Laur. 36,49, c. 1380 (Prop. 4,11,70 nupturis for unc-

Oe,

338

turis in the other MSS), though, frequently shows the influence of context, either in terms of content (Prop.

As well as mis-readings of individual letters, certain sequences of letters cause regular problems (IC in Greek ~» majuscule often being misread as K). Groups of letters consisting of main strokes were readily confused (esp. in + Gothic script [2]; in Ov. Tr. 4,3, 11 timui be-

4,11 is mostly about marriage; nupta appeared in v. 36) or by the formal assimilation of nearby words (e.g. Catull. 62,11: for facilis nobis, Cod. Thuaneus has facilis nobilis) - or from a semantic perspective (some Horace MSS have urit, ‘burns’, for uisit, ‘sees’, after ardens, ‘ardent’ in Hor. Carm. 1,4,8). A knowledge of Greek or Latin could actually hamper scribes; Christian terms creep into older texts (Schol. Hom. Il. 7,135 turns Idégdavoc/Idérdanos to Toodavyc/lorddnés; in Prop. 3,15,46, amem, ‘that I might love’, becomes amen).

Word substitution arose not only from formal similarity between words but also from an identical metrical pattern (e.g.: dactylic words such as corpora, praemia, numine, tempore fit into the fifth verse foot of a hexam-

eter, iambic words at the end of the pentameter). Anagrams and near-anagrams are common [ro] (Prop. 3,5,24 et nigras becomes integras), as are synonyms in place of the intended word (Verg. G. 4,361: species for facies; 2,406: agricola for rusticus) or yet more imprecise equivalents (Ov. Fast. 1,207: consul for praetor) and even occasionally antonyms [11] (in Eur. Hipp. 966 ed. DIGGLE o@go0v/s6phron, ‘of sound mind’, instead of udeov/moron, ‘sluggish of mind’; Soph. Phil. 176 ed. LACHMANN Oe@v/ thedn, ‘of the gods’, for Ovytdv/ thneton, ’ of the mortals’). Metrically fitting substitutes are also (and particularly) suspicious: earlier readers may have allowed themselves to be enticed into (erroneous) ‘improvements’ on the basis of substitutions they found plausible. The confusion of two words or endings can also be based on context (on Greek examples [12]; Verg. Ecl. 4,18 has nulla... primo for prima... nullo in MS R).

Word order is changed both in prose and poetry, in order to bring texts into accord with later norms of cadence or emphasis (on the so-called vitium Byzantinum, ‘Byzantine error’, in Eur. Hipp. 1315 and 1322, v. [14]). Attempts were occasionally made to correct

known errors by reordering entire lines, couplets or strophes (this conscious intervention is strictly speaking + interpolation). But the original reason might be an error of omission because of the phraseological or formal similarity of two neighbouring passages. Even though different MSS sometimes restore the losses in other MSS, much textual material has been completely lost (the lacunae in Catull. 62 are a well-known example of omission or elision). Depending on whether the similarity occurs at the beginning, in the middle or at the end of a verse, the technical term is homoiarchon, homoiomeson or homoioteleuton [10] (cf. Ov. Met. 1,8; Fast. 2,61—-4). Sometimes a hasty scribe even slips from one sequence of words or letters to a similar one later in the text, omitting everything in between. Such omissions can be useful for studying the transmission in prose texts, if the length of the omission corresponds to the line length in an available MS [13].

comes

TEXTILE ART

nimium; Prop. 3,10,1 mane

becomes

in acie).

Furthermore, m and n were very frequently reduced to one supralinear bar or a suspension sign. > Abbreviations are a special case, and contribute to textual corruptions. Although + numerals are mostly written out in literary MSS, where letter equivalents are used this can lead to errors. As the numerical value is seldom deducible from the context, mistakes are possible even with dissimilar forms. Developments in > pronunciation (cf. > Phonetics and phonology; Language change) have often led to confusion in the writing of w and o, ¢ and ot and of the numerous vowels and diphthongs which were pronounced like iota in Byzantine Greek (1, 1, n, HL, Ol, V, VU3

cf. > Itacism). Rarer letters (e.g. ) and v) occur in the wrong places and occasionally duplicated. Editors often see such details as orthographical variants, not as actual errors. The doubling of consonants fluctuated unceasingly in the Greek and Latin languages. Word separation in both languages long remained random. It is important to be aware of these phenomena, as they can otherwise lead to fundamental misapprehensions. Misguided attempts at correction in turn lead to more mistakes in the design of the text. + Copy; —Emendation of texts; — Manuscripts; ~» Philology; > Scribes; + Textual history; > PHILOLOGICAL METHODS 1 M.D.

Reeve, Errori in autografi, in: P. CHresa, L. P1-

NELLI (eds.), Gli autografi medievali: problemi paleografici e filologici, 1994, 37-60 2 E.CourTNEY, Musa Lapidaria: A Selection of Latin Verse Inscriptions, 1995, ti-16 3L.D. ReyNoLps, N.G. WILson, Scribes and Scholars, 31991 4 J. Wits, Latin Textual Criticism, 1972. 5 O.ZWIERLEIN, Kritischer Kommentar zu den Tragédien Senecas, 1986, 481-500 6 1d., Prolegomena zu einer kritischen Ausgabe der Tragédien Senecas, 1983,

44-46

7 L.Havet, Manuel de critique verbale appliquée

aux textes latins, 1911

and Editorial Technique, Manuscripts

8 M.L. West, Textual Criticism

1973.

9B.L.

ULLMAN, The

of Propertius, in: CPh 6, 1911,

282-301

10 A.E. Housman, Classical Papers, 1972, 3 vols. 11 W. W. Briccs Jr., Housman and Polar Errors, in: AJPh 12 W.G. Arnott, Ezekiel Exagoge 104, 1983, 268-277 208, in: AJPh 106, 1985, 240-241 13 A.C. CLark, The Descent

of Manuscripts,

1918,

266-280

14. W.S.

Baretrt (ed.), Euripides, Hippolytos, 1964 (with comm.). S.H.

Textbook.

See

— Encyclopaedia;

+ Isagoge; — Rhetoric textbooks;

~ Institutiones; > Technical litera-

ture

Textile art. Although TA is one of the oldest human skills, original ancient remains survive only exceptionally from climatically favourable regions (> Textiles, production of). Its development must therefore be in-

339

340

ferred predominantly from indirect sources, i.e. from

have gained significance recently [13. 1‘; 14]. Figurally decorated wall-hangings in warp knitting and reserve dyeing survive [15]. Their favourite themes from the mythical and particularly the Bacchic world correspond to the Imperial-period and late antique iconography of wall-painting and mosaics [16]. After silk (also as cloth) had been imported for a long time, primarily from the East [13. 58-81], in late antique Egypt a weaving technique was developed for producing quite large piece of silk cloth with two-colour figural repeat patterns of high quality [17]. +» Rug; > Textiles, production of

TEXTILE ART

unsystematic information in ancient literature and from depictions in > painting, > mosaics, vase painting and sculpture [1]. The objects of TA are - clothing (cf. also

+ barbaron hyphasmata, toga, > trabea |r], ~ tunica), wall hangings and curtains, floor coverings and — rugs, and, finally, tents and other temporary structures. Throughout Antiquity the decoration of cloth by warp knitting (weaving woollen threads into a mostly linen ground), embroidery, appliqué or partial dyeing (resist dyeing) made use of the three prevalent systems of ornamentation: area-filling decoration with stripe- or area-repeating patterns, multi-coloured ornamental stripes and individual motifs such as decorative stripes (— clavus), square or round garment trimmings. Many repeat patterns of Minoan-Mycenaean wall freschi can be traced back to TA models [2]. But figural representations were also a theme of TA at an early stage: Helene [1] weaves a cloak with battle scenes (Hom. Il. 3,125). Archaic vase painting of the 6th cent. BC gives a vivid picture of the decorative richness of the clothing of the period [3]. Traces of carved drawing and remains of pigmentation on archaic sculptures are also analogous evidence [4; 5; 6]. The earliest remains of original cloth in Greece are so limited that TA in the proper sense is not ascertainable [7; 8. 27]. The importation of many important fibres and cloths from the Near and Far East (e.g. > silk, > cotton, > linen) led to TA, like hardly any other branch of Greek arts and crafts, being continually subject to influence from the Near East and particularly Persia. After the battle of > Plataeae (in 479 BC) > Xerxes’ tent fell into Greek hands (Hdt. 9,82). This influence is particularly evident in the late 5th cent. and in the 4th cent. BC (> Barbaron hyphasmata). Gold-threaded purple cloth from the royal tomb in Vergina (— Aegae [1]) [9] and impressive cloth fragments with floral decorations and richly ornamented selvages from tombs on the north coast of the Black Sea are from the late Classical and early Hellenistic periods [8. 44-51, figs. 18, 20, 22, 26; ro]. Sources tell of the luxury of TA in the late Hellenistic period (> Coae vestes), without there being tangible material evidence. It is only from the early Roman Imperial period onwards that original remains of TA are continuously preserved. The most by far are from the tombs on the arid edges of the Nile valley and the Egyptian oases: intact and fragmentarily preserved clothing (+ dalmatica, » tunica), pillow-cases and large-scale wall-hangings are distributed over several centuries until the early Islamic period. Almost all finds are from uncontrolled excavations of the late r9th cent. and ended up in large museums outside Egypt [11]. The chronology and development therefore remained debatable, and only analogies with dated finds of the rst3rd cents. AD from the Syrian oases of - Dura-Europus and, above all, - Palmyra [12; 13] make it likely that in Egypt TA also began long before the country’s ‘Coptic’ period. The finds from controlled contexts

1 H. Reuscu, F. vON LORENTZ, s. v. Tessuti, EAA 7, 1966, 762-775 2H.Reuscn, Die kretisch-mykenische Textilornamentik, 1945 3 P.COLAFRANCESCHI CECCHETTI,

G.Brcatti, Decorazione dei costumi nei vasi attici a figure nere,

1972

4 FUCHS/FLOREN,

pls. 6,3; 7,13 10,4;

21,2; 31,6 5 W.MartINi, Die archaische Plastik der Griechen, 1990, 50 6 W. BRINKMANN, Die Polychromie der

archaischen

7 H.BiLorscuH,

und

frihklass.

B. MUHLETALER,

Bildwerke,

2001

Stoffreste aus spatgeo-

metrischen Grabern siidlich des Westtores von Eretria, in: AK 10, 1967, 130-132 8 A.PEKRIDOU-GORECKI, Mode

im antiken

Griechenland,

1989

9 S.DRouGOU,

To

boaoua ths Beoyivac. Mowtes magatnonoets, in: Amitos.

FS M. Andronikos, vol. 1, 1987, 303-316, pls. 63-69 10 D. GerzIGeR,

Eine Decke aus dem sechsten Grab der

‘Sieben Brider’, in: AK

18, 1975, 51-55, pls. 21-23

11 M.-H.RutscHowscaya,

Coptic

Fabrics,

1990

12 R. PFisTER, L. BELLINGER, The Textiles. Dura-Europos, Final

Report,

4.2,

1945

13 A. SCHMIDT-COLINET,

A. STAUFFER, Die Textilien aus Palmyra, 2000 14S.SCHRENK (ed.), Textiles in situ (Riggisberger Berichte. 11; 2006) 15 M.Fiury-LeMBERG, Textilkonservierung

im

Dienste

der

Forsch.,

1988,

358-408

16 W.Raeck, Modernisierte Mythen, 1992, 53-56, in the text. 6; 84-94, fig.61 17 M.FLury-LEMBERG, spatantikes Seidengewebe mit Nilszene, in: Zschr. Schweizerische Archaologie und Kunstgeschichte 1987, 9-15.

figs. Ein fiir 44, DLWI.

Textiles, production of I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGypT II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPT Weaving, which presumably developed from the plaiting of mats and baskets, is probably one of the oldest craft technologies. Owing to the climate, textiles do not survive in most of the countries of the Middle East; thus we

have only a few, mostly carbonized,

remains to show that different styles of weaving were already known, and various materials (— Wool, + Linen, flax) used, in the Neolithic Period. Great num-

bers of spindle whorls, mostly of fired clay, and frequently with scratched or painted decoration, and loom weights, while indicating active textile production in all prehistoric cultures of the Middle East, do not permit of any more detailed understanding. This situation changes only with the availability of the first written evidence from Mesopotamia and Egypt.

341

342

Archaic texts from southern Mesopotamia (end of the 4th millennium BC) mention different qualities of wool (raw material) and cloth: one instance lists 27 different kinds of cloth. Nowhere, however, is it possible to make any identification with clothes represented pictorially at the same period. From analogy with the later written tradition from the period of the 3rd dynasty of Ur (end of the 3rd millennium BC), it is to be assumed that a broad spectrum of textiles was produced, differentiated by colour, weaving technique and fineness, and that, already in the 4th millennium, these formed a major portion of the export goods that permitted southern Mesopotamia to import all the raw materials

TEXTILES,

PRODUCTION

OF

fineness of the yarn playing a role. The surviving examples show a high degree of skill in the weaving and knotting of coloured patterns, both geometrical and vegetal. Despite the promising nature of the basic evidence, it is not possible to identify depicted examples with surviving types of cloth. H.E. W. CrawForp, Mesopotamia’s Invisible Exports in the Third Millennium, in: World Archaeology 5, 1973, 232-241; H.NEUMANN, Handwerk in Mesopotamien, *1993; H. WarTZzOLpT, Untersuchungen zur neusumerischen Textilindustrie, 1972; R.J. ForBEs, Studies in An-

cient Technology, vol. 4, 1964; E.D’AMICONE, s. v. Stoffe

und Webarten, LA 6, 1986, 57-63.

HJ.N.

(wood, stone, metals) it otherwise lacked. Unlike in

Egypt, flax played ticularly abundant allows us to speak in the city of > Ur

a minor role in Mesopotamia. A partradition from the period c. 2000 BC of a regular industry, employing e.g. between 12,000 and 13,000 women

weavers (220 women and children at a time under one

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY . RAW MATERIALS AND THEIR PROCESSING . SPINNING C. WEAVING AND THE LOOM . FULLING AND FULLING AGENTS >mow . COMMERCIAL TEXTILE PRODUCTION

overseer).

After being cleaned and combed, the wool was spun, the quality of the finished product being determined at this early stage by the production of yarns of varying strength and resilience. We have neither written nor pictorial testimony as to the physical appearance of the looms; by analogy with Egypt, it is assumed that a horizontal loom was used, normally enabling the preparation of cloth up to 1.80 m wide and 20 m long (although texts also mention widths of 3.5 to 4.5 m). Differing types of weave are inferred from the differing lengths of time cited for the manufacture of fabrics of equal dimensions. After weaving, the cloth was washed and felted at the same production site. A wide variety of textiles may also be assumed for the other regions of the Middle East, whose products are attested pictorially, although we have neither corresponding depictions nor relevant descriptions of the production processes involved. In the case of Egypt, thanks to the abundant survival of pictorial evidence, especially on tomb reliefs, and the excellent state of preservation of many organic substances, we are better informed in respect of looms and textile products. The so-called vertical loom, comprising four stakes sunk into the ground to support the two beams, persisted into the Middle Kingdom (c. 19901630). The length of the beams determined the width of the cloth. The weaver sat on the ground in front of one of the beams. The horizontal loom (from the New Kingdom onwards, c. 15 50-1070), before which the weaver sat on a bench, considerably lightened the labour involved. While a mainly female workforce is attested in Mesopotamia, both female and male workers were employed in Egypt. The main raw material was flax; not until the Ptolemaic period was this joined by > cotton and ~ silk, while wool did not become more common until the Roman period. A rich terminology, as well as the abundance of surviving textiles, attests to a wide range of qualities of cloth, again with colour, type of weave and

A. RAW MATERIALS AND THEIR PROCESSING In principle, two kinds of raw material were used for the production of textiles in Greek and Roman Antiquity: fibres of animal origin (> wool, > silk, hair) and those derived from plants (> cotton,

— linen, flax, + mallow, etc.). A third, scarcely consequential group was mineral fibres (+ asbestos: amianthus). Metallic threads were produced using > gold or = silver. Before attaining their finished form, textiles had normally undergone a long and at times laborious production process. If it was costly merely to obtain and prepare the raw material, considerable effort was still needed before it was fit for spinning, and could be processed into cloth on the loom. Thus the fleece had first to be washed, then dried and finally teased. Felted portions were removed by picking. Wool and flax were additionally carded or dressed, i.e. fluffed and arranged with a comb-like implement (xteic/kteis; Lat. pectum). The so-called sliver or rove (xdtaypa/kdtagma) was produced from the carded fibres: this procedure eased the fine-spinning process, the fibres being drawn out into a thick, regular strand, either merely with the fingers on the bare leg, or by the aid of the éxivynteov (epinétron; > Epinetron with ill.).

B. SPINNING Only now did the actual spinning (xAdOew/ klothein, véew/néein; Latin nere) take place, the fine yarn (xA@oua/klé6sma;

Latin netum)

being obtained

from

this rove. The wooden implements used for the process were the distaff or ‘rock’ (1;haxdrn/elakate; Latin colus) and the spindle (&t9axtoc/ dtraktos; Latin fusus). The distaff comprised a simple staff, while the spindle consisted of a short staff to which was fastened a whorl (opdvdvhoc/sphondylos; Latin turbo) in the form of a disc, cone or sphere. Women seated or standing while spinning are widely depicted (cf. the lekythos by the Amasis Painter, New York, MMA; Beazley, ABV 154,57; white-ground oinochoe by the Foundry Paint-

TEXTILES, PRODUCTION OF Cloth beam

Weft

antion

kroké/pené

Lat.: tela

Lat.: subtemen

iTT

344

343

Shuttle pénion/kerkis Lat.: radius

——

\

mat a

Rod-heddle kanon

Lat.: pecten Shed-rod kalamos/kairos

Warp thread stémon Lat.: stamen

Side beams

histopodes/ keléontes

agnythes/laiai Lat.: pondera

Lat.: pedes telae

Diagram of a vertical, warp-weighted loom (oblique view)

into a ball, the yarn could now pass to the weaving process. Female slaves had to spin a set amount (pensum) of wool per day (Verg. G. 4,347; Mart. 9,65,11). C. WEAVING AND THE LOOM The principle of weaving (baivew/hyphainein; Lat. (con)texere), in respect of baskets and mats as well as textiles, lay in combining longitudinal and latitudinal elements in such a way as to form them into a secure fabric; the elements were interwoven with the aid of the loom (iotéc/ histds; Lat. tela). The Greeks used the ver-

tical loom with weights (see ill.); this weighted loom comprised two posts (iotomodec/ histépodes; Lat. pedes telae), joined at their upper ends by a cross beam, cloth beam or warp beam. To this was fastened the warp (otmuwv/stemon; Lat. stamen). The hanging warp threads were weighted singly or in groups with pierced weights of stone or clay (GyvbGec/agnythes, Mavai/laiat; Lat. pondera). The threads for the warp were spun tighter, those for the weft more loosely. For the Roman period, a loom is attested in which the warp threads were no longer tensioned by weights, but stretched between two beams, the upper warp beam and the lower cloth beam.

Natural shed

Artificial shed

The weft could be beaten

downwards,

making it possible to weave in a seated position. Of the Greek vase paintings, especially to be noted besides the lekythos already mentioned is the skyphos by the Penelope Painter (Chiusi, Beazley, ARV2 1300,2); a good illustration of the Roman loom, besides the frieze

Heddle rod

relief in the Forum Transitorium, is a wall-painting in the hypogaeum of the Aurelii in Rome; there are also several literary descriptions (Hom. Il. 3,125-8; Ov. Met. 6,53-128; Sen. Ep. 90,20; Artem. 3,36). In weaving, the horizontal filling thread or weft

Back warp thread

(xodxn/ krokeé; Lat. subtemen) was inserted into the ver-

tical warp. For this, a shed had to be formed. The warp Back warp

Front warp

Front warp

thread

thread

thread

Diagram of a vertical, warp-weighted loom (side view left: opened natural shed; side view right: opened artificial shed)

er, London, BM; Beazley, ARV2 403,38, also frieze reliefs of the Forum Transitorium in Rome). An exact literary description of spinning may be found in Catullus (64,3 11-19). In her left hand the spinstress held the distaff, to which the rove was attached; from this she drew a long yarn, which was tied to the hook (ayxtotoov/ankistron) of the spindle. The spindle was made to rotate during the spinning process. As it turned, the spinstress drew fibres from the distaff with the thumb and forefinger of her right hand. The spindle’s rotation twisted the drawn-out fibres. When the rotating spindle reached the ground, the twisted yarn had also lengthened. The fine yarn was now untied from the spindle, wrapped around it and retied. The process was repeated until the spindle was full. The spun yarn was finally removed from the spindle. Rolled

threads had to be moved apart; to this end, some of

them (in the simple linen weave perhaps every other thread) were fastened to the shed stave (xav@v/kanon). This created the shed through which the weft, wound

around a small stick (xeoxic/kerkis; Lat. radius), was

passed from one side to the other. But then a second shed was necessary for the return pass of the weft. All the remaining warp threads were accordingly fastened to a second stave, the heddle stave (xaAauoc/kalamos). Advancing the heddle stave produced a second shed, through which the weft was passed back. Each time the weft was passed through, it was beaten by hand or with a wooden spatula (oma01/spathe; Lat. spatha) onto the previous weft thread. The finished woven fabric was then rolled onto the cloth beam (see ill.).

The characteristics and appearance of the fabric did not depend solely on the nature of the material (> wool, = linen, flax, > silk), but also on the number

of warp threads used and the thickness of the introduced weft threads. Appearance was especially determined by the patterns achieved by means of the various weaves: that is to say, by the manner in which warp and weft were interwoven. For example, longitudinal and

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latitudinal stripes and chequered patterns arose from particular weaving techniques. Figurative and ornamental motifs, used for borders and scattered decorative elements, called for more weaving skill. The high point in weaving was achieved in multicoloured fabrics (polymitum; cf. Plin. HN 8,196). The finest polymita came from Alexandria [1]. Ancient literature contains frequent references to colourful effects — ‘painting’ — achieved with the weaving shuttle (yoadal dd xeoxid0¢/graphai apo kerkidos), and artistic decoration on clothing and carpets. Fine weaving effects were achieved by the use of gold thread, employed as the warp as well as the weft thread (cf. > Textile art).

the detailed data clearly show that a wide > market existed for textiles in the Roman Empire, and that different qualities were produced to cater for a differentiated demand. Important testimony to textile production in Late Antiquity is afforded by the funerary monu-

D. FULLING AND FULLING AGENTS

Normally, textiles were ready for use upon leaving the loom. They could, however, be enhanced by being dyed, embroidered or provided with painted patterns and applied gold platelets. Woollen fabrics were fulled, so as to clean the fabric and further felt the fibres. The fulling process involved steeping the textiles in vessels filled with water and cleansing agents (often urine), and then treading them for several hours. The cloth was smoothed with an aena fullonica (a small board with thistles attached), and the pile removed with a large pair of sprung scissors. White cloth was bleached with sulphur (Apul. Met. 9,24; cf. > Fulling, Fuller).

TEXTUAL HISTORY

ment of the Secundinii in Igel on the Moselle (Trier, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). ~ Clothing; > Fulling, Fuller; > Rug; — Textile art;

~ Wool 1M. Aspiris, Ein zyprischer Teller mit der Darstellung eines Webstuhls, in: BJ 196, 1996, 1-10. ~=—-.2 BLUMNER, Techn. 1,97-205 3A.H.M. Jones, The Cloth Industry

under the Roman Empire, in: JoNEs, Economy, 3 50-364 4 W.O. MogELier, The Wool Trade of Ancient Pompeii, 1976 5 A.PEKRIDOU-GoRECKI, Mode im antiken Griechenland, 1989, 13-37. 6 H.SCHNEIDER, Einfuhrung in die antike Technikgeschichte, 1992, 120-129 7 P. WALTON Rocers et al., The Roman Textile Industry and its Influence. FS J. P. Wild, 2001 8 J.P. Witp, Textile Manufacture in the Northern Roman Provinces, 1970 9 Id., Textiles, in: STRONG/BROWN, 166-177 10 Id., The Roman Horizontal Loom, in: AJA 91, 1987, 459-471

11 ZIMMER, Katalog 33-46a.

Textual history A. ROUTES AND MEDIA OF TRANSMISSION B. ARCHAIC PERIOD C. CLASSICALPERIOD D. HELLENISTIC PERIOD

E. ROMAN

IMPERIAL PERIOD

E. COMMERCIAL TEXTILE PRODUCTION A large proportion of > family needs in respect of textiles was produced by women, regardless of social position, either alone or with the help of other females (Hom. Od. 1,356-8; Xen. Oec. 7,6; 7,36; Verg. G. 1,293f.; 1,390ff.; Suet. Aug. 64,2; 73; Columella 12 praef. 9). Household textile production could not always cover the entire needs of families; in the larger towns and cities especially, the poorer inhabitants

probably depended on being able to buy ~> clothing (Dion Chrys. 7,105). The degree to which the production of textiles was undertaken on a commercial basis cannot be precisely ascertained. We know only that workshops specializing in the production of particular types of clothing existed in 5th-cent. Athens and

AP.-G.

THE CODEX

REPUBLIC

F. ROMAN

G. FROM THE BOOK SCROLL TO

H. LATER DEVELOPMENTS

A. ROUTES AND MEDIA OF TRANSMISSION

Graeco-Roman literature has come down to us through a multiplicity of strands of transmission. Besides the direct transmission of complete texts, we also have the indirect transmission through quotations from other authors, anthologies, — scholia, — lexicons (+ Lexicography) and texts in > translation. Direct

and indirect transmissions usually depend on mediaeval + manuscripts. In addition, there are — papyri or wooden tablets, or > inscriptions, > ostraka or graffiti

achieve a respected social position in a town; in Mutina

[ro. 1-9]. Examples: ‘Aphrodite of the many-coloured mind [or many-coloured throne], deathless (IlotxtikOpeov’ [or -OQov’], dBavat’ “Adeodita, Poikildphron’ [or -thron’], athanat’ Aphrodita; 191 PAGE), probably + Sappho’s most famous poem, is known to us in its full extent only through the quotation in Dion. Hal. Comp. 173 ff.; there is also a papyrus (POxy. 2288). Similarly, Sappho’s ‘He seems to me equal to the gods’ (Paivetat wou xyvog toosg Otovow, Phainetai moi kenos isos théoisin; 199 PAGE): alongside the quotation in Ps.-Longinus, Péri Hypsous to, we also have the Lat-

a fuller even endowed games (Mart. 3,59; » Munus, Munera). The wall paintings in the fullonica of Verecundus and the house of the Vettii in Pompeu give an idea of the work process in a fuller’s shop. Some towns and cities produced clothing for a market that extended beyond their particular region (> Patavium: Str. 5,1,7; -» Tarsus: Dion Chrys. 34,21-3). Textiles are treated extensively in the + Edictum [3] Diocletiani (19-28);

in translation by > Catullus[1] (51,1-16). > Alcman’s renowned ‘Nocturne’ (34 PAGE) is transmitted only in the lexicon of ~ Apollonius [12] Sophista (s. v. xvwoadov). The Latin epigrams of > Cornelius [II 18] Gallus (fr. 2-4 BUCHNER) and the Carmen de bello Actiaco (Codices Latini antiquiores 3, 385 Lowe; + Carmen de bello Aegyptiaco) are known only from papyri. Part of > Callimachus [3]’s Hekale (fr. 260 Pr.)

Megara (Xen. Mem. 2,7,6; cf. Aeschin. In Tim. 97). In

Pompeii, the fullers (fullones) probably dominated textile production; fullers’ shops (fullonicae) were distributed throughout the town. The fullones had a public presence as a group; thus they erected a statue to Eumachia in the building endowed by her on the forum (ILS 6368). It was entirely possible for individual fullones to

TEXTUAL HISTORY

347

348

survives only on a wooden tablet now in Vienna. An ostrakon has preserved Sappho fr. 192 PAGE among other quotations. Finally, - Hero’s Mechanica (1st cent. AD) is known only through a 9th-cent. AD Arabic translation (fragments aside). However, the great majority of Greek and Latin texts are preserved in mediaeval manuscripts on parchment or paper. These are descended from parchment codices of the 3rd—5th cents., into which those Greek and Latin texts that were still available on papyrus >» scrolls were salvaged. The papyrus tradition, maintained by private and public — libraries, established itself in the 4th/3rd cents. BC. However, during the Greek Archaic and Classical periods (up to the end of the 5th cent. BC), the written and oral traditions of

poetry: Skolion) were in existence from an early date [15. 37-40]. By the 6th cent. BC, the poems of Archilochus were already part of the repertoire of the rhapsodes, and this allowed them to live on in their inventory. Aristocratic -> hetairiai [2] may have collected symposium poetry of all kinds. Some authors may have compiled their own works and made them available to the public by depositing them at a temple for copying, a phenomenon that is often attested (e.g. for -» Heraclitus [1]) [10. 155557; 10. 177° 7°]. In the case of choral lyric, the assumption that authors collected their own

transmission coexisted, esp. in poetry (transmission of

the Iliad and Odyssey by rhapsodic guilds; cf. > Literacy/Orality; > Rhapsodes). Conversely, the transmission of prose seems to have been connected to the book from the outset: the first attested prose book is ~ Anaximander’s

(611-546 BC) “Iegi pboews’

(Peri

physeos, ‘On Nature’). The transmission history of the Archaic period can thus be seen as a transitional phase from orality to literacy. B. ARCHAIC PERIOD Knowledge of > Linear B, the syllabic script for Mycenaean Greek (-» Mycenaean), was lost in the disorder of the migration period from the 12th to the 9th cents. BC. The Greeks learned to write a second time by adopting and expanding upon a Phoenician consonantal > alphabet around 800 BC. Inscriptions and graffiti on sherds show the dissemination of the use of this script up to 700 BC [3]. The Iliad, which bears the hallmarks of both orality and literacy, grew out of the technique of oral poetry [4], but was composed with the aid of writing [5] (+ Homerus [1]). The chronology of this process fluctuates from the late 8th cent. BC to the period after 700, the early Archaic period [1o. 10 f.]. The same applies to the slightly later Odyssey. The oral transmission of both epics, as well as that of the > epic cycle, has been demonstrated by the discovery of model examples used by the rhapsodic guilds [10. 11?*3]. The traits of written composition are more prominent in Hesiod (-» Hesiodus). The plethora of quotations from Hesiod in the early Greek lyric poets and the > Presocratics can only be explained by the existence of written copies of Hesiod |1ro. 12 f.]. Just as in the case of + epic, > elegy, > lyric poetry and the works of the iambographers also survived through oral recitation, although this does not exclude the possibility of written composition and a parallel written tradition. Improvisation in oral poetry is only metrically conceivable in the case of elegy. The quantities of texts from 7th/6th-cent. poetry the Alexandrian philologists were still able to amass in the 3rd cent. BC suggest that anthologies of the poetry of single authors (> Archilochus, + Sappho, > Alcaeus [4], > Pindarus [2]) and of various authors within a genre (symposium

works

is inevitable:

> encomia,

threnodies

(> Thre-

nos), victory odes (+ Epinikion) and dithyrambs (+ Dithyrambos) were associated with a particular occasion, and the person commissioning them could not be relied upon to preserve them. Collections of various authors within a single genre probably also developed for the same reason. As regards early Greek prose, a written tradition must be assumed from the outset. Indeed, there are clear

indications that treatises were composed and transmitted in writing by > Anaximander, ~ Anaximenes [2],

— Heraclitus [1], + Alcmaeon [4] of Croton and > Hecataeus [3] of Miletus [10. 177***]. Conversely, however, > Xenophanes, + Parmenides and + Empedocles [1] also made philosophy accessible to oral dissemination by rhapsodes through their hexametric > didactic poetry. C. CLASSICAL PERIOD At the end of the 6th cent. BC, scholarly prose brought in the book scroll and the concept of the intended reader. In the 5th cent., the process of orality’s displacement by literacy in book culture continued (contra [2]), as can be seen with the emergence of + writing tablets and book scrolls on vase paintings, but also in stage poetry and numerous attestations to the teaching of reading and writing [ro. 18 f.] (> Scroll; + Scribes III.). There were, however, diffe-

rences between the genres: Epic continued to thrive in oral transmission at the great — festivals of the poleis. These owned ‘state copies’ of the Iliad and Odyssey, which continued to exist in the city editions (éxddoeig xata mOAWw; ekddseis kata polin) available to Zenodotus (b. 325), and they came from -> Aeolis [2], > Argos [II], + Chios, > Massalia, Crete, Cyprus and > Sinope. In Athens, the Iliad and Odyssey had to be performed in their entirety at every rhapsodic agon of the - Panathenaea from the time of the Peisistratid -» Hipparchus [1] (d. 514 BC). This implies the existence of an official copy, such as the one Hipparchus is said to have brought to Athens [xo. rx f.]. Towards the end of the 5th cent., there are also references to copies of Homer in private ownership (éxd0oeic xav’ &vdea; ekddseis kat’ andra). The first of these belonged to — Antimachus [3] of Colophon [xo. 21 f.]; such copies already presuppose a reader. Greek dramatic poetry of the 5th cent. BC (cf. > Comedy; + Tragedy) is so linguistically and metrical-

349

350

ly/musically sophisticated that it could not possibly have been memorized without an authored copy. The actor Demetrius is seen holding such a copy in his hands on the Pronomos krater (c. 400 BC) as he attends the rehearsal of a > satyr play [13. vol. 2.1, 29]. Reading copies of successful plays were sold after the premiere. 4th-cent. dramatic poetry anticipated a reader as well as an audience (according to Aristot. Poet. sob 17-19). In around 330 BC, > Lycurgus [9] authorized the preparation of a ‘state copy’ of the tragedians from circulating reading copies in order to protect the texts from interference at revivals. This copy reached Alexandria in the reign of Ptolemy III Euergetes (> Ptolemaeus BUSA tess 7c os The prose book was the usual form of publication for scholarly works in the 5th cent. Natural philosophy, — geography (— Hecataeus [3]) and > medicine all assumed a reader. Herodotus’ Logoi were still directed at

over the stocks of the specialist libraries of the Hippocratic School on Cos, model Homer texts from the possessions of Greek cities or individuals, as well as the libraries of Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]) and Theophrastus, and enlarged their collections by requisitioning the Lycurgean state copies of the tragedians and books from ships in the harbour of Alexandria. In the latter

a listener, but his Historiae, accumulated via the Logoi,

were meant for a reader, and from — Thucydides onwards it was a given that a work of history was intended to be read and should endure in the form of a book (Thuc. 1,22). > Plato [1] defied the powerful upsurge of scholarly writing that had come into vogue since the 5th cent. in his Phaedrus (Plat. Phdr. 274c 5-278b 8), representing in written form for a reading public the method of oral instruction in his dialogues. Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]), conversely, dispensed with the fiction of oral instruction in dialogue form in the writings (in note form) which have come down to us. In

the 5th cent., even ~ rhetoric found its way to a readership. Although public speeches were inseparably connected to delivery after memorization, this did not prevent their subsequent publication [r1o. 19 f.]. Where there are readers, there probably are > libraries. Although the stories of libraries owned by tyrants (such as — Peisistratus [4], > Polycrates [1], > Thrasybulus [1]) may be retrospective projections, the attestations of private libraries owned by > Euripides [1], ~ Euthydemus [4], - Plato [1] and Aristotle need not be doubted. The Coan scholarly library of the school of -» Hippocrates [6] is authenticated, as are the libraries of the + Academy and > Peripatos. And, as the vases show, many Athenian citizens also owned book-chests (x1Bmtdc/kibdtos) [10. 12, 25, 161 f.]. D. HELLENISTIC PERIOD

Greek tyrant’s courts (+ Tyrannis) were already venues for conscious cultural politics. They attracted poets and philosophers, and some were said to have libraries. All this and more was to be found at the courts of the successors to Alexander (> Diadochi and Epigoni), esp. at > Alexandria [1] (cf. [9]). There, Ptolemy I Soter (+ Ptolemaeus [I 1], 367-282) founded a cult Society of the Muses, the + Mouseion [C], to which belonged numerous poets, philologists and scientists. The Mouseion also included the Palace Library, which later spawned what may have been a public subsidiary library, the Serapeum. The Alexandrian libraries took

TEXTUAL HISTORY

case, the owners received copies.

The philologist and publisher > Zenodotus enjoyed the collaboration of + Lycophron [5] of Chalcis (comedies) and > Alexander [IV 21] Aetolus (tragedies and satyr plays) under the first two Ptolemies [1o0. 26-30]. Furthermore, > Callimachus [3] of Cyrene (297-240 BC) was entrusted with cataloguing the growing number of book scrolls. His Pinakes in 120 scrolls (> pinax [5]) are lost, but their contents can be de-

duced: an alphabetical catalogue of authors of poetry and prose, with biographical notes, was accompanied by an alphabetical register of catalogues of works, with descriptions of the individual works. Because the Pinakes also dealt with works not kept at Alexandria (ot o@Ceto; ou sdizetai; ‘not preserved’), they comprised a comprehensive lexicon of all known Greek writings of the 3rd cent. BC. At the same time, Zenodotus attempted to draw together hundreds of diverging Homeric MSS into a critical edition (— Publication). The division of the Iliad and Odyssey into 24 cantos each probably goes back to him. He also edited Hesiod (— Hesiodus), Pindar (> Pindarus [2]) and > Anacreon [1]. He denoted verses he thought of as spurious with a mark, the + obelos, but left them in the text. His successor, + Apollonius [2] Rhodius, was critical of Zenodotus’ critical method, preferring unlike him to rely on older MSS of Homer. > Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium and + Aristarchus [4] of Samothrace continued Zenodotus’ work on the Homeric text. They relied primarily [8. 220-222] on the Athenian ‘state copies’ of the Iliad and Odyssey, and only consulted other MSS, esp. the ‘polis editions’ and ‘personal editions’, where an alternative was needed. Thus, they laid the foundation of the Vulgata-versionof mediaeval MSS of Homer, which offers a better text than the Homer papyri of the Ptolemaic period. Aristophanes invented a system of — critical signs for texts, which was then developed by Aristarchus, and expanded and used on Latin authors by L. ~» Aelius [II 20] Stilo (150-70 BC). Inscriptions show that it was customary to set down spoken verses such as hexameters and iambic trimeters in lines. Sung verses, conversely, were written continually in extended columns, like prose. Hence, the > dithyramb of > Timotheus [2], which survives on a 4thcent. papyrus, has columns up to 29 cm long [16. 5-10]. Here, it was Aristophanes of Byzantium who first developed the appropriate editorial technique: he divided sung verses into corresponding metrical units, the strophes, and these in turn into shorter ‘limbs’, or kola (+ Metre). Aristophanes prepared editions of this kind for Pindar, > Aleman, ~ Alcaeus [4] and Anacreon,

TEXTUAL HISTORY

351

and we still find his > colometry in the MSS of Pindar’s victory odes (— Epinikion). Since editions of > Aeschylus [1], > Sophocles [1], — Euripides [1], — Aristophanes [3] and + Menander [4] by Aristophanes of Byzantium have also been attested or discovered, it is possible also to trace back to him the colometry of lyric sections of stage drama in mediaeval MSS [ro. 32 f.]. The Alexandrian philologists (> Philology) also explicated the texts they published by means of -» commentaries (> hypomnema), monographs and lexica, and their work made a notable contribution to the selfportrayal of the Ptolemaic court. It is understandable that the smaller Hellenistic courts also wanted to compete: the Antigonids not only had court poets, such as + Aratus [4] of Soli, but also a library, which L. > Aemilius [I 32] Paullus carried off to Rome after the Battle of Pydna (168 BC; > Macedonian Wars). We know of one court librarian, > Euphorion [3] of Chalcis (b. 276 BC), who was active at the > Seleucid court in — Antioch [1], and we know of the court library there,

built in imitation of the Mouseion. In > Pergamum, — Eumenes|3] II built a large library directly adjacent to the Temple of Athena; substantial remains survive. > Mithridates [6] VI of Pontus (120-63 BC), too, hada court library, which L. > Licinius [I 26] Lucullus carried off from Sinope to Rome as war booty in 70 BC. Mithridates’ private library was taken to Rome by Pompey (— Pompeius [I 3]) in 66 BC. As well as court libraries, public libraries could also found in Hellenistic + gymnasia, the philosophical schools and private homes. An example of such a private library is that belonging to > Apellicon of Teos: it was carried off to Rome by L. > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla as war booty after his conquest of Athens (86 BC) [1o. 41-45]. E. ROMAN REPUBLIC

Poets, actors, singers and instrumentalists had started to form associations as early as the 3rd cent. BC. These — technitai provided the personnel needed for the countless festivals. They also spread to the West; this was the route by which Greek tragedy and the Middle and New Comedies reached Lower Italy and Rome. In 240 BC, a Greek technites, > Livius [III r] Andronicus, and a member of the collegium scribarum histrionumque Minervae

(‘Association

of writers and actors

of

Minerva’), gave the first performance at Rome of a Greek tragedy and comedy in Latin. Later, he translated Homer’s Odyssey into the indigenous Saturnian metre (Odusia), and in 207 he composed a carmen saeculare

[10. 44-46]. According

to

> Suetonius

[2] (De grammaticis),

Roman > philology [II] also began with Livius Andronicus. However, it was only L. > Aelius [II 20] Stilo (c. 150-70 BC) who started to apply the Alexandrian methods in Rome. He practised interpolationist criticism on the comedies of Plautus, commented on the ~ Carmen Saliare and adopted the Aristarchian (> Aristarchus [4]) critical signs for Latin works. Among the philologists mentioned by Suetonius are many Greeks

352

and half-Greeks, who came to Rome as war booty and were manumitted there. But with L. Aelius Stilo, + Va-

lerius [II 3] Cato (b. roo BC, doyen of the Roman + Neoteric poets) and the antiquarian ~ Varro [2] Reatinus (116-27 BC), the Romans made the Alexandrian methods their own. Rome’s plundering of Greek libraries began with the Battle of Pydna (168 BC). Even smaller libraries were requisitioned or bought and brought to Rome. In the rst cent. BC, a Graeco-Latin library like that belonging to L. > Calpurnius [I 19] Piso Caesoninus (before AD 79) excavated at Herculaneum was already a status symbol of the Roman nobiles. Varro, -» Cicero and ~» Pomponius [I 5] Atticus owned several bilingual libraries, to which Greek librarii were attached to care for the holdings and expand them by making - copies. F. ROMAN IMPERIAL PERIOD In 47 BC, Caesar commissioned the antiquarian and philologist > Varro [2] Reatinus to set up a large double Graeco-Roman public library; he may have been thinking of the representative libraries of the Ptolemies. His insistence on bilinguality, customary in the aristocratic libraries of the Republican period, however, was new and momentous.

The

commission,

abandoned

after

Caesar’s assassination in 44 BC, was taken up by the Caesarian > Asinius [I 4] Pollio, who after 39 BC built a public Graeco-Latin library in the Atrium Libertatis

by the Forum Romanum. Pollio thus inaugurated a new era. In around 28 BC, Augustus built a double library on the Palatine, and in 23 BC he had another built in the Portus Octaviae. After his death, Livia and Tiberius built a temple dedicated to divus Augustus on the Palatine, and attached a library to it. Vague testimonies suggest the presence of libraries in the palaces of Tiberius and Nero. Vespasian built another double library after AD 70 on the Forum Pacis, and Trajan built two: one in r1og in the Thermae Traiani, and another in 112 in the

Forum Traiani. A library of the artifices Minervae was built under — Antoninus[1] Pius (138-161) and another on the Capitoline under - Commodus (180-192). The type of library built in conjunction with public baths which emerged under Trajan (~ Thermae [r]) was repeated by Caracalla (211-217) and Diocletian (284-305). Severus Alexander built a library by the Pantheon [1o. 53-58]. The Hellenistic libraries (cf. Pergamum) consisted of a reading room and separate book stacks. Roman libraries, conversely, were designed as a single space, beginning with the library of Augustus on the Palatine. Three of the four walls of a large, two or three-storey reading room were fitted with galleries and niches for shelving or cabinets. A double library had two such rooms. The building type of the single-room design was even transferred from Rome to the provinces, e.g. to Ephesus, Pergamum and Thamugadi, where one reading room was found to be sufficient [10. 54, 56-58]. In the reign of Constantine I (> Constantinus [1]; 306-337), the Notitia urbis records 28 libraries at

353

354

Rome, of which eight were certainly Graeco-Roman double libraries. After Constantine, Caesar’s imperial concept was transplanted to Constantinople. Nova Roma was given its own Palace Library under > Constantius [2] II in AD 356. It was promoted by Julian (+ Iulianus [rr]) and > Valens [2], and, like its antecedents in Rome, is known to have been bilingual [10. 58-60]. C. Tulius + Hyginus and C. Maecenas > Melissus, the first head librarians of the two Augustan libraries on the Palatine and in the Porticus Octaviae, were Greeks. Although the number of Roman philologists grew during the early Principate, their methods remained indebted to their Alexandrian predecessors. Roman authors were now treated as conservatively as Homer had been by Zenodotus. In the 21 Plautus comedies he acknowledged as genuine, Varro highlighted double versions, but allowed them to stand. Cicero’s librarii did likewise in editing — Lucretius’ [III 1] De rerum natura. L. ~ Varius [I 2] Rufus and > Plotius [I 2] Tucca, on the instructions of Augustus, made no attempt to complete the lacunae in the incomplete Aeneid, but apparently deleted plus-verses (incomplete half stanzas known only from secondary sources) [ro. 62 f.]. M. Valerius + Probus [4], a contemporary of Quintilian (— Quintilianus [1]; AD 3 5- after 95) was still, in terms of his work as a textual critic, an Alexandrian. Just as L.

tators and that fits into context. Where difficulties occur, he allows precedence to the obscure older tradition over slicker, more recent variants, seeing in the latter the mere wish to facilitate the comprehension of difficult passages. Galen clearly knew the concept of lectio difficilior. Only in an extreme case does he allow himself to intervene in the text. Such interventions should be minimal and should clarify the origins of tex-

Aelius Stilo, he used the Aristarchian (— Aristarchus [4]) critical signs in the texts he edited; he preferred the

oldest available MSS, or even -> autographs [10. 61-

68].

An amusing insight into the world of the hommes des lettres of Roman > Archaism is afforded by the Noctes Atticae of - Gellius [6] (b. after AD 130). We

see philologists in Roman bookshops on the search for old MSS, and we take part in their debates on contentious points. Gellius assembled these miniatures from a plethora of quotations from older sources, if he is not narrating from his own knowledge. Just as Probus, his sources and all Archaists, he placed absolute trust in the wording of the oldest available MS. His contemporary, -» Galen of Pergamum (129199), was of a more methodical consciousness. After studying at Smyrna and Alexandria, he worked in

Rome from AD 161. Galen was constantly forced to confront textual variations in the Corpus Hippocraticum and to justify his choices. From his pertinent remarks emerge the basics of Imperial textual criticism: even the author’s copy can contain errors, and more result when the clean copy is produced. Copying in a different script can lead to more errors. Omissions occur when words are skipped at repetitions. There is also mechanical loss of text and arbitrary interventions in the transmission caused by scribes. Variants noted in the intercolumnium by one scribe may be incorporated into the text by the next copyist. All these errors accumulate through the course of transmission. In his decisions, Galen prefers the variant that occurs in the oldest MSS, that is recognized by older commen-

TEXTUAL HISTORY

tual corruptions (— Text, corruption of the) [10. 75-

77|. The same principles of textual criticism are still evident 200 years later in Jerome (> Hieronymus, 3 47419/20) [10. 84-86].

G. FROM THE BOOK SCROLL TO THE CODEX Into the rst cent AD, Greek and Latin literature was

transmitted only in the form of the > scroll. The > diptychon or polyptychon was only used for ephemeral texts and drafts. The notebook, made of papyrus or parchment sheets, developed from the diptychon, and is already attested in the Ptolemaic period [1]. The publisher Secundus published the epigrams of Martial (> Martialis [r]) in this form in around AD 84-86. Martial himself mentions > publications in + codex form of classics such as Homer (-> Homerus [r]), Virgil (— Vergilius

[4]), Cicero and Livy (— Livius

[III 2]).

This was the birth of the codex [11]. The new book form, though, prevailed only slowly. The first examples of fragments of Greek papyrus codices date from the 2nd cent. AD. The numbers of surviving scrolls and codices from around AD 300 are approximately equal, and from around AD 400 the proportion of fragments of Greek codices is about 90 %. The development of Latin codices is similar. The first more or less complete surviving Greek and Latin codices also date from around 400. Thus the codex had now displaced the scroll. For this reason, ancient literature — or whatever was considered worthy of preservation — was transcribed from scrolls to codices from the 3rd to the 5th cents. [r0. 79-81]. The scholars who took part in this vast undertaking not infrequently immortalized themselves in so-called > subscriptiones, the first being one > Statilius [II 6] Maximus (znd cent. AD) in a codex of Cicero’s speeches. Such subscriptiones became common in the 4th cent. AD. Editors often note in them that they have corrected their texts against a second copy [1o. 74 f., 82 f.]. The shift to the new book form had one dramatic consequence. A standard length had developed for the Hellenistic book scroll, and it was only reluctantly exceeded. The scroll had space for one epic canto, one tragedy or comedy, one Platonic dialogue or one book ofa more substantial work of prose. Shorter works such as the Bucolica of Theocritus were compiled in anthology scrolls. Larger books had to be divided into two parts (tomoi; Lat. partes) and into two scrolls. The complete works of an author existed only in the form of a series of scrolls, which were kept together only with indices. But the codex, with its greater capacity, invited the creation of complete editions. Thus, the Codex

TEXTUAL HISTORY

B55

356

Ambrosianus (5th cent.) contains a complete edition of the 21 Plautus comedies acknowledged as genuine, and the Codex Bembinus (5th/6th cents.) is a similar collection of the six comedies of Terence. Seven complete Virgil editions survive in late antique codices, in their entirety or in fragments. Fragments of two complete Iliad editions survive in codices: the Ilias Ambrosiana

invasion in the 7th cent. AD, the transmission of Greek literature occurred mostly in Constantinople, but the + Arabic-Islamic cultural sphere hosted its own productive reception of Greek literature in the 9th-roth cents. One of the contributing factors for this was the broad translation culture fostered by the Caliphate court. It was Oriental Christians who primarily worked in this field, so that often a Syriac version mediates between the Greek and Arabic versions. Occasionally recourse was had to the library holdings sporadically still available in Greek or Syriac, and occasionally also MSS

(early 6th cent.) and the Cureton Iliad (5th/6th cents.). The commented and select editions of seven tragedies of Aeschylus and Sophocles, ten tragedies of Euripides and eleven comedies of Aristophanes in mediaeval MSS point to corresponding select editions from late antiquity. The codex thus made possible new types of books: complete editions (Plautus, Terence, Virgil), select editions (dramatic verse), editions of large single works (Iliad), and finally the anthology codex (Homeric Hymns, elegy, bucolica, satire). Smaller and miniature works also had a chance of survival in such anthology codices [10. 87-96].

H. LATER DEVELOPMENTS In AD 384, Q. Aurelius Symmachus [4], the prefect of Rome, attempted in vain to counter the Bishop of Milan, Ambrosius, and enforce the reinstallation of the Ara Victoriae in the curia. Ten years later, after the !oss of the Battle on the Frigidus, the ‘pagan’ (+ PAGANISM) senatorial opposition lost all political importance. The survivors retreated into remembrance, and, as the subscriptiones attest, devoted themselves to caring for the literary legacy of the past. For the rest, the great GraecoRoman authors remained indispensable as stylistic models for higher education, and therefore had every chance of survival, even in what was now the Christian ~ Roman Empire. Other texts were at the mercy of the interest of the learned reader. Developments in East and West thus now diverged, as can be deduced from the surviving codices and fragments. The 329 fragments of Greek papyrus and parchment codices from the 2nd to the 7th cents. AD, mostly from Egypt, that were known in 1977 [14], divide up as follows: 133 of Homer, 20 of > Demosthenes [2], 17 each of — Euripides [1] and > Aristophanes [3], 14 of Hesiod (— Hesiodus), 13 each of - Menander [4] and ~» Isocrates, 12 of + Callimachus [3], nine of > Thucydides [2], seven of — Plato [1], five each of Pindar (+ Pindarus [2]), -» Theocritus [2] and -» Hippocrates[6], four of -» Sophocles [1], three each of > Apollonius [2] Rhodius and + Philo [I 12], two each of ~» Herodotus [1], Lysias [1], Aristotle (+ Aristoteles [6]), > Aratus [4], > Parthenius [I 1], > Achilles Tatius {x], and > Galen of Pergamum. The number of authors represented only by a single codex fragment is considerable, but another striking feature is the gaps. For instance, Aeschylus is not represented. A reading canon emerges which, along with Homer, dramatic poetry and oratory, also contained Hellenistic authors (> Canon). Alongside these, there is also a group of texts copied less often, which clearly owed their survival to

the interest of the hommes des lettres. After the Arab

from Byzantium were used. In terms of subject matter,

the greatest interest was accorded to philosophy, the natural

sciences

(esp. medicine),

the occult sciences

(+ Magic, Magi [IV.-V.]) and technical subjects (agriculture). There was secondary interest in popular (+ Alexander Romance III.) and Christian literature, in the case of the latter mostly from Christians when they became Arabic rather than Greek speakers. The surviving parchment codices were transcribed from > majuscule to minuscule in the time of the Patriach + Photius [2] (820-891). Some 900 Greek authors have been preserved in this form. In the West, the invasion of Italy by the Visigoths (AD 401-410), the plundering of Rome by the Vandals (AD 455) and the deposing of Romulus Augustulus by Odoacer (AD 476) did not yet mean the end of the transmission of Latin classical authors. Datable subscriptiones attest to the existence of an interested educated elite into the 6th cent. The old — now Christian — political and educational nobility took leading positions in the Ostrogothic kingdom: e.g. + Symmachus [II 6] (cos. AD 485), his son-in-law Boéthius (AD 480524, cos. AD 510), and Cassiodorus (AD 490-583, cos. AD 514). As can be shown from what survives [6], not only Christian texts were transcribed into codices in the 4th, 5th and early 6th cents., but also Latin classical authors. 14 of the surviving 16 Virgil codices from Late Antiquity, and 14 Cicero codices, date from this period. After the destruction of the Ostrogothic kingdom in Italy (AD 553) by Byzantium, and the Langobardic invasion of northern Italy (AD 568), however, texts that survive are almost exclusively Christian. Of the 264 codices preserved from the 6th—8th cents., only 26 still contain secular texts, of which 24 must be categorized as + technical literature. This development is also seen in the canon in Cassiodorus’ Institutiones. The Divinae Litterae are here accompanied overwhelmingly by Latin technical writers. Also mentioned several times are Aristotle, Cicero and Virgil; Plato, Terence

and

Quintilian are mentioned three times each while Homer, Demosthenes, Livy and Seneca each feature only once. The library of Cassiodorus at Vivarium on its own, therefore, could not have ensured the survival of Graeco-Roman literature. Rather, the Latin classics survived in the durable parchment codices of Late Antiquity, from the period of keen collecting and anthologizing between 300 and 550. They were preserved in secular and ecclesiastical book collections at Rome,

Dell

358

elsewhere in Italy and also on the peripheries. Where such codices evaded the fate of being washed clean and written over with patristic texts [7], they became the starting point late in the 8th cent. for the Carolingian Renaissance. They were systematically collected and transcribed from majuscule into Carolingian minuscule and survived in this way. + Book; + Codex; + Communication; > Education/ Culture; > Emendation of texts; > Inscriptions; > Library; — Literacy/Orality; - Manuscripts; — Philology; > Scholia; -> Scribes; - Scroll; — Subscriptio;

Thagimasades (Oaywooddys/Thagimasddés, also Oaywaoddac/Thagimasddas). Presumed ancestor and protector of the ‘Royal’ Scythae (> Scythae II.); they alone worshipped T. as a horse and water deity, which

+ Text, corruption of the; > Translations; > TRANs-

MISSION; > Writing; > Writing materials 1 O. GuERAUD, P. JouGueEt, Un livre d’écolier du III* siécle avant J.-C.,1938 2E.A.Havetock, The Literate Revolution in Greece and Its Cultural Consequences, 1982 3 HEUBECK 4J.Latacz (ed.), Homer, Tradition und Neuerung, 1979 5Id., Homer, 1989 6E.A. Lowe,

Codices Latini Antiquiores

1-11, suppl., 1934-1971

7 Id., Codices rescripti. A List of the Oldest Latin Palimpsests, in: Id., Palaeographical Papers (ed. L. BIELER), 1907— 1965, 1972, 480-519 8 G.PASQUALI, Storia della tradizione e critica del testo, *1952 9 PFEIFFER, KPI

10 E.POHLMANN,

Einfiihrung in die Uberlieferungsge-

schichte und in die Textkritik der antiken Literatur, 1994 11 C.H. Roperts, T.C.SKEAT, The Birth of the Codex,

1983

12 O. TapLin, Comic Angels, 1993

THALAMAE

was identified with the Greek Poseidon (Hdt. 4,59). S.S. BEssONova, Religioznye predstavlenija skifov, 1983, 59-53

U.P.

Thais (@aic/Thais). Famous Athenian hetaira (— Hetairai), eponymous heroine of comedies by Afranius [4] ({1. 229]), Hipparchus [2] and Menander [4] (PCG V 107; VI 2,122-127), all attested by quotations. Allegedly a mistress of Alexander [4] the Great, and later of Ptolemaeus [1] I, the father of her three children (Ath. 13,576d-e). According to Cleitarchus [2] at a feast she was the instigator of the burning of the Royal Buildings at + Persepolis, as revenge on > Xerxes (as in Plut. Alexandros 38; Diod. Sic. 17,72; Curt. 5,7). According to archaeological finds the fire was planned (as in Arr. Anab. 3,18,11-12), but it may have been staged in this Way. 1 A. DENIAULT, Comoedia Togata, 1981.

A.B. Boswortu, A Historical Commentary on Arrian’s History of Alexander 1, 1980, 330-332. EB.

13 A.D. Greek

Thala. City in the interior of Tunisia, 53 km to the

Drama, 1971 14E.G. Turner, The Typology of the Early Codex, 1977. 15 U. von Wi1LAMow1TZ-MOELLENDORFF, Die Textgeschichte der griechischen Lyriker, 1900

south of > Sicca Veneria, 20 km to the east of > Ammaedara (also modern T.). The Numidian town was

TRENDALL,

T.B.L.

WepstTer,

Illustrations

of

16 Id., Timotheos, Die Perser, 1903 (with comm.).

—_EG.P.

considerably Punicised; the original Punic cults of Caelestis, Pluto and Saturn continued until late Antiquity. In AD 20 followers of > Tacfarinas unsuccessfully

Textualis, Textura see ~ Gothic script [2] [2]

attacked a Roman unit in T. (Tac. Ann. 3,21,2). In the

Thabena. City in Africa Proconsularis (> Africa [3];

cipium. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 501-576; 2, 10519 f.; Suppl. 1, 11668-11730; Suppl. 4, 23280-23352; AE

3rd cent. T. presumably acquired the status of > muniBell. Afr. 77,1 f.) on or near the coast on the border with the kingdom ofJuba [1], probably not identifiable with > Thenae. In the Roman Civil War in 47/46 BC the Thabenenses were on the side of — Caesar; in 46 they strangled the soldiers that Juba had established in the city (Bell. Afr. loc.cit.). H. TREIDLER, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 1178.

W.HU.

Thabraca (©dfoeaxa; Thabraka). City probably of Punic origin (cf. CIL VIII 1, 5206: Imilcho Mytthum{balis]) on the northern coast of Tunisia, to km from the modern Algerian border (Ptol. 4,3,5; Pol. 12,1,4: TaPoaxa; Plin. HN 5,22; Juv. 10,194: Tab-

raca); of significance as a place of transshipment for » marble from — Simitthus; modern Tabarka. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1,5198-5208; 2,10837; Suppl. 1,

17329-17391. AATun 050, BI. Tabarca; Bl. 7, Nr. 10; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 170 f.; M. LonGERSTAY, Nouvelles fouilles 4 Tabarka, in: Africa 10, 1988, 220-253; Ead., Un carrefour commercial africain

d’importance régionale: Th., in: Bull. du Comite des travaux historiques et scientifiques, Section d’archéologie N. S. 22 (1987-1989), 1992, 141-152.

W.HU.

1905, 35Another town called T. was 20 km to the east of + Capsa (Sall. Epiti3,1).

lug. 75,1-77,1;

80,1;

89,6;

Flor.

AATun 100, sheet 35, nr. 77; M. LEGLaAy, Saturne africain. Monuments 1, 1961, 299-306; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de

Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 315-317; E.LipiNsk1, s.v. T., DCPP, 446; H. TREIDLER, s.v. T. (1), RE 5 A, 1185 f.

Thalamae (@oAGua/Thalamai). [1] Messenian perioikos community

W.HU,

(> Perioikoi;

Paus. 3,1,4; 3,26,3) on the outer Mani (> Taygetus) at

modern Svina to the east of Koutiphari. Traces of Neolithic and Mycenaean (Late Helladic II] A-B) settlement and remains of an > incubation oracle of Ino/Pasiphae (> Pasiphae) mentioned in Paus. 3,26,1. At the time of Hadrianus the sanctuary (Plut. Kleomenes 7; Plut. Age-

silaos 9; IG V 1, 1312-1326) was still under Spartan administration. From the time of Augustus onwards T. belonged to the League of > Eleutherolakones (Paus.

352157).

359

360

R. Hope Simpson, Mycenaean Greece, 109; S$. GRUNAUER VON HOERSCHELMANN, s. v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechen-

in 449, and in the same year he followed Dioscorus [1] in Ephesus, for which he was first excluded from the

land, 657; G.SHipLEy, The Other Lakedaimonians, in: M.H. Hansen (ed.), The Polis as an Urban Centre and as Political Community, 1997, 189-281.

Council of Chalcedon (451) but then rehabilitated. He

THALAMAE

died before 458. The Church history by Socrates [9] ends with T.’ election to bishop (Socr. 7,48,2—5; on the reasons, see [1.275-277]). PLRE 2, 1060.

[2] Unlocated town in the > Peloponnesus, either in the north of Elis [1] (Pol. 4,75,2 ff.; presumably at modern Santameri) or at Pylus [4] (Xen. Hell. 7,4,26). E. MEYER, s. v. T. (2), RE 5 A, 1193.

SA.T

Thalamos (04)apoc/thdlamos). According to the earlier archaic perception a non-specific term for various rooms inside of a Greek — house; according to more recent definition a bedroom of the master of the house or the women’s apartments (cf. Hom. Il. 6,321; Hom. Od. 10,340 et passim), usually on the upper floor of a Classical Pastas or Prostas house (House [II] B) and therefore also according to Greek understanding belonging absolutely to the private sphere (-» Private sphere and public sphere). The ancient terminology is unclear; thalamos can also be the term for a weapon or treasure chamber (Hom Il. 6,288 ff.; 24,191 et passim), the Holy of Holies in a temple (cf. Lucian. De Syria Dea 31), the space for the lowest level of a ship’s oarsmen or the representational deck construction on a state-ship. W.HoeEpPENER, E.L.SCHWANDNER, Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland, *1994, Index s. v. T. C.HO.

Thalassius (Oakdoovoc; Thaldssios). [1] (Thalassius). Praefectus praetorio Orientis 351353, froma family of > curiales [2] of the East. Little is known about his career, but T. was obviously a loyal follower of Constantius [2] Ul: in 345, he acted as the emperor’s > comes in Aquileia; in 351, he held a high office at his court in Cibalae (Zos. 2,48,5); still in the

same year, T. — probably a Christian — entered into the office of praetorian prefect of the East (Artemii Passio 12). The seat of his office was in Antioch [1] where he was supposed to supervise the young Caesar Constantius [5] Gallus by order of the emperor (Amm. Marc. 14,1,10). T. died in late 353 while still in office (Amm. Marc. 14,7,9). PLRE 1, 886 no. 1.

AG.

[2] (Thalassius). High official in the 2nd half of the 4th cent. AD, from Burdigala. In 376/7, he was vicarius in Macedonia (Paulinus of Pella, Eucharisticus 26) and

377-378 proconsul Africae (Cod. Theod. 11,30,37; 11,36,23-25). In 379, he returned to Burdigala (Paulinus, ibid. 42-44). He died in 406/7 (loc.cit.. 236). T. was the son-in-law of — Ausonius (Symmachus, Ep. 1,25), Paulinus [4] of Pella was one of his sons (cf. PauW.P. linus, ibid. 24-37; 48f.). PLRE 1, 887. No. 3. [3] Attested as > comes (B.) rerum privatarum in AD

430, in 439 as > praefectus praetorio (B.) of Illyria. After that, he was designated for a high office in the East

Roman Empire but was elected as bishop in his hometown of -» Caesarea. He was flexible regarding Church politics: in the conflict surrounding Eutyches [3] (+ Monophysitism), he led a synode in Constantinople

1H. Leprin, Von Constantin dem Grossen zu Theodosius IL., 1996.

HLL.

[4] Abbot of a Greek monastery in the Libyan desert in the rst half of the 7th cent. AD. He is regarded as a renewer of the mysticism of — Euagrius [1] Ponticus and is known through his student - Maximus [7] Homologetes, whom he supported in the shared fight against Monotheletism. Extant is De charitate ac continentia (PG 91, 1428A-1469C). M.vAN Parys, Un maitre spirituel oublié: Thalassios de Libye, in: Irénikon 52, 1979, 214f. K.SA

Thalelaeus. Professor of law (antecessor) under Iustinianus [1] I, presumably in Berytus, one of the eight addresses of the Const. Omnem (ordinances for study brought into force with the conclusion of the > Digesta in AD 533), who wrote a Greek paraphrase of the ~» Codex (II.) Iustinianus. The work, preserved in the

Basilika and their scholia (> Byzantium I. B.3.), contains useful information on T.’ teachings on the Codex. D.Srmon, Aus dem Kodexunterricht des T., in: ZRG

86,

1969,

87,

334-383;

RIDA

1970, 315-394; RIDA

16, 1969,

283-308;

ZRG

17, 1970, 273-397; P.E. PIELER,

Rechtsliterature, in: HunGeER, Literatur A.SCHMINCK, s. v. T., ODB 3, 1991, 2030.

2,

423 f.; TG

Thales (OaA‘js; Thalés). One of the + Seven Sages, phi-

losopher, astronomer and mathematician, said to be the founder of the » Milesian School, rst half of 6th cent. BC. Some anecdotes about T. survive, but no reliable biographical information. He is said to have travelled in Egypt. To what extent his erudition was influenced by the Near East is unknown. The ancient sources disagree as to whether T. recorded his theories in writing. Those who argue for it name the titles of three works: Navtixi) coteodoyia (Nautiké astrologia, ‘Nautical Astronomy’, in hexameters), [egi toont¢ (Peri tropés, ‘On the Solstice’) and [legi ionueoiac (Peri isémerias, ‘On the Equinox’; Diog. Laert. 1,23 = 11 A 1 DK). The main source for the philosophy of T. is Aristotle (+ Aristoteles [6]), although he is calling on secondary sources (probably doxographical compendia of > Hippias [5] of + Elis [1]. According to Aristotle, T. was the founder (archegos) of > NATURAL PHILOSOPHY, being the first to postulate a material > principle (&eyt/arche) for ‘all things that are’ (&avta ta évta/hbdpanta ta onta) and to break with the tradition of divine genealogies (Aristot. Metaph. 1,3,983b 17-984a 3). For T. the principle of ‘all things that are’ was ‘water’ (WSwo/hydoér). It is not clear whether this should be taken as the weaker claim

361

362

that ‘all things that are’ have come from water, or the stronger, that ‘all things that are’ consist of water. Aristotle supposes that T.’s theory was inspired by the observation that all life comes from moisture. T. was said to be the first to explain that the Earth is at rest because it floats on water, which was based on his observation that solid objects like wood could float on water but not on air (Aristot. Cael. 2,13,294a 28-b 1 = 11 A 14 DK). T. declared + magnets to be ensouled because they move iron. From this, Aristotle correctly deduced that T. understood the ‘soul’ (wuxt/psyché) as the origin of + motion (Aristot. An. 1,2,405a 19-21

=

11 A 22 DK).

Another statement attributed to T. (xdvta Anon Beav/ panta pleré the6n, ‘everything is full of gods’, Aristot. An. 1,5,411a 8 =11 A 22 DK) may be the generalization of the former theory, inasmuch as it refers to the ceaseless motion and change in the cosmos, which must have its origin in immortal souls. In Antiquity, many discoveries were ascribed to T. by virtue of his scientific authority. He was said to have predicted a solar eclipse (Hdt. 1,74 = 11 A 5 DK etal.), probably the total > eclipse of 28 May 585 BC [2]. T. may have made such a prediction relatively far in advance, but it is not known how he accomplished the calculation. > Eudemus [3] of Rhodes attributes the dating of solstices to T. (Dercylides 198,14 = 11 A117 DK). According to Diog. Laert. 1,27, T. determined the

length of the solar year at 365 days, which follows from the former calculation (+ Chronography). T. is said to have applied his knowledge of the relationship between similar triangles to the measurement of the distances of ships from the shore (Procl. in Euc. 3§2,12-15 = 11 A 20). He is said to have derived the height of a > pyramid from the length of its shadow (Diog. Laert. 1,27 = 11

At DK et al.). Proclus ascribes

the following geometric propositions to him: the diameter bisects the circle; the base angles in isosceles triangles are equal; the vertical angles between two intersecting straight lines are equal. According to Diog. Laert. 1,24=11 A1 DK, T. proved the theorem (usually called Thales’ Theorem) that the angle subtended by the diameter of a circle on the arc of the circle is a right angle. T. probably did not produce a formal proof of this theorem, but demonstrated it inductively and used it for the solution of practical problems. T.’s impact on later philosophers was less by virtue of new insights and theories than by his general method of explaining natural phenomena in terms of physical causes and not by the traditional reference to the gods. This approach was passed on through the > Milesian School

(Anaximander and Anaximenes) and further developed in various directions. + Astronomy C; > Cartography IL.; -> Division of angles and circles; -» Mathematics IV. A. 4..; > Presocratics;

> PRESOCRATICS

1B. SNELL, Die Nachrichten iiber die Lehren des Thales

und die Anfange der griechischen Philosophie- und Literaturgeschichte, in: Philologus 96, 1944, 170-182 2 F.R. STEPHENSON, L. J. FaAroout, Thales’s Prediction of

THALIA

a Solar Eclipse, in: Journ. for the History of Astronomy 28, 1997, 279-282.

Fr.: DiELs/KRANZ 1, 67-81; J.MANSFELD, Aristotle and Others on Thales, in: Mnemosyne 38, 1985, 109-129;

P.O’Grapy, Thales of Miletus, in: The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2001. G.BE.

Thaletas (Qadhtac/Thaletas; in some authors wrongly Thales, e.g. Paus. 1,1 4,4; Plut. Lycurgus 4), choral lyricist of the 7th cent. BC, from Gortyn (in Crete). Besides + Xenodamus of Cythera, > Xenocritus [1] of Locri and others, he was involved in various musical innovations in Sparta in the generation after > Terpander (Plut. De musica 9,1134b-c). Like these, he composed ~ paeans (Plut. loc.cit.) and > hyporchémata (Schol. Pind. Pyth. 2,127). According to later authors of musical theory, he introduced paeonic and cretic rhythms to Sparta from Crete (Plut. De musica 10,1134d). > Polymnestus is said to have written an epic about him since he had supposedly ended a plague (with his paeans?) (Paus. 1,14,4). FRAGMENTS:

D.A. CAMPBELL (ed.), Greek Lyric, vol. 2,

1988, 267, 320-329.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: L.KApPPEL, Paian, 1992, I. RUTHERFORD, Pindar’s Paeans, 2001, 37.

349-351; LK.

Thalia (Odie10/Thdleia, Oahia/Thalia, Lat. Thalia; related to the Greek 0d)\Aetw/thallein, ‘to sprout, grow, thrive’, esp. in reference to fruit trees; cf. Diod. Sic. 4,7). Hesiod counts T. among (1) the — Muses, (2) the ~ Nereids and (3) the ~ Charites; generally, she is related to the realm of fertility. Later literary references show a deliberately vague distinction between Muses and Charites. [1] One of the > Muses (Hes. Theog. 77), associated with comedies (e.g. Anth. Pal. 9,504; attribute: comic theatre mask; ‘the light muse’, cf. T.-Theater, Hamburg) as well as minor literary genres. In Verg. Ecl. 6,2, she is a delicate and educated muse (Musa tenuis et docta, in the sense of Callimachus’ Mousa leptalee, fr. 1) who is drawn to leisure and country festivals. In Horace

(Carm.

4,6),

she

is a

Camena

(> Muses)

equipped with charis (‘grace’); having discarded her peasant ways, she guides the festival choirs of Roma nobilis [x. 171]. In Ov. Tr. 4, 10,5 5f., she is synonymous with his love elegies (cf. Ov. Ars am. 1,263f.; Ov. Epist. 15,79-84 int. al.; [1. 130 f.]). T. is also regarded as the mother of the Corybantes (Apollod. 1,18) and as the

lover of > Daphnis [1] (Schol. Theoe. Id. 8,1). [2] One of the + Nereids (Hes. Theog. 245; cf. Hom. Il. 18,39; Verg. G. 4,338; Verg. Aen. 5,825). [3] One of the -» Charites (Hes. Theog. 907-912; cf. CW. Pind. Ol. 14,13-16; Apollod. 1,13). [4] The Sicilian - nymph T. is the mother of the -» Palici (Macrob. Sat. 5,17,15 ff.; Serv. Aen. 9,581; Aesch. Aetnaeae, IrGF 3 F 6). 1 M.T. CamiLiont, Le Muse, 1998.

CW.

THALLO

363

364

Thallo (@adAw; Thallo). One of the -» Horae, the daughters of Zeus and > Themis (Hes. Theog. 901903; Hes. Op. 74 f.). The assignment of T. to the Horae or to the > Charites is controversial, as are the number and names of the Horae (Hyg. Fab. 183; Paus. 9,3 5,1-43 Poll. 8,106).

Thalysia (Qadvovw/Thalysia), a word suggestive of

A. Lesky, s.v. Th., RE 5 A, 1214 f.; V.MACHAIRA, s. v. Horai, LIMC 5.1, 502 f.; 5.2, 344-368. R.HA.

‘abundance’ (Gr. thalia, cf. thallo ‘to bloom’), is a firstfruit sacrifice (Gr. aparchai) for >» Artemis (Hom. II.

9,534). Its antiquity is suggested by the name Thalysiades (Hom. Il. 4,458). Later it became particularly identified with +» Demeter; Theocritus situates his seventh Idyl on the day of a T. for Demeter. There also was a ‘thalysian’ bread, made from the first fruits (Athen. 3.114A), comparable to the thargélos bread (— Thargelia). Menander (Rhetor 391 RussELL-WILSON) com-

Thallophoria (0aAopogia/thallophoria, ‘carrying of

pares aparchai in speeches with T. for Demeter and

branches’). At the > Panathenaea the act, performed by

» Dionysus. Nonnus (Dion. 47,493, 48,224) uses the

selected old men (Xen. Symp. 4,17,4), of presenting branches; the term thallophoria is not recorded, but thallophoros (‘branch carrier’: Hsch. s. v.) and the verb thallophorein (Eust. in Hom. Od. 1157,24) are, and these both became proverbial (Aristoph. Vesp. 542 f. with schol.; Suet. peri blasphémi6n 8,10) in with the meaning ‘useful only for carrying branches’. To this extent the modern terminology [1. 278; 2. 1215] is motivated by analogous practices recorded in numerous cults (even if differently conducted): > Eiresioné (an olive branch decorated with woollen bindings) at the festival of Apollo Patrous, at the > Pyandpsia and the + Thargélia (schol. Aristoph. Equ. 729); dschoi (vine branches) at the - Oschophoria of Athena Sciras; myrtle branches in the Eleusinian cult of Demeter; thylla in the cult of Aphrodite and the presentation of branches at the > Hiketeia [1. 278-294]. This practice is also recorded for the cult of Dionysus (Plut. Mor. 5274), the worship of Apollo Hylates (Paus. 10,32,6), the Theban ~ Daphnéphoria (‘laurel bearing’) and the Delphic

term for the offering of any first fruits, as well as to

Because of the frequency of this cult act in Ptolemaic Alexandria [1] it could hardly contribute to identification of a festival (lagynophoria in Eratosth. FGrH 241 F 16; [1. 285 f.]). On dendrophoria or ‘tree bearing’, a widespread (Str. 10,2,10) special case of thallophoria, as a cult practice cf. [1. 279]. 1 M.Biecn, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen, 1982

JO.s.

Thalna. Roman cognomen probably of Etruscan origin, > luventius [I 5-8]. SCHULZE, 94.

K.-L.E.

Thalpius (OdAmoc; Thalpios). Grandson of Actor [4], son of the > Actorion Eurytus and of Theraephone; he and Amphimachus [2], Diores [1] and Polyxenus [3] were leaders of the 40 Epeian ships at Troy (Hom. Il. 2,618—624; Paus. 5,3,3 f.; Dares 14; Dictys 1,17). T. is

mentioned among the suitors of Helena [I 1] (Apollod. 3,129; Hyg. Fab. 81) and among those in the Trojan Horse (Q. Smyrn. 12,323), his grave is in Elis (Aristot. epigram 36, in [r]). 1 Tu. BERGK, Poetae Lyrici Graeci, vol. 2, 41882.

-» Sacrifice W. GOBER, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 1230 f.; N1tsson, GGR, vol. I, 468.

J.B.

Thamudic. Refers not only to an Early North Arabian dialect that is recorded in graffiti in a modified Ancient South Arabian script (6th cent. BC to 4th cent. AD) throughout the Arabian peninsula, but, according to the most recent state of scholarship, to various individual dialects, namely Taymanic (Early Thamudic A) and Hismaic (Early Thamudic E) and southern Thamudic B, C, D. Hence it cannot be associated with the Arab

Oapvdital/Thamyditai tribe alone. + Ancient Southern Arabian; > Arabic 1M.C. A. MAacDona_p, Reflections on the Linguistic Map of Pre-Islamic Arabia, in: Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 11, 2000, 28-79 2 W.W. MU ter, Das

Friihnordarabische, in: W.-D. FiscHER (ed.), Grundrif der arabischen Philologie 1, 1984, 18-20.

= Septérion [2. 1245-1221; 1221 (on Rome)].

2 A. TRESP, s. v.t., RE 5 A, 1245-1225.

indicate a priestess of Demeter (12.103, 25.198).

SLA.

Ck

Thamugadi. City in the province of Numidia (+ Numidae), about 20 km to the east of + Lambaesis

(It.

Ant. 34,1; 35,23 40,7; Tab. Peut. 3,4), modern Timgad in Algeria. Founded in AD 100 by Munatius [II 4]

Gallus as Colonia Marciana Traiana T. (CIL VIII Suppl. 2, 17842f.), probably the last pre-titular + colonia [E] in > Africa [3]. As the considerable remains show, the

city swiftly flourished. Numidae influenced by the Poeni may have taken the cults of Caelestis, Saturn, Aesculapius, Neptune, Pluto, Hercules and Ceres with them to T. A bishop is attested for the year AD 256. At the end of the 4th cent. the Donatist Optatus [4] was bishop of the city (Aug. Epist. 87,5; 108,5). Inscriptions: CIL VII 1, 2340-2443; 2, 10738-10743; Suppl. 2, 17811-17939; 1981,

892,

896-899,

3, 22313;

901;

1987,

AE

1977,

863;

1072;

1989,

875,

882 f.; 1992, 1832 f.; 1994, 1894-1897.

AAAlg, sheet 27, nr. 255; S.GERMAIN, Les mosaiques de Timgad, 1969; H. Horstkortte, Das Album von Timgad, in: ZPE 75, 1988, 237-246; J. Lassus, La forteresse byzantine de T., 1981; P. Morizot, Timgad et son territoire,

in: Y.Le Bonec (ed.), L’Afrique, la Gaule, Festschrift M. Le Glay (Collection Latomus 226), 1994, 226-243.

W.HU.

365

366

Thamyras (Oaybeac; Thamyras). Name on five gems. Only the 18th century paste ona reliquary in the Vienna treasury is verifiably a copy of a missing gem with a Nereid from the period of Augustus. T. is deemed to be the signature of a gem-cutter from the circle of > Dioscorides [8]. The other four ‘signatures’ are modern additions to ancient stones or elements of forgeries, probably following the Viennese model. > Gem-cutting

ered by > Heracles [1] (Eur. Alc. 1-76; 837-860; 11401142) or > Sisyphus (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 119) and temporarily bilked of his victims but whom nobody can escape in the end. In this role, he has entered European literature through Euripides’s ‘Alcestis’ based on Phrynichus’ [1] model. ~ Mors; > Death

E. ZWIERLEIN-DIEHL, T.-Gemmen,

in: H.-U. Cain et al.

(eds.), Beitrage zur Ikonographie und Hermeneutik, Festschrift N. Himmelmann, 1989, 425-431, plate 67 f.

THAPSUS

J. Bazant, s.v. T., LIMC 7.1, 904-908; E. VERMEULE, Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry, 1979,

37-393 145-151; C.SourviINou-INWooD, Greek Death, 1995, 326-327.

Reading AA.

S.ML. Thapsa

Thamyris (Qduvei/Thamyris, also COayieac/ Thamyras). Mythical singer from Thrace (cf. > Orpheus), who in human overestimation of himself challenges the > Muses to compete with him and, naturally, loses (for the motif, cf. > Marsyas [1], > Niobe, > Capaneus). As a punishment they take his gift of song away (again) and maim him (Hom. Il. 2,594-600, without further specifying this; Hes. Cat. 65 speaks of blinding). The same subject was probably dealt with by Sophocles in his tragedy Thamyris (IrGF 4 F 236-245), in which the poet himself appeared as an actor (Soph. Test. Ha TrGF 4). T. is supposed to have had one dark eye and one light (Schol. b Hom. Il. 2,595); this feature

was included in his theatrical mask (Poll. 4,141). Later authors believed him to be the inventor of > homosexuality (Apollod. 1,16) and of > paederasty (Suda s. v. T.; cf. Orph. Test. 77 KERN). O. HOFER, s. v. T., ROSCHER 5, 464-481; A. NERCESSIAN, s. v. T., LIMC 7.1, 902-904.

RE.N.

(@aya). North African harbour town (Ps.Scyl. 111; the place name is Punic), probably identical to > Rusicade. In the 4th cent. BC, a distinction may possibly have been made between Cape Rusicade and the settlement Th. AAAlg, BI. 8, Nr. 196; H. TREIDLER, s. v. Th., RE 5 A, Porte W.HU.

Thapsacus (Odwaxoc/Thadpsakos; Latin Thapsacus). City in Syria, on the west bank of the Euphrates [2], important river port and Euphrates crossing (Semitic tiphsah, ‘crossing, ford’), first mentioned in 1 Kings 5,4 as a (fictional) border town in the northeast of Solomon’s kingdom. It was at T. that > Cyrus [3] the Younger crossed the Euphrates (Xen. An. 1,4,11 and 17 f.);.a little later, as nauarchos, Conon [1] came to T., 20 days travel from the > Cilician Gates [1] (Diod. Sic. 14,21,5), from where the river is navigable (Diod. Sic. 14,81,4). After the Battle of Issus in 333 BC, Darius [3] fled over the river there (Arr. Anab. 2,13,1); Alexander

[4] followed him in 331 BC on two pontoons (Arr. Anab. 3,6,4) and, shortly before his death in T., had Thanatos

(@Qdvatocd/Thdnatos). Personification of ~» death in Greek art and mythology, of practically no cultic significance. T. is the son of + Nyx (night) and the twin brother of Hypnos (Sleep, cf. - Somnus; Hes. Theog. 211f.; 756f.; Hom. Il. 14,231) with whom he transported the body of the dead > Sarpedon [1] from

preparations made for the construction of a fleet (Arr. Anab. 7,19,3; Plut. Alexandros 68; Curt. 10,1,19). Later — probably because of a change of name — T. is no longer mentioned. T. has been located at various places on the Euphrates (suggestions in [1. 1278-1280]), but is most likely to be found at Qal‘at Nagm, about 20 km

Troy to Lycia (Hom. Il. 16,4 53-4573; 16,671-683). This scene, a favourite on Attic vases from the late 6th cent. BC on, was adopted into every-day life in that T.

to the east of Manbig [2].

and Hypnos function as escorts of the deceased on Attic lecythi [1]. On the + Cypselus chest, T. and Hypnos were represented antithetically as sleeping children in the arms of Nyx (Paus. 5,18,1). T.’s ambivalent nature,

who depending on the underlying attitude towards death appears either as a gentle liberator (often in tragedy) or as a cruel bringer of death who is hated by gods and humans alike (as early as in Hes. Theog. 758-766), is reflected in the iconography: At first, T. is depicted as a winged youth just as Hypnos, but later he is clearly set apart from the youthful Hypnos through a beard, shaggy hair and a hook nose, approaching the old man ~ Charon [1]; in contrast to modern concepts, he does not wear the insignia of death. In folkloristic stories, T. appears as the myrmidon of +> Hades, who is overpow-

1 E. HONIGMANN,

S. V.

T.,

RE

‘5

A,

3272-1280

2 O.LENDLE, Wo lag Thapsakos?, in: H.BUsING et al. (eds.), Bathron. Festschrift fiir H. Drerup, 1988, 301-305.

WR.

Thapsus (@dpoc/Thapsos). {1] Flat, sandy (Serv. Aen. 3,688) tongue of land on the east coast of - Sicily, northwest of > Syracusae, connected with the mainland via an isthmus of c. too m (Thuc. 6,97,1), modern Penisola di Magnisi. Around 730 BC + Lamis from Megara [2] settled on T. after he had abandoned — Trotilum and been driven out of » Leontini; after his death, his companions left T. in order to make a new home in Megara [3] Hyblaia 7 km to the north (Thuc. 6,4,1). There was an > emporion

(‘trade port’) on T. from the 15th to the 9th cents. BC. Finds of Mycenaean pottery (SH IIIA/IIIB) and bronze

THAPSUS

367

368

works from Melite [7] and Cyprus are extant [1]. Due to T.’ unfortunate geographical location — the peninsula was constantly flooded in stormy weather — an independent community did not develop here again.

Tharrus (Odo00¢/Tharros; Latin Tharrus). Phoenician

E. MANNI, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica,

1981, 235.

GLE.

[2] (Punic Tpsr, present-day Ras Dimasse). Possibly Phoenician, though more likely a Punic settlement southeast of > Leptis Minor in Byzacena in modern Tunisia (> Africa [3]; Ps.-Scyl. 110; cf. Liv. 33,48,1 f.; Str. 17,3,12). In 310 BC T. was conquered by Agathocles [2] during his Africa expedition (Diod. Sic. 20,17,6);in 149 BC the Roman invaders won T. over to

their side in the third + Punic War (App. Lib. 94,446) and in 146 BCT. was promoted to the status of a populus liber (‘free people’) (lex agraria, line 79; cf. Plin. HN 5,25). > Caesar defeated the Pompeians and Juba [1] at the battle of T. in 46 BC (Bell. Afr. 79-86; Plut. Cato minor 58,13; Plut. Caesar 53; Cass. Dio 43,7,19,3). I. experienced an exceptional growth in prosperity in the Imperial Period. An extensive Punic necropolis was found near T. Inscriptions: CIL VIII supplement 4, 22897; AE 1989, 893. AATun

050, p. 66, no. 75-78; H.BEN Younes, La pré-

sence punique au Sahel, Diss. Tunis 1981, 208-251; S. LANCEL, E. Lipinski, s. v. Thapsus, DCPP, 447. W.HU.

settlement (founded shortly before or c. 700 BC) on the

western coast of Sardinia on the Sinis peninsula, which encloses to the west the Gulf of Oristano, between two

indigenous nuraghic settlements; There are records of contacts with the Orient from the 2nd millennium BC onwards. Rich finds in the necropoleis (gold jewellery) and the topheth (votive stelai) from local workshops are evidence that the economy of the place flourished greatly from the 7th/6th century onwards, also under the rule of + Carthage. The Phoenician-Punic buildings of the extended field of ruins (fortification walls, 5th century BC; Naiscus) have to some extent been refashioned in a Roman style. + Phoenicians, Poeni; —> Sardinia -» Colonisation; >

(with map) R.D. BARNETT, terial

in the

C. MENDLESON, Th. A Catalogue of MaBritish

Museum,

Sardinia,

1987;

M.L.

UpertTI, s. v. T., DCPP, 447-449; M.T. Francisietal., T. 25. La Campagna del 1998, in: Riv. di Studi Fenici 28, 2000,

129-215.

H.G.N.

Tharyps (Qdovyw/Thdryps). The T. mentioned in 429 BC as being under the guardianship of a Sabylinthus (Thuc. 2,80,6) is the first undoubtedly historical

king of the > Molossi. According to Plut. Pyrrhus 1,4 he made a name for himself as the first Molossian ruler by providing the cities with Greek customs, education and benign laws; according to Just. Epit. 17,3,9-13 he

Thargelia (Oaoyrta/Thargélia, also Targelia). The

was raised in Athens and was the first to institute laws, a

main festival connected with > Apollo on the 6th and 7th days (resp. birthday of Artemis and Apollo) of the Attic/lonian month Thargelion (late April to late May). The etymology is not known; in Antiquity the name was linked with a stew, thargélos (e.g. Phot. w 22), made from first fruits offered up to the god. The importance of the festival is also shown in its onomastic productivity, cf. e.g. the Milesian courtesan T. (Hippias FGrH 6 F 3); indeed the festival was generally of great significance in > Miletus [2] (Parthenius 9,5), cf. Apollo’s epithet Thargelios, which he was given in the Milesian colony of > Olbia [1] (SEG 30,9774). On the first day of the T. the > pharmakos |2| was driven out and the victories over the Trojans (Damastes FGrH 5 F 7; Hellanikos FGrH 4 F 152a) and Persians were celebrated (Ael. Var. 2,25). On the second day an offering of first fruits was

council, annually changing officials and a rei publicae forma (‘state structure’). Accordingly, the monarch-led federal state may have been constituted under him. T., who also held Athenian citizenship (Syll.* 228), reigned probably until c. 390 or 385 BC.

presented, the - eiresioné (a laurel branch entwined

with wool) was carried round and competitions were held in choral singing for men and boys: before a new harvest could be celebrated, the city had to be purified

of all evil. ~ Pharmakos [2]; > Scapegoat rituals

2000,

IT9-I42.

M.Z.

Thasos (Odoo¢/Thasos). I. GEOGRAPHY

II. ARCHAIC PERIOD IV. HELLENISTIC

III. CLASSICAL PERIOD V. ROMAN PERIOD

PERIOD

1. GEOGRAPHY Island in the northern Aegean (— Aegean Sea); 398 km*, up to 1203 m high, ro km south-south-west of the mouth of the Nestus [1], separated from the

Macedonian mainland by ac. 7 km wide strait, with no particularly deeply carved bays; predominantly marble with deposits of gneiss and mica schist, occasional granite (north-east, south-west); lush vegetation (including

V.GEBHARD, Ss. v. T., RE 5 A, 1287-1304; J.BREMMER, Scapegoat Rituals in Classical Greece, in: R. BUXTON (ed.), Oxford Readings in Greek Religion, 2000, 271-293.

S.FUNKE, Aiakidenmythos und epeirotisches Kénigtum,

J.B.

pines, oaks, chestnuts), owing to copious supplies of water. Il. ARCHAIC PERIOD

Name probably pre-Greek; traces of late Neolithic settlement. Inhabited by Thracian Sapaei or > Saii (corresponding personal name still on inscription of classical period). At the beginning of the 7th cent. BC, > co-

369

370

lonization took place from -> Paros; the first settlers included the poet > Archilochus. The main settlement of the island, hugely extended in the Hellenistic period and also called T., was situated on the north coast near modern Limenas. A 4 km long city wall, which also enclosed the acropolis (sanctuaries of Pan, Athena Poliouchos, Apollo Pythius) and the naval harbour, was first built in the 7th (or beginning of the 6th) cent. BC and was subsequently destroyed and restored many times. Various gates were provided with reliefs and metric inscriptions. To the east of the naval harbour was the trading port. In the course of the centuries several sanctuaries (for Artemis, Dionysus, Heracles, Poseidon and after 380 BC centrally for Zeus Agoraeus) were erected in the city, as well as various public buildings. T. gained particular importance early on because of its rich mineral resources: as well as > marble, valued for building projects (Plin. HN. 36,44; Vitr. De arch. 10,2,15; Stat.

IV. HELLENISTIC PERIOD In spite of the fact that the island had been conquered by Philip [4] HI (340/39 BC) after T. had granted refuge to ships from > Byzantium (Dem. Or. 18,197), T. was an autonomous member of the > Corinthian League (Syll.3 260 b 5). After it had been conquered by Philip [7] V (202 BC) until 196 under Macedonian rule and then, on Roman initiative, independent. The closing of the Macedonian mines in 168 BC resulted in economic strengthening and extensive coin minting: Macedonian money, which had previously predominated in the Balkans, was phased out; significant trade with north-eastern Europe.

Silv. 1,5,345 2,2,92), there were copper ores, silver and

firming — amicitia; T. was assigned > Sciathos and ~ Peparethos. During the Roman civil war, in 42 BCT. was the supply base for the troops of Junius [I ro] Brutus and Cassius [I ro] (App. B Civ. 4,106 f.; 4,109; Plut. Brutus 38); so T. was taken by Antony [I 9] (App.

gold, which had already been mined by > Phoenicians (Hdt. 6,47; cf. also Hdt. 2,44; Paus. 5,25,12). Inthe 7th cent. BC colonization of the strip of Thracian coast (+ peraia) opposite T., between Nestus [1] and > Strymon began (Hdt. 7,108,3-109,2; Scyl. 67) with the founding of Galepsos [1], Neapolis [1], Oisyme and Pistyrus; the income made here allowed T. to become a prosperous economic power, with contacts extending as far as Syria, Egypt and Lower Italy. III. CLASSICAL PERIOD In 494 BC the city was unsuccessfully besieged by + Histiaeus [1]; extension of the fortification wall (Hdt. 6,28,1; 6,46,2). After the occupation of Thrace by + Mardonius [1] in 492 BC, there followed subju-

gation of T. under Persian supremacy, during which the walls were razed (-» PersianWars [1] C.). In 480 BC T.

supplied the Persian army; in 477 BC T. became a member of the Delian League with 30 ships. Commercial conflicts of interest particularly in Egypt and the peraia led in 466/5 BC to a revolt against Athens, which was put down in 463/2 BC after a three-year siege of the city. The consequences were the razing of the walls once again, surrender of the fleet and peraia and three talents tribute (cf. ATL 1, 282 f.; after the peraia was returned in 446 BC: 30 talents). In 411 BC an oligarchy was set up (Thuc. 8,64), and political annexation to Sparta took place in clashes with proAthenian democrats, who acted froma base in Neapolis [x]. The fleet and the city walls were built up again. In 408/7 BC T. was regained for Athens by > Thrasybulus [3] (Xen. Hell. 1,4,9; Diod. Sic. 13,72,1). After the defeat of Athens in 404 BC (-> Peloponnesian War), punishments were imposed under Lysander [1] (Xen. Hell. 2,2,5): Spartan occupation and political control, but reconciliation with pro-Athenian Neapolis negotiated by Paros. In 389/8 BC renewed dependence on Athens (Dem. Or. 20,59; Aristid. Panathenaikos 112,2); from 375 BC member of the 2nd > Athenian League.

THASOS

V. ROMAN PERIOD

In 88 BCT. refused to support > Mithridates [6] VI in his battle against Rome; because of this loyal stance, in 80 BC there was a decree by the Roman senate con-

B Civ. 4,136): lost Sciathos and Peparethos to Athens,

but maintained its independence. The uninterrupted prosperity of the island even during the Roman imperial period was evident in the city of T. in building activity which lasted well into the 3rd cent. AD: Roman quarter in the south-east of the agora, under Hadrian an odeion and a fairly large villa, around AD 215 the erection of an arch of honour (which remained unfinished). Coin minting until the beginning of the 3rd cent. From the middle of the 4th cent., early Christian bishopric (probably until the early 7th cent.), ecclesiastical buildings (Acacius basilica). The athlete and politician Theogenes [1], the painter > Polygnotus [1], the poet > Hegemon [1], the writer > Stesimbrotus, the geographer Androsthenes and the epigrammatist > Zosimus [1] all came from T. T. was famous for its wine, which was traded between the Black Sea, the Middle East and Sicily (finds

of amphorae; Aristoph. Eccl. 1119; Aristoph. Plut. ro2z1; Aristoph. Lys. 196; Dem. Or. 35,35; Xen. Symp. 4,41; Plin. HN 14,39; 74; 117).

Inscriptions.: IG IV 1*, 94b; 313 51-55; XII 8, 261630a; suppl. XII 347-515; SEG 2, 505-508; 3,756 f.; 18, 338-382; 29, 763-792;

31, 755-802; 38, 851-61;

ef, [x]. Goins: HIN 217; 263 it.s'cf. [2]: » Mining 1 P.

CHARNEUX, Liste argienne de Théarodoques, in: BCH

90, 1966, 156-239, here 157 II 20; 227-229 2G.LE Riper, Trésor de monnaies trouvé a Th., in: BCH 80, 1956, I-19.

Cu. Prcarp (ed.), Etudes thasiennes, 1944 ff. (so far 18 vols.); D.I. Lazaripes, T. and Its Peraia, 1971; Thasiaca (BCH Suppl. 5), 1979; A.E. BAKALOPULOS, ‘Iotogia tij¢

@doov, 1984; Guide de T. (Ecole Francaise d’Athénes, Sites et monuments),

1987; Y.GARLAN, Vin et amphores

de T., 1988; G.Wacner, Antike Edel- und Buntmetallgewinnung auf T., 1988; W. GUNTHER, s. v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 657-662; H. WEINGARTNER, Die Insel

THASOS

aA

T., 1994; J. Koper, Aigaion Pelagos (TIB ro), 1998, 291293. AKU.

372

Theaedetus (Oeaidyntoc; Theaidétos) from Rhodes, father of + Astymedes [1. 1557], significant moderately Rome-friendly statesman [2. 185, 188]; in the peace

Thaulon see + Bouphonia

treaty of Apamea [2] (+ Antiochus [5] III) with Cn. ~» Manlius [I 24] Vulso in 189 BC he and Philophron

Thaumaci (OQavpaxot/Thaumakot). City in Achaea > Phthiotis on the northern slopes of the — Othrys

had achieved i.a. the apportionment of Lycia (> Lycii) to Rhodes (Pol. 22,5,2; [1. 85; 3. 182]). T. was about 80 years old when he travelled to Rome as nauarchos in the spring of 167 to effect a new alliance, but died there

mountains, on one of the most important routes to Thessaly. Remains of walls and ceramic finds suggest an origin in the 4th cent. BC; the first literary sources refer to events in the 3rd cent. BC, when T. was part of the Aetolian League. T. is mentioned several times in the military conflicts between the Romans, the + Aetolians and Philippus [7] V shortly after 200 BC (Liv. 32,4,I-73 3254133 36,14,12-14). In189 BCT. became

part of Thessaly. Numerous inscriptions in the subsequent period, e.g. a milestone of AD 283 (IG IX 2, 222), a Byzantine mortar wall around the acropolis, documentation of T. as a see in the Middle Ages and the modern name of Domoko are evidence of continuity of settlement there. G.Daux, P.pE LA CosTE-MESSELIERE, De Malide en Thessalie, in: BCH 48, 1924, 343-376; F.STAHLIN, s. v. T., RE 5 A, 1331-1337; TIB 1, 148; H.KRAMOLISCH, Ss. V. Domokos, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 200. HE.KR.

Thaumacia (Oavuaxin; Thaumakié). One of the cities in Magnesia [1] which were represented at Troy with altogether seven ships under the leadership of + Philoctetes, today not located (Hom. Il. 2,716-719; Str. 9,5,16; Plin. HN 4,32; cf. Steph. Byz., s. v. Oavuaxic). SLA. Thaumas (Oavpac/Thaumas). Son of > Pontus [1] and ~» Gaia (or > Tethys: Orph. Fr. 117), brother of > Nereus, > Phorcys [1], > Ceto and Eurybia (Hes. Theog. 237 f.; Apollod. 1,10); with > Electra [1] (Ozomene: Hyg. Fab. 14,18) father of the > Harpies and > Iris [1] (Hes. Theog. 265-267; 780; Verg. Aen. 9,5; Ov. Met 4,480 et passim; on the interpretation of the genealogy see Pl. Tht. 155d; Cic. Nat. D. 3,20,51). T. is also named as the father of the river - Hydaspes (Nonn. Dion. 26,3 58-365) and of Arce (Ptol. Chennos 6,6, p. 39 CHATZIS). SLA.

(Pol. 30;5,1—10;

30,21 £3 Liv.

45,25,7—10;

[1-139;

155-158; 4. 200-202]). 1 H.H. Scumitt, Rom und Rhodos, 1957 2 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971 3 F.W. WaLBANK, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 3, 1979 4R.M. BertHOLD, Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age, 1984. L.-M.G.

Theaetetus (Oeaitntoc; Theaitétos). {1] Mathematician, a native of Athens, pupil of > Theodorus [2] of Cyrene and later a member of Plato’s Academy (-> Akademeia). In Plato’s [1] dialogue named after him, T. appears (together with the aged Theodorus [2]) as about fifteen years old in 399 BC; he was therefore born c. 414. Plato describes him as gentle, courageous and quick to apprehend. After he had been wounded in the battle of Corinth, T. contracted dysentery and died in 369. T. contributed substantially to the theory of irrational quantities. He studied and classified (linearly) incommensurable magnitudes whose squares are commensurable. This classification of irrational quantities can be found in Book ro of Euclid’s (> Euclides [3]) Elements, which suggests that this book could hark back to T. ({r0. 271-282]; sceptical: [1. 303]). Plato (Tht. 147d-148b) describes how T. distinguished between line segments that when squared produce a square number, and those that do not; T. calls the latter dvvdauet (dynamei = potentially, i.e. in the second power) commensurable with the former, which he

describes as lengths (uijxoc, mékos). T. expresses the following proposition: “All the lines which form the four sides of the equilateral or square numbers we called lengths, and those which form the oblong numbers we called surds, because they are not commensurable with the others in length, but only in the areas of

Thaumatopoios, Thaumatourgos see > Entertainers Theadelpheia (Qcadérdera; Theadélpheia). Village in the > Fayyum to the south of Lake Karun near modern (Batn) lhrit, founded under Ptolemaeus [3] IIc. mid-3rd century BC and known from numerous papyrus finds. The chief deity was a crocodile god worshipped under the name Pnepheros. 1 A.CALDERINI, Dizionario, vol. 2, 1977, 240-248; suppl. 1, 1988, 135 f.;suppl. 2,1996,66 2E.BERNAND,

Recueil des inscriptions grecques du Fayoum, 1981, 1-86.

vol. 2, KJ.-W

the planes which they have the power to form” (Tht. 148a-b), and suggests that a similar proposition exists for cubes. The proposition of the irrationality of the square roots of all non-square natural numbers is a generalisation of an observation of + Theodorus [2], who

proved individually that each of the non-integer quantities from V3 to Vr7 are irrational. T. presumably proved this indirectly. The propositions needed for such a proof can be found in Book ro of Euclid’s Elements (10,5—6 and 9); a scholion on 10,9 expressly attributes

this proposition to T. A commentary by > Pappus (preserved only in an Arabic translation) on Book ro of Euclid’s Elements

[9. 63] attributes to T. — with reference to > Eudemus

3)

374

[3] from Rhodes — the classification of particular quantities, which are also irrational when squared; he assigned the medial (uéon, mésé) line to the geometric mean, the binomial (éx Sv0 dévoudtwv, ek dyo onomdton) to the arithmetic mean and the apotome (Groton, apotome) to the harmonic mean. These three types of irrational line segments are defined in Book ro of the Elements (10,21; 10,36; 10,73); it is proved there that all three line segments are irrational and mutually exclusive. Starting with the medial, binomial and apotome, further types of irrational quantities are defined and investigated in Book ro. These irrational quantities can probably also be traced to T. [1o0. 281 f.]. Book 13 of the Elements is dedicated to regular polyhedrons. The irrational quantities studied in Book ro are used in Book 13 to calculate the lengths of the edges of these polyhedrons. According to a scholion on Euclid’s Book 13 [5. 654, ll. 1-6], Book 13 of the Elements can be traced to T. According to the same scholion, three of the five regular polyhedrons (cube, tetrahedron, dodecahedron) were discovered by the earlier Pythagoreans, but the other two (octahedron, icosahedron) by T.; the Suda (s.v. T.) records that T. was the first to draw the five regular bodies (on this see [6. 7577| and [11]). Accordingly, T. not only discovered the octahedron and the icosahedron, but provided con-

[2] Writer of epigrams of the ‘Garland’ of Meleager [8], first half of the 3rd cent. BC (author of a burial inscription for the philosopher > Crantor: Epigram 2 GowPaGE), who is identical with the T. praised by Callimachus [3] (cf. Fr. 117 TrGF) (Anth. Pal. 9,565). His surviving epigrams (four in Anth. Pal., two in Diog. Laert.) are in the Callimachean style (cf. e.g. the unusual dialogue with a votive gift, Anth. Pal. 6,357 and Call., Anth. Pal. 6,351).

structions for each of the five bodies; he demonstrated

that they could be inscribed in a sphere and that the ratios of their edges to the diameter of the sphere could be calculated. Finally, T. may also have known that there are only five regular polyhedrons. Books ro and 13 of the Elements appear therefore to be an interrelated and self-contained work of T. The classification of irrational quantities, as carried out in Book 10 of the Elements required a theory of proportions which was not restricted to rational quantities (like the Pythagorean theory). It is very likely that T. created a general theory of proportions based on the method of antiphairesis (&4vOudaioeatc, anthyphairesis) presented in the Elements 10,1 and 10,2 (also called Euclidean algorithm or antenaresis). T. can therefore be regarded as the forerunner to ~ Eudoxus [1] in the foundation of a general theory of proportions [6. 64—

68]. -» Mathematics 11. BULMER-THOMAS, s. v. Theaetetus, in: GILLISPIE 13, 301-307. 2K.VON FRi7z, s. v. Th. (2), RE 5 A, 13511372 31d., Platon, Theaetet und die antike Mathematik, in: Philologus 87, 1932, 40-62; 136-178 (reprint with addendum, 1969) 47.L. Heatn, A History of Greek Mathematics 1, 1921, 209-212 5 J.L. HeIBERG (ed.), Euclidis Elementa, vol. 5, 1888 6S.HELLER, Theaetets

Bedeutung als Mathematiker,

in: Sudhoffs Archiv

51,

1967, 55-78 7L.HeLLtwec, Mathematische Irrationalitat bei Theodoros und Th., 1994 8 W.KNorr, The Evolution of the Euclidean Elements, 1975, chapters 7 und8 9 W.THOMSON (ed.), The Commentary of Pappus on Book X of Euclid’s Elements, 1930 (with Engl. transl.; reprint 1968) 10 B.L.vAN DER WAERDEN, Erwachende Wissenschaft, 1956, 271-291 11 W.C. WATERHOUSE,

The Discovery of the Regular Solids, in: Archive for History of Exact Sciences 9, 1972, 212-221.

M.-F.

THEAGENES

GAL.1, 182 f.; 2, 520-524; K. J.GUTZWILLER, Poetic Garlands. Hellenistic Epigrams in Context, 1988, 226; 311; E.Livrea, Teeteto, Antagora

e Callimaco, in: SIFC 7,

1989, 24-31.

[3] T. Scholasticus (©. ZyoAaotxdc; T, Scholastikos). Writer of epigrams of the Kyklos of > Agathias. His six surviving poems are limited variations on traditional themes: on Anth. Pal. 6,27 and 10,16 cf. > Leonidas [3] of Tarentum, Anth. Pal. 6,4 and 10,1; on 16,221 cf. — Parmenion [3], Anth. Pal. 16,222; on 16,233 cf. Ps.Simon, 16,232. The two other poems concern contem-

porary events of the years AD 555 (16,32b) and 567 (9,659). A.CaMERON, The Greek Anthology, 1993, 70 f.; Av. and A.CAMERON, The Cycle of Agathias, in: JHS 86, 1966, 6-25, esp. 8, 14, 19-22; W.J. W. Koster, Theaetetus pseudogrammaticus, in: JHS 87, 1967, 131 f. M.G.A.

Theagenes (Qeayévne/Theagénés). [1] Tyrant of Megara [2] in the last quarter of the 7th cent. BC; he probably descended from a noble family and maintained > hospitality with aristocrats all over Greece. According to a later tradition, when he seized power, he is said to have won the people’s confidence in his fight against the city’s landowners (by slaughtering their flocks: Aristot. Pol. 5,1305a 21-26) and to have been granted a body guard by the assembly (Aristot. Rh. 1,13 57b 30-33). Itis more likely that, supported by noble friends and allies, he won a struggle for power in Megara. He had his daughter married to > Cylon [1] of Athens, gave military support to the latter to reach his ambitions for power and after his defeat, granted him refuge as well (Thuc. 1,126,3; Paus. 1,28,13; 1,40,1). Later, he became famous in Megara for the construction of + water pipes and of a fountain house north of the Agora (Paus. 1,40,1; 1,41,2). According to later sources, his tyrannis is said to have been brought to an end by the Megarians, i.e., probably by other powerthirsty aristocrats and their > hetairoi (Aristot. Pol. 5,1304b 34-38; Plut. Mor. 295cd). H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 1967,

33 f., 536; R.P. LEGon, Megara, 1981; L. DE LiBerRo, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 225-230. B.P.

[2] T. of Regium, 6th cent. BC, Greek scholar (or + rhapsode?) and author ofatreatise on > Homerus [1] (Tatianus

31,31,16

SCHWARZ = 8 fr. 1 DK; Porph. 1,240,14 SCHRADER = 8 fr. 2

Quaestiones Homericae

DK; cf. Suda 0 81 s. v. Oeayévous yonwata (‘things on

THEAGENES

375

T.’)=8

fr. 4 DK). Besides describing the historical background (Homer’s origin and lifetime), the treatise dealt also with textual criticism and problems of interpretation. T. is said to be the initiator of the allegorical interpretation of Homer’s work (Porph. l.c.; > allegoresis). Owing to his philological studies on Homer, T. was considered by the ancient authors as the founder of -> philology (grammatike téchne), defined as the knowledge of et graphein, ‘to write beautifully’) and of language correctness (schol. Dionysios Thrax, Ars grammatica, GG13, 164,23-29 and 448,12-16 = 8 fr. ra DK). ~» Allegoresis; - Philology; » Grammarians Ep.:

Lit.:

1 Dres/KRANZ, p. 51-52 (Nr. 8).

2 W.BeRNARD,

Spatantike

376 (> Archontes), he made a career as an imperial official as well, becoming a member of the Senate, probably also patrician and possibly praefectus praetorio of Illyria. An encomium dedicated to him, which praises classical traditions and is perhaps written by + Pamprepius, is extant in fragmentary form. PLRE 2, 1063 f.; TRAILL, PAA 501540. HLL. [7] Greek historian of uncertain period and background, author of a history of Macedon (Makedonika patria). The 15 extant fragments are all in the geografic lexicon of Stephanus [7] of Byzantium. They give exclusively names, or aitia (> Aetiology) of places: so they convey an extremely partial reality. FGrH 774. K.MEL

Dichtungstheorien,

1990,76-78 3R.LAQUEUR,s. v. T. (9), RE 5 A 2, 1347 4 PFEIFFER, KPI, 25-28 5 N. RICHARDSON, La lecture

Theages (Qeaync; Thedgés). Pseudepigraphical author of a work in the style of Pythagoras, [eoi Goetijs (Peri

d’Homeére par les Anciens, in: Lalies 10, 1992, 293-327 6 G.M. Risport, Teagene o dell’allegoria, in: Vichiana 9,

aretés, ‘On Virtue’, two frr. in Stob. 3,76—81 and 81-84 HENSE), rst cent. BC/znd cent. AD. A T. is mentioned in

1980, 243-257. 7G.Rocca-SERRA, Naissance de |’exégése allégorique et naissance de la raison, in: J.-F. MATTEI (ed.), La naissance de la raison en Gréce, 1990, 77-82 8 F. Wenrut, Zur Geschichte der allegorischen Deutung

Tyana), not as a Pythagorean, however, but as one of

Homers im Altertum, Diss. Basel 1928, 89-91.

ST.MA.

Iambl. VP 257 and 261 (based on Apollonius [14] of

the Thousand of > Croton who took part in the democratic revolution against the Pythagoreans, although he was very close to the latter (ibid. 255). He is also miss-

[3] Theban, general in the battle of > Chaeronea (338

BC) and last commander of the famous Theban > phalanx (‘the sacred band’; Din. 1,74; Plut. Alexander 12.,; Plut. Mor. 259d; 260c). HA.BE. [4] T. of Cnidus. Greek grammarian, active, according

to Philostratus [5], in the rst half of the 2nd cent. AD. Besides + Munatius, he was among the teachers of ~» Herodes [16] Atticus (Philostr. VS 2,1,14). His further philological and grammatical activities are unknown; no writings or even traces of them have survived. The opinion [1], which goes back to Galen (Methodus medendi 13,15 = 10,909 f. KUHN) and which identifies T. with the cynic T. [5], is untenable. 1 C.L. Kayser (ed.), Flavii Philostrati Vitae sophistarum, 1838,312 2 W.STEGEMANN,§sS. v. T.(12),RE 5A, 1349. ST.MA.

[5] T. of Patrae, Cynic of the 2nd cent. AD, pupil of -» Peregrinus Proteus. In an effusive eulogy, T. com-

pared his teacher to the Indian > Gymnosophists and especially praised his death by fire. Lucianus criticises T. and —~ Cynicism in general in his ‘Death of Peregrinus’. According to Galen (Methodus medendi 13,15 = 10, 909-910 Kun), T. lectured daily in public at the Trajan’s Forum in Rome and died of inflammation of the liver, which had been inappropriately treated by the physician Attalus, pupil of the renowned Soranus of Ephesus. This probably eliminates the identification with the philosopher of the same name, who, according to Lucian. Catapl. 6, died of unrequited love for a ‘Megarian courtesan’ [1]. 1 J. Bernays, Lukian und die Kyniker, 1879, 90.

M.G.-C.

[6] Rich Athenian of noble descent. Apparently nonChristian, he was considered to be a patron of the philosophers’ schools. In AD 450 probably an archon

ing in Iamblichus’ catalogue of Pythagoreans. The two surviving fragments are strongly characterized by Peripatetic moral psychology, but are not orthodoxly Aristotelean; the Pythagorean element consists merely in superficially emphasizing the pursuit of harmony for the soul (+ Soul, theory of the).

+ Pythagorean School C.

Theangela

pseudepigrapha;

(OQedyyeka/Thedngela).

- Pythagorean M.FR.

City

in

Caria

(> Cares), to the east of > Halicarnassus, most eastern

settlement of the > Leleges; a precedessor settlement (S.), at the modern Ciftlik [1. 112-116, Kaplan to the south3, 224 note 33a]. In hands of the Carian dynastic family of Pigres, who held a command in the

may have been Lucyyeka/Syangela Alazeytin Kalesi to the west above 145-1473 2. 89-96], or on Mount west of modern Etrim [3. 17 note the 6th/sth cent. BC S. was in the

Persian fleet in the battle of Salamis [1] (> Persian Wars [x]) in 480 BC (Hdt. 7,98); probably under his grand-

son of the same name S. was a member of the > Delian Leaguec. 440 BC.

Widely distributed in the surrounding mountains and concentrated at Alazeytin, there are circular ‘compound’ buildings, typical of the Leleges, fortified enclosures or farmsteads with internal courtyards and corbel-vaulted storage and living rooms. About 361 BC, at the time of the expansion of Halicarnassus by -> Maussolus, S$. was enlarged or, like Myndus, refounded (Callisthenes FGrH 124 F 25; Str. 13,1,59), with the place name being Graecized as T. (modern Cémlekci). Like Halicarnassus and Myndus T. laid claim to being founded by settlers from — Troezen [cf. 4]. Around 310 BC T. had to capitulate to the Macedonian Eupolemus (semi-sovereign dynast in Caria; > Mylasa) (Stv 3, 429), but later was free again, in so far as in the 2nd

BIA,

378

cent. BC it did not belong to Halicarnassus. In the 3rd cent. BC T. was affected by piracy and kidnapping (IG XI 4, 1054). T. kept relations with Troezen, Hyllarima in Caria and the > peraia of Rhodes. Beekeeping was a source of income (taxable; Stv 3, 429 Z. 5). Philippus, the author of a Carian local chronicle (3rd cent. BC) was from T. Archaeological remains: ring wall, foundations of public buildings and Lelegian houses, cisterns, the dynastic tomb.

19; Iambl. VP 132; 146; 265; 267). An abundance of texts circulated under her name, among them ‘Anopbeynata Tv0ayoesiwy (Apophthégmata Pythagoreion, ‘Pythagorean Sayings’), [eel Mv0ayoeov (Peri Pythagorou, ‘On Pythagoras’), Magatwéoets yuvauxetan (Parainéseis gynaikeiai, ‘Women’s Admonishments’), Tlegi ceetis (Peri aretés, ‘On Virtue’; Suda s. v. ©). Extant is a fragment from Ilegi evoeBeias (Peri eusebeias, ‘On Piety’; Stob. 1,10; 13, p. 125 f. WACHSMuTH). In it, Pythagoras is incorrectly attributed with claiming that everything emerged from the > number, that numbers did not exist, and that everything was created according to the number. One fragment is transmitted by Clem. Al. Strom. 4,44,2. Of seven letters, (Epist. 4,10 [2]), five are addressed to women. The title ‘Women’s Admonishments’ and a few anecdotes (Diog. Laert. 8,43; Iambl. v. P. 132) might have given the impetus for the letters as well. ~» Women philosophers; - Pythagorean school

1G.E. Bean, J.M.Coox, The Halicarnassus Peninsula,

in: ABSA 50, 1955, 85-171 2 Id., The Carian Coast III, in: ABSA 52, 1957, 58-146 3 W.Rapt, Siedlungen und Bauten auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos (MDAI(Ist) Supp. 3),1970

4A.WILHELM, KS 2.1, 1984, 302-307

INisgate W.RuGE,

s. v. Syangela, RE 4 A, 999; Id., s. v. Th., RE

5 A, 1373-1377; W. Rant, Die Leleger auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos, in: Antike Welt 6, 1977.5, 2-16; F.Isik, Frithe Funde aus T., in: MDAI(Ist) 40, 1990, 17— 36.

H.KA.

THEATRE

Ep.:

1H.Tesverr, The Pythagorean Texts, 1965, 193-

2 R. HERCHER (ed.), Epistolographi Graeci, 1873 (repr. 1965), 603 ff. MLFR. 201

Theano (@eavw/Theano). [1] Priestess of Athena in > Troy, daughter of Thracian King — Cisseus and of Teleclia, daughter of > Ilus [1] (Hom. II. 6,298-300; 11,223-224; schol. Eur. Hec. 3; Lucian. Imagines 19), since Euripides, sister of

~ Hecabe as well (Eur. Hec. 3 and schol.; schol. A Hom. Il. 16,718; cf. Verg. Aen. 7,320). Mother of many children with > Antenor [r] (the so-called Antenorids).

As a priestess of Athena, she was of crucial importance for the Greeks in the battle of Troy (Hom. Il. 6,269311). She received the Greek legation that asked for the release of > Helen [1] (Bacchylides 15 = dithyramb 1 MaeH Ler; cf. Hom. Il. 3,203-208 and 11,138-141). During the fall of Troy, her house was spared by the Greeks (Paus. 10,27,3: representation in the Cnidian + lésché of Delphi). T. emigrated to Cyrene with her family and Helen (Pind. Pyth. 5,82-88), according to other sources to Illyria (Serv. Aen. 1,242) or into the Po Valley (Verg. Aen. 1,242-249; cf. 7,320; 10,703-705). [2] Wife of Metapontus in Icaria. After the birth of her own sons, she tried unsuccessfully to kill the children of + Melanippe [1], children she had foisted on Metapontus earlier while she had remained childless. When her own children were killed in the process, she committed suicide (Hyg. Fab. 186). I.EsPERMANN, Antenor, T., Antenoriden,

1980; V. GEB-

HARD, S. v. T. (2-3), RE 5 A, 1377-1379; O. HOFER, s. v. T. (1) and (3), RoscHER 5, 546-549; A. Lezzi-HarTer, s. v. I. (1), LIMC 7.1, 911-914. K.WA,

Thearidas (Qeagidac/Thearidas). [1] From > Megale polis, father of > Lycortas, who

negotiated over his conquered home city with > Cleomenes [6] III in 222 BC (Syll.3 626; Plut. Cleomenes 24)

[1. 194; 199 f.]. [2] From Megale Polis, son of > Lycortas, grandson of T. [1], administrator of > Messene [2]c. 182 BC (IvOL

46,6). As the elder brother of the statesman and later historian — Polybius [2], who was deported by the Romans, after 167 T. seems to have kept a low political profile ({2. 212 note 1]; cf. [3. 118 note 56]), but is encountered in two Achaean legations to Rome: in 159/8 (Pol. 32,7,1) and in 147 BC, when the Achaean League (> Achaeans, Achaea) was trying to take before the Senate its position in the escalating crisis around Corinth (Pol. 38,10,1-2; Paus. 7,14,3) [2. 226 f.]. T. was honoured by Epidaurus (IG IV 1422). [3] From Megale polis, son of a Philopoemen, grandson of T. [2] (IG V 2,535), donated 20 minae for new walls for his city after 167 BC (IG V 2,442). 1 R. URBAN, Wachstum und Krise des Achaischen Bundes von 280 bis 222 v. Chr.,1979 2 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971 3 H. Notrmeyer, Polybios und das Ende des Achaerbundes, 1995. L.-M.G.

Theatre I. Concept

[3] Known as the wife of + Pythagoras [2] at least since -» Hippobotus (3rd cent. BC; as evidence, the latter quotes a verse supposedly by Empedocles 31 bk. 155 DK; cf. Diog. Laert. 8,43), at times identified as the wife of Brontinus and as a student of Pythagoras (Diog. Laert. 8,42). As a result, the Suda distinguishes two Pythagoreans with the name of T. T. was mentioned very frequently in Antiquity (e.g. Porph. Vita Pythagorica 4;

History

II. ARCHITECTURE

III. CULTURAL

OF THE ANCIENT THEATRE

I. CONCEPT Greek 0éatoov (théatron: ‘Place where one looks’); Lat. theatrum. The Greek word can denote any arrangement of rows of seats or raised stands (ikria) as a gathering place for festive, cultic or athletic events, as in + Sparta for the Gymnopaidia festival in 491 BC (Hdt.

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Dipoenus and Scyllis and thus was active in the mid-6th cent. BC. A representation in cedar wood of ‘Heracles with the Hesperids’ in the treasury of Epidamnus in + Olympia were by him and his son; at the time of Pausanias the Hesperids were in the Temple of Hera (Paus. 6,19,8). OVERBECK, No. 328 f.; P. MORENO, s. v. T., EAA 7, 1966,

816; H. MArwitz, Hegylos?, in: AA 1969, 106 f.; FucHs/ FLOREN, 215. R.N.

Theoclymenus (OcoxAbpevoc; Theoklymenos). Mythical seer from Argos, son of > Polypheides and hence descendant of - Melampus [1] (Hom. Od. 15,223256). In + Pylus [1] T., a fugitive for manslaughter, encounters -» Telemachus. The latter takes the supplicant with him to Ithaca, where initially he leaves him in the care of > Piraeus (ibid. 15,256-286; 15,508—5 46). Later brought to the palace, T. tells > Penelope that ~» Odysseus is in the country again (ibid. 17,71-165), and foretells an imminent death for her suitors but is mocked as mad (ibid. 20,3 50-383).

Themistus (Qguiotoc; Thémistos). Syracusan, married to Harmonia, the daughter of Gelon [2] II and granddaughter of Hieron [2] II (Liv. 24,24,2 and 6; 25,7 and

Theocosmus (@edx00u0s; Thedkosmos). Sculptor from Megara in the late 5th cent. BC, father of > Callicles [2]. With the help of + Pheidias he created a goldivory cult image of Zeus (+ Gold-ivory technique) in Megara, which remained unfinished after 431 BC be-

10). He was presumably a member of the regency council established by Hieron for his underage grandson Hieronymus [3] and after Hieronymus was killed took

cause of the > Peloponnesian War. On the victory monument of Lysander [1] in Delphi (in 405 BC) T. made the statue of Hermon [3].

part in a coup

planned

by ~ Adranodorus

(Liv.

24,24,2; 24,25). At the command of the strategoi, who had been informed of the plot, however, he was exe-

OVERBECK, Nr. 855; 979; 1035; LIPPOLD, 203 f.; P. MoRENO, Ss. v. T., EAA 7, 1966, 816; A. JACQUEMIN, Offran-

des monumentales a Delphes, 1999, Nr. 322.

RN.

cuted — as was Adranodorus — in 214 BC (Liv. 24,24,4). H. Berve, Hieron Il., 1959, 86-99.

K.MEI.

Thena (Punic Tynt?; @éva/Théna, Latin Thena, Thenae). Originally probably a Punic city (cf. CISI3, 4911 and archaeological finds) in Byzacena (- Africa [3]; Stra 1753)125 07,3,06; Plins HIN 5,25), 22 km to the south of Taparura (modern Sfax); end of the Fossa [7]

Regia built in 146 BC by Cornelius [I 70] Scipio on the Gulf of Gabes (> Syrtis; cf. [1. 435 note 80]); modern Thyna. The port, probably a colonia from the time of ~» Hadrianus, acquired a certain amount of significance from the 2nd cent. AD onwards. From 255 recorded as a bishopric. 1 Huss.

M.Fenpri, Découverte archéologique dans Ia region de Sfax, 1963, 56.

W.HU.

Thenephmus (Oévedpoc; Thénephmos). Egyptian, recorded as early as 247/6 BC as owner of a dored (‘estate awarded by the king’) of 10,000 drourai. PP IV 10083. W.A.

Theocrines (Qgoxoivnc; Theokrinés). Athenian from the Hybadae deme (IG II/III* 2,2, 2409, 44 f.), a notorious > sykophantes (cf. Dem. Or. 18,313), who made a living from threats of court action and extortion. A forensic speech by Epichares from 342 BC ({[Dem.] Or. 58) is directed against him. TRAILL, PAA, 508320; SCHAFER, vol. 4 (appendices), 266— 280.

HA.BE.

Theocritus (Qedxoito¢c/Theodkritos). [1] T. of Chios, Greek sophist and politician, born before 365 BC, a pupil of the Isocratean (> Isocrates) Metrodorus (Str. 14,645; Ps.-Plut. Mor. rrab; Ath. 12,540 A; Sudas. v. Th.). T. was a convinced opponent of the Macedonian kings and their followers. He directed fierce attacks against + Aristoteles [6] (Plut. Mor. 603c; Diog. Laert. 5,11) and -» Anaximenes [2] of Lampsacus (Hermippus in Ath. 1,21c). Following the conquest of Asia Minor and the subjugation of Chios by -» Alexander [4] the Great, he attacked the latter and + Theopompus [3] of Chios (cf. Theop. FGrH 115 F 243) with harsh words. > Antigonus [1] Monophthalmus, whom he also derided, had him executed (Plut.

495)5)

434

Mor. 633¢; Ps.-Plut. Mor. r1bc). T. wrote > chreiai and was the author of a History of Libya as well as of Epistolai thaumasiai (‘Marvellous Letters’), but only a few of his hurtful remarks are transmitted.

tian’ and ‘Vatican’. The ed. princeps was by Bonus Accursivus at Milan in 1480. The conventional modern ordering of the whole collection is due to H. STEPHANUS (Basel 1566), but Id. 1-18 are already transmitted in that order in the Vatican family.

Ep.: FGrH 760. Lit.: BERVE 2, Nr. 364.

K.MEI.

{2] Important Greek poet, 3rd cent. BC; his main work

were the Idylls (=Id.). I. THE port

I. Work

III. INFLUENCE

I. THE POET T. was almost certainly from — Syracusae (cf. Id. 11,7; 28,16; Anth. Pal. 9,434), but may have spent a

good part of his working life in the eastern Aegean, principally on Cos, and in > Alexandria [1]. He sought and/or enjoyed the patronage from > Hieron [2] II of Syracuse (Id. 16) and — Ptolemaeus [I 3] II Philadelphus (Id. 14,57-70; 15; 17); Id. 15 and 17 (see below) were composed after Philadelphus’ marriage to > Arsinoe [II 3] Il (c. 275 BC) and before the queen’s death (270 or 268). T. all but certainly knew the Phaenomena of > Aratus [4] (Id. 17,1; 22,8—22) and echoes or is echoed by > Callimachus [3] (Id. 17 ~ Callim. H. 4; Id. 11 ~ Callim. Epigr. 46 Pr.). Id. 13 (Hylas) and 22 (Dioscuri) treat the same stories as two juxtaposed episodes in the Argonautica by — Apollonius [2] Rhodius (Apoll. Rhod. 1,1153-1357; 2,1-163). Most modern scholars hold that T. rewrites Apollonius in a less epic, more modern manner (on the debate, see [21]). There is no indication that T. was also active as a philologist. Il. WorK A. TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION

Topics FORM

C.BucoLic

THEOCRITUS

POEMS

B. STYLISTICS AND

D. LANGUAGE AND

A. TEXTUAL TRANSMISSION Thirty so-called Idylls (eiévAda/eidyllia, ‘little forms’; the origin of the term is unknown) are ascribed to T., together with the pattern-poem (- figured poem) Syrinx and some 25 epigrams; scraps from two other poems (Id. 31 and Berenice) are known. Some idylls (9,

19, 20, 21, 23, 27) are certainly, others very probably (8 and 25) not by T.; some at least of the epigrams are spurious. The poems were presumably first recited and/or circulated by T. separately; some may have been compiled and ‘published’ shortly after T.’ death or even by T. himself, but the first collection of which anything is known was by > Artemidorus [4] of Tarsus in the first half of the rst cent. BC (cf. Anth. Pal. 9,205). This collection may well have been that in which > Vergilius read T. It will have begun, as all ancient editions seem to have done, with the obviously ‘bucolic’ (see below)

poems (Id. 1 and 3-9, though not necessarily in that order). More than 20 ancient papyri and c. 180 medieval and Renaissance MSS are known. The MSS fall into three broad families, ‘Ambrosian’ (only K, Cod. Ambrosianus 886, 13th cent., the best MS), ‘Lauren-

B. STYLISTICS AND TOPICS T. operates and innovates within familiar poetic types. An > encomium on — Ptolemaeus [3] II Philadelphus (Id. 17) and the hymns to the Dioscuri (Id. 22) and Dionysus (Id. 26) rework traditional patterns of the + hymn, although Id. 22 startles by its inclusion of a passage of hexametric — stichomythia and a striking stylistic and ethical contrast between the sections dedicated to Polydeuces and those to Castor. Id. 17 is a highly sophisticated version of what was a very common poetic type in the Hellenistic period, the short hexametric encomium of a ruler and patron: Ptolemaeus Philadelphus is assimilated not only to a great Homeric king like Agamemnon, but also to Apollo (with Cos playing the rdéle of Delos) and Zeus (the brother-sister marriage of Philadelphus and Arsinoe is like that of Zeus and Hera). Id. 24 is a narrative of Heracles’ childhood and education. There is a major debt to > Pindarus (Nem.

1; Paean 20), but there is

constant variatio from the model text and the humorous account of the homelife of Heracles’ parents — Alcmene rocks her children to sleep on a shield and sings them a lullaby — creates something quite fresh. Id. 18 echoes the epithalamium sung by Helena’s friends on the night of her wedding to Menelaus; it evokes the beautiful but lost world of Spartan culture (cf. > Alcman’s Partheneion) as well as exploiting the ironies that arise from the couple’s later history. The encomium and request for patronage to Hieron II (Id. 16, Chdarites) is an extraordinary blend of hymn, > mime and popular begging-song (T. figures his poems as children begging from house to house, only to return grumbling about the meanness of modern men). Many reworkings of motifs from the victory-songs by Pindar and > Simonides show T.’ creative awareness of the similarities and differences between modern poetic culture and that of the past. Such self-conscious concern with poetic form is a hallmark also of two poems which recreate the mimes of -» Sophron [1] (Id. 2 and 15). Id. 2 is the first-person narrative by Simaitha abandoned by her lover Delphis, the ordinariness of the event is set off by evocations of epic heroines (the abandoned Ariadne etc.) and echoes of higher literature (Homer, Sappho), but the irony with which the naive Simaitha is depicted does not conceal the sad loneliness of her fate. The first part of the poem depicts the magical practices with which Simaitha hopes to win Delphis back and/or punish him; striking parallels with extant + magical papyri show how this poem raises popular traditions to the level of high art. Id. 15 is a conversation between two Syracusan women

living in Alexandria who visit a festival for > Adonis staged by Arsinoe in the royal palace. By emphasizing

435

436

the contrast between the ordinariness and straitened circumstances of the two women and the lavish display (tryphe) of the palace, the poem dramatizes the coming of the Syracusan mime tradition — and the poet of those

D. LANGUAGE AND FORM Id. 28-31 imitate the dialect, metre (in stichic form) and also the topics of the archaic poets + Sappho and » Alcaeus. This creative recourse to older poetic conventions is typical for the poetry of the 3rd cent. BC (> Hellenistic poetry). All other of T.’ poems (with the exception of the epigrams) are written in hexameters. The bucolic poems are distinguished rhythmically and linguistically from the rest of the corpus. Some are notably spondaic, whereas the general trend of 3rd-cent. poetry was towards a more dactylic rhythm, but they also conform much closer to the ‘rules’ of the Callimachean hexameter than do T.’ epic poems (e.g. Id. 13; 16; 17; 22). For subsequent poets, T. established Doric as the appropriate dialectal colour for bucolic/pastoral poetry; the suggestion by [27] that the language of the bucolics, Doric, had been the language of a Cyrenaean emigrant elite in Alexandria remains unproven. > lonic traditions and poetic dialect, on the other hand, are most obvious in the narrative Hymn to the Dioscurt (Id. 22) and a monologue of a lover (erOmenos; Id. 12), which is perhaps a recreation of the Theognidean tradition of pederast poetry (+ Theognis [r]). In other poems, the linguistic and dialectal blend of languages remains obscure (Id. 13; 16). All of T.’ poetry reveals a persistent interest in creating new poetic structures within the hexametric form. T. is our best witness to the rich flowering of ‘short’ poems in the 3rd cent. BC and to the variety of poetic forms that this culture created and re-created.

THEOCRITUS

traditions, T. himself — to the new cultural centre of the

Greek world. C. BUCOLIC POEMS Sicilian traditions were also important in the set of poems for which T. is best known: eight poems in literary Doric (cf. Callim. H. 5-6) and characterized by a relatively ‘unpoetic’ (though botanically very rich) vocabulary, which create a > ‘bucolic’ [I B] world of peace and song, disturbed only by the emotional turmoil of the herdsmen (or, in Id. 10, a harvester) who inhabit that world. These poems present themselves as the literary versions of real or believed folk-song practices; and the European ‘pastoral’ tradition thus looks back to T. as its ‘founder’. Id. 11, the song of the Homeric ~ Cyclops, though in his younger days, when his trouble was not Odysseus but an unrequited passion for the sea-nymph — Galatea [1]), also exhibits bucolic traits, though it belongs to a different tradition and is metrically auite distinct from the ‘bucolic mimes’ (+ Mime [I

C]). Id. 5 stages a contest in antiphonal ‘improvised’ song between two rough herdsmen, and exchange informs Id. 1, 4, 6 and 7 also, though T. never repeats the same structural pattern. The founding myth of this ‘bucolic’ poetry is the sufferings of + Daphnis, the subject of Id. 1, which seems always to have come first in the ancient collections. Id. x includes an > ekphrasis of a marvelously decorated wooden bowl; this rewriting of the Shield of Achilles in the Iliad offers ‘bucolic’ as a rival value system to the epic. So too, Id. 7, the Thalysia (‘Harvest festival’), is a further overt reflection upon the creation of an artificial poetic world; Simichidas, the narrator,

tells of a trip into the Coan countryside where he met Lycidas, who ‘looked very like a goatherd’, but whose appearance and behaviour strongly suggest divinity (Apollo?). The two exchange songs (boukolidzesthai) on erotic themes and Lycidas gives Simichidas his staff, in a rewriting of > Hesiodus’ ‘initiation’ by the — muses at the opening of the Theogony. The move from the city to the country and the exaggerated artifice of the poem’s closing locus amoenus dramatize the knowing irony present in all of T.’ bucolic poems. The real countryside has nothing to do with this literary construction. Id. 3 is a further exploitation of the conventions of mime and quasi-dramatic performance: a goatherd sings a > paraklausithyron outside the cave of his (possibly imaginary) beloved. This virtuoso attempt to gain an invitation into the cave has much in common with the song of > Polyphemus (Id. 11), who is ‘locked out’ by his inability to swim, but is distinguished from it by arrangement of two- and three-verse stanzas which accentuate the dramatic nature of the performance.

III. INFLUENCE T.’ bucolic poems were much imitated (e.g. Id. 8, 9 and the bucolic poems by > Moschus [3] of Syracuse and —> Bion [2])and were the principal poetic model for Virgil’s Eclogues. The many papyri, rich scholia (perhaps going back to + Theon [4] in the time of Augustus, the numerous excerpts (e.g. in — Stobaeus and the Grammarians) and reworkings, e.g. by > Lucianus [1], in + Longus’ [1] novel Daphnis and Chloe and in + Nonnus’Dionysiaka, and 12th-cent. quotations in + Tzetzes [2] and in the novel Drosilla and Charikles by Niketas Eugenianos all attest to the longevity and popularity of T. poetic work. » Bucolics; -> Hellenistic poetry; -- Mime; > BucoLIC/IDYLL ED. COMPLETE

WORKS:

Gow, 1952, 1958

1K.LatrE, 1948

3H.Becksy,

1975

24.5. F.

4C.GALLA-

VOTTI, *1993.

SELECTED POEMS: 1971

7R.HUNTER,

SCHOLIA: 1914.

Lir.:

5P.MONTEIL, 1968

6K.J. DOVER,

1999.

8 C. WENDEL, Scholia in Theocritum Vetera,

9J.BurToNn, Theocritus’s Urban Mimes, 1995

10 B.Erre (ed.), T. und die griechische Bukolik, 1986 11 Id., G.BinpeEr, Die antike Bukolik: eine Einfiihrung, 1989 12M.Fanruzz1, Teocrito e la poesia bucolica, in: G. CaAMBIANO et al. (ed.), Lo spazio letterario della Grecia antica 1.2,1993,145-195 13 F.GRIFFITHS, Theocritus at Court,1979 14 K.J. GurzwiLLer, Theocritus’ Pasto-

438

437 ral Analogies. The Formation ofa Genre, 1991 15 D.M. HacpeERIN, Before Pastoral: Theocritus and the Ancient

Tradition of Bucolic Poetry, 1983.

16 M.A. HARDER et

al. (ed.), Theocritus, 1996 17 A.HorstMann, Ironie und Humor bei T.,1976 18 R. Hunter, Theocritus and

the Archaeology of Greek Poetry, 1996 critus, Encomium of Ptolemy, 2002

19 Id., Theo-

20 G.HuTCHINSON,

Hellenistic Poetry, 1988, 143-213 21 A. KOHNKEN, Apollonios Rhodios und T., 1965 22 G. LAWALL, Theo-

THEODAS

killed at the end of 536 on his way from Rome to Ravenna (Proc. BG 1,11,9). 1P.Amory, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 1997,454f. 2E.CuHrRysos, Die Amalerherrschaft in Italien und das Imperium Romanum, in: Byzantion 51, 1981, 430-474 3 PLRE 2,1067 f. 4H. Wo.LrraM, Die Goten, 42001, 337-341. WE.LU.

critus’ Coan Pastorals, 1967 23 W.MeIncKE, Untersuchungen zu den enkomiastischen Gedichten Theokrits,

Theodamas (Qewwddpac/Theioddmas; Lat. Theodamas, Thiodamas). King of the Dryopes, who were driv-

1965 24U.Orrt, Die Kunst Hirtengedichten, 1969 Green Cabinet: Theocritus Lyric, 1969 26L.Rossi,

en from their homeland by — Heracles [1]; father of + Hylas. A connexion is made in Hellenistic literature

des Gegensatzes in Theokrits 25 T.G. ROSENMEYER, The and the European Pastoral The Epigrams Ascribed to

Theocritus: A Method of Approach, 2001 27 Gal Ru1jGu, Le Dorien de Théocrite: dialecte cyrénien d’Alexandrie et d’Egypte, in: Mnemosyne 37, 1984, 56-88 28 M.SANCHEZ-WILDBERGER, _—__Theokrit-Interpretationen, 1955 29C.SEGAL, Poetry and Myth in Ancient

Pastoral, 1981

30 G.SERRAO, Problemi di poesia ales-

sandrina, vol.1,1971 31 K.-H. STaNZEL, Liebende Hirten. Theokrits Bukolik und die alexandrinische Poesie, 1995 32 U.von WiLaMowi1Tz-MOELLENDORFF, Die

Textgeschichte der griechischen Bukoliker, 1906 33 G. ZANKER, Realism in Alexandrian Poetry: a Literature and Its Audience, 1987. R.HU.

[3] (Qeoxeito¢d/Theokritos). Imperial slave, later freedman, sponsored by > Saoterus under ~ Commodus; dancer and pantomime who reached the peak of his influence under > Caracalla; he was probably admitted to the equestrian order, because he commanded an army in Caracella’s campaign against Armenia. Allegedly, his influence with Caracella went far beyond that of the Praetorian prefect. He also accompanied Caracella to Alexandria [1], where he gave the order to kill Flavius Titianus, the city’s procurator (epitropos) (PIR* F 381) (Cass. Dio 78,21,1—4). W.E.

Theodahatus (Theodahat) (Theodahadus; Oevdatoc/ Theudatos). AD 534-536 king of the + Ostrogoths in Italy, from the > Amali family, son of + Amalafrida, nephew of Theoderic the Great (~ Theodericus (Theoderic) [3]); he owned large estates in + Tuscia, often

illegally acquired

between T. and the resettlement of the brigand Dryopes in the Peloponnese (Bacchyl. Paean 4; Hdt. 8,43; 8,473 Diod. Sic. 4,37) — perhaps following Hesiod’s Keykos gamos (‘the wedding of — Ceyx’, Hes. fr. 263-269; [1]): in Apollonius Rhodius (1,1211—1219) as a pretext for war Heracles provokes a conflict over the ploughing bull of T., a poor farmer, who calls his people to help; in the subsequent fighting T. is killed, and his young son ~ Hylas is kidnapped and brought up by Heracles. In contrast, Callimachus (fr. 24-25) characterizes T. as an

inhuman brute, who denies hungry > Hyllus [1], Heracles’s little son, a morsel of food, whereupon Heracles slays the oxen; war and resettlement are the consequences (cf. schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,1212-1219a; Nonn. Dion. 35,89-91: even > Deianira has to take up arms and is wounded; Ov. Ib. 487 f.). In Callim. H. 3,160 f. the killing of the bull is motivated by Heracles’s comically ravenous hunger (cf. Apollod. 2,153; Anth. Plan. ror). The similarity of the T. myth to the aetiology of the Lindian bull sacrifice to Heracles Bouthoinas (‘cow slayer’; Callim. fr. 22 f.) — in the first book of Calli-

machus’s Aitia the two forma pair — led to confusion in later authors of T. with the ploughman of Lindus (Philostr. Imag. 2,24; Amm. Marc. 22,12,4). 1 R.MERKELBACH, M. West, The Wedding of Ceyx, in: RhM 108, 1965, 300-317, bes. 304 f.

A. BariGazzi, Eracle e Tiodamante in Callimaco e Apollonio Rodio, in: Prometheus 2, 1976, 227-238; G. MasSIMILLA (ed.), Callimaco: Aitia, libri primo e secondo, 1996, 292-294 (with It. trans. and comm.). AA.

(Proc. BG 1,3,2; cf. e.g. Cassiod.

BG 1,4,4-12; Cassiod. Var. 10,1-4: efforts by the two

Theodamas. Probably an Indo-Greek king or prince, recorded only in one Kharosti inscription (known as the Bajaur Seal) as Middle Indian Theudama. It is by no means certain that the reading of the short inscription as “of the king Theodamas” is correct, but the name is

for Byzantine recognition). Then T. had Amalasuntha

certain.

Var. 4,39). After the death of > Athalaric, T., who until

then had pursued scholarly studies (Proc. BG 1,3,1), was appointed king by > Amalasuntha, with power supposed in fact to remain with the latter (Proc.

killed, however, in order to assume power (Proc. BG 1,4,12-15; 4,25-8; Chron. min. 2,11,104). This

act, which T. tried to cover up by sending a legation to the Eastern Roman court (Proc. BG 1, 4,15), was used

by > Iustinianus [1] to validate his claims to Italy. Occasionally, T. considered abdicating his throne in return for guarantees for himself (Proc. BG 1,6,1-27; 7,11-25; [2]). After the Byzantine invasion of Italy in 536, T. remained inactive; the Goths elevated > Witigis as their king (Proc. BG 1,11,1-9; lord. Get. 309 f.); T. was

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 2.1, Nr. 3

K.K.

Theodas

(@e0ddc; Theodds) from Laodicea. Greek physician c. 125 AD; he and > Menodotus [2] were pupils of the sceptic > Antiochus [20]; he was a leading representative of the School of the - Empiricists. He

wrote (1.) Chief points (KepdAaa), which + Galenus and a later (otherwise unknown) Theodosius commented on; (2.) On the parts of medicine (Teoi tov tijs

iatetxfis wee@v), in which he emphasised the signifi-

439

440

cance of autopsy, historie (‘research’) and analogy; (3.) an Introduction to medicine (Eioaydyn). His works were still being copied in the 3rd cent. in Egypt. Only the titles survive.

cf. below). He was forced to work as a > logographos and teacher of oratory for material reasons (Phot. 120b 30 = Theopomp. FGrH rrs F 25); he also supposedly

THEODAS

DEICHGRABER, 214-215, 401.

V.N.

Theodebald (Theodebaldus; @evdipardsoc/Theudibaldos). Frankish king 547-5 55 AD, son of » Theodebert, still a child at the beginning of his reign. Courted by > Tustinianus [1] in 551 for an alliance against > Totila (Proc. BG 4,24,11-30), T. refused both this and a request for help from the > Ostrogoths in 552 (Proc. BG 4,34,17 f.; for the relationship with Byzantium cf. MGH Epp. 3,131 f., 547 AD). Allegedly against T.’s will, however, > Leuthari and -> Butilinus supported the Goths in Italy in 5 53/4, but without success. After T.’s death in 555 his part-kingdom was incorporated into that of Chlotachar (Agathias, Historiae 2,14). PLRE 330227 tt E.Ew1c, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 1988, 40; E. Z6.LLNER, Geschichte der Franken, 1970, 96-101. WE.LU.

Theodebertus (Theodebert) (Theodebertus; OevdiBeetoc/Theudibertos). Frankish king 533-547 AD (534-5482, cf. [1. 7]), son of Theoderic (> Theodericus

wrote a rhetoric textbook in verse (Suda). At the elaborate funeral celebrations for -» Maussolus (d. 353 BC),

he competed against the most famous orators of the day with an > epitaphios |2]; the victor was either he or Theopompus [3] (Suda; Gell. NA 10,8,6). In a later phase of his life (Suda; Plut. Mor. 837c), T. also turned to tragic poetry: he was said to have produced 50 dramas (Suda; Steph. Byz. s. v. Paondic), participated in 13 agones and won 8 victories (tomb epigram by Steph. Byz.); 7 Dionysia victories are recorded in inscriptions (IG II* 2325), as well as probably a (not recorded) Lenaean victory. T. had great success with the production of the tragedy Maussolos at the latter’s funeral celebrations (Gell. NA 10,18,7; Suda). The re-

maining transmitted

or deducible

titles (Aas, Alk-

maion, Heléné, Lynkets, Oidipous, Oréstés, Philokte-

tés, Tydeus; and probably Théseus, Thyéstés) demonstrate that T. dramatized the traditional mythical material; the fragments indicate that he was closely connected to Euripides [1] linguistically (sometimes almost literally copying, cf. fr. ra SNELL with Eur. Med. 231). Emphasized as particular abilities of T.: his skill at posing and solving riddles (cf. Ath. 10,45 1ef with two ex-

(Theoderic) [4]) (Greg. Tur. Franc. 3,20-36). Together

amples), and his extraordinarily good memory

with his uncles, in 534 he conquered Burgundy, from 539 exploited fighting between Byzantium and the

Tusc. 1,593; Quint. Inst. 11,2,51; Poll. 6,108; Ael. NA

Goths for attacks in Italy (Procop. Goth. 2,25), occu-

pied parts of northern Italy and conducted a self-confident (cf. MGH Epp. 3,132f. to > Iustinianus [r]) double-dealing between the Goths and Byzantium. He allegedly planned a campaign to Thrace (Agathias, Historiae 1,4,1). After his death during a hunt (in 547/8: v.s.) he was succeeded by his son > Theodebald). T. sometimes bore the epithet Magnus (Chron. Min. 2,236; cf. Greg. Tur. Franc. 3,25; [1. 7-10]). 1 R. Coxuins, Theodebert I., in: D. BuLLouGH et al. (eds.),

Ideal and Reality in Anglo-Saxon Society, 1983, 7-33 2 PLRE 3,1228-1230.

WE.LU.

Theodectes (Oe0déxtme/Theodéktés). Rhetor and tragedian of the 4th cent. BC, active in Athens, extant only in fragments, b. in Phaselis (Lycia), son of an Aristander. Only the Suda (s. v. ©.) mentions a like-named son

of T., who was also active in literature (historiographic and ethnographic works, text for rhetorical instruction in 7 books, encomium of Alexander [6]); no other source differentiates between the two T., so that in

some cases it 1s difficult to assign a work. This information may refer to T., the son of Aristander: he was a student of > Isocrates (Dion. Hal. De Isaeo 19 and Ad Ammaeum

1,2; Plut. Mor. 837c; Suda s. v. @.); the en-

tire biographical tradition probably traces back to the section devoted to him in the work by Hermippus [2] On the Students ofIsocrates (cf. Ath. 10,45 re). In addition, he is said to have been a student of Plato [1] (Suda) and Aristotle [6] (Suda; Plut. Alexander 17,674a; but

(Cic.

6,10). T. died in Athens and was buried in a probably grand tomb, surrounded by statues of poets, on the Sacred Way to Eleusis (Plut. Mor. 837d; Paus. 1,37,4). The attempt to develop chronological precision has produced the following data: (1) the didaskalia (TrGF I, p. 29) places T. between Astydamas [2] and Aphareus {2]; his first victory must therefore have been in the period between 372 and at the latest 360 BC. (2) In 344, Alexander [4] the Great paid a drunkenly cheerful reverence to a statue of the later T. in Phaselis (Plut. Alexander 17,9,674a); the text makes clear that (a) Alex-

ander and T. had both been students of Aristotle and therefore a personal relationship had developed between them, and indicates that (b) the death of T. in 334 was not far in the past. (3) According to the Suda, T. died at the age of 41, while his father still lived. The incompatibility of (1) with (3)/(zb) is evident; in addition, it appears at least difficult to place the career as rhetor and the participation in 13 agones with 50 pieces in a life span of 41 years. Therefore, [6] places the also formally misplaced sentence: ‘He died at the age of 41...’ from the Suda article ‘T., son of Aristander’ in the following “T., son of T.’ The statue in Phaselis would

then refer to the latter, and a personal relationship with Alexander along with the small difference in age also fits with the information that this T. wrote an encomium on Alexander’s uncle (see above). Then the tra-

ditional student relationship with Aristotle for the older T. would have to be assumed for the younger. This then gives, with some probability, a lifetime for the son from c. 380/376 to 339/35 BC, and for the father a year of

441

442

birth between c. 410 and 400 and a year of death after

perial title (ibid. 156; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 7,388-602). While the latter advanced to Italy and was there defeated by > Maiorianus [1] and > Ricimer in 456, T. defeated the Suebi under > Rechiarius in Spain (Hyda-

339/35 BC. It must remain unclear which of the two wrote the instructional rhetorical work mentioned in Aristot. Rh. 1410b 2f. as Oeodéxteva/Theodékteia, because the Suda records such a work for both (although in verse for the elder). It also cannot be ensured if this work was identical to the work called Téyvng tfc Oeodéxtov ovvaywyn/Téchnés tés Theodéktou synagége in the catalogue of works of Aristotle (Diog. Laert. 5,24) in one book, or in what other relation the one stands to the other (publishable revision of a still unfinished treatise? précis?). The authorship of the rhetorical Téchné of T. was already being puzzled over in Antiquity (Quint. Inst. 4,2,31), both T. (in Cic. Orat. 172, 194, 218; Quint. Inst. 4,2,31; Dion. Hal. Comp. 2 et passim) and Aristotle (Rhet. Alex. 1421a 38; Anonymus Seguerianus, 1,454 SPENGEL; Val. Max. 8,14,3) are named as author. In terms of content, it is generally assumed that the 3rd book of the Aristotelian rhetoric follows the Theodeékteia closely. Ep.:

1 IrGF 1, 227-237 (Trag.)

2 V.Ross, Aristotelis

Fragmenta, 1886, 114-118 (Rhet.). Lir.: 3K.Barwick, Die Rhetorik ad Alexandrum und Anaximenes, Alkidamas, Isokrates, Aristoteles und die

Theodekteia, in: Philologus 111, 1967, 47-55 4 BLass 2, 441-447 5 A.H. Curoust, Aristotle’s Earliest Course of Lectures on Rhetoric, in: AC 33, 1964, 58-72 6 L. RADERMACHER, Ocodéxtat (AAWW 74), 1939, 62-69 7 Tu.-K. STEPHANOPOULOS, Tragica II, in: ZPE 75, 1988,

3-38

8 G. XANTHAKIS-KARAMANOS,

Deviations from

Classical Treatments in Fourth Century Tragedy, in: BICS 26,1979,99-102 91d., Studies in Fourth Century Tragedy, 1980, 53-58, 63-70 10 Id., To Aiyato ot0 eyo tot O1tOEG xal TOayLxov Oeodéxt: 6 Mavowdoc, in: Parnassos 32, 1990, 12-23. M.W.

Theodericus (Theoderic) (Theodericus; Oevdéoryos; Theudérichos). [1] T. 1King of the > Visigoths, AD 418-451, successor to > Vallia, probably the son-in-law of > Alaricus [2] [. 180]. Despite the settlement of the Visigoths in Gaul in 418, he besieged Arelate (Arles) in 425, then renewed the foedus with Rome (-> foederati), but again fought against — Aetius [2] in 436. In 438, the Goths were defeated; in 439, there was another treaty with Rome after renewed Gothic successes. In 450, — Attila attempted in vain to win over T.; T. was killed on the Roman side at the Catalaunian Fields (> Campi Catalauni) in 451. His successor was his son > Thorismud

[2]. 1 H. WoLrraM, Die Goten, 42001, 180-183.

PLRE 2, 1070 f.

[2] T. I Visigoth king, AD 453-466, son of T. [1] I, successor of his older brother > Thorismud [2], whom he and his brother > Fredericus [1] murdered (Hydatius, Chronica 148 BurGEss). In 455, he persuaded the Gallic magister militum —> Avitus [1] to assume the im-

THEODERICUS

(THEODERIC)

tius ibid. 165-168; 171). In 458, he attacked Roman + Arelate (Arles), but was defeated by the emperor

Maiorianus [1] in 459 (ibid. 192). In 461, Fredericus was able to capture - Narbo, but was defeated by + Aegidius in 463 (ibid. 212; 214.). Th. died in 466, allegedly murdered by his brother and successor > Euricus (ibid. 233f.). H. WoLrRAM, Die Goten, +2001,

184-186; PLRE 2,1071-

1073.

[3] Th. the Great from the house of the > Amali, king of

the > Ostrogoths from AD 471(?), rex in Italy 493526. Born around 453 [7. 13] as the son of King Theodemir and the Catholic Goth > Ereleuva (Anon. Vales. 12,58); all information about T. up to c. 478 is uncertain. From 461 to 471 (thus [4. 13]; but cf. [8. 60 f.];

lord. Get. 281; cf. Ennod. Panegyricus 11), he probably lived in Constantinople as a hostage for peace between Theodemir and — Leo [4] I. After his return, he (as coruler with his father?) independently waged war against the > Sarmatae and occupied — Singidunum (lord. Get. 281 f.). Still before the death of his father (474; [8. 67 f.]), he entered a protracted conflict with Byzantium over a better status as > foederati and also came into conflict with the Goth T. [5] Strabo, who aspired to rule over the Balkan Goths from Thrace ([8; 9. 263278]; cf. [5. 149-152]). In 473, the Gothic group under Vidimir moved to the west due to pressure from Strabo (lord. Get. 285 f.); IT. remained as king of his father’s band in Pannonia/Moesia (Iord. Get. 288; [8. 67 f.]). His situation became dangerous when Strabo gained power through support by the usurper > Basiliscus in 475/6, but Emperor Zeno (474-491) countered in 476 by raising T. to patricius and mag. mil. praesentalis (Malchus

fr. 18,2 BLOCKLEY).

The competition

be-

tween T. and Strabo allowed Zeno to pursue a policy of seesawing and stalling, which was dangerous for T., ending only with the death of Strabo (481). In 483, there was a temporary reconciliation (Chron. min. 2,92; T. 484 Consul: Anon. Vales. 11,49); in 488, re-

newed tensions (T. besieged Constantinople in 486: Chron. min. 2,93) led to Zeno’s order to T. to assume the rule of

Odoacer in Italy (Anon. Vales. 11,49).

T. reached Italy in 489, opposed Odoacer — who retreated to Ravenna — on the Addua (modern Adda; Chron. min. 1,317), but remained -uncertain — because

he had no ultimate success — in his status as ruler in Italy (embassy to Zeno in 490: Anon. Vales. 11,53 and 57; embassy to > Anastasius [1] in 492). After a three-year siege of > Ravenna (until 5 March 493), T. and Odoacer divided the rule in Italy (Procop. Goth. 1,1,24; Anon. Vales. 12,54; Chron. min. 1,320 f.; cf. [7. 25]), but T. had Odoacer murdered shortly thereafter (15 March) and was proclaimed rex Gothorum by the Gothic army in the same year (for the legal significance,

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445

446

see [6. 44-593 7; 9. 285-288]). Formal recognition followed in 497 with the sending of the insignia of rule by Anastasius (Anon. Vales. 12,64; [6. 143-160]), but T. continued to use only the title rex, not the Roman imperial titulature (Procop. Goth. 1,1,26; [6. 73-141]). As ruler, T. strove for a reconciliation of Gothic and Roman interests. The Gothic army received one third of the tax revenues and land (also to safeguard his rule [5.159 f.]). The Roman governmental structure remained: T. as a successor of the Roman emperors visited Rome in 500 to celebrate thirty years of rule as king (tricennalia; Anon. Vales. 12,67; [6. 161-172]). However, the Goths, who provided the army, and the Romans remained separate (Gothic administration parallel to the Roman [4. 188-197]), as did jurisprudence. The civilitas (rule of law, cf. Cassiod. MGH AA 12,521) was the basis of the coexistence of the two groups [2. 50-60; 7. 79 f.]. Initially, the Arian (> Arianism) T. only intervened carefully in ecclesiastical questions, for example in the papal controversy of the Laurentian schism from sor to c. 506/7 [7. 114-139]; later ten-

[4] Frankish king, AD 511-533, son of > Clovis; in 507, he conquered territories in southern Gaul on his

THEODERICUS

(THEODERIC)

father’s orders (Greg. Tur. Franc. 2,37) and reigned as king in a partial kingdom after his father’s death in 511 (Rhineland, parts of Alamannia, among others; capital was probably Reims; ibid. 3,1; [2. 76]). Revolts against him were unsuccessful (ibid. 3,9,r1-12; 14). T. gained the territory of the > Thuringi, initially making use of their internal conflicts, later (533) having — Herminafrid murdered (ibid. 3,4; 7; [2. 82 f.]). He died in 5 33 or 534, his son > Theodebert was his successor (ibid.

3523). 1 M. HEINZELMANN, Gallische Prosopographie, in: Francia 10, 1982, 531-718: bes. 703. der Franken, 1970.

2 E.ZOLLNER, Gesch.

PLRE 2,1076 f.

western Empire (cf. Cassiod. Var. 1,1,3: alias gentes anteimus, ‘we go ahead of other peoples’; [3; 9. 306 f.]). His dynastic policy of alliance with other Germanic

[5] T. Strabo. Gothic king, song of Triarius, not from the family of the > Amali. He competed with the Amaling Goths Theodemir, Vidimir and > Valamer for influence with the Goths and for favourable conditions in the relationship with the Eastern Roman Empire. Beginning in AD 459, his tribal branch received annual payments from Byzantium for peaceful behaviour (lord. Get. 270). After the murder (471) of Aspar (> Ardabur [2]), who was related to T. [2. 65], T. demanded recognition as his heir and a Roman command in Thrace, which Emperor — Leo [4] I granted him in 473; among other things, as king of all Goths T. became

kings (cf. family tree) collapsed when T. could not effec-

magister militum (Malchus fr. 2 BLOCKLEY). The Ama-

tively help his allies due to the Gothic-Byzantine conflict over Pannonia (504-511) [9. 322]; in 507, the Frank > Clovis conquered the Visigoth > Alaricus [3] II and Byzantium expanded diplomatically to the west at the same time; the remains of the Visigothic kingdom [3. 37] came under the control of T. (~ Amalaricus;

ling branch under Thiudemir and > Theoderic [3] the Great then demanded an improvement in their own position and achieved it after fighting (lord. Get. 28 5288). In 474, Emperor > Zeno dissolved the alliance with T., who then received a command under the usurper > Basiliscus (also over T. [3] [2. 68 f.]). After Zeno’s return in 476, T. was replaced in his leading position by the Amaling T. [3] (lord. Get. 289); in 477. T.’s demands even led to the severance of the relationship (Malchus fr. 15). The Amaling Goths were supposed to advance against T., but the two armies came to an

sions in the religious area (Anon. Vales. 14,83-16,89)

must be seen against the backdrop of the conflict with Byzantium, beginning in 523 (see below; [7. 23 5-245]; but cf. [6. 286-297]). T. claimed a leading position for Gothic Italy in the

+ Theudis).

T.’s final years were overshadowed by the failure of his plan of succession (death of his son-in-law — Eutha-

ricus) and conflicts with the Roman

senate, which sought help from Byzantium (execution of + Boethius and + Symmachus [6]; [7. 212-258]). After the death of T. (30 August 526, Anon. Vales. 16,94 f.; cf. Procop. Goth. 1,1,39), he was succeeded by his ten-year old grandson > Athalaricus under the guardianship of ~ Amalasuntha (Procop. Goth. 1,2,1-3). — Ostrogoths 1 PLRE 2,1077-1084

2P.Amory, People and Identity

in Ostrogothic Italy, 1997

3 D.Ctauper, Universale und

partikulare Ziige in der Politik Theoderichs, in: Francia 6, 1978, 19-58 4 W.ENSSLIN, Theoderich, *1959 5 P. HeEaTHER, Theoderic, King of the Goths, in: Early Me-

dieval History 4, 1995, 145-173 6 D. KOHLHASMULLER, Untersuchungen zur Rechtsstellung Theoderichs des Grofen, 1995 7J.Moorueap, Theoderic in Italy, 1992 8 A.ScHwarRcz, Die Goten in Pannonien und auf dem Balkan nach dem Ende des Hunnenreiches bis zum Italienzug Theoderichs des Grofen, in: Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung 100, 1992, 50-83.

9 H. WoxrrRaM, Die Goten, 42001.

agreement at mons Sondis (Malchus fr.18,2); in 478,

there was a joint embassy to Zeno, who concluded a treaty with T. The Amaling T. [3] withdrew to Epirus. In 479, T., who wanted to support the usurper > Marcianus [7], again came into conflict with Zeno and was stripped of his offices (Malchus fr.19). In 481, he unsuccessfully attacked Constantinople, then marched to Illyria and Greece and there died after a riding accident (lohannes Antiochenus fr. 211,5, FHG 4, 619 f.; Chron. min. 2,11,92). 1 PLRE 2, 1073-1076 2A.ScHWaRcz, Die Goten in Pannonien und auf dem Balkan nach dem Ende des Hunnenreichs bis zum Italienzug Theodorichs des Grofsen, in:

Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung 100, 1992, 50-83. WE.LU.

THEODICY

447

448

Theodicy A. DEFINITION B. THEODICY WITHIN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY AND THEOLOGY

des Abendlandes, vol. 1, *1955; G.STREMINGER, Gottes Giite und die Ubel der Welt, 1992; B. L. WHITNEY, Theodi-

A. DEFINITION The term theodicy refers to the attempt at reconciling the evils of the world, in particular the suffering of innocent beings and the good fortune of evil-doers with the notion of an all-powerful God who is as good as He is just. The modern term ‘theodicy’ (LEIBNIZ) has no equivalent in Greek although it was derived from Greek words. B. THEODICY WITHIN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSO-

PHY AND THEOLOGY The problem for which theodicy is trying to supply an answer is presented, for instance, in poetic form in the Book ofJob in the OT. The importance of this problem for Hellenistic schools of philosophy is attested in Cic. Nat. D. 3,75-93

(cf. Epicurus fr. 374 USENER,

known to posterity through Lactant. Ira 13,19). The philosophically most concise expression of this problem was provided in Greek Antiquity by Sext. Emp. PH 3,9-12 (the argument itself might refer back to Carneades): if God provided for everything in the world, he must be the creator of evil as well; if he has not provided for everything, he is either malevolent or weak. The earliest philosophical record of an answer to this problem is found in — Plato [1] (Pl. Resp. 10,617e): here, it is the myth of > Er—the soul choosing a destiny before birth - which is supposed to make God innocent. In + Neoplatonism, the problem is taken up by > Plotinus (Enneades 1,8: ‘On the Nature and Source of Evil’). In Plot. Enneades 3,2 (On Providence 1), three different lines of argument are developed: (a) evil is played-down: poverty and sickness are irrelevant to a good person (3,2,5); war, plundering and murder, “all must be to us just such a spectacle as the changing scenes of a play” (3,2,15); (b) the guilt lies with whoever suffers misfortune, either as a punishment of misdeeds in an earlier existence (3,2,13) or the triumph of evil-

doers is the result of the righteous people’s lack of resistance (3,2,8); (c) the world must be regarded as a

great stage on which the evil-doers must play a role as well (3,3,17).

-» Augustinus discusses the problem of theodicy e.g. in De libero arbitrio 3. He refers to Plotinus’ argument (c) when he states that the perfection of the world must include souls that are in misery because they want to sin (3,91). He claims that the suffering of small children too young to sin is justified in that their parents “are chastened through the pain and death of their beloved children” and thereby bettered (3,230). The suffering of animals is explained similarly by a pedagogical purpose for humans (3,234-236). The later discussion of the problem by THOMAS AQulInas, CALVIN and LEIBNIZ is de-

pendent on Augustine. > Predestination, doctrine of; > Theology

F. BrticsicH, Das Problem des Ubels in der Philosophie

cy. An Annotated Bibliography on the Problem of Evil 1960-1991,

1998.

Theodora (Qe08Hoa; Theodora). [1] Roman empress; stepdaughter

TE.

(Aur. Vict. Caes.

39,25; Eutr. 9,22,1) or daughter (Anon. Vales. 1,1; Philostorgius 2,16) of Maximianus [1]. Contrary to the

assertions of later sources, she was already married to » Constantius [1] even before he was elevated to the rank of Caesar in AD 293 (- tetrarchés IV.), and probably when he was praefectus praetorio to Maximianus (unclear Paneg. 2,11,4). The six children of their marriage represent the younger branch of the Constantinian imperial family, which was largely wiped out in the parricides of 337 (cf. stemma in Constantinus [1]). PLRE a; So5iNe, £B.BL -» Imperial family, women of the [2] East Roman empress, wife of Iustinianus [1] I, born approx. AD 500, Augusta from April 1, 527, died June 28, 548. Well-known but of lesser historical import are the reports by Procopius [3] (Procop. Arc. 9) about her scandalous past [1.23 5-239; 4.89-109] which, despite protests from the aristocracy, did not prevent the emperor from marrying her [1.237]. She first demonstrated political talent during the > Nika Revolt of 532. It was only as a result of her courageous intervention that Justinian, who had already decided to yield when the palace was stormed, was persuaded to stay [1.45 3f.;

4-35-40]. T. played a major role in domestic policy decisions. She influenced the general > Belisarius through his wife, Antonina, who was a close friend [1.285f.], but in 542 she also brought about his temporary [1.498] dismissal. As early as 541 the powerful statesman > Iohannes [16] ‘the Cappadocian’ was deposed and sent into exile because of her efforts [1.480-483]. As her marriage to Justinian produced no children, she sought to prevent the marriage of the children of her cousin - Germanus [1], who was the presumptive successor to the emperor [1.324f.] [1.578]. ~ Amalasuntha, the daughter of - Theoderic [3], who was offered special protection by Justinian, was probably a target of T.’s resentment as well [1.3383 4.127-129]. Her favourites included the high-level official Petrus Barsymes [1.762], who was feared by the rich because of his financial policy; while she was unable to prevent his dismissal, she soon succeeded in having it rescinded [1.765f.]. T. pursued an independent course in religious policy as well. In contrast to her husband, she (often success-

fully) offered her support to adherents of the Monophysite movement [1.280] (+ Monophysitism) and had that doctrine introduced to the Nubians [1.301rf.] and Ghassanids [1.624f.]. She succeeded in having the Monophysite Theodosius named patriarch of Alexandria [x] in 535 [1.380] and granted him her personal protection after he was deposed at the end of 537 [1.385].

449

450

In Rome that same year, ~ Vigilius, who was under her

in Arabic: in more than 20 (some still unpublished) treatises (for the editions see [5.23 8f.]; Germ. transl. [1; 2|) he deals, in debate with Muslims (> Islam), Monophysites (~ Monophysitism), Nestorians (— Nestorius) and Manichaeans (> Mani), with the controversial

control, was named Pope; however, he failed to meet her expectations [1.3 86f.; 3.174-182].

T. also influenced the legal system. She introduced an oath of loyalty to the emperor and empress for highlevel provincial officials [1.464]; most importantly, she expanded legal protection for women by making it more difficult to obtain a — divorce, providing for financial security for divorced women and > widows [x.414] and requiring husbands to take back their spurned wives [1.554]. In addition, she established a convent for prostitutes willing to change their ways [1.237]. She died of cancer, probably before reaching the age of 50 [1.589]. 1 STEIN, Spatrémische Reihe 2, 894, Index s.v. T. (with detailed index of sources) 2 R.BROWNING, Justinian and

T., 1971, 71987

3A.BripGE,T.,1978

4H.-G. Beck,

Kaiserin T. und Prokop, 1986.

J. IRMSCHER, s.v. T., LMA 8, 631f.; W.E. KagaI, s.v. T., ODB 3, 2036f.; PLRE 3, 1240f. no.r.

[3] Sister of the > Chazar chagan (king) Ibuzerus; her

original name was Ciéek (?). In AD 704 she was baptized T. [2], wife of > lustinianus [3] II, who, after being exiled to Chersonesus [3] in 695, fled from there to the court of the Chazars. He lived for a while with her in ~ Phanagoria. Having warned him there of her brother’s intention to hand him over to the emperor > Tiberius [3] II (11) Apsimar, allowing him to escape, she returned to the court of the Chazars. In 705, however, after again becoming emperor of Byzantium, Justinian sent for her and their son — Tiberius [5] and elevated her to the rank of Augusta. The circumstances of her death are unknown. C. Heap, Justinian II., 1972; R.-J. Litre, Prosopographie

der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit 1.4, 2001, no. 7282.

[4] In AD 843 Augusta, widow of the Byzantine emperor > Theophilus [10] and regent for her son, » Michael [5] Ifl, restored the veneration of icons (— Syrian dynasty). A. KUzer,

graphie

s.v. T., LMA

8, 632f.; R.-J. Lititz, Prosopo-

der mittelbyzantinischen

Zeit

1.4, 2001,

no.

7286.

[5] (Ruling) empress of Byzantium (1055/6), daughter of Constantinus [ro] VIII, last member of the > Mace-

donian dynasty. A. KU1zer, s.v. T. (3), LMA 8, 633; K.-P. Topt, Die Frau

als Selbstherrscher: Kaiserin T., in: Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik 50, 2000, 139-171. FT.

Theodore Abu Qurra (died c. 830), from -» Edessa [2]. T. lived as a monk in the monastery of Mar Saba at Jerusalem, and after 780 and after 799 became the Melchite (+ Melchites) bishop of + Harran (the reasons for his temporarily removal from office are unclear). His Syriac writings [1.212] do not survive. He is the first clearly apprehensible Christian theologian to also write

THEODORETUS

questions of the > Trinity, the nature and incarnation of Christ (+ Theology II.; Chalcedonense, > Synodos Il. D. 4), and the veneration of icons (> Cult image IV.; + Syrian dynasty). In the tradition of > Johannes [33] of Damascus and with recourse to Aristotelian philosophy (> Aristotelianism) and Early Christian > Apologists, he shows Christianity to be the only truth because it is a reasonable religion [2]. Of Greek works under T.’s name

(PG 94, 1595-1597;

PG 97, 1462-1640)

some are probably translations from Arabic, some also stories about T., e.g. of disputations with Muslims ([4.85-183]). They reflect e.g. Islamic discourse about the eternity of the > Quran [4.161] and human freedom of will [4.15 5-159]. 1G.Grar, Die arabischen Schriften des Theodor Abia Qurra, Bischofs von Harran, 1910. ~—-2: Id., Des Theodor

Abd Kurra Traktat tiber den Schopfer und die wahre Religion, 1913 (Germ. transl.) 3 S.H. Grirriru, Free Will in Christian Kalam, in: Parole de l’Orient 14, 1987, 79-107 (bibliogr.) 4 R.Gre1, A.T. KHoury, Johannes Damaskenos und Theodor Abi Qurra, 1995 5 H.SUERMANN, s.v. Theodor Abt Qurra, TRE 33, 2001, 237-239 (bibliogr.).

M.HE.

Theodoretus (QeoS@ontoc; Theodoreétos). {1] Bishop of Cyrrhus (born in c. 393, bishop in 423, died in c. 466). T. received a solid classical education in the monastic milieu of Antioch [1]. A devoted pastor in his diocese, he fought against heretics (~ Heresy) and worked towards improving living conditions. In the Christological conflict between > Cyrillus [2] of Alexandria and -> Nestorius he joined the latter without reservations. He was dismissed by the Synod of Ephesus in 449 but rehabilitated at Chalcedon in 451. As a part of the so-called “Three Chapters’, the 2nd Council of Constantinople posthumously condemned T.’ writings against Cyrillus in 553. T. was a productive author with a wide range of interests. He developed a high degree of originality in his exegetic writings, among them commentaries on the Book of Psalms, Isaiah, Song of Songs and the Pauline Epistles. The superiority of Christianity over followers of Greco-Roman cults is demonstrated in the apology ‘The Healing of Pagan Diseases’ (hAnvixOv Oegameviad) waOnudtwv/bellenikon therapeutike pathémdton, Graecarum affectionum curatio, CPG 6210). T. wrote three historical works: along with the strongly apologetic ‘Church History’ (xxdnowotxh totoeia/ekklesiastike historia, Historia ecclesiastica, [3]) which continues the work of Eusebius [7] of Caesarea up to 428, he combined the > biographies of 30 famous ascetics in a history of monks. (tAd0e0¢ totogia/philotheos historia, Historia religiosa, CPG 6221). The history of heretics (aigetixtic xaxopv0ias émtout/hairetikés kako-

THEODORETUS

mythias epitome, Haereticarum fabularum compendium, CPG 6223) describes various heresies and juxtaposes them with orthodox doctrine in its conclusion. His main dogmatic work is the dialogue “The Beggar’ directed against -» Monophysitism (Eranistes; CPG 6217). T. documented 5th-cent. Church history and everyday life in approximately 230 letters. EDITIONS:

452

451

1 CPG6200-6288

2 G.GuUTBERLET, A. SEI-

DER, BKV?, vol. sof., 1926 (Germ. translations) 3 L. PaRMENTIER, G. CH. HANSEN, Theodoretos, Kirchengeschichte (GCS, N.F. 5), ?1998. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 45S.-P. BERGJAN, Theodoret von Cyrus und der Neunizadnismus, 1994 ‘5 J.-N. Guinot, L’exégése de Theodoret de Cyr, 1995 6 H.Leppin, Von Constantin dem GrofSen zu Theodosius II., 1996. J.RI.

{1] City in Moesia Secunda (> Moesi, with map) on the Danube (Ister [r]), between Securisca (modern Cherkovitsa) and Jatrus (modern Krivina; Proc. Aed. 4,7,5). [2] Fort in Dacia Ripiensis (Proc. Aed. 4,6,18) on the right bank of the Danube (Ister [1]). [3] Fort in the province of + Haemimontus, dioecesis

Thraciae (Proc. Aed. 4,11,20). [4] Fort in the province of Rhodope, Thraciae (Proc. Aed. 4,11,20). V. Beseviiev, Zur Deutung der Kastellnamen in Procops

Werk De aedificiis, 1970; V. VELKOV, Cities in Thrace and Dacia in Late Antiquity, 1977, passim.

Lv.B.

Theodorus I. GREEK

II. ROMAN

Kadohixi) teoowdia/Katholike prosodia, bk. 20) was probably used as a textbook into the 13th cent. (on the history of transmission, cf. [1.8-10; 2.791-798]). A critical edition is still lacking [3.779].

I. GREEK (©ed8mo0c; Theddoros). {1 1] Multitalented Greek inventor, architect, bronze sculptor and metal worker (toreutes; + Toreutics) of the Archaic period from Samos (for the occupational image cf. > architect). His father was Telecles (Hdt. 3,41; Paus. 8,14,8; 10,38,6) or according to other

1 P.EGENOLFF, Vorlaufige Nachricht uber die orthoepischen Sticke der byzantinischen Litteratur (Programm

cus [3]; his name is so frequently mentioned in conjunc-

[2] Byzantine grammarian and author of a pneumatological lexicon (Megi rvevpatwv, Peri pneumaton). The treatise on aspiration (according to > Herodianus’ [1]

Mannheim), 1887.

2 G.UHLIG, Noch einmal EIEN und

zum ersten Male @EOAQPHTOY

TIEPI TINEYMATQN,

in: Neue Jahrbiicher fiir Philologie und Padagogik 121, 1880, 789-798 3 A.R. Dycx, Aelius Herodian, in: ANRW II 34.1, 1993, 772-794. M.B.

Theodoridas (Ocod5weidas; Theodoridas). Greek poet from Syracuse (second half of the 3rd cent. BC; on his origin cf. Ath. 15,599e), whose varied works are all lost (cf. [1]) with the exception of 19 elegant epigrams (dedications, funerary poetry and two epideictic poems; the attribution by Anth. Pal. 7,282 is uncertain) in Meleager’s [8] ‘Garland’ (4,1,53 f.). Ina fictional funerary inscription (Anth. Pal. 13,21) T. criticises Mnasalces; he also seems to attack — Euphorion [3] in an epitaph (7,406) which he presumably wrote when Euphorion was still alive. Ep.:

18H 739-747.

2GAL 1, 191-195;

2, 537-551

3 FGE 95.

sources (Diog. Laert. 2,103; Diod. Sic. 1,98) +

Rhoe-

tion with the latter that both a clear definition of their relationship [1] and a clear distinction of their works are impossible. Various sources report T. as the maker of the ring of — Polycrates [1] or at least the one who fitted its signet (Hdt. 3,41,1; Paus. 8,14,8). It is also

reported that as toreutés he created a large silver crater for > Croesus which was then given to Delphi (Hdt. 1,51). Other

sources

mention

a golden crater

(Ath.

12,154 f.),a golden vine in the possession of the Persian king (Himerius, Eclogae 31,8), a bronze statue of Apollo Pythios in Samos (Diod. Sic. 1,98,5; Athenagoras 17), a self-portrait (Plin. HN 34,83) and his significance as a sculptor in general (Pl. Ion 533b). T. was the author of a treatise on the large Temple of Hera in — Samos [3] (Vitr. De arch. 7 praef. 12); for that reason, he is considered its joint architect together

with Rhoecus ([{2; 5]. However, their cooperation is by no means uncontroversial: [6]). Both — together with > Smilis — are also named as architects of the Lemnian

Poetic Garlands.

» labyrinth (Plin. HN 36,90). T. is also named as con-

Hellenistic Epigrams in Context, 1998, 19 f., 34, 37, 41,

sulting engineer in the construction of the foundation of the Temple of Artemis in + Ephesus (Diog. Laert. 2,103) (of ground charcoal with a layer of lamb fleeces: Plin. HN 36,95; however, excavation finds do not confirm this [3]). The Skias in > Sparta was also associated

BIBIOGRAPHY:

228.

4K.J. GuTZWILLER,

M.G.A.

Theodorides (QeoSweidyc; Theodorldés). Greek tragedian (IrGF178 A), took second place at the Athenian + Lenaea in 363 BC with a Medea and a Phaethon (DID A 2b, 94). B.Z.

with T. (Paus. 3,12,10). His fame is also not least based

on traditions about him as the inventor of the try square, spirit level, lathe and key (Plin. HN 7,198) as

Theodoropolis (Qeodwednodc/ Theodoropolis, also OeodsmeovmoMc/ Theodoroupolis). Name of several towns and forts in the northern Balkan peninsula founded by Iustinianus [1] I and named after his wife ~ Theodora [2], which have not all been located.

well as of the technique of hollow bronze casting (Paus. 8,14,8; 9,41,1; 10,38,6; > Sculpting, technique of). In

Antiquity, he seems to have been regarded as a universal genius to whom numerous inventions could be attributed, without this necessarily being true in all cases [4]. For that reason, it is almost impossible to determine

ADS

454

with certainty which of these works actually originated with T. In addition, the actual dating of his life poses problems. As Hdt. 3,41,1 and other associate him directly with > Polycrates [1], it is possible that he was

T. also studied higher curves: according to > Proclus spiral as the blend (xedorc, krdsis) of a straight and a curved line [3. 118, line 7 f.].

active in the 2nd half of the 6th cent. BC; he could thus

be seen as a contemporary of Rhoecus.

3 H. Vetrers, Ephesos. Vorlaufiger 1980, in: AAWW 118, 1981, 139

4 R. TOLLE-KASTENBEIN, Herodot und Samos, 1976, §4 f. 5 E.BuscHor, Heraion von Samos. Friihe Bauten, in:

MDAI(A) 55, 1930, 49-51

entwarf

den

groften

6 A.E. FURTWANGLER, Wer

Tempel

Griechenlands?,

[2], T. referred toa

1 J.H. ANDERHUB, Joco-Seria. Aus den Papieren eines reisenden Kaufmanns, 1941 2 I. BULMER-THOMAS, s. Vv.

Theodorus

1 H. BRunN, Geschichte der griechischen Kiinstler, vol. 1, 71889, 23-29 2 G.GRUBEN, Die Tempel der Griechen,

31980, 331-335 Grabungsbericht

THEODORUS

in:

MDAI(A) 99, 1984, 97-103. G. LipPo_p, s. v. T. (95), RE 5 A, 1917-1920; W. MULLER, Architekten in der Welt der Antike, 1989, 208;

H.Svenson-Evers, Die griechischen Architekten archaischer und klassischer Zeit, 1996, 7-49. H.KN.

{f2] Mathematician from Cyrene, teacher of + Theaetetus [1] and possibly also of > Plato [1] (according to Diog. Laert. 3,6). Eudemus [3] places T. between Anaxagoras and Plato [3. 65,21-66,9]. In Plato’s ‘Theaetetus’, T. appears (in 399 BC) as a contemporary of the same age as Socrates. This would date his birth to around 470-460 BC and his death to after 399. Plato also testifies that T. was a pupil and friend of > Protagoras [1] (Pl. Tht. 161b; 170c and elsewhere), and that he studied astronomy and music in addition to mathematics (ibid. 145a-d). T.’s most important achievement was his contributions to the theory of irrationalities. After the Pythagoreans had already discovered the irrationality of V2, T. proved that the square roots of the natural numbers between 3 and 17, which are not square numbers (i.e. V3, V5, V6, V7, V8p V50" hia Ds; Vr7), are irrational.

According to Pl. Tht. 147d, T. discovered that the sides of squares with an area of 3 and 5 square foot are incommensurable with a one foot long side; he is said to have tested every single side up to seventeen foot in length, at which he somehow (moc, pos) stopped. Plato provides no information about the method used by T. in his proof, nor any reason as to why he stopped at V17. Different approaches have been used in attempts to answer these questions (see [5. 204-209; 6. 36-48]). [1] suggests a simple construction, but fails to show how T. discovered that the sides of the squares are incommensurable to the unit length. An approach by Zeuthen, further developed by van der Waerden (see [9. 238— 240]), provides a plausible explanation for this: it is based on the assumption that T. knew the method of antiphairesis (avOudaigeotc, anthyphairesis) as defined in Euc. 10,1 and 2 in order to prove whether or not two quantities are commensurable. [6. 13-23] showed that the geometrical proof of irrationality of V2 used by the Pythagoraeans could be applied to square roots of nonsquare values up to 17 using methods available to mathematicians of that period.

of Cyrene,

in: GILLISPIE

13,

314-319

3 G. FRIEDLEIN (ed.), Procli Diadochi in primum Euclidis Elementorum librum commentarii, 1873 4K. von Fritz, s. v. Th. (31), RE5 A, 1811-1825 5 7.L. HEATH, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 1, 1921, 202-209

6S.HELLER, Ein Beitrag zur Deutung der TheodorusStelle in Platons Dialog “Theaetet”, in: Centaurus 5, 1956, 1-58 7L.HELLwec, Mathematische Irrationalitat bei Theodorus und Theaitetos, 1994 8 W.KNnorr, The Evolution of the Euclidean Elements, 1975, chapters 3, 4, 6 9B.L.VAN

DER

WAERDEN,

Erwachende

1956, 233-240.

Wissenschaft, MF.

{1 3] T. of Byzantium (9. BuCaviocd/Th. Byzdntios). Orator of the 5th/4th cent. BC, in the Suda (s. v. ©.) referred to as a sophist. According to Diog. Laert. 2,8,103, he was famous for his political speeches. According to Cic. Orat. 12,39. T. took up from > Gorgias [2] and > Thrasymachus in his focus on epideictic speech (— epideixis), particularly in respect of stylistics and syntax. Of T.’ speeches nothing is extant, and the titles listed in the Suda are controversial. Regarding the development of — rhetoric, Aristot. Soph. el. 33,183b 29 names him in third and last place after > Tisias [1] and Thrasymachus. When — Lysias [1] taught rhetoric in Athens following his return from ~> Thurii in 412 BC, T. proved to be his more successful competitor; referring to Aristotle, Cic. Brut. 12,48 notes that compared with Lysias T. was more subtle in the theory, but dryer in his speeches (cf. Plat. Phd. 269d 6-8). T. was the author of a Téchné; several versions by T. can be deduced from the statement in Aristot. Rhet. r400b 15-16 that T.’s entire earlier téchné was dedicated to the topos of evaluating past mistakes in prosecution and defence [4. 70, fn. 39], and similarly from Dion. Hal. De Isaeo 9. Plato (Phdr. 266d 5—267a 2), praising

T. as the best logodaidalos (‘wordsmith’), reports that this téchné focused on an improved structure of a speech delivered in a court of law, divided into prooimion (introduction), diégésis (narrative), martyriai (witness statements), tekmeéria (proofs), eikota (probabilities), pistosis (confirmation), epipistosis (further

confirmation), élenchos (disproof) and epexélenchos (further disproof) in prosecution and defence. Aristotle also mentions T.’ startling and innovative use of expressions (Aristot. Rhet. 1412a 24-26) and his skilful play on words (1412a 33-b 1). 1 ScHMtD/STAHLIN I, vol. 3, 192-194 2 BLAss 1, 2593 P. HamBurceR, Die rednerische Disposition in der alten téyvy Oytoomnh, 1914, 75 f. 4 G. Kennepy, The 262

Art of Persuasion in Greece, 1963

Rhet., 1974.

5 J.Martin, Ant.

O.B.

THEODORUS

456

455

[I 4] Father of the orator > Isocrates. As a wealthy flute manufacturer, for which he was mocked in the Attic

3 W. Burkert, Aristoteles im Theater, in: MH

Comedy (Aristoph. fr. 722 PCG; Strattis fr. 3 PCG), he

I.E. Srerants, Dionysiakoi technitai, 1988, Nr. 1157. H.BL.

was able to provide his sons with an outstanding edu-

32, 1975,

67-72.

cation. He was a > choregos in Athens. His grave was

at the — Cynosarges (Isoc. 15,161; Ps.-Plut. Vitae decem oratorum 4 = Plut. Mor. 83 6e; 83 8be; Dion. Hal. De Isokrate 1; Suda s. v. T.). TRAILL, PAA 506790. {I 5] Athenian, friend of + Alcibiades [3], denounced in 415 BC for participation in the desecration of the mysteries (Plut. Alcibiades 19,2; 22,4; Plut. Symp. 1,4,3 = Plut. Mor. 621c) and the mutilation of the Herms (> Herms, mutilation of the; And. 1,35). It is not clear whether he fled Athens or was executed. TRAILL, PAA

505990.

{I 8] T. of Athens. Actor and possibly tragedian, 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC (IrGF I 265).

B.Z.

{I 9] T. of + Cyrene known as ‘the Godless’ (6 “A@eoc, ho Atheos), a + Cyrenaic; born before 335, died after

260 BC. In his youth he had allegedly been banned from Cyrene. Towards the end of the 4th cent. BC, he stayed in Athens, where between 317 and 307 -* Demetrius [4] of Phalerum saved him from prosecution for > asébeia. T. then spent time in > Alexandria [1] at the court of

WS.

-» Ptolemaeus [1] I who sent him on a mission (exact

[I 6] T. of Phocaea. Greek architect of the late Classical

date unknown) to — Lysimachus [2] in Thrace. In his old age, he returned to Cyrene (Diog. Laert. 2,101103). His teachers had been > Aristippus [4, the Youn-

period. As he was the author of a work on the » Tholos in the sanctuary of Athena Pronaia in > Delphi (Vitr. 7 praef. 12), it seems reasonable to assume that he was also the architect who had designed this peripteral circular building [1] dated to between 410 and 370 BC [2]. It shows T. as an architect who underpinned his architecture of striking quality with a rationally complicated and multi-layered design, influenced by the buildings designed by — Ictinus [3]. 1 G. Roux, La tholos d’Athéna Pronaia dans son sanctuaire de Delphes, in: CRAI 1988, 290-309 =—2: F. SEILER, Die griechische Tholos, 1986, 57-71 3 G.GRUBEN, Die Tempel der Griechen, +1980, 97-99.

H.Svenson-Evers, Die griechischen Architekten archaischer und klassischer Zeit, 1996, 320-329 (with lit. and

ger], — Anniceris of Cyrene and the ‘dialectician’ -» Dionysius [9] of Chalcedon (Diog. Laert. 2,86 and 98).

Same as Anniceris and — Hegesias [1], T. applied some modifications to the original Cyrenaic doctrine on ~» pleasure. Anniceris had emphasized the intrinsic value of purely spiritual pleasures. His pupil T. went a step further: he considered spiritual pleasure (yaoa; chard) the highest good, and mental pain (dixn; lypé) the greatest evil, but physical pleasure (fj}S0vy; hedoneé) and physical pain (m6voc; ponos) as intermediary, thus neutral in value (Diog. Laert. 2,98). In his views on the

BC. Recorded four times a winner at the > Lenaea,

value of > friendship and its consequences, T. did not follow Anniceris who had recognized friendship as intrinsically valuable; on the contrary, he returned to the views held by earlier Cyrenaics and also by Hegesias and put them even more pointedly: while the latter had

with likely further wins at the > Dionysia [1]. His fame

attested friendship a relative value, albeit not a value in

was proclaimed in many anecdotes, and he was even

itself, i.e. useful in the achievement of pleasure and enjoyment, T. denied friendship any value whatsoever with the reason that a wise man did not require another human being, as he was able to achieve purely spiritual pleasures, the only ones he strove for, all by himself (l.c.). It is not clear which arguments T. used in his work On Gods (Sext. Emp. Ady. math. 9,55; Diog. Laert. 2,97) to deny the existence of gods with such vehemence to earn him the epithet ‘the Godless’. Extant documents report this fact without ever providing an explanation. -» Cyrenaics

further sources).

H.KN.

{I 7] Tragic actor from Athens, rst half of the 4th cent.

mentioned in comedy (— Ephippus [2] PCG V fr. 16), which also bestowed on him a crude moniker (some-

thing like ‘wide arse’; PCG VIII fr. 351). T. donated a large sum for the rebuilding of the Temple of Apollo in > Delphi (Syll.3 I 239 B 68). His grave on the Holy Road to > Eleusis was still seen by — Pausanias [8] (1,37,3). The tyrant > Alexander [15] of Pherae was moved to tears by his acting in a performance of the Troddes or Hekabe by -» Euripides [1] or Aeropé by ~+ Carcinus [4] [4]. In any case, T. as the > protagonistes played a female role; this fits in with reports of him frequently having frequently played Antigoné in > Sophocles [1] eponymous play (Dem. Or. 19,246), but seems hardly consistent with a comment in Aristot. Pol. 7,1336b 28 that T. insisted on opening each performance in person, as the first voice was the one that the spectators would best remember [2. 73 f.]. His unstilted manner of speaking was indeed much praised [3], but

EDITIONS: 1 E.MANNEBACH, Aristippi et Cyrenaicorum fragmenta 1961, 58-63 2SSRIVH 3 M. Wintarczyk, Diagorae Melii et Theodori Cyrenaei Reliquiae, 1981. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4K.DO6RING, T., in: GGPh* 2.1, 1998, 261-264 5M. WINIARCZYK, T. 6 “AOeo Leonidas [3] of Tarentum. Because the name T. is so common, it is inadvisable to identify him with the T. mentioned as one of 20 eponymous epigrammatic poets listed in Diog. Laert. 2,103 f.

only one (verisimile, as neither brevity nor clarity were universally useful, ibid. 4,2,31 f.). In his teachings on staseis (which he calls kephdlaia genikotata; cf. ~ status |1]), T. assumes a dichotomy in the same way as Apollodorus, but uses different terms and subdivisions (ibid. 3,6,36). Terminological individuality and originality seem to have been his hallmark (cf. Ps.Longinus, Peri hypsus 3,5). At the core of his controversy with Apollodorus, conducted according to Quint. Inst. 3,1,17 f. like a dispute between two different schools of philosophy and without practical relevance (ibid. 5,13,59), was T.’ considering the rules of a normative rhetoric as not very compulsory and binding, while correspondingly granting greater freedom to spontaneous invention arising from a specific situation. ~» Rhetoric

GA L.1, 196; 2, 551 f.

M.G.A.

[I 12] Son of > Seleucus [9], c. 123-118 BC stratégos of Cyprus, then probably exegete in > Alexandria [1]; in 105/4 appointed for life as priest to > Cleopatra [II 6] Ill (Cologne Papyri II 81). PP VI 15046. I. MICHAELIDOU-NICOLAOU,

Prosopography

maic Cyprus, 1976, 68 f. Nr. 13.

of PtoleW.A.

{1 13] (Middle Indian: Theudora). Indo-Greek governor (meridarchés) in Swat (Pakistan; undated), known

from a Buddhist Kharosti inscription (Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum 2.1, no. r). It is probably the same name evident in other Kharosti inscriptions as Thaidora (ibid. no. 24) and Theutara (no 37).

THEODORUS

G.M. A. Gruss, T. of Gadara, in: AJPh 80, 1959, 337-

365; G.BaLLaira, La dottrina delle figure retoriche in Apollodoro di Pergamo, in: Quaderni urbinati di cultura classica 5, 1968, 37-91; G. FortE, Apollodorei e Teodorei, in: Rendiconti dell’ Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere

e Belle Arti di Napoli 48, 1973, 77-93.

M.W.

KK.

{I 14] Libertus of Sex. + Pompeius [I 5], with whom he fled to Asia in 35 BC after the defeat at > Naulochus. After the failure of an attempt to kill Cn. > Domitius [I 6] Ahenobarbus, Pompeius had T. executed as a traitor (App. Civ. 5,137). {I 15] Teacher of + Antonius [I ro] Antyllos, the son of M. > Antonius [I 9] and > Fulvia [2]. After the capture of > Alexandria [1], he turned Antyllos over to > Octavianus, but that did not save him from being crucified himself (Plut. Antonius 81,1 f.).

{1 16] Greek rhetor from > Gadara; according to Jer. Chron., his main creative period was in 33/2 BC. At that time, he instructed the future emperor — Tiberius [x] in rhetoric (Suet. Tib. 57; Sen. Suas. 3,7; Suda s. v. @.), after he had won an oratory competition against -» Antipater [11] and > Potamon. Later (at the earliest 27 BC), he went to Rhodes where he continued to teach until his death. The Suda contains an extensive list of his works; in addition to textbooks on rhetoric (according to Quint. Inst. 2,15,21, one of T.’s textbooks had been translated into Latin; on their wide circulation see also Juv. 7,177), it also contains linguistic and historicalgeographical works. Dio Chrys. 18,12 recommends the study of T.’s speeches. However, nothing of his work has survived, but it is possible to reconstruct to a certain extent T.’s rhetorical system and his controversy with the slightly older + Apollodorus [8] of Pergamum and the latter’s pupils from the Anonymus Seguerianus together with occasional references by -> Quintilianus [x].

T. refers to rhetoric as ars (as opposed to virtus, Quint. Inst. 2,15,21), he only recognizes four instead of

the common five steps to be delivered in a speech (inventio of objects and words instead of inventio and elocutio, ibid. 3,2,8; > partes orationis) and instead of

the three qualities of a story as stipulated by + Isocrates

[117] Greek glossographer, known from a work entitled Attikai gléssai (Attic Glosses) or Attikai phonai (Attic Idioms), quoted in — Athenaeus

[4] (11,496e; 14,646c; 15,677b; 678d; 691¢) in explanation. T. probably lived before the rst half of the rst. cent. AD (Ath. 15,677b: use of his work by + Pamphilus [6]); Ath. 14,646c should not be taken as indication that T. was a contemporary of > Apollodoros [7] of Athens (2nd cent. BC). It is more likely that T.’ work and life coincided with the heyday of > Atticism around the beginning of the Christian era. A.GUDEMAN,

s. v. T. (36), RE 5 A, 1838; F.SUSEMIHL,

Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, vol. 2, 1892, 188.

ST.MA.

{1 18] Otherwise unknown author of a satirical monodistich on the prominent nose of a certain Hermocrates (Anth. Pal 11,198): the similarity to Mart. 12,88 probably dates him to the time of > Lucillius (1st cent. AD). F. Brecut, Motiv- und Typengeschichte des griechischen Spottepigramms, 1930, 94; M.LausBeErG, Das Einzeldistichon, 1982, 415 f.

M.G.A.

[[ 19] Neoplatonist from > Asine [2] (Procl. in Pl. Ti. 2,274,10f. Diehl), born between AD 275 and 280, died

at the latest in 360. Pupil of Porphyrius in Rome (Damascius, Vita Isidori 166, p. 230 Zintzen). Maybe it was Porphyrius himself who sent T. to Iamblichus [2] to continue his studies; he was to become his most famous pupil (Eunap. VS 5,1,4-5, p. 11,10-16 Giangrande). According to + Proclus [2], T. was no ortho-

dox pupil. He opposed his teacher by supporting the teachings of > Numenius [6] (Procl. ibid 2,274,10277,26 Diehl), > Amelius (ibid. 1,309,14-20; 25-27 D.) and Porphyrius. In around 357-359 the emperor > Iulianus [11] was aware of this conflict between the

THEODORUS

459

460

followers of T. and those of Iamblichus: the expression

1480). He hailed from Arabia (I.c. 339,6) and was nota Christian (l.c. 1182,2). PLRE 1, 897 no. 11.

hoi Theodoreioi (‘Theodorians’; Julian. Ep. 12, p. 19,7 Bidez) seems to indicate that T. was head of a school. Two works are ascribed to T.: (1) ‘On Names’ (Ileoi ovonatwv/Peri onomaton), accessible to Proclus from

Iamblichus’ commentary on Phaedrus (Procl. Theologia Platonica 4,23, p. 68,15—-18 Saffrey-Westerink); this work also contain speculations on the ‘One’ (hen; see

below). (2) His work ‘On the soul being all forms [of living beings]? (“Ot h wuyt mavta tH eldy [tHV Cov]

éotiv/Hoti hé psyche panta ta eidé [tén zion] estin)

{1 21] Appointed by — Iulianus [11] in the winter of 362/23 as high priest (archiereus) in the province (diocese?) of Asia with responsibility for the sanctuaries there and the supervision of the priests (Julian Ep. 89a, 452d ed. Brpez; the long letter fragment Ep. 89b probably belongs to the same context). T. was possibly also the recipient of two further letters by Julian (Ep. 30; 79). PLRE 1, 897 no 8. [I 22] Hailing from a distinguished family in Gallia, T.

probably dealt with the transmigration of souls and followed > Cronius [1] (himself a follower of Numenius and Prophyrius) in the thesis that a soul could not just be reincarnated in other humans, but also in a number

climbed to the second-highest position amongst the

of animals (Nemesius, De natura hominum 2, p. 3 4,18-

charged

35,11 Morani). Proclus provides an impression of T.’ system in his listing of the principles superior to the soul (eyai/archai, Procl. in Pl. Ti. 2,274,16-275,2 D.; cf. Procl. in Pl. Prm. 7 p. 52,6-27 Klibansky-Labowsky = 508,68-79 Steel): 1. In the first place is the first principle, incommunicable and unpronouncable. 2. This is followed by a triad, describing the level of intelligibleness, consisting of elements that make up the term hen (‘the One’): the spiritus asper ‘h’, the curve of the letter ‘e’ (Procl. Theologia Platonica 4,23, p. 68,15-18 S.-W.) and the letter ‘n’. 3. The intellectual triad which defines the depth of the > intellect: the act which precedes being, the act of understanding which precedes the intellect, the act of life which precedes life itself. 4. The demiurgic triad comprised being, the intellect and the source of the soul. This sequence of principles (the Incommunicable, the One, the intelligible triad, the intellectual triad, the demiurgic triad and triad of the souls) led to T.’ identification with a philosopher from Rhodes; the latter is mentioned by Proclus (Procl. in Pl. Prm. 6, col. 105 5,25-1058,2 Cousin’) in his list of interpretations on the first hypothesis of the second part of Plato’s Parmenides. + Neoplatonism

(Amm.

EpiTions:

1W.Deuse, Theodoros von Asine. Samm-

lung der Testimonien

und Kommentar

(Palingenesia

6),

notaries

(secundicerius

notariorum)

at the court

of

+ Valens [2]; however, following an oracle prediction that he was to succeed Valens on the throne, he was

with high treason Marc.

29,1,8-35;

and executed Zos.

in 371/2

4,13,3 f.; Aur.

Vict. Epit. Caes. 48,3 f.). PLRE 1,898 no. 13. {I 23] Influential personality at the court of + Theodosius [2] I in 388 — 390 and 393, known from the letters of > Libanius (Lib. Ep. 848; 919; 1086 etal.). He may be identical with the proconsul of Achaia of 379/395 and the praef. urbis Constantinopolitanae of 385 (or 387). PLRE 1,899 no. 17; cf. 899 no. 16;no. 18.

WP. {1 24] The following works are attributed to (undata-

ble) Greek authors of this name: (1) Metamorphoses (SH 749; SH 750, possible a source for Ovid), probably in at least 22 bks.; (2) an epic about Cleopatra [II 12] asong about the Attic festival of Aletis

VII (SH 752); (3)

(‘the wandering one’, SH 753 f.; cf. the myth of Icarius {x] and Erigone [1], > Aiora and > Anthesteria) by aT. of Colophon, before Aristoteles [6], who mentions him (Aristot. fr. 515 RosE = Ath. 14,618c; cf. [5]). Other references are to an epigrammatic poet (SH 755) and to

an author of homoerotic poetry (SH 756) as well as toa T. of Ilium, the author of the novelistic Trotka (FGrH 48). 1 SH 749-756 (with lit.) 2 FGrH 48; 62 3 M.Fantuzzi, Epici ellenistici, in: K.Z1EGLER, ellenistico, 1988, LXXXV (Lit.)

RE5A,1809

L’epos

4 E.Dren ys. v. T. (18),

SlId.,s.v. T.(19),RE5 A, 1809 f.

s.Fo.

1973. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 2 Id., Untersuchungen zur mittelplatonischen und neuplatonischen Seelenlehre (AAWM, EinzelverOffentlichung 3), 1983 3H.D. Sarrrey, Le ‘Philosophe de Rhode’ est-il Théodore d’Asiné, in: E. Luc-

CHESI, H.D. SAFFREY, Antiquité paienne et chrétienne. FS A.-J. Festugiére, 1984, 65-76 (=Id., Le néoplatonisme aprés Plotin, in: Histoire des doctrines de l’Antiquité classique 24, 2000, IoI-117) 4Id., Encore Theodore d’Asiné sur le Parménide, in: Ainsi parlaient les Anciens. FS J.-P. Dumont, 1994, 283-289 (=Id., in: s. [3], 2000, 119-124).

L.BR.

{{[ 20] East-Roman official in the 2nd half of the ath cent., only known from letters of > Libanius. After studying in — Berytus and > Antioch [1], he worked initially as an advocate (Lib. Ep. 339), then in around 364/5 as governor in the diocese of Asiana (l.c. 1534,

[125] T. of Mopsuestia Christian theologist, born probably around AD 352 in Antioch [1] as the son of noble parents, died in 428 in -»Mopsu(h)estia. His brother Polychronius was bishop of + Apamea [3]. T.’ teachers included -> Libanius; after his studies, he entered the monastery-like askéterion of > Diodorus [20] of Tarsus together with his fellow student and friend + Iohannes [4] Chrysostomos (cf. loh. Chrys. Epistulae ad Theodorum lapsum). There he received instruction in the so-called ‘Antiochene’ technique of exposition of the Bible in which - as opposed to the ‘Alexandrian’ school in the tradition of + Origenes [2] — > exegesis on the assumption of a ‘higher meaning’ of Scripture was kept within strictly methodological boundaries. After a brief stay in > Tarsus, he was appointed bishop of Mopsu(h)estia in 392/3 where he was to remain for

461

462

36 years. Few details are known of his life and work there (Theod. Hist. eccl. 5,40,2). He appeared as mediator at a provincial synod in Constantinople and participated through publications in a number theological disputes of his time. In Antioch, he produced mainly exegetic works, in Mopsuestia he wrote further commentaries. Theologically significant were his work in four books Against Apollinarius of Laodicea (> Apollinarius [3]; CPG 2, 3858, largely lost) and his position against > Augustinus in the controversy about the teachings of — Pelagius [4]. The dating of the Catechetical Homilies (CPG 2, 3852), an important liturgical source, continues to be controversial.

[I 28] Engineer (optimus in mechanicis, Procl. De providentia 1,11), 5th cent. AD, only known from > Proclus [2], the addressee of his work, to which the latter

T. divided human history into two ages (katastdseis),

the present one and the future one. The latter is initiated by Christ’s salvation. Through > baptism, a Christian is accepted as the child of God and thus participates in the true sonship of God’s son (Catechetical Homilies 14,10). I. envisaged the relationship between deity and mankind in Christ along similar lines: the human being accepted by the divine /ogos participates in the properties of divine nature thanks to a specific conjoinment (synapheia). How T.’ concept of the one person of Christ existing in its two natures relates to the similar terminology used in the Council of + Calchedon (Chalcedon) is controversial. The history of T.’ reception and interpretation is affected by the canonization of Apollinaris’ positions by the influential — Cyrillus [2] of Alexandria and his image thus frequently distorted. His teachings were misunderstood as a “Two-Sons Christology’ and thus a divisive one. It was condemned by the 5th Ecumenical Council in Constantinople in 553 in conjunction with the Three-Chapter Controversy. Especially his exegetic works have since been passed on by Persian followers of — Nestorius in particular. + Christianity EpITIONS: CPG 2, 3827-3848 (with additions in Supplementum 1998). BIBLIOGRAPHY: R.DEvREESSE, Essai sur Théodore de Mopsueste (Studi e testi 141), 1947; J.M. Dewart, The

Influence of Theodore

of Mopsuestia

on Augustine’s

Letter 187, in: Augustinian Studies 10, 1979, 113-1325 A. GRILLMEIER, Jesus der Christus im Glauben der Kirche, vol. 1, 71979, 614-634; U. WICKERT, Studien zu den Pau-

luskommentaren

Theodors

von

Mopsuestia

(ZNTW,

Supplement 27), 1962.

C.M.

[I 26] Otherwise unknown author of an hexameter epitaph (Anth. Pal. Appendix, Add. II 7osb, p. 597 Couecny); four verses are extant, quoted by > Eunapius (fr. 45 [1]; FHG 4,33), an exaggerated comparison of Musonius [3] with the heroes Ajax, Achilles and Patroclus. 1R.C. BLockLey, The Fragmentary Classicising Histo-

THEODORUS

replied with De providentia (only extant in the Latin translation by William of Moerbeke, 13th cent.). Of the

Greek original of Proclus’ text, nothing is extant, but extensive, almost verbatim excerpts are found in emperor Isaac Comnenus’ work ‘On Providence and Fate’ (x2th cent.). The dating of T.’ work together with the three works of Proclus on providence is derived on Proclus’ allusion to his advanced years (he died in 485; De providentia 45,1-6), the reference to earlier works (De malorum subsistentia 1,17f.) and a possible reference to Christian harassments (De providentia 22,8— 10). According to Proclus, T. considered ‘providence’ (providentia) and ‘fate’ (fatum) synonymous; they refer to the primary moving power that sets the universe into necessary > motion, whose transmission then works in the same way as the wheels and cogs of a machine. Proclus provides a Platonic answer to the problem of providence: even if God has a certain knowledge (determuinata cognitio) of the future, this future will still take place in accordance with the nature of things, for some people in a determinate (determinate) manner, for others in an indeterminate (indeterminate) one.

> Predestination, theory of H. Bogse (ed.), Procli Diadochi tria opuscula de providentia, libertate, malo, 1960; D.Isaac (ed.), Proclus, Trois études sur la providence, vol. 2, 1979 (Proclus, De providentia, p. 9-98; Isaac Comnéne, De la providence et de la nécessité physique, p. 99-169, with Fr. transl.); M. ERLER (ed.), Isaac Sebastokrator, Uber Vorsehung und Schicksal (Beitrage zur klassischen Philologie 111), 1979; Id., Pro-

klos Diadochos, Uber die Vorsehung, das Schicksal und den freien Willen an Theodoros, den Ingenieur (Mechaniker) (Beitrage zur klassischen Philologie 121), 1980 (Germ. transl. and comm.). L.BR.

{I 29] The legend of T. the Christian recruit (ter6n) first appeared around the sth cent. AD; in the hagiography (- Acta Sanctorum), he was promoted to the rank of general (stratelatés). From the roth cent., a distinction was made between two different T. H. DeLenaye, Les légendes grecques des saints militaires, 1909, 151-167

{1 30] T. Anagnostes (©. ‘Avayvworns/Th. Anagnostés; Lat. T. Lector), rst half of the 6th cent. AD, lector at the

» Hagia Sophia. He combined the church histories of » Socrates [9], > Sozomenus and - Theodoretus [1] in

a Historia tripartita, which ended with the year 439. T. continued it to 518 as Historia ecclesiastica. Against

+» Anastasius [1], he held to the Christological decision of the synod of - Calchedon (451); his ecclesiastical history is extant in a Latin translation by > Cassiodorus (C. 560).

rians of the Later Roman Empire, 1983, vol. 2, 65.

M.G.A.

G. Cu. Hansen (ed.), T. Anagnostes, Kirchengesch. (GCS,

N. F. 3), *1995; R. HANSLIK,

{1 27] (T. Priscianus). Physician, see Theodorus [II 3]

Epiphanii

Historia

W. JAcos (ed.), Cassiodori-

tripartita (CSEL

71), 1952;

F. Dig-

KAMP, Zu Theodorus Lektor, in: HJb 24, 1903, 553-558.

KSA.

THEODORUS

{[ 31] T. Askidas (©. ‘Aox5Gc/Th. Askidas). Bishop of Caesarea/Cappadocia (died in 588). His early life was spent as a monk in the New Laura in Palestine. From the early 530s, T. spent most of his time in Constantinople, where he quickly rose to become a close advisor to emperor > lustinianus [1] who appointed him bishop of Caesarea in 537. IT. was was able to conceal his own theological position as an Origenist, i.e. one of a group of theologians who followed the teachings of > Origenes [2] [1]. In 543, he signed the imperial edict against the Origenists. T., at the very least as a sympathizer of ~» Monophysitism, is regarded as the initiator of the condemnation of the so-called Three Chapters by Justinian, particularly at the Council of Constantinople in 553 ([2. 441, 497], different in: [3.236]). Pope Vigilius’ edict on 14.8.551, removing T. from office as the evil spirit of Justinian [2.497], was of no effect. 1B. Darey, What Did Origenism Mean in the Sixth Century?, in: G. DorivaL, A. LE BouL.uec (eds.), Origeniana sexta, 1995, 627-638 2 A.GRILLMEIER, Jesus der Chri-

stus im Glauben der Kirche, vol. 2.2, 1989, esp. 439-443 3 J.MEYENDOREFF, Imperial Unity and Christian Divisions, 1989.

[132] T. Scholastikos (©. Syokaotxdc/Th.

J.RI.

Scholasti-

kos). Byzantine legal scholar from Hermoupolis, not identical with the antecessor mentioned in the preface to the Constitutio Omnem (the regulations for study issued with the completion of the > Digesta in 533). In the 2nd half of the 6th cent., T. was the author of a short Greek paraphrase of the > codex (II) Iustinianus, fol-

lowing on from that by ~ Thalelaeus, as well as a breviary of a collection of 186 > novellae by Justinian and successors. N.VAN DER WAL, Les commentaires grecs du Code de Justinien, 1953, 119-121; P.E. Piever, Rechtsliteratur, in: HUNGER, Literatur 2, 436; A. SCHMINCK, s. v. T. Scholastikos, ODB 3, 1991, 2046 f. mG,

{1 33] T. Proconsul. Epigrammatic poet in the Cycle of -» Agathias (cf. however [2]), probably identical with the magister officiorum (566-576) of the same name and twice proconsul (praised by Agathias Anth. Pal. 1,36); for that reason, he is not the decurio T. |1; 3], to whom Agathias dedicated his anthology (4,3,101). Extant is a monodistich epitaph: Hades laughs about the sudden appearance of a mime actor amongst the dead (Anth. Pal. 7,556). 1 Av. und A.CAMERON, The Cycle of Agathias, in: JHS 86, 1966, 8, 20,22f. 2R.C.McCart, The “Cycle” of Agathias, in: JHS 89, 1969, 93 f. 3A.CAMERON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, 1993, 72—

74.

464

463

M.G.A.

{1 34] T. of Raithu. Theological author (born around

570/580; died prior to 638). T., who lived in a monastery near Raithu (SW Sinai), has been rightly identified by [2] with the homonymous bishop of the nearby city of Pharan, one of the earliest representatives of Mon-

energism

(> Monotheletism).

The

latter’s

teachings

were condemned by the 6th Ecumenical Council of Constantinople in 680/r. T.’ main work is the Praeparatio |x|, consisting of two loosely connected parts and written between 580 and 620. The first part introduces and refutes eight heresies of the Old Church, while the second part offers terminological definitions like a philosophical tractate. The work entitled De sectis (CPG 6823) is no longer attributed to T. since [2]. ED.: 1 F. DreEKAMP, Analecta patristica, 1938, 185-222. 2 W.Evert, Der Ausgang der altkirchlichen Chri|g 3 J. Rist, s. v. Th. von Raithu, stologie, 1957, 185-229 Kirchenlexikon 11, 976-978 Biographisch-Bibliogr. (lence),

{I 35] Bishop of Paphos/Cyprus (mid-7th cent.) In the church of Trimithus on 14 December 655, T. delivered a eulogy on the local saint Spyridon (Ed.: [1. 1-103]). His source was a now lost, but then much used vita in iambs

dating from the end of the sth cent. 1 P.vAN DEN VEN, La légende de S. Spyridon évéque de Trimithonte, 1953.

[RL

[I 36] T. Studites (©. Ztovditys; Th. Stoudités). Byzantine abbot and theologian, born 759 in Constantinople. In 780, he entered the monastery of Symbolon in Bithynia, which was led by his uncle Plato; with the latter, he moved to the newly established monastery of Sakkoudion (Bithynia), where he was ordained priest in 787/8 and became abbot in 794. Because of his opposition to the second marriage of + Constantinus [8] VI, inadmissible under ecclesiastical law, he was banished to Thessalonica in 795/6, but returned to Sakkoudion in 797

after the emperor’s overthrow. In 798, he moved to Constantinople, allegedly as the result of one of the many Arabic incursions; there he became abbot of the monastery of Stoudios and as the leading exponent of the iconophile monasticism (-» Syrian dynasty) soon gained political influence. In 806, T. became involved in a dispute with patriarch + Nikephorus [1] because of the latter’s attempt to end the so-called ‘Moechian Controversy’. T. was arrested in 809 and exiled to the island

of Chalce (near Constantinople). Under the emperor + Michael [3] I Raggabe, he was recalled in 811 and reinstalled as abbot of the monastery of Stoudios. After the resurgence of iconoclasm under > Leo [8] V, he was banished again, this time to various places in Asia Minor, finally in 819 to Smyrna. Set free by -* Michael [4] Il in 821, he spent his remaining years in Bithynian monasteries and died in 826 on Prinkipo Island in the Sea of Marmara. In 844, after the final settlement of the Iconoclastic Controversy, his body was transferred to

the monastery of Stoudios. As an author, T. was a vociferous supporter of the veneration of images and a revival of the ascetic ideal of monkhood. He was the originator of the ‘Stoudite reforms’ of Byzantine > monasticism (exemplary monastic rule of the monastery of Stoudios, ecclesiastical hymns). In his numerous letters, mainly to fellow eccle-

465

466

slastics — an important source for the period from 797 to 826 -, his sermons, theological works and poems, he cultivated an idiosyncratic linguistic style with many vernacular allusions and neologisms. ~ Literature (VII.); > Syrian Dynasty EDITIONS: PG 99; P. SpecK, Theodoros Studites, Jamben

auf verschiedene Gegenstande

(Supplementa Byzantina

I), 1968 (with Germ. transl. and comm.);

G. FarouRos,

Theodori Studitae Epistulae, 2 vols., r992 (vol. 1, 21*38*: list of editions). BIBLIOGRAPHY: A.DOBROKLONSKIJ,

Prep.

THEODORUS

ros Prodromos, 1984; A. KAZHDAN, S. FRANKLIN, Studies on Byzantine Literature of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, 1984, 87-114; W.HORANDNER, Autor oder Genus? Diskussionsbeitrage zur ‘Prodromischen Frage’ aus gegebenem Anlafs, in: Byzantinoslavica 54, 1993, 314-324; Id., s.v. Prodromos Th., LMA 7, 239-240; I. Vassis, Graeca sunt, non leguntur. Zu den schedographischen Spielereien des Theodoros Prodromos, in: ByzZ 86/7, 1993/4, 1-19; D.R. Renscu, Zu den Prooimia von (Ptocho-)Prodromos II und IV, in: Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik 51, 2001, 215-223. G.KA.

Feodor,

ispoveédnik i igumen studijskij (Saint Theodore, Confessor and Abbot of Stoudion, Russ.), 2 vols., 1913-14; 1. HausHERR, Saint Théodore Stoudite, 1926; J.LeRoy, La reforme stoudite, in: Orientalia Christiana Analecta 153, 181-214; 1958, P.Speck, Konstantin VI., 1978; Tu. Pratscu, Theodoros Studites (759-826) — zwischen Dogma und Pragma, 1998. ALB.

Il. ROMAN {ff 1] Flavius Mallius T. Of low birth, probably from

Milan, Christian. After rhetorical training, he worked initially as an advocate, then became governor in Africa (3772), 378(2) consularis Macedoniae, 379(?) magister

memoriae, 380 comes sacrarum largitionum, possibly agens vice comitis rerum privatarum, 382/3 praefectus

{1 37] T. Prodromos (©. Tledd5Qou0¢; Th. Préddromos). Important and versatile 12th-cent. Byzantine author. Born around 1100 in > Constantinople, he received the customary schooling in grammar, rhetoric and philoso-

phy. He was a pupil of Stephanos Skylitzes, possibly also of Michael Italikos. He earned his living by teaching and by writings commissioned by the imperial court and other high-ranking personalities. At quite a young age (in around 1140), he moved to a retirement home after a smallpox infection; he probably died before 1158 (or about 1170). His work consists of historical poems [1], speeches,

letters [2], a commentary on the Canones of > Cosmas [3] of Jerusalem and > Iohannes [33] of Damascus on the dominical feasts, religious epigrams (iambic and hexametric tetrastichs on the main events in the OT and NT [3]), didactic texts on philosophy and grammar, rhetorical-satirical works in verses (such as the satirical

play Katomyomachia, ‘The Battle of Cats and Mice’ [4]) and prose (e.g. the ‘Mouse Humoresque’ [5], the verse novel Rhodanthe and Dosikles [6]. The attribution of four mendicant poems (Ptochoprodromikd [7]) to T. is still a matter of controversy. The anthology of poems in Cod. Marcianus XI.22 is probably not to be attributed to T., but to a slightly younger contemporary, known as Manganeios Prodromos [8]. Epitrons.

1W.H6RANDNER,

Theodoros

Prodromos.

Historische Gedichte, 1974 (with list of works) 2M.D. J. Or pe Cou, Théodore Prodrome, Lettres et discours, Diss. Paris, 2007 (with Fr. transl.andcomm.) 3 G.PApaGIANNIS, Theodoros Prodromos. Jambische und hexa-

metrische Tetrasticha auf die Haupterzahlungen des Alten und Neuen Testaments, 1997. 4 H.HunGer, Der byzantinische Katz-Mause-Krieg, 1968 5 1.TH. PAPADEMETRIOU, Tu oxé5y TOd wdc. New Sources and Text, in: Illi-

nois Studies in Language and Literature 58, 1969, 210— 222 6 M.Marcovicnu, Theodori Prodromi De Rhodanthes et Dosiclis Amoribus Libri IX, 1992 7 H.EIDENEIER, Ptochoprodromos, 1991 (with Germ transl.) 8 S.BERNARDINELLO, Theodori Prodromi De Manganis, 1972. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

A.KamByLis,

Prodromea.

Textkriti-

sche Beitrage zu den historischen Gedichten des Theodo-

praetorio per Gallias, 397/399 praefectus praetorio Italiae, 399 cos. (panegyric by Claud. Carm. 16/17). Initially, he supported — Stilicho, but later seemed to distance himself. It is likely that he once again served as praefectus praetorio Italiae in 408/9. T. was also academically active (tractate De metris: KEIL, GL 6, 5856or); in 386, > Augustinus dedicated his work De beata vitato T. PLRE 1, 900-902 no. 27. K.G.-A. [II 2] Flavius T. of the gens Decii. Held important offices under > Theodericus [3] the Great (praef. praet. in 500, cos. in 505, patricius in 509; cf. Cassiod. Var. 1,27; Anon. Vales. 12,68); in 525, he was sent by Theoderic to Constantinople with Pope Iohannes, and arrested after his return (Anon. Vales. 15.90-1) [1. 239-242]. The recipient of Fulg. Rusp. Epist. 6 (CCL 91,240-44; ~» Fulgentius). 1 J. MoornHeap,

1097 f.

Theoderic

Italy, 1992

2PLRE 2, WE.LU.

{11 3] T. Priscianus. Physician of the 4th—5th cent, probably hailing from North Africa. A pupil of > Vindicianus; he was the author of a therapeutic compendium, only extant in Latin (Euporista, ‘Easily obtainable remedies’, around 400) in three volumes: phaenomena (external disorders, listed a capite ad calcem, ‘from

head to toe’); Jogicus (internal disorders, divided into chronic and acute conditions) and gynaecia (female disorders). According to the author, the work was written in Greek first and then translated into Latin in an abbreviated version prepared by the author himself. This cor-

responds to a general trend in medicine at that time: the translation of large therapeutic encyclopaedias into works that could be used in daily medical practice (+ Medicine IV H). The fragment of a work entitled De physicis and dedicated to T.’ son Eusebius deals with headaches and epilepsy. The dietetic treatise Diaeta Theodori is wrongly attributed to T. The text of the Euporista was extended in the 6th cent. with recourse to the text by + Marcellus [II 8] Empiricus and the > Physica Plinii Bambergensis. Both Euporista and De physicis were

THEODORUS

467

468

published in 1532 under the name of Octavius Hora-

Synod of -» Calchedon (in 451), T. was also a see. In 502 it fell into the hands of the Sassanid (> Sassanids)

tianus. Ep.: V. Roser, Theodori Prisciani Euporiston libri I cum Physicorum fragmento et additamentis pseudo-Theodoreis, 1894. Lit.:

K.DEICHGRABER,

s. v. Theodoros

(46), RE

5 A,

1866-1868; J. FAHNEY, De pseudo-Theodori additamentis, 1913; TH. Meyer, Th. P. und die romische Medizin, 1909; T.SUNDELIN, Ad Theodori Prisciani Euporista Adnotationes, 1934; L. ZuRLI, Il pensiero medico di Th. P. nelle prefazioni ai suoi libri, in: C.SANTINI (ed.), Prefa-

zioni,

prologhi,

proemi

di opere

tecnico-scientifiche

latine, vol. 2, 1992, 463-497.

A.TO

Theodosia (@eodocia/Theodosia; modern Feodosiya). City on the northern coast of the Black Sea (-> Pontos Euxeinos I) in a fertile plain, with an excelient harbour

which could contain roo ships (Str. 7,4,4), founded c. 700 BC by colonists from Miletos [2]. T. minted coins autonomously c. 500 BC. Conquered in the first half of the 4th cent. BC by > Leucon [3] 1, T. was subsequently the westernmost polis of the » Regnum Bosporanum (Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 30). The city was an important transshipment point for Bosporanian grain exports to Greece and a significant border fortress against the -» Tauri; T. reached its height in the 4th cent. BC. It was a centre of the ‘Scythian Rebellion’ in the 2nd cent. BC. V.F. GajDuKEvi¢, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 203205; N.EHRHARDT, Die Kolonien Milets, 1983, 82 f.;

D.B.SeLov, T., Herakleia und die Spartokiden, in: VDI 1950.3,

168-178; D.D. KAcHARAVA,

G.T. KVIRKVELIA,

Goroda i poseleniya Prichernomor’ya antichnoi epokhi, 1991, 294 f.

Lv.B.

Theodosiopolis (OeodoowWnodtc/Theodosidpolis, Oeodoo.bmo0Mc/Theodosioupolis). [1] T. in

> Osroene

(in northern

Mesopotamia),

ac-

cording to Procop. BP 2,19,29 (cf. Aed. 2,2,16) on the -» Habur about 40 miles (= 60 km) from Dara, the village of Resaeina (= Ra’s al-‘Ain at the source of the

Habur) elevated c. AD 383 by Theodosius [2] I to a city (Malalas 13,40 p. 345 Dinporr). lustinianus [1] I further increased the fortification of T., which was situated at the end of the Byzantine > Limes (VI. C.), with forts (Procop. Aed. 2,6,13 ff.); in 577 the Persian general

Sarnachorganes devastated the surrounding country; in 584 part of Philippicus’ army, returning from a Persian campaign, reached T. only with difficulty (Theophylaktos Simokattes 1,13,10 ff.). Bishops of T.: cf. [2]. 1 G. GREATREX, Rome and Persia at War, 502-532, 89 notes

110,

114,

119

2M. Lequien,

1998,

Oriens Chri-

stianus, vol. 2, 1740 (reprint 1902), 979-981.

WR.

[2] (Armenian Karin, Arabic Qaliqala; Seljuk Arzan alRam > Arz al-Ram, ‘Romanland’, > Turkish Erzerum in

eastern Turkey). City in » Armenia, founded by Theodosius [3] Il (Procop. Aed. 3,1,11; not by Theodosius [1] I, ibid. 3,5,2). T. is mentioned for the first time in c.

AD 420, when being besieged by Bahram V Gor (Theod. Hist. eccl. 5,37,7 ff.). From no lacer than the

Kabades; re-conquered again by > Anastasius [1] I, it further fortified and, temporarily, was renamed Anastasiopolis (Procop. Aed. 3,5,3 ff.). From 645/46 primarily under Arab ( Arabs) rule, in 1071 conquered by the Seljuks. C. TOUMANOFF, Studies in Christian Caucasian History,

1963, 195 f.

K.SA.

Theodosius I. GREEK

II. INFLUENCE

I. GREEK (@e0d0010¢/Theodosios).

{I 1] Greek mathematician and astronomer. I. LirE AND works

II. ROMAN

I. LIFE AND WORKS According to Str. 12,4,9, T. was one of the most

important men in > Bithynia; the birthplace Tripoli given in the Suda (s. v. ©.) may relate to another T. As Strabo also names T.’ sons as important mathematicians, T. must belong in the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC, or, at the latest, the rst half of the rst. He is

probably the same as the T. named by > Vitruvius (9,8,1) as the inventor of a _ universal sundial (> Clocks).

Three works by T. survive: 1. Ldareuma

(Sphairika,

‘Spherics’, in 3 vols.; ed.

with Lat. translation and scholia: [1]; German translation: [4. 75-179]; French translation: [3]). The text is

the oldest extant textbook on spherical geometry. The work, which was probably intended for astronomical purposes, investigates the properties of the celestial and terrestrial spheres as well as the most important spherical circles (equator, meridian, ecliptic, horizon etc.). It is based on > Autolycus, and does not yet use the methods of spherical trigonometry. The theorems and proofs are structured on the model of — Euclid’s [3] Elements. 2. Tegi olxioewv (Peri oikeseon, ‘On habitations’;

Lat. De habitationibus, in 12 propositions. Ed. with Lat. translation and scholia: [2. 13-52]) deals with the phenomena caused by the circulation of the heavens (i.e., from the modern, heliocentric point of view, the

rotation of the Earth), as seen from the viewpoint of the

inhabitants of the various -> zones of the Earth. 3. [legit hee@v xai vuxtav (Peri hemerén kai nykton, ‘On days and nights’; Lat. De diebus et noctibus, in 2 vols.; ed. with Lat. translation and scholia: [2. 53176]) deals with the relative length of day and night, and the way it varies during the course of a year, together with associated problems. T. also wrote astrological texts and a commentary on -» Archimedes’ [1]Method (on the problems involved see [8]). These writings have been lost.

469

470

Il. INFLUENCE The Spherics was very influential, especially on + Menelaus’ [6] Spherics and those parts of > Pappus’ Collectio that concern the sphere. The three surviving works of T., together with works by Autolycus, ~ Aratus [4], Menelaus and other texts such as Euclid’s Phainomena, belonged to a group of works referred to in Antiquity as the ‘small astronomy’ (in contrast with ~ Ptolemaeus’ [65] Almagest); a similar collection of writings existed in Arabic under the name ‘middle books’ (i.e. books that should be studied between Euclid’s Elements and Ptolemy’s Almagest). All three of T.’ works were translated into Arabic in the 9th cent. There are two Arabic translations of the Spherics; one is anonymous, the basis for the Latin translation by Gerard of Cremona (12th cent.); the other, ascribed to Qusta ibn aga, is extant only in a Hebrew MS, and formed the basis of two Hebrew versions (by Jacob ben Machir and Moses ibn Tibbon). The 13th cent. saw at least two further versions in Arabic (by Nasir ad-Din at-Tusi and Ibn Abi Sukr). Besides Gerard’s translation from the Arabic, there was a second Medieval Latin version of the Spherics, very probably by Johannes Campanus; it contains numerous additions, but ends in the middle of the 3rd vol. The first Latin edition (Venice 1518) relies on Campanus’ text. The Greek editio princeps was published by Johannes PENa (Paris 1558). Numerous other 16th- and 17th-cent. Latin versions are

mentions him in De experientia medica (2.3, p. 98 WALZER); that T. was an — Empiricist comes from

known, by such as FRANCISCO MAUROLICO, CONRAD DasYPODIUS, CHRISTOPHER CLAVviUuS, MARIN SENNE, CLAUDE DECHALES and Isaac BARROW

MErR(for a

general treatment of T.’ influence cf. [7]). ~ Astronomy C. Greek astronomy EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS: 1 J.L. HerBeERG, T. Tripolites, Sphaerica (AAWG, N. F. 19.3), 1927. 2 R.FECHT, Theodosii De habitationibus liber, De diebus et noctibus libri duo (AAWG, N. F.19.4),1927 3 P. VER EECKE, Les

sphériques de Théodose de Tripoli, 1927 (repr. 1959) 4 A.Czwatina, Autolykos; T. von Tripolis, Sphaerik, 1931 (Ger. transl. with comm.).

Lit.: 51.BuLMER-THOMAS, s. v. T. of Bithynia, in: GiLLISPIE 13, 319-321 6 1.L. Heatn, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 2, 1921, 245-252 7R.Lorcu, The Transmission

of T.’ Sphaerica,

in: M.Foukerts

(ed.),

Mathematische Probleme im Mittelalter: Der lateinische und arabische Sprachbereich, 1996, 159-183 8 K. ZIEGLER, s. v. T. (5), RE 5 A, 1930-1935.

M.F.

THEODOSIUS

Galen. According to Diog. Laert. 9,70, T. rejected the naming of — Scepticism after Pyrrho, on the grounds that it was not known what others (thus also Pyrrho) had thought; furthermore, Pyrrho had not been the inventor of Scepticism, and had not advocated the appropriate teaching (ddgma). ~~ Scepticism D. DEICHGRABER, Die griechische Empirikerschule, 1965,

219, 401.

MER.

{I 3] Greek grammarian from Alexandria, c. AD 400 [4. 85-6]; main work: Kavovec eioaywyimot meQt xhioems

bvonatov xal Onudtwv (Kandnes eisagogikoi peri kliseos onomaton kai rhematon, ‘Elementary rules on the declension of nouns and the conjugation of verbs’, [1]), a textbook commentated upon by > Choiroboskos Georgios, and long seminal. Probably by T. is the treatise [legit meoowdidv (Peri prosoidién, ‘On prosodies’; GG 1.1, 105-14), appended to the Ars grammatica of ~ Dionysius [17] Thrax [3]. It is doubtful whether T. wrote an epitome of the Kado meoowsdia (Katholike prosoidia, ‘General prosody’) of Aelius > Herodianus

[x] [2. 367]. Ep.:

1A.H1icarp

(ed.), Theodosii Alexandrini Cano-

nes isagogici (GG 4.1), 1889, I-99. Lit.: 2R.A. Kaster, Guardians of Language, 1988, 366-367 (Nr. 152) 3B.Laum, Das Alexandrinische Akzentuationssystem, 1928, 27-29 papyrus grec de Strasbourg 364+16,

4 A.OcusE, Le in: Aegyptus 37, 1957, 77-88 5 A.WoutTeRs, The Grammatical Papyri from Graeco-Roman Egypt, 1979, 196-197, 271-273

6 Id., The Chester Beatty Codex AC 1499, 1988, 30-31 with n. 33. ST.MA.

[14] T. Melitenus (0. Meditnvoc/Th. Meliténos). The Greek cleric Symeon Kabasilas added the fake author’s name T. M. (actually Melissénds) to the anonymous MS (Cod. Monacensis

Graecus 218, 11th cent.), now

1TH.L.F.TAFEL

(ed.),

Theodosius

fies him with a mathematician T., and ascribes to hima “Yrouvynua. cic ta Oevda xepadrara (Hypomnema eis ta

Theuda kefalaia, ‘Commentary on the main points of Theodas’) and a Dxextinds xepadraua (Skeptika kefalaia, ‘Main points of Scepticism’). This Sceptic is evidently the T. whose Main points ofScepticism is mentioned in Diog. Laert. 9,70, the text that contains his defence of Pyrrhonism (-> Pyrrho). T. must have been active towards the end of the 2nd cent., as + Galen already

Melitenus,

1859

2 O.KresteN, Phantomgestalten in der byzantinischen Literaturgeschichte, in: Jahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik 25, 1976, 207-222.

[12] Pyrrhonian Sceptic and Empirical physician, end of the 2nd cent. AD; the Suda (s. v. ©.) wrongly identi-

in

Munich, of a chronicle by + Symeon [2] Logothetes, when he sold it in 1578 to the chaplain of the imperial embassy Stephan GERLACH [2. 207-12].

ALB.

Il. ROMAN {M11] Flavius T. Father of T. [II 2] the Great; from Spain, where he owned estates in Cauca; a Catholic; his father was Honorius [1], his wife Thermantia [1]. He proved himself as a soldier, and in 368 as > comes rei militaris in the service of > Valentinianus [1] I re-es-

tablished Roman rule in Britannia. After campaigns against the Franks in the region of the Rhine estuary, from the end of 369 / beginning of 370 he was + magister equitum praesentalis (or per Gallias?). He fought in 372 with Valentinian against > Macrianus

THEODOSIUS

[x], rex of the Alamanni, and defeated the usurper + Firmus [3] in Africa in 373/4, removing iter al. + Romanus, the comes Africae. Romanus’ friends (among them

472

471

> Maximinus [3] and > Merobaudes [1])

instigated a prosecution on account of T.’ severity against the undisciplined troops in Africa; this led to his condemnation (before the death of Valentinian J on 17 Nov. 375) and execution (beginning of 376) in Carthage. He had himself baptized shortly before his execution. His son T. [Il 2], who was at first drawn into his fall, later saw to his rehabilitation. PLRE 1, 902-4 no 3. [1 2] T. I (the Great). Roman emperor 379-395, born

ri Jan. 347 in Cauca (NW Spain), died 17 Jan. 395 in Mediolanum (Milan). I. Lire I]. RELicrous poxicy II]. S1GNIFICANCE I, LIFE T. served from 368 on the staff of his father T. [II 1], proving himself in campaigns in Britannia and against the > Alamanni, and in 374 as dux Moesiae against the ~» Sarmatae; in 376 he married — Flacilla (died 386). In autumn 378, after the death of > Valens [2], the emperor > Gratianus [2] promoted him to magister militum, and on 19 Jan. 379 in Sirmium to Augustus for the eastern portion of the Empire, including Thrace, and briefly for the dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia. It was his special concern to strengthen the army and secure the Balkan region. Accordingly, in 382 he concluded an

alliance with the Goths (-» Goti), who, while pledging military assistance, in return were permitted to settle autonomously on imperial soil; such a treaty remained singular (> Foederati). The Germanization of the army continued; but, besides Germani (such as > Hellebic(h)us, > Richomeres and -> Stilicho), there were also Roman generals (inter al. > Timasius, > Promotus). In

383 the usurper > Maximus [7] prevailed against Gratianus; T. initially recognized him, and did not decide to give battle until > Valentinianus [3] II had fled Italy, and he himself had married Valentinian’s sister > Galla [2] (end of 387). He was aided in this by the treaty that had been concluded with the Persians, probably in 387, securing fairly long-term peace in the East (> Parthian and Persian wars). Victory over Maximus was achieved in the summer of 388; T. now formally left the West to Valentinian, but remained in Italy until 391, and amassed

great influence. Valentinian lost his life in an unexplained manner during the course of the usurpation of -» Eugenius [1], which occurred in 392 at the instigation of the mag. mil. > Arbogastes. T. succeeded in defeating Eugenius in Sept. 394 in a battle on the > Frigidus (eastern Venetia), but he incurred a wound from

whose effects he died in the following January. On his deathbed, he entrusted his sons » Honorius [3] (Augustus in the West) and > Arcadius [1] (in the East) to the protection of Stilicho. Ambrosius gave the oration before the corpse was transferred to Constantinople, where T. was interred in the Church of the Holy Apostles.

II]. RELIGIOUS POLICY T., coming from a family that embraced the spirit of Nicaea (+ Nicaenum), accorded great importance, pri-

marily by his legislation, to the Christian churches, and especially the Nicene Church. On 28 February 380, still prior to his baptism, he promulgated a law (Cod. Theod. 16,1,2) that is often seen as marking the incep-

tion of Christianity as the state religion; in the final analysis, it merely stipulated who was to be regarded as Catholic, although privileges were also associated with that status. It is possible that his motivation in this should be sought not merely in his religious sensibilities, but also in the fact that religious disputes always entailed danger to the state. The same intention marks laws passed against heretics during his reign, although, at the same time, the great number of such laws demonstrates their limited effectuality (+ Heresy; — Schism). The baptism of the critically ill T. in autumn 380 represented a turning point; now, for the first time, an emperor was subject to the rules and sanctions of the Church. Insofar as emperors were still accustomed to reserving to themselves the determination of religious affairs, this brought about conflicts. T. was no exception in this respect: although his role in the (2nd Ecumenical) Council, called by him in the summer of 381 in Constantinople (— Synodos II D), is not entirely clear,

the result certainly reflected his conceptions (— Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum). It is also true that, after 381, the bishops in the East respected the authority of T. in matters of belief; this is demonstrated not least in the occupancy of bishoprics, e.g. in > Antioch [1] and + Constantinople. It is not, however, possible to speak of a state Church directed by the emperor. T. met with more resistance in the West, where he

frequently came into conflict with Ambrosius, bishop of Milan. The first occasion was a dispute in 388 over the burning down of the synagogue at Callinicum (+ Nicephorium) by Christians, when Ambrosius prevailed in letting the incendiaries go unpunished; the second in 390 after a massacre of the population of -» Thessalonica [1], which, although not ordered by T., could have been prevented by him. This was the context of the church penance imposed on T., and the so-called penance of Milan. The latter, although a defining moment in the relationship between ruler and Church, should not be compared with later disputes (Canossa), the premises being different. At any rate, both in respect of these occurrences and on the occasion of his mild reaction to the ‘Affair of the Statues’ in Antioch (Lib. Or. 19,25; 20,3; 22,5), I. understood how to turn events to his own advantage; but from then on he main-

tained a distance between himself and Ambrosius. Legislation with regard to the Jews followed the traditional course. Adherents of the ancient cults initially had little to fear from T.; it was not until the beginning of the 390s that attendance at temples, sacrifices, and finally all cults of the gods were prohibited. The initial forbearance reflected the great respect enjoyed by politicians and orators such as

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474 THEODOSIUS

475

476

{11 1] and - Libanius, despite their Ancient Roman ways.

gressive policy of — Attila (443 and 447). Like his father Arcadius, he lived virtually constantly in Constantinople. This explains why his policy, in common

II. SIGNIFICANCE As demonstrated above all by his laws, which have for the most part survived in the - Codex Theodosianus, T. was active in many fields besides religion. Apart from military affairs and legislation, his efforts were aimed less at great reforms than at the conservation of what existed; to this belonged his concern that

with that of the above-named

THEODOSIUS

influential individuals,

should not worsen further, and that the Empire should lose no more territories. Christian circles gave him the epithet ‘Great’ (attested in Greek: MGH AA 60,11 and 61) as early as the sth cent. While the assessment of him by Christian authors, though not uncritical, was in general positive (e.g. Oros. 7,34,4; Aug. Civ. 5,26), writers with an Ancient Roman perspective, such as > Zosimus [5] (4,27-9 and 33) and -» Philostorgius, sharply condemned him. ~ Christianity; > Tolerance

was turned more inward. The following measures should be mentioned here: in Constantinople the construction of the so-called Theodosian Land Wall (408413), which essentially survives to this day, and the marine ramparts on the Golden Horn and the Propontis (439); the placing of the organization of higher education onto a statutory footing (425); the first codification of the imperial statutes of Constantine [1] I (311) up to 437; the Codex Theodosianus (-+ Codex II C; [}), which was published in 438 and brought into force for the entire Roman Empire in 439; the introduction of Greek as the official language in the eastern portion of the Empire; finally, at the ecumenical council called by T. at Ephesus (431), the important decision on the hypostatic union (-» Hypostasis [2]) between God and humanity in the person of Christ, although this teaching was not finally defined until the Council of > Calche-

W.ENSSLIN, Die Religionspolitik des Kaisers T. des GroSen, 1953; J.ERNESTI, Princeps christianus und Kaiser

don (451) under T.’ successor > Marcianus [7] (> Trinity).

the

position

of the curiales

(> Curialis,

Curiales)

aller Romer, 1998; R.M. ERRINGTON, The Accession ofT. I, in: Klio 78, 1996, 438-453; Id., Church and State in the First Years of T. I, in: Chiron 26, 1996, 1-27; Id., T. and the Goths, in: Chiron 27, 1997, 21-72; Id., Christian Accounts of the Religious Legislation of T. I, in: Klio 79, 1997, 398-443; K.GrRoss-ALBENHAUSEN, Imperator christianissimus, 1999; N.Q. KinGc, The Emperor T. and the Establishment of Christianity, 1961; H.Lepprn, Von

1 A.SCHMINCK, s. v. Codex Theodosianus, ODB

1, 475.

STEIN, SpatrOmische Reich 1, 246; 275 f.; 281 f.; 285287; 291-311; T.E. GreGory,

A. CUTLER, s. v. T., ODB

3, 2051 £.; PLRE 2, rroo £. Nr. 6.

[14] T. D1 Adramytinus.

Byzantine emperor

(715-

Constantin dem Grofsen zu T. II., 1996; Id., s. v. T., in:

717). A tax-collector in the theme of > Opsikion, he was elevated emperor by rebellious troops in opposi-

TRE 33, 255-258; A.Lippotp, T. der Grofe und seine

tion to > Anastasius [2] II. In 716 he concluded a treaty

Zeit, *1980; N.B. McLynn, Ambrose S. WILLIAMS, G. FRIELL, T., 1994.

of Milan, 1994; K.G.-A.

of peace and trade with the Bulgars (> Bulgaria), in 717 after a brief struggle abdicated in favour of > Leo [6]

{il 3] T. 1 Eastern Roman emperor (1.5.408-28.7.450).

III, and died as a cleric in Ephesus. He was, however, subsequently interred in the imperial crypt of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople.

Born

10.4.401

son

of the Eastern

Roman

emperor

+ Arcadius [1] and > Aelia [4] Eudoxia, he was promoted Augustus on 10.1.402, and became emperor at

the early age of seven after his father’s death. Even when he was an adult, owing to his weakness of character others reigned in his place: initially the praef. praet. per Orientem Anthemius; from 414 T.’ sister -> Pulcheria [2] (born 399) as Augusta; after his marriage (421) increasingly his wife, the Athenian Athenais, baptized ~ Eudocia [1]; from 435 her favourite, the cultured Egyptian > Cyrus [4] from Panopolis, city prefect of Constantinople; and, after the fall of Cyrus (441) and the definitive removal of the pious empress to Jerusalem (443), the eunuch > Chrysaphius, who retained his influence until the emperor’s death. Tendencies of the Eastern administrative aristocracy to unite the entire Roman Empire under one emperor remained unsuccessful under T., especially as the western portion of the Empire was ruled by a respected member of the Theodosian dynasty, > Valentinian [4] Ill (425-455). In contrast to his grandfather T. [2] I, T. II showed less interest in a warlike foreign policy, preferring diplomatic solutions, above all against the ag-

P.SCHREINER, WORTH,

s.v. T., LMA

s. v. T., ODB

8, 642 f.; P.A. HOLLING-

3, 2052; R.-J. LiLteE, Prosopogra-

phie der mittelbyzantinischer Zeit 1.4, 2001, Nr. 7793.

[115] Son of the Byzantine emperor Constantine III (February — May

usurper

641; not to be confused

-» Constantinus

with the

[3] III); younger brother of

» Constans [2] Il, upon whose orders he was assassi-

nated in 659. R.-].

Litre, Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischer Zeit

1.4, 2001, Nr. 7797.

Theodotion

ET.

(Oewdotiwv/Theodotidn; according to Epiphanius, De mensuris et ponderibus 17; 2nd cent. AD), in the view of the ancient Church a proselyte from Ephesus (Iren. Adversus haereses 3,21). T. did not produce (in contrast to Aquila [3] and Symmachus [2]) a new Greek translation of the Old Testament, rather he revised a Greek translation in accordance with the Hebrew text. Whether his model was identical with the + Septuaginta is debatable, since there are also ‘Theodotionic’ readings in texts earlier than T. [1] identified

ATG

478

T. with the author of the kaige- or Palestinian recension, which appeared in the rst cent. AD. ~ Bible translations (I. B.); + Septuagint

43,7), probably owing to insufficient manpower. With -» Nicarchus [1] he occupied the passes to + Coele Syria and captured > Gerrha in 219. He aided Antiochus in his victory of 218 over the Ptolemaic commander > Nicolaus [1] (Pol. 5,68,9-11), and at the siege and

1D.BarTHELEMY, To), 1963

Les devanciers d’Aquila (VT Suppl.

2S.P. Brock, s. v. Bibeliibersetzungen I.2,

TRE 6, 1980, 163-172.

THEODOTOS

3 E.WURTHWEIN, Der Text des

capture of > Rabbath-Ammon (Pol. 5,71,6). With Nic-

BE.

archus he commanded the phalanx at > Rhaphia (Pol. 5,83,3), and was sent to Alexandria with > Antipater

AT, 51988, 65.

Theodotos (@eddot0c; Theddotos).

[7] to negotiate the peace (Pol. 5,87,1).

[1] Mentioned several times in the construction records

for the temple of Asclepius at > Epidaurus as its architect; his origins are as unknown as his subsequent whereabouts. T.’ salary during the project amounted to 365 drachmae per year, together with further payments of unknown object. It is uncertain whether he is the same person as the sculptor T. named inIGIV* ro2 (B1 line 97) as having, for 2,340 drachmae, fashioned the acroteria for the pediment; it is possible that the name T. has been incorrectly interpolated here. Date of construction c. 370 BC. H. Svenson-Evers, Die griechischen Architekten archaischer und klassischer Zeit, 1996, 406-414 (with bibliog-

raphy and sources).

CHO.

[2] Nauarchos to > Antigonus [1]; in 315, he was defeated by - Polyclitus [5] at > Aphrodisias [2] while sailing along the Cilician coast (Diod. Sic. 19,64,4-7; cf. Berve 2 no. 361). H. Haven, Het Vlootbevelhebberschap in de vroege diadochentijd, 1975, too f.

[3] Son of Antibolus, from — Calydon [3] (FdD III 1, 519), in 228 he went into exile to Egypt, where he assassinated + Magas [3] (P Haun 6,32 [1]); by occupying

+ Gerrha and other points as tetagménos epi Koilés Syrias (stratégos?, see [2]) in 221, he thwarted the attempt by > Antiochus [5] III to break through to the south. Summoned to Alexandria by intrigues, T. avenged himself by bringing Antiochus into the country (second half of July 219; Pol. 5,40,1-3; 5,61,3-5). He handed > Ptolemais [8] and > Tyrus with forty ships to Antiochus (Pol. 4,37,5). I. became Antiochus’ supreme governor in the newly conquered territory, and com-

1 W.Huss, Agypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 2001.

H.Scumirtt, Untersuchungen zur Gesch. Antiochos’ des Grofgen, 1964, 128-132; J.D. GRAINGER, A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer, 1997, 120. W.A.

[5] Syracusan, co-conspirator against - Hieronymus [3]; in 215 BC, under torture, he betrayed the proRoman Thrason (Liv. 24,5,10-14; Val. Max. 3,3 ext.

5). In 214, after the successful attempt against Hieronymus at Leontini, T. persuaded — Adranodorus to surrender the palace at Syracuse (Liv. 24,21,4; 24,21,73

24,22,16; 24,23,1), and with Adranodorus and others was elected strategos (praetor) by the people (Liv. 24,23,1). T. was evidently removed from the scene when > Epicydes [2] and > Hippocrates [8] took power soon afterwards. [6] Molossian, on friendly terms with the Macedonians during the > Third Macedonian War; in 170 he unsuccessfully planned an attempt on the life of the Roman consul A. > Hostilius [7], in the hope thereby of winning the Epirotes (> Epirus) to the side of > Perseus [2] (Pol. 27,16,1; cf. [1. 627f.]). He committed suicide at + Passaron after the defeat at > Pydna in 168 (Pol. 30,7,2£.; Liv. 45,26,5-9). 1N.G. L. HaMMoNnpD, Epirus, 1967.

L-M.G.

of ten thousand argyrdspides (Pol. 5,66,5; 79,4). He wanted to dispose of -» Ptolemaeus [7] IV in his Egyptian camp prior to the battle of > Rhaphia, but killed + Andreas [1] instead (Pol. 5,81; 3 Makk 1:2f.). In 214 he aided > Lagoras in the capture of Sardis (Pol.

[7] Greek doctor and eye specialist, 2nd/1st cents. BC (Celsus, De medicina 6,6,6). An eye ointment (— Kollyrion), containing among other things copper, > aloe, + myrrh and opium (+ Intoxicating substances III.), was named after him. This remedy for swollen eyelids and various painful eye conditions was used over many centuries. V.N. [8] A rhetor from Chios (Samos: App. B Civ. 2, 354) who participated in the education of + Ptolemaeus [20] XIII, and so attained a high, but probably not formalized position at the court in Alexandria [1]. He is regarded as the most important advocate of the murder of Pompey (+ Pompeius [I 3]), whose head he is said to

7,16-18). PP VI r5045.

have brought to Caesar (Plut. Caes. 48, 2; Liv. Per.

mander

1 T.Larsen

(ed.), Papyri

1942 (repr.1974)

Graecae

Hannienses,

vol.

1,

2 BENGTSON 3, 168 f.

R. BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt, 1976, 15 f.; J.D. GraInceR, Aitolian Prosopographical Studies, 2000, 319.

[4] T., called hémidlios (‘one and a half times’; cf. [1. 391, n.43]), commander to > Antiochus [5] III, was sent with > Xenon [3] against > Molon [1] in 222, but

retreated to > Seleucia [1] on the Tigris (Pol. 5,42,5;

112), an act for which he had to flee Egypt. > Iunius [I ro] Brutus or + Cassius [I 10] had him executed in Asia in 43 (App. B Civ. 2, 377; Plut. Pompeius 80,9;

Plut. Brutus 33,6). Quint. Inst. 3,8,55f. gives as a school text “apud C. Caesarem consultatio de poena Theodoti” (‘a discussion with Caesar on the punishment of T.’). PP VI 14603. H. Heinen, Rom und Agypten von 51 — 47 v. Chr., 1966,

43-49; 71-76.

W.A.

479

480

[9] Iulius T. Sophist from the Attic deme of + Melite [5], born c. AD 120; a pupil of > Lollianus [2] and ~» Herodes [16] Atticus, against whom he and his wife’s uncle Claudius Demostratus later turned (PIR C 849, cf. [1]; Philostr. VS 2,2). T. was the first to be appointed by > Marcus [II 2] Aurelius to the chair in rhetoric at

cent. BC, which attests that the athlete was adored by his home polis for as long as four generations after his death. Pausanias tells of three victories in Delphi, ten in the > Isthmia as well as nine in the -» Nemea [3] (Paus. 6,11,5). The number of 1300 overall wins is plausible (literary sources tell of 1200 or 1400) in a long career (counting all rounds), a career boasting 22 undefeated years in fistfights alone. Occasionally, T. was a successful long-distance runner as well (Paus. 6,11,5). His victory statue in -» Olympia was the work of - Glaucias [1] from Aegina. Touching the statues of T. was pre-

THEODOTOS

Athens (Philostr. loc. cit.), a post he occupied for two years (174-176; cf. [2]). Statue bases honouring his wife and his son (IG II-III’, 3816; 4087) indicate high public office; he himself was honoured by his pupils (ibid. 3813). > Philostratus [5-8]; » Second Sophistic 1G.W. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire, 1969,97 21.Avortins, The Holders of the Chairs of Rhetoric at Athens, in: HSPh 79, 1975, 315-316 3 PIRI 599.

E.BO.

sumed to have a healing effect (Paus. 6,11,2 and 9).

After his athletic career, T. became politically active in his home polis (Dion Chrys. 31,95; cf. [2. 121]). 1 L.Morett1, Olympionikai, 1957 2 J.EBert, Griechische Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972.

[9a] Aurelius T. served as > praefectus Aegypti from 14.8.262 to 8.117.263 (P StrafSburg I 5; POxy. XVII

W.DEcKER, Sport in der griechischen Antike, 1995, 133136.

WD.

2107; 1467), and defeated the usurper L. - Mussius

Aemilianus for the emperor > Gallienus (SHA Gall. 4,2; SHA Tyr. Trig. 22,8) before taking over the admin-

istration of Egypt. He is probably also the same T. who fought against the usurper > Memorin Africa c. 262 (Zos. 1,38,1; Petrus Patricius, Excerpta de sententiis, 264 no. 160 Boissevain). PIR T 120; PLRE 1, 906.

TF.

[10] Gnostic. Extant among the works of -» Clemens [3] of Alexandria are extracts (epitomai) from T. and

the so-called Eastern School of the time of > Valentinus [1]. Many of these, besides the extracts containing Clement’s own positions, are ascribed to the > Valentinians in general. The passages on T. include thoughts on vicarious baptism, Christology, the necessity of human procreation, and fate (heimarméne). > Baptism was understood as a spiritual rebirth (Clem. Al. Excerpta ex Theodoto 78,2). > Irenaeus [2]

[2] Athenian politician in 425 BC, sent out along with [1] to examine the situation in Pylos (Thuc. In 421 he was one of the Athenians who swore

+ Cleon 4,27,3). an oath Spartan

on the Peace of Nicias [1] and the Athenian> symmachia (Thuc. 5,19,2; 5,24,1). During

this period, he was frequently mocked in the Attic Comedy [1]. In 404/3 he was one of the thirty tyrants (— tridkonta; Xen. Hell. 1,3,13). TRAILL, PAA 504040. 1D.M.

MacDoweEtt (ed.), Aristophanes. Wasps, 1971

(text and commentary), 283 f.

[3] In 340 BC he was drawn by lots to be archon basileus (> archontes). He named > Stephanus [1] as one of his substitutes (+ paredros). He married -> Phano,

F.SAGNARD, Extraits de Théodote, 1970; W. FOERSTER, Die Gnosis, vol. 1, *1995, 193-204, 287-302 (German

supposedly the daughter of Stephanus from his first marriage, who took on cultic duties as > basilinna. Due to the suspicion that Phano was actually the daughter of the hetaera > Neaera [6], T. was called in front of the ~ areopagus. As a result of his promise to ban Phano from his house and to dismiss Stephanus, the areopagus desisted from penalising him with a fine (Dem. Or.

trans.).

59,72-84). TRAILL, PAA 504080.

J.HO.

[11] T. the Cobbler see > Monarchianism {12] T. Colocynthius (0. KodoxtvOv0c; Th. Kolokyn-

K.A. Kapparis (ed.), Apollodoros ‘Against Neaira’, 1999 (with an English translation and a commentary). WS.

thios). + Comes Orientis before AD 522, city eparch of Constantinople 522/3. On the orders of emperor > Iustinus [1] | he attempted to discipline the circus party (> Factiones) of the Blues. He thereby aroused the anger of > Iustinianus [1] I, but was able to escape from him to Jerusalem. PLRE 2, 1104f. no. 11. ET.

[4] — Dioikétés of Egypt under Ptolemaeus [7] IV, documented several times between 218/7 and April/ May 207, which might indicate his consistent and efficient administration of the country. PP I/VIII 32.

Theogenes (Oeoyévye/Theogénes). [1] Famous fighter from the island of Thasos, > Olympic champion in 480 BC (against Euthymus of Locri [1. nos. 191; 214; 222]) in > fist-fighting [1. no. 201] and in 476 BC in > pankration [1. no. 215]. This constellation of victories was first documented for T. on an inscription in Delphi [2. no. 37] dating from the 2nd

Theognetus (Oedoyvytoc; Thedgnétos). Comic poet of

W.Huss, Agypten in helleistischer Zeit, 2001, 463 f.

W.A.

the 3rd cent. BC (cf. Pantaleon mentioned in fr. 2). Two

fragments and three titles survive: Kévtaveoc (‘The centaur’), Piodéomotog (“The one who loves his master’, probably referring to a slave [2. 287'°]) and ®doua 7 PiAdeyveos (“The ghost or The miser’); in the surviving

fr. 1 of this play there is mockery of somebody who has lost his mind in the pursuit of Stoic philosophy.

481

482

1 PCG VII, 1989, 696-698 att. Mittlere Komédie, 1990.

2 H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die B.BA.

Theognis (Qgoyvic/Théognis). [1] Elegiac poet, 6th cent. BC I. LIFE AND TEXTUAL HISTORY THEOGNIDEUM

II. THE Corpus

I. LIFE AND TEXTUAL HISTORY T. was born in Megara [2] in Greece (Didymus in schol. Plat. leg. 630a), hardly Megara [3] in Sicily (Suda © 136and probably Plat. l.c.,), ca. 544-1 BC (Suda l.c.; acc. to [17] 65-71 ca. 630-600). Plat. lc. (citing El. 77-8) and Isoc. Or. 3,42-3 first name T. as a good adviser, and according to Stob. 4,29,53 Xen. wrote On Theognis and cited El. 22-3 and 183-190. T.’s poems were probably sung at 5th and 4th cent. BC symposia (> Banquet [II C]): a collection of that period may lie behind the ca. 1220-line anthology (‘Book 1’) attributed to T. in medieval MSS, the earliest (A) from the early roth cent. (Paris. suppl. gr. 388), from a lost gemellus of which the 5 other chief MSS descend (IEG 1, Xi-xiii). Stob. 4,29,53 cites 3 more couplets, 1220-6, Athen. 457b one, 1229-30. II]. THE CorruS

A. ELEGIES Book

THEOGNIDEUM

1

A. ELEGIES BOOK 1. STRUCTURE

B. ELEGIES BOOK 1

2. THEMES

1. STRUCTURE

(Kyrnos), always in vocatives Kyrn(e) (76 times: this

word is probably the > sphragis (‘seal’) invoked at but see differently [18]) or Polypaide

times): these form only ca. 25% of frequent in some sequences (19-2543 805-22; 1171-1184b), but doubtless are by T. ‘Book 1’ also has some >

(9

‘Book 1’, though 319-723 539-543 some other pieces Tyrtaeus (1003-

1006, cf. 935-938, perhaps 879-884),

tual variants and esp. frequent in (c), suggests mechanical copying from two or more hellenistic collections. POxy. 2389, with 254-278, and PBerol. 21220, with 917-33 attest these line-sequences for at least some 2nd/3rd cent. AD collections, but these collections need not be the source of the numerous ancient quotations: Alcidamas’ Mouseion, Plato [1] and many philosophers, Xenophon, Isocrates., Plutarchus [2], Artemidorus [6], Hermogenes, Clemens [3] Alexandrinus, Philostratus [5], Libanius, Stobaeus and Orion; for discussion cf. [12] 82-103, [16]. The words OY AYNAMOY sung by a drinker on an Attic cup c. 480 BC (Miinchen 2646) may garble El. 939 ov dvvapon ‘I cannot...’; 25 f. and 434-438 appear on 3rd cent. BC ostraka; 245 f. on an Oenoandan inscr. of ca. AD 230. These numerous quotations demonstrate use of some gnomologic collection(s) like ours from the 4th cent. BC to the 5th cent. AD. Two MSS like A available to Suda (or its sources) probably explain why it ascribes T. 2800 lines [12. ror]. The ed. princeps of ‘Book 1’ was by VINETUS in 1543. Discussion of the collection’s problems began with [2]. 2. THEMES Pieces attributable to T. present him as an older man advising a real or invented boy Cyrnus, promising him immortality through his songs (El. 237-54). This oligarchic T. urges conviviality and trust (75-78; 87-90) among ‘good men’ (agathoi) (31-36; 69-72) who are friends (philot) and comrades (hetairoi: 97-100), but is

2

Ca. 308 lines can be attributed to T. by reliable quotation and/or by address to his boyfriend Cyrnus

El. 19-20,

THEOGNIS

- Mimnermus

(795-796; 1017-1022), > Solon [x] (153 f.5 227-2325

315-318; 585-590, suggesting the collection was Attic) — Evenus [1] (467-496; 667-682); from other authors, fragments addressing an Onomacritus (503-8)

himself disliked by fellow-citizens (24) and persistently distrustful. T. attacks corrupt leaders who may provoke civil war and tyranny (39-52, cf. 833-836), deplores the entry of new men, seen as low-born and rustic, into the civic élite (53-58; 183-192), yet advocates flexibility (215-218). Unspecific laments about effects of poverty (173-182) and exile (209-210), and complaints about his lost estates (1197-1202) do not prove T. was

himself exiled; his failure to name either the predicted tyrant or the enemies on whom he desires revenge (3 37— 340) (contrast > Alcaeus’ naming of both categories),

though ensuring that his poems can be easily reperformed, frustrate identification (e.g of the tyrant as Theagenes, as [16. 65-71]). Many phrases link T. with other early elegists (e.g. El. 340, cf. Mimnermus 6 W).

and a Democles (903-30: 4th cent. BC?), and one for a

Other poems in Book 1 mix similar socio-political advice, aphorisms (~ Gnome) and complaints with sympotic lore on pleasure (983-988) and drinking

Megarian performance in 480 BC, i.e. too late for T.

(211 f. = 509 f.; 261 f.; 467-496 (Euenus); 503-8 (add-

and

(773-778, perhaps also 757-764). It has been variously divided, best by [17] 40-59 into

the following sections: (a) 19-254: chiefly poems by T. (37 have vocatives Kyrne/Polypaide); some are seemingly in an order, with 19 ff. as prologue and 237—54 as epilogue; (b) 255-1022: poems by various archaic and classical elegists; (c) 1023-1220: like (b) but with more T. Section (a) is preceded by 4 short hymns (as sympotic singing would have been). Repetition of some 25 pieces (lines, couplets and even quatrains, though never a complete poem) between (a) (b) and (c), often with tex-

ressing an Onomacritus)); two purport to be sung by a woman

(579-582;

257-260),

another to narrate an

amorous adventure (263-266). B. ELEGIES BOOK 2 ‘Elegies Book 2’ appears in MS A as the title of a further 138 lines (1231-1369, found only there); these are exclusively and more explicitly pederastic poems, often opening ‘Boy’ ((6) pai), never Polypaidé, only once (1354) Kyrne. Despite four repetitions from ‘Book

1’, and (as in Bk r) pieces of Solon (1253-1254) and

THEOGNIS

(probably) Evenus (1341-50), ‘Book 2’ with its own preface addressed to Eros (1331-1334, closely related to Apoll. Rhod. 4,445-449, cf. [9] ad loc.) and an epilogue (1386-1389) is probably a collection with a separate but irrecoverable history. Unlike Bk 1, Bk 2 is quoted in no ancient text, though Hermias (on Plat. Phaedr. 23 1e p. 38C) knows 1253 f. (but as Solon’s), and 13.65’s opening ‘O fairest of boys’ (6 paidon kdlliste) is sung by a symposiast on an Attic cup of ca. 490 BC (Athens MN 1357). It is improbable that these poems once belonged in Bk 1 and were purged (ineffectively) by a censorious Byzantine

(as [15], [16. 43-5]). + Elegy I BIBLIOGRAPHY:

1D.E. GERBER, Early Greek Elegy and

Iambus XIII: T., in: Lustrum 33, 1991, 186-214. Ep.: 2F.WELCKER, 1826 3IEG 4D. YOUNG,

*I971 5 B.A. VAN GRONINGEN, 1966 (Bk transl.) 6 J.CARRIERE, 1948, *1975 (with 7 D.E. GERBER, Greek Elegiac Poetry, 1999 transl.) 8 A.GarRyZA, 1958 (with It. transl.) 9M. Vetra, 1980(Bk2) 10 F.R. ADRADOS,

gos, 1956-1959,

*1981

(with Sp. transl.)

1961,

1, with Fr. Fr. transl.) (with Eng. Liricos grie-

11 M.M.

Carost, E.L. NajLis, 1968 (with Sp. transl.) 12 T. HUDSON-WILLIAMS, 1910 (with introd.

and

comm.).

Como.:

13 M.L. West, = [17], 149-167.

Lir.: 14 F.Jacosy, T. (SPrAW, Philologisch-historische Klasse 10), 1931, 90-180 (=Id., Kleine Philologische Schriften, 1961, 345-455) 15 J.KROLL, T. interpretationen (Philologus Suppl. 29, Heft 1),1936 16 J. CARRIERE, Theognis de Mégare, 1948 17M.L. West, Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus, 1974 18 T.J. FiGuerra, G. Nacy (ed.), T. of Megara,1985 19 L. Pratt, The Seal of T., Writing and Oral Poetry, in: AJPh 116, 1995, 171-

184

20E.L. Bowrr, The Theognidea, in: G.W. Most

(ed.), Collecting Fragments, 1997 21 D.E. Gerser, T., in: Id. (ed.), A Companion to the Greek Lyric Poets, 1997, 117-128.

Bithynia), both justified themselves and called for rec-

onciliation. After his return in 328, T. was prominent in his opposition to > Athanasius of Alexandria. Lir.:

R. Witxiams, Arius. Heresy and Tradition, 1987,

71-74.

JRL

Theognostus (Qedyvwotos; Thedgnostos). Byzantine grammarian, 9th cent. AD, author of a (lost) work on Euphemius’ rebellion in Sicily in 826-827 (cf. Theo-

phanes Continuatus, Chronographia p. 82 BEKKER) and an ~» ‘Orthography’ (Ilegi de80yeadiac/Peri orthographias; Cod. Baroccianus 50, roth cent.) con-

taining 1003 rules. Several words, not recorded in earlier works and taken over into later - etymologica, constitute the true value of this two-part instructional text, whose main sources are a glossary of Cyrillus [6] and (according to T.’ letter of dedication) — Herodianus [1]. 1 J.A. Cramer, Anecdota Graeca ..., vol. 2, 1835 (repr. 1963),1-165 2K.ALPERS, T. Hei d6o80yoadiac, thesis, Hamburg, 1964.

GR.DA.

Theogony (Qeoyovia; theogonia). The ‘origin of the Greek gods’ as well as the origin of the parts of the world and moral/abstract principles whose > personifications were gods (+ Cosmogony). All ancient theogonic systems are based on genealogical connections; this is evident as early as Homer’s epics. Since the concept of creation out of nothing was unknown, there were differing opinions about the origin of all things: in the Iliad (Hom. Il. 14,200-204), + Oceanus and — Tethys are regarded as the progenitors of all of the gods, or (Hom. Il. 15,187-193) + Zeus, > Poseidon and > Hades are referred to as the

sons of > Kronos and > Rhea. Dominion over the various parts of the cosmos is assigned as follows: Zeus rules the heavens, Hades the underworld and Poseidon

[2] Athenian, already known as a tragic poet in 425 BC (Aristoph. Ach. 138 mocks him as psychros, ‘cold’, i.e. lifeless: cf. ibid. 9; Aristoph. Thesm. 170). The Suda (v 397) lists a defeat of T. by > Nicomachus [3]. Schol. Aristoph. Ach. rz et al. identify him with the homonymous member of the Thirty Tyrants, 404/3 BC (> triakonta; cf. Xen. Hell. 2,3,2; Lys. 12,6; Harpocr. 95,1). He may also be the author of an elegy on the Syracusans (or Athenians?) who survived the Siege of Athens of 415-413 BC (attributed by Suda 0 136 to T.

[r]). TrGF I 28.

484

483

E.BO.

[3] Bishop of Nicaea (d. before 3 43). As the local bishop and supporter of > Arius [3], signed the creed of the Council of Nicaea in 325, but refused to sign the appended condemnations (according to Sozom. Hist. eccl. 1,21). After continuing to show support for the Arians, he was deposed and banished along with > Eusebius [8] of Nicomedia. In a joint letter (so-called libellus paenitentiae: CPG 2048; perhaps to the provincial synod of

the sea; the earth and ~ Olympus are under the dominion of all three [6.1437-1439]. The Theogony of > Hesiodus [6.1439-1456], the only surviving work on this subject, is based on the same criteria, namely genealogical connections and the assignment of responsibility. It seeks to provide a systematic and complete explanation; every part and element of the world is accounted for, with a deity that

watches over it [1.282-307; 10.1-39]. In the beginning is Chaos (Hes. Theog. 116) [3], then > Gaia, > Tartaros and - Eros emerge (Hes. Theog.

116-122). The

physiognomy of the first generation is generally both physical and divine in equal measure; in contrast, the last two generations (Hes. Theog. 886-917) are more anthropomorphic and often the personification of intellectual qualities or ethical principles: + Horae (ibid. 901-906); -» Charites (Graces) (ibid. 907-909); +> Muses (ibid. 915-917; cf. 53-103). The progression in authority from > Uranus to Kronos and then to Zeus occurs following a violent act (ibid. 154-182; 453500). The history of the gods also includes two major battles: the gods of the last generation against the

485

486

~ Titans (the children of the gods of the first generation, i.e. of Uranus and Gaia; ibid. 629-720) and the battle of Zeus against Typhaon (> Typhoeus, son of Gaia and Tartaros; ibid. 820-868). The last part of the work (vv. 886-1018) contains lists of the connections among the various gods as well as between them and human beings and their progeny. Following a concluding formula in vv. 1019-1020, vv. 1021-1022 begins with a list of women. Hesiodus’ Erga contain further theogonic speculation, telling of daimones (Op. 121126; 140-142) and heroes who find bliss after death (Op. 166-173) that are not dealt with in the Theogony. Hesiodus based his system of theogony not only on Greek models (cf. Homeric poetry), but also on the cultures of the Near East (Hurritic-Hittite, Phoenician, Babylonian, Egyptian), which were clearly an influence

II. SAMOTHRACE Although the gods of the Samothracian > Mysteries were almost always called theoi Samothrakés or similar outside of the island, on the island they were called TM or simply Theoi, ‘(the) gods’. Their identity was already disputed in Antiquity. According to the most probable hypothesis, the chief figure was a form of the Anatolian ‘Mother’ (~ Mother goddesses), accompanied by two (or more) so-called -» Dioscuri or - Curetes [3.73103]. Attempts to harmonize the nebulous traditions about the mysteries (cf. e.g. - Samothrace II.) are moot. The active participation of the Romans in the mysteries, primarily between the middle of the 2nd cent. BC and the end of the 2nd cent. AD, was probably based on the assumption that the Roman > Penates (di magni) were introduced either directly from Samothrace or via Troy [4].

on him [2.35-57; 5-159-179, 197-229; 7; 9.1-54]

THEOI PANTES

(> World, creation of the). The ideas of other authors

have been passed down as well: + Musaeus, — Epimenides, > Pherecydes [1] of Syrus, > Acusilaus [4.172; 6.1456-1466], all of whom were strongly influenced by Hesiodus. Theogonic elements were also contained in the speculations of the philosophers [4.74-

445]. + Hesiodus; - Orphism, creation of the

Orphic

poetry;

— World,

Ill. MESSENIA Mnasistratus’ reform (92/1 BC) of the mysteries of Andania (> Andania B.) listed a variety of sacrifices to

Demeter, the Megdloi Theoi and other deities (LSCG Nr. 65 Z. 32-34; Z. 68f.). The same or like-named gods (also Megalai Theat) are recorded elsewhere in Messenia (e.g. SEG 11,984: Bouga; 43,163: Messene). The

sacrifice prescribed in Andania, a two-year old mother

1 G. ARRIGHETTI (ed.), Esiodo. Opere, 1998 2 W. BuRKERT, Da Omero ai Magi. La tradizione orientale

nella cultura greca,1999 3 W.FauTH,s.v. Chaos, KIP 1, r129-1130 ©6©4G.S. Kirk, J. E.RAVEN, M. SCHOFIELD,

The Presocratic Philosophers, *1983 5 C. PENGLASE, Greek Myths and Mesopotamia, 1994 6H.ScHWABL, s.v. Weltschopfung, RE Suppl. 9, 1433-1582 7Id., Die griechischen Theogonien und der Orient, in: Eléments orientaux dans la religion grecque ancienne (Colloque Strasbourg 1958), 1960, 39-56

8 F. VIAN, Le mythe de

Typhée et le probleme de ses origines orientales, in: s. [7], 17-37. 9P.WatcoT, Hesiod and the Near East, 1966 10 M.L. West, Hesiod, Theogony, 1966. GR.A.

sow, indicates female deities; while Paus. 4,26,6-27,6

only reports Megdlai Theai (> Demeter, Kore), the inscriptions distinguish between Demeter and the Megdloi Theoi |5.96-98]. Perhaps the Megaloi Theoiin Messenia indicate a cult of > Pluto and Kore (-— Perse-

phone). ~ Dardanus [2]; > Cabiri;

> Cadmus [x]; > Pantheos; ~» Samothrace (II. B.); > Serapis 1H.R.

Goetre,

Kaiserzeitliche Bildnisse von Sarapis-

Priestern, in: MDAI(K) 45, 1989, 182-186 2 A.TwarDECKI, Weihinschriften fir Hermes oder Souchos?, in:

ZPE 99, 1993, 197-202 3B.HEMBERG, Die Kabiren, 1950 4A.J. KLEYWEcrT, Varro uber die Penaten und die “Grofsen Gotter’ (Mededelingen Koninklijke Nederlandse

Theoi Megaloi, Theai Megalai (Oe0i peyahov/theoi megaloi, Oeai weyada/theai megalai, Latin di magni).

Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde N. R.

I. GENERAL

B. MULLER, Méyas Oedc, thesis Halle-Wittenberg, 1913, 281-299; S.G. CoLk, T. M., 1984; Id., The Mysteries of Samothrace during the Roman Period, in: ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 1565-1598; H.EHRHARD?, Samothrake, 1985; W.BurRKERT, Concordia discors, in: N.MARINATOS, R. HAGG (eds.), Greek Sanctuaries, 1993, 178-191. RG.

II. SAMOTHRACE

III. MESSENIA

I. GENERAL Term for a variety of deities or groups of gods in the Greek world. A distinction is made between deities or groups of gods for whom the adjective ‘great’ was used as an honorary epithet (e.g. Megalé Tyché, Theos hypsistos mégas theds) and those whose cultic nomen proprium was ‘Great God’ or ‘Great Gods’, such as the TM in Caria

(SEG

11,984;

2nd cent.

AD). Inscriptions

record a broad range of use between these two poles. Often the TM are deities or groups of gods of purely local significance, who had an especially high significance within the local hierarchy of gods (+ Pantheon [x]). Such formulas of address are frequent in Thrace and the western Black Sea region, in Asia Minor (Lydia, Galatia, Pontus) and Egypt (primarily with Serapis [1] and in the Faiyum, [2]).

35-7), 1972

5 Nitsson, GGR, vol. 2.

Theoi pantes (8e0i avtec/theoi pantes, ‘all the gods’). The gods in their entirety. They are called upon in vow formulas, oaths and prayers, and named in curses, short invocations or requests. Benedictions are offered to TP and altars are dedicated to them. The > pantheon [2] is the sacred place for the worship of their cult. The Greek composite

personal

names

Pdnthe(i)os,

Panthe(i)a,

Panthys are derived from TP. Benedictions for ‘the alldivine’, to pantheion, are connected with their cult ([1; 3. 697-703] with examples). Besides TP, the gods in

487

488

their entirety are described as pantes theoior only as hoi theoi or similar; they can be a separate entity in the named contexts but are often preceded by the naming of a god or of several gods. The cultic worship of the TP is only occasionally documented before the 3rd cent. BC. However in the 5th and 4th cents. BC, there are numerous mentions in

no. 6]), where Zeus, Athena, Artemis and the nymphs were worshipped as TP in the sth cent. BC.

oath and vow formulas and short invocations (i.a. Xen. An. 6,1,31} 7,6,18; Dem. Or. 18,1,141; Aeschin.

5 H.KNELL, Der jiingere Tempel des Apollon Patroos auf

THEOI PANTES

1,116). Parodies of official prayers for TP are found in Aristophanes (Thesm. 29 5ff.; Av. 864ff.). From the 3rd cent. BC, in the Hellenistic and Imperial Period, the cult

of TP is widespread in the Greek world — mainly in Asia Minor, but also in Syria, Egypt, on the Greek islands and in Greece itself. There is documentary evidence of altars, sanctuaries and occasionally also priests for TP, moreover a month was named Pdntheios/Pantheios, probably after an annual festival of all the gods (in Pergamum, Methymna, in Persian Antiochia [3], in Mytilene and Naples: [3.703]). For the religio-historical classification of TP in the framework of ancient > polytheism, see > Pantheos (I.). =. H. USENER,_GOt-

3K.ZIEGLER, s.y. Pantheion, RE 18.3, D.E.

Theoi patrioi (Ooi xateio/natedor, theoi pdtrioil patroioi; natovoi/patrikot: P CZ 3, 59421,2; 3rd cent. BC; [8.883]), ‘fatherly’ (inherited, native, traditional) deities; in multilingual inscriptions Lat. > patrii di (e.g. inscriptions by Cornelius Gallus in: OGIS II 654,9; 29 BC; Philae). The word patrdios in particular appears in connection with theonyms, above all for > Apollo [2; 9] and > Zeus. In many cases, the semantic differentiations made between pdtrios, patrdios, patrikos by ancient lexicographers (supporting evidence: ThGL VI 612) do not correspond to the actuai findings. The names TP as well as bomos pdtrios, taphos patrios, thysia patria, hiera patria and others refer to the identity of the individual social (political, religious)

group or group of relatives (e.g. genos, -» Phratria, + Polis, ethnic identity; a wealth of supporting evidence in [1; 3; 4; 8]) which is legitimized through (real or fictitious) religious tradition. At times, difference to a foreign group was emphasized (Hdt. 1,172: patrioi versus xeinikoi theot). Such a reference was occasion-

ally visualized through the recourse to traditional forms in temple architecture or cultic iconography (sanctuary of Apollo Patroos on the Athenian Agora: [5]). The effect was at times increased by the additional naming of ‘motherly deities’ (meétrdioi theoi) (Xen. Hell. 2,4,21; Xen. Cyn. 1,15; Lucian Peregrinus 36; cf. IG If 235). The significance of the ¢. p. in the context of Greek > colonization can be surmised [6.112-114] but the only early records are Aesch. Pers. 404 (472 BC) and an inscription from — Thasos (c. 480/70 BC: [7.447,

s.v.

Patroioi

Hepricx,

Patroos in 3 O.HOFER,

theoi,

The Temple

RE

18.4,

and

2254-2262

Cult of Apollo

in: AJA 92, 1988, 185-210 T., ROSCHER 3.2, 1684-1690 4 J. ILBERG, s.v. Patrooi theoi, ROSCHER 3.2, 1713-1717

Athens, s.v. P.

der Athener Agora, in: JDAI 109, 1994, 6 W. LescHHORN, Grinder der Stadt, 1984

217-237 7 C.RoL-

LEY, Le sanctuaire des dieux patrooi et le Thesmophorion de Thasos, in: BCH 89, 1965, 441-483 8 G.RONCHI, Lexikon theonymon rerumque sacrarum, vol. 4, 1976, 883-888 9X.pE ScHuTTER, Le culte de Apollon Patroos a Athénes, in: AC 56, 1987, 103-129.

Theologia tripertita see

M.HAA.

Theology; > Varro [2]

Theologos (6e0h6yoc/theologos, Latin theologus). Author of writings on the nature, activity and genealogy of gods. The earliest examples were considered to be Orpheus, Musaeus [1], Homer and Hesiod (Aristot. Metaph.

1 F.Jacosi, TANTE® OEOI, 1930 ternamen, 1896 697-747.

1W.ALy,

2 Cu.W.

2,4,1000a).

From

Aristotle

(Metaph.

13,4,1091a) through Cicero (Nat. D. 3,54) and Plutarch [2] (De Is. et Os. 25,360d) to Eusebius (Praep. ev. 5,14,3), the term describes philosophers who are engaged in studying the divine (theologia or theologiké). No later than the time of Plutarch (De def. or. 15,417f.) there was an official position in Delphi for a theologos, who had the duty of caring for and communicating the local cult tradition. Theologoi are encountered several times in Imperial-Period inscriptions in cities in Asia Minor: in Pergamum (e.g. [Eph Ia 22 Z. 4; 63/64: one theologos for all the temples of the city), in Smyrna (e.g. ISmyrna II 1,653; 654: pairs of sisters as theologoi in the cult of Demeter; [1.357]), in Ephesus (e.g. IEph Ia 27 Z. 295/296) and in the Thyateiran cult of the mother of the gods (TAM V 2,962). Their main task — in contrast to the hymnodes (~ Hymn) — was giving celebratory speeches in prose [1.3 8of.]. Similar functions were probably also performed by members of the Christian community (SEG 20,778; [2.355]). The Eastern Church venerates John the Evangelist (> Iohannes [r]) (IEph Ia 45 A et passim) and + Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus as theologoi, and the mystic Symeon (949-1022) as ‘New Theologian’. > Theology 1 Nirsson, GGR2 2D.Roques, Synésios de Cyréne et la Cyrénaique du Bas-Empire, 1987. L. ZIEHEN, S.v. T., RE 5 A, 2031-2033.

KL.ZI.

489

490

Theology (@eohoyia/theologia). I. GREEK-ROMAN

C. MAIN THEMES AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT The problems of divine — anthropomorphism

II. CHRISTIAN

I. GREEK-ROMAN A. CONCEPT

B. LITERARY GENRES

THEOLOGY

C. MAIN

THEMES AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT

A. CONCEPT At first it is the poets who are described by Greek philosophers as ‘theologians’ (—> theoldgos); they engage in discourse (Idgos) based on + myths about the gods (theoi), their acts and behaviour, their genealogical and dynastic evolution and the causal traits which they give to the world. In this sense > Orpheus, > Musaeus [1], ~ Homerus [1] or > Hesiodus are regarded as ‘theologians’ (Aristot. Metaph. 2,4,r000a). Yet

where the nature of the gods is supposed to be accessible to consistent rational thinking, > philosophy itself acts as theology and puts the poets in their place. In > Plato [x], Socrates [2] distinguishes two ways in which rational theology relates to theology which is handed down as a narrative: the exegete attempts to gain a hidden rational meaning from the myths available to him (> Allegoresis 5.); yet the founder of a polismust establish a normative theology, on the basis of whose principles poetry can be censored and formulated: a god is to be an initiator only of the good, not of the bad; he does not change and adopts no strange guise (Pl. Resp. 376e383c). — Aristotle [6] calls the ‘first philosophy’ (fh Tem prooodia/hé proté philosophia), whose foundations he laid down himself, the ‘theological’ philosophy (@eoroymt/theologiké, Aristot. Metaph. 6,1, 1026a), because God, as the first > principle (aitiov/ dition), is its primary subject. > Proclus [2] (5th cent. AD) defines theology as the science of the first, selfsufficient principles of all that exists (ait memtiotai Goyal tov bvtwv/hai protistai archai ton bnton); according to him, Plato was special as a theologian in that he found the first principle beyond the ascending rank of body, soul and spirit (Procl. theologia Platonica 1,3). B. LITERARY GENRES Rational ideas about the gods are part of comprehensive Greek concepts about the world, nature and the cosmos (— Heraclitus [1]: 22 A 1 DK; 22 B 67 DK; Pl.

Ti.), about politics and ethics (Pl. Euthphr.; Resp.; Leg.), about being as that which exists (Aristot. Metaph. 12); or they make up monographs (Protagoras fr. 80 B 4 DK). In the philosophical schools, authoritative theologies were formed from the writings of the masters and defended against objections from other schools (> Philosophy, Teaching of); the theological debate lent itself to confrontation and comparison (Cic. Nat. D.). Many philosophers composed hymns to gods (+ Cleanthes [2], > Proclus [2]).

(> Xenophanes) and the > hermeneutics of the texts which tell stories of the gods are among the issues discussed in Plato which shape theological literature to this day. Furthermore, proof of the existence of God had to be presented to (explicit or only practical) atheists. Thus, in Plato’s Laws, on the basis of his experience with people who do not believe in the existence of gods, in their participation in human affairs or in their incorruptibility, the Athenian main speaker considers it necessary that a body of laws has to contain a preamble which is well-disposed to such a belief in gods. The existence of the gods can be proven on the basis of a general theory of > motion: they are the beings who move other things without being moved by them, but rather move themselves. The doctrine on virtue leads to the other two theologoumena (Pl. Leg. 10; > virtue). While Plato can combine the interests of the founders of a state and the intentions of rational theologians, this cannot be easily done with citizens of a state which already exists and has working religious institutions. In a division of theology into three parts, mainly handed down by > Varro [2], civic theology is seen as separate, even

though it is influenced by natural and mythical theology (theologia tripertita: Varro, Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 6-12 CARDAUNS). The configuration and conservation of the universe is also traced back through myths to the work of the gods, and Plato interprets this achievement, too, as emi-

nently rational and good and as the basis of political order. In the Timaeus, one of his dialogues, he has the eponymous interlocutor mention a large number of gods (Pl. Ti. 39b-41a). The Demiurge (+ démiourgés [3]), the creator of the world, who is a purely spiritual being, mixes the soul of the universe from several ingre-

dients, configures space, which is imagined as diffusely mouldable, into configurations of regular bodies and these into a kind of spherical universal body. He joins body and soul together forever and thus produces another, created god (PI. Ti. 34a-b). Additional gods are part of this world, who reveal their capabilities, e.g. creating human beings (Pl. Ti. 42e-47e). From the demiourgos, ~ Numenius [6] distinguishes the god who rests within himself, is harmonious and does not

produce anything. He thus arrives at a Platonic triad: goodness itself — the good creator — the beautiful cosmos (frr. 16-22 DES PLacEs). Independently from this does Plato’s discussion of the Demiurge, the Demiurge’s rational plans and reasoning as well as of the unchangeable, spiritual archetype to which the world that is to be created is supposed to correspond, offer points of departure and of contrast for the Christian theology of the Creation (Justin. 1 Apol. 59; Orig. de principiis 1,1,3; 2,1,4). In a succinct succession of arguments Aristotle’s [6]

Metaphysics contains the doctrine of God whose existence is perfection. It is the main part of the science of

THEOLOGY

492

491

that which exists and is developed by Aristotle for the free citizen, who is to pursue knowledge as an end in itself. The pure spirit is active and living, but is immovable with regard to change; the subject of its thinking is nothing but thinking itself. This God is sought by all others as the blissful Supreme Being and is therefore the final cause of the movement of the entire cosmos. Like Plato, Aristotle is still intent on identifying God as the principle of movement for the cosmos, but for him the” “Prime (or Unmoved) Mover’ (tO mo@tov xivovv cxivy-

tov/to préton kinoitin akinéton, Aristot. Metaph. 10734, f. 1012b) as the Blissful One no longer has any intentional course of action to pursue with regard to the cosmos; rather the purpose of the latter — in the movement of heavenly bodies and in the thinking of rational beings — is centred on God. The equation of the three constituents of thought (thinking subject, activity of thought, thought object) and their elevation to a pure divine act (actus purus) attracted intense interest in the

theology of the Trinity and the philosophy of the spirit in the Middle Ages. ~» Cleanthes [2] of Assus outlines one of the numerous Stoic arguments for the existence of gods from the postulate that there are beings who far exceed humans in life span, intelligence and efficacy: one being must be the most perfect in the world, and man, as a being tyrannized by his body, cannot be that one; thus a divine being remains as the only possibility (SVF I 529; > Stoicism). This and the above-mentioned Platonic argument characterize the wide variety of cosmological proofs of the existence of God which > Sextus Empiricus distinguishes from three other types: the arguments on the basis of the consensus of all people, the proofs that absurdities follow from the negation of the divine, and the refutations of counter-arguments (Sext. Emp. Ady. math. 9,92). The Stoics contrast the one ra-

tional god who pervades the world as a whole with the individual gods. The > Epicurean School assumes that there are gods (cf. Epicurus Epistula ad Menoeceum), ascribes human

shape to them — even though the refinement of the atomic composition of their bodies is seen as far exceeding that of all other corporeal beings —and possibly even allows them to be discerned by the human senses (but cf. Epicurus fr. 17,4 ARRIGHETTI). On the other hand,

the gods in their blissful happiness are not affected by the events in the human or other physical worlds, do not influence them and therefore do not have to be feared or pacified (+ Epicurus C.). In a profoundly enlightening tone, > Lucretius [III 1] attempts to make this theology of free human beings accessible to the Romans: only those who completely avoid using the gods e. g. as a reason behind meteorological events can perform religious service with peace of mind and accept the schemes coming from the gods as reasonable ideas (Lucr. 6,4391). The Stoic -» Seneca [2] likewise opposes the belief that the gods are capable and at times even willing to harm humans, or that one can negotiate with them through ritual; nevertheless he does not like to deny that

the gods, in their loving kindness, care about humans — also in a punitive manner, if necessary (Sen. Ep. 95,4750). He pursues natural philosophy out of natural piety (Sen. Q Nat. praef.). The rational mind (spiritus, animus) is therefore a god within us, and through its striving connects us with the archetype and role model of divine life (Epist. 41). In a great debate, Cicero had previously put forward a synthesis of Stoic theology: the gods exist and, gifted with immortal bodies and reason, act as the cosmos itself and as cosmic and earthly powers. They rule the cosmos through providence (provtdentia) to the benefit of all beings, and in important matters take special care of human beings (Nat. D. 2). Cicero here hints that this theology — unlike that of the Epicureans (Nat. D. 1) — corresponds best in its dogma to the authoritative customary Roman state religion. Yet in the conclusion to the dialogue, all the arguments for the individual theologoumena are questioned from an Academic-Sceptic position (Nat. D. 3), so that a theology based on rationally reasoned argument, even if it appears affirmative, actually seems to raise doubts about religion rather than underpin it. + Plotinus presents thoughts on theology in many of his tracts (cf. e.g. Plot. Enneades 3,2f. on > theodicy). Even when he speaks about a first principle, the One (hén), which can barely be described, he becomes theological in tone by using the masculine personal pronoun in addition to the neutral for the One. Through his philosophy he strives for the oneness of the human being with the divine principle (agi Svtoc, Bedc/arché Ontos, theds;

Enneades

6,9,9);

in this

respect

it can

be

described as ‘mystical’ theology. From 211 propositions and their respective proofs, Proclus puts together The Elements of Theology (Stoicheidsis theologike). In it he prefaces the views concerning the gods (from propositio 113) with comprehensive groundwork: the cosmos is designed as a structure of participating relationships between unity and multiplicity, causal reality and dependent reality. At the same time, Proclus takes up ideas from the Platonic and Aristotelian traditions on the principles of movement, thinking, order and goodness. A richly diverse multitude of divine beings, arranged in hierarchical order, act as intercessors between the first principle (the One and Good) and the souls of human beings. Plato’s dialogue Parmenides forms the basis of theology as a theory of principles which after Proclus was later also formulated by > Damascius. This tradition influenced the Christian Middle Ages mainly through the Liber de causis (— Aristotelianism D.) which reproduced The Elements of Theol-

ogy. + Atheism;

- Cosmology;

+ Metaphysics;

- Mono-

theism (IV.); -» Neoplatonism; + Philosophy; > Principle; + Religion; > Soul, Theory of the; + Theodicy; +> METAPHYSICS; -> PLATONISM; — RELIGION, CRI-

TIQUE OF W.BEIERWALTES, Plotins philosophische Mystik, in: M.Scumipt (ed.), Grundfragen christlicher Mystik, 1987, 39-49; S.BRoADIE, Rational Theology, in: A.A.

494

493 Lone (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Early Greek Philosophy, 1999, 205-224; A.J. Fesruciere, Pour l’histoire du mot Seodoyia, in: id., La Révélation d’Hermés Trismégiste, vol. 2, 1949 (repr. 1981 and later), 598-605; D.Frepe, A.Laxs, Traditions of Theology, 2002; T. DE Koninck, Aristotle on God as Thought Thinking Itself, in: L.P. Gerson (ed.), Aristotle. Critical Assessments, vol. I, 1999, 365-402; H.J. KrAmer, Der Ursprung der

Geistmetaphysik. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Platonismus zwischen Platon und Plotin, 1964; J. MANSFELD, Theology, in: K. Arcra et al. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Hellenistic Philosophy, 1999, 452-478; S. MENN, Plato on God as “Nous”, 1995; La notion du divin depuis Homeére jusqu’a Platon (Entretiens 1), 1954; M. SANTORO (ed.), Demetrio Lacone, La forma del dio (PHerc. 1055),

2000; A.PH. SEGONDS, C. STEEL (ed.), Proclus et la Théo-

logie Platonicienne

(Actes du Colloque

International,

Louvain 1998), 2000.

Il. CHRISTIAN A. CONCEPT

FORMS

B. INSTITUTIONAL

C.CONTENTS

CONTEXT

AND

D. RECEPTION

A. CONCEPT Only with some delay was the Greek term theologia

(verb: theologein) adopted by Christian authors to describe the systematic reflection and teachings regarding the Christian discourse on God. While Christians had used this term to describe mythical or hymnic discourse on God in the 2nd cent. (e.g. Isidorus [4] in Clem. Al. strom. 6,53,5; cf. 5,21,4), an emphasis on teaching can be established from the 3rd cent. (e.g. Clem. Al. Strom. 1,176,1f.; 5,56,3; Orig. contra Celsum 2,71). To > Ori-

genes [2],prayers and songs of praise also count as as theologein (scholium to the HL 7,1). > Eusebius [7] was the first to write an Ecclesiastical Theology (De ecclesiastica theologia; against - Marcellus [4] of Ancyra). Theologia can now be used to precisely describe the doctrine of God or rather the > Trinity, in contrast to oikonomia, i.e. the doctrine of the Incarna-

tion and of Jesus’s acts of Salvation (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 1,1,7). For > Evagrius [1] Ponticus, the contemplation

of the Trinity, as the highest form of insight, is theologia.

B. INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT AND FORMS The use of the term theologia does not convey an adequate idea of the extent and significance of theological reflection in ancient Christianity. Christian theology arose in the free Christian schools of the 2nd cent. There, Christianity was imparted as > philosophy in the ancient sense, i.e. as teaching which conveys the mandatory information about God, the world and the correct way for humans to live their lives. There are four main forms of ancient Christian theology which are strongly interconnected: a) In apologetics (+ Apologists), pagan religion was interpreted as reprehensible, demonically inspired mythology, and pagan philosophy as incomplete knowledge of the truth and a preparation for Christianity. Under reference to the OT, Christianity was presented

THEOLOGY

as the original perfect truth upon which all later truth depends and whose fulfillment is incarnated in the Christ Logos (> légos [1] G.). b) The authoritative writings of the Old and New Testaments, bounded by the > canon [1] V., were annotated in > exegesis. From beginnings in > Basileides [2], > Papias and Heracleon, a culmination is found in the works of Origen: his Bible commentaries adapted the methods of Hellenistic > philology (I. C.-F.) to Christianity. > Marcion formulated the first theologically founded concept of the canon. Contradictions in the Biblical canon could be dealt with through the development of allegorical > hermeneutics/— allegoresis (Origen). Exegesis was imparted to the laity through —> sermons. c) In anti-heretical + polemics, deviant teachings were defined, classified and refuted: the text Adversus haereses by — Irenaeus [2] of Lyons marks a first flourishing of > heresiology. The appropriate doctrine, the so-called ‘rule of faith’ (regula fidei), was repeatedly formulated in various short forms to delimit — heresy. It is the fore-runner of the later creeds. d) Problem-based reflection on Christian discipline soon set in both with regard to personal life (> Ascetism; cf. e.g. > Clement [3] of Alexandria, > Tertullian), and to the teaching of the Christian > Church, the conditions for admission, exclusion and re-admittance into its community (cf. e.g. + Cyprian [2] of Carthage). Origen’s work [2], handed down in fragments, represents the climax of the early phase of Christian theology: his text Contra Celsum is the most important treatise of Christian apologetics, his text Peri archén (On First Principles; cf. the similarly entitled works of ~ Longinus [1] and > Damascius) outlines a theological system developed from exegesis, heresiology and experimental speculation, which explains how God leads the free soul to the proper perfect life (— Soul, Theory of the). In the Imperial Church inaugurated by > Constantine [1] the Great, Christian teaching was increasingly standardized. Heresiological work concentrated on the formulation and defence of creeds. The Nicene Creed (+ Nicaenum), the declaration of the first Imperial Synod of Nicea [5] (AD 325; > synodos II.), became

binding in the course of the 4th cent.; orthodox teaching was supposed to explicate and defend the doctrines prescribed in Nicea [5] against heretical innovation. Proof based on tradition came to dominate theology; theological positions were supported with florilegia, i.e. quotations from writings by theologians who were recognized as orthodox. The exegetical works became -» catenae which compiled quotations from the preceding Biblical commentaries on the respective passage in the text. In the ascetic lay movement of > monasticism with its various forms of organization, reflection on ascetic practice developed into a monastic theology (e.g. Iohannes + Cassianus), which took up and developed the pastoral-ascetic concerns of the pagan (e.g. Stoic or Platonic) and Christian schools of Late Antiquity.

THEOLOGY

495

C. CONTENTS In the fertile early phase of Christian theology (2nd— 3rd cents.) almost all later topics were already being dealt with, e.g. whether the father of Jesus Christ is identical with the law-giving and creator god of the OT (+ Marcion), whether and how Jesus actually became human and whether he saves the entire human being or only a spiritual core (~ Gnosis), whether Christ existed before his human incarnation as the > logos of the Father (pre-existence) and what the relationship of the ‘Pre-existing One’ to the Father was. Finally, the doctrine of the ‘creation from nothing’ (Latin creatio ex nihilo) was developed. The doctrine of the Trinity became a disputed issue in the Imperial Church of the 4th cent., especially in the East (+ Trinity;

496 -» Bible; » Christianity; + Church Fathers; > Exegesis; » Heresiology; + Literature (VI.); > Philosophy (C.4.); > Polemics; > THEOLOGY; — Tolerance H.CuHapwick,

s.v. Florilegium,

RAC

7, 1969,

1131-

1160; G. EBELING, s. v. Theologie I. Begriffsgeschichtlich, RGG

6, 1962, 754-769;

A. GRILLMEIER, Jesus der Chri-

stus im Glauben der Kirche, vols. 1-2.4, 1979 ff.; P. Hapot, Wege zur Weisheit oder was lehrt uns die antike Philosophie?, 1999; F.KATTENBUSCH, Die Entstehung einer christlichen Theologie, in: Zeitschrift fir Theologie und Kirche 38, 1930, 161-205; A.Le BouLLuec, La notion

d’hérésie dans la littérature grecque.

Ie-I[e siécles, 2

vols., 1985; C.SCHOLTEN, Die alexandrinische Katechetenschule, in: JbAC 38, 1995, 16-37; B.StruDER, Schola

Christiana. Die Theologie zwischen

Nizaéa und Chalce-

don, 1998.

W.LO.

> Arianism): an orthodoxy based on

the Nicene Creed (— Nicaenum) gained acceptance, according to which all three persons of the Trinity (Father, Son, and Holy Ghost) have a single Being (ovoia/ousia)

regardless of their actual separate identities. The subsequent Christological argument, in which the Nicene Creed was accepted as a basic principle on all sides, was concerned with adhering to the humanity of Jesus Christ while defending the unity of the Trinity. The council of > Calchedon (AD 451; cf. > synodos II.) did not arrive at a solution, and the Christian ecumene

broke up into confessional churches. ~ Tertullianus [2] was important to the formulation of the doctrine of the Trinity in the West. > Augustinus thought through almost all areas of theology independently and founded new terminologies and traditions for debate, partly in implicit and explicit confrontation with Neo-Platonist positions. He developed his doctrine of the Church and of the sacraments in dispute with the schismatic Donatists (> Donatus [1]). His exegesis of Paul interpreted the meaning of the doctrine of original sin (+ Predestination, Theory of) to justify the sovereign predestinating divine grace, and provoked the pastorally motivated criticism of the lay theologian > Pelagius [4]. D. RECEPTION

The history of reception of ancient Christian theology is to a large extent identical with the history of Christian theology and therefore represents an excellent case of continuity, broken many times, from Antiquity to the present day. The Reformation marked one such break, as it systematically called into question the authority of the consensus tradition by reference to the

Theolytus (@2d)ut0c; Thedlytos) from Methymna (on Lesbos). Undatable author of Bakchika épé (‘Bacchic Songs’) on the love of the sea god Glaucus [1] for Ariadne (three hexameters in Ath. 7,296a-b). Perhaps identical with the author of the Héroi (‘Annals’; cf.

schol. Apoll. Rhod. 11,470b. 1 CollAlex fr.1

5 A, 2033

1,623-626)

2FHG4,515

mentioned

in Ath.

3£E.Drent,s.v. T., RE

4M.Fantuzzi, Epici ellenistici, in: K. Z1EG-

LER, L’epos ellenistico, 1988, LXXXVIf.

5.FO

Theomestor (Qeounotwo; Theoméstor). Son of Andro-

damas from Samos, as a triérarchos in the Persian navy at the battle of > Salamis [1] in 480 BC he sank Greek ships and was therefore installed as tyrant in Samos after Aeaces [2] (Hdt. 8,85). Without his knowledge the Samians negotiated with the Greek navy (Hdt. 9,90; cf. 9,103). When the Greeks assembled in Samos after their victory at Mycale in 479 (Hdt. 9,106), there is no fur-

ther mention of T. H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 115 f.; 588; L.pe LrBerRo, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 309; 415; G. Suipey, A History of Samos, 1987, 108 f. j.co

Theomnastus (Qeduvactoc; Thedmnastos). Prominent citizen of Syracuse, an adherent 73-71 BC of C. ~ Verres, for whom he had honorary decrees declared and taxes collected (Cic. Verr. 2,2,50 f.; 2,3,101); in thanks T. became (by cheating in the drawing of lots: 2,2,126 f.) a priest of Zeus in Syracuse and was allowed

to enrich himself in the purple trade (2,4,59). In 70 BC, after a short-lived resistance against investigations by Cicero, who

presents T. as mad, T. lost nerve

and

Bible as the Word of God. Furthermore, since the En-

handed over to him a list of valuable objects in Verres’

lightenment it has been open to question what ancient Christian theology can contribute to theological discourses, which have to answer — implicitly or explicitly —to the forum of modern reason. While apologetics and heresiology are scarcely capable of being received directly, ancient interpretation of the Bible (— Allegoresis) appears to be increasingly heeded again with the trend for hermeneutic pluralism overcoming the confines of historical exegesis.

possession (2,4,148 f.).

JOR.

Theomnestus (Oeduvyotod/Theommnéstos). [1] Athenian, accused by Lysitheus of cowardice after

the battle of Corinthus (in 394 BC) in an action of + dokimasia (epangelia dokimasias) or ‘scrutiny’. By being convicted T. was unable to appear as a rhetor in the People’s Assembly, but managed to have the verdict quashed by means of an action for false witness against

7,

498

Dionysius. Against a renewed accusation of cowardice raised by Theon T. proceeded with an action of defamation (diké kakégorias; > Kakegoria) and succeeded. He was then charged with defamation, however, by a further witness he had accused of patricide. The accuser’s speech was written by > Lysias [x] (Lys. Or. ro, excerpt in Or. rr). TRAILL, PAA 508670. M.HILitGRuser (ed.), Die zehnte Rede des Lysias, 1988 (with comm.). WS.

[2] Greek veterinary author, c. 320 AD, friend of an emperor, possibly Valerius Licinianus Licinius [II 4], having accompanied him one icy February on a journey from Carinthia to Italy (Corpus Hippiatricorum Graecorum 1,183). He was military veterinary surgeon and

evidently took an interest in physiological questions. In his writings, lost apart from a number of fragments and a still unpublished Arabic manuscript kept in Istanbul, he reworked > Apsyrtus [2]. ~ Hippiatrica; > Veterinary medicine V.N. Theon (Qéwv; Thé6n). [1] T. of Samos was a Greek painter of the Hellenistic Period, who was active around and after 300 BC. His skill as a creator of images and the successful way in which his paintings were composed were praised in handbooks of rhetoric (e.g. Quint. Inst. 12,10,6) as examples to be followed. The viewer’s creative imagination and intuitive understanding were meant to be stimulated at the same time by means of the artistic phantasia (Lat. ingenium, ‘image creation’; > Phantasia), so that the viewer might imagine even invisible things. A painting by T. described in Ael. VH 2,44 featured a single warrior, whose dramatic gestures, posture and facial expression must have evoked associations of violent single combat in war. This is complemented by the anecdotal account, according to which a trumpeter sounded calls to battle increase the effect when the painting was shown to an audience. Other works, of which none have survived, depicted the blinded lyre-player » Thamyris and > Orestes [1], insane after the matricide. T. has been occasionally identified with his contemporary Theorus cited in Plin. HN 35,144, because of a similarity between the themes of their paintings. P. Moreno, Elementi di pittura ellenistica, in: A. ROUVERET (ed.), L’Italie méridionale et les premiéres expériences de la peinture hellenistique, 1998, 7-67; Id., s. v. T. (2),

EAA 7, 1966, 817; J.J. Pottirr, The Ancient View of Greek Art, 1974, 456 (Index); I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994, 221 (Index). N.H.

[2] Comedy writer of the 3rd cent. BC, only attested in inscriptions; Lenaean victor. 1 PCG VU, 1989, 699.

B.BA.

[3] From around 50 until approximately 41 BC, ~ dioikétés of Egypt under Ptolemy XIII [20] and Cleopatra VII [II 12].

THEON

L.Mooren,

The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt,

1975, 141 no. 0178.

W.A.

[4] Alexandrian grammarian of the Augustan Period, son of the grammarian > Artemidorus [4] of Tarsus (cf. Herodian. De prosodia catholica, GG 3,1,502,14), pre-

decessor of + Apion as the head of a grammar school in Alexandria [1] (cf. Suda s. v. “Amimv). Author of an encyclopaedia of the comic and tragic styles (AéEeig xmutxat/Léxeis komikai; cf. Hsch. Epist. ad Eulogium 3-4 Latte) and of extensive erudite commentaries (extant only in fragments [1]) on Homerus [1], Pindarus [2], Sophocles [1], Callimachus [3], Lycophron [5], Theocritus, Apollonius [2] Rhodius and Nicander [4], which

strongly influenced later commentaries on the Hellenistic poets. 1C.GuHL, Die Fragmente des alexandrinischen Grammatikers T., 1969 2C.WENDEL, s.v. T. (9), RE 5 A,

2054-2059.

GR.DA.

[5] Mathematician and philosopher from Smyrna, early 2nd cent. AD. T. must have been a contemporary of Hadrian: he cited, as latest authors, Tiberius’ court astrologer Thrasyllus [2] and the Peripatetic Adrastus [3], without mentioning — Ptolemaeus’ [65] ‘Almagest’. Ptolemaeus attributed to T. the observations of Venus and Mercury from the years 127, 129, 130 and 132 (Almagest 9,9; 10,1; 10,2). Presumably, the ‘old T.’, cited by T. [8] of Alexandria in his commentary on the Almagest, is identical with T. [5]. A bust from Hadrian’s time, found in Smyrna, bears the inscription Oéwva Tdatwvxov pirdoopov (Thédna Platonikon philosophon “T., the Platonic philosopher’) — accordingly, T. was also known as a philosopher. Ta xata tO pabnuatixov yeroua sig THY HAGtwMvoc

avayvmow (Ta kata to mathématikon chresima eis tén Platonos andgnosin, ‘The mathematical knowledge needed to read Plato’) is the only extant work by T. (ed. [1] and [3]). It is especially valuable, because it quotes from older sources. In spite of its title, the treatise is not a commentary on mathematical passages in Plato’s [1] dialogues, but a general introduction to > mathematics for students of Plato’s philosophy. The first part deals mainly with arithmetic and music. In the arithmetic section, T. tackles, like -- Nicomachus [9] of Gerasa, the division of numbers into even and odd numbers, prime and composite numbers, square and non-square numbers, and others. Of special interest is the section on the side- and diagonal-numbers, which does not have a correspondent in Nicomachus’ work. The section on » music describes instrumental music, music intervals

and the harmony of the Universe (> Spheres, harmony of). T. cites, among others, Thrasyllus, > Adrastus [3], Aristoxenus [1], -> Hippasus [5], - Eudoxus [1] and Plato [1]. The second part of the work, about > astronomy, is much more extensive and significant. It focuses on the following topics: evidence for the spherical shape of the Earth; calculation of the Earth’s circumference; division of the sky; peculiarities and movements of the fixed

499

500

stars and planets; description and explanation of solar and lunar eclipses (— Eclipses). T. deals with epicycle and eccentric, showing their equivalence; he also describes the system of the homocentric spheres used by + Eudoxus, > Callippus [5] and > Aristoteles [6]. The work concludes with an excerpt from the history of astronomy by > Eudemus [3]. Other works by T., e.g. acommentary on Plato’s [1] works, are lost [5]. — Astronomy C.; -» Mathematics; > Music IV.

ander [4] and Ctesias. T. disapproved of the Asianist school (+ Asianism) and shows signs of influence by Stoic philosophy.

THEON

1 H.Duputs (ed.), Théon de Smyrne philosophe Platonicien, Exposition des connaissances mathématiques utiles

Ep1TIoNs: M.PATILLON,

1997 (with detailed introduc-

tion, Armenian text, French translation); R. Butts, 1986 (with commentary and English translation). TRANSLATIONS: D.RECHE MARTINEZ, 1991 (Spanish); G.A.KENNEDY, 1999 (Engl.). LITERATURE: I. LANA, Quintiliano, il Sublime e gli Esercizi preparatori di Elio Teone, 1951; M. GRONEWALD, Ein Fragment aus T.s Progymnasmata, in: ZPE 24, 1977,

23 f.; G.ULUHOGIAN,

La versione armena dei ‘Progym-

nasmata’ di Teone, in: Eikasmos 9, 1998,219-224.

M.W.

pour la lecture de Platon, 1892 (with French transl.; re-

print 1966)

2T.L. Hearn, A History of Greek Math-

ematics, vol. 2, 1921, 238-244

3 E.HILvEr (ed.), Theo-

nis Smyrnaei philosophi Platonici Expositio rerum mathematicarum ad legendum Platonem utilium, 1878 (reprint 1995) 4G.L. Hux ey, s. v. T. of Smyrna, in: GILLISPIE 13,325 f. 5K.VON FRITZ, s. v. T. (14), RE 5 A, 20672075. M.F.

[6] Greek orator and author of the oldest surviving treatise on rhetorical > progymnasmata. Based on inner criteria and coincidences with Quintilianus [1], the work dates most likely to the rst cent. AD. Quintilianus quotes at least once a certain orator T. (Quint.

Inst. 3,6,38; maybe 9,3,76 as well). The Suda mentions acertain Aelius T. from Alexandria, author of commentaries on Xenophon, Isocrates and Demosthenes [2], and of specialized treatises on rhetoric and grammar, who has also written about the progymndsmata. Des-

pite the fact that this was a common name, it would appear that they refer to the same person; T. is most likely to be dated to the rst cent. AD. The extant treatise is the most sophisticated and elaborate treatment of this subject. A general introduction, which testifies to didactic experience and sensible pedagogic insight, precedes the analysis of 15 progymnasmata, of which only the first nine and the beginning

of the tenth are extant in the Greek original; the rest can be found in an Armenian translation of the 6th cent. According to T., exercises 11 to 15 (reading, listening,

paraphrasing, elaborating, generating reasons to explain an opposing view) should be gradually introduced by the teacher alongside exercises 1 to 10. The original sequence of the exercises had been mixed up in the surviving text, which is dependent on a single archetype, written after c. 850. If one re-establishes their original order, which is possible with the help of references in the text and translation, T.’s pedagogical principle of progression from the easier to the more difficult element is obvious. This is complemented by the insight that the teacher should continuously bear in mind the different degrees of talent of the students. The work altogether was not intended as a textbook for pupils; it aimed to help teachers as a guide and to be useful to ambitious readers. T. shows repeatedly to be independent in his definitions of the progymndsmata; his numerous examples are taken from Homerus [1] and the Attic authors (except for the tragedians); he also quotes Men-

[7| T. of Alexandria. Doctor and writer on hygiene of

the 2nd—3rd quarter of the 2nd cent. AD. Self-taught, he wrote a treatise in four books on gymnastics, which described the beneficial effect of each type of exercise on health (cf. Galen, CMG V,4,2,92 f.) in detail. If he is the anonymous opponent of + Galen (Gal. Thrasybulus 46: 5,895 K.), then his successful method of massage and body training must have been directed against the merely theoretical observations of -» Hippocrates [6]. Th. distinguished between training suitable for athletes V.N. and general exercises for health. [8} Mathematician and astronomer from Alexandria [1], 2nd half of the 4th cent. AD. I. LIFE AND work II. LATER RECEPTION I. LIFE AND WORK The life of T. can be dated from chronological notes found in his extant works: in AD 364, he observed two

+ eclipses in Alexandria; other calculations relate to the years 360 and 377. The Suda article (2,702 Adler) mentions T. during the time of Emperor + Theodosius [2] 1 (379-395). T.’s daughter was the philosopher and mathematician - Hypatia, whose violent death (415) T. probably did not live to see. T. taught mathematics and astronomy in Alexandria. His extant writings deal with the fundamental works of — Euclides [3] and > Ptolemaeus [65] on mathematics and astronomy respectively. T.’s most detailed work is his commentary on Ptolemaeus’ Almagest in 13 books. Book 11 is lost, of book 5 only a fragment has survived; other books are probably incomplete (edn. of books 1-4: [6]; the rest is only available in [1]). The Almagest was probably not a separate, autonomous commentary, but a continuation and supplement of - Pappus’ commentary. The work is probably an edition of T.’s lectures. It is especially important because of its quotations from mathematical and astronomical writings that are lost, such as > Zenodorus’ treatise on isoperimetric figures. T. also wrote two commentaries on Ptolemaeus’ [65] (Il. A.3.) Handy Tables. These presented convenient procedures for calculating the position of celestial bodies [8]. In the longer commentary (edn.: [4]), T. explains how the tables can be used, and why and how they were compiled. The shorter commentary (edn.: [7]) was written for those students who were not inter-

501

5O2

ested in geometrical proof and is confined to the ‘instructions’. T. also prepared editions of Greek works of the natural sciences. His focus was not on a philologically faithful rendition of these works, but on the creation of a plain and consistent text intended as a foundation for teaching. T.’s editions concerned works by Euclid (Elements, Data, Optics and — attributed to Euclid — Catoptrics; cf. [3. 139-148, 174-180]) and Ptolemy’s Handy Tables. In the case of the Elements, it was not until the roth cent. that a MS not based on T. was found (— Euclides [3] C.); the other works of Euclid are extant in the form of several other MSS, which do not go back to the edition by T. The Suda mentions (now lost) writings of T. on astrology and divination, as well as a “Treatise on the small astrolabe’ (— astrolabium). Arabic sources also

attribute to hima writing entitled ‘On the work with the astrolabe’; therefore it seems that T. knew the planispheric astrolabe, which was common among the Arabs and in the West during the Middle Ages (on its early history, cf. [5]). Il. LATER RECEPTION

Although T. was not a significant scientist, his writings and editions proved very influential. Through his editions the Handy Tables reached the Arabic-Islamic astronomers, and from them (through al-Battani and

the Toledan Tables) Western Europe in the r2th cent. T.’s commentaries on the Almagest and the Handy Tables were highly influential in Byzantium and prompted Stephanus of Alexandria (cf. > Stephanus [9]) to write a commentary on the Handy Tables. A remark in T.’s shorter commentary on the Handy Tables, about the idea of ‘certain astrologers’ that the vernal point described a regular forward and backward movement on the > ecliptic, led Habas al-Hasib (in c. 850) and other Arabic astronomers in Baghdad to the formulation of theories and models on the movement of the vernal point. In the 12th cent., such ideas reached Western Europe through Muslim Spain (az-Zarqallu). The socalled trepidation theory was adopted in Western Europe in the ‘Alfonsine Tables’ and appeared (until the 16th cent.) in various forms in the works of PEURBACH, Johannes WERNER and COPERNICUS. — Astrolabium; - Astronomy; ~ Mathematics 1S.Grynaeus

(ed.), Claudii

Ptolemaei

structionis (= Megdlés syntdxeos) Alexandrini

in eosdem

Magnae

Con-

... lib. XII. Theonis

commentariorum

lib. XI, Basel

1538 2 T.L. Heatu, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 1, 1921, 58-63, 360 f.; vol. 2, 1921, 526-528 3J.L. Herero, Literargeschichtliche Studien tiber Euklid, 1882 4 J.Mocenet, A. TIHON (ed.), Le ‘Grand Commentaire’ de T. d’Alexandrie aux Tables Faciles de Ptolémée, 2 vols., 1985-1991 (with French transl.) 5 O. NEUGEBAUER,

The Early History of the Astrolabe, in: Isis 40, 1949, 240256 6 A.Rome, Commentaires de Pappus et de T. d’Alexandrie sur |’Almageste, vols. 2 and 3, 1936-1943 7 A. TrHoN (ed.), Le ‘Petit Commentaire’ de T. d’Alexandrie aux Tables Faciles de Ptolémée, 1978 (with French

transl.)

THEOPHANES

8 A. T1Hon, T. d’Alexandrie et les Tables faciles

de Ptolémée, in: AIHS 35, 1985, 106-123 9G.]J. Toomer, s. v. T. of Alexandria, in: GILLISPIE 13, 321-325 10 K. Z1eEGLER, s. v. T. (15), RE 5 A, 2075-2080. M.-F.

[9] Greek physician, probably 4th or 5th cent. AD. As an + archiatros in > Alexandria [1], he wrote Anthropos (‘Man’), a short textbook of medicine, of which there is a summary by > Photius (Bibl. cod. 22). The

book contains a list of therapeutic procedures, all arranged ‘from head to foot’ and followed by a section on simple and composed remedies, as well as by a selection of cures from the older authors. VN.

Theophane (Ocodavyn; Theophdné). Beautiful and desired daughter of —> Bisaltes [2], turned by Poseidon into a sheep with which he in the form of a ram fathers the golden ram which carries > Phrixus and > Helle over the sea (Hyg. Fab. 3; 188; Ov. Met. 6,117).

CABL

Theophanes (Qeopavne/Theophanés). [1] T. of Mytilene. Close confidant and historiographer of Pompey (— Pompeius [I 3]). As a recently-discovered inscription [1. 377-383] shows, T., the son of Hieroitas, was already active as prytanis at > Mytilene (FGrH 188 T 1) before making the acquaintance of Pompey, whom he accompanied on the campaign against > Mithridates [6] in 67 BC (T 2). He received Roman citizenship from Pompey in 62 BC (cf. Cic. Arch. 24 = T 3a) at an army gathering, and he therefore appears inIG XII 2, 150 as Cn. Pompeius T. Thanks to his efforts, Mytilene regained its independence (T 4), for which reason T. was consecrated after his death (terminus ante quem 36 BC) as Theos Zeus eleuthérios philopatris Theophdanes (‘Divine Zeus the Deliverer, T. the patriot’: IG XII, 163b). His descendants were still playing an important part in Roman public life in the 2nd cent. AD. Various statements attest to the important influence T. exercised on Pompey: Str. 12,2,3 = T 1; Plut. Pomp. Ag mista lies Ca ClowAtt ayes gu= 8lar Caccm be Cly, 3,18,3-5 =T 8b. Itis said to have been at T.’ suggestion that Pompey sought refuge in Egypt (Plut. Pomp. 76,6-9 = T 8d). Cicero was still in touch with him in 44 BC (UaNinisacte anceps iste) The title, structure and chronological extent of T.’ work on Pompey are unknown. However, because Cicero (T 3a) was already referring to T. as scriptorem rerum suarum (‘writer of his [sc. Pompey] history’) in 62 BC, it is evident (pace the contrary opinion of [2], who misinterprets this passage) that ‘this was a hastilydrafted polemic with a practical political purpose’ [3]. The purpose of propaganda can hardly be doubted in view of T 1-4 and fragment 1, in spite of the fact that the seven surviving fragments (mostly via Strabo) with the exception of fragment 1 offer only geographical descriptions. The reconstruction of the work conducted by [2] on the basis of Str. Books rx and 12 is exceedingly hypothetical.

THEOPHANES Ep.: FGrH 188.

of Mytilene:

504

503 1 V.I. ANAsTasrApis, G.A.Sourts, T.

A New Inscription Relating to His Early

Career, in: Chiron 22, 1992 2R.LAQueEuR,s. v. T. (1), RE 5 A, 2090-2127 3 F.JacoBy, Kommentar zu FGrH

188, 1930, 614-618

4P.P&DECH, Deux grecs face a

Rome au 1“ siécle av. J.-C.: Méthrodore de Scepsis et T. de Mytiléne, in: REA 9, 1991, 65-78.

K.MEL.

[2] T. Homologetes (©. ‘Opodroyntiyc/Th. Homologetes, Lat. T. Confessor; b. c. AD 760. at Constantinople, d.

2. 3. 8147/8 on Samothrace). T. was of noble blood (parents: Isaac and Theodote). He came to the court of Emperor -> Leo [7] IV and from then on, from the age of 20, dedicated himself with his wife Megalo to the monastic life. He became abbot of the monastery he founded, tou Megdlou Agrou on Mount Sigriane (southern shore of the Sea of Marmara). During the Iconoclastic Controversy (+ Syrian Dynasty), Emperor ~ Leo [8] V summoned him to Constantinople because of his pro-icon stance. After two years of incarceration, T. was banished to Samothrace, where he remained

until his death. Encouraged by his friend Georgius ~» Syncellus [2] to continue the latter’s world chronicle for the period from 285 to 813, T. took the materials he had collected and completed the work between 811 and 814. For the 4th—6th cents., other sources were drawn upon by T. himself or compilers (— Socrates [9], > Sozomenus, — Theodoretus [1] and > Procopius [3] of Caesarea, — Priscus [4], —Iohannes [18] Malalas, ~» Theophylactus [1] Simocatta, > Georgius [6] Pisides et al.). For the years AD 602-769, T. paid greater attention than > Nicephorus [1] to the lost source of the Méyacs Xoovoyedos (Megas Chronographos). T. is our

only historical source for the period up to 813. His Xeovoyeaia (Chronographia), which varies between literary and ‘common’ language, is strictly annalistic in its structure. It was expanded by later chroniclers (esp. ~ Georgius [5] Monachos). Anastasios Bibliothekarios translated it into Latin. C.pE Boor (ed.), Theophanis 1885; Huncer, Literatur.

chronographia,

vol. 2, K.SA.

[3] Epigrammatist, prob. living at the time of Constantine Cephalas (cf. > Anthology [E]) and shortly before the scribe who assembled the entire Anthologia Palatina (= J, rst half. roth cent. AD), cf.

Konstantinos

[2] of Rhodes). Two poems are preserved: a reply to ~ Konstantinos [3] of Sicily on the advantages of a chair (Anth. Pal. 15,14, cf. 15,13) and a single erotic distich (15,35, cf. 5,83 f.). Not to be identified with T. [2] Homologetes or the two hymnic poets of the same name [1]. 1 A.CAMERON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to

Planudes, 1993, 283-285, 305-308, 316.

M.G.A.

[4] T. Continuatus or Scriptores post Theophanem is

the usual name for a work of history preserved only in the MS Vaticanus graecus 167 (11th cent.), covering the years AD 813-961 and consisting of four independently-composed sections:

(1) The first four books continue the Chronicle of T. [2] for the years 813-867. They were written by order of Emperor Constantine (~ Constantinus [9]) VH Por-

phyrogennetus, and promoted the interests of the » Macedonian dynasty. In place of T.’ [2] annalistic presentation, this comprises a series of Emperor biogra-

phies. Among the sources was the history of Genesius (> Iosephus [6]). (2) The fifth book, the so-called Vita Basilii, is the biography of the Emperor Basil I (> Basilius [5], 867-886), whose life story is embellished with anecdote and legend. The Vita Basilii likewise appeared by order of Constantine VII, though the former view that he was its author is now doubted [3]. (3) The main part of the sixth book, which appeared around 963 and covers the years 886-948, returns to the chronicle form,

with its colourful listing of information in sequence. It is very reminiscent of the so-called + Georgius [3] Continuatus. It represents a tendency that was sympathetic to the aristocratic elite, but it distances itself more clearly than the Chronicle of + Symeon [2] Logothetes from the regime of > Romanos [2] I Lekapenos. (4) The conclusion of the sixth book was also written around 963 and may be the work of the Constantinople urban prefect Theodorus Daphnopates. This last part was probably meant to continue to the author’s present, but it breaks off in AD 961. The author continues to support the Macedonian dynasty, portraying Constantine VIL in particular in a favourable light in comparison to Romanos I. Ep.: 1I1.BEKkeER, Th. Continuatus, 1838 2L.BREYER, Vom Bauernhof auf den Kaiserthron. Leben des Kaisers Basileios I., des Begriinders der Makedonischen Dynastie, 1981 (Ger. transl. of B. 5, with comm.). Lit.: 3 HunGer, Literatur 1, 339-343 41.SEVCENKO, Re-reading Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in: N.OrKoNOMIDES (ed.), Byzantine Diplomacy, 1990, 167-195.

ALB.

Theophano (@eopavw; Theophano). [1] T. Anastaso (©. Avaotaow; T. Anastaso). Byzantine

empress (c. 941 until after 976 AD), wife of + Romanus [3] Il (959-963); the later emperors -> Basileius [6] Il and > Constantinus [10] VIII were their children; in

963 she became the wife of + Nicephorus [3] I, and in 969 she instigated his assassination. A.KAZHDAN, s. v. T., ODB 3, 2064 f.

[2] (also Theophanou, c. 960-991 AD). wife of the Western emperor Otto II from 972 onwards, niece of the Byzantine emperor -> Johannes [35] I Tzimiskes,

probably a daughter of Konstantinos Skleros and Sophia Phokaina. She reigned after the death of her husband (in 983) as regent for her under-aged son Otto III. A.Davips (ed.), The Empress Theophano, 1995; A. VON Euw, P.SCHREINER (ed.), Kaiserin Theophanu, 1991; G. WoLF (ed.), Kaiserin Theophanu, 1991.

2 vols, F.T.

595

506

Theophiliscus (@eodthioxocs; Theophiliskos). Rhodean admiral, who won a victory for a Rhodean-Pergamene alliance against > Philippus [7] V at Chios in 201 BC, in which he was mortally wounded (Pol.

[5] T. the Indian (d. after AD 364). Around AD 342, the emperor > Constantius [2] Il commissioned T., who came from the Indian Ocean island of Dibés (Dibus), to

16,2-9; [1. 118-120]}). 1 R.M. BERTHOLD, Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age, 1984.

L-M.G.

Theophilus (OedotA0¢; Thedphilos). [1] Comic poet of the 4th cent. BC; victor at the > Dionysia of 329 [t. test.2], fourth there in 311 with his Pankratiastés (2.190, 200]. T. was of the declining Middle and the incipient New > Comedy [I G]. Of the nine known titles, two — Neontodewog (Neoptdlemos, ‘Neoptolemus’), [goutides (Proitides, ‘The daughters

of Proitus’) — are mythological plays, the others deal with everyday material. In the “Exiénuou (Epidémoi, ‘The Pilgrims’), a slave considers whether to run away from his kind master (fr. 1); in the Bidavdoc (Philaulos,

‘The Lover of the Aulos’), a warning is given against ‘dangerous’ hetaerae (fr. 11). Other contemporary figures appear in the “Emdavetoc (Epidazrios, ‘The Man from Epidaurus’), in the gluttonous officer Atrestidas of Mantinea (fr. 3) and in the “Iatedg (Iatrés, ‘The Physician’; fr. 4), in the rapacious politician > Callimedon, nicknamed Karabos, ‘Crayfish’) [3.276f.]. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 700-707.

|—-2. H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die

attische Mittlere Komédie, 1990 3 Id., The Polis of Athens in Middle Comedy, in: G.W. DosBrov (ed.), The City as Comedy, 1997, 271-288.

B.BA.

_ [2] Son of Alexion, brought a votive gift to Delos between 279 and 274 BCas head of a ceremonial embassy of Ptolemy (— Ptolemaeus {I 3]) Il and the Alexandrians. PP VI 14989. hellenistischen E.OLSHAUSEN, Prosopographie der W.A. K6nigsgesandten, vol. 1, 1974, 320f. no. 212.

[3] T. Autokrator Dikaios (0. Avtoxedtwe Aixatoc/ Th. Autokrator Dikaios). Indo-Greek king in the Paropamisadae

(— Paropamisus),

c. early

rst cent.

BC,

known only from his coinage. Middle Indian Theuphila. BOPEARACHCHI, 103-106; 307f.

K.K.

[4] T. of Antioch. Christian apologist, according to Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,20 bishop of > Antioch [1]. Soon after AD 180, he wrote the treatise loosely consisting of three separate books, Ad Autolycum (ed.: [1]; survey of contents: [1.4-14]). Bk. 1 deals with various aspects of the belief in God (name of Christ, etc.), bk. 2 tackles

Graeco-Roman literature and philosophy and presents the account of creation. Bk. 3 defends the Christian way of life (proof of antiquity from chronology). Other writings are lost. Epit1ons: 1M.Marcovicu, Patristische Texte und Studien 44,1995 2A.p1 PauLi, BKV*, vol. 14, 1913, 12-110 (Germ. transl.).

THEOPHILUS

take an embassy to the > Himyar, who inhabited the south of the Arabian peninsula (construction of three churches). On his return, he joined the circle of the

Arian Church faction of the so-called Anomceans around bishop Aétius of Antioch (+ Arianism). 1. SHanip, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century, 1984, 86-106.

[6] Bishop of > Alexandria [1] (c. AD 345-412). The main focus of his activities was the defence of the leading role of the Church of Alexandria in the East, in particular against the aspirations of Constantinople. In the dispute surrounding the reception of the teachings of - Origenes [2], the disputatious T. ultimately became a stubborn opponent of the Origenists (Synod of Alexandria, c. 400). Unscrupulous in his choice of means, he succeeded in achieving the deposition of John Chrysostom (+ Iohannes [4]) as bishop of Constantinople in 403 at the so-called Synod of the Oak. At Alexandria, T. conducted a veritable onslaught against the ancient cults (AD 391 destruction of the + Serapeum). Of his copious writings (CPG 2580-2684; list in [4]) mostly only fragments

survive. His complex correspondence, some of which is translated by Jerome (+ Hieronymus) and which includes some paschal Letters, is important in the Origenist controversy. Various homilies also survive. The Tractatus contra Origenem de visione Isaiae (CPG 2683) may also be by T. 1 W.A. BrenerT (ed.), Origeniana septima: Origenes in den Auseinandersetzungen des 4. Jahrhunderts, 1999 2 H.Crouze1, s.v. Théophile d’Alexandrie, Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 15, 524-530 (bibliography) 3 A.FAVALE, Teofilo d’Alessandria, 1958 (older bibliography: 215224) 4M.RicHarp, Les écrits de Théophile d’Alexandrie, in: Le Muséon 52, 1939, 33-50.

JRL

[7] Member of the Crown Council (comes sacri consistorii) and professor of law (antecessor) at Constantinople under Justinian (— Iustinianus [1]) I (6th cent.

AD; |2.58ff.]), heavily involved in the compilation of the > Codex [II C] vetus (constitutio Haec 1; Summa 2), the - Digesta (const. Tanta/Dedoken 9) and the > Institutiones

(const.

Imperatoriam

3; Omnem

2;

Tanta 11;[4.397-405]). T., who is last mentioned in the

const. Tanta (the introductory law to the Digesta) of AD 533, wrote a Greek paraphrase of the Imstitutiones,

the only work of Justinianic legal tuition to survive almost in its entirety (Ed.: [1]), and an index to the

Digesta, covering at least the first 19 vols. [3]. 1C.Frerrini (ed.), Institutionum Graeca paraphrasis Theophilo antecessori vulgo tributa, 2 vols., 1884-1897 (repr. 1967)

2J.H. A. Loxin, Die Karriere des Theo-

philus Antecessor, in: Id. et al. (eds.), Subseciva Groningana 1, 1984, 43-68 3 P.E. PieLer, Rechtsliteratur, in: Huncer,

Literatur

2,

400-428,

esp.

419f.

422

4 D.PuGstey, On Compiling Justinian’s Digest, in: J.-F.

GeRKENS (ed.), Mélanges F. Sturm, vol. 1, 1999, 395-405.

TG:

THEOPHILUS

507

[8] T. of Edessa C. AD 695-785. As a Christian he defended astrology against attacks by the Church. In doing so, he cited older works such as the anonymous work of 379 and that ofJulian (> Iulianus [19]) of Laodicea. W.KRo.t1, s.v. Theophilos (13), RE 5 A, 2138; W. and H.G. GunbDEL, Astrologumena, 1966, Index.

W.H.

[9] T. and his ‘pact with the Devil’ are the focus of a Greek legend which arose between AD 650 and 850 and was passed down in various recensions. In its expanded version it is ascribed to a cleric, Eutychianus (so-called ‘Eutychianus recension’; Ed. [2.182-219]). T., a cleric said to have lived during the reign of the Byzantine emperor > Heraclius [7] at Adana in Cilicia,

having lost his position, assured himself of earthly success by concluding a pact sealed by a written contract with the Devil. He soon regretted his act, did penances and appealed to the Virgin Mary for succour. With her help he recovered the contract. The oldest form of the legend is the so-called Venetian version (edition with German transl.: [2.164-177]). The Eutychianus recension is the oldest of all the expanded versions and forms the basis for them. It spread through the West in the Latin translation by Paul the Deacon of Naples (midgth cent.; so-called Paenitentia Theophili), forming the basis of many reworkings and new versions [1]. 1 P.Curesa et al., s.v. Theophilus-Legende I-V, LMA 8, 1997, 667-670 2L.RADERMACHER, Griechische Quellen zur Faustsage, 1927. J.RI.

508

risms’, related to the commentary of > Stephanus [9] of Alexandria [1; 2]; (2.) De corporis humani fabrica (‘On the fabric of the human body’) [3]; (3.) De febribus (‘On the fevers’) [4]; (4.) De urinis (‘On urine’), widely disseminated in the Byzantine world [5. vol. 1, 261-283]; (5.) De pulsibus (‘On the pulses’) [6]; (6.) De excrementis (‘On excrements’) [5. vol. 1, 397-408]. An Apotherapeutike which also survives under the name of a T. is more likely to date from the roth—r4th cents. [7; 8], while other Greek and Latin works are of uncertain authenticity. De pulsibus and De urinis were translated into Latin and became widespread in the early Middle Ages in the Articella collection (‘Small Art’; printed from 1476, other treatises by T. in Latin translations

from 1533 — nos. 4 and 5: 15333 mo. 2: 1536; no. I: 1549). A single treatise (no. 3) was published in Greek in 1555. 1 F.R. Dietz (ed.), Apollonii Citiensis ... scholia in Hippocratem et Galenum, 1834, vol. 2, 224-544 (repr. 1966)

2 A. WoLsKa-Conus,

(d’AlexStéphanos d’Athénes andrie) et Théophile le Protospathaire, in: REByz 52, 1994,5-68 3 G.A.GREENHILL (ed.), Th.P., De corporis

humani

fabrica libri, 1842

4D.Sicuri,

De febribus,

1862 5J.L. IDELER, Physici et Medici Graeci Minores, 2 vols. 1841-42 6F.Z. ERMERINS (ed.), Anecdota medica graeca, 1840 (repr. 1963), I-77. 7A.P. Kuzes, The Apotherapeutic of Th. according to the Laurentian Codex plut. 75.19, in: Praktika tés Akadémias Athénon 19, 1944, 35-45 8A.M. Ieractr Bio, Sur une ‘Apothera-

peutike’ attribuée a Théophile, in: J.JouANNA, A. GARZYA (eds.), Storia e ecdotica dei testi medici greci, 1996, 191—

205.

[10] Last of the Byzantine iconoclast emperors

(AD

829-842) of the + Amorian dynasty. Popular for his equitable rule; a promoter of education. He fought the Arabs in Asia Minor, but could not prevent the loss of the fort of Amorion in 838. — Syrian dynasty A. KULZER, s.v. T., LMA 8, 664f.; P.A. HOLLINGWORTH,

T., ODB 3, 2066; R.-J. Litiz, Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit 1.4, 2001, no. 8167. ET.

K. DEICHGRABER, s.v. Theophilos (16), RE 5 A, 2148f.; HouneGer, Literatur 2, 299-301.

Theophrastus (Qed@Qaotod Theophrastos). Peripatetic philosopher, c. 371/0o-287/6 BC, pupil and successor of Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]). I. Lire II]. Worxs IJ. Locic IV. PHysics anp METAPHYSICS V. EPISTEMOLOGY AND PSYCHOLocy

VI. HUMAN

BOTANY

[11] T. Protospatharios (Tlewtooma0detoc; Protospatharios).

Author

of several

Greek

medical

A.TO.

PHYSIOLOGY,

VII. ETHICS, RELIGION

VII. RHETORIC

ZOOLOGY AND

AND

POLITICS

AND POETRY

treatises,

some of which (see below, nos. 4 and 5) also circulated under the name of Philaretos (cf. > Philaretus [1]) or Philotheos, datable to either the 7th or, more probably,

the 9th/roth cents. AD. A T. called protospatharios is the addressee of a letter of > Photius [2] (Epist. 123), and the pathology (see below no. 3) and diagnostics (nos. 4 and 5) preserved in his name probably show Arabic influence. The title protospatharios (‘Bodyguard’) implies a function at the Byzantine court. There is a portrait in the MS Bologna, BU 3632, fol. 51°. The corpus of treatises ascribed to T. covers all aspects of medicine from propaedeutics to treatment. T.’ pathology is dominated by an analysis of the types of fever, diagnosis mainly depending on the study of urine and pulse (probably under Arabic influence). Main works: (1.) Commentary on the Hippocratic ‘Apho-

I. LIFE T., born in Eresus on Lesbos, is said to have been a

pupil of Alcippus. If he also studied in Athens with > Plato [1], he must have had contact not only with

Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]), but also with + Speusippus and > Xenocrates. After Plato’s death (347), T. followed Aristotle to Asia Minor, then to Macedonia when Aristotle was summoned to teach > Alexander [4] (343/2). Both later returned to Athens, where Aristotle founded the Peripatetic School in 335 (— Peripatos). After the death of Alexander (323), T. remained at Athens in spite of the anti-Macedonian sentiment there, and became head of the school. T. is said to have had 2,000 pupils, including the playwright > Menander [4] and the politician » Demetrius [4] of Phaleron, who probably enabled the foreigner T. to acquire land in Athens for his school.

se)

510

Il. Works T.’s many interests are reflected in a list of 225 titles in Diog. Laert. 5,42—50. There can thus be no doubt of T.’s productivity. Surviving works include two important treatises on botany (Ilegi mut@v iotooia/Peri phyton historial/Historia plantarum; pvuxdv aitial/ phytikon aitiai/De causis plantarum) [4; 5; 6]. Several works of differing scope deal with human physiology (sweat, signs of fatigue, dizziness; cf. [7; 8; 9]), with fish, smells, fire, winds, meteorology (only preserved in Arabic and perhaps incomplete) and stones [103 113 12; 13; 14; 15]. A treatise on metaphysics also survives, as does a doxographical work on sensual perception [16; 17; 18]. His well-known book on the human characters (HOtxoi yagaxthees, Ethikoi Charaktéres) became the inspiration for the literary genre of the ‘character study’ in the 17th cent. [19; 20]. Little is known of T. today: most of his works are lost. There are numerous references to lost material in ancient and mediaeval literature, in Greek and Latin — but also Arabic — sources. What survives today is collected in two volumes (texts 1-741 in [1], in the following referred to by the text

syllogistic terms; his prosleptic syllogism (110), in which the major premise (e.g. “What is true of every human, of all of this is substance”) contains potentially a third term, made explicit in the minor premise (“Now animal is of every human”), enabled him to generalize about kinds rather than individuals, perhaps with a view to tracing forms and mapping out species. This prosleptic syllogism is one species of hypothetical syllogism in the ancient sense of the term, i.e. as containing one or more complex premises. While it is Stoicism in particular (esp. — Chrysippus [2]) that developed propositional logic, there is proof, partly in the form of separate terminology, of sustained efforts in this direction by T. [28].

number alone; [1; 2; 3]).

III. Locic > Logic, more than any other philosophical field, provides an insight into the communal scholarly work that was characteristic of the Peripatos. Aristotle’s own extant treatises contain references to views that seem to have been proposed within the school, and numerous reports attributed jointly to T. and > Eudemus [3], or to ‘the older authors’, confirm the impression that they accepted an Aristotelian framework and covered much of the same ground, but did so in a remarkably independent spirit. (The claim that T. departed from Aristotle by recognizing the quantification of predicates depends on a misunderstanding of one scholion [30]). T. did introduce the distinction between singular terms (called ‘definite’, horismenos) and particular ones (called ‘indefinite’, a(di)oristos). It is unclear whether T.’s motive in making this distinction was what would now be called logical in a strict sense (82). For premises in which the predicate is preceded by a negative, T. coined the label ‘from transposition’ (ek metathéseos). In syllogistics (» Logic B.; > Necessity B.), T. elaborated, over and above the four canonical moods of the first figure of categorical syllogisms, five indirect moods (equivalent to what came to be listed as the fourth figure) that Aristotle had mentioned in passing (91). In the third figure he presented the moods in a different order, based on the relative directness of their proofs, and added a distinction within the first mood. His contributions to modal logic are more significant. He argued against Aristotle that the universal negative problematic premise of one-sided possibility converts (102), and most importantly that, with premises of different modalities, the conclusion takes the modality of the weaker premise (105-109). Other innovations show T. stretching the limitations of Aristotle’s

THEOPHRASTUS

IV. PHysics AND METAPHYSICS T. wrote at length about > nature. Only fragments survive of his ‘Physics’ (voiwd/Physika, 8 bks.) and ‘On Nature’ (Iegi pvoewc/Peri physeos, 3 bks.). By contrast, his ‘Metaphysics’ is extant but quite short, being neither a general inquiry into being qua being, nor a special investigation of entities formally distinct from the physical and mathematical. Rather, it is an inquiry into the principles of nature and hence an exploration of the foundations of natural science. T. starts with ‘first things’ (ta prota) and, while ranging widely and touching on the nature of intellegibility and divinity, indicates fairly explicitly that the primary entities under consideration are to be observed in their effect on the present, visible world order. T.’ treatise “On Nature’ pursues this issue. The surviving fr. (144) demonstrates that natural philosophy and science (physiologia) are just as much concerned with origins (archai) as with causes, or more precisely with explanatory factors (aitia) and elements (stoicheia). T. acknowledges that there are limits to the determination of reasons (dia ti, 159), esp. ‘final causes’ (heneka tou, Theophr. metaphysica 7a 19-22, 10a 22-11a 18). While this is generally consistent with the recognition of the role of > necessity as opposed to the finality of nature by Aristotle (e.g. in Aristot. Part. an.), T. develops the argument against design well beyond Aristotle; a fortiori he is implicitly critical of > Plato’s [1] more immoderate claims for teleological explanation. It is commonly agreed that T. rejects the ‘Unmoved Mover’ postulated by Aristotle (+ Motion; > Nature I. B.); it may be more accurate to

say that, having duly acknowledged the considerations favouring sucha postulate (Theophr. Metaph. 4b 18-5a 8) he calls attention to the need to supplement this postulate with explanations of the great variety of observable movements, which the Unmoved Mover is supposed to effect but could never by itself determine in full. Pending such implementation, T. suspends judgment.;

T. shares with Aristotle and most of his predecessors the conviction that the world is eternal (184). He seems to accept, with many others (e.g. Plato and Aristotle) that the heavenly bodies, with their superior regularity (Theophr. Metaph. 11b 17-19), are imperishable and

511

512

divine (252a). He allows some scope to the notion that

assigns to knowledge (in the sense of ‘acquaintance with a matter’: epistémeé) the act of ‘synoptically grasping what is the same ina plurality’ (Metaph. 8b 24-25). The language would be at home in Plato (cf. Pl. Rep. 537¢ 2-7; Plat. Phdr. 265d 3--5), but the context leaves no doubt that T. is equally focused on distinctive properties at all levels down to the lowest species. As an important point of method, T. seems to accept the possibility that a phenomenon is susceptible to multiple explanations, in which case we are to recognize all the causes that apply (Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,19,4), a hint that is likely to have inspired Epicurus. In his treatise ‘On the Soul’ (Ileoi wuyn¢/Peri psy-

THEOPHRASTUS

the universe is a single system subject to one set of laws, calling in question Aristotle’s division between the sublunary and the celestial spheres as much as Platonic tendencies towards dualism (even if Metaph. 7a 22-b 8 is

reminiscent of the sun analogy in Plato’s Republic). He discusses the supposition that the sun is of a fiery nature (De igne 5-6). It is not clear to what extent his view of the elements conforms to Aristotle’s, in particular whether he accepted a fifth element (as later did > Straton [2] of Lampsacus) or rejected it. In meteorology, he seems to have influenced > Epicurus. T.’s account of + time as an accidental attribute (and not, like Aristotle, as a ‘number’) of motion (151) is a fairly minor amendment; in contrast, his analysis of place (topos) as

the arrangement and position of the body occupying it in relation to nature and the capabilities of this body is arguably original. He here betrays a very different perspective, directed towards the natural place of things within a wider world order, rather than to an abstract

and formal, quasi-geometrical concept.

V. EPISTEMOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY In presenting the case for the Unmoved Mover as not proven, T. seems to be subscribing, albeit from a more rigorously empiricist position even than Aristotle, to the Platonic ideal of a unified science (Theophr. Metaph. 6a 15-18). He is implicitly challenging Aristotle’s divisio scientiarum (‘division of sciences’) between different classes (géné) of things-that-are (Ota),

with each class demanding and receiving the degree of exactness appropriate to the nature of these things. At the same time, he appears less confident than Aristotle that the manifold variety can be reduced to a limited set of rational principles. T. recommends > analogy as a way to extrapolate from the familiar to the unknown (Metaph. 9a 7-9, 18-23). Like Plato and Aristotle, he

keeps scepticism at bay through belief in the possibility of intuitive understanding (mous; cf. - Intellect), im-

mune to deceptions (Metaph. 9b 13-16). T. expressly singles out self-evidence (to enargés) as the quality shared by the activities of intellectual understanding and sense perception, and within a generally Aristotelian framework, it may well have been T. who sorted out an ambiguity in Aristotle’s use of the term phantasia ‘appearance/imagining’, by distinguishing a logike phantasia, an imagining tied up with reason and speech, from the image formation that is a by-phenomenon of sense production (> Phantasia). T. may also have been the one to clarify the relationship between intellect

chés), 1.”

pronouncements

remain

within

common

Peripatetic lines of demarcation, but they show not only a sustained effort to clarify and supplement Aristotle’s terse remarks, but also a continuation and indeed cor-

roboration of Aristotle’s tendency to devalue dialectal and to prefer physical descriptions. A case in point is his thorough reworking of the subject of sensation, enhancing analogies between different senses, esp. by applying the device of an intermediate to sound and smell (for the latter in the form of corporal effluences) and drawing on an extensive ‘doxographical’ review of previous work (De sensibus). By contrast, it cannot be firmly established that his fine distinctions concerning the nature and place of intellect (307, 312), intended to elucidate Aristotle’s opaque statements but often generating and perpetuating dissension and controversy, marked a substantial departure from Aristotle. VI. HUMAN PHYSIOLOGY, ZOOLOGY AND BOTA-

NY Nowhere does the Peripatetic drive towards description in terms ofaproper physics come into its own more

than in T.’s extensive monographs on plants and his smaller works on human physiology. Here we see Greek natural science coming of age. The Aristotelian framework remains in place: four basic qualities, whose effect depends on blending; in the animate body a central role for the heart, with a form of breath literally keeping body and soul of the organic individual together, linking psychic functions with physical motions and the centre to the extremities.

T.’s smaller works, in

keeping with his comprehensive program, range froma

general, theoretical level to concrete, individual problems, which were drawn on by the authors of the pseudo-Aristotelian Problemata. In what appears to have been a deliberate division of labour, T. lectured and wrote at length on plants, while

the discernment of things as one between a craftsman

Aristotle dealt with animal life. But T. took up the latter subject, too, perhaps to meet teaching needs after Ari-

and a tool (301a). The search for causes (aitiat) is ascri-

stotle’s death, and certainly to supplement Aristotle’s

bed to sense perception, as is the observation of differences — an assignment at once emended to the formula that perception submits some things to thought (dianoia) in a simple search, and others while imparting puzzlement subsequently illuminated by further seek-

largely anatomical approach with observations on behaviour and habitat. He shows an interest in putatively intelligent animal behaviour, thereby arguably effacing somewhat the line between humans and (other) animals, anticipating > Straton [2], who is said to have ascribed intellect (ous; s. VII.) to the latter. Yet the

(nous) and sense perception (aisthesis) qua criteria for

ing (Metaph. 8b 10-16). As a complement to this, T.

ees)

514

evidence for this is not conclusive; moreover, in zoology T. again reckoned with alternative explanations (3 59a). In regard to technical information, T.’s two main botanical treatises have stood the test of time better than Aristotle’s zoological works. In structure, they parallel them in several ways. Both distinguish between books of research (historia; T. describes over 550 species of plants) and books which focus on explanatory factors (aitia; undistinguishable from aitiai, ‘causes’ or ‘reasons’, in the gen. pl.). Not surprisingly, within the Platonic-cum-Aristotelian tradition, such explanation includes tracing species through their distinctive prop-

include social dispositions, perhaps because T. recognized a significant difference between the two. T. assigned special importance to the life of contemplation. He regarded it as similar to the life of the gods (461, 482) and is said to have been involved in controversy with — Dicaearchus, who preferred the practical life to

erties. This, as in Aristotle’s books on animals, involves

study of parts (morphology) and of generation, and also of geography and habitat, taking into account factors of environment and cultivation. His pre-taxonomic use of genus and and differentia to refer to a plant’s essential character and his loose and informal classification by means of ‘in outline’ (typi) definitions provide him with botanical concepts that make allowance for continuity between species; again, Aristotle would not disagree. A preliminary warning against unduly pressing similarities and analogies, esp. parallels between plants and animals (Hist. pl. 1,1,3-4), is characteristic without being unorthodox, as is his demand for a study peculiarly appropriate to the subject (oikeia theoria, Hist. pl. 1,1,4). T. is, like Aristotle, a critical listener, neither sceptical nor gullible, e.g. on the subject of spontaneous generation (Caus. pl. 1,5,1-5, cf. 350 no. 5c and 359a). The emphasis, at one point, on a “perceptive insight’ (aisthétike synesis), an observant shrewdness that only experience can bring (Caus. pl. 2,4,8), is Aris-

totelian in kind, but raised to a peculiarly Theophrastean degree. Although the topic (soils) comes under what is natural (ibid. 2,4,1) and happens of its own accord (ibid. 2,1,1), as opposed to art and preparation

with a view to well-being, still the attention to the different capacities of two types of soil takes us from description to rules of exploiting these. The immediate context, therefore, belongs to productive art (téchné) as much as to theoretical science (episteme); as such it is of a piece with Aristotle’s pronouncements (Eth. Nic. 1; 6) on the practical and productive arts, and indeed on synesis itself. VII. ETHICS, RELIGION AND

POLITICS

T.’s view of moral > virtue are summarized in + Arius [rt] Didymus’ overview of Peripatetic ethics. The summary appears to have been drawn from the work On Education. It makes clear that T. analyzed virtue as a mean disposition in regard to emotional response. For each individual virtue, like temperance or courage, there are two co-ordinate vices, one of excess and the other of deficiency (449a). In several significant respects, this summary appears to follow Aristotle’s Eudemian Ethics rather than the better-known Nicomachean Ethics. > Justice, for instance, is treated as a regular mean disposition co-ordinate with a deficiency as well as an excess; the list of moral virtues does not

THEOPHRASTUS

that of leisured study (481). Nevertheless, it would be a

mistake to think that T. excluded practical activity from the best life. Rather, he believed that > happiness is in part dependent on factors over which an individual has no control (498); indeed, he was criticized for endorsing the maxim ‘Fortune rules life, not wisdom’ (493). T. recognized that legislators can never fully control the course of future events; they legislate in response to a limited set of circumstances and are likely to overlook conditions which will arise in the future and justify exceptions to the law (534; 628-30). T. stressed the ‘right moment’ (xatodc/kairds), and gave examples of politicians who in special circumstances acted unjustly or at least permitted injustice for the benefit of the citystate (614-615; 617). None of this was intended to diminish the importance of the > law. While Aristotle collected and organized material concerning constitutions, T. did the same for laws, both those of the Greeks and those of barbarians (590; on division of labour within the Peripatos, see section VI. on animals and plants). Of special interest is a long excerpt from ‘On Contracts’ (Ilegi ovpBoratwv/Peri symbolaion; probably part of ‘Laws in alphabetical order’, 24 vols.) which describes the steps that are required for a valid contract. Jerome speaks of a little ‘golden book’ ‘On Marriage’ (De nuptiis) in which T. advises the wise man against marrying (Hier. Adv. Iovinianum 1,47 f.). The portrayal of the wives is reminiscent of the Characters, while the exaggerated polemical argument may originally have been part of a rhetorical exercise. In any case, what Jerome records is unlikely to reflect T.’s own opinion. Other sources tell us that T. recognized that a wife may be virtuous and the friend of a virtuous husband

(533). » Porphyrius reports that T. forbade animal sacrifice as an unjust act incompatible with holiness (5 84a). The idea that animals can be treated unjustly is important, for it puts T. at odds with Aristotle, but it is not entirely clear how T. supported this claim. Furthermore, T. recognized a natural kinship (oikei6tés, not to be confused with the Stoic oikeidsis) between men and animals (531) which underlay T.’s abhorrence of animal sacrifice. VILL. RHETORIC AND POETRY T., like his teacher, distinguishes three types of rhetoric, and divides a speech into parts. He also discusses rhetorical argument, and in all probability took into account the new developments in hypothetical syllogistics, the better to elucidate the different forms an argument can take [45; 46]. T. expanded the Aristotelian tripartite division of good style into four qual-

THEOPHRASTUS

515

516

ities: correct Greek, clarity, propriety and ornamenta-

English commentary and translation). ON SENSE PERCEPTION: 18 G.STRATTON, Theophrastus and the Greek Physiological Psychology Before Aristotle, 1917 (De sensibus: edition and English translation).

tion (684). He shares Aristotle’s interest in metaphor,

and recommends the use of an apologetic rider where excessively venturesome metaphors have been employed (689-690). Following Aristotle, T. seems to have analyzed the sentence according to its internal structure. He insists on the free design of > prose rhythm and betrays a fondness for the paeon (702-704). His preference for a period in which the final kolon is longer than the preceding one seems to go beyond Aristotle

CHARACTERS: 19 P.STEINMETZ, Theophrastus, Charaktere, 2 vols., 1960-1962 20J.RUSTEN, Theophrastus, Characters, 1993 (with English translation). COMMENTARIES ON FHS&G: 21 R.SHARPLES, Sources

on Biology, 1995 22 W.

21ald., Sources on Biology, 1998

Fortenbaugh,

2005

Sources

on

Rhetoric

23 P.Husy, Psychology, 1999

and Poetics,

23aEad., On

(701), as does his remark that a colon ( Kolon [2])

Logic, 2007

could have paeonic quality even if paeons stood neither at its beginning nor end (703). T. shows more interest in the rhetorical performance itself than does Aristotle: he

al. (ed.), Rutgers University Studies in Classical Humanities (= RUSCH), vols. 1-8, 1983-1998.

discusses bodily motion and voice (712) and also con-

Th. (3), RE Suppl. 7, 1354-1562 26 F.WexHru, Th., GGPh? 3, 1983 27 W.BuRNIKEL, Textgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu neun Opuscula Theophrasts, 1974.

siders the importance of the eyes and the negative effect of a blank stare (713).

The Characters are closely related to rhetoric and are therefore preserved in rhetorical MSS. Later rhetoricians were not the first to use the character sketches for teaching — T. himself may have employed them to demonstrate character portrayal. Their relationship to poetry is shown by T.’s pupil Menander [4], whose stage characters can often be linked with one of the sketches (e.g. Sicon, the garrulous cook in the Dyskolos, with the character sketches of garrulousness and loquacity); yet also the very idea of behavioural patterns may have been central to one of Menander’s plays: in his Perikeiroméne, the impetuous behaviour of Polemon gets the play underway, and in the end proves inalterable. GENERAL WORKS: 1 W.FoRTENBAUGH, P.Husy, R. SHARPLES, D.Gutas, Theophrastus of Eresus: Sources

for His Life, Writings, Thought and Influence, 2 vols., 1992 (= FHS&G; repr. 1993, with corrections). Epitions: H. PLANT.: 4 A.Hort, Enquiry into Plants And Minor Works On Odours And Weather Signs, 2 vols., 1916 (with English translation)

5 $.AmiGuEs, Theo-

phrastus, Recherches sur les plants, 3 vols., 1988-1993

Research Reports:;

FUNDAMENTAL

LITERATURE:

Individual Topics: Logic:;

24 W.FORTENBAUGH

et

25 O.REGENBOGEN, S. V.

28 J.BARNES, Theophrastus and

Hypothetical Syllogistic, in: RUSCH 2, 1985, 161-176 29 I. BOCHENSKI, La logique de Th., 1947 30 W.FORTENBAUGH, Theophrastus, no. 84 FHS&G: There’s Nothing New Here, in: RUSCH 7, 1995, 125-139 31 L.Repict, La logica di Th., 1977. METAPHYSICS: 32G.REALE, Th. e la sua aporetica

metafisica, 1964. Puysics:

33 P.STEINMETZ, Die Physik des Th., 1964

34 R. SHARPLES, Th. On the Heavens, in: J. WIESNER (ed.), Aristoteles, Werk und Wirkung, vol. 1, 1985. DOXxOGRAPHY, SENSE PERCEPTION:

35 H.DIELs, Phy-

sicorum opiniones, in: Diets, DG, 102-108

36 H. BALTUSSEN, Th. against the Presocratics and Plato, 2000. BoTANY:

37 G.SENN, Die Pflanzenkunde des Th., 1956

38 R.STROMBERG, Theophrastea. Studien zur botanischen Begriffsbildung, 1937 39 G. WOuRLE, Th.’ Methode in seinen botanischen Schriften, 1985. ETHIcs, RELIGION AND Po.itTics:

Schrift ber Frommigkeit, 1866

40 J. BERNAYsS, Th.’

41 W.FORTENBAUGH,

Quellen zur Ethik Theophrasts, 1984 42 W.POTSCHER, Th., MEPI EYZEBEIAS, 1964 43 A.SZEGEDY-MASZAK,

The Nomoi of Th., 198r. RHETORICS AND Poetics:

44A.Dosi,

Sulle tracce

(with French translation) C. PLANT.: 6 B.ErNarson, G.Link, Theophrastus: De causis plantarum, 3 vols., 1976-1990 (with English translation).

45 W.FORTENBAUGH, Cicero, On Invention 1.51-77: Hypothetical Syllogistic and the Early Peripatetics, in:

SHORT WORKS ON NATURAL SCIENCE:

Rhetorica 16, 1998, 25-46

7 W. FORTENBAUGH ET AL., On Sweat, On Dizziness, and

Argomentazione

On Fatigue, 2003 (with English translation and commentary) 8M. Sollenberger, On Fatigue, in: Fortenbaugh

2003

9R. Sharples, On Dizziness, in Fortenbaugh 2003

10 R. Sharples, On Fish, in: RUSCH 5 (vef. [34]), 1992, 347-382 (with English translation) 11 U. EIGLER, G.Wourte, Theophrast. De Odoribus, 1993 (On Odours; with commentary and German translation) 12 V.Coutant, Theophrastus. De igne, 1971 (On Fire,

with commentary and English translation) 13 V.CouTant, V.EICHENLAUB, 1975 (On Winds; with English translation and commentary) 14 H. Daiper, The Meteorology, in: RUSCH 5, 1992, 166-293 15 D.E1cHHoLz, De Lapidibus, r965 (On Stones; with

English translation and commentary). Metapuysics:

16 A.Laks, G.W.Most, Théophraste,

Métaphysique, 1993 (with commentary and French translation) 17 M.vAN RAALTE, Metaphysics, 1993 (with

della poetica di Teofrasto, in: RIL 94, 1960,

599-672

46 Ders., Teofrasto di Ereso:

retorica

e sillogistica ipotetica, in: Aevum 74, 2000, 89-103 47 D.INNEs, Th. and the Theory of Style, in: RUSCH 2, 1985, 251-267 48 J.Stroux, De Theophrasti virtutibus dicendi, 1912.

IX. Music T.’s lost treatises on music were entitled Harmonikd,

Peri mousikés and Peri tén mousikén (Diog. Laert. 5,46-49). 16 testimonies and fragments (edited and translated in [5]) are of interest to musical history. The only verbatim quotation (from Peri mousikés, preserved by Porphyry) suggests that quality (something inherent to the sound) rather than quantity (the Pythagorean relationship between numbers) determines pitch [3. 61,22-65,15]. It criticizes the teachings of Aristoxenus concerning intervals (Harm. 1,15: 20,20-21,4

518

517

Da Rios; cf. Ptol. Harm. 1,9; [3. 64,24-65,13]) and calls music ‘motion of the soul’ ([3. 61,22-23 and 65,13]; cf. Ath. 14,628c). 1 W. ANDERSON, Musical Developments in the School of Aristotle, in: Royal Music Association Research Chroni-

cle 16, 1980, 92-97. 2 A.Barker, Greek Musical Writings, vol. 2, 1989, 110-118 3 I. Dining, Porphyrios’ Kommentar zur Harmonielehre des Ptolemaios, 1932

(repr. 1978)

4 1Id., Ptolemaios und Porphyrios tiber die

Musik, 1934 (repr. 1980 and later), 160-168 5 W. FORTENBAUGH, Th. of Eresus, vol. 2, 1992, 560-583.

RO.HA.

Theophylactus (Qzo@tAaxtoc; Theophylaktos). [1] T. Simocatta (©. Xiwoxdtng; Th. Simokdatés). Byzantine historian, born in Egypt, jurist and high official in Constantinople under the emperor Heraclius [7] (610641). The family name Simokates is not recorded prior to the Suda, the spelling with -tt- is modern. Author of a ‘General History’ (oixovpevixi iotogia/oikoumenike historia, 8 bks), designed as a continuation of Menander [13] Protector, on the reign of the emperor Mauricius (582-602) with a look back to the time since 572. At the beginning of the work is a proem oriented on classical Greek models (Diodorus [18], Ephorus, Isocrates); this is preceded in turn by a dialogue between History and Philosophy (possibly originally an independent text), which praises the emperor Heraclius and reviles his predecessor Phocas [4], the murderer of Mauricius [4].

The ‘History’ depicts the period covered in great detail, but is chronologically imprecise and has a vague, florid style. Events in Italy and the West are scarcely considered. The authenticity of the depiction is emphasized by exact quotes from letters and documents. T. goes far beyond the description of campaigns and also deals with the imperial court and its ceremonial. Also noteworthy is a long excursus on the peoples of central and eastern Asia. The Christian view of T. comes more strongly to the fore compared to earlier authors; the work includes tales of miracles, descriptions of icons and Christian definitions of faith, and thus its character lies between Late Antique historiography and later Byzantine annalistic historiography, which was familiar with excerpts of the work through the Chronicle of Theophanes. T. also wrote a commemorative address on emperor Mauricius, which was given at his burial under Heraclius in 610, as well as a scientific treatise in dialogue form —the content of which is connected to the dialogue at the beginning of the ‘History’ — 85 letters to imaginary people and a treatise on the predestination of the hour of death. EDITIONS

AND

TRANSLATIONS:

1C.pE

Boor,

P.WirtH, Theophylacti Simocattae historiae, 1972 2 P.SCHREINER, Theophylaktos Simokates, Geschichte, 1985 (Germ. transl.) 3M. und M. Wuirsy, The History of Theophylact Simocatta, 1986 (Engl. transl.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4 TH.NISsEN, Das Prooemium zu

Theophylakts Historien und die Sophistik, in: Byzanti-

THEOPOMPUS

nisch-Neugriechische Jahrbicher 15, 1939, 3-13 5 O. VeH, Untersuchungen zu dem byzantinischen Historiker Theophylaktos Simokattes, 1957 6 HUNGER, Literatur I, 313-319 7 T.OLajos, Les sources de Théophylacte Simocatta historien, 1988 8 M.Wuirsy, The Emperor Maurice and His Historian, 1988. ALB.

[2] B. c. 760, d. c. 842. Bishop of > Nicomedia before

806. According to the vague information in his vita (written by a like-named T. around 900), T. entered the service of the later Patriarch > Tarasius before 784. T. settled as a monk on the Black Sea prior to 787. Due to his iconodulist attitude (— Syrian dynasty), the emperor + Leo [8] V exiled him to Stobilus, where he died after 30 years. The feast of Saint T. is the 8th or 7th of March. A. Voct, S. Théophylacte de Nicomédie, in: Analecta Bollandiana 50, 1932, 67-82. K.SA.

Theopompus (Qzdnoun0d/Thedpompos). [1] Among the early Spartan kings, the Eurypontid T. (> Eurypontids), son of Nicander [1] (Hdt. 8,131), is the only one securely identified in a contemporary source: Tyrtaeus (fr. 2 GENTILI/PRATO) names him as a victorious king in the 1st + Messenian War (c. 700/690-680/70 BC). He was probably the colleague of the Agiad Polydorus [6] (Paus. 4,7,7), appears to have played a role in Spartan-Argive conflicts around > Cynuria [1] (Paus. 3,7,5) and in disputes between Spartans and Arcadians (Polyaenus Strat. 8,34). His special status as the first Spartan king to be securely known led to the creation of legends already in Antiquity; thus, the so-called addition to the Great > Rhetra [2] was wrongly traced back to Polydorus and T. (Plut. Lycurgus 6,7 f.), in order to be able to identify him, along with > Lycurgus [4], as a founder of Spartan order (> Sparta I. B.). In connection with the introduction of

the > éphoroi, there was also a T. tradition, along with the Lycurgus tradition (Aristot. Pol. 5,1313a 26; Plut. Lycurgus 7,1). T. had a mnéma (‘memorial’) near the Lycurgus sanctuary (Paus. 3,16,6) and was famous for his short aphorisms (Plut. Lycurgus 7,2; 20,7; 30,3). S. Link, Das frihe Sparta, 2000, 71-75; M. Meter, Aristokraten und Damoden, 1998, 75; 80; 93; 187; 259-261;

M. Nariss1, La nascita del kosmos, 1991, Index s. v. Th.

M.MEL [2] Athenian comic poet of the 5th/4th cents. BC, twice victor in the Lenaea, the first time after > Metagenes [x] [1. test. 5], 1.e. probably after 4 10; first victory at the Dionysia no later than 403 [t1. test. 4]; was active into the 70s or 60s of the 4th cent. [2. 203]. 108 fragments (x1 of them uncertain) and 20 titles are preserved, a third of which indicate mythological material [2.203 f.]. Political and personal allusions date Stroatwmtudses (Stratiotides, ‘Women at Arms’), Kamndudec (Kapelides, ‘The Lady Hucksters’), Matdec

(Paides, ‘The Boys’) and Tetoapevocg (Teisamenos [4], politician of the democratic restoration after 403) to the final decade of the s5thcent.; on the other hand, "Adooditn (Aphrodite) [3.2175], “Aduntos (Admétos)

519

520

and “Hédvycens (Hédycharés, ‘The Luxury Reveller’; [2. 194]; cf. the mockery of Plato in fr. 16) belong to the 4th cent. The Eionvy (Eirené, ‘The Peace’) may allude to the peace between Athens and Sparta in 375/4 BC [3. 2176]; MtjSoc (Médos, ‘The Mede’) mentions Callistratus [2] as the founder of the 2nd > Athenian League (fr. 31) and was therefore written after 377 BC.

(3.) Philippika or Philippikai historiai: “History of + Philippus [I 4] in 58 books, T.’ extensive chief and late work, published after 324 (F 330). Numerous fragments (F 24-396) and c. 500 lines have been preserved as direct quotes. The Philippika not only includes the history of Philip of Macedon, it was also a universal history, containing ‘the deeds of the Greeks and barbarians’ (F 25) with Philip II at the focus. Symptomatic of this is the fact that the number of books shrank from 58 to 15 when Philippus [7] V later had only the deeds of Philip written down (T 31). T.’ historical concept was very broad: he considered not only political and military events, but also offered ethnographic, geographic, cultural historical, religious historical, every-

THEOPOMPUS

1 PCG VII, 1989, 708-749 attische Mittlere Komédie, (6), RE 5 A, 2174-2176.

2 H.-G. NEsseL_ratu, Die 3 A.KOrTE, s. v. T. 1990 B.BA.

[3] Th. of Chios. Greek historian of the 4th cent. BC, along with > Ephorus the chief representative of the so-called rhetorical > Historiography (II. C.). I. Lire II. Worx III. TENDENCY AND EFFECT

I. LIFE According to a short vita in Photius (Bibl. 176 = Th. FGrH 115 T 2), T., born in 378/7, was banned from Chios in his youth together with his father Damasistratus for lakonismos (‘pro-Spartan attitude’), but was allowed to return in 333/2 at the instigation of Alexander [4] the Great. Exiled for a second time after the latter’s death, he finally — ‘driven away from everywhere’ — reached the court of > Ptolemaeus [1] I. Ptolemy wanted to eliminate him as a ‘troublemaker’, but T. was saved thanks to the intervention of friends. He probably died soon after 320.

day, memorabilia, thaumdsia (‘wonderful’), and even

mythological material (F 381). In addition, the Philippikd includes extensive excursuses, among others ‘Wonders’ (Book 8, cf. F 64-84), ‘On the Athenian Demagogues’ (Book ro, F 85-100) and Stkelika (Books 41-43, F. 183-205), which dealt with the tyranny of Dionysius

[1] I and Dionysius [2] II (406/5-344/3). Noteworthy were the rhetorical character and the elaborate stylizations of the Philippika, including the numerous Gorgian figures of speech (cf. e.g. T 34, F 225, 263; > Gorgias [2]).

Ill. TENDENCY AND EFFECT A strongly moralizing tendency is manifest throughout: T. never tires of denouncing moral depravity, espe-

Il. Work According to ancient traditions (cf. FGrH T 1,5a), T. was a student of > Isocrates and was initially active for a long time as an orator (F 25). He says himself (F 25) that his speeches comprised 20,000 lines (i.e. c. 600 printed pages). The following titles have been handed

cially the drunkenness and luxurious living of individual men as well as entire peoples. T. had an aristocratic-conservative disposition, which accompanied a pro-

down

thenaikos, Lakonikos, Olympikos. He also wrote political pamphlets (T 48): ‘Letters from Chios’, ‘Encomium of Philip’, ‘Advice to Alexander’ and an ‘Invective against Plato and his School’ (T

to be Philippus [4] II: according to T. (F 27), Europe had never before brought forth such a man. T. frequently supported the contemporary history with autopsy, personal experience and personal investigation (T 20a): he lived at the court of Philip for some time (T 7) and

7; 48; F 259).

visited all of Greece (F 25); for the earlier period, he

Historical works: (1.) An epitome of -» Herodotus [rx] in two books (T 1, F 1-4), considered incorrectly as

used historical and literary material of all kinds, including speeches, comedies, pamphlets.

(T 48): “To Evagoras’

(Pros Euagoran), Pana-

an excursus of the Philippikad (see below) by [1. 47-52]. Rather it is an independent work, the first provable excerpt from an earlier history. (2.) Hellenika, ‘Greek History’ in 12 books. T. continued the history of + Thucydides[2| from 411 to the naval battle of Cnidus in 394, which marked the end of the brief Spartan hegemony (T 13 and 14). With this work, T. competed with -» Xenophon’s [2]Hellenika (1-4,3), but wrote much more extensively. As only 19 partially insignificant fragments are preserved (F 5-23), no definite statements can be made about the content, structure, tendency, diction and quality of the Helle-

nikd. The so-called - Hellenica Oxyrhynchia, frequently (most recently by [2]) ascribed to T., are certainly not identical with this work [33 4; 5]

Spartan attitude [6]. He saw the civic and social order

which he preferred best realized in a patriarchal monarchy, the ideal representative of which he considered

In the Hellenistic-Roman era, T. was one of the most

read and most influential Greek historians. In his overall appraisal, Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus (Ad Pomp. 6 = T 20) praises, among other things, his love of truth, erudition, causal research, universalism, personal

commitment, frequent autopsy, careful research as well as, purity, majesty and magnificence of style; on the other hand, he criticizes the excessive tendency to diatribe and overly long excursuses. Referring to T., Pompeius [III 3] Trogus called (in the Augustan era) his own work Historiae Philippicae. -» Historiography (II. C.) 1M.R.

Curist, T. and Herodotus: A Reassessment, in:

CQ 43, 1993, 47-52

2B.BLECKMANN, Athens Weg in

die Niederlage. Die letzten Jahre des Peloponnesischen Krieges, 1998, 19-31 (Bibliography) 3 K.MeisTER, Die

521

522 griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 1990, 90-94 4G.S. SHRIMPTON, Theopompus the Historian, 1991 5 O.LENDLE, Einfiihrung in die griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 1992, 129-136 6 K.von Fritz, Die politische Tendenz in Theopomps Geschichtsschreibung, in:

A&A 4, 1954, 45-64. EpITION: FGrH 115 (with the commentary by Jacosy). BIBLIOGRAPHY: P.AMANN, T. und die Etrusker, in: Tyche 14, 1999, 3-14; G. BONAMENTE, La storiografia di Teopompo tra classicita ed ellenismo, in: Annali dell’ Instituto Italiano per gli studi classici 4, 1973/1975, 1-86; W.R. Connor, Theopompus and Fifth-Century Athens, 1968; M.A. FLoweEr, T. of Chios. History and Rhetoric in the Fourth Century B. C., 1994; P. PEDECH, Trois historiens méconnus:

Theopompe,

Duris, Phylarque,

1989;

K.ReEeEp, T. of Chios. History and Oratory in the Fourth Century, Diss. University of California 1976; R. VarTTUONE, Koinai Praxeis. Le dimensioni ‘universali’ della

storiografia fra Erodoto e Teopompo, in: L. AIGNER FoREsti (ed.), L’ ecumenismo politico nella coscienza dell’ occidente, 1998, 57-98. K.MEI.

[4] Son of Charidemus, Athenian from the family of the Bouselids. In 361/o BC, he was awarded the disputed inheritance of the wealthy Hagnias, but this was contested in 3 59/8 by the guardian of a nephew, and T. was obligated to pay out half of the legacy (Isaeus, Or. 11). Further legal steps were taken against his son > Macartatus [3] over the inheritance ([Dem.] Or. 43). DAVIES, 2921 XII; TRAILL, PAA 509770; SCHAFER, vol. 4 (inserts), 229-236 (with stemma).

HA.BE.

[5] C. Iulius Th. of Cnidos, father of + Artemidorus

[5]; both participated for their native city at the conclusion of the alliance treaty with Rome in 45 BC. T. was considered a friend of > Caesar and may be the same as the T. who visited > Cicero (Cic. Att. 13,7,1 [1. test. 2]) the same year in his villa in Tusculum. T. worked as a mythographer (Plut. Caesar 48,730d1 [t. test. 4]); nothing has been preserved of his work (probably called MiOwv Suvaywyh/Mython Synagoge, ‘Myth Collection’). EDITION:

1FGrH 21.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

2C.CicHortus,

Ein Bindnisvertrag

zwischen Rom und Knidos, in: RhM 76, 1927, 327-329 3 FGrH, Commentary to 21 (p. 498, 548)

4 G. HirscHFELD, C. Julius T. of Cnidus, in: JHS 7, 1886, 286-290.

ST.MA.

[6] Th. of Colophon. Epic poet, not datable; his work Harmation (‘Chariot’, two hexameters in Ath. 4,183a = SH 765) may be an epic re-adaptation of an old musical + nomos [3]; cf. [2]; the verses describe an Indian musical instrument with four strings (skindapsos). A ‘Cyprian song’ is mentioned by Fulg. Afer 1,3 p. 19 HELM = SH 766. 1 E.Dren1, s. v. T. (7), RE 5 A, 2176 =2 U. von WILaMOWITZ-MOELLENDOREF, Hellenistische Dichtung, vol.

I, 106, note 3 3 M.Fantuzzi, Epici ellenistici, in: K. Z1EGLER, L’epos ellenistico, 1988, LXXXVII. S.FO.

THEORIA

Theoria (Oewoia; theoria). {1] Designation for one of the best-documented forms of + pilgrimage [1], whereby the Greek poleis sent official legations to non-local shrines. The official sent on such a mission was called theoros (Oewedc; thedros). It is assumed that the term comes from the fact that the theoroi ‘looked upon’ with their own eyes (horan; on the word’s disputed etymology see [1.43 3f.]) the sacrifices and celebrations in those sanctuaries, or beheld a ‘god’ (theds), in contrast to all those who remained at home or consulted the gods through representatives [2]. Here one must differentiate between several related terms: (a) theoria in the sense of ‘viewing’ (Isocr. Trapeziticus 4; PTebtunis 1,33, 112 BC); (b) theords as magistrate on Paros, on Thasos and in Mantinea [3.6] as well as (c) theoros as the emissary of a sanctuary who announces festivities (see below). Theoriai can be documented, mainly through inscriptions, from the 6th cent. BC to Roman times. Inscriptions dating from the Classical Period are rare but include e.g. the agreement between Andros and Delphi (CID 1,7; [4]). Documents from the Hellenistic Period are more numerous, mainly in connection with newly introduced festivals in Asia Minor. In the late 2nd cent. BC, the Athenian delegation to Delphi (Pythais) experienced a spectacular revitalization [5]. There is frequent documentation of theoriai being sent to > Clarus in the 2nd cent. AD. The sending out of a theoria was seen as a religious duty and usually followed a schedule oriented on the festivities to be held in the sanctuary in question. In other cases the time was determined by the polis that sent the theoria (e.g. on the occasion of the Athenian Pythais: [5.1-12]). Among the assigned tasks were sacrifices in the sanctuary, often conjointly (synthysia) with other poleis [6], as well as the offering of the first fruits of the season (aparchai) and other consecrated offerings. In addition, theoria may have served the purpose of strengthening community feeling (e.g. that of panhellenic identity) between the delegating poleis; the practice entailed no political-diplomatic tasks [7]. Other important theoriai were assembled ad hoc, mainly to consult oracles. Some panhellenic sanctuaries (Delphi, Olympia, Delos) attracted thedroi from all over Greece, while others drew them from only a particular region, e.g. -» Samothrace from the northeastern Aegean [8.4859], -» Dodona from northwestern Greece [9.259273]. Sometimes a delegation to a local sanctuary was also regarded as theoria (e.g. Aristoph. Pax 873f.). Often there was a close relationship between a sanctuary and a city; such relationships could be understood as a continuation of historical connections, as that be-

tween a colony and its mother-city (e.g. Brea and Athens: IG I 3, 42; cf. » Metropolis [1]). Sometimes cities sent thedriai to a sanctuary in connection with an

> amphiktyonia; in Delphi, however, theoroi must be distinguished from the + hieromnemones, who attended meetings of the Amphictyonic Council.

545

524

On their way to panhellenic sanctuaries the theorot

Oracles of Zeus, 1967. 101.C. RUTHERFORD, Theoric Crisis, in: SMSR 61, 1995, 276-292 11B.JORDAN, The Athenian Navy in the Classical Period, 1975, 169ff. 12 F.SALviaT, Document amphictionique CID IV 2: Restitution, in: BCH 119, 1995, 565-571 13 J.PouILLOUx,

THEORIA

were considered inviolable (+ Asylia); nonetheless, the journey was dangerous [10]. Athenian theoro/ used spe-

cial ships (thedrides), e.g. the > Salaminia; and ship crews sometimes played an important role in the ritual [rr]. Sometimes the departure of the theoroi was accompanied by an ‘apopemptic’ sacrifice or festival

tuary in Ancient Greece, 2000

(LSCG 156b); sometimes the time of their absence was

House of the Thebans’ (FD III.1 357-358) and Accom-

seen as sacred (PI. Phd. 5 8b; [7]). A single theoria might visit several sanctuaries while on its journey (LSCG 156b,16-7; IG XI 2,287 B39; IDélos 298 Ato). In Delphi, theoroi enjoyed exemption from harbour fees [12]. Proxenoi (> Proxenia, proxenos) looked after them upon their arrival [13]. Their official reception (theo-

modation for Greek Pilgrims, in: ZPE 83, 1990, 64-88 16 J.Coupry, ‘AoyeBewooi eig Anov, in: BCH 78, 1954,

rodokia; the thedrodokos receives the guest) is seldom

documented and developed later than the theoria itself. [14]. The theoro/ slept in tents, later in houses and inns, and took their meals in so-called hestiatoria [15]. The size of a theoria ranged from one to over a hundred persons, usually under one or more archithedroi [16]. Sometimes members of religious géné (+ Family IV.A.) assumed a leading position among the pilgrims [17]. Theoriai might be accompanied by an escort, often a group of adolescents who formed a procession or a chorus [18]. For this reason the theoria can also be seen as the institutional structure for a rite of passage of young people. Theoroi also accompanied athletes to competitions ([19.297-299];

> Sports festivals). The theoria was an institution of the polis (Thuc. 6,16,2): in Athens some architheoriai were — liturgies; theorot were equipped by the > kolakrétai (FGrH 324 F 36) and received honours from the city upon their return. Being able to send out one’s own theoria seems to have been a sign of political autonomy; only in exceptional cases did a community, once it had been consolidated with another polis, retain the right to send out or receive theoriai. A theoria embodied the relationship between a home town and the town of destination with its sanctuary. At times, thedriai appear to have been a two-way process: the journey of theoroi from one polis to another was reciprocated by a second group that travelled in the opposite direction [20.50, 61]. The term theoroi was also used for envoys sent out to announce + festivals (epangelia), whether on the occasion of a new festival being introduced or the recurrence of one already established [4; 14]. At festivals the same theoror could represent their polis and make a public announcement of its own festivals [3.21]. Theoria in the cultic sense is linked by authors of Classical Antiquity with theoria as a philosophical term for ‘contemplation’ (see Theoria [2]). 1 CHANTRAINE 2 21.C. RUTHERFORD, T. and Darshan, in: CQ 50, 2000, 133-146 3 P. BoEscH, QEQPOX, 1908 4G.RouGEMONT, Les Théores d’Andros a Del-

phes, in: Etudes Delphiques (BCH Suppl. 4), 1977, 37-47 5 A.BoretHtus, Die Pythais, thesis, Uppsala, 1918 6 C.P. Jones, ‘Joint Sacrifice’ at Iasus and Side, in: JHS 118, 1998, 183-186

7J.Ker, Solon’s T. and the End of

the City, in: Classical Antiquity 19, 2000, 304-329 8 S.G. Cote, Theoi Megaloi, 1984 9H.W. Parke, The

Les décrets Delphiques pour Matrophanes de Sardes, in: BCH 98, 1974,159-169 14 P.PERLMAN, City and Sanc15 M.P. J. DILLON, “The

285-294 171.C. RurHEerForD, The Amphikleidai of Sicilian Naxos, in: ZPE 122, 1998, 81-89 18 1d., in: P. Murray, P. WILSON (eds.), Music and the Muses, 2004

19 C.SourviINou-INwoop,

What is Polis Religion?, in:

O. Murray, S. PRIcE (eds.), The Greek City from Homer to Alexander,

1990,

295-322

20 A. CHANIOTIS,

Die

Vertrage zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit, 1996

21 H.Rauscu, T.: Von ihrer sakralen zur

philosophischen Bedeutung, 1982.

LRU.

[2] Philosophical Term I. Concept II. PRE-SOCRATICS AND PLATO III. ARISTOTLE IV. PLOoTINUS V. ROMAN AND CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY

I. CONCEPT Especially since the time of Plato [1] and Aristotle [6], the term theoria in Greek philosophy denotes the special character of philosophical knowledge and the kind of contemplative behaviour that orients itself on that knowledge. Consequently, theoria is both a mode of knowing (of knowledge that is disinterested, purely scientific) and a way of life (contemplative or speculative) that philosophers in general suggest as an alternative to the practical-political life because it grants man constant bliss and godlikeness. Il. PRE-SOCRATICS AND PLATO + Thales and > Anaxagoras [2] were the first to elevate theoria, as pure contemplation and study of the celestial and cosmic order, to the ideal way of life for the philosopher — even at the expense of practical everyday interests (cf. the telling anecdote of Thales who, looking up at the sky, falls into a well and is consequently laughed at by a Thracian maidservant, Pl. Tht. 174a-b; Diog. Laert. 1,34). Both thinkers are considered to be ‘wise’ (codoi/sophor) and eminent representatives of the theoretic way of life that is oriented on pure > wisdom (oopia/sophia) (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 6,7,r141b 3ff.; Aristot. Eth. Eud. 1,5,1216a 13-14), while Pericles [1], in contrast, is seen as the model of practical good

sense (-» Prudence) (pedvnoic/phronésis) and the practical-political way of life (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 6,5,r140b 7ff.; > Practical Philosophy).

The first important designation of theoria as the philosophical mode of knowledge and the basic attitude of the philosopher is supplied by > Plato [1]. Following common usage of the word, he defines theoria as a way of seeing by means of which the soul grasps that which is in all its + truth (Pl. Phdr. 247c3-e4; d4). On the

525

526

highest plane, theoria is ‘the view that recognizes the whole of time and being’ (Pl. Resp. 486a). ‘Divine beholding’ (Oia Seweia/theia thedria, ibid. 517d 4f.) is the term Plato applies in his cave allegory to contemplation of the idea of the good as the highest reality, surpassing even being itself, that the philosopher can attain (-> Ideas, theory of). That the highest stage in the process of attaining knowledge is denoted with the aid of a practical-moral term (the ‘Good’) is probably due to the fact that Plato considers theoria not as mere insight but rather as a fundamental orientation of the human soul.

preferable to the practical-political life (Blog modttixdc/ bios politikos, Lat. vita activa). Through it alone can man attain lasting happiness (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 10,6-9; Aristot. Pol. 7,3, 1325b 14ff.) and even aspire to ‘become immortal’ (G0avatitew/athanatizein; Eth. Nic.

III. ARISTOTLE + Aristotle [6] takes up again the Platonic definition of theoria as the highest mode of knowing and living but redefines and integrates it within the context of his own systematic view of scientific knowledge. He distinguishes the theoretical, purely contemplative sciences (theology, mathematics, physics) from the practical and the poietic (on the division into three parts cf. Aristot. Top. 6,6,145a 14-18; Metaph. 6,1; 11,7; Eth. Nic. 6,2,1138a 27-28; on the division of theoretical and

practical philosophy cf. Top. 7,1,152b 4; Metaph. 2,1,993b 20-21; also Cael. 3,7,306a 16; Metaph. 12,9,1074b 38—1075a 2). The criteria for differentiating are: (a) the goals: in the theoretical sciences one strives

for a contemplative discernment of > truth (aAnGeva/ aletheia), in the practical and poietic disciplines for success in the particular undertaking;

THEORIA

10,7, 1177b 33). IV. PLoTINUS > Plotinus (+ Neoplatonism) expands the meaning of theoria in a paradoxical way; according to him, “all beings strive toward theoria’ (mivta Beweias épieoOan, Plot. Enneades 3,8,1). This is part of his Neoplatonic doctrine of hypostases ( Hypostasis [2]) and leads to ‘pancontemplationism’. All stages of being (mind, soul, nature)

are

-»emanations,

‘products’

(sowjoets/

poiéseis) resulting from the activity of the One that rests in itself (¢v abt® wévov/en hautdi ménon) and is turned toward itself in contemplation (Oeweotv/thedrotn). Mind, soul and nature engage in theoria at their respective ontological levels. Praxis is conceived as a weaker imitation of theoria’s poietic activity (‘shadow of theoria’, oxida Oeweiac/skia thedrias, ibid. 3,8,4,32) because

of its weakness, praxis cannot orient itself on itself but only to the outside. That everything strives toward theoria means that everything imitates the activity of the mind (votc/nois), which itself is ‘living theoria’ (Oeweia CHoa/thedria z6sa, ibid. 3,8,8,11) beholding the One.

(b) the manner of being of the particular subject: the

V. ROMAN AND CHRISTIAN PHILOSOPHY The Aristotelian concept of theoria was especially important to Latin philosophy. Cicero (Cic. Att. 1,2, 16;

theoretical sciences investigate that which necessarily is

Cic. Nat. D. 1,50) and Seneca [2] (Sen. Ep. 95,10) trans-

(t6 &vayxatov/to anankaion), whereas the practical and

lated 0eweetv/theorein into Latin as contemplari, which originally denoted the beholding of the heavens of the > augures. The translation contemplatio assumed special significance with the work of Augustine, who used

poietic sciences investigate that which can be different from what it is (tH évéexoueva GAs Eyxeww/ta endech6mena Gllos échein), that which is contingent; (c) the manner of argumentation: only the theoreti-

cal sciences can, by virtue of the constancy of their subject, aspire to the highest degree of accuracy in manner of argumentation (GoiBodoyia/akribologia) as well as in rigorous and apodictic demonstration of proof (addetEic/apddeixis). Theoretical knowledge (émtothun Sewoertixn/ epistemé theoretiké) is also the knowledge that Aristotle calls the ‘first philosophy’ (mewtn pirocodia/ prote philosophia) and which later was to receive the name —> ‘metaphysics’ (-> Principle). As the distinguished form of knowledge, theoria is for Aristotle at the same time the highest form of action (moa&ic/praxis) because it takes the individual to a state of being that resembles the life of God (dpoimots Beq/ homotosis thedi). For God lives through the thinking of such thoughts, the thinking of thinking (vofnoewc vonouc/noeéseos noésis, Aristot. Metaph. 12, 9, 1074b 34f.; 12,7 und 9). Although man is able to engage in pure theoria only rarely and briefly, the theoretical way of life (Biog Bewontixdc/bios thedretikos, Lat. vita contemplativa) in itself is nonetheless worth striving for and

it to denote the beholding of God (contemplatio divina) in the life beyond (Aug. De immortalitate animae 6,10),

because of its theological-spiritual implications. This meaning is also confirmed by Ps.-Dionysius [54] Areopagites, who understands theoria as the beholding of the intelligible world. A different translation of the term prevailed in the 6th cent. with Boethius: he translated theorein as speculari and theoria as speculatio (Boeth. In Isagogen Porphyrii commenta 1,3), a practice that was retained in translations and commentaries of Aristotle in the Middle Ages (although one also occasionally finds theoria translated as consideratio).

> THEORIA/PRAXIS R.ARNOU, Praxis et T., 1921, *1972; H. BLUMENBERG, Das Lachen der Thrakerin, 1987; F. BOLL, Vita contem-

plativa (SHAW, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Heft 8,

1920), 3-34; J.DupLEy,

Gott und T. bei Aristoteles,

1982; T.B. ERIKSEN, Bios theoretikos. Notes on Aristotle’s Ethica Nicomachea X, 6-8, 1976; A.-J. FESTUGIERE,

Contemplation et vie contemplative selon Platon, 1936 (1950); O. Gicon, La teoria e i suoi problemi in Platone e

Aristotele, 1987; W.JaEGER, Uber Ursprung und Kreislauf des philosophischen Lebensideals, in: SPrAW, Philo-

THEORIA sophisch-Historische Klasse, 25, 1928, 390-421 Scripta minora, vol. 1, 1960, 347-393);

527

528

(=Id.,

childless, he lived with his wife in chastity, probably in accordance with a Pythagorean rule. Although a Platonist, T. took the oral teachings of — Epictetus as a model for his thoughts.

A. KENNy, Ari-

stotle on Perfect Life, 1992; G.KOnIG, s.v. Theorie L., HWdPh ro, 1998, 1128-1138; H.KoLier, Theoros und

T., in: Glotta 36, 1958, 273-286; J. PFEIFFER, Contemplatio Caeli. Untersuchungen zum Motiv der Himmelsbetrachtung in lateinischen Texten der Antike und des Mittelalters, 2001; H. Rauscn, T. Von ihrer sakralen zur philosophischen Bedeutung, 1982; G. REDLOw, Theoria.

C. ZINTZEN (ed.), Damascii Vitae Isidori reliquiae, 1967;

P.ATHANASSIADI

(ed.), Damascius,

The Philosophical

History, 1999 (text, transl. and comm.).

L.BR.

Theoretische versus praktische Lebensauffassung im phi-

Theosophia (@zocogia; Theosophia). Title of a Chris-

losophischen

tian work by an unknown writer (Severus [3] of Antioch, according to [2]) from the end of the sth cent. AD. The title shows a connexion with -> Porphyrius’ work

Denken

der

Antike,

1966;

J. RITTER,

Mundus intelligibilis. Eine Untersuchung zur Aufnahme und Umwandlung der neuplatonischen Ontologie bei Augustinus, 1937; Id., Die Lehre vom Ursprung und Sinn der T. bei Aristoteles (1953), in: Id., Metaphysik und Poli-

tik. Studien zu Aristoteles und Hegel, 1969, 9-33.

_ F.Vo.

Philosophy from Oracles, where he made theosophia (a blending of theologia and philosophia) a technical term, probably for the first time (fr. 303; 323; 340a SMITH, cf. Porph. De abstinentia 2,45,4; 4,17,1); pre-

Theorikon (Oewomoy; thedrik6n). Public payment to Attic citizens for participating in festivals, particularly dramatic performances. The introduction of the ¢. (also in the plural Oeweumd/theorikd sc. yorwata/chremata) was sometimes ascribed to > Pericles [1], who was suspected of bribing the people with it (Plut. Pericles 9), sometimes to ~ Agyrrhius, who c. 400 BC had expenses paid to participants in the > Ekklesia; there is no contemporary evidence, however. Apparently, > Eubulus [x] was c. 350 the first to regularly use public

money for subsidising visits to the theatre [1] for which purpose he established a state authority [2]. -» Festivals, Feasts; > Theatre III 1 E. RuscHENBuSCH, Die Einfiihrung des T., in: ZPE 36,

1979, 303-308

2P.J. RHopEs,

A Commentary on the

J.J. BucHanan, Theorika, 1962; PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/ GouLD/LEwIs, 266-268, s. v. Dionysiakoi technitai, Nr.

H.BL.

Theoros, theorodokos see > Theoria [1] Theosebeia (QcovéPeva; Theosébeia). Poet, of whose work only one epigram is recorded (Anth. Pal. 7,559):

Acestoria (personification of medicine) mourns the death of the physician Ablabius (presumably aptonym: G-BAGBn/a-blabe, ‘preventer of harm’). Her identification with the alchemist Zosimus’ sister of the same name (3rd cent. AD, cf. [2]) is chronologically hard to reconcile with her membership of the kyk/os of » Agathias [1]. 1 Av. and A. CAMERON, The Cycle of Agathias, in: JHS 86, 1966, 8 2R.C. McCair, The ‘Cycle’ of Agathias, in: JHS 89, 1969, 94.

Theosebius

(Qeooéfioc;

Theosébios).

was docu-

do-- Dionysius [54] Areopagites. The ‘Tibingen T.’, an epitome of books 8—r1o (with information on the content of the other books), is preserved in a single Tubingen MS (Mb 27, an apographon of a Strasbourg MS burned in 1870). Individual fragments survive in

further MSS ([1.X VII] with stemma); other, quite small collections are of later date [1.91-135]. The first seven books dealt with the ‘true belief’, the next ones with

oracles of Greek gods (Book 8), with the ‘theologies’ of Greek and Egyptian sages (Book 9) and with Sibylline Oracles (Book 10); this section, part of the original work, is preserved in two MSS [1.57—90]; the introduc-

tion of this so-called ‘Sibyl t.’ recurs e.g. in the proem of

Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, *1993, 514-516.

1157.

viously the adverb O2000@m Eusebius [7], — Proclus [2], — Damascius, pseu-

the — Sibyllina Oracula

(MS F). The eleventh

book,

which is not excerpted, contains oracles of + Hystaspes [1] anda chronicle from Adam to Zenon (474-491); the End of the World was expected in the sooth year after the birth of Christ (500/r1 or 5097/8). The intention of the author was to show that non-Christian sources are consistent with Holy Scripture and are evidence for Christian doctrine, and therefore these traditions should not be neglected (cf. [1. § 7]: “Whoever does away with

these testimonies also brought them about”). > Theology

does

away

with

God

who

1 H.Erpse (ed.), Theosophorum Graecorum Fragmenta, 1995

2P.F. BEArrRice, Das Orakel von Baalbek und die

sogenannte Sibyllentheosophie, in: RQA 92, 1997, 177189.

J.HO.

M.G.A.

Theotecnus (Oedtexvoc; Thedteknos). Curator civita-

Neo-Platonic

tis (logistés; > Logistat) of Antioch [1] c. 312 AD; instigated there a city petition to » Maximinus [1] Daea to

philosopher of the 5th cent. AD, known only through -» Damascius. According to the latter’s Life of Isidorus (Phot. 56-59 and fr. t09-110 ZINTZEN = 45 A, B; 46 B, D, E ATHanassiAD1) T. published notes he took at two of > Hierocles’ [7] lectures in Alexandria [1] commenting on Plato’s Gorgias. T. was allegedly able to expel demons by exorcism. When his marriage remained

resume the persecution of Christians (> Tolerance E.); later, as governor of Syria (?) and initiator of an oracle site of Zeus, he was a leading adviser of Maximinus on religious policy; Licinius [II 4] had him executed, because of his closeness to Maximinus rather than his religious conviction, in

313 AD (Eus. HE 9,11,6).

BBL.

329

530

Theotimus (@edtu0¢; Thedtimos). Greek historian of

interior walls of up to 360 m height in the north. Hiera arose in 197 BC, Phia and another island in AD 19 or 46

the Hellenistic period. Author of various works of local history: On Cyrene (FGrH 470 F x and 2), Italikd (FGrH 834 F r), Against Aeelurus (FGrH 470 F 3-5), a Rhodean specialist author of unknown period (Aieluros FGrH 528). FGrH 470 and 834.

K.MEL.

Theoxene

(QeoEévy; Theoxéne) from the Ptolemaic royal house married c. 295 BC Agathocles [2], who sent her and her two sons (parvuli, Just. Epit. 23,2,6-8) with her dowry back to Egypt shortly before his death in 289. The political purpose of the marriage is unclear. Because of her dowry (regale instrumentum) T. is considered to be the daughter of Ptolemaeus [1] |and Eurydice [4], but she may have been the daughter of Berenice [x] and the sister of Magas [2] and hence his stepdaughter. PP VI r45rr. W.Huss, Agypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 2001, 203.

W.A. Theoxenia see > Xenia Theoxenus

(@edEevoc; Thedxenos). Achaean from ~» Leontium, father of > Callicrates [11]. In 197 BC, as stratégos of the Achaean League (+ Achaei) he defeated a Macedonian army at > Alabanda in support of the Rhodeans (Liv. 33,18,5 f.). His corresponding votive gift in + Delos is recorded there in the lists of inventories for the years 194-179 [1. 135°; 2. 137%]. 1 M.Launey,

Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques, 2 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971. L-M.G. vol. 2, 1987

Thera (Onoa/ Thera). I. GEoGRAPHY

II. SETTLEMENT

IN THE BRONZE

AcE III. FROM THE 15TH TO THE 6TH CENTS. BC IV. CLASSICAL, HELLENISTIC, ROMAN ERA

I. GEOGRAPHY An island (73 km7*) of the southern > Cyclades with a city of the same name (Str. 10,5,1; Paus. 3,1,8), formerly Santorini (from Italian Santa Irene), now Thira,

together with the smaller islands + Therasia and Aspronisi a group of islands that most likely formed around 1628 BC (dendro-dating) in the wake of a powerful volcanic eruption; Palaia Kaimeni and Nea Kai-

meni are the peaks of a volcano (there are still hot springs today) that arose in prehistoric times or as late as 1707(?) BC. Despite the problem of dating, it seems certain that this > natural catastrophe, contrary to older theories, cannot have been responsible for the demise of Minoan palace culture. The centre of a volcanic mountain originally connected to the limestone stratum of present-day Profitis Elias (564 m high) was blown away by a series of explosions. The exterior was covyered over by a layer of pumice more than 30 m high and the crater rim collapsed in three places on the west side, letting the sea flow in and form the present-day caldera (c. 86 km?, in places 390 m deep) with nearly vertical

THERA

(Stig. 06s Rlute Moresooc-sPlim=EIN 2-262; aust: 30,4,1f.; Paus. 8,33,4; Sen. Q Nat. 2,26,4; Cass. Dio 60,29,7; Amm. Marc. 17,7,13; Aur. Vict. Caes. 5,14),

but today all of them have disappeared. The soil of T. was considered productive (Schol. Pind. Pyth. 4,11), and its wines were famous (Poll. 6,16); colourful vestments from T. were used in Attic comedy (Ath. 10,24; Theophr. Fr. r19).; Il. SETTLEMENT IN THE BRONZE AGE The area at the base of the volcano had been settled since the late Neolithic; early Cycladic archaeological finds have been made e.g. at the present-day sites of Akrotiri and Phtellos. South of Akrotiri, there was a Bronze Age settlement with two- and three-storey buildings and an extension of an estimated 20 ha: the public and private buildings of this settlement yielded the largest and best-preserved complex of archaeological finds of Aegean and Bronze Age > wall painting (in both secco und > fresco technique). It shows elements of Cycladic tradition but belongs to Minoan art (+ Minoan culture and archaeology). Alongside abstract motifs and motifs that tend towards the abstract, the following figurative themes can be seen: landscape depictions with animals and plants, fishermen, a fleet frieze with scenes of sea and land, children boxing, a procession, various ritual scenes mainly with women but also mythical creatures and possibly feminine deities. Since no inscriptions were added (as is the case with Cretan mural painting, but not so of Egyptian depictions), the themes of the figurative room décor have been interpreted in widely different ways. Social and economic organization of the late Bronze Age is for the most part unclear. Palace structures have not been found. The many buildings that have their own store rooms could point to economic independence of the inhabitants. In dispute is the degree of the Minoan influence on T. and its socio-economic background; Minoan influence can be seen clearly in adaptation of the > Linear A script and the Minoan weight system, as well as e.g. in architecture and painting. Ill. FROM THE 15TH TO THE 6TH CENTS. BC

All life ceased on T. for some time after the big eruption of the volcano. In the area of present-day Monolithos, on the east coast, a new settlement arose in the

13th cent. BC with connections to Mycenaean centres.

Further settlement occurred in the roth cent. BC through the > Dorieis from — Laconica (Hdt. 4,147151; Str. 10,5,1), who founded the polis of T. on the

370-meter high mountain ledge Mesa Vouno in the southeast. The oldest sites are the so-called Agora of the Gods, the Gymnasium of the Ephebes, the columnless temple of Apollo Carneus (c. 600 BC); to the northwest, a temple of Apollo Pythios (6th cent. BC), the foundations of archaic houses. In the northern part of the city, various necropoleis; of importance for the history of art

THERA

531

are the large vessels bearing geometric designs. T. developed its own ‘Theran’ > alphabet, which gradually became similar to that used in Sparta (rock inscriptions in

532 Oixiac, 1994; K.PALYvou, ‘Axowtiet Onoas, 'H oixodo-

ux téxvn, 1999; J.W. SPERLING, T. and Therasia (Ancient Greek Cities 22), 1973.

A.KU.

T.). From T., in around 630 BC, > Cyrene was founded

(Hdt. 4,150-156). IV. CLASSICAL, HELLENISTIC, ROMAN

ERA

In the 5th cent. BC, aristocracy replaced kingship. In 431 BC, still without affiliation to Athens (Thuc. 2,9,4),

T. joined the + Delian League (tribute: 3 talents; cf. ATL 1, 284f., from 425-24 BC 5 talents, cf. ATL 1, 216f.); most likely after the victory of the - Peloponnesian League in 404 BC, but possibly even earlier, T. framed a constitution fashioned on the Spartan model (three > éphoroi; cf. IG XII 3, 330; 336). In the 4th cent. BC, T. was a member

of the 2nd -> Athenian

Therambos (OeoduPwc; Therambos). T. is mentioned in Hdt. 7,123,1 as the southeasternmost city on the ( Pallene [4] peninsula (Scyl. 66: Thrambéis; Steph. Byz. s. v. @eGufos), presumably in the area of modern Paliuri. T. appears in the Athenian tribute lists, initially together with —» Scione and from 446/5 BC separately, with the constant contribution of 1000 drachmai (ATL 1, 284 f.) and seems to have remained in the - Delian

League until the end of the + Peloponnesian War in 404 BC. The further history ofT. isnot known; T. may have been reincorporated into Scione. M. ZAHRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 187 f.

League. Around 330 BC, T. received 15,000 bushels of grain from Cyrene to alleviate the great famine that prevailed on the island as well as in all of Hellas. From 275

Theramenes

BC, T. became a base for the navy of the > Ptolemies;

Athenian

during the > Chremonidean War of 267-261 BC, a Ptolemaic governor was sent to the island and a garrison was erected on Mesa Vouno. The Ptolemaic naval base was located in the vicinity of Exomythion on the southern tip of the island of T. A substantial building boom began at this time (e.g. a sanctuary cut into the rock for Serapis, Isis and Anubis). In the centre of T. was the agora; adjoining it on the west side was the temple of Dionysus, which served the Ptolemaic ruler cult from the 2nd cent. BC on; further: theatres, private houses, and, in the north of the city, a cult district for Ptolemy [6] III with carved rock wall reliefs (eagle, lion, dolphin). In 146 BC the Ptolemies withdrew their garrison from T., and in the 1st cent. BC the island was integrated into the Roman province of > Asia. During the time of the Roman emperors, there was once again significant building activity: e.g. the Basilike Stoa (at the time of Augustus), public baths and thermal baths. T. became a diocese in the 4th cent. AD and several early Christian churches have been documented on the island (e.g. the Basilica of the Archangel Michael near the city of T.), also the remains of Byzantine fortification walls. + Aegean Koine (with map); >» Minoan Culture and Archaeology; > THERA

cent. BC; son of -» Hagnon [1]; teacher of + Isocrates.

PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 4, 164-185; SP. MARINATOS, Excavations at Thera I-VII, 1968-1976; T. and the Aegean World (International Congress Papers I-III), 1978-1990; H.RigpL,

W.Kern

(eds.),

Geographische

Studien

im

Bereich der Kykladen, 1980; N.MaAriNATos, Art and Religion in T., 1984; L.MorGan, The Miniature Wall Paintings of T., 1988; Cur. Doumas, The Wall-Paintings

of T., 1992; PH. YouNG Forsyth, T. in the Bronze Age, 1997; W.HorEpENER (ed.), Das dorische T., 1997; P.I. SOTERAKOPOULOU, Axowtyet Oneas, 1999; W.L. FRiEDRICH, Fire in the Sea ..., 2000; St.W. MANNING, A Test of Time, 1999; H.LoHMaANN, Die Santorin-Katastrophe —

ein archdologischer Mythos? in: E. OLSHAUSEN, H. SONNABEND (eds.), Naturkatastrophen in der antiken Welt (Geographica Historica to), 1998, 337-363; CH. A. TELEVANTOU, Axowtnot Onoas, Oi toryoyeadies tg Avtimnys

M.Z.

(Onoapévynd Théraménés). Important politician and commander in the late 5th

T. participated in the oligarchic overthrow of Athens in 411, was a member of the council of 400 (— Tetrakosiot) and — stratégos. He opposed efforts to end the war against the Peloponnesian Alliance through granting serious concessions and played an essential role in tearing down the fortification of — Eetionia which had been built under the oligarchs and which was supposed to facilitate the Spartans’ entry into the > Piraeus (Thuc. 8,68,4; 89-92; Lys. 12,65). After the fall of the 400, T. advocated the expansion of political participation to 5000 citizens and to abolish all remuneration for offices (Thuc. 8,97; Diod. Sic. 13,38,2). After

democracy had been re-established (— démokratia), T. was stratégos and, in 410-408 BC, successfully participated in the capture of Cyzicus and Byzantium. He reestablished democracy in Paros, and in Chrysopolis secured for Athens a 10% transit tax for ships from the Hellespont (Xen. Hell. 1,1,12-22; Diod. Sic. 13,47,6—-8;

49-51; 64,2 f.; 66f.). As triérarchos in 406 after the naval victory near the - Arginusae,

he received the

order to rescue the shipwrecked, but was unable to do so due to a storm (cf. + Thrasybulus). Upon returning to Athens, he nevertheless challenged the Athenians— successfully—to charge the stratégoi with the failure to rescue the shipwrecked (Xen. Hell. 1,6,3 5; 1,7,4-8} 17; 3x Diod. Sic. 13;98,33/ 10,2 0. 7).

His election to stratégos for 405/4 was declared invalid at the -» dokimasia (Lys. 13,10). Following the defeat at + Aigos Potamoi, T., in 405, negotiated with -» Lysander [1] in the name of the people and went to Sparta as a legate. As a result of the siege of their city, the Athenians were forced to accept Sparta’s peace conditions that T. delivered in March of 404 (Xen. Hell. 2,2,16-23). T. was among the thirty (— tridkonta) ap-

pointed at the behest of Lysander. When terror and persecutions increased, T. and > Critias became caught in an internal power struggle. T. advocated an expansion of the oligarchic basis. As a result of a defamation, T.

533

534

was charged with betraying the oligarchy in October of 404. Ina speech in front of the council, T. defended his political actions and justified his rejection of radical democracy and of extreme oligarchy (— oligarchia). Critias ordered the seizure of T., who had fled to the altar, and had him hauled off to be executed (Xen. Hell. 2,3,15-56; Diod. Sic. 14,4,5-5,4). TRatLL, PAA

volunteered as servers. The latter might have ensured the care for the older ‘scribes’ in general. Philo’s description has become an idealized model and has influenced Christian monks and various hermit-movements into the Modern Period.

513930. ~ Athens III. 8; > Peloponnesian War C.BrEarzoT,

Lisia e la tradizione

su Teramene,

1997;

B. BLECKMANN, Athens Weg in die Niederlage, 1998, 33 4386; 548-569; G.A. LEHMANN, Oligarchische Herrschaft im klassischen Athen, 1997; W.J. McCoy, The Political Debut of Theramenes, in: CH. D. HaMILTon, P. KRENTZ (eds.), Polis and Polemos, 1997, 171-192; J. VON UNGERN-

STERNBERG, “Die Revolution frifst ihre eigenen Kinder”. Kritias vs. Theramenes, in: Id., L.BURCKHARDT (eds.), Grofse Prozesse im ant. Athen, 2000, 144-156; K.-W. WELWEI, Das klassische Athen, 1999, 224-230; 233 f.; 243-251. WS.

Therapeutai

(Seganevtai;

therapeutai)

is the name

THERAPNAE

1 J.E. Taytor, P.R. Davies, The So-Called T. of De vita contemplativa, in: Harvard Theological Review 91, 1998, 3-24. F.C. ConyBEARE (ed.), Philo, About the Contemplative Life, 1895 (Gr., Arm., Lat.); F.Daumas, P. M1QuE1 (eds.), Philo, de vita contemplativa, 1963; J.R1auD, Les Thérapeutes d’Alexandrie, in: ANRW II 20.2, 1987, 1189-1295

(with bibliogr.).

J-HO.

Therapnae (OcganvaTherdpnai). [1] City in Crete, probably in the central north (presum-

ably between — Eleutherna and > Cydonia; [cf. 1. 198]), reckoned one of the island’s more important towns (Mela 2,113; Plin. HN 4,59). 1 P. Faure, La Créte aux cents villes, in: Kontixa: Xoovune.

13, 1959, 171-217.

H.SO.

used by > Philo [12] for those who devote their lives

entirely to God through asceticism and philosophical contemplation (bios theorétikos), (on the name cf. Pl. Phdr. 252c and the collection of inscriptions from Pergamon, Delos i.a. [1] for the devotees of Egyptian deities). Philo offers two etymologies: ‘healers of the soul’ and ‘devotees of the highest form of being’. According to Philo, the ‘best’? among them were a group of Jewish hermits on Lake Mareotis southwest of Alexandria [1] in Egypt, of whom we know only from his text De vita contemplativa (its authenticity is generally assumed today; it is unclear whether Philo himself had visited the place). Philo’s presentation is marked by his own philosophical position and rhetorical style and leaves out important information, e.g. about the number of the therapeutai and their economical basis. Although he distinguishes the Egyptian therapeutai from the > Essenes, whom he presents as a model for an active life (bios

praktikos), the group is regarded for the most part as Essenic, as is evident as early as in Jer. Adv. lovinianum 2,14 (PL 23,316f.) and Epiphanius Ady. Haereses 29,4,9f.; Euseb.

Hist. eccl. 2,16f. takes them to be

Christian monks. Philo describes that the primarily older men and women (!) withdrew to this sparsely populated place favoured by a pleasant climate in order to interpret the Bible (allegorically) and to create religious hymns and songs. They had access to the exegetic literature of the ‘sect’s founders’. They each lived alone in simple houses (they had given away their former property to their heirs or others). Each house had a sacred room. They prayed twice a day and ate for sustenance only. Simple clothing, sexual abstinence and asceticism characterized their lifestyle. The Sabbath was held in a communal celebration. A special feast took place every 50 days (= 7 weeks, cf. Lv 23,15ff.) with a speech by the eldest, a cultic meal, (bread, salt, hyssop, water) and song. Philo mentions younger, specially chosen members who

[2] Cult site in Laconia (~ Laconica) on the left bank of the Eurotas, c. 2 km to the southeast of -> Sparta on a foothill of the Parnon Mountains. Built in the Late Helladic IIB-IIIA 1, abandoned in the Late Helladic IA 2-

IIIB 1, destroyed by fire or earthquake after a short resettlement in the Late Helladic IIIB 2. H.W. CaTLING’s identification of the Mycenaean ruling house with that of Homeric Sparta is mostly disbelieved nowadays (cf. bib. in [1]). In the early Geometric period a goddess and her helpers were probably worshipped there, later equated with > Helene [1] (Hdt. 6,61) and her brothers, the > Dioscuri (Pind. N. 10,55 f.; Pind. I. 1,31

f.).

An open sanctuary of unconventional pyramid-shaped construction, consisting of a monumental ramp and cella, is from the Classical period. In T. — called Menelaeum from the Hellenistic period onwards (Pol. 5,18,3; 5,22,3) — the burial places of Helene [1] and Menelaus [1] (Paus. 3,19,9) were visited until the 4th cent. AD. 1 B.Eper, Argolis, Lakonien, Messenien, 1998, 90, 115 f. S.GRUNAUER VON HOERSCHELMANN, S. V. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 671 f.; C.ANroNAccIo, An Archaeol-

ogy of the Ancestors ... , 1995, 155-166; S. CONSTANTINiIDES, Lakonian Cults, 1989.

SAT.

[3] Alleged township in the area of Thebes [2] (Str. 9,2,24); this may, however, be a misunderstanding in

Str. loc.cit. of Eur. Bacch. 1043 f. [z. 247 f.]. A suggested location [2. 94-96] at modern Neochoraki is unlikely, because Scolus was there. 1 Fossey

2 P.M. Wa.tace, Strabo’s Description of Boi-

otia, 1979.

J.M. Fossey, T. and Skolos in Boiotia, in: Ders. (ed.), Papers in Boiotian Topography and History, 1990, 125129. M.FE.

THERASIA

535

Therasia (Onoacia; Thérasia). Island (9 km*, up to 295 m elevation; Str. 1,3,16; 10,5,1; Plin. HN 2,202; 4,703 Ptol. 3,15,28; Just. Epit. 30,4,1; Steph. Byz. s. v.

T.) in the group around > Thera; with the main island to the east and Aspronisi it is part of the original volcano. In the south of T. a prehistoric settlement, buried by the volcanic eruption, was found showing a close

536 Thermae [1] Baths I. EtyMOLOGY AND DEFINITION II. ARCHITECTURE III. OPERATION AND ADMINISTRATION I. ETYMOLOGY AND DEFINITION Thermae (fem. pl.) is a Latinization and substanti-

of

the

Greek

relationship (comparable layout, pottery, artefacts) to

vization

Acrotiri on Thera. In the historical period settled by -» Dorieis; there are remains ofgraves in the south anda settlement in the north; burial inscriptions IG XII 3, 1053-1057.

‘warm’. The word was

J. W. SpertinG, Thera und T., 1973.

AKU.

Thericles (Ono; Theriklés). Corinthian potter, fullest discussion. in Ath. 11,470e-472e. At the time of ~» Aristophanes [3] (c. 455-385 BC) T. is supposed to have made in clay a cup shape with a glossy black surface, also imitated in other materials (Theophr. H. plant. 5,3,2) and much praised in ancient literature; the term ‘Thericlean’ (thérikleios) was later used for other

pot shapes as well. A. BLAIR BROWNLEE, Antimenean Dinoi, in: J. H. OAKLEY et al. (eds.), Athenian Potters and Painters, 1997, 517.

MST.

Therikleia see

~ Thericles

definition of ‘thermal baths’ (TB), although it has for

the smaller > baths (balnea). TB are normally defined as large, public bathing establishments with a multitude of additional functions. Apart from the rooms actually set aside for bathing (cf. — Baths), TB had sports » Palaistra), themselves somegrounds (palaestrae; times provided with swimming pools and rooms and halls for social and cultural uses: not only restaurants and bars, but also > library buildings (II. B.) and lecture rooms (see below II. A.). Although TB were in principle secular buildings, they sometimes contained spaces or altars for cult use. While relatively large numbers of TB were built in towns and cities, there were usually only a few TB in Roman metropoleis such as Rome and Ephesus where several TB were built.

A. TypoLtoGy

nauarchos- Astyochus in Asia Minor; at Miletus he

MENT

forced Athenian forces into retreat (Thuc. 8,26,1-29,2)

OF ROME

and in the autumn negotiated for Sparta a second subsidy treaty with Persia. During his return in 411 he was killed in a shipwreck (Thuc. 8,36,2—-38,1). K-W.W.

PROVINCES TIQUITY

28,12-16; SEG 28,205; 29,155). LGPN IIT. S. 225 No. 3; PA 7238; SCHAFER vol. 1, 270 f.

JE.

Oeoudc/thermos,

describe a bathing establishment, and subsequently passed back into the Greek language in this sense. As in Classical Antiquity, modern scholarship has no precise

Therimenes (Onowévnc; Thériménes). Spartiate, in the late summer of 412 BC led a fleet taking help to the

Therippides (Onoinnidyc; Thérippides). Athenian of the first half of the 4th cent. BC from the Paeania deme, lessee of mines, friend of the father of the rhetor -» Demosthenes [2] and appointed his guardian. On reaching majority Demosthenes sued him for misappropriating his inheritance (Dem. Or. 27,4 and 12-49;

adjective

used in its Latinized form to

I]. ARCHITECTURE B. ORIGIN AND

C. DECORATION E. THERMAL

EARLY DEVELOP-

D. THE THERMAL BATHS

F, THE THERMAL

BATHS

IN THE ROMAN

BATHS OF LATE AN-

A. TYPOLOGY The typology still accepted today in respect of TB was proposed by Daniel Krencker in 1929, with his publication regarding the imperial baths at Trier [4]; he proposed three main types: the row type, the ring type, and the imperial type, each with several subtypes (cf. fig.). In the row type, the main rooms, i.e. caldarium (= C, hot-water room), tepidarium (= T, tepid transitional room), laconicum/sudatorium (= L/S, sweating-room),

69/8 BC syngenes (-» Court titles B. 2) and hypomne(‘secretary’; OGIS 736), perhaps until

frigidarium (= F, cold-water room) and apodyterium (= A, changing-room), were linked together in such a way that bathers had to revisit some of the same rooms as they progressed through the baths and returned to their starting-point: A > T>L/S>C>T>F>A. The principle

64/3 (BGU VIII 1767). PP I/VII 9; 262.

was to reach the hottest rooms (C, L/S) via rooms with

Theris (Ojjeic; Théris). Strategos of the > nomos [2] of Heracleopolites (PSI VIII 949; Yale Papyril 57), then in

matographos

W.A.

Therma, Thermae (@é¢oua, O¢oua/Thérma, Thérmai). Town in Corinthia with hot springs (Xen. Hell. 455533 45558), probably identical to modern Loutraki, near which there are still such springs today. J.SaLMon, Wealthy Corinth, 1984, 156 f., 366.

KF.

lower temperatures (T), and then, returning again via T, to cool down in the cold-water room (F). The sports ground (= P, palaestra) was normally linked to F or A,

and was used before bathing. In TB of the ring type, the bather did not visit the same rooms twice, there being two transition rooms T: A>T1r>L/S>C>T2>F>A. This system facilitated easy circulation for bathers, and was thus often chosen

387

538

THERMAE

Thermae: schematic representations of the main types

ie HC

apodyterium (changing-room) basilica thermarum (gallery)

| ee c

ty ae ty .

caldarium (hot-water room) calida piscina (warm -water pool) frigidarium (cold-water room) T Air sluice Fe ez) i@y @) oes N___natatio (swimming pool) P palaestra (sports grounds) S sudatorium (sweating-room) T __ tepidarium (tepid intermediate room) U _unctorium (anointing-room)

=u Sessa

Pi

*

=

4

:

iY

tv

A

Bae

iz

suspensura (heated room) Pool

Row type

Ss

GS ne

T

TU s

A

Ring type

ce

E Le 7 }

”

x

{

WA eS Sued rall-alicr

S/T

T/CPi

F/U

J

‘

/ t ‘

oH

2: |HT A

A

+

F

tual

im

A

v B

|

«—

P

Imperial type

aed

|

A P

eS as jaf: ie

e

|an al

:

-

P

t

540°

THERMAE

Pompeii. Stabian Baths; last phase, until AD 79 (ground-plan).

A Al

apodyterium (changing-room) alveus (warm -water tub)

C caldarium (hot-water room) F _ frigidarium (cold-water room) La _ latrina (latrine) Lb

labrum (pool)

N __ natatio (swimming pool) 24 palaestra (sports grounds) Pi piscina (cold-water tub) Pr

praefurnium (furnace room)

R T

Water reservoir tepidarium (tepid

V

vestibulum

intermediate

room)

(anteroom)

Entrance

#2 Sat Fae eT Dk i a

suspensura (heated room)

Underground drains 20m

for larger TB, while the row type was used mostly for smaller establishments. The imperial type was really a double ring type: adjoining a central axis of rooms, two wings were arranged symmetrically in such a way that use of the central group of rooms was allowed from both wings in common. This type was ideal for large TB, as it offered the greatest ease of circulation for larger numbers of visitors. Each of the two wings could also be used independently as a single-axis row-type bath; each wing often had its own P. In TB of the imperial type, a visit began for two separate groups in the two wings, and ended in the common (=c) rooms: A> T > S/L>cC>cT > cF > A. Establishments of this imperial type also had the largest variety of spaces for social purposes: halls, libraries, gardens, palaestrae, etc.

B. ORIGIN AND EARLY DEVELOPMENT There has been much discussion among scholars as to the origin and early development of TB. It appears certain that they arose through the combination of two types of Greek building: the public bath (balaneion, cf. + Baths) and the > gymnasium, the public institution for sport and education. The combination of these two functions in one building did not take place in Greece, but in > Campania in Southern Italy, where the Greek and the indigenous Italic culture mixed early on. This development may be observed in the well-preserved TB of > Pompeii (with plan), and there best in the Stabian baths (see fig.), which operated from the early 4th cent. BC to the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79. Campania was

the site not only of the invention of concrete (+ Opus caementicium), very important in the systematized construction of TB, but also of the development of the heat-

ing technology involved, the hypocaust system (> Heating). Pompeii also provides a good insight into the development of water supply systems (— Water pipes), from the well with lifting apparatus using treadmills to the introduction of aqueducts. Generally speaking, on account of their complex functioning and many technological features, TB always stood at the focus of Roman > construction techniques and — architecture. C. DECORATION The role of the great TB as social centres for their cities meant that much store was set by their decoration. The walls bore both -> wall paintings (in the more modest establishments) and many kinds and colours of marble cladding (— Incrustation). The floors might be covered with - mosaics, sometimes depicting subjects appropriate to baths and bathing, such as sea creatures, or with coloured marble paving. The vaults of the ceilings were frequently embellished with stucco or glass mosaic, and often supported by columns

made

from

costly materials. The great imperial baths contained many statues; while it can hardly be said that there was a fixed programme of statuary, athletes and gods of healing were

favoured subjects; next to them, in the

great halls of the baths, stood likenesses of politicians (emperors or civic officials).

D. THE THERMAL BATHS OF ROME Although the first TB were built in the Hellenistic Period in Campania, this Hellenizing type of construction did not become acceptable in conservative Rome until the Augustan Period. Rome’s first TB were built by M. Vipsanius > Agrippa [1] in his private garden on the + Campus Martius (Field of Mars), and made over to

541

THERMAE

° . ey o o .

=

sc00000cc0c0000K00 oo moo moo moo

X

i Poet eee

Bibl

1 oddada ded

Rome. Baths of Caracalla: c. AD 212-217; enclosure wall under Elagabalus (AD 218-222) and Severus Alexander (AD 222-235); ground-plan.

A

apodyterium (changing-room)

Lb

labrum (pool)

T

Al — alveus (warm-water tub)

N _ natatio (swimming pool)

B Bibl

basilica thermarum (gallery) bibliotheca (library)

Pi Pr

piscina (cold-water tub) praefurnium (furnace room)

G F

caldarium (hot-water room) frigidarium (cold-water room)

R S

Water reservoir sudatorium (sweating-room)

the public in 12 BC. Little is known of these baths, as only scant remains survive; we can gain an impression

of their layout only from the - Forma Urbis Romae and Renaissance drawings. During the next three cents. in the imperial city of Rome, however, successive em-

perors, beginning with the philhellenic ~ Nero (AD 54-68), built a whole series of gigantic TB, which must be seen as the main instances of this architectural type. Nero built his baths closely adjacent to those of Agrippa, in such a way that bathers were able at the same time to use the gardens and large swimming pool (stagnum) belonging to the earlier structure. Little is known, too, of Nero’s baths; some original remains and

traces of their conversion by the emperor Alexander + Severus [2] have been found on the Field of Mars, and we know their layout from Renaissance drawings:

tepidarium (tepid intermediate room)

U — unctorium (anointing-room) @ = Entrance ts suspensura (heated room)

these show them to have been the first example of the symmetrical, imperial type, set on an axis. The Baths of Titus were built in close proximity to Nero’s palace, the > Domus Aurea, on the Oppian Hill, while their successors, the Baths of Trajan, were expressly superimposed on the site of the palace, which was largely demolished for the purpose (thus, ina grand gesture, returning to the population the area of the city appropriated by Nero for the purpose of building his palace); this enormous

structure (103,950 m7? in area),

the first in the series of imperial baths built for the city of Rome, is laid out symmetrically on an axis, and surrounded by a monumental boundary wall, which encloses not only the main building but also the gardens and sports grounds. Libraries and > nymphaea were provided within the boundary wall, which, to the south,

THERMAE

544

543

formed a gigantic semicircular > exedra, perhaps a kind of sports theatre. While the imperial baths initially occupied prestigious sites in the centre of the city, they were subsequently built in the densely populated, outlying areas; this applies to the Baths of Caracalla (see fig.), probably the best-preserved and best-known of the imperial baths, and to the facilities built by Diocletian in the north-east and » Constantinus [1] the Great in the east of the city (> Rome III, with map). In the Baths of Caracalla, the main buildings, housing the baths themselves, the palaestrae and an enormous swimming pool, were for the first time placed on their own at the centre of the area surrounded by the boundary wall. A long row of tabernae (shops; > Insula, -» House) was incorporated along the entrance side, while, to the rear, a theatre-like structure concealed a gigantic water reservoir. Two libraries were also accommodated on this side, probably, as customary, one Greek and one Latin (> Library I. C.). The last truly enormous TB in Rome, those of Diocletian (140,600 m* in area), were very similar in conception to the Baths of Caracalla, except that the rooms were larger and laid out on a simpler plan; according to Olympiodorus (in Phot. 63a), these baths could accommodate double the number of visitors. Only parts of this structure survive (known in part from Renaissance drawings); the church of S. Maria degli Angeli, designed by Michelangelo, was later built into the main frigidarium. As in the Baths of Trajan, the southern side of the boundary wall of this structure formed an enormous semi-circle, which can still be seen in the form of the Piazza Esedra (Piazza della Repubblica) in Rome. Rome’s last imperial baths were built by Constantine the Great; they are known only from a few remnants and, again, from Renaissance drawings. According to a 4th-cent. catalogue of regions, Rome at that time had eight TB and 854 balnea, TB clearly referring only to the largest such structures.

E. THERMAL BATHS IN THE ROMAN PROVINCES From their origin in Rome and Italy, baths as structural types, both thermal and non-thermal, soon reached the provinces of the Roman Empire. They played a not insignificant role in the process of > Romanization. Baths were built in all provincial towns and cities, TB in the larger ones. The distribution of TB in the provinces reflected historical development: only the richer cities had them, and they arose most of all in the 2nd and 3rd cents., the high period of the Empire’s prosperity. Of TB in the western Mediterranean provinces, most that have survived were in the rich cities of North Africa; most of

them were not built by the emperors, but by the prosperous elite of the citizenry. This is true not only of the Antonine baths in » Carthage and the Hadrianic baths in + Leptis Magna, but of many other TB in North Africa, some of which have survived in good condition. It is clear that the TB of this region were directly inspired by the patterns developed in Rome. In the provinces, major TB were erected for the most part in the

imperial capitals; thus there are two large examples at + Augusta [6] Treverorum; > Mediolan(i)um[1], another capital of the Tetrarchy, also had imperial baths. In contrast to the west, the provinces of the eastern Mediterranean already had related institutions such as the gymnasia, and, not least in Asia Minor, predomi-

nantly in the major cities of the province of Asia, their presence encouraged the development of a further type of TB, the so-called bath-gymnasium complex. Thus -»+ Ephesus alone had four such facilities, while others were built in Aezani and > Aphrodisias [1] among other places. Characteristic of these facilities is the great emphasis given within them to sport: a legacy of the Greek gymnasia. Thus the palaestrae often took up as much room as the bathing areas themselves, and many further rooms were provided within them. F. THE THERMAL

BATHS OF LATE ANTIQUITY

Only a few TB continued to be built in Late Antiquity, not least owing to their great cost. Only in the new capital cities of the Tetrarchy, such as > Augusta [6] Treverorum, — Mediolan(i)um [1] and — Byzantium/Constantinople did such prestige structures still arise. In Rome, most of the imperial baths persisted in use until the destruction of their water supply (the aqueducts); elsewhere, these gigantic structures were often abandoned much earlier, or converted into baths of a

more modest nature. While baths created for purposes of hygiene survived in the territories conquered by the Arabs, and, to a lesser extent, in western monasteries, with a legacy that persists to this day, the idea of the great public TB as a multifunctional complex of buildings, and as a social and cultural meeting-point, did not continue in the culture of the West. ~ Architecture B. III.6; + Baths (with ill.); + Hygiene, personal; + Town planning 1 J.DeLaineE, Recent Research on Roman Baths, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 1, 1988, 358-368 2G.GarBRECHT, H. MANDERSCHEID, Die Wasserbewirtschaftung romischer Thermen, 1994 3 W. Heinz, Rémischen Thermen. Badewesen und Badeluxus im rémischen Reich, 1983 4D.KRENCKER et al., Die Trierer Kaiserthermen,

1929 5 H.MaANDERSCHEID, Bibliographie zum rémischen Badewesen unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der 6ffentlichen Thermen, 1988 balnea,*1993

61. NIELSEN, Thermae et

7 F. YeGUL, Bath and Bathing in Classical

Antiquity, 1992.

III. OPERATION AND ADMINISTRATION A. HisToRICAL SOURCES B. BUILDERS AND OWNERS C. EXPENDITURE, INCOME, ENTRANCE FEE D. MANAGEMENT AND PERSONNEL E. BATHING AND OPENING HOURS, BATHING ROUTINE F. CHRISTIAN LATE ANTIQUITY

A. HISTORICAL SOURCES Most of the information regarding the operation and administration of baths in Antiquity comes from literary (including Early Christian) sources; these are joined

4)

546

by legal digests, papyri (> Papyrus) and > inscriptions. Although there were variations depending on region and period, these sources are capable of casting general light over the situation within the Roman Empire. Only a few Latin sources provide comprehensive information on the operation and administration of baths; these must normally be sought in a wide variety of contexts

For a long time, this system functioned without problem, until economic difficulties experienced by the cities in Late Antiquity reduced the size of the munera; state aid and the personal intervention of the emperor were then necessary in order to keep the TB in operation. The privately owned baths were often run by leaseholders; the leaseholders had to cover operating costs, and pay rent to the owner, while the latter was responsible for the upkeep of the facilities. A leasing agreement in respect of a baths in Vipasca in Portugal is very informative in this regard (CIL II 5r81,19-31) [1. 122-4]. The income from smaller baths and TB alike was not very great in relation to expenses; it consisted mainly of the entrance fee (balneaticum) and the proceeds from franchising particular services (such as supervision of the cloakroom), the rent from tabernae and pitches, and permits for — prostitution. While privately owned baths, like any business, had to make a profit, this was not necessary for the large municipal and imperial baths; accordingly, these could often allow free entry. The entrance fee for both TB and the smaller establishments was also often paid by a foundation, financed by a private individual or the emperor. Visiting the bath was always very inexpensive; Cicero (Cic. Cael. 62) is first to mention that, in his time, it cost only one quadrans (a quarter as; cf. Juv. 2,152; 6,447; Sen. Ep. 86,9: res quadrantaria). The Trajanic-period agreement from

(see esp. III. E). Clearly, the small (rented) baths and,

during the course of the centuries, also the great TB facilities, were such an obvious and well-known part of life in the towns and cities that authors saw no necessity to give any precise account of them. For this same reason, only a few sources can be described as tendentious; these would include the writings of the satirists (e.g. Mart. 2,14 and passim; Juv. 6,419-25), the SHA (e.¢.: Hadr. 17; Gord. 6,6; Gall. 17,4), and, last but not least, the Church Fathers (see below III. F.). Highly reliable

data can be found in legal digests, especially the + Corpus iuris civilis, which can provide information on the whole of Roman Antiquity, and in Greek papyri from Egypt, which often illuminate private and social circumstances. Epigraphic sources are particularly revealing as regards the social status of the baths, and their funding. B. BUILDERS AND OWNERS The builder and the owner of a TB, or of one of the smaller baths, might be but was not necessarily the same person or institution. TB were usually in public

ownership, the property either of the emperor or of the state or the > town or city. In the latter case, they were normally financed out of the municipal ‘fee’ (summa honoraria) paid by council members. Owing to their great propaganda value, they might also be built, and occasionally run, by rich private individuals or ambitious politicians. By contrast, the smaller baths were normally in private ownership (‘baths for hire’, balnea meritoria); they might be built, bought or leased by private individuals, and often bore the name of their own-

er. The cost of the buildings is rarely given, but we have some figures from the rst-znd cents. AD. Thus the extant Hadrianic-period baths of Neptune in > Ostia (c. AD 130), 4,500 mz in area, cost two million sester-

ces to build, exclusive of land. The smaller, private baths were far cheaper to build, costing 300,000— 600,000 sesterces, the smallest only about 150,000 sesterces. Comparable amounts had to be paid for a + library or a > theatre; but, whereas a town or city needed only one library and one theatre, there were often several TB. Their construction and upkeep thus constituted one of a city’s greatest expenses [1. 119-22]. C, EXPENDITURE,

INCOME, ENTRANCE

FEE

The operating costs (tutela) of TB in public ownership arose above all from the requirements for heating materials and water; these, together with the upkeep of the facilities, were usually paid for from munera (+ Munus, Munera I.) or > liturgies (I), but the interest from private gifts, mostly bequests, was also used.

THERMAE

Vipasca (AD 98 to 117) mentions one semis (half an as)

for men; for a reason unknown to us, women paid somewhat more (deduced from Juv. loc. cit.); children were admitted free of charge (CIL Il 5181, 22ff.). Diocletian’s Price Edict (— Edictum [3]) sets the entrance price at 2 denarii. It could also be paid in the form of tesserae (entrance and identity tokens). These were similar to coins, but by way of inscription bore the name of the bath, e.g. balineum Germani; they sometimes depicted scenes and utensils associated with bathing. Upon entry, the entrance fee was given to the cloakroom attendant (capsarius). A cash box for this purpose was found in the forum baths at + Pompeii [t. 131-5]. D. MANAGEMENT AND PERSONNEL As the bathing practice of Romans was complex (see above I.), baths — especially the large TB — required many personnel. Where the baths were owned by the state or the city, a manager (conductor) was appointed; an official such as the gymnasiarchos (~ Gymnasiar-

chy) might also bear that responsibility. While these men were free, and often highly respected citizens, the day-to-day supervisor (bal/i/neator, ‘bath-keeper’) was normally a freedman or even a slave (in privately owned baths sometimes identical with the leaseholder). The personnel included trained and untrained individuals; the first category (freedmen or slaves) included anointers or masseurs (unctor), stokers (fornacator), water

pourers (perfusor) and cloakroom attendants (capsarius). If the facilities included a sports ground (> Palaistra), trainers and doctors were also employed.

THERMAE

547

548

The untrained personnel belonged to the inventory (instrumentum) of the baths, and were always slaves (mancipia); they were often sold with the baths, where they also lived, as, owing to the danger of fire, the baths had to be constantly watched.

An impression of the actual routine of bathing may be gained from the various subdivisions of the TB (see above II.) and the personnel employed there (see above III. D.). The baths were also the setting for varying levels of recreational activities, particularly including sporting activities (esp. ball games: CIL VI 9797; Sen.

E. BATHING AND OPENING HOURS, BATHING ROUTINE Bathing in public TB or privately owned baths made up an established part of the everyday life of many Roman men and women (-> Recreation). There is scholarly discussion as to whether men and women bathed together (balnea mixta), and whether this was accepted as normal. Surviving TB and smaller baths from the Imperial Period, when ancient authors who write on this subject lived (all of them men, beginning with Plin. HN 33,153), often have only one section. Ancient authors (Varro Ling. 9,68; Gell. NA 10,3,3; Vitr. De arch. 5,10,1) tell us that, as a rule, men and

women bathed separately, and this is confirmed by the archaeological evidence. Extant bath buildings from the Republican Period, such as the Forum and Stabian Baths in Pompeii, had two sections (see fig.); but women not infrequently broke with convention (Quint. 559,14; Ov. Ars am. 3,639 f.; esp. Mart. 7,35), as is also

confirmed by the ineffectiveness of prohibitions (SHA Hadr. 18,10; Aur. 23,8, which both imply at least oc-

casional balnea or lavacra mixta). According to the agreement from Vipasca (CIL II 5181,20f.), women bathed in the morning (the first to the seventh hour), men in the afternoon and evening (eighth hour of the day to the second hour of the night). In other cases, for example in Rome’s large TB, the baths were open from the early afternoon: it was presumably too costly to heat these enormous buildings the whole day; in any case, many women worked in the morning, and so were unable to visit the baths. A bell was rung when the baths were hot enough and open to visitors. Such bells or gongs have been found both in the Baths of Diocletian in Rome and in the Stabian Baths in Pompeii. Sundials and water clocks indicated the hour (+ Clocks). The baths were normally open every day; only upon the death of the emperor or as a punishment (thus AD 177 for the Christians; Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,1,5) would they be closed (Diod. Sic. 1,72,3; Euseb. Vita Constantini 4,69). At all levels of Roman society, it was normal to bathe very frequently in the public baths or TB: in the Imperial Period at least once a day. The ‘Historia Augusta’ criticizes many emperors for bathing several times a day (SHA Gord. 6,6; SHA Gall. 17,4), e.g. Commodus seven or eight times (SHA Comm. 11,5); Christian bishops were

also condemned by the -» Church Fathers for the same reason (Socr. 6,22). The large thermal baths in particular served as social and cultural centres, where many people (e.g. in Rome the great workless proletariat) could spend a considerable portion of the day: an important reason for emperors and cities to build and operate TB.

Ep. 56,2; Mart. 12,82; but cf. Mart. 7,32) and cultural

offerings (talks and lectures; poetry readings: Mart. 3,44,12f.), conversation, gossip (Mart. 12,82; Juv. 11,3 f.), dice games, eating and drinking (Mart. 12,19),

and, given an appropriate opportunity, the satisfaction of sexual needs (Dig. 3,2,4,2). The epigrams of Martial are revealing about some further aspects of bathing routine, for example visits by mealtime scroungers (2,14; 12,82), sexual fantasies (3,51 and 72), private luxury baths (6,42; cf. Plin. Ep. 2,17,11f.; 5,6,25-7). Seneca remarks on the ~ noise prevailing in the TB (Ep. 56,1 f.), and in another passage (86,5~13) compares the luxurious nature of modern decoration and the modern style of bathing with the more modest baths and bathing habits of ancient Rome. F. CHRISTIAN

LATE ANTIQUITY

Although some baths and TB had a bad reputation, particularly as places of prostitution for both sexes, or owing to mixed bathing by men and women, the Church Fathers questioned neither their use nor their important role in respect of the mental and physical health of the population. Thus Tertullian (165-220) remarked that Christians frequented the forum, the markets (> Macellum), baths, inns and other institutions

and facilities in the same way as other Romans (Tert. Apol. 42,2). Later, too, we hear of monks and bishops

frequenting public baths, even in the company of women (Iohannes Moschus, PG 87.3, 3036A). The concern of the Church Fathers was for the morals of women and especially virgins, which leads one to conclude that Christian women, too, occasionally bathed with the men. In any event, the Church Fathers allowed balnea mixta when there was no other alternative: a persistent problem, as balnea mixta were prohibited by many emperors, seemingly in vain; the last prohibition we know of dates from the late 7th cent. (Trullanum II, Canon 77;

11,977 Mansi). That morals changed little by little can be seen from the buildings themselves; thus late-period TB usually had two sections, or were provided with a small bathing area for women. Only with the fall of the Western Roman Empire, towards the end of the sth cent., did public baths disappear in the West; the few still remaining were associated with monasteries or churches, and were accessible only to pilgrims and invalids [2. 135-46]. The Roman tradition

of bathing continued,

however,

in the East,

which had become increasingly Romanized. This is true not only of the Byzantine Empire, but also of the territories conquered by the Arabs, where public baths (hammams), with strict separation of the sexes, continue to play an important role in social life to this day.

550

549

THERMODON

1]. NrELsEN, Thermae et balnea, *1993 2 B. WarpDPERKINS, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages,

Thermal baths see > Thermae [1]

1984, 119-154.

Thermantia

A.BerGER, Das Bad in der byzantinischen Zeit, 1982; W. HEINZ, Romische Therman. Badewesen und Badeluxus im romischen Reich, 1983; J.MARQUARDT, Das Privatleben der ROmer, 1886 (1964), 269-297; E.W. Mrr-

TEN, Bader und Badegepflogenheiten in der Darstellung der Historia Augusta, 1983;

H. MEusEL, Die Verwaltung

und Finanzierung der 6ffentlichen Bader zur romischen Kaiserzeit, 1960; F. YEGUL, Bath and Bathing in Classical Antiquity, 1992, esp. 30-47; J.ZELLINGER, Bad und Bader in der altchristlichen Kirche, 1928. LN.

[2] (©éeuoar at tv ‘Iuegaiwv/Thérmai hai ton Himeraion, literally “‘T. of the Himeraei’, Latin Thermae). City on the northern coast of > Sicilia, modern Termini Imerese. Two years after the Carthaginians (> Phoenicians, Poeni) destroyed Himera, 12 km to the west they founded the city of T., named after the hot springs there, as a Punic-Libyan colony in 407 BC (Diod. 13,79,8). The survivors of Himera also found a home there (Cic. Verr. 2,86). In 397 BC Dionysius [1] I

caused T. to participate in his campaign against + Motya (Diod. 14,47,6), a year later > Himilkon [r] occupied the city during his advance on > Messana (Diod. 14,56,2). T. mostly came under the rule of > Carthage, as in 361 v. Chr. when Agathocles [2] was born there (Diod. 19,2,2). In 252 BC, in the first of the + Punic Wars the Romans conquered the city, which

had been evacuated by the Carthaginians (Pol. 1,39,13; Diod. Sic. 23,20). From then on T. remained in Roman hands (Cic. Verr. 2,2,90; 2,2,112). T. was given the

status of a civitas decumana (Cic. Verr. 3,99). After the conquest of Carthage in 146 BC Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Africanus returned to the citizens of T. the artworks that had been stolen from Himera in 409 by the Carthaginians

(Cic.

Verr.

2,4,73;

cf. 2,2,87).

{1] Mother

of Theodosius

[Il 2] I; died

before

AD 389/391. PLRE 1, 909 no. r.

[2] Granddaughter of T. [1], adopted, with her sister -» Serena, into the family of her uncle > Theodosius [II 2] the Great before AD 384 and treated as an adopted daughter (Claud., Laus Serenae 1to5—109; 118; 187; Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 48,1); married to a high-ranking officer. PLRE 1, 909 no. 2. [3] Aemilia Materna T. Daughter of — Stilicho and -» Serena, married to the emperor — Honorius [3] in AD 408 after the death of his first wife, her sister ~» Maria [I 3]. Divorced after the overthrow of Stilicho (Aug. 22, 408), she was sent back to her mother and died before the middle of 415. PLRE 2, rrz1f. K.G-A. Therme (@éQun; Thérmeé). City on the > Thermaios Kolpos, which was named after T., near > Thessalonica [rt], which was founded in Hellenistic times; its location is disputed. Being a Macedonian city as early as the 6th cent. BC, T. became a rallying point for the Persian fleet in 480 BC (Persian Wars [1]; Hdt. 7,121). In 432 BC, T. was conquered by the Athenians (Thuc. 1,61,2) but was returned to the Macedonian king Perdiccas [2] II soon afterwards (Thuc. 2,29,6). In 368, Pausanias [3], the pretender to the Macedonian

throne, occupied T. (Aeschin. Leg. 27). In 316/15, T. was absorbed into + Cassander’s newly-founded Thessalonica, being the most significant of 26 townships (Str. 7a,1,21); this is the reason why a number of ancient authors asserted that T. was merely an earlier name for Thessalonica (Str. 7a,1,24). F. PAPAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine, 1988, 190-196.

MA.ER.

Roman

remains: amphitheatre, a basilica-like building, houses.

Thermodon

-» Sicilia (with map)

[1] (QeeumSav; Thermodon). River (Hdt. 9,43,2: potamos; Paus. 9,19,3: cheimarros, ‘torrent’) of uncertain

O.BELVEDERE u.a., Termini Imerese, 1993; R.J. A. WILSON, Sicily under the Roman Empire, 1990, 166 f.

K.MEI.

Thermaios Kolpos (Qgouatosg xoAmoc/Thermaios kolpos). Bay, still named after the city of + Therme, between Thessaly (> Thessalians) and -» Chalcidice, significant for connecting the Macedonian interior with the > Aegean Sea (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 146; Hdt. 7,121123;

8,127;

IG I? 302,68;

Mela

2,2,35;

and

19) is incorrect. 1 Fossey.

M.FE.

Plin.

HN 4,36 and 4,72: Thermaicus and Thermaeus sinus respectively). Scyl. 66 and Mela loc.cit. locate the bay at the mouth of the + Peneius. The inner corner of the bay, which curves to the northeast, was a favourite geographical point of orientation used to survey the Greek peninsula northwestwards to Epidamnus (-> Dyrrhachium) and southwards to + Sunium (Str. 2,1,40; 2h 552LeiTafa) = J.Koper, Aigaion Pelagos (TIB 10), 1998, 57-59, 61; P.SousTaL, Makedonien (TIB 11), forthcoming.

location in + Boeotia, between > Tanagra and —> Glisas, probably closer to Glisas. Possibly the modern Kalamitis, which flows on the south side of the > Hypatus mountains (modern Sagmatas) and passes Glisas to the south [1. 222f.]. Identification with the » Haemon [6] (Plut. Theseus 27,6; Plut. Demosthenes

AKU.

[2] Coastal river (modern Terme); rises in the > Paryadres at the unlocated fortress of Phanoria (Plin. HN 6,10) on Mount Amazonius (possibly identical to The-

miscyrium, Apoll. Rhod. 2,372), probably Coldiir Tepesi in the Canik Daglari; flows through the > Iris [3] delta in the east and into the Black Sea (> Pontos Euxeinos) at

Themiscyra (Plin. HN 6,10).

E.O.

THERMOPYLAE

a5

Thermopylae (ai MvAav/hai Pylai, ‘the gates’; literary

OcouombrAal/Thermopylai, lit. ‘hot-gates’; Latin Thermopylae) I. GEoGRAPHY

II. TOPOGRAPHY

AND HISTORY

I. GEOGRAPHY Famous coastal pass at the northern foot of Mt. > Callidromus, the only route through from northern to central Greece that was passable for troop movements in antiquity. Greece was therefore divided in ‘within and without the pylai’ (Str. 8,1,3; 9,4,15; Pol. 10,41,5; Plut. Mor. 418a; 867b-d; Plut. Demetrios 23,2; Plut. Titus Flaminius 5,3; Arr. Anab. 1,7,5; Paus. 10,20,9; Suda s. v. Pardo; Stv 3, 558 IV A, |. 3) or was even said only to begin at T. (Hdt. 7,176,2; Paus. 1,4,25

3,4,8; but Heraclides Kritikos 3,90 ff. PFistER). The mountain rampart of the Callidromus and > Oete gave a sense of security, but if the pass was threatened or even taken, there was alarm. Yet the hope of being able to defend Greece at this point was almost always a vain one, because the pass was repeatedly circumvented. The terrain has been radically altered since antiquity by the northward-flowing rivers and later also the -» Spercheius. 4-7 km of alluvial land has since been deposited. The northward-flowing rivers used to reach the sea separately, but now flow into the Spercheius, which has been sharply diverted to the south. The Malian Gulf then penetrated much farther inland than today. Some 9 km west of T. proper, the > Asopus [1] breaks through the mountains in a gorge 4 km long. To the east, it is flanked by slopes which at first are moderately steep, but then fall in abrupt precipices which impenetrable forest or shrubbery rendered inaccessible. In antiquity, the sea reached to the very foot of the mountains at three points, forming narrow constrictions: what is today called the western gate, then 3 km farther east the middle gate (T. proper), and another 3 km east the eastern gate at > Alpenus. On a hill between the western and middle gates was Anthele, the old seat of the Pylian > amphiktyonia, directly to the west of the modern Zastano rema (‘stream’), with its rocky gorge that cuts deep into the massif. At the opposite, eastern end of the gorge, the hot springs after which T. is named surface at its mouth. They were already arranged for bathing in antiquity, and were further developed by > Herodes [16] Atticus (Philostr. VS. 2,1,5). The pungent, greenish-blue, sulphurous water emerges at a temperature of 54.8°C. It divides into many streams across the plain, and has covered the plain with a white layer of sinter extending over several km*, further altering the terrain. The springs were sacred to > Heracles [1], who had a public > sanctuary here. Il. TOPOGRAPHY AND HISTORY The situation at the middle gate is affected by the protrusion of a 56 m high hill which falls in a precipice to the sea; between it and the massif is a flat saddle of

land (Hill 1). Along it ran the Phocian Wall, already

i=

derelict by 480 BC (Hdt. 7,176,4 f.) but evidently often repaired. It ran in an east-west direction for approx. 140 m, facing south, and its position was only correctly established by [1] in 1939. Jt controlled the road that ran south across the saddle, but did not block it. There is no trace of a barrier wall across the saddle from north to south. West of Hill I, the terrain falls in a broad, shallow slope to the Zastano. To the south and east, behind Hill I, is a hollow with a spring at its eastern extremity. Approx. roo m NE of Hill lis Hill II, only 25 m high, the kolonos in Herodotus (7,225). The ancient road led over the saddle and through to the south below Hills I and II. The battles between the Greeks and the Persians (+ Persian Wars [1]) in the first days of August 480 BC played out on and to the west of Hill I, and it was here that > Leonidas [1] fell. The last defenders retreated to Hill Il, where they were annihilated by the arrowstorms of the Persians (Hdt. 7,225 f.). Vast quantities of arrowheads have been found here. A flat stone circle bearing the famous T. epigram is today in the ground of Hill Il (cf. Hdt. 7,228; Cic. Tusc. 1,101), and a monument to Leonidas and the fallen of 480 BC has stood

since 1955 north of the hill beyond the modern road. Archaeologists have yet to find the graves of the fallen (Hdt. 7,225,2; 7,228; Str. 9,4,16; Paus. 9,32,9).

Alluvial deposits were already changing the terrain in antiquity. Philip II (+ Philippus [I 4]) made the road ‘wide and easily passable’ (Arr. Anab. 7,9,4; Syll.? 220). In 279 BC there was a marsh at the middle gate, but from the ships to the land was still within shooting range (Paus. 10,21,4; 10,21,7). ~ Antiochus [5] III had

to move his defences to the eastern gate in 191 BC in the battle against M’. Acilius [I 10] Glabrio, because the strip of land was already broader there (Liv. 36,15,10), while

in AD

395,

Alaric

(— Alaricus

[2]) passed

through ‘as if on a race-course’ (Eunap. fr. 65 MILKON). The alternative route of the Anopaea Pass runs at an altitude of approx. tooo m along the mountain ridge; a northern and a southern branch meet to the east of the Zastano Gorge. The ascent from the west is possible esp. by way of the moderately steep slopes directly east of the Asopus Gorge via the modern spring of Chalkomata and the Panagia Monastery. It was thus used by the Persians under the command of -» Ephialtes [1] in 480 BC, and similarly by the Romans under Acilius Glabrio in r91r BC, The Gauls also approached it in a diversion farther to the west, from the Asopus Valley south of the gorge (not from the gorge itself!) via what is now Eleftherochori (> Celts If A) in 279 BC, and finally from the south. The > Aetolians secured these routes after the Gaulish invasion of 250-246 BC with the fortresses of Teichius, Rhoduntia and Callidromus —

the identification of these with the ancient structures so far discovered is not certain. The region of T. originally belonged to the Phocians (> Phocis), around 480 BC to Malis (+ Malieis). The

Persians’ allies the > Thessalians had already circumvented the Phocian Wall in the middle gate in 480 BC

553

554

(Hdt. 7,215; Demophilus FHG 2,86). In 353 BC, the Athenians prevented Philip II of Macedon (+ Philippus [I 4]) from passing through (Diod. Sic. 16,38,r f.; Iust. 8,2,8; Dem. Or. 19,84, on this Aeschin. Or. 2,132 ff.). In 279 BC, a large mixed army under the leadership of the Aetolians tried to hold back the Gauls here, but the Gauls bypassed the site by taking the Anopaea Pass, as had happened in 480. This time, however, the defenders could be rescued by Athenian ships (Paus. 10,20,322,1; 10,22,8—13). In r9r BC, during his war with M.’ Acilius Glabrio, Antiochus III tried to hold the Romans

at a fortified point on the eastern gate, but the Romans again avoided the site by taking the mountain path, and -» Cato [1] succeeded in taking the fortress of Callidromus in a surprise attack (Liv. 36,15,5-19,13; Plut. Cato Maior 13 f.; App. Syr. 17 ff.). There was a small settlement on Hill II in the Hellenistic period, and fortifications and graves from various periods have been found there. Philip V (— Philippus [I 7]) was able to force his way through in 207 BC against Aetolian resistance (Liv. 28,7,3).

Around AD 257, T. was occupied by Greeks in defence against the Goths (— Goti; Sync. 1, 715 DINDORF (= 381 C). Alaric took the pass without a fight in AD 395 (Zos. 5,5; Eunap. Fr. 65), while the > Slavs in AD 539/40 again broke through by circumventing T. via the Anopaea Pass (Procop. Goth. 2,4,10). Justinian I (> lustinianus [1]) had T. refortified and secured with a permanent

garrison

(Procop.

Aed.

4,2,2-15;

Goth.

4,26,1; Arc. 26,31). Remains of these substantial fortifications are still visible in the form of road blocks at the eastern gate by the hot springs and at various points in _ the mountains. Ancient sources on the topography: Hdt. 7,176; 198 f.; Str. 9,4,12-17;

Scymn.

600 f.; Paus.

4,35,93

schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1050; Harpoer. in Suda s. v. ©.; Tab. Peut. 7,5; Syl} 243 D 42 ff.;250D 42 £251 HID 9 ff. -» Leonidas [1]; > Persian Wars; > BATTLEFIELDS 1S. MarrnaTos, Forschungen in T., in:

M. WEGNER (ed.),

Berichte iiber den 6. Internationalen Kongref fiir Archao-

logie, 1940, 333-341. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN

I, 251-254;

G.B.

GruNDy,

The

Great Persian War, 1901, 257-317; L. HARMENING, T., in:

J.Kromayer, G.VerTH (eds.), Antike Schlachtfelder, vol. 4, 1931, 21-63; F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924,

198-205;

Id.,

s.v.

T.,

RE

5 A,

2398-2423;

E.MeyYeER, Thermopylen, in: MDAI(A) 71, 1956, 1to1106; §. MarInATOs, Thermopylae, An Historical and Archaeological Guide, 1951; A.R. Burn, Thermopylae and Callidromos, in: G.E. Mytonas (ed.), Festschrift D. M. Robertson, vol. 1, 1951, 480-489; Id., T. Revisited, in: K.H. Kinzu (ed.), Greece and the Eastern Mediterranean in Ancient History and Prehistory. Festschrift F. Schachermeyr, 1977, 89-105; P.A. Mac Kay, Procopius

De Aedificiis and the Topography of Thermopylae, in: AJA 67, 1963, 241-255; KOpDER/HILD, 273-275; N.D. PAPACHATZIS,

Hlavoaviov

“EAkGdo¢

Meouyynois,

vol. 5,

1981, 370-380; PRITCHETT 4, 123-233; MULLER, 369-

384; H.KRraMo.uiscuH, Thermopylen, in; LaurrEr, Griechenland, 672-674; P.JaNnt, Le Termopili, 1991, 110-

THERON

122; J.McInerney, The Folds of Parnassos, 1999, 217225, 243-251, 333-336; J.LABARBE, Un temoignage

capital de Polyen sur la bataille de Thermopyles, in: BCH 78, 1954, 1-21; A. V. DasKALAKIS, Problémes historiques autour de la bataille des Thermopyles, 1962; C. HIGNETT, Xerxes’ Invasion of Greece, 1963, 105-148, 361-370; A.R. Burn, Persia and the Greeks, 71984, 378-422; N.G. L. HamMonp, The Expedition of Xerxes, in: CAH 4, *1988, 518-591; G.J. SZEMLER, T., in: E.W. Kass et al. (eds.), The Great Isthmus Corridor Route, vol. 1, 1991,

111-115; cf. 120-133; W.J. CHERF, The History of the Isthmus Corridor during the Roman Period, in: ibidem, 134-144; J. RossER, The Dark Ages, in: ibidem, 145-15 5; J.F. Lazenspy, The Defence of Greece, 1993, 117-150;

G.J. SZEMLER et al., T. Myth and Reality, 1996.

E.MEY.

Thermus (@éQu0c, OéeQuov/Thérmos, -on). Religious centre from the Archaic period onwards of Aetolian tribes to the north east of Lake Trichonis/modern Limni Trichonida (+ Aetolians, with map), ‘League sanctuary’ of the + koinon from the 4th cent. BC, in which annual festivals with markets and the League’s main assembly took place (Pol. 5,7,8; Liv. 31,32,3; Ethnicon Oeeuioc, IG IX 1? 1, Z. 102; cf. Pol. 5,6,6; Str. 10,3,2)

[1]. + Apollo Thermios, Apollo Lyseios and > Artemis were worshipped in T. [2]. T. was on a plateau on the northeastern shore of Lake Trichonis at modern Thermo. The place was settled in the Middle Helladic period (Megaron A). In about 1200 BC, T. was destroyed, but settled again (Megaron B from the Geometric period) [3]. A Doric temple of Apollo Thermius was built there c. 630 BC [4], which was replaced in the Hellenistic period by a new building. Remains of two further temples, three stoai, a well/fountain, an agora, an exedra as well as foundations for votive gifts and a bouleuterion from the Hellenistic period survive. In the Hellenistic period T. was not connected with a settlement. In 218 and 206 BC, T. was sacked by Philippus [7] V (Pol. 5,7,1-13,13 11,7,2); after that a wall was built around the area. 1 P. Funke, Polisgenese und Urbanisierung in Aitolien, in: M.H. Hansen, The Polis as an Urban Centre and as a Political Community, 1997, 145-188 2 C.ANTONETTI, I] santuario apollineo di Termo in Etolia, in: M.-M. Macrouxetal. (eds.), Mélanges P. Levéque, vol. 4, 1990, 1-27 3 1.A. PAPAPOSTOLOU, Ot vemteges EeEUVEs Oto Méyago B tov Oéepuov, in: Dodone 26, 1997, 327-346 4 G.KuURN, Bau B und Cin T., in: MDAI(A)

108, 1993, 29-47.

C. ANTONETTI, Les Etoliens, 1990, 149-210.

K.F.

Theron (Ojewv/Theron). Tyrant of > Acragas from the line of the + Emmenids; he lived c. 540/530472 BC. His children from his first marriage were Thrasydaeus and Demarete, the consort of Gelo [1]; from c. 485 BC T. was married a second time to a daughter of Polyzalus (Timaeus FGrH 566 F 93; scholium Pind. Ol. 2,29b-d; see stemma in > Deinomenids). T. gained control of Acragas in 488 BC (Diod. Sic. 11,53,1) and in 483 BC took the town of + Himera by driving out > Terillus (Hdt. 7,165); he entrusted the

THERON

555

556

town to his son Thrasydaeus. The cry for help from Terillus and his son-in-law, Anaxilaus [1] of Rhegium, resulted in the massive invasion by the Carthaginians, though they were heavily defeated at Himera in 480 BC by T. and Gelo (Hdt. 7,165-167. Diod. Sic. 11,20-26). T.’s rule is assessed extremely favourably by Pindar(us) [2] (Pind. Ol. 2,5-100) and Diodorus [18] (Diod. Sic. 10,28,3 and 10,53,2). Under him Acragas flourished remarkably both economically and culturally and became one of the most beautiful and richest towns in the Greek world (cf. Pind. Pyth. 12,21-23; Timaeus FGrH 566; Diod. Sic. 11,25,2-5). T. had numerous sacred and secular buildings constructed and appointed the poets Pindar [2] and Simonides [2] to his court: the former extolled T.’s chariot victory at the Olympic Games in 476 BC in the Olympian Odes 2 and Se In 477 BC, T. got into a conflict with Gelon’s suc-

Thersilochus (©egoihoyoc; Thersilochos). [1] Paeonian, follower of Asteropaeus, killed by Achilles [1] at Scamander (Hom. Il. 21,209). [2] Trojan, according to Verg. Aen. 6,483 f. the son of Antenor [1], companion of -» Hector in battle (Hom. Il.

cessor Hiero [1] I, because the Himeraeans — outraged

Nesos in onore di Tersippo, in: Ancient History Bull. 15, 2001, 95-101. EB.

at Thrasydaeus’ oppressive rule — turned to Hiero and Polyzalus fled from Hiero to T., though the two rulers were reconciled at the last minute, possibly through the good offices of Simonides (Timaeus FGrH 566 F 93,15; Diod. Sic. 11,48-49). T. died in 472 BC and was accorded the honours paid to heroes (Diod. Sic.11,53,2). His successor was Thrasydaeus, who was toppled only a year later. D. AsHERI, Gelon’s Empire and the Battle of Himera, in: CAH 4,*1988, 766-775; Id., Sicily in the Age of Hiero, in: CAH 5, 71992, 149-154; H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, vol. 1, 132-136; vol. 2, 595-5973 G.Mappboyt, Il Vl e V secolo a.C., in: E.GaBBa, G. VALLET (eds.), La Sicilia antica, vol. 2.1, 1979, 1-102, esp. 38-42.

K.MEI.

Thersander (Oé00avde0d/Thérsandros). Son of - Polynices and > Argea [2], brother of e.g. Alastor and Timeas, with > Demonassa [1] father of > Tisamenus [1] (Pind. O. 2,76-81 with schol.; Hdt. 4,147; 6,52). T. takes part in the Epigoni’s successful campaign against Thebes [2] (+ Epigoni [2]), after he — on the model of his father — has secured -» Alcmaeon [1]’s participation as the leader of the campaign by bribing > Eriphyle with the > péplos [1] of > Harmonia (Diod. 4,66,1-3; Apollod. 3,80-82; 3,86; Paus. 2,20,5; 9,8,7). After the

capture of Thebes he was given the city to rule. T. is also a participant in» Agamemnon’s first campaign against Troy, which by mistake leads to Mysia, where T. is killed by > Telephus [1] (Procl. Cypria 126-128, p. 81 SEVERYNS; Apollod. Epit. 3,17; Paus. 9,5,14 f.). T. is hence — Serv. Aen. 2,261 notwithstanding — probably not identical with the Thessandrus mentioned in Verg. Aen. 2,259-264 among the occupants of the Trojan Horse (erroneous identification in Stat. Theb. 3,682 f.; Dictys 1,14; 2,2; correct determination 69,5; 7A; 108,1). 1 G. BERGER-DokeR,

bibliogr.) 2454.

s. v. T. (2), LIMC

in Hyg. Fab.

7.1, 920 f. (with

2K.SCHERLING, s. v. T. (2), RE 5 A, 2452SLA.

17,216),

later

killed

by - Turnus

[1] (Verg.

12,363).

Aen. CA.BI.

Thersippus (Qéooirn0cs; Thérsippos). Participant in Alexander [4] the Great’s campaign. Alexander sent him from Marathus to Darius [3] in 333/2 with a reply to his first offer of peace (Arr. An. 2,14,4; Curt. 4,1,14); perhaps identical with the T. who after Alexander’s death is honoured in a decree by the > Nesiotae [2] (OGIS 4) (see [z. vol. 1,369; vol. 2.2,376]). 1G.A. Droysen, Gesch. des Hellenismus, 3 vols., >1877/8 (reprint of this ed. 1952/3, ed. by E. BAYER, 1980) 2 BervE, No. 368

3 E.PoppiGHE, II decreto dell’isola di

Thersites (Oeooitns; Thersités). Greek warrior at Troy.

In the Iliad (Hom. Il. 2,211-277) T. is a physically deformed (the corresponding description is unique in the Iliad) and quarrelsome grumbler, hated by all for his sarcastic remarks — esp. by > Achilles [1] and + Odysseus. After the latter has stopped the army from returning home, T. attacks + Agamemnon with arguments consciously referring to those of Achilles (Hom. II. B. 1) but also criticizing him. Odysseus silences him by attakking him verbally and physically, and this earns T. gloating mockery from the whole army. Because T. has no genealogy in the Iliad, his social standing remains uncertain [1. 22]. In the > Aithiopis T. makes fun of Achilles’s alleged love for — Penthesilea, and Achilles kills him with a blow of his fist (argum. p. 68 BERNABE; subject and title of a satyr play by Chaeremon: TrGF I, p. 217 f.). The deed splits the Greek army. Achilles then sails to Lesbos, to make an expiatory sacrifice to Apollo, Artemis and Leto. Lucian (Dialogi mortuorum 25) mocks T. by staging a beauty contest between the ugliest Greek and the most attractive one (— Nireus

[2]). 1 A.G. GeppEs, Who’s Who in Homeric Society, in: CQ 34, 1984, 17-36.

J.ScHMIDT, s. v. T., ROSCHER 5, 665-675;

W. BECK, s. v.

T., LFE 2, 1022 f.; K. ZIMMERMANN, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 1207-1209.

RE.N.

Thesauros

(Onoavedc/thésaurds; ‘treasure’, ‘treasure house’). [1] A treasure house in the sense of a protective structure within a sanctuary that housed a valuable object crafted from delicate materials, e.g. a votive offering (+ votive practice), although in ancient Greek terminology, thesauros not only referred to the location or the structural container but to the actual content (the respective piece of value) as well. In Greek sanctuaries

esp. from the 7th to the early sth cents. BC, thésauroi

Seid

558

were the generally common form of votive offerings. They changed rather quickly from simple protective hut-like structures to buildings designed as treasures, whose splendour at times out-shone the votive offering it was to protect. Decorative building features (> caryatid columns on the thesauros of Cnidus and Siphnus as well as artful painting and relief friezes on the thesauroi of Siphnus and Athens in > Delphi; pediment reliefs on various thesauroi in the Acropolis of Athens; opulent, polychrome terra-cotta decorations on the treasure house of Gela in > Olympia) as well as various ornamental deviations from the classical orders of

Thesaurus. In Roman law, thesaurus refers to a treasure found by someone (Just. Epit.. 2,1,39). The Late

columns (— Column [II B]; e.g. the ‘Ionic’ Blattkelch column of the thesauros of Massilia in Delphi) corresponded to the edifice’s function. Not infrequently, the thesauros building in itself served as a splendidly adorned votive offering (Athenian treasure house in Delphi). Donors of treasure houses were usually poleis rather than individuals. Treasure houses were usually grouped together on an elevated place (treasure house terrace in Olympia; Hekatonpedon on the Athenian Acropolis). This placement made it possible for visitors to compare them directly, and for donors, it offered ideal possibilities for direct competition within the same basic conditions. This was different in sanctuaries, where thesauroi were widely dispersed: Here, the choice of placement was very important for the representational effect and thus for the possibility of influencing decision makers (cf., for instance, the Athenian treasure house in Delphi which was placed at a bend-an ideal location). The basic structure of the thesauroi was dominated by the antae temple (> Temple V) with two columns framing the entry; tetrastyle or hexastyle designs (thesauros of Gela in Olympia) are the exception. Here and there, a + thdélos served as a thesauros as well (Sicyonic Monopteros in Delphi). A.BEHRENS-Du Marre, Zur Bedeutung griechischer Schatzhauser, in: W. HOEPFNER, G. ZIMMER (eds.), Die griechische Polis. Architektur und Politik, 1993, 76-81;

H. BusinG, Das Athener-Schatzhaus in Delphi (MarbWPr), 1992; K.HERRMANN, Beobachtungen zur Schatzhaus-Architektur Olympias, in: U.JANTZEN (ed.), Neue Forschungen in griechischen Heiligtimern (KongrefS Athen 1974), 1976, 321-350; A.MALLWitz, Archi-

tektur eines Schatzhauses, in: Ber. tiber die Ausgrabungen von Olympia 7, 1961, 29-55; Id., Olympia und seine Bauten, 1972, 163-180;

M. Maass, Das antike Delphi, 1993,

151-175; J.P. MicHaup,

Le Trésor de Thebes,

1973;

G. Roux, Trésors, temples, tholos, in: Id. (ed.), Temples et Sanctuaires. Séminaire de recherche 1981-1983, 1984,

153-171; L. SCHNEIDER, CH. H6cker, Die Akropolis von Athen, 2001, 88-98.

[2] On ‘offertory boxes’ that are referred to as thesauros and on their economical function in ancient sanctuaries, see > Temple economy II D C.HO.

THESEIS

Classical jurist Tulius [[V 16] Paulus (early 3rd cent. AD) uses the term thensaurus, which he defined as “money that was put away so far back in the past that no memory of it exists and it therefore no longer has an owner” (vetus quaedam depositio pecuniae, cuius non

existat memoria, ut iam dominium non habeat, Dig. 41,1,31,1). However, not only money but any type of valuable object was regarded as a thesaurus. Why a Greek loan-word was used for this can no longer be determined. Roman jurists in as early as the 2nd cent. BC dealt with the find of a treasure, but a regulation of its acquisition is not reported until the period of Hadrian (2nd cent. AD): The emperor is reported to have awarded half of the asset to the accidental finder and half to the land-owner, even if the latter was a city or the emperor himself (Just. Epit. 2,1,39). In AD 380, Theodosius [2] I increased the finder’s share to 3/, of the thesaurus (Cod. Theod. 10,18,2). However, from Zenon (AD 474) on, the old Hadrianic rule was in effect again (Cod. Theod. 10,15,1). The land-owner’s share went to the state when treasures were found in graves or on public land (Dig. 49,14,3,10 f.). The rule in Jewish law was apparently different: According to Mt 13:44, the treasure remained the property of the land-owner. ~ Coins, finds of C. HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 165-167.

GS.

Theseis (Qnonic; Théséis). Title of numerous (exact number unknown) poetic reworkings of the Athenian -» Theseus legend. Aristotle [6] (Aristot. Poet. 1451a 16-22) speaks of “all those poets who have created an Herakléis, a Theseis and similar poetic works.” As with other mythical subjects the production of further variations on the theme, in accordance with contemporary tastes, continued in Greek and Latin until the Imperial period. As a rule we know only the authors’ names [4. 1046], apart from two cases: (1) of an anonymous hexametric Theseis, which presumably came into being at the time of the > Peisistratids in Athens (second half of the 6th century BC) (and which probably formed the main source for later literary and artistic revisions), two testimonies (fr. 1; 2 PEG) survive which make clear that its contents included: a. a connexion between Theseus and the queen - Antiope [1] of the Amazons; b. an attack by Antiope and her Amazons on Theseus at his wedding to > Phaedra; c. the killing of these attackers by Heracles; d. Theseus’s support for Heracles in his capturing of the Ceryneian Hind (fr. 2 PEG with comm. ad |.); (2) of a Theseis of an otherwise unknown Diphilus of the Alexandrian period two choliambs survive on Theseus’ taking part in the Olympic Games [2. 61 f.]. Ep 1TPEG 2gEG. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3H.HerrerR, Theseus der Athener, in:

RhM 88, 1939, 244-286, esp. 282f. RE Suppl. 13, 1045-1238 1982.

4Id.,s. v. Theseus,

5 F.BROMMER,

Theseus, 1p

THESEUS

559

560

Theseus (Onoevs/Theseus). Mythical king and national hero of the Athenians (+ Athens). T. belongs to the generation before the Trojan War. He is the son of -> Aethra, daughter of -> Pittheus. His divine father is » Poseidon, his human father the Athenian king ~ Aegeus. I. MytH Il. DEMOCRATIC KING AND ATHENIAN Ill. Curr IV. ICONOGRAPHY

While taking part in the Amazon expedition of ~» Heracles [1] (Eur. Heraclid. 215-217), T. abducted » Antiope [2], by whom he fathered > Hippolytus [1]. The Amazons (+ Amazones) then invaded Attica, but were defeated by T. at the Areopagus (Isoc. Or. 12,193; Diod. Sic. 4,28,1-4; Apollod. Epit. 1,16). The subsequent union with Phaedra produced the sons -> Demophon [2] and + Acamas. At the wedding of his friend + Peirithous to > Hippodamia [2], there was a battle between the -» Lapithae and the > Centaurs, in which T. took part (Isoc. Or. 10,26; Diod. Sic. 4,70,3). After the death of Phaedra, both friends decided to take for themselves a daughter of Zeus as wife. T. and Peirithous therefore abducted firstly the young Helen (> Helena [1]) of Sparta to Aphidna, where, however, she was set free by the Dioscuri. To kidnap Persephone

I. MyTH T. grew up with Pittheus at > Troezen,

because Aegeus abandoned the pregnant Aethra in the light of an oracular prophecy. Having found the symbolic items (sword, shoes) left there by Aegeus, he made his way to

Athens. During the journey, T. had to survive several battles with enemies and one monster (earliest surviving list, in geographical sequence, in Bacchyl. 18,19-30; complete Diod. Sic. 4,59,2-5; Apollod. 3,217 f.; Plut. Theseus = Th. 8-11; [10. 5—16]). Most of them he punished by > talion. First, T. killed > Periphetes [1]/Corynetes and took his club. Then, at the Isthmus, he vanquished > Sinis (Eur. Hipp. 977 f.; Ov. Met. 7,440442), by whose daughter - Perigune he fathered ~ Melanippus [3] (Plut. Th. 8). He then destroyed the Crommyonian Sow, which had killed many people. At Megara he met > Sciron, who threw passers-by off a cliff: T. now in turn hurled him into the sea. At Eleusis,

T. overpowered > Cercyon [1], who defeated travellers by wrestling. In doing so, T. invented the sport of wrestling (Paus. 1,39,3). In Attica, he punished > Procrustes for forcing wayfarers into an ill-fitting bed and mauling them with a hammer. At Cephisus, the Phytalidae welcomed T. and carried out an expiatory sacrifice at his request (Plut. Th. 12,1). After arriving at Athens, he overcame the Marathonian Bull, sent by Poseidon according to Isoc. Or. 10,25, or according to Apollod. 2,95 the self-same Cretan Bull defeated by Heracles. He then evaded a poisoning attempt by his stepmother >» Medea, cf. [13]. T. also fended off the assault of his uncle > Pallas [1] and the 50 Pallantids and killed them, because they were contesting his succession of Aegeus (Philochorus FGrH 328 F 107; Apollod. epit. 1,11). The central episode in the Theseus legend is his voyage to Crete and killing of the Minotaur (> Minotaurus). T., accompanying the Athenian children selected as tribute for -» Minos, demonstrated his divine parentage by visiting > Amphitrite on the sea floor (Bacchyl. 17; Paus:

1,17,3; Hyg: Astr. 2,5). On Grete, he sue-

ceeded in killing the Minotaur with the help of > Ariadne, and in escaping from the > labyrinth by means of her thread. Ariadne fled with T., but he left her behind

on Dia, where she was found by -> Dionysus. T.’s abandonment of Ariadne is attributed to his faithlessness or to an instruction

of the gods (Hes. fr. 298

M./W.; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 148; Diod. Sic. 5,51,4; Prop. 2,24,43; Ov. Epist. 10; Hyg. Fab. 43). On his return to Athens, T. forgot to set the agreed white sail, and Aegeus, in grief at what he supposed to be the death of his son, threw himself from the Acropolis or into the sea (Catull. 64,207-245; Ov. Ib. 495 f.; Apollod. Epit. if1if6}))
Menestheus [1] having

seized power at Athens, T. finally withdrew to Skyros, where he was killed by + Lycomedes [1]. The cycle of his deeds reveals T. as an Athenian counterpart to > Heracles [1], with whose Panhellenic importance as a hero, however, he cannot compete. On

the processing of the T. material in epic form, cf. + Theseis (EpGF p. 155 f.) [10. 19-25]. Il. DEMOCRATIC KING AND ATHENIAN To the ancients, the most important political accomplishment of T. as king was the > synoikismos, the unification of the widely scattered population of Attica into a > polis. T. was supposed to have reorganized ~ Attica by dissolving the political institutions of the former twelve cities and in their place setting up central institutions at + Athens (Thuc. 2,15,1 f.; Isoc. Or. 10,35; Philochorus FGrH 328 F 94; Cic. Leg. 2,2,53 Plut. Th. 24). Some ancient authors went so far as to ascribe to T. the introduction of democracy (+ demokratia). The contradiction of T.’s being at once

monarch and pioneer of democracy was accepted in order to lend legitimacy to the Athenian political system [33 £4. 112-118; 17. 143-169]. In > Euripides [1], although T. was head of state, he was tied to a democratic

constitution (Eur. Suppl. 349-353; 404-408). According to pseudo-Aristotle, T.’s rule differed from kingship (Aristot. Ath. pol. 41,2). The equality of voting rights was regarded as an innovation of T. (Eur. Suppl. 353). He also reformed the -» Panathenaea founded by » Erichthonius [1] and introduced the month name Hekatombaion (Paus. 8,2,1; schol. Plat. Parm. 1274; Plate Dine ans.2s)2 As an idealized king, T. unites in himself all the vir-

tues which the Athenians ascribed to themselves: courage, justice, willingness to help. Loved and admired by the people for his all-encompassing virtue, he inspired the citizenry to imitate him (Isoc. Or. 10,21 f.; 10,373 Xen. Kyn. 1,10; Str. 1,2,8). Athenian tragedy in particular painted T. as a prototype Athenian providing

561

562

protection to those pleading for it (Soph. OC; Eur. Suppl.; Eur. Herc.) [9]. The T. myth was also used politically. At the time of > Cleisthenes [2], there was an attempt to contrast T. with the Dorian hero Heracles, to demonstrate the egalitarianism of Athens in contrast to Sparta. The transfer of the bones of T. (see below) increased the popularity of + Cimon [2] and was probably meant to back up Athenian claims to primacy among the Ionians [8; 15; 17. 35-81].

tions of the deeds of his youth became popular as a cycle in Athenian art in the last quarter of the 6th cent. BC (black-figured and red-figured bowls: Athenian treasure-house at Delphi, c. 490 BC; in the pediment of the Temple of Apollo at Eretria [1], c. 510 BC: abduction of ~ Antiope [2]; cf. [7]). In the rst half of the sth cent., T. became a national hero in the fine arts too, in the propagandistic political processing of the - Persian Wars at Athens (Amazon battle pictures, paintings in the Theseum and in the Stoa Basileus on the Agora, metopes in the Temple of Hephaestus and Athena Ergane). Linking portrayals specifically with particular events of the Graeco-Persian conflict (as [1] does), however, is probably problematic. In the 2nd quarter of the 5th cent., more peaceful scenes also became popular on vases [8]. From the 4th cent. on, depictions of T. rapidly dwindle. Attic and early South Italian vessels now almost only show the scenes with the Marathonian Bull and — Sciron. T. and the Minotaur are depicted in wall-paintings in the Vesuvian cities in the rst cent. AD. In the Imperial period, labyrinth mosaic floors (with and without the killing of the Minotaur in the middle) were esp. popular, and from there they found their way into early Christian churches and mediaeval book illustrations

Hi Cun T. also played an important part in Athenian cult, as befitted his importance as a figure of identification. His cult became very popular early in the sth cent. after perhaps even having been promoted by the > Peisistratids, but it remained confined to Athens [5; 12. 143149]. The eighth day of the month in particular was dedicated to T., and the Theseia were held on 8th Pyanopsion, involving sacrifices, a procession and agons of a military nature [4. 224-226; 11. 77-79]. Crucial to the development froma gentile cult into an affair for the whole polis was > Cimon [2]’s transfer of the bones of T. from Scyros to Athens in 475 BC. There had, however, already been a sanctuary to T. before (Aristot. Ath. pol. 15,4). Sacrifices for T. were delegated to the family of the Phytalidae (Plut. Th. 23,5; see above I). The customs of the - Oschophoria were linked with T.’s voyage to Crete [2. 143-156; 16. 102-175]. T. may also be regarded as a symbol of the ephebe, insofar as he was a youth arriving from outside and welcomed into the city by Aegeus (cf. > ephebeia). He would thus have represented the integration of the ephebe into the world of the full citizenry. The voyage to Crete and subsequent return can also be viewed in the context of rites of passage [2. 432-435; 7. 227-375; 17. 94-104]. 1 F.BROMMER, T., 1982

2 C.CaLame, Thésée et l’ima-

ginaire Athénien, 1990

3 J.N. Davie, T. the King in

Fifth-Cent. Athens, in: G&R

4 DEUBNER

29, 1982, 25-34

5 V.GouScuin, Athenian Synoikism of the

Fifth Cent. B. C., or Two Stories of T., in: G&R 46, 1999, 168-187 6H.HeRTER, s.v. T., RE Suppl. 13, to45— 1238 7 H.JEANMAIRE, Couroi et Coureétes, 1939

8 J.-M. Luce, Thésée, le synoecisme et l’Agora d’Athenes, in: RA 1, 1998, 3-31 9S.MuILLS, T., Tragedy and the Athenian Empire, 1997 10 J. Neixs, The Youthful Deeds of T.,1987 11 PARKE 12H.A. SHapiro, Art and Cult under the Tyrants in Athens, 1989 13 C. SouRVINOU-

INwoop, T. as Son and Stepson, in: BICS Suppl. 40, 1979 14B.S. Srrauss, Fathers and Sons in Athens, 1993 15 K. Tausenp, T. und der delisch-attischen Seebund, in:

RhM 132, 1989, 225-235 16K. Watpner, Geburt und Hochzeit des Kriegers (RGVV 46), 2000 17H.J. WALkER, T. and Athens, 1995.

J.STE.

IV. ICONOGRAPHY In the 8th and 7th cents. BC, only T.’s adventure

with the Minotaur is recorded on vases [2; 4.

161-168]. From around 570 BC, he also begins to appear in battle with the Thessalian > Centaurs, abducting Helen (— Helena [1]) or on his adventure in > Hades. Depic-

THESEUS PAINTER

[9. 175-194]. From the Renaissance until the 18th cent., the +» Ariadne/Dionysus (Bacchus) theme was almost the

only one to be appropriated. T. experienced a kind of rebirth in the climate of incipient nationalism of the 19th cent., as the ‘athletic champion’ in the struggle of civilization against barbarism (sculptures of CANOvA)

[9. 195-290]. 1J.BoARDMAN, Herakles, T. and Amazons, in: D.C. Kurtz et al. (eds.), The Eye of Greece. Festschrift M. Robertson, 1982, 1-28 2 F.BRomMMeR, T.-Deutungen, in: AA 1982, 69-88 3 C.DuGas, R. FLACELIERE, Thésée. Images et récits, 1958 4 K.FiTrscHEN, Untersuchungen

zum Beginn der Sagendarstellungen bei den Griechen, 1969 5J.NeILs,s.v.T., LIMC7,922-951 6E.ParIBENI, s. v. Teseo, EAA 7, 1966, 746-752 7H.A. SHapiro, T.: Aspects of the Hero in Archaic Greece, in: D.Burrron-OLiver (ed.), New Perspectives in Early Greek Art, 1991, 123-139 8 C.SouRVINOU-INWOOD,

T. as Son and Stepson, 1979 Quest for T., 1970.

=9 A.G. Warp (ed.), The B.BA.

Theseus Painter. Attic late Black Figure vase painter, c. 505-485 BC; named after his depictions of > Theseus. Although contemporary with the great early Red Figure masters, many vase painters still clung to the old Black Figure technique, in which they sloppily painted mainly smallish pots. In contrast to this the TP distinguishes himself by a clear figural style with long sinuous engraving lines and with a very individual multiplicity of themes. To date it has been possible to attribute to him about 200 vases, primarily skyphoi of the ‘Heron Class’ (often with a white wader under the handles). Later he,

together with the stylistically related Athena Painter, specialised in lekythoi, but also painted other forms of

THESEUS PAINTER

563

564

vessel, some white-ground, seeming several times to have changed pottery. Pictures of mythical action (such as the deeds of Theseus), are less characteristic than those of gods and heroes standing around calmly in a group or lying down comfortably, and his imaginative scenes of everyday life. Often the front and back are related to one another, or show the same scene. +» Pottery, shapes and types of; Black Figure vase painting

yield’. A few archaeological examples survive of these often-mentioned ‘chambers’ [6. 617]; votive figurines of piglets and women bearing piglets are very often offered to Demeter [6. 623-6; 8. 284]. Other elements attested for the festival float vaguely without a firm context.

Thesmophoria (Qcopopdeia/Thesmophoria; discussion of the term below, last paragraph). Festival of

The ancient author who describes the ‘chamber’ rite for us distinguishes a ‘more mythical’ explanation, whereby it commemorated the pigs of the swineherd Eubouleus which were swallowed into the earth along with Kore when she was seized by Pluto, from a ‘physical’ explanation which treats the objects deployed in the ritual as a ‘token of the birth of crops and sowing of men’: both piglets and pine branches (which had an unspecified role in the ritual) were used ‘because of their abundant offspring’. Modern scholarship long accepted a version of the ‘physical’ explanation as providing the key to the interpretation of the festival: the festival occurred at the time of the autumn sowing, and its aim

-» Demeter and Kore (-> Persephone, Kore) celebrated

was to promote the fertility of the crops [9; 10; 11].

exclusively by women, the most widely attested of all Greek festivals, one that appears in almost every region of the Greek world ([1. 313 f.], but the list needs updating). Ritual practice will not have been uniform throughout Greece [2. 76], but as usual the bulk of our evidence relates to Attica, where the festival was celebrated in the autumn month of Pyanepsion at a number of different places [3]. In Attica it appears to

More recent interpreters emphasise the element of definition of gender roles inevitably implicit in a festival attended by all the married citizen women and none but

C.H. E. Haspets, Attic Black-Figured Lekythoi, 1936, 141-147; 249-254; BEAZLEY, ABV, 518-521; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 255-260; Braziey, Addenda’*, 1209f.; O.BorGERS, Some Subjects and Shapes by the T. Painter, in: R.F. Docrer (ed.), Proc. of the XV" International Congr. of Classical Archaeology Amsterdam, 1998, 8789.

have been restricted to married citizen women

H.M.

(Aris-

toph. Thesm. 293 f., 330; Callim. fr. 63,9 f. [4: 196 f.]), but to have been celebrated by all members of that category each year (Men. Epitr. 522 f.; Isaeus 3.80). The women of each deme chose female ‘rulers’ (archousai) to make the arrangements (IG II* 1184 = LSCG, Suppl. 124; Isaeus 8.19). For the three days that

the festival lasted the women camped out in skénai, booths or tents. The three days were called (schol. Aristoph. Thesm. 80) An(h)odos, ‘Going up’ (sanctuaries of Demeter Thesmophoros were often situated on heights, but also sometimes outside the city [5]), Nesteia, ‘Fast-

ing’, a grim day on which the women sat on the ground fasting (Plut. Demetrios 30.5; De Is. et Os. 69, 378d-e), on mats made from plants credited with antaphrodisiac effects (e.g. schol. Theocr. 4,25) and Kalligéneia, ‘Fair birth’. The feasting attested in various sources (Isaeus

3.80; IG II* 1184 = LSCG, Suppl. 124; [4; 6. 619, 640648]), presumably took place at the end of day two or on day three after the ‘fasting’. There survive in two sources somewhat garbled remains of an unusually detailed discussion of one central rite (schol. Lucian. Dial. meret. 2,1 p. 275-6 RABE; Clem. Al. Protreptikos 2.17.1; [6]), unfortunately failing to indicate where it fell within the three day sequence. We learn that women descend into underground ‘chambers’(mégara) and bring up the rotten remains of piglets, and of spelt cakes shaped like piglets or like male genitalia, deposited there earlier and ‘place them on the altars. They think that anyone who takes some and mixes it in when sowing will have a good

them. Greeks themselves were well aware of this, cf. the

plot of Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazousai ({12. 151155; 43 13. 81-83]; feminist perspectives:

[14; 15]).

That the social function of the festival largely concerned the definition of gender roles is surely true, but its explicit concern with the fertility of the fields should not be set aside completely [16. 23 5-260]. The two goddesses honoured at the festival were often invoked (with an archaic Greek dual form) as t6

Thesmophoro, and each individually (though much more frequently Demeter) received the epithet Thesmophoros, which was in effect exclusive to them. Ancients took the epithet to mean ‘bringer of laws’, thesmot (so e.g. schol. Lucian. I.c., Diod. Sic. 5,5,2, Callim. H. 6,19), in association with a well-attested theory of

cultural progress whereby the introduction of agriculture brought an end to primeval lawlessness [17. 37-9]. Moderns mostly suppose that it must refer to the physical carrying of objects (thesmoi in the literal sense of ‘things set down’), i.e. the remains of pigs and cakes recovered from the megara [6. 627 n. 34]. But the ancients always applied the epithet to the goddesses, never to their worshippers, and so cannot have understood it so. 1 NiLsson, Feste

2 J.N. BREMMeER, Greek Rel., 1994

(*1999) 3 K.C intron, The Thesmophorion in Central Athens and the Celebration of the Th. in Attica, in: R.HAGe (ed.), The Role of Religion in the Early Greek

Polis, 1996, 111-125 4 M.DetTIENng, Violentes ‘eugénies’, in: Id., J.P. VERNANT (ed.), La cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, 1979, 183-214 (engl. 1989) 5S.G. CoLE, Demeter in the Ancient Greek City and Its Countryside, in: S$. ALCOCK, R. OSBORNE (ed.), Placing the Gods, 1994, 199-216 6U.KRoN, Frauenfeste in Demeterheiligtiimern, in: AA 1992, 611-650 7N.J. Lowe, T. and Haloa, in: S.BLUNDELL, M.WILLIAMSON (ed.), The Sacred and the Feminine in Ancient Greece, 1998, 149—

565

566

173 8 W.BurKeRT, Homo necans, 1972 9 DEUBNER 10 PARKE 11 E.SiMon, Festivals of Attica, 1983

12 M. DeTIENNE, Les jardins d’Adonis, 1972 13 R. ParKER, Miasma, 1983 14 J.J. WINKLER, The Laughter of the Oppressed, in: Id., The Constraints of Desire, 1990, 188-209 15 L.Nrxon, The Cults of Demeter and Kore,

in: R. HAWLEY, B. Levick (ed.), Women in Antiquity: New Assessments, 1995,75-96 16H.S. VERSNEL, Transition and Reversal in Myth and Ritual, 1993 17 F.Grag,

Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens vorhellenischer Zeit, 1974. A.C. BRUMFIELD, The Attic Festivals of Demeter and Their Relation to the Agricultural Year, 1981; BURKERT, 365-370; K. Dan, T., 1976.

R.PA.

Thesmophoros see - Thesmophoria Thesmophylakes = (OeonodbAaxec/thesmophylakes, from thesmos = ‘law, ordinance’ and phylattein = ‘to guard’). ‘Guardians of ordinances’, a rarely recorded collegium in Classical Greece (for Elis: Thuc. 47,9) with scarcely identifiable powers. Recorded in the Hellenistic period in Boeotia (IG VII 3172,178; cf. Plut. Mor. 292d thesmophylakios nomos) and on Ceos (IG XII 5,595B) as an authority which saw to the enforcement of judicial punishments and (on Ceos) brought law suits against officials. In Ptolemaic Egypt (recorded for Alexandria [1], thesmophylakes were the leaders of an enforcement authority which decided on the formal correctness of contracts and in cases of dispute invoked enforcement, probably by the praktores (— Praktor II.). W.SCHWAHRN, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 29-31.

W.ED.

Thesmos see > Law [1] Thesmothetai

(SeonobétaV/thesmothétai

‘establishers

of law’). In Athens, a college of six men who were added to the > archon, the > basileus and the + polemarchos to form the college of nine archons. In the fifth or fourth cent. a tenth official was created, known as the ‘secretary’ (» Grammateis) to the thesmothetai, after which

one archon was appointed from each of > Cleisthenes’ ten tribes (+ Phyle). Their place of work, the thesmotheteion, became the working-place and eating-place for all the archons (Ath. Pol. 3. 5, schol. Plat. Phaid. 235 d). The thesmothetai were responsible not for the enactment of laws but for the trial of lawsuits (> Procedural law [IV B]). At first, like the other archons, they will have decided lawsuits on their own; Solon introduced the right to appeal against their verdicts to a > dikasterion (originally the > Heliaia, a judicial meeting of the assembly?) (Ath. Pol. 9. 1); by the middle of the fifth cent., in most cases they did not give a decision of their own, but conducted a preliminary enquiry (— Anakrisis) and then presided in the dikasterion which decided the verdict. The thesmothetai were responsible for most of the ‘public’ law-suits (~* Graphe), in which anyone who wanted (ho boulémenos) could prosecute. They did not

THESPIA

try collectively, but each took some of the cases. Ath. Pol. lists suits of a political nature: — eisangelia, apophasis and > probole (when these came to a dikasterion), > paranomon graphe and nomon me epitedeion theinai (‘introducing an unsuitable law’), prosecutions of > prohedroi and their > epistatai; suits in which a prosecutor’s deposit (parastasis) was payable (some are mentioned, and others can be added from other sources); > dokimasiai of officials and of men rejected as citizens by their demes; and cases referred to a dikasterion by the council (+ Boule [B]). The thesmothetai were responsible also for a limited range of private suits (> Dike |2]), and for ratifying judicial agreements with other states (symbola) and handling lawsuits arising from those agreements. They were responsible also for the working of the judicial system as a whole, prescribing the days on which the courts were to meet, and assigning courts to particular magistrates on particular days; the other archons and the ‘secretary’ joined them in supervising the elaborate fourth-cent. procedure of selecting jurors (> Dikastes) and assigning them to courts on every day when the courts met, each man acting for his own phylé (Ath. Pol. 59, 63-6, with Rhodes ad loc.). They also attended the Pythian Games at Delphi (Dem. Or. 19,128). In 344/3 BC all the thesmothetai were deposed by > cheirotonia, but afterwards reinstated (Dem. Or. 5 Os27 dae ~ Procedural law BusoLt/SWOBODA 697-706.

2,2, 1096-1100; RHODES, 661-668; PR.

Thespia (Oégoneva/Théspeia, Hom. Il. 2,498, Hdt. 8,50,2; also Ocomai/Thespiai, Xen. Hell. 5,4,10, IG VII 1862; Lat. Thespiae). City in South Boeotia. South of present-day T. (formerly Erimocastrum) [1], remnants of the polyandreion (mass grave) with those who fell in 424 BC at > Delium [1] are extant [2]. The city area (survey: [3]) comprised Siphae and Creusis on the Gulf of Corinth, the plain of Leucta in the north, Ascra and the sanctuary of the muses as well as Donacum and Ceressus in the west. In the 6th cent. BC, T. fought back an attack by the > Thessalians with the aid of the Boeotians and participated in the > Persian Wars [1] on the side of Greece (Hdt. 7,202; 7,222; 9,30; Syll.3 3 r). After the destruction by the Persians in 480 BC (Hdt. 8,50,2), the city was rebuilt [4]. In the Boeotian League (> Boeotia, with map), T. with Thisbe [1] and Eutresis (Hell. Oxyrh. FGrH 66 F 1,266 f.) provided two > Boeotarchs. After the battle of Delium, Thebes [2] ordered the city walls of T. to be torn down (Thuc. 4,133,1). From 379/8, a Spartan garrison was stationed in T. only to be chased out by Thebes between 373 and 371 [5]. Inc. 371 BC, T. was captured by Thebes and the population deported. Before the battle against the Spartans at (371 BC), -»+Epaminondas gave the -» Leuctra Thespian contingent permission to leave [6]. It is uncertain when the city was re-populated (IG IV? 1, 94,6; Dem. Or. 19,325; for the Hellenistic Peri-

THESPIA

567

568

od, cf. the inscriptions [7]). Due to the Support of Rome in the war against Mithradates [6] VI, T. became civitas libera (Plin. HN 4,25). T. supported Marcus [2] Aurelius in the battle against the Germanic tribes [8]. The festivals for > Eros [9. 216-219] and the >» Muses [10] which were under the control of T. remained important in the Imperial Period.

‘dancers’ (orchéstai, T 11), we can assume that their plays were still essentially choric. The ‘T. cart’ (Latin plaustrum, Hor. Ars P. 276f.), on which T. and his actors are said to have travelled the country, became proverbial. Textual transmission makes it unlikely that fragments of T. are still extant [2], as already in Antiquity they were ascribed to > Heraclides [16] Ponticus (lad sete ItGRLig3), > Tragedy I.

1 FossEy, 135-140 2 D.V. ScuiLarpi, The Thespian Polyandreion, 2 vols.,1979 3 K.FRreITAG, Der Golf von

Korinth, 2000, 159-170 4 J. Binrirrr, A.M. SNopGrass, Mediterranean Survey and the City, in: Antiquity 62, 1988, 57-71

5 P.StewerT, Eine Bronze-Urkunde

mit elischen Urteilen tuber Béoter, Thessaler, Athen und

Thespiai, in: 10. Bericht tiber die Ausgrabungen in Olympia, 1981, 228-248 6 C.J. TupLin, The Fate of Thespiae during the Theban Hegemonie, in: Athenaeum 64, 1986, 321-341 7 P.RoescnH, Thespies et la confedération béotienne, 1965 8C.P. Jones, The Levy at Thespiae under

Marcus

9 SCHACHTER

Aurelius,

I

in: GRBS

12,

1971,

45-48

10 D. KNOEPFLER, Cupido ille propter

quem Thespiae visuntur, in: Id. (ed.), Nomen

latinum,

1997, 1-17. A. Hurst, A. SCHACHTER (eds.), La montagne des Muses, 1996.

KF.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1A.LEsky, Die tragische Dichtung der Hellenen, *1972, 49-56 2H.LLoyp-Jones, Problems of Early Greek Tragedy, in: Id., Greek Epic, Lyric, and Tragedy, 1990, 225-237. 3 W.R. Connor, City Dionysia and Athenian Democracy, in: CeM 40, 1989, 7-32. FRAGMENTS:

Thesproti,

IrGFI

1.

Thesprotia

B.Z.

(Oconowtoi/Thesprotoi,

Oconowtia/Thesprotia). One of the three main tribes of + Epirus with an area of settlement between the river -» Thyamis in the north, the Gulf of > Ambracia as far as the river Aphas (modern Louros) in the southeast and the Adriatic ( Ionios Kolpos) in the west. In Hom. (Od. 14,314-320; 16,425-427), the T. are mentioned, particularly the oracle of the dead, nekyomanteion, of

Thespiades (Ocomdded/Thespiddes). [1] Epithet of the Muses after the town of Thespiae

Ephyra [3]; the coastal city of > Buthrotum is described by Hecat. FGrH 1 F ro5 as a > polis. Ancient authors

(> Thespia) on the — Helicon [1] (Varro Ling. 7,20; Ov. Met. 5,310; Fulg. Mythologiae 1,11, p. 7,5-8 HELM). T. statues are mentioned by several artists (Cic.

most significant tribe of the Epirotae with control of the sanctuary of - Dodona, but from the 6th cent. BC

Verr. 2,4,2,4; Plin. HN 34,66; 34,693 36,333 36,39). 1 P. MULLER, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 1 (with bibliogr.)

[2] The fifty (according to Hyg. Fab. 162: twelve) daughters of Thespis (or Thespius), the king of > Thespia, and Megamede (according to Diod. 4,29,1~5 born of several women). At Thespis’s wish, when > Heracles [1] calls on him he fathers a son by each of them (Herodorus FGrH 31 F 20; Ephor. FGrH 70 F 13; Apollod. 2,65 f.; Ps.-Sen. Hercules Oetaeus 369 f.; with slight variants Paus. 9,27,6 f.). Most of these sons migrate with > lolaus [1] to Sardinia, to found a colony (Diod. loc.cit.). SLA.

(Str. 7,7,11; Hdt. 2,56) describe the T. as originally the

onwards this role was contested, first by the > Chaones, then by the + Molossi, of whose confederation

they were

a member in the 4th cent. At this time, the powerful Cassopi ( Cassope) subtribe split from the T. in the south. In the Epirotian League of the 3rd cent. BC, the T. were one of the three subtribes. At the end of the third of the > Macedonian Wars, parts of

Thesprotia were also sacked by Roman troops (Pol. in Stages) P. Capanss, L’Epire, 1976, 506; S.I. DAKARIS, Ocomowtia, 1972; N.G. L. HAMMonD, Epirus,

1967,

527-

Thessali,

D.S.

Thessalia

(Qeooahia/Thessalia

‘Thessaly’;

Thespiai see > Thespia

@cooakol/Thessaloi ‘Thessalians’, also Qe0adto/Thethaloi and ®etadoi/Phetalot or Met@ado/Petthaloi:

Thespis (Oéomc; Théspis) from Icarium [1] in the Attic deme of Icaria [1. 49], according to one tradition attest-

[6]).

ed on the Marmor Parium (43) the ‘inventor’ (> prétos heuretes) of > tragedy (TrGF I 1 T 2), ac-

cording to another (Suda 0 282 = T r) the sixteenth or second tragedian after -» Epigenes [o] of Sicyon. Between 535/4 and 532/r, he is supposed to have presented the first tragedy at the great > Dionysia in Athens (but cf. [3]) and is considered to be the inventor of theatrical masks (made of linen, T 1). By adding a > prologue (prologos) and a -> rhésis, he transformed a mere chorus into - drama in the proper sense (Them. Or. 26,316d = IrGF I 1,6). Since the early poets T., > Pratinas and -» Phrynichus [1] are said to have been called

I. GEoGRAPHY II. EARLY HISTORY TO ARCHAIC PERIOD III. CLaAssIcAL PERIOD IV. HELLENISTICAND ROMANPERIODS V. BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. GEOGRAPHY

Northern Greek tribe/territory between +> Macedonia, > Epirus and central Greece. At 9,790 km7?, the region of the tetrads of Thessaliotis, Hestiaiotis, Pelas-

giotis and > Phthiotis (1) was the largest Greek tribal region (Str. 9,4,18). Surrounded by high mountain chains: to the north > Olympus [1] (2,918 m), to the west the - Pindus [1], to the south the > Othrys and towards the sea the > Ossa [1] and > Pelion. Around

569

572

the heartland was a belt of > perioikoi territories subjected by the T.: to the north Perrhaebia (— Perrhaebi), to the east — Magnesia [1], to the south Achaea ~ Phthiotis (2) and at various times even up to the Spercheius Valley, the regions of the > Malieis, - Aenianes

distinctive Aeolian dialect emerged (> Aeolians [x C])

and > Oetaei. At times, then, the region of Thessalian

rule reached from Olympus to > Thermopylae (modern nomoi of Larisa, Trikala, Karditsa, Magnisia and Phthiotis). The only natural harbours on the long, precipitous coast (Ossa-Pelion chain: Eur. Alc. 595) were in the bay of modern Volos (> Pagasae, > Pyrasus). A branching network of watercourses of the perennial ~ Peneius and > Enipeus [2] rivers crosses the broad inland plains of the heartland (t0o0-150 m ASL) in the west. These two rivers meet at > Limnaeum and force a way through the Mid-Thessalian Ridge (up to 700 m ASL) eastwards into the Pelasgiotis. From there, the Peneius forces its way north-eastwards through the Vale of > Tempe, flowing into the sea between Olympus and Ossa. The main ancient north-south traffic route connecting Macedonia with Greece ran almost

along the route of the modern motorway, through the Vale of Tempe to > Larisa [3] and > Pherae, along the Gulf of Volos to > Lamia [2]. It continued westwards from Larisa through + Tricca (modern Trikala) to modern Kalampaka to the Metsovo Pass (1,650 m).

The enclosed inland location creates a continental climate too extreme in contrasts for Mediterranean vegetation (e.g. olive cultivation). Winters are snowy, sum-

mers very hot, and April and May bring a scorching wind from the Pindus. While the alluvial soils of the plains around Larisa, > Crannon, > Scotussa and Pherae provide good conditions for cattle and horsebreeding and for grain cultivation, the marshes of the western tetrads receive too much water in the rainy months, and are only partially cultivable. The extensive swamps and inland characteristics led the ancients to the correct geomorphological conclusion that Thessaly was once a lake (Hdt. 7,129). It drained away following erosion in the Vale of Tempe. Sources on topography and geography: Ps.-Scyl. GGM 1, 64 f.; Apoll. Rhod. 1,3 5-683; 1,519-598; Str. 9,4,18-9,5,23. The Thessalian locations in the Homeric ship catalogue: Hom. Il. 2,681-759 [12. 76-96]. II. EARLY HISTORY TO ARCHAIC PERIOD The first traces of settlement, from the end of the Palaeolithic, multiply rapidly and attest to continuous,

intensive settlement from the early Neolithic, with over 400 archaeologically proven places of settlement so far (some fortified; the centre was Sesklo between Pagasae and the western bank of the -» Boibe; cf. [1]). In LH II A came the slow spread of Mycenaean culture from the palace centre of > Iolcus, which is mentioned in the oldest legends (> Argonauts, > Iason [r]) [2; 12. 70 f.]. From the 9th cent. BC, a regional tribal consciousness began to develop by the adaptation of north-western influences in the wake of the trickle of immigrants from Epirus and the subjection of the prior population. A

THESSALI,

THESSALIA

along with a material culture, at first in the Pelasgiotis (proto-Geometric centre of Pherae [3. 170-175]; on the archaeological find sites, [4. 275-280]). The T. quickly extended their military influence across the inland plains of the Peneius. Towards the end of the 7th cent. BC, they conquered the perioikoi [7; 8] and took the sanctuary and amphictyony (+ amphiktyonia) of Anthela on the Malian Gulf. The perioikov’s voting contingent also brought decisive control of the Delphic amphictyony (— Delphi; later 14 of the 24 — hieromnemones: Aeschin. Or. 2,116; presidency of the > Pythia [2]; cf. [15]). The First > Sacred War brought the T. brief hegemony over > Phocis, and they pressured > Boeotia before being repulsed in the mid-é6th cent. BC (Battles of Hyampolis and Ceressus; {9]). In the subsequent period, they supported the ~» Peisistratids at Athens (Hdt. 5,63). In the 2nd half of the 6th cent., Aleuas ‘the Red’ (> Aleuadae) of Larisa fundamentally reformed the Thessalian federation [10; 11; 12], based on the tetrads, now organized as defensive sectors, and linked with the ancient kleroi (‘land lots’, + kleros; 40 horse and 80 > hoplitai each: Aristot. Fr. 497 f. Rose with [12]). Since these were in the possession of aristocratic families (Larisa:

> Aleuadae; > Pharsalus: Echecratidae; Crannon: > Scopadae) and were worked by an unfree populace (> penestai [1]: [14]), this constitutional arrangement perpetuated and formalized the rule of the noble clans which became characteristic of T. (clan chiefs often called Baoteic/ basileis, ‘kings’: Pind. Pyth. 10; [12. tor-130]). Recent studies argue the senior magistrate in this arrangement was the tetrarch (— tetrarches); no longer the tayd¢/> — tagos, whose competences are thought to have been solely local: [12] with [13].

Ill. CLassICAL PERIOD Led by the pro-Persian Aleuadae, T. joined -» Xerxes I at an early stage (the resistance of the other noble houses, who saw in this a threat of Aleuad dominance, was not supported by the Hellenic League: Hdt. 7,172 f.; cf. [16]). After the > Persian Wars, the Echecratidae took over the ascendancy, forging an alliance with Athens in 461 BC (Thuc. 1,102,4 with [17. 186 f.]), but this was undermined by pro-Spartan elements (Battle of + Tanagra 457 BC). Rivalry between aristocratic forces also determined the behaviour of the T. in the — Peloponnesian War: while the +» koinon was allied with Athens, some nobles co-operated with the Spartan > Brasidas (Thuc. 4,78,1-6). The Thessalian League, led by the tagos (elected by the federal assembly) and, subordinate to him, the tetrarchs [r8. 14-23] (from mid 5th cent. the polemarch: SEG 1960, 243; > polemarchos |4]), had only very limited powers (coin minting: [19]). The office of tagos continually lost political significance [20. 125-127]; the lack of a distinct federal cultic festival is instructive (but see [25. 23-25] on the role of the cult of Athena Ithona).

THESSALI,

THESSALIA

7

The conflict between the federation and the aristocratic organization ofthe noble families deepened in the 4th cent. BC because of the ambitions of the rulers of Pherae

(social structure

untypical

of T.: [17. 189]).

Their rule (often misapprehended as a > tyrannis; on this [21; 22]) was thoroughly popular (-» Lycophron [2], > Iason [2]). Under Iason (elected tagos in 375/4), the league flourished again (alliances with Athens and Thebes [2]). His murder in 370 prevented the realization of other plans [22. 115-132]. The league found itself compelled to seek help from Macedonia (> Alexander [II 3]) and the city of Thebes to counter the violent expansionism of his successors (Polydorus [7], > Polyphron, Alexander [II 15]); —> Pelopidas intervened for Thebes on several occasions (Battle of > Cynoscephalae 364 BC). Under him there was also reform of the federal organization (not on the Boeotian model; [20. 130 f., 219]) and reinforcement of central power (annual archontate: IG II* 116). However, the league

could only counter new attacks by Pherae with the help of Philip II (+ Philippus [I 4]), who was elected military commander of the T. for life [24. 377] and determinedly consolidated his power in T. (revival of the tetrad system, decarchies in the cities). T. became a member in its own right of the > Corinthian League (secession of the perioikoi: Top 2, 177), but it was directly dependent on Macedonia, and because of its strategic position, it remained of particular importance to the Macedonian kings for the next 170 years. IV. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS There were repeated attempts at defection from the Thessalian League following the + Lamian War; these were thwarted by —> Polyperchon [1] and > Demetrius [I 2], and were stemmed after 294 BC by the foundation of the capital, Demetrias [1], on the site of Pagasae (including the towns of > Magnesia [1] as komai; ~» kome) [23]. Consolidation under Macedonian rule, however, came only after the death in 272 BC of > Pyrrhus [3], who had advocated the independence of the league of the T. ([24] with new dating of the famous inscription of Daochus: Syll.* 274). T.’s fate, at the intersection between Macedonia and the southern regions, remained eventful: invasions by the > Aetolians [26. 165-183] alternated with Macedonian reconquests by -» Antigonus [3] (member of the Hellenic League 224: Stv 3, 507); under Philip V (> Philippus [I 7|) (Letters to Larisa: Syll. 543) Macedonian expansion into the Phthiotis (conquest of Thebes). Only after the 2nd > Macedonian War (Battle of Cynoscephalae, 197 BC) was Philip forced to relinquish T. (including Demetrias) entirely. After the declaration of freedom at the > Isthmia in 196 BC, the Thessalian League was restored (as were Perrhaebia and Magnesia; compensatory territorial gains in the region of the Malieis and Achaea > Phthiotis (2)) and a new constitution introduced under the aegis of T. > Quinctius [I 14] Flamininus: it provided for an annually appointed > strategos in command (list

572

of strategoi: IG IX 2, XXIVF.; [27]), a > synhedrion at Larisa (representatives of federal cities). Cities were to have colleges of (as a rule) five tagoi [12]. At Larisa, a federal cult of Zeus Eleutherios was founded, with games (IG IX 2,525; 528). Constant tensions, triggered by the involvement of -» Perseus [2] in Dolopia (> Dolopians) and T., culminated after fruitless negotiations at Larisa in the 3rd -» Macedonian War (mainly fought in T.). After the Battle of Pydna in 168 BC, however, T. still remained intact as a political entity, alongside the newly-founded city league of Magnesia, and it remained so even after its incorporation into the Roman province of Macedonia in 148 (expanded to include Perrhaebia again from 146 [27. 204-213}). T. was once more an important theatre of war in the Roman Civil War of 48 BC (- Roma [I D 4}). It was added to the province of Achaia in the provincial reform of 27 BC [28; 29]. + Augustus pointedly assumed the title of the eponymous federal strategos for the year 27/26 [27. 128 f.], but T. was clearly reduced in status below > Nicopolis [3] in the reorganization of the Delphic amphictyony (Paus. 10,8,3; on the organization of the league, mainly the observation of the emperor cult, cf. [29]). In Diocletian’s restructuring of the empire, T. (with Magnesia) formed its own province in the diocese of Moesia (- Moesi, Moesia; tianus, with map). + Macedonia (with map); > Thessalian

> Diocie-

1 B.Orro, Die verzierte Keramik der Sesklo- und Dimi-

nikultur Thessaliens, 1985 2B.FeuER, The Northern Mycenaean Border in Thessaly, 1983 3 C.MORGAN, The Archaeology of Sanctuaries, in: L.G. MITCHELL, P.J.RHODEs (ed.), The Development of the Pcolis in Archaic Greece, 1997, 168-198

4F.LANG, Archaische Sied-

lungen in Griechenland, 1996 5 H.D. WesTLake, Thessaly in the Fourth Century B.C., 1935 6 P.R. FRANKE, PeGadoi, Petadrot, MetOahoi, Oecoadot, in: AA 1970, 85—-

93

7 ¥F.GscCHNITZER, Abhangige Orte im griechischem

Altertum, 1958

8 G.Krp, Thessalische Studien, 1910

9 G.A. LEHMANN, Thessaliens Hegemonie tiber Mittelgriechenland im 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr., in: Boreas 6, 1983, 35-43 10 F.GSCHNITZER, Namen und Wesen der thessalischen Tetraden, in: Hermes 82, 1954, 451-464 11 M.Sorop1, La lega tessala, 1958 12 B.HELLy, L’état thessalien, 1995 13 M.Sorp1, Review of [12], in: Gnomon 70, 1998, 418-421 14 J.Ducart, Les Pénestes

des Thessalie, pyleo-delphique,

1994 1998

15 F. LEFEvre, 16H.D.

L’Amphictionie WestLake,

Medism of Thessaly, in: JHS 56, 1936, 12-24

The

17H.-J.

GEHRKE, Stasis, 1986 18 J.A.O. LARSEN, Greek Federal States, 1968 19 P.R. FRANKE, Numismatic Evidence on the Existence of a Thessalian Confederacy, in: NC 2, 1973, 5-13 20 H.Becxk, Polis und Koinon, 1997

21 J.MANDEL, Jason, in: Rivista storica dell’Antichita ro, 1980, 47-77. 22S.SPRAWSKI, Jason of Pherai, 1999 23 F. STAHLIN, Pagasai und Demetrias, 1934 24 W.GrEomiNny, Zum Daochos-Weihgeschenk, in: Klio 80,

1998,

369-402

25 A.MoustTaka,

Kulte

und

Mythen auf thessalischen Miinzen, 1983 26 J.B. ScHOLTEN, The Politics of Plunder, 2000 27 H.KRAMOLISCH, Die Strategen des Thessalischen Bundes, 1978 28 G.W. Bowersock, Zur Geschichte des romischen Thessaliens,

574

SHS) in: RhM 108, 1965, 277-289

29 F. Burrer, Miinzpri-

gung und Geschichte des Thessalischen Bundes in der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1993. A.PurLippson, Thessalien und Epiros, 1897; PHILippSON/KIRSTEN 1,1; F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 19243 Id.,s. v. Thessalia, RE 6 A, 70-111; KIRSTEN/KRAIKER, 592-622; PRITCHETT 2; H.-J. HOpER, Beobachtungen uber den Wandel von Siedlungen und Behausungen in Ostthessalien, in: L.HEMPEL (ed.), Geographische Beitrage zur Landeskunde Griechenlands, 1984, 41-120; Y.Aupa et al., Espace géographique et géographie historique en Thessalie, in: F.AuDoUuzE (ed.), Archéologie et espaces, 1990, 87-126; I. BLUM, Topographie antique et geographie en pays grec, 1992; B.G. INTZESILOGLOU, “TOTOLLAN TOMOYEAHLA THS MEQLOXNS TOU xOATOV TOV BOoAov,

in: La Thessalie, Quinze années de recherches archéologiques (1975-1990), 1994, 31-56; La Thessalie, pays de dieux de l’Olympe (Les dossiers d’archéologie 159), 1991.

HA.BE.

V. BYZANTINE PERIOD

In AD 392, > Illyricum (along with > Hellas [1] and T.) was joined to the eastern half of the Roman Empire (> Theodosius [2] I). There were repeated incursions by various tribes from the north (including the > Goti). After Justinian (— Iustinianus [1] I, d. 565), the emperors at > Constantinople lost control of T. From 578, ~ Slavs in the wake of the > Avares entered T., settling there and becoming ‘Byzantinized’. A second Slavic migration occurred from the mid-8th cent. There were invasions by the — Bulgari in the roth cent. (until 1014), and in 1082 T. was plundered by the Normans under Robert Guiscard. Alexios I’s trading privileges for the Venetians also extended to the Thessalian cities. After 1024, T. was under Latin rule (Boniface of Mont-

ferrat), from 1218 partly under Epirote rule. After periods of Catalan, Byzantine and Serbian rule, the region fell to the Ottomans under Bayezid I in 1393. Koper/HiLp; A.P. ABRAMEA, UEXYOL TOD 1204, 1974.

“H BuCavtwh

Oecoahia

Thessalian. Records of Thessalian in the Archaic and Classical Periods are rare (exception: the inscription of Sotaerus from Thetonium in western Thessaly, sth cent. BC). They only become more numerous from the end of the 3rd cent. BC (sites: Larisa [3], Atrax, Crannon, Pherae, Scotussa; Cierium, Pharsalus; Metropolis [4]; Phalanna). In addition, there are c. roo extant Thessalian glosses. Thessalian is relatively homogeneous. The sources are insufficient to allow for a secure distinction between East and West Thessalian (e.g. gen. sing. -ou(o)/-oi(o), inf. -ewev/-emen in East Thessa-

lian in contrast to West Thessalian -ov/-ou, -evw/—ein). Particularities: (EI) for *ai in Larisa (inf. -oew/-sein, -o0ew/-sthein = -oat/-sai, -oPa/-sthai), (E) in place of (O) for *o in Hestiaeotis (e.g. tev ... ,oovev/ten ... chronen, teic/teis, auteic/auteis = tov yeovov/ton chrénon,

toic/tois, abtoic/autois). Koiné forms and phrases with

a Thessalian Poteidouni,

flavour are common ovadovuo/onalouma

(e.g. Ilotewtouv/ = Hellenistic

THESSALIAN

MooedaviPoseidéni, avakwua/andloma in place of genuine Thessalian Ilotwav/Potidani, ovaha/onala). Besides (a) West Greek and (b) East Greek characteristics, Thessalian has features that are also common in (c) Lesbian-Aeolic and (d) Boeotian, as well as (e) specific characteristics. (a): non-assibilated -ti(—) (e.g. natiyveitoc/katigneitos ‘brother’); type toaooc/tdssos (but mettagec/pettares ‘four’); nom. pl. tovtoi (also ov oi); athematic infinitive in -wev/-men; *g%el- ‘want? (BeAkonav/bellomai); aorist in -Ea-/-xa- (also -oa-/-sa-). (b): rst pers. pl. in -wev/-men; iegdc/hieros. (c-d): *r > ro;

*k“e > pe; athematic dat. pl. in -eoov-esst; ta/ia ‘one’; perf. part. with -mt-; use of the patronymic. (c): gemination instead of first compensatory lengthening (ye@eoc/ cherros, anvotehiavtoc/apystellantos, ovvuevvavtouv/ synmennantoun,

euuevilemmen

=

yeodc/cheiros,

dsooteihavtoc/aposteillantos, °uewdavtwv/°meindnton, eivav/einai), also resulting from r, + 1 (meggatev/perratei, xeevvepnev/krennemen = nevoatai/peirdtat, xoivew/ krinein); anv/apy, nowpoti, nova/pota; au xe/ai ke. (d): 3rd pers. pl. with (-v0-)/-nth-); thematic infinitive in -euev/-emen; ywvuaginymai. (e): raising of *é, *6 ((EI), (OY)); syncope (Amhovv/Aploun, Ao(c)t0°/As(s)to°, Eevdoxod/xendokos = “Andddkwv/Apoéllon, “Aguvoto®/ Aristo°®, Eevod6x0c/xenodokos); retainment of secondary -ns- (navoa/pansa, fem. part. in -voa/-nsa), -Vns > -Vs (acc. pl. tos/tos); secondary i > i before vowel (xveeowkyrron, mod\oc/pollios, meofevvwav/proxennian = xvoowkyrion, moMws/poleds, meokeviav/pro-

xenian; also duav/iddian (or ité.av/itdian), e&emattio/ exeikattioi, exxdewouav/ekkleissian = idiavi/idian, &Eaxdovovhexakosioi, éxxndnoiav/ekklésian); gemination uvaueov/mnammeion, yxeeuwa/chreimma (= pvnuetov/mnémeion, yojua/chréma); 3rd pers. pl. in -ev/-en (oveOeixaev/onetheikaen = Gvé0eoav/anéthesan), ayyoewWaggreimi, walma = aioéw/hairéd, dé/dé. (a-b) point to a West and East Greek component, (c-d)

to an original relationship with Lesbian and Boeotian. Sample text, Larisa, 214 BC: ... weomodt xe ovv xa ETEQOS EMLVOELOOVLEV AELOG TOL TAQ G4ULE TOMTEVUATOS ET TOL MAQEOVTOS xOEVVELLEV Wa.[]\EaoOet[v ... (rendering in oratio obliqua of inscription (koine): ... ews av OVV ETEQOUG EXLVONOMUEV GELOUS TOV MAE VEL MOAITEVWATOS ETL TOV MAQOVTOS XOLWM WHpLioaoOat ...). > Greek dialects; + Thessalians, Thessalia QUELLEN: IG IX 2 (1908); J.-CL. Decourrt, Inscriptions

de Thessalie, vol. 1: Les cités de la vallée de l’Enipeus, 1995; A.S. McDevir't, Inscriptions from Thessaly, 1970 (list); B. HELLY, Inscriptions de Thessalie: état du corpus, in: Verbum 10, 1987, 69-99.

Eprt1ons: Id., in: BCH 94, 1970, 161-189; Id., in: Mnemosyne 23, 250-296; V.MIsaAiLipou DEspoTIDOU, in:

ABSA 88, 187-217. BIBLIOGRAPHY: BECHTEL, Dialekte 1, 13 1-212; W. BLU-

MEL, Die aiolischen Dialekte, 1982; J.L. GARCIA RAMON,

Geografia intradialectal tesalia: la fonética, in: Verbum 10, 1987, 101-153; Id., Cuestiones de léxico y onomastica tesalios, in: AION (sezione linguistica) 19, 1997,

521-552 175-193.

(including

bibliography);

THUmMB/SCHERER, JGR.

THESSALONICA

BLS

Thessalonica (Oeooahovixn/Thessalonike). [1] (Latin Thessalonica, -nice; today also T.) I. LOCATION, CLASSICAL PERIOD ERA

II. BYZANTINE

I. LOCATION, CLASSICAL PERIOD

City on the Thermaic Gulf (» Thermaios Kolpos)

with a favourable natural harbour and best connections with the hinterland (subsequently also over the > via Egnatia), near

» Therme (to date not yet located; grave

finds from pre-Hellenistic times). Founded in c. 315 BC by > Cassander and named for his wife T. [2], half-sister of Alexander [4] the Great; about 26 smaller communities, including — Therme and > Chalastra |r] (Strab. 7a,1,20), were merged in the newly founded city. The fact that > Pella [1] was losing ever more of its importance as a harbour city as a result of the siltation of the + Lydias favoured development of T. into the most important Macedonian harbour city. After the end of the 3rd + Macedonian War (168 BC), capital of the second Macedonian meris (regio, partial state: Liv. 45,29,9). After the victory of the Romans over Philippus VI (> Andriscus [1]) in 148 BC, T. became the seat of Roman provincial administration in Macedonia (> Macedonia [II D]; Cic. Planc. 41). In the civil war of 42 BC, the city supported M. Antonius [19] and the later Augustus, for which reason it received the status of a civitas libera after the Battle of > Philippi, an event that it celebrated on its coins (BMC Macedonia 115 Nr. 62). Under Gordianus [3] III, the title of > neokoros was bestowed on the city; under Decius [II 1] T. was a > metropolis [2] anda — colonia (IG X 2,1,167). With its strong fortifications the city was able to repel several Gothic attacks (+ Goti) (AD 250, 253, 262, 269; vel. Zos. 1,29; 43,1); after the Roman defeat of Hadrianopolis [3] in 378, T. served > Theodosius [2] I. as a base camp for the war against the Goti. It was undoubtedly the defensibility of the city that prompted > Galerius [5] to develop it as a splendid seat of power. The city walls were probably reinforced around 442-443 (IG X 2,1, 43), after relocation of the official residence of the > praefectus praetorio in — Ilyricum from > Serdica to T.; in the course of the following cents. they withstood attacks of the -» Hunni and, repeatedly, the + Avares and - Slavs — not without the help, as was said, of the martyr Demetrius [17] (cf. the Miracula S. Demetrii of lohannes [31]). In the 3rd cent. BC, T. received Delphic theoroi, ‘sacred ambassadors’ [1.17 Z. 66]. From the time of Philippus [7] V (221-179 BC), at the latest, the city had its own municipal political structure with council, people’s assembly and treasury officials (tamzai); nevertheless, the king claimed the last word in some financial matters (MORETTI 111; 1G X 2,1, 1028). From 187 BC

on, the city minted its own coins. Politarchai were also active in T. At that time, it already had a very large population (urbs celeberrima: Liv. 45,30,4), as Str. 7575 attests more than one anda half cents. later. At the

576 end of the rst cent. BC, there was a conventus civium Romanorum (IG X 2,1, 32f.) in T., a Jewish commu-

nity, which the Apostle Paul [2] visited in 49-50 and 56 AD (Acts 147,1-9), likewise a community of worshippers of Serapis (MORETTI 111).

Partially preserved are the ‘artificial’ harbour facilities (built in 322 under Constantine [1] I.), an Ionian

temple from the time around 500 BC (in the area of Therme?), the orthogonal layout of the city, the city wall with the Porta Aurea, fortifications of the Acropolis, the Serapeum in the western part of the lower town, the Odeum and Stoa near the Agora, a basilica with five naves (crypt), the basilica of Panagia Archeiropoietos (built after 431 on the site of Roman

thermal baths),

and the church of Hosios David (from the sth. cent.; mosaic); further, thermal baths, gymnasium and stadion in the north of the city, as well as a theatre. Preserved buildings erected under Galerius [5]: palace (with

throne

room),

hippodrome,

triumphal

arch

(erected in 305 on the occasion of a victory over the Persians in 297), as well as a rotunda (mosaics from end of 4th cent., when it was converted into a church, today an exhibition hall). Individual finds (including statues etc.) in the archaeological museums in Istanbul and Thessaloniki. The writers Antipater [9], Iosephus [5], + Kaminiates, Makedonius [2] and Philippus [32] came from T. In accordance with the greatness and general importance of the city was the influence of its bishop, who, as

the Metropolitan of Macedonia in the 4th and 5th cent., acquired a special status as representative, so to speak, of the interests of the Bishop of Rome in Illyricum. + Macedonia (with maps) 1 A. PLassarT, in: BCH 45, 1921, 1-85. F. PaPAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine, 1988, 189-212; M.Vickers, Hellenistic Thessaloniki, in: JHS 92, 1972,

156-170; Id., s. v. T., PE 911-913; J.M. SpresER, Thessalonique et ses monuments, 1984; P. ADAM-BELENE (ed.), Thessaloniken Philippou Basilissan (Oscoahovixny Oudizmov Baoihtooav), 1985; I. TouratsoGLtou, Die Miinzstatte von Thessaloniki in der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1988;

H.P. Lausscuer, Der Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbogens in Thessaloniki, 1975; N.D. PAPACHATZzIS, Die Denkmaler von Thessaloniki, 1963; TUR K 34 Naissus, 1976, 139-

147.

MAER.

Il. BYZANTINE ERA The bishop of T. served as a counterweight to the patriarch of Constantinople in the eastern empire until the 8th cent., when > Illyricum was withdrawn from

the jurisdiction of the pope and placed under that of the eastern church. T. remained continuously in Byzantine hands during this time, even though its entire surroundings were at times controlled by the > Slavs, and with the stabilisation of the Byzantine position on the Balkan Peninsula in the 9th—-12th cent., it rose once again to the position of a significant trade centre. Pillaging by Arab pirates in 904 and by the Normans in 1186 did not impede this development. From 1204 to 1224 T. was

578

DIT.

the capital of a kingdom of the Crusaders, then fell back into Byzantine hands and was conquered by the Ottoman Turks first in 1387, then for good in 1430. A. VACALOPOULOS, History of Thessaloniki, 1963.

AL.B.

[2] Daughter of Philippus [4] Il and Nikesipolis (Ath. 13,557¢), a niece of Iason [2] (Steph. Byz. 312 M.), who died shortly after the birth of T.. T. evidently received her name (lit. “Thessalian victory’) after Philippus’ victory over ~ Onomarchus, which means she was probably born in 352 or 351 BC. Nothing is known about her youth; she does not appear again until 3 17-316, in Pydna, when it was besieged and conquered by > Cassander. After this one had caused > Olympias [1] to be killed, he married the c. 35-year-old T. in order to prepare his claim to the Macedonian throne (Diod. Sic. 19,52,1); Olympias had undoubtedly prevented T. from marrying earlier, at an age customary at that time, in order to prevent her husband from becoming a pretender to the throne. T. had three sons with Cassander, and he honored her by founding T. [1]. After the death of Cassander and his oldest son (298-297), she was de facto the reigning monarch, until the second-oldest son, Antipater [2], murdered her in 294 BC (Diod. Sic. 21,7 MULLER).

EB.

Thessalus (Oecoah6c/Thessalos). [1] Eponym of the Greek territory of Thessaly (+ Thessalians, Thessalia; Plin. HN 4,28), son of > Haemon

[1] (Rhianus FGrH 265 F 30), of the Heraclid Aeatus (Charax FGrH 103 F 6) or of > Iason [1] and > Medea (Diod. Sic. 4,54 f.). CA.BI. [2] Athenian, son of Peisistratus [4]. Not named in

Herodotus, T. first appears in Thucydides (1,20,2; 6,55,1) as a childless full brother of Hippias [1] and Hipparchus [1] from their Athenian mother. On the other hand, in the report of the (pseudo-)Aristotelian Athénaion politeia (17 f.), T. is the half-brother of the two as the son of — Timonassa, is called > Hegesistratus [1] there and has T. as an alternative name. Later authors do not provide any more clarity. TRAILL, PAA 513175; DAVIES 11793, V.C; RHODES, 22.4230 (different).

[3] Athenian, nobleman from Laciadae, son of + Cimon [2] and Isodice, who was related to the Alcmaeonids. In 415 BC, T. prosecuted -> Alcibiades [3] for his profanation of the Mysteries (Plut. Alc. 19,3; 22,4; Diodorus Periegetes, FGrH 372 F37). TraiLtt, VII D.

PAA

513180;

Davies

8429,

XIIIC.;

9688, K.KI.

[4] (Thettalus). Successful tragic actor of the 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC (DID A 1, 315) in Athens, also elsewhere in the entourage of Alexander [4] the Great (> Tyrus, cf. Plut. Alexander 29,681d 12f.). In

331 BC, emissary for Alexander in Caria (Plut. ibid. 10,669d 21 f.). PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE, 357 (Index III).

B.Z.

THESSALUS

[5] T. of Cos. Greek doctor, 5th-4th cent. BC, accord-

ing to the ancient biographers, the oldest son of > Hippocrates [6] and author or redactor of some works handed down under the name of his father. In one of the pseudo-Hippocratic letters (Ep. 22: 9,392 L.), he is advised to study geometry and mathematics as the basis of medicine. The Presbeutikos (Ep. 27: 9,404-428 L.) isa fictitious speech by T., which seeks to persuade the Athenians not to enslave the Coans in memory of the services of his father and family for Athens (above all, during the plague described by Thucydides, cf. > Epidemic diseases II. B.). In it, T. says that he travelled to

Macedonia, where he had ties of friendship with the ruling family, and to Thessaly in order to help combat the plague. Later, he participated in the Sicilian expedition (— Peloponnesian War) with — Alcibiades [3], without remuneration, and was rewarded by the Athenians with a gold crown. How much, if any, of this is true is unclear: the speech itself is certainly a late invention, but some of its detail is plausible. Whether T. was involved in editing, and even composing, some of the works in the Corpus Hippocraticum, is equally problematic. Following Hellenistic scholars, > Galen used T. authorship to explain contradictions and errors in the Hippocratic texts. But even then, there was uncertainty over which texts T. actually wrote (Epidemics Il, IV and VI: Galen, CMG V, 10,2,2). It is clear that T.’

supposed involvement was merely a scholarly device for freeing the great Hippocrates from error. W.D.

SmitH,

Hippocrates.

Pseudepigraphic

Writings,

1990 (with Eng. transl.); H. DILLER, s. v. T. (5), RE 6 A, 165-168; SMITH, 121-122, 215-218; J.R. PINAULT, Hippocratic Lives and Legends, 1992; J. JoUANNA, Hippocrate, 1992, 68-69.

[6] Th. of Tralles. Greek

doctor, worked

in Rome

around AD 6o. A controversial > Methedist, T. proclaimed his independence of his predecessors, developing the ideas of + Themison [2] to such an extent that he appeared to have created Methodism anew or to have brought it to completion. He declared his superiority in his works (including a boastful letter to Nero [1]), at his numerous public appearances surrounded by crowds of supporters, and on his tombstone, where he was named iatronikes, ‘champion physician’ (Plin. HN 29,5,9). His polemic attacks provoked equally fierce reactions, which have obscured many details of his life and doctrine. T. developed Themison’s notion of commonalities of disease as a result of changes in the body’s corpuscles and pores to cover a wide variety of conditions. In general, he distinguished common conditions to be treated by diet (-» Dietetics) from those which required surgical intervention, and subdivided both categories further still. Surgical conditions were either external or internal and were caused by abnormalities of place or size or by insufficiency. Poisonings formed another commonality. The appearance of the body allowed the physician to decide easily what particular commonality was before him, and treatment fol-

THESSALUS

579

580

lowed automatically to restore the balance. Variation in treatment was determined by the site of the ailment and by the intensity of the condition with respect to the patient’s age or the season of the year. A second innovation of T. was metasynkrisis, the continuous modification of the pores of the body by therapy, even to the extent of applying apparently opposed treatments consecutively, if the changed appearance of the body warranted it. This willingess to change the treatment contrasted with the views of the Hippocratics and + Empiricists that, once a course of treatment had been decided upon, it should be followed until the conclusion of the illness. T.’ variety of Methodism was later seen as standard: thus, the attacks by — Galen against Methodism are essentially directed against T.’ successors, the “Thessalian asses’. Still, Galen’s criticism of T.’ imprecise terminology, lack of anatomical knowledge and therapeutic confusion reflect rather T.’ own sceptical disdain for fields of knowledge which he considered indeterminate or irrelevant to effective medical practice. A widely read treatise on horoscopic herbs ascribed to T. is of more recent date (4th—6th cents.) since the autobiographical data and hermetic doctrines contained in it contradict everything which we otherwise know about T. [1; 2]. -+ Methodists

TING Sry a5ek 1J.BOARDMAN, s.v. Thestiades, 3 Id., 2 §. WoopFoRD, s. v. Thestiadai, LIMC 8.1, 4 f. SLA. Sy Va des ol WIGrS kacO.

1 H.V. Frrepricn, T. von Tralleis, 1968 2 D.PINGREE, Thessalus astrologus, in: P.O. KRISTELLER (ed.), Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum 3, 1976, 83-86.

FRAGMENTS:

M.M.

Tecusan, The Fragments

Methodist Sect, 2002;

of the

H. DILLER, s. v. Th. (6), RE 6 A,

168-182; J.PIGEAUD, L’introduction du Méthodisme a Rome, in: ANRW II 37.1, 1993, 565-599.

VN.

Thestius (@égotw0¢c/Théstios). Mythical ruler of > Pleuron in Aetolia

(Str. 10,2,24;

10,3,6), son of — Ares

(Apollod. 1,59; Ps.-Plut. De fluviis 22,1, GGM 2, p. 6611.) or Agenor [3] (Asius in Paus. 3,13,8) and

Demonice/Demodice Rhod. 1,146-149a)

(Apollod. 1,59; schol. Apoll. Peisidice (Ps.-Plut. loc.cit.),

or

brother of Euenus, Molus and Pylus (Apollod. 1,59);

with Eurythemis (Apollod. 1,62), Leucippe (Hyg. fab. 14,17) or others (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,146-149a; 1,201a) father of several sons (Thestiddai), e.g. Iphiclus (Bacchyl. 5,128 f.; Apollod. loc.cit.; Hyg. Fab. 14,17),

~ Plexippus (Apollod. loc.cit.; Ov. Met. 8,439-444; Hyg. Fab. 173 f.; 244), Eurypylus (Apollod. loc.cit.; schol. Hom. Il. 9,567a) and > Toxeus [3] (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,201b; Ov. loc.cit.), and several daughters (Thestiddes), e.g. > Althaea [1] (Eur. fr. 515 NAuck’; Bacchyl. 5,137 f.; Diod. Sic. 4,34,4-7; Paus. 8,45,6), = Wedan (Huntress

aNiootreos2. ons base

sanaess

Hyg. Fab. 77; 150) and Hypermestra [2] (Diod. 4,68,5; Apollod. loc.cit.; Hyg. Fab. 250). T. finds his son Calydon [2] and his wife together, thinks there has been adultery and kills him. Subsequently he drowns himself in the River Axenus, which is then named initially Thestius after him and later - Achelous [1] (Ps.-Plut. loc.cit.).

Thestor (@éotw0/Théstor).

[1] Son of Apollo and Laothoe [2], one of the > Argo> Idmon [1] (Apoll. Rhod. 1,139). Father of the seers Calchas and Alcmaon (Hom. Il. 1,69; 12,394), also of > Theoclymenus (Hyg. Fab. 128), as well as Leucippe and Theone, cf. Hyg. Fab. 190: in this story it is told how T. and his two daughters were driven by a series of remarkable accidents off course to the king Icarus of Caria, where after a perilous climax the complexities ultimately resolve by means of > anagnorisis. nauts, as a seer also bears the name

[2] Trojan, son

of Enops,

killed by — Patroclus

[1]

(Hom. Il. 16,401—4 10).

[3] Companion of > Odysseus, transformed by > Circe into a pig [1]. 1 O. TOUCHEFEU-MEYNIER, Ss. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 6.

__T.GO.

Theta

(linguistics). The Greek letter © designates a voiceless aspirated dental plosive/t"/; this pronunciation is supported through alternate spellings such as Cretan Tvtid/Pytio: (for Mv6iodPythio:), through cases of assimilation or dissimilation (Attic “Av6ikoxo¢/ Anthilochos, Cretan Tevdiio/Teuphild [1. 204, 257; 2. 139-141]) and through the Latin writing of t in early loanwords (tus, Plaut. from Greek 6vo¢ [3. 160]). From the Hellenistic period on, and even earlier in Laconian,

evidence increasingly points to spirantic pronunciation [0] (magoeve/parséne, Aristoph. Lys. 1263 in the choral ode of the Spartan women, attested in Laconian inscriptions only from the 4th cent. BC onwards: a&véonxe/

anéséke) [1. 204-206]. The representation of 6 by th in Latin from the 2nd cent. BC yields no insights; a spirantic pronunciation is assumed based on Afenodorus, CIL III 9178 [3. 160 f.]. In inherited words, 0 goes back to Proto-Indo-European d? (AebOeQoc/eleritheros

‘free’ < *a:léud’-ero-),

other sources to be considered are g“” in front of e (Oeivw/theind ‘beat’ < *g'’’en-ie/o-), in few cases ProtoIndo-European ta (oto8e/oistha ‘know’ < *uoid-ta.a)

[1. 297 loped ‘grave’ *t'apt-

f.5 4. 72, 84, 87]. Through dissimilation, t devefrom Proto-Indo-European t’ (taoc/taphos < *t’ap’o- along with O@axtw/thapto. ‘bury’ < [4. 97]). Following a short vowel, the sequence

ei is assibilated into oo, or (always in Attic-Ionic) to 0; in Boeotian and Cretan, it becomes tt (lonic-Attic

wéaoc/mésos ‘middle’, Doric wéo00c/méssos, Boeotian

and Cretan yéttoc/méttos < *mettio- < *med‘io[1. 320 f.5 4. 90]); in a similar way, ths became assimilated to ss (or s) (metoouau/peisomai < *p’eit-s-[1. 321; 4. 98]). On the writing of 6 in Latin, see above. The phonetic value of the letter © in Etruscan is debated (> Etruscan C.); in personal names borrowed from Greek, it represents Greek 6 (Etruscan 0¢o8/these from

Greek Onoev Solon [1] the term denotes the lowest of the four taxation classes (Aristot. Ath. pol. 7,3 f.; Aristot. Pol. 1274a 21; Plut. Solon 18,1 f.). In this sense, the Athenian thetes are still attested in the 5th and 4th cents. BC (foundation of the Athenian — apoikia of Brea in Thrace: IG P 46; 44 = Syll.3 67; Athenian expedition to Sicily: Thuc. 6,43; law on the marriage of an > epikléros of the thetes class: Dem. Or. 43,54), though in this context it remains unclear where the threshold to the next class up, the > zeugitai, was drawn. According to Aristotle, Solon gave the thetes access to the popular assembly and the courts, but not to public office. As shown by the case of Anthemion, it was possible for one of the thetes to make the social ascent into the class of the — hippeis (Aristot. Ath. pol. 7,3 f.). The legal and political differentiation of the Athenian citizenry made itself felt esp. in the military sphere: it was mostly the thetes who were called upon to serve in the navy and as light infantry (Thuc. 6,433; cf. 8,24,2; Aristot. Pol. 1321a 5-15). However, this distinction became for the most part meaningless in the 4th cent. BC. ~» Paid labour/wage work; > Work 1L.A. BurckHarpt, Burger und Soldaten, 1996 2 M.H. Hansen, The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes,

146

1991, 43-46; 106-109

3 RHODES,

136-

4W.ScHmitrz, Nachbarschaft und Dorfgemein-

schaft im archaischen und klassischen Griechenland, in: HZ 268, 1999, 561-597; esp. 573 F.

H.-J.G.

THETIS

J.-C. Decourrt, La vallée de |’Enipeus en Thessalie, 1990,

205-207; F.STAHLIN, s. v. Th., RE 6 A, 205 f.

HE.KR.

Thetis (@étc/Thétis). Daughter of — Nereus and ~ Doris [I 1], one of the > Nereids (Hes. Theog. 240244; cf. Hom. Il. 1,358; 18,36; Pind. Pyth. 3,92; Apollod. 1,11 et al.), raised by > Hera (Hom. Il. 24,60), mother of — Achilles [1]. When — Poseidon and ~» Zeus desire T., an oracle of > Themis prophesies that

the son of T. will dethrone his father. Zeus therefore decides to marry T. against her will to the mortal > Peleus. According to a further prophecy of Themis, T. would see her son die in battle (Pind. Isthm. 8,28-37; cf. Aesch. PV 908-912.; Apoll. Rhod. 4,800-802). T.

attempts in vain to escape Peleus by metamorphosing into various animals and into fire (Pind. Nem. 4,62 f.),

and is married to him in a lavish ceremony (Hom. II. 18,432-435; 24,60-63; cf. Catull. 64). According to the > Cypria, T. refuses marriage to Zeus in deference to Hera, and is then married to Peleus by Zeus as a punishment (Cypria fr. 2 EpGF; cf. Hes. Cat. fragment 210). According to a tradition dating back to Hesiod’s Aegimius, T. throws her children by Peleus into a cauldron of boiling water because “she wished to learn whether they were mortal” (Hes. fr. 300) — his father saves Achilles. According to later sources, T. puts Achilles in the fire and anoints him with ambrosia to make him immortal. However, another tradition dating back at least to Sophocles has T. leaving Peleus after the birth of Achilles (Soph. fr. 15x TrGF 4; cf. Apoll. Rhod. 4,866-868; schol. Apoll. Rhod. 4,816; Apollod. gL)

The story of T. hiding Achilles, disguised as a girl, among the daughters of +>Lycomedes [1], to spare him from taking part in the Trojan War, is attested from the 5th cent. BC on (Paus. 1,22,6; Apollod. 1,171; cf. Eur. fr. 682-686; Eur. incertarum tabularum fr. 880; 888;

fr. adespota 9 TGF). In the Iliad, T. bemoans the mortality of Achilles, which she is powerless to remedy (e.g. Hom. Il. 18,54-56). She gives him clothing and a golden drinking-cup to take to the war (ibid. 16, 221-224). When Achilles is mourning > Patroclus [1], she appears to him with the Nereids, prophesies that he will die after his fight with > Hector, and promises to obtain new weapons for him from Hephaestus (ibid. 18,3 5-147). The next morning, she gives Achilles his weapons (ibid. 19,1-39). According to the + Aethiopis, T. spirits her son away to the island of Leuce after his death (EpGF p. 47,26-28; cf. Pind. Nem. 4,49; Eur. Andr. 1260-1262).

Thetideion

(@etideiov;

Thetideion).

Sanctuary

to

+ Thetis in the territory of > Pharsalus. Shortly before the battle of + Cynoscephalae in 197 BC the Roman and Macedonian armies camped near there (Pol. 18,20; Liv. 33,6,10). The location is problematic: the area near Dasolophos (formerly Bekides), on the basis of the route of the march, and the lands around modern Thetidion (formerly Alchami), because of ancient remains,

are possibilities.

The great popularity of T. in Greek vase-painting reached its zenith between 570 and 460 BC, the most frequently depicted motifs being the struggle with Peleus and the presentation of weapons to Achilles [4. 11]. There is evidence of cultic veneration of T. in Sparta (Paus. 3,14,4), Thessaly (Hdt. 7,191,2) and Pharsalus (Eur. Andr. 20; 246; 565; > Thetideion. 1M.Mayer,

s.v. Th., RE

6A,

206-242

ROSCHER, S. v. T., ROSCHER 5, 785-799

KIN, The Power of T., 1991

Waid. 3L.M. Stat-

4R.VOLLKOMMER, s. Vv. T.,

THETIS LIMC 8.1, 6-14

583

584

5 K. WaLpNeErR, Geburt und Hochzeit

and newer doctrines that adherents claimed were revealed to them directly by the gods. One of the most influential of these movements was Theurgie, which emphasized worshipping the gods through ritual. Theurgie was said to have been founded by a certain Julian, who came to be known as ‘the Chaldean’, and his son Julian, known as ‘the Theurgist’ (for the miracle stories surrounding their lives — Iulianus[4] and [5]) The Chaldean Oracles (see below) supposedly were delivered to the two Julians. Like most mystic and esoteric religious systems, Theurgie passed its doctrines and

des Kriegers, 2000, 82-101

6E.W.

Leacn, Venus, T.

and the Social Construction of Maternal Behavior, in: CJ

92.4, 1997, 347-372.

K.WA.

Theudis. King (rex) in Visigoth Spain 531-548 AD, great-uncle of > Totila, probably from an influential Gothic family [2. 157 f.]. An ‘arms bearer’ (armiger) of » Theoderic [3] the Great, he was sent as commanderin-chief to the > Visigothsc. 511, guardian of -» Amalaricus. T. married a well-to-do Spaniard and, with Theoderic’s indulgence, exercised power in Spain (Procop. Goth. 1,12,50-54). After Amalaricus’s death in 531 IT. became rex, in 548 he was assassinated (Chron. Min. 2,283 f.; for the date see [4. 3 56]). 1P.Amory, 1997, 171f.

People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy, 2P.HEATHER, Theoderic, in: Early Medi-

eval Studies 4, 1995,

145-173

4 H. WoLrraM, Die Goten, +2001.

SIP LREe oy oments WE.LU.

Theudius (Oevdioc; Theudios). Mathematician and philosopher from Magnesia, probably 4th century BC. The only information about him comes from the catalogue of mathematicians in — Proclus’s [2] commentary on Euclid [1. 67, Z. 12-20]. T. is mentioned there after - Eudoxus [1] and before Philippus of Medma, who was a pupil of Plato [1]; Therefore, T. was probably a contemporary of Aristotle [6]. According to Proclus, T., -- Menaechmus [3] and — Deinostratus conducted research together at the Academy (+ Akadémeia), improved the arrangement of the ’Elements’, and put many limited propositions in a more general form (on the interpretation of the various readings see [2]). Hence T. may have been the immediate predecessor of > Euclides [3] as the author of a mathematical textbook. [4. 3 f.] suggests that the mathematical examples in Aristotle [6] are taken from the ’E/ements’ of T. 1 G. FRIEDLEIN (ed.), Procli Diadochi in primum Euclidis Elementorum librum commentarii, 1873 (cp. G.R. Mor-

row, A commentary on the first book of Euclid’s Elements. [with transl., introd.], 1970) 2K.VvoON Frirz, s. v. Theudios, RE 6 A, 244-246 3 7T.L. Heatn, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 1, 1921, 320-321 4 J.L. Herperc, Mathematisches zu Aristoteles (Abh. zur Gesch. der mathematischen Wiss. 18), 1904, 1-49 5 G.L. Huxtey, s. v. Theudius of Magnesia, in: GILLISPIE

135-334.

ME.

Theudotus (Qevdot0c; Theridotos). Greek tragedian (IrGF I 157), victorious with the satyr play Palamedes

presumably in Magnesia [2] in the rst cent. BC (DID A 1355):

B.Z.

Theurgie (Oeoveyia/theourgia), from Greek ‘divine’ (theios) and ‘work’ (érgon): ‘divinely oriented actions’. During the first few cents. AD, there arose a number of religious movements that combined elements of Platonic philosophy, practices drawn from traditional cult,

rites from individual to individual [4]. Theurgie’s most famous follower was the Emperor Julian (lulianus [11]) ‘the Apostate’, who was initiated into it by Maximus [5] of Ephesus [5. 213-43]. Theurgie’s sacred texts were

dactylic-hexameter Greek poems known as the Chaldean Oracles (+ Oracula Chaldaica, Or. Ch.), alleged-

ly recited by Apollo and > Hecate either during epiphanies or through the mouths of possessed mediums. In insisting on the importance of ritual, theurgists opposed themselves to contemporaries such as > Plotinus, who held that humans should worship the gods

and improve their souls through contemplation and philosophy alone. This belief aligned with the premise that human souls did not completely descend from the divine sphere into incarnation (— Neoplatonism), whereas the theurgists’ belief that ritual was necessary aligned with the assumption that souls did descend into human bodies—and thus, that rituals performed in the material world, using material objects, were psychically therapeutic. Those who espoused only contemplation and philosophy portrayed the material world as a source of pollution; theurgists believed that even its lowliest parts were charged with salvific divine power

[a5] Theurgie adopted Platonic metaphysical and cosmological doctrines including transcendence of the highest god (-> Plato [x] G 4), who was often referred to as the

Father (pater) and who was characterized as consisting of pure, fiery light (e.g. Or. Ch. fr. 5). Out of the Father sprang various non-transcendent emanations, all of whom had cosmogonic and salvific roles; these entities were also made of light, although of lesser purity (e.g. Or. Ch. frs. 34, 35, 37; lamb. Myst. 1,9; 31,11—-18).

Most important to the theurgist in his daily life was an emanation called the Cosmic Soul (psyche), identified with the Greek goddess Hecate. She dwelt between the earthly and divine realms, dividing the two and yet facilitating the passage between them of both the individual mortal soul as it ascended into the heavenly realm and various divine benefits as they descended into the earthly realm. She was also credited with teaching the theurgist many of his rituals [3]. As in many other Platonic systems, matter (hylé) lay at the bottom of the ontological scale and reflected the divine Ideas or Forms only imperfectly (+ Ideas, theory of). Because of this,

matter could induce corporeal passions that led the theurgist astray. Both philosophical training and rituals helped to overcome them [3. ch. 9].

585

586

In terms of ritual, Theurgie bore many resemblences to mainstream Greek and Roman religions insofar as it included purifications, initiations, and various ‘magical’ rites such as the invocation of gods by their secret names and the manipulation of natural materials such as plants and stones (e.g. Or. Ch. frs. 132, 133, 150 and cf. [3. chs. 6,7,8; 4; 5]). But it also developed special rituals designed to bring about an encounter (systasis) between a theurgist and a god. Many of these focused on the theurgist receiving divine light and then incorporating it into his body and soul. During a systasis, the theurgist might receive further information about how to perform rituals, might simply improve his soul through its encounter with divine light, or might, through incorporation of this light, cause his soul to ascend temporarily into the divine realm (anagogé), where it could benefit from gazing upon divine beauty. lamblichus’ [2] Myst. gives general information about how such rituals were supposed to work; specific instructions for some of the rituals are found in fragments of the Or. Ch. and comments of their exegetes. The most notable anagogic technique was the ritualized inhalation of sunlight, understood to be the material manifestation of divine light (Or. Ch. frs. 124 and 130; cf. frs. 2, 122 and 132; and [4]). A detailed description of a very similar process is found in a slightly later document commonly known as the Mithras Liturgy, which may have been influenced by theurgy (PGM IV 475829). But Iamblichus and others emphasized that, in addition to everything that the theurgist himself was to do, divinity itself had to be present before anagogé

Amm. Marc. 17,4,2 f.). From the time of > Traianus, T. was a colonia. The city, destroyed by > Vandali and Berbers (> Berber), was rebuilt under — [ustinianus [1] I. Inscriptions: CIL VII 1, 1837-2020; 2, 1062310642; Suppl. 1, 16498-16667; Suppl. 4, 2784427926; ILAlg I2993-3471bis; AE 1969-1970, 633 LI;

could occur (e.g. lamb. Myst. 1,12; 40,19-41,83 3,31;

178,8-16). Given this, the term T. can also be interpreted to mean ‘the work of the gods upon mortals’. Our texts hint that, after death, the purified soul of the theurgist had the right to ascend to the angelic realm, but was expected selflessly to descend once again into incarnation, in order to help the souls of others reach perfection (Or. Ch. frs. 137 f. with their exegetes’ comm.; lamb. de An. 457,8-10; [6. 58-63]). ~» Oracula Chaldaica 1 G.SHaAw, Theurgy and the Soul, 1995 =2 R. MajERCIK (ed.), The Chaldean Oracles, 1989 (with Eng. transl. and comm.) 35.1. JoHNsTon, Hekate Soteira, 1990 4Id.,

Rising to the Occasion: Theurgic Ascent in Its Cultural Milieu, in: P. ScHAFER, H. G. K1ppENBERG (eds.), Envisioning Magic, 1997, 165-194

Théurgie.

Des

Oracles

5 C.VAN LIEFFERINGE, La

Chaldaiques

a Proclus,

1999

6 A.SmitH, Porphyry’s Place in the Neoplatonic Tradition, 1974.

2,21,19), one of the most important communications

nodes in northern Africa, 38 km to the southwest of + Ammaedara, modern Tébessa with significant ancient remains (e.g. Arch of Caracalla). T. was conquered in 247 BC by Hanno [6] the Great ([1. 71; 246 note Pols,

1977, 863; 1989, 880 f.; 883; 886; 1995, 1671-1757. 1 Huss. AAAIlg, p. 29, no. 101; J. CHRISTERN, Das friihchristliche Pilgerheiligtum von Tebessa, 1976; J.Gascou, La politique municipale de |’Empire romain en Afrique proconsulaire, 1972, 91-97; C.LEPELLEY, Les cités de |’Afrique romaine,

vol.

2,

1981,

185-189;

E.LIPINsKI,

Tebessa, DCPP, 442 f.

s. v.

W.HU.

Thiasos (0iacoc; thiasos). Affiliation of people for the purpose of worshipping a god, asa rule a religious association (— Associations). From the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial Periods there are numerous epigraphic sources, distributed throughout the ancient world, in

which

thiasoi

are

mentioned

+» koinon, > orgednes,

beside

- collegium,

- éranos and other terms for

both religious and non-religious associations, from which they cannot always be clearly distinguished [1; 2.8-5 6]. A law ascribed to > Solon [1], in which hieroi orge6nes and thias6tai are mentioned (Dig. 47,22,4), could be documentation of the existence of thiasoi in Athens as early as the 6th cent. BC, but this is probably rather an indication of the situation of the 2nd cent. AD. It is also unclear what function thiasoi had from the beginning of the 4th cent. as subunits of Attic > phratriai (Isaeus 9,30; [2.18-20; 3.9-12]). In the pre-Hellenistic Period thiasoi are mentioned predominantly in the context of the cult of > Dionysus (~ Maenads) and other related ecstatic cults (Dem. Or. 18,260; [4] with further references). The mostly literary sources do not always indicate whether these thiasoi were a matter of lasting cult associations or affiliations in existence only for the duration of a ritual, a festal procession for example. In mythical texts the term is also generally used to describe a god’s followers. > Collegium [1]; > Associations 1J.S. KLroppEenBorG, Collegia and thiasoi, in: Id., S. WiLson (ed.), Voluntary Associations in the GraecoRoman World, 1996, 16-30 ~=2 F. POLAND, Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens, 1909 3 A. ANDREWES, Philochoros on Phratries, in: JHS 81, 1961, 1-15 4H.S. VERSNEL, Ter Unus, 1990. DE.

Help

Theveste (Qeovéotn/Theouésté). City of Africa proconsularis (> Africa [3] Ptol. 4,3,30; Procop. Vand.

232)¢~

THIBRON

373513)

UDiod. Sic, © 4,18y1j).24;00,25

Thibron (Oifpewv/Thibron). [1] Spartan, who inaugurated Sparta’s war against the Persians in the autumn of 400 BC, but only had command of a small force (Isoc. Or. 4,144), He had some successes only after he had taken on Cyrus’ [3] former mercenaries (about 5000-6000 men) (Xen. An. 7,6,1;

7,8,24; Xen. Hell. 3,1,4-6; Diod. Sic. 14,36,1-37,4). He then went to Caria on the instructions of the + éphoroi (Xen. Hell. 3,1,6-7), but was replaced in

THIBRON

588

587

Ephesus by > Dercylidas and punished in Sparta by being exiled because his troops had looted districts belonging to the Spartan symmachoi (cf. Xen. Hell. 3,1,8;

Thirty Tyrants see Triginta Tyranni; > Triakonta

Diod. Sic. 14,38,2). After the failure of the SpartanPersian negotiations, T. was again (381 BC) commander in Asia Minor, and took Ephesus and Priene, but was

[1] City in southwestern Boeotia (on the name see [1]), about 4 km from the coast at the foot of Mount Helicon [x]; remains of the settlement with a circular wall [2] survive at modern T. (formerly Kakosi; [3]). On the Gulf of Corinth (+ Corinth, Gulf of) there were several ports dependent on T. [4]. An embankment led from T.

unexpectedly attacked by the satrap — Struthas and died (Xen. Hell. 4,8,17—19; Diod. Sic. 14,99,1-3). T. is

said to have had a charming nature but to have been indecisive as the leader of an army and lacking in self discipline (Xen. Hell. 4,8,22). He and the author of a work about the legendary lawmaker > Lycurgus [4] are clearly one and the same person (Aristot. Pol. 1333b ietei)) (fregaetote a 1 P. CARTLEDGE, Agesilaos and the Crisis of Sparta, 1987.

K-W.W.

[2] From Lacedaemonia, leader of + Harpalus’ mercenaries. T. murdered Harpalus on Crete in 324 BC; he fled with the treasure and mercenaries first of all to Cydonia, then he was invited to Cyrenaica by exiles

Thisbe (Qiofy/Thisbé, Oiofav/Thisbai).

through the plain to the coast (Paus. 9,32,2 f.; [5]). T.,

described in Homer’s catalogue of ships (Hom. IL. 2,502) as ‘rich in doves’, was a member of the Boeotian League (> Boeotia, with map) in the 4th cent. BC (Hell.

Oxyrh. FGrH 66 F 1,267). In the 2nd cent. BC T. supported neighbouring — Chorsiae (SEG 3, 342). In the third of the + Macedonian Wars the Romans conquered T. (Pol. 27,5,3 ff.; Liv. 42,46,7) and in 170 BC subsequently reorganized their relationships with a Senate resolution (SHERK, no. 2; [6]). Inscriptions extend to the 3rd cent. AD. Further sources: Ptol. 3,14,9; Hiero-

cles, Synekdemos 645,3.

from Cyrene and Barca (Diod. Sic. 17,108,8; 18,19,2f.;

1S.Levin, J. Bint FF

Str. 17,3,21 p. 837; Arr. Succ. 1,16). He intervened on

their side in the internal quarrels and forced Cyrene to support him (Stv III 414). Allegedly, he wanted to subjugate Libya which bordered Cyrenaica for himself, but after some initial successes he was defeated by Ophellas [2] in 322/1 BC and was executed in Tauchira (Arr. Succ. 1,17f.; Diod. Sic. 18,19-21; for the date FGrH 239 vol. ro).

W.A.

Thinis (Greek @ivic/Thinis, @ic/This; Coptic tin). Capital of the eighth nome of Upper Egypt, precise location unknown. T. was an ancient royal metropolis of the First and Second Dynasties (3000-2635 BC). According to Manetho [1], who calls the rulers (e.g. > Menes [1]) of the First Dynasty Oewity¢, -a/ Theinites, -ai, ‘Thinites’, this period is also known as the Thinite period. The necropol(e)is of T. was/were located on the

other bank of the Nile at god of T. was > Onuris.

Lepidotonpolis. The chief

E.BROvaRSKI, s.v. Thinis, LA 6, 476-486; W.HELCK, s. v. Thinitenzeit, LA 6, 486-493. |.RE.

Thinites see > Thinis

Archaeology of Central Greece, 1997, 13-19

2 F.G.

Mater, Die Stadtmauer von T., in: MDAI(A)

73, 1958,

17-25 3 T.E.Grecory, Archaeological Explorations in the T. Basin, in: J.M. Fossey, Boeotia Antiqua, vol. 2, 1992,17-34 4K.FrReiTAG, Der Golf von Korinth, 2000, 155-159 5J.KNauss, Die Alten Talsperren beim taubenumschwarmten T., in: Antike Welt 26, 1989, 32-55

6 H.-J. GEHRKE, T. in Boiotien, in: Klio 75, 1993, 145-

154.

A. LARONDE, Cyréne et la Libye hellénistique, 1987, 4184; O.MorkHoLM, Early Hellenistic Coinage, 1991, 67 f.; W. Huss, Agypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 2001, 98— 100.

The Etymology of the Place-Name T., in: (ed.), Recent Developments in the History and

FossEY, 177-185.

KF

[2] See > Pyramus [2] and Thisbe

Thysdra (QvodQ0¢/Thysdros,

Lat. Thisdra). City in

Byzacena (— Africa [3]; Bell. Afr. 36,2; 76,1; 86,3; 93,1; Plin. HN 5,30; Ptol. 4,3,39; Hdn. 7,6,1), 60 km to the south of > Hadrumetum, modern El Djem, with significant ancient remains (e.g. an amphitheatre). In

the middle of the rst cent. BC an insignificant market town (Bell. Afr. 97,4), in which Caesar or Augustus evidently settled veterans (Colonia Iulia T. [1. 183]). Inthe 2nd cent. AD T. experienced economic growth, primarily as a result of an increase in olive cultivation. In 238 the two Gordiani (— Gordianus [1-2]) led a rebellion there. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 49-56; 2, 1049910502; Suppl. 1, rr097—11104; Suppl. 4, 22844 f.; [2]; AE

1969-1970,

633;

1978,

890;

1979,

670;

1991,

16353 1992, 1773; 1995, 16433 [3]. Thiodamas (Latin form from Greek Qeiodtac/Theiodamas, ‘subdued by the divine’). Seer, son of > Mel-

ampus [1], in the march of the + Seven against Thebes successor to + Amphiaraus, who had been swallowed up by the earth, and the leader of a night attack, proposed by him himself on divine inspiration, on sleeping Thebans surrounding the Argive camp (Stat. Theb. 8,271-341; 8,365 f.; 10,160-346).

CLK.

1K. V6ssinG, Schule und Bildung im Nordafrika

der

romischen Kaiserzeit, Collection Latomus 238, 1997, 183-191 2A.MERLIN (ed.), Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, 1944, 104-123 3 J.-B. CHasor (ed.), Recueil des inscriptions libyques, 1940, 57.

AATun 050, sheet 81, Nr. 33; E. BiRLEY, One T. or Two?, in: ZPE 84, 1990, 100-104; C.LEPELLEY, l'Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 318-322.

Les cités de W.HU.

589

590

Thistle finch (axavOic/akanthis, Latin acanthis and carduelis). A heat-loving bird, which, because of its colourful plumage and beautiful song, people still like to keep in cages in Mediterranean countries today. Its small size (Plin. HN 10,175) and enmity with the ass owing to competition for the thistles they eat are variously mentioned (Plin. HN 10,205 = Ps.-Aristot. 9,1,610 a 4). This interpretation of akanthis (Aristot.

+ Oenopion and > Staphylus [1] (Apollod. Epit. 1,9). Through his daughter Hypsipyle (Ov. Ep. 6,114), T. is connected with the legend of the > Argonauts, because she saved him from the murder of the men by the

Hist.

an.

8,3,592

b 30;

Ps.-Aristot.

9,1,610a

4;

9,17,616b 31), however, is as disputed as the identifi-

cation with acanthyllis (agathillis Codd.) in Plin. HN 10,96 [1. 1; 2. 30f.]. The carduelis definitely held in a cage in Plin. HN 10,116 can even do tricks, in Petron.

Sat. 46 it is the playmate of a boy infatuated with birds [3. 268]. Depictions in mediaeval MSS are not rare (15 examples in [4] alone). 1 LEITNER 2 D’Arcy W.THompson, A glossary of Greek birds, *1936, repr.1966 3 TOYNBEE 4B. Yapp, Birds in Medieval Manuscripts, 198r. C.HU.

Thistles. Prickly composite herbaceous plant of the Cynareae family with some 70 species in 15 genera.

Various species are discussed by Theophr. Hist. pl. 6,4,3-11 (= Plin. HN 21,94-97) under names such as dxav0a (adkantha) or xaxtoc (kaktos) (Latin carduus or

cactus), including the > artichoke (cynara). Dioscorides 3,12 ([1. rof.] and [2z. 270f.]) recommends the roots of a white thistle e.g. to be taken for haemoptysis and stomach ache. Somewhat similar plants of other families such as the Umbelliferae (Eryngium, etc.), Acanthaceae (> Acanthus) and Dipsaceae are also counted as thistles. The name cactus was applied, only in the 17th cent., to Opuntia species and other Cactaceae introduced to the Mediterranean from America. Derived from thistles are the names of islands (Zacynthos), cities (Acanthus in Macedonia) and people (Acanthus and Acanthis as children of Autonous and Hippodamia; Acantho as the mother of Helius of Rhodes). 1M.WELLMANN

2

2)J.BERENDES.

C.HU.

Thmuis (Qpotic/Thmodis; Egyptian T}-1m31w/(t), ‘newland’), the modern (Tall) Timay, town neighbouring -» Mendes in the northeast of the Nile delta; first mentioned in Jos. BI 4,659, but significantly older (cf. archaeological finds [1]; Hdt. 2,166). In the Roman period T. replaced Mendes as district capital; Amm. Marc. 22,16 cites T. among the most significant cities of Egypt. By 250 AD (until the roth/11th cent.) T. was a bishopric. In the later Middle Ages T. was almost entirely deserted. In the ruins significant Greek papyri, late Hellenistic sculptures and Hellenistic and Roman mosaics have been found. 1 H.pE MEULENAERE; s. v. T., LA 6, 493 f. 25.T1mM, s. v. Timay, in: Id., Das christlich-koptische Agypten in arabischer Zeit, vol. 6, 1992, 2670-2678.

KJ.-W.

Thoas (@6a¢/Thoas). [1] Mythical ruler of + Lemnos (Hom. Il. 14,230; 23,745), son of Dionysus and > Ariadne, brother of

THOAS

+ Lemnian women (Apollod. 1,114 f.); nevertheless, he was killed later (ibid. 3,65) or, according to another version, escaped to Oinoie (= Sicinos) or Chios (Apoll. Rhod. 1,620 ff.). According to Hyg. Fab. 15,120 he reached the land of the Taurians, thus being equated with T. [5]. [2] Son of Hypsipyle and > Iason [1] (Hypothesis b to Pind. Nem. p. 2,10 DRACHMANN), otherwise called Nebrophonus or Deipylus (Apollod. 1,115; Hyg. Fab. 15), brother of > Euneus [1]; together they found their mother in Nemea (Eur. Hyps.). [3] Leader of the > Aetolians at Troy, son of > Andraemon [1] (Hom. Il. 2,638). According to Hyg. Fab. 108,

an occupant of the wooden horse. Odysseus married his daughter (Apollod. Epit. 7,40), T. himself reached either Illyria (Lycoph. rort ff.) or Temese (Str. 6,1,5) on the journey home. [4] Son of + Icarius [2] and the Naiad > Periboea [x], thus the brother of > Penelope (Apollod. 3,126). [5] Cruel king of the Tauri, son of Borysthenes (Antonius Liberalis 27,3), who had all foreigners killed by -» Iphigenia, the priestess of Artemis. When —> Orestes [1] and > Pylades [1] fled with her and the cult image, T. pursued them as far as the island of Sminthe, where he was killed by Orestes and Chryses (Hyg. Fab. 120 f.). P.L.DE BELLEFONDS, s. v. T. II, LIMC 8.1, r5 f.

CA.BI.

[6] T. of Ithaca. Greek glossographer before the 4th cent. BC, known only through Erotianus x 57 s. v. mxegiw (contrary to the MS information, this was transmitted by Aristot. fr. 636 ROSE, not Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium, fr. 416 SLATER), with particular interest in the Phrygian language (cf. » Neoptolemus [9] of Parium and > Cleitarchus [3] of Aegina). 1 H.GARTNER,

s.v.

T.

(rx),

RE

Suppl.

14,

760

2K.Latre, Glossographica, in: Philologus 80, 1925, 16047 3 W.J. SLATER (ed.), Aristophanis Byzantii fragmenta (SGLG 6), 1986, 164 (comm. on fr. 416)

ST.MA.

[7] Son of Mandrodorus of Magnesia [2], one of the trierarchs of the Indus fleet on the campaign of > Alexander [4| the Great (Arr. Ind. 18,7). After exploring the coast of - Gedrosia (Arr. Anab. 6,23,2-3) and during the return march through the Gedrosian desert, he received the governorship of Gedrosia in 325 BC, but died shortly thereafter (Arr. Anab. 6,27,1). Berve, Nr. 376.

E.B.

[8] Aetolian from Trichonium, League strategos in 203/2 and 194/3 BC, with his brother Dicaearchus (strategos 195/4) and > Nicander [2] an exponent of the radical opponents of Rome [1. 68-73]. With the rallying cry that the Romans had only won the 2nd » Macedonian War thanks to the help of Aetolian arms and since then had sought to subjugate the Greeks

THOAS

591

S92

themselves, T. preached an Aetolian-Seleucid alliance for the freeing of Hellas, travelled to > Antiochus [5] II twice and in 193 BC achieved the desired help for the Aetolian League. With the arrival of the king in Greece and his naming as strategos autokrator in the late autumn of 192, the > Syrian War began (Liv. 35,33,8

[1. 74-765 2. 427-433; 446-448; 463-465]). On the occasion of a renewed Aetolian embassy (Liv. 36,26,6),

T. followed the Seleucid king, who had fled to Asia Minor in r91 BC; but the latter delivered T. to the vic-

tors in 188 BC in accordance with the Treaty of Apamea. The Romans pardoned him in the justified hope that he would from then on take a more pro-Roman stand; T. was again League strategos in 181/80 and 173/2; in 169 BC, he resisted the alliance sought by » Perseus [2] with the Aetolians in the 3rd Macedonian War (Pol. 21,43,11; 28,4,10-12; Liv. 38,38,18; Diod. SIGH 2900+) 3 eo

7h MOS313 25

2824 52655515).

+ Aetolians, Aetolia 1 J. DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971 2/J.D. Gratncer, The League of

Athens, Agora; tholos, cylinder construction;

the Aitolians, 1999.

sth cent. BC (ground-plan).

L.-M.G.

Thoeris (©onetc/Thoéris etc., Egyptian T:—Wr.t, ‘the great one’). Egyptian protector-goddess, presumably identical with Ipet. Both of them are represented in the shape of a hippopotamus with the paws of a lion and the tail of a crocodile. The name T. may originally have been only an epithet of Ipet. The most important attribute of T. is a loop identical with the hieroglyph for protection. Because of her function as a protector, T. was quite popular (e.g. as an > amulet), but she cannot be

seen as a deity of the people. Rather, she is connected with astronomical ideas; she is considered to be a constellation in the northern sky [1. 24-26]. Cult sites: primarily > Oxyrhynchus, where she and -> Seth were the chief deities, and the Temple of Ipet at Luxor (~ Thebes

[r]). 1A.von Lieven, Der Himmel iber Esna, 2000 2 M. VERNER, Statue of Twéret Dedicated by Pabési, in: ZAS 96, 1969, 52-63 3 C. pe WIT, Les inscriptions du

temple d’Opet a Karnak, vols. 1-3, 1958-1968.

Av.L.

Tholos (66h0c¢/tholos, fem.; Lat. tholus) rotunda; here,

the term will refer to the monopteros as well. I. Greece Il. ROME J. GREECE In the architecture of the ancient Greek world, the

circular shape of the tholos was always a peculiarity that stood out optically. Overall, the tholos was rather rare in Antiquity and was used as a striking and deliberately used architectural type. Building designs and details were not developed in a canonical way and the functions of the tholoi were varied: cult building; heroon/funerary building, memorial, treasurey, banquet/assembly hall; at times a mixture of functions such as the blending of heroon, memorial and treasurey in the so-called Philippeion of + Olympia (II. C.3. with

ground-plan). Three building designs can be distinguished: the peripteral tholos with a ring of columns and cella (Delphi, sanctuaries of Apollo and Athena: cf. fig. 2; Epidaurus; Olympia, Philippeion; the order of the interior columns of the cella may differ from that of the exterior columns), the cylinder without columns (esp. in Athens, Agora: cf. fig. 1; Samothrace, Arsinoeion) and, very rarely, the monopteral memorial (Athens, Monument of Lysicrates from 335/4 BC). The idea of presenting statues effectively in a tholos such as the Cnidian Aphrodite (imitated as an ensemble in Hadrian’s Villa at Tivoli) followed this concept of a memorial as

well, a concept also found in the Philippeion of Olympia, although the architectural ambience suggested a cultic function. Issues of debate are the question whether tholoi used as temples in the sense of cultic buildings derived from funerary architecture (the so-called tholos tombs of the Minoan-Mycenaean culture, eg. the tombs of Messara on Crete, the “Tomb of Atreus’ at Mycenae, cf. » Tumulus) as well as various reconstructions of circular structures for the function of which there are no other interpretations as tholos heroa (-» Caunus [2]; nymphaeum?). Il. ROME In ancient Roman architecture, the round temple constitutes an independent type of > temple; early examples rise up on podiums in the general style of Roman cult buildings, later ones on terrace structures in

the Greek style. The best-known examples in Rome are the Vesta Temple on the > Forum [II 8] Romanum, the so-called Round Temple on the Tiber and the tholos on Largo Argentina, furthermore the round temples of + Tibur/Tivoli, in the sanctuary of Fortuna of > Praeneste/Palestrina and the building in + Baalbek dating fro mthe middle of the Imperial Period. Along with

594

S23}

THOMAS

@ —— Ss

VA

Delphi, Sanctuary of Athena; peripteral tholos. 4th cent. BC (ground-plan).

Athens, Acropolis: Monopteros of Roma and Augustus; after 27 BC (reconstructed ground-plan).

these, the monopteros occurs increasingly as a category of monument architecture with cultic overtones, such as the Roma-Augustus-Monopteros on the Acropolis of Athens with its group of statues that is presented as if under a canopy. A special form of tholos is a domed round building, usually not used as a solitaire building but as a banquet hall in the context of a > villa (Rome,

does not want to believe (‘unbelieving T.’) until he has touched him. Upon Jesus’ appearance, T. is the first to profess Jesus to be ‘Lord and God’ and, at the same time, becomes the counterpoint for all who believe

Domus Aurea) or, for instance, as a bathing room? within the architectural system of > thermae (Baiae).

On the cultic function of such buildings, cf. esp. > Pantheon [2]. The monopteros does not regain importance

as amonumental type of architecture that refers back to ancient patterns of buildings and tastes until the 18th cent., esp. in landscape architecture. H.BankEL, Knidos. Der hellenistische Rundtempel

und

sein Altar, in: AA 1997, 51-71; W.BinpER, Der Roma-

Augustus-Monopteros

auf der Akropolis in Athen und

sein typologischer Ort, 1969; H. BUsING, Zur Bauplanung der Th. von Epidauros, in: MDAI(A) 102, 1987, 225-258;

without seeing (20:24-29; cf. [1]). T. appears in the

middle of the apostle lists of the synoptic Gospels (Mt 10:3 and parellel passages). In > Luke, he is moved up from the 8th place (Lk 6:15) to the 6th (Acts 1:13). In Jo 21:2, he is already mentioned in 2nd place. The importance of T. grew in the Early Christian Period, particularly in Syria. His grave was worshipped in Edessa [2] (+ Abgar Legend). Many apocryphs, some of them gnostic and Manichaean

(-» New Testament apocrypha; > Apocryphal literature), were disseminated under his name: — Gospel of Thomas; Book of T.,; childhood story of T.; T.-Acts; T.-Apocalypse [2]. According to Eus. HE 3,1,1, T. is the missionary of Parthia. He has been revered as the missonary of India. Due to his cognomen of Didymus (Greek translation of the

M.S. F. Hoop, Th. Tombs of the Aegean, in: Antiquity

Aramaic name T. = ‘twin’; Jo

34,

twin brother of Jesus in the T.-Acts (31). In Syriac tradition he carries the cognomen of Judas.

1960,

166-176;

F.Rakos,

W.D.HeEILMeyer,

Der

Rundtempel am Tiber in Rom, 1973; G. Roux, Trésors, Temples, Th., in: Id. (ed.), Temples et sanctuaires. Seminaire de recherche 1981-1983, 1984, 153-1713 F. SEILER,

Die griechische Tholos. Untersuchungem zur Entwicklung, Typologie und Funktion kunstmafiger Rundbauten, 1986

(with

Funktion

literature);

I. WeIBEZAHN,

des Monopteros.

Geschichte

Untersuchungen

11,16 i.a.), T. becomes the

1R.F. Coins, s.v. T., Anchor Bible Dictionary, 528f. 2 W.SCHNEEMELCHER, Neutestamentliche Apokryphen, vol. 1, °1999; vol. 2, 51989.

P.WI.

und

zu einem

Gebaudetyp des Spatbarock und des Klassizismus, 1975.

C.HO.

Thomas (Owpdac; Thomas). [1] The Apostle T. is ‘one of the twelve’ disciples of ~ Jesus. T. is presented individually only in Jo: he called on the other disciples to emulate Jesus until their death (Jo r1:16). In response to his questions, Jesus is revealed as ‘the path, the truth and the life’ (14:5f.). After Easter, he first misses the appearance of the resurrected and

[2] T. Scholasticus (©. SyoAaotind¢; Th. Scholastikos). Otherwise unknown author of an epigram, probably dating to the 6th cent. AD, in which he declares his love to the “three stars of rhetoric” (Demosthenes [2], Aelius Aristides [3] and Thucydides), (Anth. Pal. 16,315). [3] T. Patricius (©. Tlatoixtoc; Th. Patrikios). Author of a funerary epigram about Anastasius, a charioteer who won several races (Anth. Pal. 16,379). Planudes refers to him as the > patrtkios and > logothétés of the races, he might therefore be identical with a T. Patricius (/og-

S95

596

othétes in AD 907 and 913) who exchanged letters with Leon Choerosphactes and Arethas.

Thonis (Q@vic/Thonis). City on the Mediterranean coast of Egypt (Egyptian # hn.t), in the area of the Canopian mouth of the Nile, according to Str. 17,1,16 and Sic. 1,19 once an important trading post. The recent find of a duplicate of the Naucratis stele has made identification with Heracleum likely. The place name T. is probably the origin of the figure of a homonymous hero who plays a part in the tradition of » Helena [I] in Egypt. Hdt. 2,113-115 tells of T. asa guardian of the mouth of the Nile, who notifies King Proteus of the arrival of Paris and Helen.

THOMAS

A.CaMERON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, 1993, 3 19F. M.G.A.

[4] T. Magistros (0. May.toteoc; Th. Magistros). Byzantine author and philologist from > Thessalonica (c. AD

1275-1350). He became a monk with the name of Theodoulos. A few famous Byzantine scholars emerged from his circle of students (e.g. Philotheus Kokkinus,

Gregorios Akindynos, > Demetrios [43] Triklinios). Between 1314 and 1318, he travelled to Constantinople by order of the emperor Andronicus II. T. described his trip as a legate in great detail in a letter to the monk Isaac. His philological work includes an Atticist dictionary(ExdAoyh Svoudtwv xal onuatwv ‘Attixav/

Ekloge onomdton kai rhemdton Attikon) as well as -» scholia on Aeschylus [1], Sophocles [1], Euripides [1], Pindarus [2] and Synesius [1]. Important among his

religious writings are the encomium on Gregory [3] of Nazianzus and that on John the Baptist. T.’ rhetorical works (letters and speeches) are primarily school declamations. A ‘Mirror of Princes’ and a ‘Mirror of Subjects’ reveal the author’s world-view. An identification of T. with the monk Thecaras must be rejected for chronological reasons. EDITIONS:

PG

145,

215-548;

F.RiTscHL,

Thomae

J. Yororrer, Notes de toponymie Egyptienne IV: T., in: MDAI(K)

16, 1958, 423-430.

JO.QU.

Thoon (@dwv; Thdon). Name, appearing several times in Greek epics and myths: [1] Trojan, son of > Phaenops [2] and brother of + Phorcys [2] and Xanthus, killed by + Diomedes [r] (Hom. Il. 5,152). [2] Trojan, killed by Odysseus (Hom. Il. 11,422). [3] Trojan, killed by + Antilochus (Hom. Il. 12,740;

13,545). [4] One of the > Phaeaces (Hom. Od. 8,113).

[5] One of the > Giants killed by the Moirae (Apollod. Ts 3is))

[6] Companion of > Dionysus in India (Nonn. Dion. 28,112).

CA.BL

Magistri ... Ecloga vocum Atticarum, 1849 (repr. 1970);

F. W. Lenz, Finf Reden Thomas Magisters, 1963. BIBLIOGRAPHY: E.V. MALTESE, s.v. Th. Magistros, LMA 8, 721; E. Trapp, s.v. Maytoteoc ©., Prosopogra-

phisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit 1/7, 1985, no. 16045; N.G. Witson, Scholars of Byzantium, 1983, 247249 (rev. edn. 1996); S.K. SKALISTIS, OMpds Méytoteos. O Blog xa to £eyo tov, 1984; E.C. Koprr, T. Magistros

and the Text of Sophocles’s Antigone, in: TAPhA

106,

1976, 241-266.

G.KA.

Thomas, gospel of. The GT is part of one of the Coptic MSS found in > Nag Hammadi in 1945 (NHCod II,2). It is a collection of 114 sayings of Jesus; a part was already known in Greek from three Oxyrhynchus papyri(1, 654 and 655; Oxyrhynchos B.). Halfof the sayings have parallels in the canonical or synoptic gospels, others (about 20) are cited by the Church Fathers. The GT purports to be a secret doctrine of Jesus that he entrusted to his twin brother Judas -» Thomas [1]. As far as the form is concerned, individual sayings, particular parables, are as old as the tradition of the rst cent. synoptic gospels. Altogether, however, the mystical, ascetic and early-Gnostic leanings of the edition belong to the 2nd cent. A GT is mentioned in the 3rd cent. by Hippolytus [2] (Refutatio omnium haeresium 5,7,20) and by Origenes [2] (Homiliae in Lucam GCS 49,1,2). B.LayTONn et al. (eds.), Nag Hammadi

Codex II,2-7 ...

and P. Oxy. 1, 654, 655, 1 (NHS 20), 1989; F.T. FALLON,

R.CaMERON, The Gospel of Thomas: A Forschungsbericht and Analysis, in: ANRW II 25.6, 1988, 4196-4251;

P.SELLEW, The Gospel of Thomas: Prospects for Future Research, in: J.D. TURNER,

A. McGutre (eds.), The Nag

Hammadi Library after 50 Years, 1997, 327-346.

_ F.BO.

Thoosa (Qdmoa, ‘who rushes off’). {1] Sea nymph, daughter of > Phorcys [1], by Poseidon mother of the Cyclops > Polyphemus (Hom. Od. 1,7173, on which all later mentions depend: Nonn. Dion. 39,293; Apollod. Epit. 7,4; Porph. De antro Nympharum 35; Hesych. s.v. T.; in Theocr. 11,26 not mentioned by name).

(2] Daughter of Poseidon, according to a version of the myth mother by Apollo of the singer -> Linus (Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi 46).

A.A.

Thootes (Qowtms; Thoodtés). Herald of - Menestheus [x] at Troy, sent by him to the two Aiantes (> Ajax [1-2]) and to > Teucrus [2] to ask for help in battle with the Lycians + Sarpedon [1] and > Glaucus [4] (Hom.

Il. 12,342-363).

SLA.

Thorae (Qogai; Thorai). Attic + paralia deme, phyle Antiochis, 307/6 — 200 BC Demetrias, four bouleutai. According to Str. 9,1,21 on the Attic southwest coast

between -> Aegilia (modern Finikia?) and + Lamptrae, probably therefore between Lagonisi and Agios Dimitrios ([2. 243 note 10; 3], differently [1]). 1 C.W. J. Etiot, Coastal Demes of Attika, 1962, 65-68

2 H. Lauter, Ein landliches Heiligtum hellenistischer Zeit in Trapuria (Attika), in: AA 1980, 242-255 38s; TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 140. TRAILL, Attica 14, 54, 68, 112 No. 135; Tab. ro, 12. H.LO.

597

598

THORISMUD

Thorax (@weak; thorax). {1] Cuirass. As a part of Greek > hoplite armour, the thorax protected the chest and the back. In the Geometric and Archaic Periods, it was commonly a bell-shaped armour made of ~ bronze; it consisted of two hiplength plates that widened towards the bottom and were attached to each other at the sides. This thorax offered excellent cover against blows from lances and swords or shots from arrows, but it was extremely heavy and cumbersome and limited the soldiers’ mobility to a great extent. It was therefore replaced in the late 6th cent. BC by composite armour which was characterized by conspicuous shoulder pieces that were firmly connected to the back piece and a front piece made of > leather or metal scales that reached down to the waist and could be closed in front, or by metal muscle-armour that was fitted more closely to the body and replicated its contours in a decorative way. Hips and loins were protected by leather straps with metal appliqués; the neck and shoulders could be protected by metal pieces as well (Xen. Eq. 12,1 ff.). Splendid pictorial representations of this cuirass can be found on Attic pottery (red figure amphora: Achilles, Rome VM; BEazL_ey, ARV 987,1; red figure Stamnos: Warrior’s farewell, London BM; BEAzLey, ARV 992,65); individual pieces from the Archaic Period are extant (grave goods or votive gifts [3. plate 17, 21]. In the late 5th cent. BC, the hoplite thorax often consisted of leather or linen. In Hellenistic armies, it was available for lightly armed soldiers as

[4] South-western part of the > Mes(s)ogis Mountains in western Asia Minor, modern Giimiis Dag, north of the Maeander [2] between Magnesia [2] in the east and the - Mycale in the west (Str. 14,1,39). Leucophrys was located on the eastern foothills (Xen. Hell. 3,2,19;

4,8,17). -» Daphitas R.J. A. TALBERT (ed.), Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 2000, map 61 E2; J.KEIL, s. v. Mesdgis, REM 555: 501 H.LO.

Thoricus (@ogixdc/Thorikos). > Paralia deme with the

character of a small town on the southeastern coast of Attica, Acamantis phyle, five (six) bouleutaz. Settlement activity from the late Chalcolithic (end of the 4th millennium BC). In the early Mycenaean period a princely seat with a significant Mycenaean — necropolis [1], which was absorbed by Athens in the Late Helladic WIA (> synoikismos of -» Theseus; Thuc. 2,15,1), with its own mythical tradition (+ Cephalus [x]). Counted by Str. 9,1,20 as part of the Attic Dode-

well (Pol. 10,29,6; 11,9,5) but occasionally it appears

kapolis (‘twelve-city’). The significance of > Laurium as a site of ore deposits in the 2nd millennium [5] was due to mining in T.; mining was also characteristic of Iron Age T. with its numerous ore-washeries in the area of the city. Its early theatre building (5th cent. BC, extended in the 4th cent.) still has no semi-circular koilén (> Theatre; cf. [3]). A Doric temple to Demeter and Kore remained unfinished. In 410/9 the Agios Nikolaos peninsula near

to have been reserved for the cavalry and for officers.

T. was fortified (Xen. Hell. 1,2,1; [4]). After partial

~ Armament; > Armour

desettlement at the end of the 4th cent. BC, in the Imperial period T. was deserted (Plin. HN 37,70; Mela

1 J.M. Cook, J. BoarpMaAN, Archaeology in Greece, in: JHS 74, 1954, 142-169 2V.D. Hanson, The Western Way of War, 1989, 76-83 3 A.SNopGRAss, Arms and Armour of the Greeks, 1967 (*1999), 413 50; 90 f. LB.

[2] Aleuad (— Aleuadae), host to > Pindarus [1], from

498 BC — tagods in Thessaly (Pind. Pyth. 10,62-71) [x. 412]. In 482, he sent legates to Susa, probably to offer support to - Xerxes I for his campaign into Greece (Hdt. 7,6,2). In 480, he accompanied him in the retreat (Hdt. 9,1) and in 479, he marched to Greece with > Mardonius [1] (Hdt. 9,58; -» Persian Wars). 1 P. Caruier, La royauté en Gréce avant Alexandre, 1984.

[3] Spartan who, in 406 BC, commanded Spartan auxiliary forces under the mauvarchos Callicratidas [1] offshore of Mytilene, and in 405 under the high command of Lysander [1] near Lampsacus or perhaps near -» Aegos potamos (Xen. Hell. 2,1,18; 2,1,28; Diod. Sic. 13,76,6; Plut. Lysander 9,5 [1. 33 n. 4; 2. 111]. In 404, T. became harmost (> harmostai [1]) in Samos (Diod.

14,3,5), but was executed for unjust enrichment in his office after the + Peloponnesian War [3. 81] at the behest of Lysander’s enemies (Plut. Lysandros 19,7). 1D.Lorze, Lysander und der Peloponnesische Krieg, 1964 2/J.-F. BOMMELAER, Lysandre de Sparte, 1981 3 Cu. D. HaMItTon, Agesilaus and the Failure of Spartan Hegemony,

1991.

K.-W.W.

2,46).

Sourcess Str.951, 2230 Os 5235) OCyl. 573 EL doute 5s 126; Hdt. 4,99; Thuc. 8,95,1; Xen. Vect. 4,43; [2]. 1 V.CREMASCO, R. LAFFINEUR, The Engineering of Mycenaean Tholoi, in: Aegaeum 20, 1999, 139-148 2 J. LABARBE, T. Les testimonia, 1977.

3 H.LOHMANN,

Zur baugeschichtlichen Entwicklung des antiken Theaters, in: G. BINDER, B.Erre (eds.), Das antike Theater, 1998, 191-249 4C.A. van Rooy, Fortifications in South Attica and the Date of T., in: Acta Classica (Cape Town) 12, 1969, 171-180 5 Z.A. STOS-GALE, C.F. MACDONALD, Sources of Metals and Trade in the Bronze

Age Aegean, in: N.H. Gate (ed.), Bronze Age Trade in the Mediterranean, 1991, 249-288.

H.F. Musscueetal., T. 1-9, 1963-1990; Id., T. A Mining Town in Ancient Attika, 1998; TRAILL, Attica 19, 48, 59,

67, 112 Nr. 136 Tab. 5; Travios, Attika 432-445 ill. 543-563; WHITEHEAD, Index s. v. T. H.LO.

Thorismud [1] Great-grandfather of -» Eutharic, > Theoderic [3] the Great’s designated successor (cf. Cassiod. Var. 11,1,19; lord. Get. 81; 250 f.; 298). The family tree is probably partially an invention of Cassiodorus. P. HeatTuer, Cassiodorus and the Rise of the Amals, in: JRS 79, 1989, 103-128, esp.

118-120; PLRE 2,1116.

THORISMUD

599

[2] Visigoth king 451-453 AD, son of > Theoderic [1]. After Theoderic’s death in the battle on the > Campi Catalauni (in 451) T., although severely wounded, hurried to Tolosa, in order to secure rule for himself. After-

wards he pursued a policy of expansion; he was killed in 453 by his brothers (lord. Get. 218; 228). PLRE 2,1115 f.; H.WoLFRAM, Die Goten, 42001, 183. WE.LU.

600

of the finds is interpreted as a central cult and sacrifice site for the Germanic Angle tribe. The objects found are also from Roman workshops among other places, and (as gifts or booty?) from Germanic tribes neighbouring to the south between the Rhine and the Elbe. With the emigration of the Angles in the 5th cent. AD, the sacrificial gifts come to an end; it is not until the Viking period (roth cent. AD) that the sacrifice cult revives again, for a short time. Similar sacrificial moors

Thorius {1] T., Sp. People’s tribune in the period after the death of C. Sempronius [I 11] Gracchus in 121 BC and author

» Oberdorla in Thuringia).

of an agrarian law (-> Agrarian laws) which brought to an end the work of the Gracchian commission for distributing the > ager publicus. The identification and dating of the author and the precise content of the law

» Germanic archaeology

are unclear: according to Cicero (Brut. 136, cf. De or.

2,284), T. freed the ager publicus “from leasehold by means of a damaging and worthless law” or “with a lease by means of a damaging and worthless law”. According to Appian (B Civ. 1,122), Sp. Borius (as in the MSS, amended to T. based on Cicero) introduced a law that the ager publicus should remain in the hands of the current possessors and these should in return be subject to a lease. These laws have been identified with one another and in turn customarily identified with an epigraphically preserved agrarian law of 111 BC [1. no. 2]. 1 M.H. Crawrorp

(ed.), Roman Statutes, vol. 1, 1996

2 A.Lintotr, Judicial Reform and Land Reform in the Roman Republic, 1992, especially 282-286.

[2] T. Balbus, L. From Lanuvium, mintmaster in 105 BC (RRC 316), in 79 legate of Q. Caecilius [I 3 1] Metel-

lus Pius in Spain, where he was killed in the first battles with Q. > Sertorius (Flor. 2,10,6 f.; Cic. Fin. 2,63 f.).

K.-L.E.

are

known in the region of southern Scandinavia (e.g. Illerup, Nydam, Vimose) and other Germanic areas (e.g.

C.v.

CARNAP-BORNHEIM,

Neue

Forschungen

zu

den

beiden Zierscheiben aus dem Thorsberger Moorfund, in: Germania 75, 1997, 69-99; C. ENGELHARDT, Thorsbjerg Mosefund, 1863 (extended reprint in 1969); G. LOEWE,

Kreis Schleswig, in: Archaologische Denkmaler wig-Holsteins 8, 1998. 21-26;

Schles-

K.RADpDATZ, Der Thors-

berger Moorfund. Girtelteile und Kérperschmuck, 1957 (and appendant catalogue, in: Offa 44, 1987, 117-152);

Id., Der Thorsberger Moorfundkatalog, 1987.

VP

Thospitis Limne (Qwomitic hiuvn/ Thospitis limne). Lake in > Armenia. Str. 11,14,8 regards the TL and the Arsene limné (modern Lake Ercek) to the east as a unit (cf. also Dionys. Per. 988). Separate lakes are recognized there by Ptol. 5,13,7 (Arsissa limné) and Plin. HN 6,128 (lacus Thospites, lacus Aretissa); the modern Lake Van in eastern Anatolia, a basin without outflow,

1648 m above sea-level with a water surface area of approximately 3574 km* and a maximum depth of 45zm. Ancient authors knew that the water had an extremely high soda content and only a single species of fish (bleak, in the areas around the mouths of the feeding rivers) thrived in it. On the eastern shore at modern Van was TuSpa, the residence city of > Urartu (first half

Thornax (Qdovak; Thornax). [1] Mountain in the west of Pron, the city mountain of + Hermion(e) with an archaic period sanctuary to Zeus

Kokkygios and a Hellenistic one to Apollo (Paus. 2,36,1 f.). Zeus is supposed to have married Hera as a cuckoo there. N. FarAKLAS, Ancient Greek Cities 19, 1973, app. 2, 3.

[2] Town

near > Sparta on the eastern bank of the + Eurotas, possibly on the modern Kokkinorachi with finds dating back to the Mycenaean period. There was a sanctuary to Apollo Pythaieus there (Paus. 3,10,8; 3,11,1; Str. 8,5,3) with a colossal archaic image of the god, for which -» Croesus donated gold (Hdt. 1,69). H. WATERHOUSE,

R. Hope Simpson, Prehistoric Laconia

I, in: ABSA 55, 1960, 82.

SA.T.

Thorsberg Moor. A peat bog in Siiderbrarup (in Schleswig-Holstein), from which numerous finds of the most varied kinds, e.g. weapons, jewellery, tools, coins, textiles and pots, (1st cent. BC to 4th cent. AD) were

recovered in the second half of the roth cent. The place

of the rst millennium BC). F.H. WEIssBACH, s. v. T. L., RE 6 A, 349 f.

E.O.

Thot (Ow6/Thoyth and similar; Latin Theuth; Egyptian Dhwtj). Egyptian god of wisdom, knowledge and writing and moon god. The cult of T. was practiced mainly in + Hermupolis (magna); however, there were also cults of T. in numerous other places. T. has probably been worshipped since the Early Period; reliable documentation is extant from the period of the Old Kingdom (c. 2700-2190 BC). He is mostly represented as a man

with the head of an ibis; the ibis and the

baboon are sacred to him. T. is supposed to be either a son of + Neith or, having no mother, to have emerged from a primeval egg, or from the homosexual relationship between -> Seth and + Horus [12] (whose quarrel he settles later). Further myths link him with Seth, and Thot also frequently appears as a substitute for Seth [6]. According to a tradition only documented in Plut. De Is. et Os. 352A and PGM I 95-105, T. is the father of + Isis [3.120-121; 7.70-73]. He is regarded as the heart of > Re, the tongue of — Ptah and guardian of

601

602

-» Ma’at. He serves as a vizier and representative of Re,

on that of the Illyrii and other tribes whose ethnic identity is unclear (perhaps > Dardani [5] and > Paeones); to the south it bordered on > Macedonia. From the mid 5th cent. BC, (Hdt. 3,90), Th. are also attested in Asia Minor (cf. also Xen. An. 6,4,1: év th Oodxy tH ev TH ‘Aoiq). This may refer to an ancient population related to the European Th. (this applies especially to the Bithyni (+ Bithynia), but also perhaps to other tribes such as the > Mariandyni), to deported groups (cf. Hdt. 5,14f.), or to inventions by Greek writers on the basis of similar-sounding names of places or tribes (e.g. a migration of the > Phryges from south-western T. on the basis of a similarity to the tribal name > Bryges). Th. also lived on some islands of the northern Aegean (e.g. the > Edones on > Thasos, the Savi on > Samothrace) in the Archaic Period.

as well as a divine lector priest. Apart from these positive aspects, he also appears to possess elements of the trickster [13]. Various religious and magic writings were attributed to him at different times. The demotic book of T. contains a philosophical dialogue between T. and a pupil, a precursor of the > Hermetic writings [4]. In the Graeco-Roman period, T. was identified with + Hermes. While T. is described in Late-Egyptian sources as ‘twofold, threefold’ or even ‘fivefold’, he appears in the Greek writings only as Trismégistos (> Hermes) [9; ro.159f.; 11]. As such he was blessed with a brilliant career as the alleged author of numerous treatises on astrology, alchemy and philosophy beyond the end of the pagan-Egyptian religion. ~» Hermes; > Hermetic writings; > Moon deity III. 1P.Boyian, T., the Hermes of Egypt, 1922

2M.-Tu.

DERCHAIN-URTEL, T. a travers ses épithétes dans les scénes d’offrandes des temples d’époque gréco-romaine, 1981 3J.G. Grirritus, Plutarch’s De Iside et Osiride, 1970 4R.Jasnow, K.-Tu. Zauzicn, A Book of T.?, in: C.J. Eyre (ed.), Proc. of the Seventh International Congr. of Egyptologists, 1998, 607-618 5 D.KurtTH,s. v. T., LA 6, 1986, 497-523 6 E.Orro,T. als Stellvertreter des Seth, in: Orientalia 7, 1938, 69-79 7PGM1_ 8]J.F. Quack, Das Pavianshaar und die Taten des T., in: Stud.

zur Altag. Kultur 23, 1996, 305-333 9 J.QUAEGEBEUR, T.-Hermés, le dieu le plus grand!, in: Hommages a F. Daumas, vol. 2, 1986, 525-544 Hor,1976

10J.D. Ray, Archive of

11R.K. RiTner, Hermes Pentamegistos, in:

Gottinger Miszellen 49, 1981, 73-75 12 R.Et-Sayeb, T. n’a-t-il vraiment pas de mére?, in: Rev. d’Egyptologie 21,1969, 71-76 13S.ScHoTT, T., le dieu qui vole des offrandes et qui trouble le cours du temps, in: CRAI 1970, 547-556. Awv.L.

Thraci, Thracia (OoG@xec/Thraikes, Ootxes/Thréikes; Oodun/Thraiké, Oonxy/Thréike): the ‘Thracians’ and the country ‘Thrace’ settled by them; Lat. Thraci, Thracid. I. Name

TORY

II. GEoGrApnHY

III. LANGUAGE

IV. His-

V. ARCHAEOLOGY AND CULTURE

VI. ECONOMY, CULTUREAND ART

VII. RELIGION

I. NAME Thraci (Th.) is a Greek collective term, based on lin-

guistic and cultural homogeneity, for the population of the northern Balkan Peninsula from the north coast of the Aegean (> Aegean Sea, also called the ‘Thracian Sea’: Str. 1,2,20) to the Danube (- Ister, Istrus [1]; an-

cient authors often include the territory as far as the northern Carpathians), and from the west coast of the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos) approximately to the course of the Vardar (-> Axius). It is not clear whether the Th. of the Archaic Period were descended from the Bronze Age population of this region.

Il. GEOGRAPHY Thrace (T.), the settlement territory of the Th., bor-

dered to the north on that of the + Scythae, to the west

THRACI, THRACIA

Ill. LANGUAGE In spite of abundant onomastic material, it is possible to obtain only a rough outline of the character of the Thracian language (> Balkans, Languages A.) from some late and uncertain glosses and a few brief inscriptions, to which may be added the results of substrate research in Bulgarian and Romanian (phonology, + Word formation). The evidence indicates that Thracian was an Indo-European language, related to Illyrian and (to a lesser extent) > Phrygian. A noteworthy aspect is the number of parallels with roots in the Baltic languages. Iranian elements are discernible north of the ~» Haemus (Balkan mountain range), elements from Asia Minor especially in the southeast. A sound shift has been mooted in Thracian plosives, similar to that which occurred in Germanic (ph, th, kh > p, t, k; p, t, k> b, d, g), although weaker pronunciation of the voiceless

consonants may also be indicated; Indo-European palatal gutturals became s, and short o became a. As names have survived exclusively in Greek or Latin texts, imprecisions in their reproduction must be assumed. For personal names and place names, dithematic forms are characteristic. Attempts to document the existence of a Dacian, Getic or Paeonian language fail in the face of a dearth of sources. During the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the Thracian language was increasingly displaced by Greek and to a lesser extent Latin. It appears, however, that in mountainous districts it survived into the Byzantine period. IV. History A. THE EARLY AND CLASSICAL PERIODS B. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD C. THE ROMAN PERIOD D. THE BYZANTINE PERIOD

A. THE EARLY AND CLASSICAL PERIODS The first evidence for the existence of the Th. is in Homer (Hom. Il. 2,844 f.; 10,434 f.: Qorixec; Thréikes) and early Greek lyric poetry (Vita Arati p. 76 Maass in Archil. fr. 6; Archil. fr. 28; frr. 51,40-3; Anac. fr. 2,1,10). By T., these writers meant the hinterland of the coast of the > Aegean Sea as far as the > Strymon and

603

604

the territory around the + Hellespontus, where the Greeks first came into contact with the Th. In the course

Triballi prior to his Asian campaign (Arr. Anab 1,1-4), and his army included many Thracian soldiers (in part

of Greek - colonization (IV.) during the 6th cent. BC, the name was extended to the west coast of the Black

as allies, in part as mercenaries), some of whom formed

THRACI, THRACIA

Sea (> Pontos Euxeinos) and the intervening territory,

and knowledge of the Thracian tribes, their geography and ethnology, increased appreciably. The most valuable source for this development is the historical work of + Herodotus [1], who had travelled through large parts of T. himself. Of particular interest for the Greeks was the north coast of the Aegean with its rich metal deposits coast of near one contacts,

(Pangaeon, Orbelus, Dysorum). Here as on the the Black Sea, Th. and Greeks began to settle

another and develop economic and cultural and this led to the > Hellenization of the Thracian elite in the area. A significant event in the development of southern T. was the Persian occupation c. 500 BC. After their withdrawal in 479, the + Achaemenids [2] (with map) left behind a political vacuum that was filled by the foundation of new states by Thracian rulers (cf. > Paeones, Paeonia, - Edones, -> Bisaltae), with their own coinage. The largest Thracian kingdom was founded by the > Odrysae, who, from their base in south-east T., subjected large parts of Thracian territory. Their rulers maintained good relations with Athens on the one hand and the > Regnum Bosporanum (with map) on the othem These new formations of states changed the Thracian tribal world, of which, despite an abundance of names, we know only little, as the Greeks often made arbitrary use of traditional labels (e.g. > Cicones), or even invented names (e.g. > Melinophagi) for populations within particular territories. Other names, such as + Triballi, > Bessi and > Getae, refer to alliances of tribes. The only original Thracian names we have are those on Thracian coins, and these were issued by states, not tribes. Some tribal names, e.g. the Serdi (> Serdica), > Astae and Dentheletae, are not attested until late in the Hellenistic Period, and thus we cannot be certain how long they had occupied their attested settlement territories. B. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD The expansion of the Macedonians (-» Macedonia,

Macedones) began in the 4th cent. BC. In several campaigns, > Philippus [I 4] Il invaded the at that time tripartite kingdom of the Odrysae, and, despite the resistance of the Athenians, gradually conquered it. Southern T. fell to him after hard-fought battles. Philip sought to consolidate his position in T. by establishing fortified colonies on important rivers (Hebrus, Tonzus; foundation of cities such as -> Philippopolis, -» Cabyle), settling them with Macedonian and Greek colonists. The Macedonians also turned their attention to the territories north of the Haemus (e.g. Istrus [3]), and brought them under their control. It was only with difficulty that the Macedonians maintained their rule over the hinterland: > Alexander [4] the Great marched against the

part of his elite forces. » Lysimachus [2], who held the strategia of T. after Alexander’s death, had to combat many enemies and uprisings in the province (-» Seuthes [4] III, the + Callatis uprising). There are no sources in respect of the Macedonian administration of T. After the defeat of Lysimachus (281 BC), T. fell to the > Seleucids. In spite of Macedonian overlordship, Thracian rulers established numerous autonomous minor kingdoms; there is only archaeological, more rarely epigraphic and numismatic evidence for some of these. Seuthes II] (with > Seuthopolis as his capital) was the most important dynast of this period. The beginning of urbanization in T. brought economic stimulus. We may deduce from the circulation of coinage in Thrace, together with the coinages of Thracian dynasts, that, with mercenary service and trade within the Hellenistic world, market condi-

tions developed even in the interior. In the 370s BC, several bands of — Celts (III A) moved into Thrace. A group of Celtic tribes built -» Tyle south of the Haemus. Assaults on the Greek poleis on the Black Sea were repelled by Greeks and Th. in concert

(IGBulg

12, 307).

+ Antigonus

[2] Gonatas

defeated a large Celtic army in 277 at > Lysimachia [1], and received as his kingdom the territory formerly ruled by Lysimachus. The Th. defeated the Celts decisively in the interior, and drove them out of the territory (Pol. 454654). After the 3rd - Syrian War, the Seleucid possessions in T. (Lysimachia, Ainus, Maroneia, Sestus and Cypsela) fell to + Ptolemaeus [6] III. As the > Ptolemies were primarily interested in seaports, it is unlikely that the territory under their rule stretched far into the hinterland (Pol. 5,34,9). Many Th. served in the Egyptian army at this period (Pol. 5,38,4; cf. the evidence of numerous papyri and inscriptions from Egypt). In the 3rd and 2nd cents., the cities founded by Philip II became the residences of Thracian dynasts: the royal house of the Asti ruled around Cabyle (Pol. 13,10,10),

that of the Bessi around Philippopolis. Several autonomous kingdoms also arose north of the Haemus; in the east, some of these came into conflict with the Greek

poleis (e.g. Istrus [3]), and were evidently not very stable. Besides Th., settlers in Scythia Minor (the modern Dobrudja) included Scythians and Greeks as well as Tyragetae and + Bastarnae (Str. 2,1,42); Thracian and

Scythian rulers minted coins here. This region and its poleis were threatened by tribes from the north, from across the Danube (- Ister, Istrus [1]; cf. Syll.3 709). The Th. first came into contact with Rome through the campaigns of -> Philippus [I 7] V, who fought the -» Maedi and occupied Philippopolis for a period (Pol. 23,8,7; Liv. 44,42). The Romans, by then allies of T., defeated -> Perseus [2] at the battle of Pydna in 168.

605

606

C. THE ROMAN PERIOD The first Thracian hostage, Bithys the son

of

~ Cotys [I 3], came to Rome in 167 BC. The Thracian dynasts were now compelled to take sides either for or against Rome. In 119, the Maedi, Bessi and > Scordisci carried out an attack against the Roman province of Macedonia and against central Greece, which was not repelled until 107 (cf. Syll.3 710). During the — First Mithridatic War (89-85 BC), Th. attacked Thessalia and Dalmatia (in 89). Almost all the towns and cities on the Black Sea, and many Thracian dynasts, became allies of the Pontic king (Eutr. 6,10; App. Mithr. 13,15,69). Only in 87 did > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla succeed in defeating the Maedi on the middle reaches of the + Strymon. The Roman troops were helped on this occasion by the Odrysian king > Sadalas [1]. In 76-73, C. > Scribonius [I 3] Curio was the first Roman commander to reach the Danube (bellum Dardanicum; Eutr. 6,2; Oros. 5,23,20). During the Third Mithradatic War (74-63), > Licinius [I 27] Lucullus defeated the Bessi, destroyed the cities of Philippopolis, Cabyle and Uskudama (the future > Hadrianopolis [3]), and reached the west coast of the Black Sea, entirely or partially destroying most of the poleis there (Liv. Per. 97; Eutr. 6,10).

Fora

long period, however, the Romans were unable

to break the Thracian resistance: in 62/1, > Antonius

{I 2] Hybrida was defeated by the > Getae at Istrus [3] (cf. IGBulg 12, 13); in 60, C. + Octavius [I 2] was able to prevail against the Bessi (Suet. Aug. 3,2; 94,5), and from 57 to 55 > Calpurnius [I 19] Piso was similarly successful against the Dentheletae (Cic. Pis. 84; Cic. Proy. cons. 4). During the Roman Civil War, the Odrysian king -> Cotys [I 5], ruler of the Sapaei, and the Dacian king - Byrebista(s) were on the side of + Pompeius [I 3]. The Getian king Dicomedes and other Thracian dynasts supported M. — Antonius [I 9] at the battle of + Actium in 31. In 29/8 BC, — Licinius [I 13] Crassus waged the ‘Mysian wars’ against the Bastarnae and Daci (+ Daci, Dacia), who had attacked territories

south of the Haemus, and defeated them with the help of the Getian king Rholes, pushing them back across the Danube. In 28 he defeated the Serdi, Bessi, Odrysae and sections of the Getae (Liv. Per. 134-6; Cass. Dio

51,23-5). The territory south of the lower ~ Ister (Istrus) [x] (Danube) was made a Roman protectorate. The province of Moesia (~ Moesi, Moesia) was estab-

lished in 12 BC. Southern T. remained independent, owing to the friendly relations between its king > Rhoemetalces [1] I and Rome. After his death (in AD 13?), Rome divided the kingdom of the Odrysae between his son > Cotys {I 9] I and his brother > Rhascuporis [3]. When, in AD 19, Rhascuporis had Rome’s protégé Cotys assassinated (Tac. Ann. 2,64), he was removed by Tiberius.

+ Trebellenus Rufus, as guardian of the three sons of Cotys II, who were still minors, became regent of the southern kingdom, while the kingdom of Rhascuporis passed to his son + Rhoemetalces [2] II. Between AD

THRACI, THRACIA

21 and 26, large sections of the Thracian population rose against the Rome-friendly policy of Rhoemetalces. After the assassination in AD 46 of the rightful heir > Rhoemetalces [3] II, who had grown up in Rome, > Claudius [III 1] established the province of > Thracia, against strong resistance from the Th. themselves. The tax region of Ripa Thraciae was attached to Moesia. The Thracian aristocrats found a place in the new elite within the province; some of them were employed as administrators of the strategiai (cf. |GBulg 12, 12), or took up other high administrative posts in newly founded cities. Intensive construction activity began, still under the emperor Claudius, in Moesia and Thracia: forts and bridges were built, fortifications restored, a close network of roads constructed, and new cities (e.g. ~ Aprus) founded. These measures distinctly altered the basic economic and social structure of T. They gave considerable impetus to the fortunes of the entire country. Many craftsmen and merchants immigrated from Syria, Egypt and Asia Minor; Jewish communities arose in some cities (e.g. > Philippopolis). Particular measures were undertaken to reinforce the Danube frontier (> Limes V.), as > Sarmatae, > Iazyges (Iazuges) and

+ Rhoxolani repeatedly attempted to penetrate into Moesia (e.g. 68/9: Tac. Hist. 3,24). In about AD 84, the province of Moesia was divided into Moesia inferior and Moesia superior; this happened in the course of preparations for the war against the > Daci (B.). After two wars, Trajan transformed the kingdom of > Decebalus into a province (Dacia, AD 106). Intensive urbanization, the strong influx of new settlers and Roman > veterans, increased involvement in the economic and political life of the Roman Empire, and the numerous levies of troops among the Thracian population, pushed Thracian ethnic and cultural elements increasingly into the background. In the south and east of the country, Greek became the main language, while Latin established itself on the Danube frontier and in the west. From the rst half of the 3rd cent. onwards, there were serious incursions of wandering tribes from the north, beginning with the assault of the > Carpi on Moesia inferior. Attacks by the Sarmatae, > Goti and Carpi followed between 242 and 245, and in 248 these were joined by the » Vandali. Two years later, Goti advanced against Philippopolis and Augusta Traiana (the modern Stara Zagora; see > Beroea [2]; Jord. Get. 102). The emperor - Decius [II 1] fell at > Abritus. In

254/5 the Goti reached -> Thessalonica [1]. It was not until 269, when, with the Heruli, Gepidae, Bastarnae and other tribes, they advanced as far as Greece, that + Claudius [III 2] Gothicus succeeded in defeating them at -> Naissus. But the province of Dacia could not be held (AD 272). To make the northern frontier easier to defend, two new provinces were created: Dacia mediterranea with its capital at > Serdica, and Dacia ripensis with its capital at > Ratiaria. Many Goti were settled as colonists in the heavily depopulated regions of the territory.

THRACI, THRACIA

607

Once the empire’s profound crisis of the 3rd cent. had been overcome, the provinces on the Danube acquired ever-greater significance in imperial politics, especially as some emperors (e.g. >» Diocletianus, > Constantinus [1] I; > lovianus) came from these territories. From being a territory on the periphery, T. became the hinterland of the new capital, »» Constantinople. + Balkans, languages (with map); — Daci, Dacia; ~» Getae; > Limes V.; — Moesi, Moesia (with map);

~» Odrysae; > Thracia J. WiEsNER, Die Thraker, 1963; Cu. DANov, Altthrakien, 1976; E.Maxsimov, Der alte Erzbergbau Bulgariens, in:

Geologie 20, 1971, 553-563; D. Decev, Die thrakischen Sprachreste, *1976; Id., Charakteristik der thrakischen Sprache, 1960; V. GEORGIEV, Trakite i tehnijat ezik, 1977; V. VELKOV, A. FOL, Les Thraces en Egypte gréco-romaine, 1977; Z. Goceva et al. (ed.), Izvori za istorijata na Trakija

i trakite, 1981; U.PeTER, Die Miinzen der thrakischen Dynasten, 1997; J. YoUROUKOVA, Coins of the Ancient Thracians, 1976; D.DaNnov, Trakijsko izvoroznanie, 1998; A.FOL, Politi¢eskata istorija na trakite, 1972; Id., Trakija 1 Balkanite prez ranno-elinisticeskata epoha, 1975; M.DoMarapZkI, Keltite na Balkanskija poluostrov, 1984; K.JORDANOV, Thraker und Skythen unter Philipp I1., in: Bulgarian Historical Review 19/3, 1991, 37-59; D.K. SamMsares, Les Thraces dans |’Empire Romain d’Orient, 1993; M. TacHEVa-HiTova, Istorija na Balgarskite zemi v drevnostta 2, 1987; D.M. Pipp1p1,

Scythica Minora, 1975; D.Boteva, Dolna Mizija i Trakija v rimskata imperska sistema, 1997.

Ly.B.

D. THE BYZANTINE PERIOD The administrative reforms of Diocletian and Constantine I divided the old province of > Thracia into four eparchiai (provinciae): (1) Thracia, capital > Philippopolis; (2) Rhodope, > Traianopolis [1]; (3) Europa, Heracleia (the former — Perinthus); (4) Hae-

mimontus, — Hadrianopolis [3] (cf. > Hierocles [8], Synecdemus 631,4—63 5,14). In consequence, from this time on, T. could mean quite different things: (1) the classic usage (frequent in Byzantine writers),

in the sense of the country between the > Haemus

608

along the Black Sea (cf. [1. 132ff. with map]), and increased still further as a result of the founding of Constantinople in AD 324: T. now became the hinterland of the Byzantine and Ottoman capital (until the removal of the Turkish capital to Ankara in 1923). Especially after the loss of Sicily and Egypt, T., while providing the main area for troop deployment for all potential conquerors from the European continent, also fed their armies [1. 149f.]: not only the > Goti (battle of Hadrianopolis 378), ~ Hunni, > Avares (siege of 626) and -» Bulgari (from the end of the 7th cent.; ~ Bulgaria),

but also the crusaders and the Ottomans, whose first bridgehead in Europe was Thracian — Callipolis [3] (1352). Accordingly, a long wall protected especially the immediate hinterland of the capital (+ Anastasius {r], in 503).

Despite frequent devastation, the city culture of Late Antiquity and the Roman Period, going back to Archaic times in the case of Greek colonies such as - Abdera [x], Aenus, ~ Mesambria/Mesembria, > Perinthus and — Selymbria, broadly persisted. Although, from the 6th cent. onwards, the > Slavs, some of them allied with the Avars, were able to settle the flatlands (Thema Smolenon, after a Slav tribe), in cities such as Philip-

popolis, Hadrianopolis, + Bizye, > Beroea, Debeltus, Didymoteichon/Plotinopolis and Rhaedestus they were only gradually able to gain a footing (cf. the archaeological traces in Diocletianopolis (Keletron/> Celetrum in [z. s. v.])). Here, the Byzantine Empire was largely able to maintain its authority into the Late Byzantine Period; only under the Bulgarian khan Krum, during his campaigns of 812/13, were many cities conquered and portions of the population resettled, as later under tsar Symeon (893-927; > Bulgaria B.). In comparable resettlements from Asia Minor undertaken by the imperial government, many ~ Paulicians were also settled in Thrace; Armenians, too, had a strong presence in the cities. > Moesi, Moesia (with map) 1 SousTAL, Thrakien 2R.J. Live, “Thrakien” und “Thrakesion”, in: Jb. der Ost. Byzantinistik 26, 1976,

(Balkan Mountains), the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos), the Aegean (Sea of Marmara, - Aegean Sea) and

7-47.

the river > Nestus [1] (cf. > Moesi, Moesia, with map); (2) the > dioikesis (Il) of T., which additionally encom-

Gory,

passed the provinces of Moesia secunda and Scythia (the modern Dobrudja), thus extending to the land north of the Balkan mountains;

R. BROWNING, Byzantium and Bulgaria, 1975; T. E. Gre-

s.v.

Thrace,

ODB

3, 2079 f.; P.SOUSTAL,

s. v.

Thrakien, LMA 8, 736 f.; S. RUNCIMAN, A History of the First Bulgarian

Empire,

1930;

P.STEPHENSON,

tium’s Balkan Frontier, 900-1204, 2000.

ByzanJN.

(3) the first of the

above-mentioned four provinces. Although the thema-based Byzantine constitution of the end of the 7th cent. was founded on different precepts (establishment of a > theme of Thraké, broadly

corresponding to the old province of Europa [1. 76; 2]), the Church largely retained this provincial division during the whole of the Byzantine Period. The importance of T. resulted in particular from its geographical position at the intersection of important routes (west-east: via Egnatia; northwest-southeast from > Serdica to ~ Byzantium/~+ Constantinople; north-south route

V. ARCHAEOLOGY AND CULTURE A. GENERAL POINTS B. BRONZE AND IRON AGE (c. 2000-6TH CENT. BC) C. 5TH-rST CENTS. BC D. THE ROMAN PERIOD (1ST CENT. BC To

3RD/4TH CENTS. AD) A. GENERAL POINTS Thracian archaeology investigates those territories that were settled by Thracian populations in Antiquity. The natural limits to its area of interest are the Aegean in the south, the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos) in the

609

610

east, and the northern Carpathians in the north. In the west, frontier territories were defined by the Tisia and Crisia, while in the southeast Th. settled in Asia Minor, and in the northeast from the sth to the 2nd cent. BC constituted the ruling house of the > Regnum Bosporanum (— Spartocids, Hellenized Th.), until in 107 the kingdom was incorporated into the Regnum Ponticum by > Mithridates [6] VI Eupator. Thracian archaeology as such is concerned above all with the former

linguistic traces (e.g. in the name of the Getic city of -» Aegissus).

Roman provinces of Dacia (> Daci, Dacia C.), Moesia

(— Moesi) and > Thracia.

Mountain ranges of note are the > Haemus, > Carpathians and — Rhodope. Major rivers are the Tisia, Marisius, Alutus, Danubius/Istrus, Hierasus, Pyretus,

Strymon, Hebrus and Tonzus. Mineral deposits worthy of mention are copper and iron (in Dobrudja, in the hinterland of the Bulgarian Black Sea coast, and in Transylvania), as well as gold, silver and salt (in the western Carpathians). In Romanian and Bulgarian, and recently Moldavian research, the Bronze Age and Iron Age (c. 2000 BC to 6th cent. BC) are referred to as ‘Thracian’. B. BRONZE AND IRON AGE (c. 2000—6TH CENT.

BC) Various Bronze Age (1st half of the 2nd millennium BC) cultures, defined by ceramics with spiral and meandering decoration, and named after find sites (e.g. Otomani, Wietenberg, Monteoru, Tei), are called by ‘Thracian’ by scholars, even though this attribution cannot be supported by ancient sources of any kind. The earliest archaeological evidence for contact with the Greek world consists of finds of anchors and bars of the Late Bronze Age (2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC) on the Bulgarian Black Sea coast (between > Apollonia [2] and + Mesambria/Mesembria [r]). In respect of the Early Iron Age, too, the term ‘Thracian’ is used

for characteristic ceramics, polished black on the outside, reddish on the inside, decorated with channelled (Gava-Holirady culture in the north) and stamped (PSenicevo group and related in the south, subsequently also Basarabi style in the north) designs. Greek influence in pottery is discernible in the east and south from the 7th/6th cents. onwards (wheel-produced ceramics). It becomes particularly clear in Thracian and Getic burial fields of the 6th—4th cents. in the hinterland of the coastal cities (e.g. Ravna and Dobrina near » Mesambria/Mesembria [1]; Bugeac, Canlia and Satu Nou near + Tomi; Zimnicea), where Greek forms occur initially

as handmade imitations, which are subsequently replaced by wheel-produced ware. A comparable situation is found in the burial field at Chotin (Slovakia), on

the north-western edge of the area of Thracian settlement. Development north of the > Ister/Istrus [1] was interrupted in the 8th-7th/6th cents. by Scythian groups (> Agathyrsi, > Scythae), and weapons and ceramics of Scythian pattern occasionally predominate (e.g. in the Ciumbrud and Ferigile-Birsesti groups of finds). The Celts (— Celts III. A.) left archaeological and

THRACI, THRACIA

C. 5TH-1ST CENTS. BC Thracian states on the Greek and Persian model arose from the mid 5th cent. onwards, both on the periphery (e.g. the kingdom of > Bithynia) and at the centre; the best-well known of these is the kingdom of the > Odrysae. Their king > Teres [1] (c. 450 BC, with his residence initially between > Rhodope and > Cabyle; cf. Hdt. 4,92) established a kingdom that, under -» Sitalces [1] (c. 440-424), extended to the Struma (— Strymon) in the west and the Danube (- Ister, Istrus [1]) in the north. One of the peoples it dominated was that of the Serdi, in whose territory > Serdica developed as a city. Sitalces’ kingdom was divided between successors in the mid 4th cent.; it was finally conquered by > Philippus [I 4] Il in 3.42/1, and incorporated into the Macedonian kingdom. However, the ruling house of the Odrysae survived, for example with > Seuthes [4] Ill (his residence was —> Seuthopolis, a fortified city in the territory of the > Moesi/Mysi, laid out in a regular pattern on the Greek model, and with its own coinage). Other cities with their own coinage included ~+ Dionysopolis (3rd—z2nd cents. until > Gordianus [3] III) and + Mesambria/Mesembria [1] (from the 5th cent.). D. THE ROMAN

PERIOD (1ST CENT. BC TO

3RD/4TH CENTS. AD)

The more important cities and military bases were + Apulum (capital of Dacia Apulensis), - Capidava (Roman fort built by Trajan near a Daco-Getic settlement), Drobeta (important Roman base in the 2nd Dacian War), > Durostorum (capital of the province of Scythia under Diocletian), - Germisara (baths and quarries), - Cabyle (several basilicas in the 4th/s5th cents.; destroyed in 583 by the > Avares), ~ Napoca

(residence of the procurator of Dacia Porolissensis in the 3rd cent.), > Novae [1] (founded c. AD 30 ona

crossing of the Danube; capital of the > Ostrogoths in the 5th cent.), > Pautalia (founded under Trajan over a settlement of the Dentheletae; administrative centre),

+ Porolissum (administrative centre of the province of Dacia Porolissensis, established in 124), — Ratiaria (capital of Dacia ripensis) and > Serdica (from the time

of Aurelian capital of the province of Dacia ripensis, from that of Diocletian capital of Dacia Mediterranea). The populations of these cities comprised for the most part a mixture of Thracians/Dacians, Greeks, Romans

and tradesmen from Asia Minor, also — Scythians in the northeast. Important bridges over the Danube were situated at > Oescus [2] (built under Constantius I) and + Drobeta (built by > Apollodorus [14] of Damascus

under Trajan). Coins were minted in — Philippopolis (from Domitian to Elagabalus), Serdica (from Marcus Aurelius to Gallienus) and Istros [3 ]/Histria (until Gordianus III).

612

611

THRACIA

uroxngy

a? Lp

m°

a — \

-ZngO uesiny

soO

SOSSUOSIBY

ivers Pre syodean 7

gd

» na)

sojy.UoO

THRACI,

i=

1s a

sue

lures, Winaedoi, y,

uopaya/ey ey

=

sodoskuoig

ono oy oe5

eat

SI 1B}S9S i odour

Oo

As 3, Ss.

ayxLIYJOWL

S49“o

eaepions uszoce doy is

Ay, \

nosaO

\

a

OnueZAg

u

%

N

apasng

a

sossapO PLquPsay

Oo} | 0g Sau

7)

Se

gsi," wniojsoiNg.. "= a _18edog

——_

ARP!

af .

eS

a La

e

@80(4)39V

eueney

ok

b\w‘N

Ae S =

ae

eyjue> way non nes

YO Pue RIDeIY] JO 94} UBIDeIYL Saqi4} pUe ay} AuOpaL ‘BID9eG eIS2O-: SUOISa Dg — YO Yip/PE (GV “D) "JUaD “S}U99

+: eaepuogsiid iS

\NYE SS /

stiuodoig

i \

2hyed

[PI1FojoaPyse)

yes ‘pray

PIOD ‘aA\IS

aweU jUaIUY (uepeg ‘ueIneIYy)) ‘adues ‘uolsay ulejunow Pas

Ay Aresa}!] (a.uapina ; jealFojoaeyqe pUepOdUI| sodos20N puy arenpul, pseoH puy yods quawalyas

aweu Wapow

aquy ures)

JUaWA!IIS

(ulyeq ‘Y9a15) aweU JUuaDUY

psmaazinies4

JO/pur

SUIUI: ispaye uaddo> uo ajquey ‘auojsaw!y

613

614

VI. ECONOMY, CULTURE AND ART

The main economic activity of the Th. was agriculture, including horse breeding. Also significant were the ~ slave trade and > mining: iron, copper, lead, silver (administrative centres at Pautalia, Ampelum, Apulum and Mesambria [1] respectively, and a weapons factory at Ratiaria), > gold (Pautalia, Apulum) and = salt (Potaissa, Salinae). The urban settlements of the Th., frequently characterized by the Thracian/Getic endings -dava/ -deva (e.g. Buridava, Capidava, Piroboridava, Pulpudeva, Sucidava, Zargidava, Ziridava), probably have corresponded to Celtic > oppida, and for the most part continued in occupation in the Roman Period. The availability of precious metals in the Thracian/ Dacian territories favoured — toreutics. Finds of gold and silver objects have been made in the north (Baiceni), in Dobrudja (Agighiol, Murighiol), on the southern slopes of the Carpathians (Cotofenesti), in Wallachia (Craiova, ‘Iron Gate’, Poroina), and Danube (Letnica, Lukovit, Rogozen).

south

of the

Kazanlak,

Panagjuriste,

Vraca).

Greek,

Achaemenid and Scythian influences were adopted and translated into a distinctively Thracian style. Typical are cups in the form of an hour-glass (e.g. Agighiol, ‘Iron Gate’) with animal friezes (e.g. deer with disproportionately large antlers, their branches ending in griffins), rbyta (e.g. Borovo, Panagjuriste, Vraca), phialai suggestive of the Greek East and Asia Minor in style (e.g. Rogozen, Vraca), and horse harnesses with triple

or quadruple rings of animal heads (e.g. Baiceni, Brezovo,

Craiova,

Kazanlak,

Letnica,

iconographic similarities, the cult of the ‘Thracian horseman’, attested in many representations but of which we have scarcely any more precise knowledge, cannot be linked with that of > Mithras, who subsequently became popular with the Th. +> Pontos

Euxeinos

II.;

— Regnum

Bosporanum;

— Scythae P. ALEXANDRESCU, Le groupe de trésors thraces du Nord des Balkans (I), in: Dacia N. S. 27, 1983, 45-66; (II), in: Dacia N.S. 28, 1984, 85-97; D.Berciu, Arta traco-getica, 1969 (Thraco-Getic Art; Romanian.); G. BicHir, The

Archaeology and History of the Carpi from the znd to the 4th Century AD, 1976; J.V. Botrrik, E.E. Fiacko, Der Oguz-Kurgan. Die Grabanlage eines Skythenk6énigs der Zeit nach Ateas, in: Hamburger Beitr. zur Arch. 18 (1991), 1996,

107-129;

I.H. Crisan, Ceramica

daco-

getica cu speciala privire la Transilvania, 1969 (DacoGetic Pottery, with Particular Regard to Transylvania; Romanian.); C. Daicoviciu et al., Istoria Romaniei, vol. I, 1960 (History of Romania; Romanian); CH. DANov,

Altthrakien, 1976; D.P. Dimitrov, M.CiéiKova, The

Correspondingly rich burials (‘princely tombs’) with silver (also gilded) or gold objects have been excavated, infrequently north of the Danube (Peretu, Stincesti), more frequently south of the river (Atenica, Brezovo, Duvanlij,

THRACI, THRACIA

Lukovit,

Peretu,

Vraca). It appears unlikely that gilded greaves and silver helmets (e.g. Agighiol, Cotofenesti, Peretu, Vraca) decorated with mythical scenes afforded any practical protection. Stylistically similar representations are to be found on e.g. the dishes from the Letnica hoard (> Hoard finds). Most of the princely tombs also contain direct Greek imports (metal vessels, helmets, ceramics). The beehive tombs of the 4th—3rd cents. with vestibule and often several rooms (> Dromos; cf. > Fu-

nerary architecture), such as those of high-status Odrysae, contain wall paintings with Hellenic motifs, but Thracian in effect by their stasis and linear arrangement (e.g. Kazanlak). But the Th. did not merely adopt influences from the Orient and the Greek world. Metal finds of typically Thracian pattern extend to the Oguz-Kurgan north of the Crimea. The god > Dionysus (with many sanctuaries on Thracian territory) is supposed to be of Thracian origin; Orpheus, the Thracian singer and player of the lyre, who entranced wild animals, stones and trees (e.g. with listening Th. on a krater by the Orpheus Painter, 5th cent. BC, Berlin, SM), and was ripped apart by Thracian women when he opposed the cult of Dionysus, became firmly embedded in Greek myth. Despite

Thracian City of Seuthopolis, 1978; M.DuSek, Thrakisches Graberfeld der Hallstattzeit in Chotin, 1966; A. Fo. (ed.), Der thrakische Silberschatz von Rogozen, Bulgarien, 1988; Id., I.Mazarov, Goldene Fahrte Thrakien, 1978; Gold der Thraker. Archaologische Schatze aus Bulgarien (exhibition cat. Cologne, etc., 1979-1980); B.HANsEL, Zur Chronologie des 7. bis 5. Jahrhunderts. v. Chr. im Hinterland von Odessos an der westlichen Schwarzmeerkiiste, in: PrZ 49, 1974, 193-217; R.F. Hoppinot, Bulgaria in Antiquity, 1975; K. HorepT, Die dakischen Silberfunde, in: Dacia N. S. 17, 1973, 127-167;

B. Kutt, Tod und Apotheose. Zur Ikonographie in Grab und Kunst der jiingeren Eisenzeit an der unteren Donau, in: BRGK 78, 1997, 197-466; A.I. MetyuKova, Skifija i

frakijskij mir, 1979 (Scythia and the Thracian World; Russian); E. Moscatu, Ceramica traco-getica, 1983 (Thraco-

Getic Pottery; Romanian); Id., Das thrako-getische Firstengrab von Peretu in Rumdnien, in: BRGK 70, 1989, 129-190; B. NIKOLOV, Trakijski sakrovista ot Vraca i Vraéansko, 1980 (Thracian Treasures from Vraca and the Vraca Region; Bulgarian); M.OprERMANN, Thraker zwi-

schen Karpatenbogen und Agais, 1984; C.PREDA, Monedele geto-dacilor, 1973 (The Coins of the Geto-Dacians; Romanian); W.SCHULLER, Die bulgarische Schwarzmeerkiiste im Altertum, 1985; V. VELKov, Gradat v Trakija i Dakija prez kasnata antiénost (IV—VI v.), 1959 (The Thracian and Dacian City in Late Antiquity (4th—é6th cents.); Bulgarian); Id., Geschichte und Kultur Thrakiens und Moesiens, 1988; I. VENEDIKOV, T.GERASSIMOV, Thrakische Kunst, 1976; I. VENEDIKOV, P. PavLovy, Sakrovisteto ot Letnica, 1974 (The Letnica Treasure; Bulgarian); J. Wiesner, Die Thraker, 1963. N.BO.

VII. RELIGION As no indigenous sources on Thracian religion survive, our knowledge in this regard relies heavily on Greek authors, who, as a rule, mention T. only occa-

sionally and unsystematically [1. 94-102], and offer only partial insight into religious conceptions and activities. Additional information on aspects of religious practice may be gained from Thracian inscriptions and from the archaeological investigation of Thracian settlements and sanctuaries [2; 3].

THRACI, THRACIA

615

~» Herodotus [1] represents a singular source on Thracian religion. By his account, the Th. worshipped only three divinities: > Ares, » Dionysus and -> Artemis; Thracian princes, in any event, honoured ~» Hermes as their ancestor and patron (Hdt. 5,7-8).

Herodotus distinguishes the different regions of T. not only from the aspect of specific religious practices and nuances, but also from that of regionally distinct fundamental religious concepts (Hdt. 5,3,2-5;cf. 4,94,1-43

616

Thracian see > Balkans, languages, > Language Thraestus (@oaiotoc; Thraistos). Town in the northern uplands of > Elis [1], Acrorea, situated on the road from Arcadia to - Elis [2] (Xen. Hell. 7,4,14); the precise location is unknown; captured by > Pausanias [2] in 402 BC (Diod. 14,17,8). A judge from T. in Calydon [3] c. 300 BC is mentioned by the inscription IG LX 1” 138.

SAT.

4,95-6). Inscriptions and references in later literary

texts attest to the widespread adoption of Greek and Latin names of divinities; it is, however, unclear to what extent this influenced ritual practice. — Cabiri; > Orpheus; > Zalmoxis 1Z.H. ARCHIBALD, The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace: Orpheus Unmasked,

1998

2 A. BALKANSKA,

Sborya-

novo II. The Thracian Sanctuary at ‘Demir Baba Teke’, 1998 3 Z.H. ARCHIBALD, Thracian Cult: From Practice to Belief, in: R.G. TseTSKHLADZE West and East, 1999, 427-468.

Thraex see

> Munus, Munera III E.

Thrasamund(us). King of the Vandals 496-523, grandson of > Geisericus, son of »» Gentunis; successor to his brother

+ Gunthamundus (Procop. Vand. 1,8,8;

Chron. min. 2,193; dates of his reign: Chron. min. 3,458 f.). Inc. 500, T. married + Amalafrida, the sister of the Ostrogoth king Theoderic ( Theodericus [3])

(ed.), Ancient Greeks

the Great (Anon. Vales. 12,68). T.’ relationship with the

M. OprerMANN, Thrakische und danubische Reitergot-

latter was strained in c. 511 by his financially supporting the Visigoth > Gesalicus, who had fled to Africa after being defeated by the Ostrogoths (Chron. min.

ter, in: M.J. VERMASEREN

gionen

im Romerreich,

(ed.), Die orientalischen Reli-

1981,

M. TACHEVA-

2,223; Theoderic’s letters to T.: Cassiod. Var. 5,43 f.).

Hirova, Eastern Cults in Moesia Inferior and Thracia, 1983. Z.H.A.

510-536;

Although an Arian, T. deviated from the violent persecution of Catholics (Procop. Vand. 1,8,9 f.); never-

theless, for expelling Catholic Thracia. Roman province in the north of the Balkan peninsula, established in AD 45. Its boundaries were: to the east the Black Sea (— Pontos Euxeinos

I.) from

Apollonia [2] to the Bosporus [1] including > Byzantium (Ptol. 3,11; Hdn. 3,1,5; from no later than AD 201, Mesambria [1] was also part of T.); to the the south the northern coast of the > Aegean Sea including the islands of > Proconnesus, > Thasos, -» Samothrace and possibly also at times > Imbros; to the west the province of Macedonia (border on the Nestus [1] and on the middle and upper reaches of the Strymon); to the north the province of Moesia inferior. Until Traianus [1], T. came under a procurator, afterwards under a praetor; its capital was > Perinthus. The preRoman cities were organised as poleis, the cities of Aprus (modern Germeyan), > Deultum and Coela (to

the north of Eceabat) had the status of coloniae. Until Hadrian, the ancient pre-Roman division into strateégiai

bishops to Sardinia

(Chron. min. 2,193) he came into conflict with the Byz-

antine emperor — lustinus [1] (writings: Collectio Avellana 212, AD 519). T. died on 6 May 523 (Chron. min. 3,459); a few years earlier he had suffered a heavy defeat by the Marusii (Procop. Vand. 1,8,15-29). PLRE

pipe Gute ~ Vandals H.-J. DiEsNER, Das Vandalenreich, 1966, 88-94.

Thrasea.

Roman

cognomen,

WE.LU.

attested only in the Im-

perial period (— Clodius [II 15]; > Valerius [II 20—21]). K-LE.

Thraseas (Ogacéac/Thraséas). Son of Aétus [1], father of Ptolemaeus [29] and Apollonius (187-175 probably his brother’s successor as Seleucidian governor, cf. 2 Macc 3:5), citizen of Aspendus, Alexandria [1] and

(+ strategos Il.) was retained, later the province was

Athens (after 224; T. is honoured for obtaining copious gifts [1. 46 f. no. 17 E]); like his father strategos of Cili-

structured into city territories. The > ruler cult was in

cia under Ptolemaeus

the hands of the

koinon (I.) of the > Thraci based in

> Philippopolis. Under Trajan and Hadrian, the urbanization of T. was achieved (Pautalia, Serdica, Nico-

polis [2] ad Istrum, Marcianupolis). +» Moesi, Moesia (with map);

> Thraci

B. GEROV, Beitrage zur Geschichte der romischen Provinzen Moesien und Thrakien, vol. 3, 1998, 1-406; Id., Die Grenzen der r6mischen Provinz Thrakien, in; ANRW II

7.1, 1979, 212-240; V.GERASIMOVA-Tomova, Die Administration der Stadte in Thrakien, in: Actes du [X* Con-

grés international d’épigraphie grecque et latine 1, 1987, 239-246; V. VELKOV, Cities in Thrace and Dacia in Late

Antiquity, 1977, 127-133.

Lv.B.

[6] III (after 238), strategos of Syria and Phoenicia under Ptolemaeus [7] IV (between 217 and 204). His homonymous son (PP VI 14977) worked as a high official from Cyprus and hosted Delphic theoroi (> Theoria) in Tamassus [4. 1237]. 1 K. BRINGMANN, H.vy.STEUBEN, Schenkungen hellenistischer Herrscher, 1995 2 C.P. Jones, CH. Hapicut, A Hellenistic Inscription from Arsinoe in Cilicia, in: Phoenix 43, 1989, 317-346 3J.P. Rey-Coquats, Apport d’inscriptions inedites de Syrie et de Phénicie, in: L.CrisCUOLO, G. GERACI (ed.), Egitto e storia antica, 1989, 614—

617 4G. Daux, Trois remarques de chronologie delphique, in: BCH 104, 1980, 115-125. W.A.

617

618

Thrason (Ogdowv; Thrdson). Indo-Greek king in the ~» Punjab at about the beginning of the rst cent. BC, recorded only on a number of coins, Middle Indic Thrasa. BOPEARACHCHI, 106 f.; 310.

KK.

Thrasyalces (Ogaovddxycs; Thrasydlkés). ‘One of the old nature philosophers’ (tv Gexaiwv S& Puoimdv eic euros, Ste: £751,5; 35 fr. 1 DK; [zs 2343; 2]) from + Thasos probably in the sth cent. BC. T. assigned the winds to either > Boreas or + Notus, the two main winds (Str. 1,2,21; Posidon. FGrH 87 F 74 with comm., critically explained by [1. 2343 f.]). Th. saw the cause for the Nile floods (+ Nile) in the summer

rains of

Nubia which in turn were caused by masses of clouds blown in from the north [2] (or the south(?) (4. 1377 f.]) (Str. 17,1,5; Lydus, Mens. 4,107; Posidon. FGrH 87 F 79 with comm.). — Meteorology 1 R. BOKER, s.v. Winde, RE 8 A, 2211-2387 2 W.CaPpELLE, s.v. T., RE 6 A, 565-567 KRANZ, vol. 1, 377.

3 DiEts/ H.A.G.

Thrasybulus (QgactvPovihod/Thrasyboulos). [1] Prytanis or aisymnetés, then tyrant (Aristot. Pol.

1305a 16-18) of > Miletus [2], at the time of its greatest prosperity around the turn of the 7th to the 6th cent. BC; a contemporary of — Thales (Diog. Laert. 1,27). According to Herodotus, T. was able to end a twelve-year war against the Lydian kings > Sadyattes [2] and > Alyattes (Hdt. 1,17-23; Polyaenus, Strat. 6,47) by a trick (Hdt. 1,22: pretended wealth), and to

persuade Alyattes to peace and friendship because -» Periander of Corinth had revealed to T. a Delphic oracle addressed to Alyattes (Diog. Laert. 1,31; 95). The image ofcutting off the tallest ears of corn, a typical tyrannical topic, is also associated with Periander and T. It is sometimes presented as advice from T. to Periander (Hdt. 5,92,n1; Diog. Laert. 1,100; Plut. Mor. 147cd), sometimes as advice from Periander (Aristot. Pol. 1284a 26-36; 1311a 20-3; 1313a 35-41); > Tarquinius [12] Superbus imitates T. (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,56; Liv. 1,54). H.BERVE, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 19; 21;

LOI; 491; 528; 535; 578 f.; N. EHRHARDT, Milet und seine Kolonien, 1988, 200-202; L. pE LiBEero, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 165-1673 3573 3993 401; 406 f.; 410. J.co.

THRASYBULUS

[3] Athenian from the > Stiria deme, important demo-

cratic politician and commander in the late s5th/4th cent. BC. In 411 as triérarchos he was instrumental in the overthrow of an oligarchic coup on Samos, and, with > Thrasyllus [1], organized resistance against the oligarchs in Athens (Thuc. 8,73; 75,2; > Tetrakosioi). Elected — strategos, he sought the return of > Alcibiades [3] (Thuc. 8,81,1), was victorious with Thrasyllus in the sea battles of > Cynossema and > Abydus [1] (Thuc. 8, 104-6; Diod. Sic. 13,39 f.3 45,7), and, with Alcibiades at > Cyzicus in 410 BC, defeated the Peloponnesian fleet under > Mindarus (Xen. Hell. 1,1,1220; Diod. Sic. 13,49-51; Polyaenus, Strat. 1,40,9). He was then active in > Thrace, subjecting Thasus and + Abdera [1]. In 406 he besieged > Phocaea (Xen. Hell. 1,4,9 f£.; 5,113; Diod. Sic. 13,69; 72,1f.). After the ~ Arginusae sea battle in 406, it was the task of T. and -» Theramenes as triérarchoi to rescue the shipwrecked survivors, but, owing to stormy weather, this could not be achieved (Xen. Hell. 1,6,35; Diod. Sic. 13,101,2). Under the rule of the Thirty (> Triakonta), T. fled to

Thebes, from where, with Athenian exiles, he occupied Phyle in the > Parnes. After successful engagements, (Xen. Hell. 2,4,1-7; Diod. Sic. 14,32), T. occupied the -» Piraeus [1], from where he won another victory over the oligarchs (Xen. Hell. 2,4,10-22; Diod. Sic. 14,33,1-4). After the reconciliation achieved through Spartan mediation, T. called for peace between the parties to the civil war (Xen. Hell. 2,4,39-42). > Archinus frustrated T.’ citizenship law for the fighters at Piraeus with a > paranomon graphe (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 40,2; Aeschin. 3,195; POxy 1800 frgs. 6-7). Although, in order to regain full freedom of action abroad, T. advised condemnation of > Demaenetus [3] in 395 BC, he then sought a defensive alliance with Thebes, which stood under imminent threat from Sparta (+ Corinthian War). After the failed peace talks with Sparta in 392/1, in 390/89 T. was sent as stratégos with a fleet to the Hellespont. He moved two Odrysian princes (> Medocus, > Seuthes [2]) to an alliance with Athens, installed a democratic system in > Byzantium, reintroduced the ten-percent transit tax, won the Chalcedonians as allies of Athens, and gained successes on > Lesbos. He lost his life when soldiers from his fleet plundered the territory of + Aspendus, in the course of efforts to bring in funds for the upkeep of the fleet (Xen. Hell. 4,8,25-3 1; Diod. Sic. 14,94,2-4; 99,4). Cornelius » Nepos [2] wrote a biography of T. (Trartt, PAA 517010).

(2] T., son of > Deinomenes [1], brother and successor of > Hieron [1] in the tyranny of > Syracusae. His rule

B. BLECKMANN, Athens Weg in die Niederlage, 1998, Reg. s. v. T.; R.J. Buck, Thrasybulus and the Athenian Democ-

was brought to an end after eleven months in 466/5 BC by a democratic uprising. He himself found asylum in + Locri [2] (Sim. fr. 106 D.; Aristot. Pol. 5,1312b 11 and 14; 5,1315b 38; Diod. Sic. 11,66-88; Plut. Mor.

racy, 1998; K.-W. WeLwe1, Das klassische Athen, 1999,

403C). H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 1967,

Tis? t.. 607s

BP.

QUA=25'75 264=2.74

[4] Athenian from -> Collytus; he accused — Alcibiades [3] after the defeat at > Notium (406 BC; Plut. Alcibiades 36,1). In 404/3 he fought with T. [3] at Phyle and in Piraeus (Dem. Or. 24,134). While ona legation at the beginning of 377 BC, T. was able to obtain Thebes’

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membership of the Second ~ Athenian League (Aeschin. 3,138). TRAILL, PAA 516935. [5] T. of + Calydon, métoikos in Athens; in the auturnn of 411 BC he stabbed -> Phrynichus [2], and so instigated the fall of the Four Hundred (— Tetrakosioi). He was awarded for this action in 409 with a golden

salus (cf. Syll.3 240 H), was a Thessalian tetrarch under Philippus [4] II (Dem. Or. 18,295; Theop. FGrH 115 F 209, where he is described as a tyrant to his countrymen, as intellectually insignificant and as an extremely

THRASYBULUS

wreath and citizenship of Athens (Lys. 13,71f.; IG 13

102). TRAILL, PAA 517030. [6] Athenian from > Erchia. When > Great demanded his extradition, he Persian camp. In 334 BC he fought commander -» Memnon [3] (Diod. 326/5 he was stratégds in Athens 4of.). TRAILL, PAA 516925. [7] Seer from Elis; son of an Aeneas

Alexander [4] the went over to the under the Persian Sic. 17,25,6); in (IG II/II]2 1628a WS.

from the tribe of -» Jamus (Paus. 8,10,5). Mantinea endowed his statue

at Olympia after he had predicted and himself fought at the city’s victory over Sparta under > Agis [4], in an

otherwise unrecorded battle between 250 and 245 BC (Paus. 6,2,4; 8,10,5); he prophesied from the entrails of

dogs (Paus. 6,2,5). Plut. Mor. 253b includes him among the murderers of the tyrant > Aristotimus in 270, and identifies him with a T. who endowed a statue of > Pyrrhus [3] at Olympia (Paus. 6,14,9); this Pyrrhus had sought to ‘liberate’ the Peloponnese in 272 BC (Plut. Pyrrhus 26,10). Paus. 6,13,11 mentions the statue of an Olympic champion Agathinus, son of a T. feo!

Thrasycles (Qgaovxhij¢/Thrasykleés). [1] Athenian, who in 421/oBC requested the ~ proxenia for a resident of the Peloponnese (IG I

[2] In the 340s BC T., who may have been from Phar-

great sycophant), and in 339/8 BC, together with Daochus [2], in Thebes as Philip’s ambassador (Plut. Demosthenes 18,2 with reference to Marsyas, FGrH 135/6 F 20) and from 338 to 335 BC in Delphi as Thessalian hieromnemon (-» Hieromnemones). N.G. L. HAMMOND, G.T.GriIFFITH, A History of Mace-

donia vol. 2, 1979, 534 f.; 621.

M.Z.

Thrasyllus (QgdovAko0c; Thrasyllos). [1] (also OgdovA0c; Thrasylos). From Athens, served as a hoplite in the armed forces on Samos in 411 BC and was significantly involved there in the overthrow of an oligarchic revolution (Thuc. 8,73). Together with + Thrasybulus [3], he organized the resistance against the oligarchs in Athens (— tetrakdstoi [2]) and, through an oath, obliged the Athenian forces and the Samians to defend their democracy and continue the war (Thuc. 8,75,2). After being elected > stratégoi (Thuc. 8,76,2; Diod. Sic. 13,38,3), IT. and Thrasybulus [3] attacked + Eresus (Thuc. 8,100), which had deserted Athens,

and contributed decisively to the victories of + Cynossema and > Abydus [1] (Thuc. 8,104—106; Diod. Sic. 13,39f.; 45,7). After returning to Athens, T. was able to repel an advance by > Agis [2] against the city in the summer of 410 (Xen. Hell. 1,1,33 f.). Thereupon, the

Athenians granted him forces with which he set out for

80,7) and belonged to those who swore an oath on the

Ionia in the summer of 409 (Dion. Hal. hypothesis to

truce and the alliance between Sparta and Athens in the so-called Peace of Nicias [1] in 421 (Thuc. 5,19,2; 24,1). In 412/1, T. was strategos along with > Strombichides in the campaign to Asia Minor (Thuc. 8,15,1; 17,33 19,2). + Peloponnesian War

Lys. 32). He was defeated at Ephesus (Xen. Hell. 1,2,113; Diod. Sic. 13,64). From Lampsacus, T. conducted campaigns against Abydus [1] and Calchedon with

TRAILL, PAA 517180; DEVELIN 157; 141.

K.KI.

+ Alcibiades [3] in 408 (Xen. Hell. 1,2,15-17; 3,6; Diod. Sic. 13,64,2-4; 13,66,1-2; Plut. Alcibiades

29,2-4). Returning to Athens in early 407, T. was reelected stratégos only after the fall of Alcibiades in 406 (Xen Hello ayssxés Lys. 21e73"Diods Sie. 4474.0): in

[2] Son of Hippa[..., oixdvowoc tHv vijowy (‘leader of the royal administration of finance on the islands’; [1. 147] on IG XII Suppl. 169 [los] from 285/246 BC). T. may have been honoured on Delos (IG XI 4, 1043). 1 R.BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Pos-

sessions outside Egypt, 1976.

W.A.

[3] T. from Athens. Tragedian, attested in an inscription on the Athenian treasure house in Delphi (26/5 or 22/7 BC GE

Ia77),

B.Z.

Thrasydaeus (Ogaovdaioc/Thrasydaios). [1] T. from Elis. Leader of anti-Spartan democrats in the war between Elis and Sparta (402-400 BC), after

initial successes in 400 he had to conclude a peace in which the Eleans abandoned dependent towns with the exception of Olympia (Xen. Hell. 3,2,21-31; Diod. 14,17,4-12; 34,1; Paus. 3,8,3-5). K.-W.W.

406, T. was condemned to death and executed with five other stratégot for their failure to rescue shipwrecked soldiers after the victory at -» Arginusae. TRAILL, PAA 517480.

» Peloponnesian War B. BLECKMANN, Athens Weg in die Niederlage, 1998, 269— 314; K.-W. Werwet, Das klassische Athen, 1999, 224236.

WS.

[2] Philosopher and astrologer. Emperor > Tiberius [II 1] met him during his stay on Rhodes and included him among his closest confidants as a teacher. Until his death in AD 36, T. remained one of his principal advisers. None of his works survive complete; some of these deal with mathematical and astronomical-astrological problems, e.g. Ilegi tod éxtaxdedsov (Peri to’ heptachordou, ‘On the Seven-Stringed Canon’; Porph. in Ptol. Harm. p. 91,13f.; 96,16 DURING = DOrRIE/ BALTES 3, no. 87.1 [1.267]), while others are con-

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cerned with philosophical issues such as the Pythagorean and Platonic theories of principles (Porph. Vita Plotini 20,71ff. = DORRIE/BALTES 3, no. 74, ll. 63ff. [z. 282]). His particular interest was in Plato and Democritus [1], whom he considered a ‘follower of Pythagorean teachings’ (Cndwtis tov MvOayoomdy;

ished after the killing of Philippus II, c. 333 BC he was again appointed leader of a tyranny or oligarchy in Messenia (> Messene [2]) [1. 1252 f.].

zelotes ton Pythagorik6én, Diog. Laert. 9,38). He wrote

Thrasymachus from Chalcedon (OQacbuayos Xahxnd06viod/Thrasymachos Chalkédonios). Sophist rhetorician (Pl. Resp. 328b 6; epitaph: 85 A 8 DK; Suda s. v. T.). Aristot. Soph. el. 33,183b 29 placed him between Tisias and + Theodorus [I 3] of Byzantium in the development of rhetorical theory. Aristophanes [3] satirized T. in the Daitalés (85 A 4 DK) in 427 BC as a sophist and rhetorician. T.’ speech for the Larisaeans (Clem. Al. Strom. 6,16) must have been written after 413, when ~» Archelaus [1] came to power. In > Plato [1] (Resp. 328b 8), he appears along with his follower Cleitophon (ibid. 340a 3-b 8). He is characterized as crude and overbearing and is depicted as criticising Socrates for his alleged ‘not-knowing’ (ibid. 337a 3-7). T.’ claim,

introductory works on the life, works and teachings of Democritus, and probably also on Plato (Diog. Laert. 9,41). Extant fragments from these writings include a classification of the dialogues of Plato and their division into tetralogies (Diog. Laert. 3,56-6r = DORRIE/ BALTES 2, no. 48.1), where T. apparently drew on earlier models [2. 338-344], and a corresponding division of the works of Democritus (Diog. Laert. 9,45-48). 1 DOrrRt1E/BALTES 3, 1993

2 DORRIE/BALTES 2, 1990.

FRAGMENTS: H.TarRANT, Thrasyllan Platonism 1993, 215-249. BiBLIOGRAPHY: L.DeiTz, Bibliographie du platonisme impérial antérieur a Plotin, in: ANRW II 36.1, 1987, 162; J. MANSFELD, Prolegomena 1994, 58-107; H. TARRANT, (ibid.). M-L.L.

[3] Sources from the Imperial Period suggest a music theorist called T., who has been identified with T. [2].

The title of his lost treatise on music has been variously recorded [3. 91,14 and 96,16]; Iegi tov éxta tovwv (Peri ton hepta tonon, ‘On the Seven Tones’) is conjec-

ture. Through > Theon [5], we know about definitions ([4. 47,18-49,5], translated in [1. 212f.]; [4. 85,8ff.]) and a monochord division ([4. 87,4-93,9], translated in [1. 226-229]) by T., rejected by + Nicomachus [9] (MSG 260,12-17; [2.23 and 26; 1.266, n. 87;

5. 165f.]); in > Porphyrius, T.’ definitions of proportions [3. 91,16—92,8], consonance and harmony are at-

tested [3. 96,19-25]. 1 A.BarKER, Greek Musical Writings, vol. 2, 1989 2 C. Bower, Boethius und Nicomachus, in: Vivarium 16, 1978, 1-45 31.DUrtING, Porphyrios’ Kommentar zur Harmonielehre des Ptolemaios, 1932 4 E.HILLER (ed.),

Theon Smyrnaeus, 1878 (repr. 1976)

5 F. Levin, The

Manual of Harmonics of Nicomachus, 1994

6 MSG.

RO.HA.

Thrasylochos (QgacbAoyxoc/Thrasylochos). [1] Son of Cephisodorus from the > Anagyrus deme, Athenian, brother of Meidias [2] (Dem. Or. 21,78; 28,17); in 363 BC he forced Demosthenes [2] into a costly > trierarchia with an > antidosis action; he was himself a trierarchos, probably as early as 361 (Ps.Dem. Or. 50,52) yet before 325/4 (IG II* 1629d,753 f.; 1631b,121 f.). A dedication to Amphiaraus 338330 BC is preserved epigraphically (SEG 15,285); PA 7347; DAVIES 385 f. [2] Messenian politician in the 4th cent. BC; with his brother Neon [2] he was denounced by Demosthenes [2] (Or. 17,4; 18,295; Theop. FGrH rrs5 F 41) asa proMacedonian tyrant and friend of Philippus [4] II, but praised by Pol. 18,14,3 as a patriotic statesman. Ban-

THRASYMACHUS

1 H. WANKEL, Demosthenes. Rede fiir Ktesiphon tiber den Kranz, 1976 (comm.).

JE.

made in his conversation with Socrates [2], that ‘the

just’ is nothing but ‘the advantage of the stronger’ (ibid. 33 8c 1-2), isan expression of T.’ criticism of the decline of morals and law in the Athens of the > Peloponnesian War and of its interior strife. T. was known as a teacher of rhetoric, (Pl. Phdr. 266c 2-5, 269d 6-8, 271a 4-7) and reputed for his contributions to the development of rhetoric: The Suda (s.v. T.) lists the following titles: Téchné rhétoriké (educational book of rhetoric), Aphormai rhétorikai (rhetorical topoi), Symbouleutikai (speeches of advice),

Paignia (epideictic model speeches); other attested works: Aristot. Rh. 1404a 13: éleoi (instructions on how to evoke pity, cf. Pl. Phdr. 267c 7-d 2); Ath. 10,416a: a collection of prooemia; Schol. Aristoph. Av. 880: a great educational book of rhetoric; Plut. Symp. 1,2,3: hyperballontes (crushing speeches, arguments); Dion. Hal. Dem. 3. p. 132,13: démégorikoi logoi (speeches to the people). According to Aristot. Rh. r404a 12-15, T.’ text about the evocation of pity dealt with issues of presentation (hypokrisis) as well, so he must have been aware ofits importance in arousing emotions (cf. Quint. Inst. 3,3,4). According to Cic. Orat. 39, T. and Gorgias [2] from Leontini were the first to discuss epideictic speech (> epideixis). Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus claims that according to Theophrastus, T. introduced the rhythmic period with the paeon as the main rhythm (Dem. 3 p. 132,4 ff.) and created the middle style (Dion. Hal. Dem. 3 p. 132,3 ff., cf. Cic. Orat.

79). FRAGMENTS: D1eLs/KRANZ 85; M.UNTERSTEINER, Sofisti, *1967, vol. 2, 175-180; RADERMACHER, Art. Script., 70-76.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: SCHMID/STAHLIN I, vol. 3, 2-11; GuTuriE, vol. 3; PLaronicus, Un retore semi-sofista, in:

Riv. di Filosofia 31, 1940, 27-36; G. BRISCOE KERFERD, The Doctrine of T. in Plato’s “Republic”, in: Durham Univ. Journ. 40, 1947, 19-27; G.M. A. GRruBE, T., Theo-

phrastus and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in: AJPh 71, 1952, 251-267; M.Sorp1, A proposito di uno scritto

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politico del 401-400 a. C., in: RFIC 83, 1955, 175-198;

[3] King of the Gepids, defeated in AD 488 by Theoderic the Great (~» Theodericus [3]) on his way back to Italy. (Paulus Diaconus, Historia Romana 15,15). PERE 2, r124 £ WE.LU.

THRASYMACHUS

G. KENNEDY, The Art of Persuasion in Greece, 1963, 68-

80; R. DAHRENDORE, In Praise of Thrasymachus: Essays in the Theory of Society, 1968, 129 ff.; J.P. MAGuire, T.— or Plato?, in: Phronesis 16, 1971, 142-163; B.H. F. TaurECK, Die Sophisten, 1995, 71-80. OB,

Thrasymedes (Qoaovphdnc/Thrasymedes). [1] Son of > Nestor [1] and Anaxibia (daughter of Cratieus), brother e.g. of Echephron [1] and Peisistratus [1] (Hom. Od. 3,412-415; Apollod. 1,94; Dictys 1,13), father of Sillus and hence grandfather of -» Alemaeon [2] (Paus. 2,18,8). T. and his brother > Antilochus, who is later killed by Memnon [1] (cf. Q. Smyrn. 2,267-3 44),

set off with 15 ships (Hyg. Fab. 97,5) for Troy (Hom. Il. 9,81; 10,25 5-259; 14,9-11 et passim; Philostr. Heroi-

cus 26,10 DE LANnoy contests the participation of the two of them), where he kills two of the enemy (Hyg. Fab. 114; cf. CIG 6126 B). T. is mentioned among the occupants of the Trojan Horse (Q. Smyrn. 12,319; Triphiodorus 169). After the war he returns to Pylus (Hom. Od. 3,39; 3,412-4153 3,442-450), where he is also buried (Paus. 4,36,2). T. is depicted at the temple of > Messene [1] (Paus. 4,31,11).

SLA.

[2] Son of Arignotus anda sculptor from Paros. C. 3 80370 BC, in Epidaurus he created the gold-ivory cult image of Asclepius, which is copied on coins and described by Paus. 2,27,2 (> Gold-ivory technique). According to surviving building accounts at the temple T. made the ceiling, the door and grating between the columns. OVERBECK, Nr. 853; 854; 854a; G. Roux, L’architecture de |’Argolide aux IV¢ et III° siécles avant J. C., 1961, 84130; P. MORENO,s. v. T., EAA 7, 1966, 838 f.; B. KRAUSE, Zum Asklepios-Kultbild des T. in Epidauros, in: AA 1972, 240-257; A.STEWART, Greek Sculpture, 1990, 273 f.; L. Topisco, Scultura greca del IV secolo, 1993, 58; B.S.

RipGway, Fourth-Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, 1997, 36f.; G.B. WayweELL, The Sculptors of the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus, in: Id., I. JENKINS (eds.), Sculptors and Sculpture of Caria and the Dodecanese, 1997, 60-65. R.N.

Thrasymus (Oedovpoc; Thrasymos). Significant mining area in the Attic deme of Sunium in

-> Laurium,

connected with other mining areas by roads, located in the Botsari valley on account of the site where IG II* 2638 was found. H. LOHMANN, Atene, 1993, Index s. v. Th., ill.

12.

H.LO.

Thraustila [1] Protector of + Valentinianus [4] III, formerly in the service of > Aetius [5]. He and Optila murdered Valentinianus in AD 455, in order to avenge the death of Aetius, probably on the instructions of -» Maximus [8], to whom he delivered the diadem (Iohannes Antiochenus fr. 201,4 f., FHG 4, 615; Chron. min. 1,303, where he is Aetius [2]’ son-in-law; 2,86). PLRE 2,1117 f. [2] Magister militum in the Eastern empire, executed after a conspiracy against > Zeno [18] in AD 480 (lohannes Antiochenus fr. 211,4, FHG 4, 619). PLRE Ap Heated

Threnos (8of\voc/thrénos, pl. thrénoi), dirge, lament.

Homer apparently differentiated between a more spontaneous y6os (gdos, ‘weeping’, ‘wailing’) by relatives or friends (cf. Hom. Il. 18,316; 24,723; 24,747) and the threnos sung by outsiders: -» Hector’s body, laid out on a bed, is surrounded by singers (Hom. Il. 24,719-722), the leaders of the threnos (aoyoc/éxarchos: Hom. Il. 24,721; t&coyew/exdrchein: 18,316) and the women who accompany the song with lamentations. In the lament for Patroclus (Hom. Il. 18,28—3 1 and 339-342), the captured Trojan women sing the refrain part. Thus from the earliest times the singers of a threnos were accompanied by unarticulated crying and lamenting; later, it was common to hire professional mourners on a regular basis, cf. Aesch. Cho. 733 (probably) and PI. Leg. 800e. In Athens, Solon limited the use of hired threnos singers (Plut. Solon 21,4) [3. 10-14]. The threnos developed into a special poetic genre; works by — Pindarus [2] (fr. 128a-139 MAEHLER) and > Simonides [2] (PMG 520-531) i.a. were referred to as threnoi, but not before the Alexandrians [5. 71-100] (on laments in > tragedy cf. > kommos [2]}). The Hellenistic Period saw the development of the hexametric threnos (Epitaphios Bionos; Epitaphios Adonidos [1; 2)). In Antiquity, the custom of singing the threnos was assumed to be of non-Greek origin [5. 59-61, 66]; threnoi are mentioned for Trojans only (Hom. Il. 24,721, not, however,

for Patroclus, cf. Suda s. v. 8gnvovc).

This might have been the reason why Hom. Od. 24,5861 (the muses sing a threnos for Achilles while the Nereids are lamenting) was rejected — perhaps rightly — by the T scholia. + Death; — Epicedium; — Epitaphios; -- Kommos; ~ Mourning EDITIONS: 1A.S. F. Gow, Bucolici Graeci, 1952 2 J.D. REED, Bion of Smyrna, the Fragments and the Adonis, 1997 (with commentary).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3 M.A exiou, The Ritual Lament in Greek Tradition, 1974 4K.DERDERIAN, Leaving Words to Remember (Mnemosyne Suppl. 209), 2001 5 E. RerNER, Die rituelle Totenklage der Griechen, 1938.

E.R.

Threshing. In Antiquity, harvested grain was prepared for storing in two steps: threshing served to extracted the grain from its husks, whereas winnowing separated the grains from chaff, straw, bad seeds or weeds. Not all

kinds of grain are suitable for threshing; spelt (far) had to be roasted and pounded. There were various methods of threshing wheats (avedc/pyrés, Latin triticum, siligo): the ears could be trodden out by animals (toipew/tribein, matetv/patein, Latin exterere), usually cattle, or various kinds of implements could be dragged across the harvested grain; beating with sticks is also documented. Threshing and winnowing are often de-

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THRESHING

were separated from the stalks, the grain could be taken straight into a barn and beaten out with sticks of various lengths (baculum; pertica; Columella 2,20,4; Plin. HN 18,298) in winter. The three-part flexible flail (fla-

gellum) probably did not become prevalent until Late Antiquity, and probably particularly in northern Gaul. Winter threshing had advantages, because in that season a sufficient workforce was available; it was characteristic of smallholdings and subsistence farming. In Homer, winnowing (Atxpwav/likmdn, ventilare, evannare, evallere) is done with a winnowing-shovel (atbov/ptyon, ventilabrum, pala); as the use of the verb \txuav shows, however, the winnowing-fan (Aixvov/ liknon, Mupdc/likmos, vannus, vallus) was already known. Long straw was shaken up and winnowed out with a pitch fork (Sixeavov; dikranon). To separate corn and chaff, according to Xenophon it was important to pay attention to the direction of the wind; it was necessary to prevent the chaff being carried by the wind insufficiently far and falling back to the ground on top of the grain. The wicker-work fan was used in various ways: if it was windy, either the grain was thrown up into the air or the fan was shaken in an elevated position, so that the lighter parts fell away from it. It was also possible to shake the fan in such a way that the corn collected in the deeper part at the back and the chaff slid forwards to the flat part at the front, where it could easily be removed. Columella advises this procedure particularly for windless days. A winnow fan was used to sort the seed (capisterium, Columella 2,9,11). Legumes were also threshed and winnowed (Hom. II. 13,588-592; Columella 2,10,13f.).

1. Tribulum, threshing-sledge (seen from above and below). 2. Plostellum Poenicum (seen from above and below).

The threshing-floor was a large open space with a levelled and stamped-down floor; Cato gives precise directions for laying out a threshing-floor (Cato Agr. 91; 129; cf. Hom. Il. 13,588; 20,496; Hes. Op. 598): it

was primarily a question of keeping vermin away from

scribed in ancient literature, particularly by the agronomists (Hom. Il. 5,499-502; 20,495-497; Hes. Op. 597-599;

mella

Xen. Oec. 18,3-8; Varro Rust. 1,52; Colu-

2,20;

Plin.

HN

18,298;

Gp.

2,26).

Homer,

Hesiod and Xenophon, as well as Columella attest to summer threshing with cattle; in early Greek poetry, winnowing is considered to be the work of the goddess Demeter. Apart from oxen, according to Xenophon mules and horses were also used for treading out grain (Xen. Oec. 18,4; Columella 2,20,4; Plin. HN 18,298; Anth. Gr. 9,301; representation on a northern African mosaic: [3]), in the Roman period horses were preferred. As implements deployed for threshing Varro mentions a threshing-sledge the underside of which was studded with sharp points (tribulum) and a threshing-cart with iron disks (plostellum Poenicum), used primarily in Spain; both were drawn by oxen, with the driver standing on the threshing-cart to increase its weight. Columella expressly recommends the use of tribula or trahea (Colum. 2,20,4), if only few working animals (pauca iuga) are available. If in harvesting only the ears

the threshing-floor (Verg. Georg. 1,178-186; Columella 2,19). According to Columella the threshingfloor should be paved with stone in order to prevent the grain being polluted by mud and soil (Columella. 1,6,23). The threshing-floor in Varro was circular with a slight elevation in the middle, so that water would run off as quickly as possible (Varro Rust. 1,51). An open barn at the edge of the threshing-floor made it possible to move the grain to protection from sudden rain (Varro Rust. 1,13,5). » Agrarian writers; > Grain 1 BLUMNER, Techn. 1, 3-13. 2 E. CHRISTMANN, Wiedergewinnung antiker Bauerngerate. Philologisches und Sachliches zum Trierer und zum ratischen Dreschsparren sowie zum romischen Dreschstock, in: TZ 48, 1985, 139-

155 3K.M. D. DunBasBin, The Mosaics of Roman North Africa, 1978, fig.96 4 F.OLcK,s.v. Dreschen, RE 10, 1700-1706 5 W.RicHTER, Die Landwirtschaft im homerischen Zeitalter, ArchHom, 1968, H. 121-123 6 M.S. Spurr, Arable Cultivation in Roman Italy, 1986,

73-78 7K.D. Wuire, Agricultural Implements of the Roman World, 1967, 152-156 8 Id., Farm Equipment of the Roman World, 1975, 75-77 ing, 1970, 184-187.

9 Id., Roman FarmE.C.

627

628

Thria (Ogic/Thria). Large Attic > paralia deme, chief town of the coastal Trittys (+ Trittyes), Oineis phyle, from 126/7 AD part of the + Hadrianis phyle, seven (eight) bouleutat; situated in the plain of - Eleusis [1] named after T. (Thridsion pedion) at modern Aspropyrgos (formerly Kalyvia) 5 km to the northeast of Eleusis (cf. [3]); an aqueduct led from the > Parnes to T.

arm-rests. The sides were often shaped as animals or animal protomae; the legs were often worked in the shape of animal legs. Apart from a few fragments in stone, most thrones were probably made of wood and hence in the area of the Near East have not been preserved, but are known from numerous depictions. Thrones were presumably usually provided with metal (gold) or ivory embellishments (cf. the numerous surviving examples from Egypt).

THRIA

IG Il* 2500 (found in Eleusis) relates to an agora, to

which the Thriasians and the Eleusinians had access. From T. itself there are no records. The large bay coastline of the Plain of T., bounded to the north by the Parnes, to the east by the > Aegaleos, had been settled since the Neolithic; archaeological remains have now been largely destroyed; a Mycenaean bridge survives [1]. Access from the west is controlled by the Palaiokastro and Plakoto forts [2. 520 fig. 12-14], in the north was the — Phyle [2] fortress, in the east the -»Dema blocked northern access to the Plain of > Athens [1]. The sacred road from Athens to Eleusis

[4] led through the Plain of T. 1 M.Lancpon, A Cyclopean Bridge and Rutted Road in the Thriasian Plain, in: SMEA 34, 1994, 51-60 pl. 1-4 2 H.LoHMaANN, Die Chora Athens im 4. Jahrhundert

M.Metzcer,

Konigsthron

und Gottesthron.

Thronfor-

men und Throndarstellungen in Agypten und im Vorderen Orient, 1985; E. SIMPSON, Furniture in Ancient Western Asia, in: J.SASSON (ed.), Civilization of the Ancient Near East, vol. 3, 1995, 1647-1671; E.GuBEL, Phoeni-

cian Furniture, 1987; K.P. KUHLMANN,

s.v. T., LA 5,

523-529.

HJ.N.

II. PHOENICIA

In the highly developed art of Phoenician furniture, the ‘Sphinx Throne’ (sides with — sphinx arm-rests), developed from early Egyptian forms, is a genuinely Phoenician

+ Ahiram

creation.

Earliest

Sarcophagus;

representation

widespread

on

the

(- Sidon,

y. Chr., in: W. EDER (ed.), Die athenische Demokratie im

Esmin Sanctuary) from the rst millennium BC until the

4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Bellagio August 1992), 1995, 515-548 3 TRAILL, Attica 9, 20, 50, 59, 67, 112 Nr. 137, lab.6,15 4 TRAvLos, Attika 91, 95, 177-199, Ill. 225-244.

Hellenistic and Roman periods as a throne for a god or goddess (Baal, Astarte) among other functions.

TRAVLOS, Attika 52, 81, 319 f.

H.LO.

Thriambos see > Dionysus I C 5; > Dithyramb Thrinacie (Oguwaxin; Thrinakie). Mythical island, near > Scylla [1] and > Charybdis (Hom. Od. 12,260f.), on

which the daughters of the sun god Helios (> Sol) mind his sacred oxen. In vain > Teiresias and > Circe warn -» Odysseus that his and his companions’ fate depends on

the oxen’s

being unharmed

(ibid.

11,110-112;

12,137-139): when Odysseus falls asleep, his starving companions, instigated by > Eurylochus [1], slaughter the animals (ibid. 12,260-402), and all therefore later die, while Odysseus alone survives. Attempts at locating this island (since Thuc. 6,2,2) miss the point, as with the > Lotophagi. REN.

Thrius (Qe.otc; Thriotis). City in Achaea (-> Achaei [1]; Plin. HN 4,22) probably to the southwest of —> Patrae, precise location unknown. Subsequently part of — Elis [2] (Steph. Byz. s. v. ©.). T. appears c. 120 BC in a votive inscription for Zeus of Olympia (SEG 15, 254, aa)

SAT.

Phoenician

Furniture

(= Studia Phoenicia

19873 Id.,.s: v. Th., DCPP, 472.

7),

H.G.N.

II]. GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY In Graeco-Roman Antiquity, the throne (6Q0vo¢/ thronos; Latin solium; seat with back, sometimes also

arm-rests and foot-stool) is the seat of gods and goddesses, kings and queens, dead heroes, priests and honoured guests. In Roman culture, the solium was the

representational seat of a > pater familias, who sat on it to receive his clients in the mornings (> Salutatio) and

give them his legal advice. Famous examples are the thrones of Apollo in + Amyclae [1], Asclepius in > Epidaurus and Zeus in -» Olympia. The material used for thrones was primarily wood, which could be inlaid or fitted with ivory, gold or silver. Thrones appear in the inventories of the sanctuaries to which they were consecrated (Hdt. 1,14,3;

Paus.

5,12,5;

—» Votive

offerings).

Evidently,

the

thrones of Mycenaean rulers were of wood, because in

the palaces of +» Mycenae, > Pylos [2] and > Tiryns the settings they stood in have survived. A stone throne with a high back, missing arm-rests and a low seat survives in > Knossos (‘throne room’). Thrones whose legs

ended in animal feet, which had a round or rectangular cross-section or were turned on a lathe, were familiar in

Throne I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGypt II]. GRAECO-ROMAN

E.GuBeL,

II. PHOENICIA

ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPT

Ceremonially decorated piece of furniture for gods and rulers to sit on, with a high back and often with

the Greek, Etruscan and Roman periods. The back could be worked as a continuous surface or consist of separate crossbars. A special variant is the Etruscan sphinx throne’, named after the crouching sphinxes (+ Sphinx) to the sides of the seat, which can be

traced to Phoenician models (see above II.). The Etruscan ‘round thrones’, with their truncated cone or cylin-

629

630

der bases and rounded back and seat, were common from the 7th cent. BC onwards and lasted until the Roman period. Of the surviving thrones, Etruscan bronze round thrones, the marble thrones of the Theatre of Dionysus in Athens and the wood and ivory specimen from Salamis [2] (in Cyprus) are outstanding. + Furniture (with illustrations); > Palace IV.; > Seat

fare; according to Epicharmus in Ath. 2,64f and Calp. Ecl. 3,48, olives). Plin. HN 10,147 (following Aristot. Hist. an. 6,1,559a 5—8) describes the nests of fieldfares, which breed in groups, in tall trees. Varro Rust. 3,5,7 claims that they transmigrate over the sea in the autumn. Valued as a particular delicacy (+ Delicacies) (cf. Greek evidence in Ath. 2,64f; 6,268c; 9,370d and

RICHTER,

Furniture,

13-33;

85-89; 98; rox; S.STEIN-

GRABER, Etruskische Mobel, 1979, 22-34; 93-106; 148157; H.PRUckNeER, Ein Thron fiir Apollon, in: H. FroNING (ed.), Kotinos, Festschrift fiir E. Simon, 1992, 123130; $.T. A. M. Mous-Houren, Meubels in Herculaneum. Vorm, Techniek en Functie, 1994; M.D. ScHON,

Der Thron aus der Marsch, exhibition catalogue Museum Burg Bederkesa, 1995; M. TORELLI, The ‘Corsini Throne’: A Monument of the Etruscan Genealogy of a Roman Gens, in: Id., Tota Italia. Essays in the Cultural Formation of Roman Italy, 1999, 150-164. R.H.

Thronion (Ogdvwov; Thronion). City in eastern Locris (> Locri [1]) on the northeastern slopes of Mount

-» Cnemis at the edge of the Boagrius plain, which opens on to the Gulf of Malia, on the coast road to ~ Thermopylae (Aeschin. Or. 2,132) near modern Palaiokastro (traces of Hellenistic and Roman

settle-

ments, surviving fortifications). T. was home to the family of Ajax [2] (Hom. Il. 2,533; Eur. Iph. A. 262 ff.). Severely affected by the earthquake of 426 BC (Demetrius of Callatis FGrH 85 F 6), T. was the main centre of

eastern Locris,however, until the rise of + Scarphea in Late Antiquity (Scyl. 61; Str. 9,4,4; Ptol. 3,15,17; Plin. HN 4,27). T. was involved in the founding of > Abdera {x] (Pind. fr. 52b 1), of T. in Thesprotia (not located; Paus. 5,22,3 f.), possibly of > Cyme [3] (Str. 13,3,3). T. was conquered in 431 BC, in the. Peloponnesian War, by the Athenians (Thuc. 2,26,2), and in 3 53, in the third of the + Sacred Wars, by > Onomarchus, who enslaved its inhabitants (Diod. 16,33,3); in 346 BC, T. was assigned to Philippus [4] Il (Aeschin. Or. 2,132). Inscriptions attest to conflicts with Scarphea (FdD, vol.

3, 38,33 42,7). G.KLAFFENBACH, Zur Geschichte von Ost-Lokris, in: Klio 20, 1926, 68-88; W.K. PrircHeTT, Studies in Ancient Greek Top. 4, 1982, 151-155; MULLER, 441; S.L.

THUBURBO

Latin e.g. in Hor. Sat. 2,5,10; Epist. 1,15,40f.; Ov. Ars am. 2,269; Martial. 13,51; 13,92 and Pers. 6,24), they were caught with nets or snares (Hom. Od. 22,468), with birdlime (Alci. 3,30,1; Petron. Sat. 40 [2. 267f.])

or in pits (Dionysius, Ixeutika 3,13). From the end of the Republican period they were fattened in avaries (turdaria

or just aviaria,

dovOdvec/ornithones

as a

loanword in Varro Rust. 3,2,15) in Italy (Plin. HN 10,60 with reference to Cornelius Nepos; Plut. Lucullus 40; Plut. Pompeius 2 and ro). These are described in

detail in Varro Rust. 3,5,1-6 [2. 267] and Columella 8,10, including the methods of feeding. A breeder realised 15,000 denarii for 5,000 birds at Reate c. 54 BC (Varro Rust. 3,2,15). In Diocletian’s Price Edict the highest price was twice this amount. Physicians recommended (cf. Gal. Fac. alim. 3,18,3; De bon. malisque succis 3,1) the flesh as dietetically valuable. 1 LEITNER

2 TOYNBEE

3 KELLER 2, 76ff.

C.HU.

Thryon (Qgvov; Thryon). Township on the lower Alpheius [1] mentioned in Homer (Il. 2,592; 11,711f., under the name Thryoessa). Location not known for certain. In Antiquity identified with > Epitalium on the southern bank of the Alpheius (Str. 8,3,23-25), but it may also have been situated on its northern bank [1]. 1 F. BOLTE, Ein pylisches Epos, in: RhM 83, 1934, 324 f.5 327 f. T.GO.

Thuburbo [1] T. Maius. City in Africa proconsularis (— Africa [3]; Plin. HN 5,29; Ptol. 4,3,35; It. Ant. 48,9; Tab. Peut. 5,4), 65 km to the southwest of + Carthage in the fer-

tile valley of the Oued Miliane, modern Henchir Kasbat. The original Berber town was considerably Punicized [1. 300-302]; inscriptions [2. 885; 3; 4] and sev-

AGER, Interstate Arbitrations in the Greek World, 1996, 370-374, 482-490. G.D.R.

eral buildings from the Roman period used by Punic cults are evidence of this process. From the time of ~ Hadrianus a > municipium [5. 244, 278], from the

Thrush (xiydn/kichle, Doric xyha/kichela, Latin tur-

time of - Commodus a colonia (CIL VII 1, 848; [5. 267, 281; 6. 719]). From 258 onwards a see.

dus). Collective name for several species: according to Ps.-Aristot. Hist. an. 9,20, 617a 8-22 (cited in Ath.

2,64f) the Mistle Thrush (\G0BdQ0¢; ixobdros), the smaller Song Thrush (towyac; trichds) and perhaps the Redwing [1. 243] (iAtac, haces; ilias, illas: Ath. 2,65). After the first occurence (Hom. Od. 22,468), mentions are quite frequent from the 6th cent. BC onwards. Of the way of life of thrushes, which do not breed in Greece and Italy, apart from the mistle-thrush (in mountainous regions), little was known apart from its feeding (according to Aristoph. Av. 591 insects; according to Ael. NA 1,35 juniper berries, probably referring to the field-

1C.G. Picarp, Catalogue du Musée Alaoui, N. S. vol. 1.1, without date vol. 2,1907-1914

2 Répertoire d’€pigraphie semitique, 3 J.-B. CHaBor, Inscription bilingue de T. M., in: Le Muséon 37, 1924, 162-164 4 L. Pornssor, Une inscription bilingue de T. M., in: Bull. du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques. Section d’archéologie, 1938-40, 394-399 5R.Cacnar et al. (eds.), Inscriptions Latines d’Afrique, 1923 6 A. MERLIN (eds.), Inscriptions Latines de la Tunisie, 1944. AATun 050, p. 35, no. 67; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de |’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 199-205; A. Lézine, Th. M., 1968; E.LipiNski, s.v. Th. M., DCPP, 452; E.M. RUPRECHTSBERGER, Th. M., in: Antike Welt 13.4, 1982,

2-21.

631

632

[2] T. Minus. City in Africa proconsularis (> Africa

strengthened democracy (emphasized in Plut. Pericles 12,5). His criticism of the offensive sea-league policy was aimed at methods, certainly not the cause. The ostracisation (-» ostrakismos) of T. in 443 was a consequence not least of inconsistent behaviour, and heralded the ‘era’ of Pericles, defined by the historian T. [2] as ‘rule of the first man’ (Thuc. 2,65). Plut. Pericles 11,3 transfers the polarity of political parties at Athens (aristokratike and demotike prohairesis) by analogy to the stand-off between optimates and populares in late Republican Rome. T.’ role after his return to Athens in 433 remains unclear. The assertion of Satyrus [8] (in Diog. Laert. 2,12) that he prosecuted Anaxagoras [2] for — médismos is dubious. Plutarch’s information relies especially on Stesimbrotus of Thasos (FGrH 107,

THUBURBO

[3]; It. Ant. 44,1; Tab. Peut. 5,4), 45 km to the west of > Carthage in the valley of the - Bagradas, modern Tebourba (ancient remains, e.g. an amphitheatre). After 36 BC the later Augustus founded Colonia Octavanorum Thuburbitanorum for veterans of the Eighth Legion there. AATun 050, p. 19, no. 75; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afri-

que romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 205 f.

W.HU

Thubursicum [1] Th. Bure (Punic Tbrbs{j]?). Punicized Berber town in Africa proconsularis (+ Africa [3.]; Aug. contra Cresconium 3,43,47; cf. Ptol. 4,3,29; Geogr. Rav 39,31), 8 km to the northwest of > Thugga, modern

Teboursouk. Evidence of a cult of Baal Hamon (> Interpretatio Il. Romana: Frugifer; [1. 506]). A > municipium from the time of Septimius [II 7] Severus, from Gallienus a colonia. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 1424-1469;

2, 10618;

Suppl.

1, 15254-15360;

4,

25994-26092; [I. 504-508; 2. 1329-13 54; 3. 12]. 1R.Caenat et al. (ed.), Inscriptions Latines d’Afrique, 1923 2A.MERLIN (ed.), Inscriptions Latines de la Tuni-

fr. 10a). + Delian League P.KRENTZ, The Ostracism of Thoukydides, Son of Mele-

sias, in: Historia 33, 1984, 499-504; H.D. MEYER, Thukydides Melesiou und die oligarchische Opposition gegen Perikles, in: Historia 16, 1967, 141-154. Ww.

sie, 1944 3 J.-B. CHapoT (ed.), Recueil des inscriptions libyques, 1940/41.

[2] T. of Athens. Important Greek historian, author of a history of the + Peloponnesian War (431-404) in 8 books.

AATun 050, p. 33, no. 27; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de |’Afri-

I. ORIGINS AND LIFE

que romaine,

vol. 2, 1981,

206-209;

Y. THEBERT,

II. Works

III. APPRAISAL

Ss. v.

I. ORIGINS AND LIFE

Teboursouk, DCPP, 443.

Son of Olorus, of the Athenian Halimus deme, born

[2] T. Numidarum. Ancient Numidian city (centre of

the > Musulamii) in Africa proconsularis (— Africa [3.]; Tac. Ann. 4,24,1; Aug. Epist. 44,1), 32 km to the southwest of Souk-Ahras (in Algeria), modern Khamissa, with significant ancient remains (e.g. a > theatre with a 54 m scaenae frons). From the time of Traianus [1], a > municipium (ILAlg 1, 1240), before AD 270 a colonia (ibid. 1, 1268). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 48745141; Suppl. 1, 17150-17203; ILAlg 1, 1220-1982; [x]. 1 J. CaRcopino, Note sur deux Inscriptions nouvelles de Khemissa, in: Revue Africaine 58, 1914, 353-361. AAAIg, p. 28, no. 297; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 210-217. W.HU.

Thucritus (Oovxettoc; Thoukritos). Son of Thucritides of the deme Halimus; Athenian, whose son Euxitheus had to attest to the citizenship of Th. ina trial c. 346 BC (Dem. Or. 57,28,67 f.). LGPN 2,s. v. T., p. 227 No 7; PA 7259.

|.E.

Thucydides (Qovxvdidyo/Thoukydides). [1] Son of Melesias, son-in-law of -» Cimon [2] (Schol. Aristid. 46), Athenian politician from the Alopece deme. Represented the oligarchs from the mid-4 50s, at least from 449. Plutarch made him the embodiment of the political forces opposing > Pericles [1] (Plut. Pericles 6,2 f.; 8,5; 11; 14; Fab. Max. 30,2). T. attacked Athenian building policies, because, being linked with a social welfare and employment programme, they

in c. 460 BC, died at an unknown date. T. certainly experienced the end of the Peloponnesian War in 404 (Thuc. 2,65,12; 5,26,1), and some passages of his work allow the inference that he knew events from the early 4th cent. For instance, the assessment of the Macedonian king Archelaus [1] (died in 399) sounds like an obituary (2,100); a speech of the Syracusan Athenagoras (6,36—40) may reflect experiences with > Dionysius

{1] I, who had admittedly founded his military monarchy as early as 406, but was only able to establish himself after a number of years. Everything considered, T. may still have been writing in 397, if the Lichas referred to as still living on an inscription from Thasos (CRAI 1983, 376-403) is identifiable with the one whose death T. (8,84,5) reports. The name of his father, Olorus, indicates Thracian —

and royal — descent

(Hdt. 6,39). Although

foreign

names more often entered the Athenian repertoire through diplomatic or amicable contacts than through blood relationship, there is much to suggest that he had close connections with Thrace (> Thraci): T. certainly had inherited mining concessions and political influence there (4,105), his observations on the wildness of

Thrace (7,29,3), its economy

(2,97) and mythology (2,39) have a ring of expert knowledge, and his deployment as one of the two ‘strategoi in Thrace’ in 424 (4,104,4) is probably no coincidence, but the result of

specialist experience in the sphere of the northern Aegean, of which the Athenians availed themselves on this occasion.

633

634

Nothing certain is known of T.’ life up to 431, when he started writing his history of the war as it began (1,1). Like other young Athenians of good family, he will have visited the games at Olympia, Delphi and elsewhere in the 440s and 430s, and in the course of this will probably also have met > Pindarus [2], whose homeland of Boeotia was controlled by Athens from 457-446. T. fell ill with plague in 430, but survived. Although his perceptive, seemingly medically competent description of the disease (2,48—53), whose impact on morality and religion he recounts, is less technical in its medical vocabulary than the Hippocratic treatises, it surpasses the medical writings in terms of close inspection: T. recognizes the phenomena of infectious transmission and of immunity acquired through the disease (cf. > Epidemic diseases). Although medical metaphors are widespread in early Greek poetry (e.g. in Pindar), it may be assumed that T. was more specialized in his familiarity with ~ medicine when he draws an analogy of a medical maxim as a piece of advice from Nicias [1] to the prytanis, namely that as ‘physicians’ to a city badly advised they should “do (...) as much good as they can, or in any case no harm that they can avoid” (6,14). T. probably served as a > strategos in the mid-420s, and is known to have been active in the northern Aegean in 424 (4,104,4). There, in the winter of 424/3, he failed to forestall a surprise attack by the Spartan general > Brasidas on + Amphipolis. The loss of the city, partly settled by Athenians and important for its shipbuilding timber, led to T.’ banishment (or flight to forestall conviction; + phyge). His report of events betrays no trace of an attempt to exonerate himself or to shift blame to his co-strategos Eucles. Nor is his exaltation of Brasidas as a kind of second Achilles, whose aura and charisma obviously had their effect on T., attributable to the petty motive of excusing his own failure: Brasidas is in no way idealized. T. coolly reports his

vincing blend of rhetoric and factual report (7,43-4; 70-87). The wealth of detail sometimes seems to betray T. the eye-witness, as in the account of the games at + Olympia in 420 (cf. 5,49-50), but the departure of the Athenian fleet for Sicily is just as vividly described (6,30-32), and that he cannot have seen.

“seductive

dences which do not fit into the pentad scheme, e.g. between the first third of the fourth book (Spartan rout at Pylos in 424) and Books 6 and 7 (especially 7,71,7; Athenian defeat in Sicily). The only other work ascribed to T. in Antiquity was an epigram on the tragedian Euripides [1]. This attribution is usually doubted, but the quality of the poem is high and it does betray echoes of “T.’; moreover, T. was interested in epigrams as an art form, and often quoted them.

untruths”

(4,108,5; cf. 4,85,7), to which

cities like > Scione enthusiastically succumbed (5,32,1)

before suffering a cruel fate at the hands of the Athenians when Sparta soon relinquished them again (4,121,1).

Banishment allowed T., who was still wealthy thanks to his Thracian possessions, the leisure to travel and gain information at first hand. The break in his biography thus approximates to the recognizable break before the second half of his book (5,25—8,109) and the change in its subject. Where prior to the truce of 423, T. had been an active member of the Athenian political and military elite, his access to official information from Athens now dwindled while his scope for unhurriedly collecting evidence from outside Athens increased. Other than this, T.’ life over the next decades is a matter for speculation. Ancient biographers assumed that he lived in Thrace. Some modern scholars attempt to place him at - Corinth, citing his detailed knowledge of the city. He may equally have spent time on Sicily, researching the locations of the battles whose catastrophic course he exhaustively recounts in a con-

THUCYDIDES

Il. WorKs A. CONTENT

B. METHOD

C. RESEARCH

PROB-

LEMS

A. CONTENT T.’ masterpiece, his description of the war between Athens and Sparta and their respective allies, covers the ‘Ten Years’ War’ (dekétés polemos: 5,25,1) or Archidamian War (> Archidamus [1]) from 431 to the truce of 423 and the Peace of > Nicias [1] of 421 (1,1-5,24), the six-year phase of uneasy (hypoptos: 5,26,3) peace following 421 (5,25-116), Athens’ Sicilian Expedition of 415-413 (books 6 and 7) and, in the eighth book, the war in Attica and the eastern Aegean (Decelean War and Jonian War) and the oligarchic coup (- oligarchia) of 411 at Athens (+ Peloponnesian War D. and E.). T.’ account ends abruptly in the summer of 411. This has led scholars to speculate on the possible construction of the unwritten ninth and tenth books and even to speculations that the entire work may have been structured in two pentads (of 5 books each). As in a diptych, there would be comparable features of the one pentad reflected in the other. There are indeed striking correspondences, e.g. in the introductory passages to Books 1 and 6 with the reports of the beginnings of the Archidamian War and the Sicilian Expedition. But firstly, the order of books as it is today need not be as it was intended by T., although the length of an ancient papyrus scroll is approximately the same as that of a book of T. (> Scroll). Secondly, there are also striking correspon-

B. METHOD Like + Herodotus [1] before him and like the poets Homerus [1], Pindarus [2] and Bacchylides, T. included

carefully prepared — speeches in his work (approximately a quarter of its total length). The high level of abstraction gave problems even to erudite ancient readers with expertise in Greek (cf. Cic. Orat. 9,30), al-

though the speeches may have entirely reflected the tastes of the time. However, unlike his predecessors, T.

perceived authenticity as a problem, and in his unique chapter on methodology

(1,22) claimed to have fur-

635

636

nished his speakers with the rhetoric suitable (ta deonta) for the particular situation and to have reconciled this with the essence of what was really said at the time. This methodological self-awareness gives his work the particular tint which has led to T.’ being called

impression is augmented by the sense that T. only had an incomplete knowledge of the details of the Peace of Nicias. He may have had to wait for the end of the war to insert the treaties. For the advocates of the unitary view, however, these supposed weaknesses are in fact a sign of innovation and ingenuity: the treaty documents supposedly show in an ironic way the gulf between the intentions of diplomacy and the realities of politics. Apparent changes of opinion, e.g. on the Sicilian Expedition’s chances of success (optimistic in principle in 2,65,11; essentially pessimistic in books 6 and 7), are, they argue, not contradictory, but indicate shifts of emphasis and perspective. With such resourcefulness almost any trait can be explained, but presumably not the repetition of two identical lists of people, of 17 names apiece, at a short

THUCYDIDES

the ‘historian’s historian’. This, however, underplays

his consistent appeal to scholars outside the historiographical discipline, whose interest lies in issues of politics and human nature. C. RESEARCH PROBLEMS As well as biographical investigations of individual phases of T.’ life, research work seeking to isolate particular layers of T.’ text deserves attention. This work is also biographical to the extent that it is assumed that T. further developed the plan for his work as he grew older (and matured). If we observe the internal evidence for the time of composition (‘early’ and ‘late’ passages) and indications of a certain unfinished quality (excepting the abrupt end), there is a kind of stratigraphy of his work available for discovery. A ‘unitary’ approach opposes this ‘analytical’ one: the former sees in T.’ work — in spite of its rough corners and edges — an artistically-conceived, undivided whole, composed only after the Peloponnesian War. This dispute on the work’s composition constituted for many decades and long into the r9th cent. the ‘Thucydidean Question’ par excellence. But while the analytical approach has fallen completely out of fashion, a tendency is perceptible over the past 20 years for the unitary concept of the artistic wholeness of the eight books to be carried to extremes. Supporting the analytical direction, it can be said that certain passages clearly anticipate subsequent events, most obviously the allusions to the fall of Athens (e.g. 2,65,12). But these may equally be later insertions, in no way proving that the material and speeches surrounding them were written later. Other passages seem early because they in fact demonstrate no knowledge of developments which T. later placed in the foreground. The role of the Persians and the use of their money in the war is one example. In the sketch of the war up to 404 BC (2,65,10-12), i.e. in spite of its location in the sec-

ond book clearly a late passage, the subsequent Persian subsidies to Sparta are crucial factors explaining the progress of the war, while in the eighth book the Great King and his satraps play a major role in diplomatic efforts. The likewise important financial relations of Athens with the Persians after 412, conversely, are only explained inadequately, indeed scarcely mentioned (cf. 5,26). It seems, therefore, that no parenthesis was made

here. It has been seen as a sign of incompleteness that large sections of the work (e.g. the last book and much of the fifth book from 5,25) lack otherwise common characteristics, especially direct speech. Moreover, those sections also have peculiarities such as unprocessed treaty documents (two in dialect) which are not found elsewhere (except in the documents of the truce of 423 in 4,118). For the years after 421, this kind of unfinished

interval (5,19 and 5,24). The conclusion remains that contra the unitary view, the text as we have it was not thoroughly revised, and that T. meant to work further on it. However, the unitary approach does offer the advantage that it promotes interest in the fundamental structure of the work and thus in its ‘Homeric’ technique of drawing comparisons across wide expanses of text by using similar phrasing, as e.g. in the words “That close had (...) come to danger” which T. uses of

Mytilene in book 3 and of Syracuse in book 7 (3,49,4/ 7,2,4). Ignoring ‘analytical’ questions of composition also frees the mind to perceive the genuinely literary character of T.” work, i.e. its poetic parallels, perhaps even borrowings. These are especially clear in the dramatic ‘Sicilian Books’ (books 6 and 7): the euphoric start of the Athenian fleet has something in common with Pindar’s departure of the Argonauts (Pyth. 4), and the last chapter of book 7 contains a plethora of metrical phrases and words from the vocabulary of Sophoclean tragedy. Homer is the common source for the tragedy and for T. Il. APPRAISAL The work of T. is neither a ponderous chronicle of war nor a platitudinous political pamphlet, but a supple and complex work of art, whose intended impact, if it had one at all, is extraordinarily difficult to guess. It is difficult to check the historical correctness of its account, because T. seldom cites variant views of events from other authors, and because other literature which might be able to amplify or correct his statements and dates (e.g. Antiochus [19] of Syracuse and Philistus for the Sicilian history) survives only in fragments. The epigraphical record offers a corrective. It shows much greater Athenian interest in the Italian and Sicilian spheres even before the war than are recognizable in T.’ account. Inscriptions may also put the image of the Athenians at the annihilation of the Melians (5,84—116; + Melos [1]) into perspective, or even hint at positive traits in the hated Athenian demagogues (cf. 2,10 f.; 4,27,5-28,5). A little-considered opportunity for corroboration intimately connected with inscrip-

637

638

tions is personal names. Their study in general or by region supports T.’ claim to precision in detail. T. takes much for granted with his readers. Subjects such as women, cults or contests, highlighted by Herodotus and Pindar, are far less prominent in T. His selection criteria cannot easily be reduced to a common denominator, e.g. a reaction to Herodotus (though much suggests it). However, he occasionally affords his readers a fleeting glimpse of the world to which he usually pays no attention. His report of the Olympic Games of 420 BC (5,49 f.) and his digression on the end of the Athenian> tyrannis (6,54-59) read almost like attempts to measure himself against Pindar and Herodotus or even to outdo them. The reception of T.’? work was not as broad in ancient times as that of the everywhere ever-popular Herodotus. But T. never faded from sight, neither in the 4th cent. BC (> Philistus) nor in the Hellenistic period (> Polybius [2]; + Poseidonius [3]), and he enjoyed a certain popularity in the Roman Imperial period among historians who were also interested in politics, e.g. ~ Tacitus; > Sallustius [II 3] also occupied himself with T., while Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus engaged with him especially on a level of literary and stylistic criticism. T. was known only in indirect transmission to mediaeval western Europe, while his work was not without significance to the Byzantine historiographic

Thugenides (Qovyevidys; Thougenides). Poet of the

tradition.

On

reception

from

the Renaissance,

cf.

~» HISTORIOGRAPHICAL MODELS, ~> HISTORIOGRAPHY and + THUCYDIDISM. ~ Athens [1] III.; + Historiography II.; + PeloponneEpiTIons: H.S. JONES, 2 vols., 1900/o1, amplified and reviewed by J.E. PoWELL, 1942; C.HupDE, 1913-1925 (ed. maior), 1920-28 (ed. minor), new ed. by (books 1-2), 1954; G.B. ALBERTI, 2 vols.

(books 1-5), 1972-1992. COMMENTARIES: J. CLASSEN, J.STEuP, T. erklart, 8 vols., 1920-1922; A. W. GOMME, K.J. Dover, A. ANDREWES, A

Historical

Commentary

on

T., 5 vols.,

1945-1981;

S. HoRNBLOWER, A Commentary on T., 2 vols., 19911996; P.J. RHODES, T. (book 2), 1988; Id., T. (books 4,1-

5524), 1998. TRANSLATIONS: H.WEINSTOCK, 1938 (German); A.HORNEFFER, G.STRASBURGER, 1984 (German); P. LANDMANN, 1976* (German); CH. ForRsTER SMITH, T.,

4 vols. 1969-1976 (reprint; English);J.DE ROMILLY, T., 8 vols., 31964-1972 (French). BIBLIOGRAPHY: L.CANFOoRA, Tucidide, 1988; W.R. Connor, T., 1984; J.H. Fintey, Three Essays on T., 1967; K.von Fritz, Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 2 vols., 1967, 523-823; S.HORNBOWER, T., 1987; V. Hunter, The Composition of T.’ History, in: Historia 26, 1977, 269-294; H. Leppin, T. und die Verfassung der Polis, 1999; K.MeisTER, Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 1990, 45-62; H.Patzer, Das Problem der

Geschichtsschreibung des T. und die thukydideische Frage, 1937; H.R. Raw incs III, The Structure of T.’ History, 1981; G.RECHENAUER, T. und die hippokratische Medizin, 1991; T. Roop, T., Narrative and Explanation, 1998; C.SCHNEIDER, Information und Absicht bei T., 1974; E.ScHWwaRz, Das Geschichtswerk des T., *1929; H.-P. STAHL, T., 1966.

Old > Comedy (I. C.); it is uncertain whether he was on

the list of victors at the Dionysia in fifth place after Cratinus [1. test. *1]. Of his only recorded play, Atxaotat (Dikastat, ‘The Judges’), two short fragments

survive; five other play fragments without titles are also uninformative. 1 PCG VI, 1989, 750-752.

H.-G.NE.

Thugga (Punic Thgg). Punicized [1. 258-261] Numidian city in Africa proconsularis (> Africa [3.]; Ptol. 4,3,29; Procop. Aed. 6,5,15), about rookm westsouthwest of > Carthage, modern Dougga, with significant ancient remains from the Punic, Numidian and Roman periods (e.g. the Hellenistic-Numidian mausoleum of ?tbn; [3. 157 f.]). In 307 BC, T. was apparently conquered by one of Agathocles’ [2] officers (Diod. Sic. 20,574: T@xa/T6kai). Between 146 and 46 BC, T. was part of the Numidian kingdom (> Numidae). The transition from a Numidian constitution to a (neo-)Punic one is evidenced in inscriptions (cf. [4. no. ror]; CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 26517). Even after the incorporation of T. into the Roman provincial system (46 BC), Punic constitutional structures (e.g. two —> sufetes and portae) remained in existence [2. 551]. The Romans established in T. a pagus civium Romanorum affiliated to ~ Carthage. In AD 205 the > civitas and the > pagus were amalgamated into a > municipium; from the time of > Gallienus onwards a colonia. Inscriptions: CIL VII 1, 1471-1544; 2, 10619 f.; Suppl. 1, 15502-

15548; 4, 26456-27380; AE 1969-1970, 649; 652 f.; 1991, 1665 f.;[5. 1-9].

sian War; > Sparta I.

O.LuscHnat

THULE

S.HO.

1C.G. Picarp, Catalogue du Musée Alaoui. N. S., vol. 1.1, without a date 2Huss 3 F.RaKxos, Numidische Konigsarchitektur, in: H.G. Horn, Cu.B. RUGER (eds.), Die Numider, 1979, 119-171 4 H.DONNER, W.ROLLIG (eds.), Kanaandische und aramaische Inschriften, vol. 1, 1966 5 J.-B. CHABOT (ed.), Recueil des inscriptions liby-

ques, 1940/41. AATun 050, p. 33, no. 183; G.CAMps, s. v. Dougga, EB 16, 2522-2527; C.LEPELLEY, Les cités de 1l’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981, 218-223.

W.HU.

Thule (QovAn/Thoule). T. was a concept, occasionally a literary term (> Antonius [3]), less often a geographi-

cal location. The idea of a country in the northern Ocean, far to the north of > Britannia, can be found in

Verg. G. 1,30 and almost certainly refers to an account by > Pytheas [4]. Strabo (1,4,2-5; 2,4,13 2,5,83 4,555)

was the first geographer to use the place name T., but he does not say anything about its geographical location. Tac. Agr. ro and Ptol. 2,3,32 applied T. to the Shetland Islands, but probably only because it was the northernmost known land. Lack of clarity about where and what T. was continued throughout Antiquity. Procop. Goth.

2,15,4 ff. ascribed the name to Scandinavia. Everything said about T. was known only from hearsay; but it is at least possible that the much-cited tradition of the ‘frozen sea’ (Str. 14,2; disputed translation)

639

640

was based on the eye-witness account of an individual. The references to 6-month days and 6-month nights

munity, under Augustus T. fell to > Sparta, the population began to migrate away into the plain; as far as is known, T. was the only place dependent on Sparta to mint its Own coins.

THULE

(Plin. HN 2,186) are based on observations but not nec-

essarily on those of Pytheas. M.Cary, E.H.Warmincton, The Ancient Explorers, 1929, 36-40; R.HENNIG, Terrae incognitae 1, *1944,

58-63; B.Cun.tirFe, The Extraordinary Pytheas the Greek, 2001, 116-133.

Voyage

of M.TO

Thumelicus. Son of — Arminius and ~ Thusnelda, presumably born in Roman captivity in AD 15, and paraded in Germanicus’ [2] triumph in AD 17 (Str. 7,1,4). A description of how the boy was raised in Ravenna and fell victim to ridicule, referred to by Tacitus (Tac. Ann. 1,58,6), is lost. When the — Cherusci requested Rome for — Italicus [1] as king in AD 47, T. was no longer alive (Tac. Ann. 11,16,1). T. is the hero of a tragedy, Der Fechter von Ravenna, which appeared in 1854 under the pseudonym Friedrich HALM; its authorship has been fiercely debated [2. 414]. 1D.Trmre, Der Triumph des Germanicus, 1968, 59-74 2R.Wiecets, W.Woesier Varusschlacht, 1995.

(ed.),

Arminius

und

R.Hopre Simpson, Mycenaean Greece, 1981, 129 f.; 3, N. PAPACHATZIS, Tavoaviov “EAAadog Teouynoi 1979, 98-104; K. HarTER-UiBopuu, Das zwischenstaatliche Schiedsverfahren im Achaischen Koinon, 1998, 6372; B.Eper, Argolis, Lakonien, Messenien, 1998, 172 f.

SA.T.

Thurii (Qovoo/Thouriot, Latin Thurii). Greek city on the > Ionios Kolpos where -» Sybaris [4] stood until its destruction in 510 BC, c. 134 km south-west of Tarentum (> Taras[2]); today the field of ruins at the Parco di Cavallo, Parco dei Tori and Casa Bianca. After several

attempts (thwarted by -» Croton) by displaced Sybarites to refound their city (Str. 6,1,13), the Athenians de-

cided in 444/3 BC to found a Panhellenic colony of T. (named after a fountain, Thuria) at Sybaris (Diod. Sic. 12,10 f.; Str. 6,1,13). Among those participating in the

foundation were the historian Herodotus [1] and the sophist Protagoras [1] who wrote a democratic consti-

die VL.

tution in the spirit of > Charondas (Diod. Sic. 12,11,3).

Thumna (Oovuva/Thoumna Ptol. 6,7,31; Tdauva/ Tamna Str. 16,4,2-4 and Steph. Byz.; Thomna Plin. HN 6,153 and 12,64; inscriptions Tumna‘, cf. Biblical Timna‘ Gn 36:12, 1 Chr 1:51; modern Hagar Kuhlan). On the — Incense Road between — Sabbatha and ~ Mariaba in modern Yemen, once the capital of the kingdom of the — Qataban (Kattabaneis). Besides

~» Hippodamus was probably responsible for the innovative arrangement of the city (Diod. Sic. 12,10,6 f.). The beginnings of the colony were marked by conflict with Tarentum over the region of Siris (Antiochus FGrH 555 F 11; Diod. Sic. 12,23,2 f.). This was resolved with the joint foundation of Heraclea [ro] in 433/2 BC (Diod. Sic. 12,36,4). In 413 BC, T. supported the Athenians’ Sicilian expedition (+ Peloponnesian

houses, excavations have revealed a gate building, a

War; Thuc.

temple and graves. The dating is still uncertain: between 685/430 BC and 100/200 AD.

~ Lucaniand > Bruttii in the hinterland often forced T. to seek foreign help (Cleandridas of Sparta after 443: Polyaenus, Strat. 2,10,2; Italiote League, > Magna Graecia I. in 393: Diod. Sic. 14,101,1; cf. StV 2, 230; Corinth in 343/2: Plut. Timoleon 16,1—-4). In 389 BC, T. suffered a heavy defeat at Laus (modern Marcellina?) at the hands of the Lucani who were supported by Dionysius [I 1] I (Diod. Sic. 14,101 f.). In 302 the city was occupied by Cleonymus [3] and liberated by the Roman consul Aemilius [I 33] Paullus (Liv. 10,2,1 f.; cf. Plin. HN 34,32). T. again received Roman support against the Lucani in 285/4 BC (Liv. Per. 11; cf. 6,1,13). There-

G. W.vAN BEEK, s. v. Timna‘, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, vol. 5, 1997, 215-217; K.SCHIPPMANN, Geschichte der alt-siidarabischen Reiche, 1998, Index. HJ.N.

Thuria (Qovoia/Thouria). > Perioikoi city in > Messana [2] in the > Pamisus [1] plain on a small hill plateau (Str. 8,4,5; Paus. 4,31,1 f.; Ptol. 3,16,22) to the east

of modern Antheia and Aithaia. From the Classical Period, parts of the city wall as well as temple and house foundations have survived. The hill, settled as early as the Early Helladic Period, flourished in the Mycenaean Period (tholos and chamber graves). After an interrup-

7,35,1). The constant

conflict with the

after, T. was allied with Rome (cf. Liv. 25,15,9), but in

212 BC the city sided with > Hannibal [4], remaining loyal to him until 203 BC (Liv. 25,15,7-17; App. Hann. tion in the LH III C, it was inhabited on its highest point 146 f.). In 194 a Latin colony, Copia, was founded at T. (to the north of the prehistoric settlements) from the (Liv. 34,53, f.; Str. 6,1,13), but the place name T. enproto-Geometric to the Hellenistic periods. The popudured (even into Late Antiquity, cf. Geogr. Rav 4,31). lation of T. sided with the Messenian rebellion against The region of T. was the theatre of conflict with > SparSparta in 464 BC, some migrated to Mount - Ithome tacus (App. B Civ. 1,117; Suet. Aug. 3,1), and the city [x] (Thuc. 1,ro01,1). In T. the Pohoidaia (-» Poseidon,L. was besieged by Sex. Pompeius [I 5] in 40 BC (App. B A.;1G V 1, 213, |. 18) continued to be celebrated; there Civ. 5,56-62). were also cults of Athena and Upis there. After the libThe testimonies from the Roman Imperial period are eration of Messana [2] in 369 BC, T. became the peri- confined to a few inscriptions, remains of public buildoikot city of > Messene [2] (SGDI 2619), from 182 BC ings and necropoleis. The settlement was finally abanda member of the Achaean League (> Achaeans [1]; Pol. oned in the early 6th cent. AD (Procop. Goth. 7,23; 23,17,2). From 146 BC onwards probably a free com7,28). The cults of T. were in the tradition of Sybaris

641

642

(Diomedes, Athena) and Athens (Athena, Boreas). The Delphic Apollo played a decisive role in the foundation (Diod. Sic. 12,35,3). The cults of Heracles and Athena (as Minerva) were continued in the Roman period. Four Orphic gold tablets have been found in tumulus graves at T. (4th cent. BC; OF F 47, 32f, 32c, 32e; > Orphicae Lamellae).

AD 17, Thumelicus accompanied her in the triumph of Germanicus [2] (Str. 7,1,4). Aside from the reception history of Arminius himself, the conflict between Segestes and Arminius and the relationship between Arminius and T. provided rich material for literature, opera and fine arts. In colloquial German, ‘T.’ continues to live on as Tussi, a derogative term for a woman.

BTCGI

5, 398-403; M.Osanna,

Chorai coloniali da

Taranto a Locri, 1991, 138-149; A. BottinI, Archeologia della salvezza, 1992, 27-51; Sibari e la Sibaritide (Atti XXXII Convegno, Taranto 1992), 1993; D. LaBare, Turi. Dalle origini all’eta ellenistica, 1995; E.GRECO, Turi, in: Id. (ed.), La citta greca antica, 1999, 413-430. A.MU.

Thuringi. Germanic tribe, formed in the 3rd/4th cents. AD out of the > Hermunduri; first mentioned in c. AD 400 (Vegetius Renatus, De mulomedicina 3,6,3). The

core settlement of the T. was to the north of the Thuringian Forest as far as the middle reaches of the + Albis (modern Elbe). In the 5th cent. the tribe appears to have consolidated itself in its core territory. Immediate neighbours of the T. were the > Saxones to the north and the > Alamanni to the south. Originally, their dead were cremated and buried in urns, a custom that was replaced around 400 by whole body burial with an east-west orientation. To date archaeological traces suggest small settlements, no large central towns. Individual T. served in the Roman army; most T. became subjects of the > Franci in c. AD 530; some migrated with the > Langobardi into the area of the Danube and some coalesced with the > Baiovarii. M.Topp,

Die

Germanen,

2000,

236-238;

B.KRUGER

(ed.), Die Germanen, vol. 2, 1983, 502-548; G. BEHMBLANKE, Gesellschaft und Kunst der Germanen, 1973. G.H.W.

Thurium

(@ove.ov;

Thotirion). Chain of mountains

(511 m high) in western ~ Boeotia between > Lebadea and -» Chaeronea; modern T. In a depression on the northwestern edge there is a temple to Apollo Thourios [r. 383 f.; 2. 43 f.]. Part of the Orthopagus (Plut. Sulla 17,4; modern Agios Demetrios), the northwestern sec-

tion of the T., and 9,41,6) is Petrachus, was victorious over + Mithridatic Wars

rising above Chaeronea (Paus. where -> Cornelius [I 90] Sulla Archelaus [4] in the first of the (86 BC; Plut. Sulla 17,4-19,5;

Paus. 9,40,7). 1 Fossty

2 SCHACHTER

I.

S. LAUFFER, Kopais, Bd. 1, 1986, 145-147; J. CAMP u. a.,

THYAMIA

1 J.PRizuR, Thusnelda. Eine Spurensuche durch zwei Jahrtausende, in: Lippische Mitt. aus Gesch. und Landeskunde 69, 2000, 121-181.

VL.

Thutmosis. Name of four > Pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty, Egyptian Dhwtj-msjw (‘Thot is born’). Their chronology is uncertain, as the lengths of the reigns of T. I and Il are unknown and T. III’s ascent of the throne has been astronomically dated to 1504, 1490 or (most credibly) 1479 BC. [1] T.1 Throne name

°-hpr-k3}-R‘, third king of the

18th Dynasty, c. 1496-1482 (only three regnal years are safely attested). T. undertook campaigns to Nubia and Syria as far as the Euphrates, during which the first conflicts with > Mittani occured. He was the first Pharaoh to have his tomb constructed in the ‘Valley of the Kings’. (2) T. 1 Throne name °—hpr-n-R‘, son and successor of T. [1] I, married (among others) his half-sister Hatshepsut. T. II left only few monuments and probably reigned for 3 years only (c. 1482-1479). During his reign, a Nubian uprising was put down, and he undertook a campaign against the Shasu Bedouin. [3] T. Ii Throne name Mn-hpr-R‘, c. 1479-1425 (died in the 54th year of his reign), son and successor of T. {2] Il. His aunt > Hatshepsut acted as regent at first, because T. was still a child at the time of his succession. Hatshepsut soon had herself proclaimed ‘king’, but she did not formally infringe T.’s rights. In the two decades following her death (in his 22nd regnal year), T. undertook almost annual campaigns to the Near East, reaching the Euphrates in the region of > Mittani in the 3 3rd year of his reign. Campaigns to Nubia are only attested for the later years of his rule. The booty from these wars was used mostly for the benefit of the Temple of +» Amun at Karnak, which was significantly enlarged. T. is also known to have commissioned more than 50 other temples. During the last two years of his reign, his son - Amenophis [2] II was his co-regent. [4] T. [V Mn-hprw-R‘, eighth king of the 18th Dynasty, son of + Amenophis [2] II, c. 1402-1393, according to his own account chosen to be king in a dream by the

Thusnelda. The daughter of the Cherusci leader > Se-

> Sphinx of al-Giza (the god + Harmachis [1]). Foreign relations during his reign were mostly peaceful, and T. married a daughter of King Artatama of > Mittani.

gestes (Str. 7,1,4), IT. was known as ‘the woman in the

Tu. SCHNEIDER, Ss. v. T., in: Id., Lexikon der Pharaonen,

shadow of > Arminius’

*1996, 452-466.

A Trophy from the Battle of Chaironeia of 86 B. C., in:

AJA 96, 1992, 443-455.

M.FE,

[1. 121], who abducted her.

Pregnant by Arminius and still devoted to him, she fell back under the power of her father (as Tacitus impressively describes) and, a Roman prisoner from AD rs, she gave birth to > Thumelicus (Tac. Ann. 1,5 5-59). In

K,J.-W.

Thyamia (Ovapia; Thyamia). Fortress of + Sicyon on its border with — Phleius across the modern Stimanga, in 367 BC lost by Sicyon to Phleius, regained in the subsequent peace treaty (Xen. Hell. 7,2,1; 7,4,1).

THYAMIA

A.GRIFFIN, Sikyon, 1982, 27; 73 f.; N.FARAKLAS, Ancient Greek Cities 8, 1971, app. 2, 43 17; PRITCHETT 2, 107. SA.T.

Thyamis (Qvaics; Thyamis). River, today also T. (formerly Kalamas), and promontory, modern Akra Kalamas, in > Epirus. The T. flows in two branches into the Ionios Kolpos opposite Corcyra [1] and forms the border between Thesprotia (-» Thesproti) in the south and — Cestrine in the north (Thuc. 1,46,4; Str. 7,7,5; Plin. HN 4,4). Pomponius [I 5] Atticus had an estate on the T’. (Cic. Att. 7;2,35Cic. Leg. 2,7). N.G. L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967, 186 f.; 669 f.; PHILIPP-

SON/KIRSTEN 2, 38 f.; 87-90; 93-99.

DS.

Thyatira (Ovdteioa/Thydteira, present-day Akhisar). City in northern > Lydia in the valley of the central Lycus [18] on the road from > Sardis to > Pergamum, 57 km north-east of Magnesia [3]. In 281 BC Seleucus [2] moved Macedonian military colonists to T., it was occupied by Attalus [4] I in 216 (Pol. 5,77,7), threatened by Philippus [7] V in 201 (Pol. 16,1,7), probably recaptured by Antiochus [5] III in 198 and in 190 by Bumenese|3i|)

als (ives 3758.7 ts) syanieys asa sels 37,44,4; App. Syr. 1503 [1. 273 f.]). In 188 the city permanently fell to Pergamum. T. was a stronghold of Eumenes III in 133/2 (— Aristonicus [4]; Str. 14,1,38;

{2]). In 129, T. became part of the Roman province of Asia [2]. In the year 85, Flavius [I 6] Fimbria was besieged by Cornelius [I 90] Sulla near T. (Plut. Sulla 25,1). In the Roman Imperial Period, T. was thriving thanks to its textile industry [3. 619 f.43] along with the neighbouring wool centre of Laodicea [4]. The earthquake damage of 25 BC was alleviated by Augustus (Suet. Tib. 8). The emperor Hadrian visited the city in AD 123, Caracalla in 214. T., which until that time had belonged to the conventus of Pergamum (Plin. HN 5,126), now became the suburb of an independent conventus. From AD 297 on, T. belonged to the province of Lydia, in the Byzantine Period to the > theme of Thracesium. In the rst cent. AD, T. was home to a Jewish community (Acts 16:4) and to one of the seven oldest Christian communities of Asia Minor (Acts 1:11; 2:18; 2:24). The gram-

marian Nicander [5] was born in T. Archeological rem1 H.H. Scumirr, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des Grofen, 1964

2M.KAMPMANN, Aristonicos a

20, 1978, 38-42

3 ROSTOVTZEFF,

MaGIE, 972 f.; 977 f.; ROBERT, Villes, 39 f., 269 and pasSIM,

of war (~ Peloponnesian War) and surviving today as remains; it was to secure a water supply from the mountains of the same name for Syracusae. K. MEISTER, s. v. Thy(m)bris, KIP 5,804.

K.MEI.

Thyestes (Qvéotn¢/Thyéstés; etymologically derived from thyein, ‘to sacrifice’, thyeia, ‘mortar’ or to thyos, ‘incense’). Son of - Pelops [1], brother of > Atreus, father of — Pelopeia [2] and of + Aegisthus whom he had fathered with her. In a Peloponnesian myth, T. and Atreus kill their stepbrother + Chrysippus [1] (incited by their mother + Hippodamia [1], Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 157; Hyg. Fab. 85). Persecuted by Pelops, the two end up in» Mycenae (Str. 8,6,19; Apoll. Epit. 2,10). In the fight for the crown there, T. seizes the ram with golden fleece — the symbol of the ruler — (Alcmaeonis EpGF 5) with the aid of Atreus’ wife - Aerope whom he had previously seduced (Soph. Aj. 1295 ff.). However, T. is discovered after a sign sent by Zeus (Eur. El. 699-746) and banished to exile. In exile, he commits incest with

Pelopeia, who commits suicide upon recognizing him (Hyg. Fab. 88; 243). T.’ return to Mycenae is represented in different ways in the tragedies: from exile, T. sends off Atreus’ son —> Pleisthenes [1] who kills his father (Hyg. Fab. 86) or T. returns as a supplicant (Aesch. Ag. 1587; Enn. Thyestes; Acc. Atreus), or T. is lured there by Atreus’ promises (Hyg. Fab. 88; Sen. Thy. 296-304). At the ‘meal of T.’ which Atreus prepares for his brother out of revenge, T. eats his own children with the exception of Aegisthus who manages to get away (Aesch. Ag. 1096 f.; 1220 ff.; 1242 f.; 1501 ff.; 1593; Eur. El. 699 ff.; Eur. IT 193 ff.; 812 f.; Eur. Or. rx

ff.; 812 ff.; 995 ff.; Ov. Pont. 4,6,47; Soph.

Aj. 1291 ff.). Thereafter, T. flees and curses Atreus (Aesch. Ag. 1601 f.; Cic. Pis. 43). The revenge of T. was described by > Sophocles [1] (“T. on Sicyon’, TrGF 4 F 247-269) and — Accius (Pelopidae). In Antiquity, T.’ grave was localized on the road from Mycenae to Argos {II 1], crowned by a ram sculpture (Paus. 2,18,1) which

might be regarded as a legitimization of his rulership. In the Hellenistic Period, several writers adopted the topic and in turn provided the model for the ‘T.’ by > Seneca Pall: An interpretation of the horrific deeds: (1) the dis-

memberment is linked to a cannibalistic meal as is the

nants: stoa, temple, church.

Thyatire, in: RN Roman Empire.

644

643

H.KA.

Thybris (ObPetc/Thybris). Mountains in > Sicily to the northwest of > Syracusae (Theocr. 1,118), modern Cli-

miti. In Eust. on Dionys. Per. 350 and schol. Theoc. 1,118a (ObpBeic/Thymbris) a river in Sicily is so named but it has not been possible to locate it. According to Serv. Aen. 3,500 it was also the name of a water chan-

nel built at the end of the sth cent. BC by Attic prisoners

case in the myths about Harpagus (Hdt. 1,73; ro8— 119), > Lycaon [1], - Medea, > Osiris, Pelops and > Tantalus (cf. — Cannibalism). The ‘eater’ has

brought more guilt upon himself than the killer and must finally renounce his entitlement to rulership. (2) The myth presents a sacrificial ritual in great detail (Sen. Thy. 641 ff.; cf. Aesch. Ag. 1592). (3) T. is nothing more than an ‘unholy’ intermediary king just as Aegisthus will be later. The adultery with Aerope: the spitting of the Erinys (Aesch. Ag. 1192) is identified with T.’

adulterous ejaculation and further burdens the dynasty. Incest with the daughter is seen as a socially standardized ritual crime that results in a desired pregnancy. Pictorial representation: only two vases from Lower

645

646

Italy (3rd quarter of the 4th cent. BC) by the > Darius Painter are extant that show T.; they follow the dramatic models.

Nicomachi arithmeticam introductionem 11,2-5) and

THYMELAIA

(perainousa

posotes,

‘limiting quantity’;

Iambl.

in

gédie, 1982, 106, n. 61; 176 f. with ns. 113 f.; 316, n. 42;

called prime numbers evOvyeaupixds (euthygrammikos, ‘rectilinear’; ibid. 27,4), because they can only be set out in one dimension. The name ‘Flower of T.’ (Ovuagidetov éxavOnua, Thymarideion epanthéma) is given by Iambl. ibid. 62,18 ff. to the solution of a sys-

3175 320 De 573) 32300.

tem

ALBRECHT, 927, notes 2; 929 with n. 3; 934; W. BURKERT, Homo necans (RGVV 32), 1972, 104, n. 29; 119-125;

244, n. 23; G. DEVEREUX, Traume in der griechischen Tra61; 363. with n. 8; 50m, n.. 42:

R.Murtn, Einfiihrung in die griechische und rémische Religion, *1998, 40 ff., n. 61; 96f., ns. 214 f.; 339 f.; Nitsson, GGR 1, 21; 24; 30; M.Prr1u, s. v. Th., LIMC

Ges 2.0 She

of

m

simultaneous CE

connecting

n

EIT oGe Seat: xX+X,=4a4,

W.-A.M.

x+X,,

Thyia, Thy(i)ades (Qvia/Thyia, Ovia/Thyia, Ovin/ Thyié, plural Ovia/Thyiai; Ov(\)ac/Thy(i)ds, plural

equations

unknown quantities:

=4,,

Ov(\)abec/Thy/(i)ddes, ‘stormers’).

The solution is OGG petes eectGee) heats n-2

[1] Eponymous Nymph of a small Delphic sanctuary

T.L. Heatu, A History of Greek Mathematics, vol. 1,

(Hdt. 7,178), considered to be the first priestess of ~ Dionysus in Delphi (Paus. 10,6,4).

[2] Primarily in the plural, a term for (female) worshippers of > Dionysus, in poetry usually synonymous with ~ Maenads or Bacchae (e.g. Soph. Ant. 1151; Apoll. Rhod. 1,636; cf. Hesych. s. v. T.; Hor. Carm. 3,15,10; Verg. Aen. 4,302; Ov. Fast. 6,514), mythologically traceable to T. [1]. Additionally a term for participants in the historical cult of Dionysus, viz. in Delphi (Plut. Is. 35,364d-e), and in twice-yearly celebrations by Attic and Delphic women on the > Parnassus (Paus. 10,4,3). E. MarsBacH, s.v. Thyias, RE 6 A, 691 f.; K.PREISENDANZ, S. v. T., RE6 A, 679-684; Ders., s. v. Thyiaden, RE 6 A, 684-691; D.SkorDa, s. v. T./Thyiades, LIMC 8.1, 22 f. (lit.).

1921, 69, 72, 94.

MF.

Thymbra (@vufea/Thymbra). Town in the > Troas on the right bank of the > Thymbrius, probably identical with a place of settlement near the Hanaytepe to the south of Akcakéy (rich finds of 6th- and 5th-cent. BC pottery; identification and find-spots in [1. r10-123]). T. is described as a polis only in Steph. Byz. s. v. ©. — according to which Thymbrus, a friend of > Dardanus [1], was founder — and elsewhere as a plain (pedion) or place (topos) (Str. 13,1,35; Sudas. v. ©.; Hsch. s. v. ©.; Hom. Il. 10,430). T. was famous because of its (not yet located) Thymbraeum, a sanctuary to Apollo Thymbraeus, where Achilles is supposed to have killed + Troilus [1], the son of Priamus, and also himself been killed by > Paris [1] or > Apollo.

Thyillus

(@vUdoc;

Thyillos).

Epigrammatist

in

Cicero’s circle (Cic. Att. 1,9,2; 1,16,15: 67 and 61 BC, cf. [1; 3]). Three poems survive: a description of a

spring (Anth. Pal. 6,170), an epitaph (perhaps for an inscription) for a Cybele priestess (Anth. Pal. 7,223 = GVI 707, cf. Philod. ibid. 7,222), a variation on the return of spring (ibid. 10,5, cf. Leonidas [3], ibid. ro,1 éte:): 1 J.GEFFCKEN,

3 O.Masson,

s. v. T., RE 6 A, 692

2 FGE, 95-99

A propos du dernier livre de D. L. Page,

FGE, in: RPh 58, 1984, 98 f.

M.G.A.

1 J.M. Cook, The Troad, 1973. W. Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923, 177-180.

ESCH.

Thymbrium (Ovpupeiov; Thymbrion). City in eastern Phrygia, 10 parasangai (— Parasdngés; 57 km) both from Caystru Pedion [2] in the west and Tyriaeium in the east, to be found in the area of modern Doganhisar to the southeast of Akgehir (Xen. An. 1,2,13; Plin. HN 5,95: [hymbriani in Lycaonia in the early Imperial period province of Asia; Hierocles, Synecdemus 673,9:

TuPoevadov in the late Antiquity province of Pisidia). Thymaetadae (Ovpcitdda; Thymaitddai). Attic ~» asty deme of the > Hippothontis phyle, two bouleutai, probably to the northwest of > Piraeus on the Bay of Keratsini, modern Ormos Erakleus. With Piraeus, + Phaleron and -» Xypete, T. formed the tetrakomoi cult federation (Poll. 4,105; IG IP 3102 f.) with a central sanctuary to Heracles (Steph. Byz. s. v. EyeMt6at). TRAILL, Attica 21, 52, 69,

112 No. 138, Tab. 8.

H.LO.

Thymaridas (Qvpagidac; Thymaridas). Mathematician from Paros; according to Jamblichus (v. P. 104), T. was an early Pythagorean (+ Pythagorean School). He defined ‘unity’ (uovécs/monas; i.e. the One that generates all the natural numbers) as meQaivovoa moootns

MaGIEr, 792 f.

E.O.

Thymbrius (ObuPowoc; Thymbrios). Right-bank tributary of the + Scamander, modern Kemer Suyu, after which the surrounding plain and possibly also the city of + Thymbra are named. W.Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923, Cook, The Troad, 1973, 110-123.

177-180;

J.M. E.SCH.

Thymelaia (Ovperaica or yapedkaia/chamelaia) is the ancient name for the shrub Daphne gnidium L (> Kneoron, Daphnoides) of the Thymelaeaceae family, which grows on dry mountain slopes in Greece and northern Italy. Its red fruit (xOxxoi KvidioU RdkRoi

647

648

Knidioi, Latin grana Cnidia, Plin. HN 13,114), which

1K.WiGanp, Thymiateria, in: BJ 122, 1912, I-97 2 M.W. Stoop, Floral Figurines from South Italy. A Study of South Italian Terracotta Incense-Burners in the Shape of

THYMELAIA

burned in the throat and hence was taken e.g. in bread,

made a highly effective laxative (Theophr. H. plant. 9,20,2; Dioscurides 4,172 WELLMANN DES).

= 4,170 BEREN-

A.STEIER, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 699 f.

CHU.

Thymele (Oupyédn/thymeéle; etymology already disputed

among

ancient

authors; derivations

mentioned

are

from the verbs thyein, ‘sacrifice’, or tithemi, ‘place,

stand’). Thymele (and correspondingly the adjective thymelikos) is used with various meanings in ancient literature: as a place of fire and sacrifice (Hesych. s.v. 0.5 Eur. El. 713), an altar (Eur. Rhes. 234; Aesch. Supp. 675; IG II 2,161 A 95; Poll. 4,123), a flat podium of

boards (Plut. Alexandros 67,2), ‘holy ground’ in the sense of a temple or shrine (Eur. lon 46) or a sacrifice (Pherecrates 214). Particularly in the theatre thymele is encountered as an altar (Pratinas Lyricus 1,2), podium (béma), orchestra (Phryn. 142), stage (skené, Plut. Alexandros 67,2; Plut. Demetrios 12,9), or song (Anth. Pal. 7,21). In the Dionysus Theatre in Athens the thymele is an altar on the stage (called Dionysiake Thymele) and later the whole orchestra as a collective term.

From the 4th cent. BC onwards musical agones (Syll.3 457,1) are differentiated into skénikoi (‘dramatic’; Plut. Cato minor 46) and other musical thymelikoi and étesioi (Alci. 2,3; > Competitions, artistic). F.RoBERT, Thymele, 1939; C. FENSTERBUSCH, s.v. Thymele, RE 6 A, 700-704. Seay

Thymiaterion (@vjuatievov/thymiaterion). I. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

II. PHOENICIA

I. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Human Figures, thesis, Leiden 1960 3 P. Gercxe, Th. Br 736. Ein ostgriechisches T., in: R. ROLLE, K.SCHMIDT (eds.), Archaologische Studien in Kontaktzonen der antiken Welt. Festschrift H. G. Niemeyer, 1998, 143-146

4 C. ZACCAGNINO, II t. nel mondo greco. Analisi delle fonti, tipologia, impieghi, 1998 5 A.FRANz, T. with Drooping Petal-Capitals. Distribution and Function of an Early Iron Age Class of Objects, in: Talanta 30/31, 1998/99, 73-114 6 K.SCHAUENBURG, Studien zur unteritalischen Vasenmalerei, vol. 1, 1999, 28 f. R.H.

II. PHOENICIA Thymiateria with drooping petal capitals are widespread throughout the Mediterranean, particularly in

the 7th/é6th cents. BC. By their appearance in foreign contexts, these originally Phoenician thymiateria, for the most part made of bronze (rarely ivory), are a sign of trade and Phoenician influence on the various local cultures. Such thymiateria are widespread particularly on Samos and Cyprus. A characteristic is one to three drooping petals, as a linking element between the fumigation bowls. There are two groups of Phoenician thymiateria: those with volutes and cylindrical spouts for placing on a stand and those with fixed fumigation bowls and conical feet. The use of thymiateria primarily in the cults of Aphrodite/Astarte and Baal Hammon is certain. They are often used as grave goods. > Sacrifice A. FRANZ, Thymiateria with Drooping Petal Capitals, in: Talanta 30/31, 1998/99, 73-114; H. MaTrHAus, Zu Thymiateria und Raucherritus als Zeugnissen des Orientalisierungsprozesses, in: Cahiers du Centre d’Etudes Chy-

priotes 29, 1999, 9-31.

AFR.

Fumigating apparatus for burning aromatic substances (incense etc.) — adopted by ancient Greek culture from the Orient — of bronze, clay, precious metals,

less often stone, used in cults of gods, rulers and the dead. The thymiaterion was part of the domestic inventory (Dem. Or. 24,183) and was used on celebratory occasions in the private sphere (wedding, symposion). They were carried in festal processions (Ath. 5,196 f). The thymiaterion consisted of a fumigating capsule with a perforated lid, in which the aromatic substance smouldered, and a short, candelabrum-shaped or conic

shaft. Thymiateria appear in the inventories of sanctuaries, where costly ones were also dedicated (Hdt. 4,162; Thuc. 6,46,3; Ath. 5,202b). Greek art did represent the thymiaterion frequently from the beginning of the 6th cent. BC, but seldom shows the moment when the substance to be burned was scattered (cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 96) or poured into the thymiaterion or when it smouldered in the thymiaterion; besides the surviving examples, representations in vase paintings in particular give information on the appearance of thymiateria and their artistic design. For the typological development of the thymiaterion see [1; 4]; for the thymiaterion in Etruria and Rome: > turibulum.

Thymochares (Ovupoyaond Thymochares). [1] Athenian, strategos of a fleet defeated by > Agesandridas at Eretria [1] in 411/10 BC (Thue. 8,95). T.

was also defeated by Agesandridas in a second sea battle (Xen. Hell. 1,1,r). TRamLt, PAA 518930.

WS.

[2] Athenian, son of Phaedrus [2] from the Sphettus

deme, c. 360-300 BC, follower of + Lycurgus [9], in 329/8 epimelétes of the + Amphiaraus Games of Oropus (IG VII 4254, 29 f. = [5. no. 50]), strategos in

Cyprus probably in 3 22/1 and still active under Demetrius [4] of Phalerum (IG II? 682, 3-18). 1 Davies, 525f. 2PA7412=7409 3 TRAILL, PAA 519010) 4 T. L. Suear, Kallias of Sphettus and the Revolt of Athens in 286 B.C., 1978 5 C.J. SCHWENK, Athens in the Age of Alexander, 1985, 245. JE.

Thymocles (OvuoxdAijg; Thymoklés). Epigrammatist from the Garland of Meleager [8]. A single poem survives (from the style probably 3rd cent. BC), assigned without obvious reason to the part of the Anthologia Palatina dedicated to pederasty (Anth. Pal. 12,32): a rebuke to the beloved person (once rejecting advances, but now robbed of the bloom of youth). Gauls iOGNDees

M.G.A.

649

650

Thymoetes (Qvpoitys/Thymoites).

Thynia

[1] Son of Laomedon [1], brother of > Priamus, Trojan demogéron (‘elder of the people’; Diod. 3,67,5). In Verg. Aen. 3,32 the first to advise pulling the Wooden Horse into the city, according to Serv. Ad loc. in revenge for Priam’s killing his wife and son, who had been born on the same day as > Paris, because of a prophesy of disaster. [2] Son of Oxyntes, the last Thesid, king of Athens (Paus. 2,18,9). T. becomes king after killing his elder half-brother; after T. proves to be a failure in a war with the Boeotians, > Melanthus [1] succeeds him. T. is considered to be the ancestor of the Thymoetadae [1]. [3] Trojan, companion of Aeneas (> Aeneas [1]; Verg.

southeastern coast of the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos; Str. 12,3,7; Ptol. 5,1,15; Steph. Byz. s.v. Ovvidc),

THYRRHEUM

(Ovvia;

Thynia).

Island off the Bithynian

modern island of Kefken, approximately 40 km to the west of the mouth of the > Sangarius. There was a sanctuary to Apollo there (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 2,684). Lv.B.

TGO,

Thynias (Ovviic; Thynids). Cape, about 36 km to the north of > Salmydessus [2] (Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 37; Mela 2,23), modern Cape Igneada, or bay (Str. 7,6,1: T. chora = ‘area of land’; Str. 12,3,3: T. akté = ‘coast’; Hecat. FGrH 1 F 166; Scymn. 728 f.; Ptol. 3,11,4) on the southwestern coast of the Black Sea (— Pontos Euxeinos). The bay provided a good place of anchorage in the territory of Apollonia [2] (Scymn. 728).

Thymondas (Ovpwvdac; Thymondas). Son of Mentor

D. MULLER, Topografischer Bildkommentar zu den Historien Herodots: Kleinasien, 1997, 922-924; B. Isaac, The

[3], general of > Darius [3]; in the summer of 333 BC he took the mercenary army of his dead uncle Memnon [3]

quest, 1986, 239.

Aen. 10,123; 12,364). 1 J. Torrrer, Attische Genealogie, 1889, 169.

Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian ConLv.B.

to Darius (Arr. An. 2,2,1; Curt. 3,3,1). AS commander

of Greek mercenaries he took part in the battle of Issus (Curt. 3,9,2) and may have lost his life during the mercenaries’ flight to Egypt. (Arr. An. 2,3,1-3). J.E. Arxrnson, A Commentary on Q. Curtius Rufus Hist. Alexandri Magni, vol. 1, 1980, 206; BERVE, Nr. 380. EB.

Thymoteles (Qupotédkns; Thymotélés). Athenian comic poet of the late 2nd cent. BC recorded only in inscriptions; nothing is known of his work. 1 PCG 7, 1989, 753.

H.-G.NE.

Thyni (Ovvoi/Thynoi). Thracian tribe in the southeast of Thrace (> Thraci, Thracia), to the north of > Perinthus and + Selymbria on the upper reaches of the

Thynnos see > Tuna Thyone (Qvdvny; Thyoné). Name of > Semele after her assumption among the gods (Diod. 4,25,4; Apollod. 3,38). The earliest evidence is in Sappho (fr. 17,10 VorcT) and Pindar (P. 3,98-99). T. also appears sporadically as the nurse of Dionysus (e.g. Panyassis fr. 5). The latter receives from her the epithet Thyonidas (Hesych. s.v.), Latin Thyoneus (e.g. Hor. Carm. 1,17,23; Ov. Met. 4,13 et passim). A.Kossatz-DEISSMANN, s.v. Semele, LIMC 726; K.PREISENDANZ, s.v. T., RE 6A, J.ScHMIpT, s. v. T., ROSCHER 5, 926-929.

7.1, 718735-736; K.WA.

Thyreatis see > Cynuria [1]

Agrianes (modern Ergene; cf. Xen. An. 7,2,223; 7,4,2)

probably as far as the Black Sea (> Pontos Euxeinos) coast to the north of + Salmydessus [2]. Herodotus does not mention the T. among the tribes subjugated by Darius [1] I in Thrace in 513 BC, and this suggests that they did not consolidate there until after the withdrawal of the + Achaemenids [2] from Europe. A ‘Plain of the T. (Xen. 7,5,1) is located in the hilly lands of Catalka. In the second half of the 5th cent. BC the T. were part of a district, administered by Maedosades as a ‘co-king’ (Xen. An. 7,2,32-34), of the - Odrysae kingdom under Seuthes [2] II. The > Melanditae and the Tranipsae (Xen. An. 7,2,32) on the coast of the Black Sea to the north of Salmydessus were also part of this. As early as the Archaic period the similarity of the name of the T. with > Thynia, > Thynias and Bithyni (> Bithynia) led to the hypothesis that the T. migrated to Asia Minor (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F27; Hdt. 7,75; cf. Plin. HN 5,145), and this is also predominantly followed by modern scholars [1; 2]. 1 O. LENDLE, Kommentar zu Xenophons Anabasis, 1995,

431-4333 447. 2 T.Sprrtmponov, Istori¢eska geografija na trakijskite plemena, 1983, 108-111. Lv.B.

Thyrgonidae (Qveywvida; Thyrgonidai). > Komé in the territory of the ‘constitutional’ Attic deme -» Aphidna, changed together with the latter from the -» Aiantis [1] phyle into the > Ptolemais [10] phyle in 224/3 BC (IGII* 2362, Z. 49; Harpocr.s. v. O.). Not an independent deme until the Roman period. Hsch. s.v. ©.; EM s.v. Titanida/Titakidai. TRAILL, Attica 30, 88, 121 No. 41.

Thyrrheum

(Oveeeovw/Thyrrheion,

H.LO.

Ovevwv/Thyrion,

@oveiov/Thourion). City in northern Acarnania, 5 km

to the south of the Gulf of > Ambracia, at a height of 420m, modern Thyrion. Still autonomous in the 4th cent. BC (Xen. Hell. 6,2,37), no later than the 3rd cent. T. was a member of the Acarnanian > Koinon (IG IX 1*, 1, 23); in 269 BC with the partition of the Koinon it fell to Epirus and from 238 to 232 and again c. 211 BC was Aetolian (> Aetolians; the treaty of alli-

ance between Rome and Aetolia was found in T.: Stv 3, 536). Always a loyal follower of Rome [1], T. was the capital of the Acarnanian League in 167 BC and concluded a foedus with Rome in 94 BC (IGIX 1’, 2, 242;

651

652

one fragment unpublished). Even after the founding of Nicopolis [3] in 30 BC T. remained partly settled. The extended city site, with a ring wall ro km in length, has not been studied.

Thyssanus (Qvocavoid/Thyssanous). Port in southern

THYRRHEUM

Inscriptions: IG IX 17, 2, 241-366; 596-601; SEG 1, 222-2253 17, 280-283; 23, 401-405; 25, 626-632; 27,

160-167; 29, 478-481; 30, 515; 32, 565 f.; 1685; 36, 3315 5393 39, 483; 40, 463 f. Coins: [2. 193; 3]. — Acarnanians (with map) 1 P. FUNKE et al., Ein neues Proxeniedekret des Akarnanischen Bundes, in: Klio 75, 1993, 131-144 2BMC,Gr (Thessalia-Aetolia) 3 K.LIAmMpt, Ein neuer Miinzenfund aus T., in: P. BERKTOLD et al. (eds.), Akarnanien, 1996, 173-182.

R.SCHEER, s. v. T., LAUFFER, Griechenland, 684 f.; PRITCHETT 8, 85-90; D.SrraucH, Rémische Politik und Griechische Tradition, 1996, 369-373; Id., Der Ambrakische Golf, in: Orbis Terrarum 4, 1998, 5-26. Ds:

Caria (— Cares; Mela

1,84; Plin. HN 5,104) on the

western coast of the Bozburun peninsula on the Gulf of Syme (modern S6mbeki) at modern Ortaca. T. belonged to the Rhodean -> peraia, as a damos (— demos [2] B) politically to + Camirus on Rhodes, with a territory stretching as far as the southern and northern bays (e.g. with the remains of an acropolis at modern Cumhuriyet Mahallesi). After a temporary separation T. was returned to Rhodes by the Romans presumably c. 70 AD. W.BLUMEL, Die Inschriften der rhodischen Peraia (IK 38), 1991, 47-61; P.M. Fraser, G.E.BEAN, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, 1954, 59. H.KA.

Thyssus (Qvo0dc/Thyssds). City on the western coast of the Acte peninsula (-* Chalkidice); remains between

the Zographou and Konstamonitou monasteries. It appears in the Athenian lists of tribute quotas with a

A wood or reed staff with a

tribute between 4,000 and 9,000 drachmai, remained

crown of > ivy or wine leaves at the end; in place of the crown of leaves depictions (cf. [1]) also show a pinecone. The thyrsos is primarily in Attic vase painting one of the main attributes of — Dionysus, his followers

in the > Delian League (cf. ATL 1, 286 f.) even after 432 BC, passed to > Brasidas in the winter of 424/3

Thyrsos (9ve00c; thyrsos).

(+ Maenads

and

> Satyrs)

and

— Ariadne.

As

an

actual cult object the thyrsos was carried by adherents of the cult of Dionysus, as well as by his priests (Ael. VH 13,2). The etymology of the word is uncertain; the stem thyrs- is a part of a number of plant names. The sacred plant of Dionysus (> Narthex [1]) is occasionally (e.g.

Eur. Bacch. 188; 251) also used in the sense of thyrsos staff. 1 F.-G. v. PApEN, Der Thyrsos in der griechischen und romischen Literatur und Kunst, 1905.

pet

(Thuc. 4,109), but seems to have been conquered back

in the following year by > Cleon [1]. In the summer of 421, T., described in Thuc. 5,3 5,1 as an ally of the Athenians, fell to Dion [II 3] and is subsequently mentioned only in geographical literature (cf. Scyl. 66; Str. 7 fr. 33; Plin. HN 4,37). M.ZAHRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 189-191. M.Z.

Tiamat (Akkadian ‘sea’). Primaeval/primordial female divine monster, known from the Babylonian creation myth > Enuma Elis. She is killed by her son + Marduk in a theomachy (matricide) and split lengthwise into

Thyrsus. A freed slave of Octavianus; after the Battle of

two halves: from the lower half he creates the earth,

~» Actium, sent on secret orders to Cleopatra [II 12],

from the upper half the firmament of the heavens. In > Berosus [1. 15] T. appears in a corrupt form as tha-

but sent back again by M. Antonius [I 9] (Cass. Dio SE SHO GeOay te) WE.

Thyssagetai (Qvooayéta/Thyssagétai). Tribe of Volga Finns (Ugro-Finnic peoples) in the area of the trade route from the > Tanais [1] (modern Don) to the Agrippaei, i.e. to the central Urals, seven days’ travel to the

northeast of the > Budini and close neighbours with the + lyrcae (Hdt. 4,22; Plin. HN 6,19). This was the source region of the four great rivers, the Lycus [16], the Oarus (modern Kama), the Tanais and the Syrgis (Hdt. 4,123); it could hence be that the area where the Oarus flows into the Volga is meant; the T. can in this case be

connected with the Ananino culture (late Bronze Age group of cultures in the Kama basin). The T. lived mainly by hunting (Hdt. 4,22 f.; Mela 1,116 f.; Plin. HN 4,19; 4,88). I. V. P’ANKOoV, Put k argippejam (Drevnie puti na Ural), in:

lath (Gr. thdlassa, ‘sea’). T. is reflected in the Biblical creation myth (Gn 1:2) as t‘6m (LXX: dbyssos, literally ‘bottomless’, ‘primaeval depth’). 1S$.M. Burstein, The Babyloniaca of Berossus, 1978 2 T. JACOBSEN, The Treasures of Darkness, 1976 (Index Save

J.RE.

Tiara (tiioa/tidra). Head covering of Near Eastern peoples (Armenians, Assyrians, Sagae, especially Persians; Hdt. 3,12; 7,61; 7,64 et passim), similar to a turban; also a tall tiara, decorated with stars and rising toa

point, which among the Persians was fit only for the king, his relatives and holders of high office (Xen. An. 255,23; Xen. Cyr. 8,3,13). In Greek sources, the tiara is also called a kyrbasia or a kid(t)aris (e.g. Aristoph. Av. 487). The tiara as a head covering for Middle Eastern aristocrats was also common in the Roman period

Vestnik novogorodskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta

(Suet. Nero 13; Paus. 5,27,6). A further kind of tiara,

9, 1998, I-7.

today called the Phrygian cap, has its top pulled forward and tight-fitting cheek flaps, and in GraecoRoman art and in myth is associated with the - Ama-

Lv.B.

653

654

zons, Trojans and other Near Eastern peoples, as well as with heroes and gods such as > Attis, > Ganymede [1], > Mithras and with > Midas, who hides his ass’s ears under it (Ov. Met. 11,5 5-193). Other forms of tiara are worn by Darius [3] III and other Persian notables in the + Alexander Mosaic (Naples, NM). Similarly, a number of OT heroes wear a tiara (Ez 23:25; Dan 3:21) as do the high priests (Jos. BI 5,5,7). According to Lucian, De Syria Dea 42, the high priest of Hierapolis wore a gold tiara.

Tiberinum, Arna, — Tuder, Ocriculum, > Cures, ~ Eretum and — Fidenae, and on the right > Perusia, -» Horta and > Lucus Feroniae [1]. The T. traversed Rome, forming an island (modern Isola Tiberina) below the Capitolium which was connected by two bridges to both banks (pons Fabricius to the east, built in 62 BC: ILS 5892; pons Cestius or Gratiani to the west, built in 46 BC, restored in AD 370; ILS 771 f.; + Rome III. with map), and reached the Tyrrhenian Sea (+ Mare Tyrrhenum) at > Ostia at approximately the same place as the modern Fiumara. The excavation of the fossa Traiani (+ Canals) created the right arm of the river, which was connected to the portus Traiani Felicis and the portus Augusti (> Portus [1]) (modern Fiumicino). Tributaries of the T. from the east: above > Vettona the river system of the Clasius (modern Chiascio), the Tinea (modern Topino) and the Clitumnus (modern Teverone); at Narnia the > Nar; at Rome the ~+ Anio. From the west: the river system of the > Pallia and the > Clanis. Timber from the Appennines was rafted down the T., and small boats were used to transport other agricultural products from present-day Magliano Sabino to Rome (c. 100 km). For larger vessels, the T. was navigable from Rome to its mouth (approximately 40 km; cf. Str. 5,2,5). There were river ports on the T. at the confluences with the more substantial tributaries, e.g. the Pallia. It is thus understandable that the T. was regarded as a rerum in toto orbe nascentium mercator (‘merchant for things produced across the whole world’; Plin. HN 3,54). Various villas (— villa) also stood on the banks of the T. To prevent the banks from being appropriated by riparian owners, and to contain the frequent floods, an exclusion zone was set up at Rome along the Tiber bank (terminatio riparum). In the Republican Period, it was managed by the > censores (CIL VI 31540), later by the curatores alvei et riparum et cloacarum urbis (CIL V1 31549). The same arrangement also existed at Ostia (CIL I* 2516). A project to drain the plain of the Clanis between the T. and the -» Arnus, discussed in the Senate under > Tiberius [II.

H. BRANDENBURG, Studien zur Mitra, 1966; G. SEITERLE,

Die Urform der phrygischen Miitze, in: Antike Welt 16 (fascicle Diadem

3), 1985, 2-13; J.TuBACH, oder Tiara, in: Syria 72,

Syrische Hauda: 1995, 381-385;

M.PrROMMER, Untersuchungen zur Chronologie und Komposition des Alexandermosaiks auf antiquarischer Grundlage, 1998, 56-59. R.H.

Tiarantus (Tiagavtoc; Tiarantos). Left bank tributary of the Danube (> Ister [1]), rising in the lands of the

~» Scythae; smaller and turned farther westward than the > Pyretus (Hdt. 4,48,2 f.), possibly identifiable with the modern Seret. A.HERRMANN, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 762; A.CORCELLA, in: S.M. Mepac tia (ed.), Erodoto, Le Storie, 4, 1993, here 272 (with comm.). J.BU.

Tibareni (Tipaenvol/Tibarénoi). t F 204; Xen. An. 5,5,2; Scymn. HN 6,11; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. TiBaonvia) of Scythian descent

People (Hecat. FGrH 914; Mela 1,106; Plin.

124; Steph. Byz. s. v. (Schol. Apoll. Rhod.

159) on the southern coast of the Black Sea (+ Pontos

Euxeinos I.), neighbouring the +» Mossynoeci to the east and the + Chalybes to the west and south; > Cotyora was in their region. Under Darius [1] I and Xerxes, the T. were part of the r9th Satrapy (Hdt. 3,94) and served in Xerxes’ army in 481/o BC (Hdt. 7,78). They were armed, like the + Moschi, with wooden helmets, small shields, and lances with short shafts but long points. At the end of the sth cent. BC, the T. were independent (Xen. An. 7,8,25; cf. Diod. Sic. 14,30,7). Identification of the T. with the Tubal mentioned in Gn 10,2 and Ez 27,3 is hypothetical. MaGIE, 1069.

E.O.

Tiber (Tifeotc/Tiberis, modern Tevere). River in central Italy (403 km long, 17,169 km* catchment area). Other names: Albula (Serv. Aen. 8,332: from the Latin albus, ‘white’; cf. Liv. 1,3; Plin. HN 3,53), Rumon (Serv. Aen. 8,63; 8,90), Serra (Serv. Aen. 8,63), Thybris (Verg. Aen.

2,782; 3,500); called flavus (‘yellow’) in Verg. Aen. 7,31 for the great quantity of eroded soil it bore (on Tiberinus, god of the T., cf. Varro, Ling. 5,71; Serv. Aen.

8,31). It rises in the Appenines (+ Appenninus) on Monte Fumaiolo at 1,268 m above sea level and flows southwards; it formed the boundary between Etruria on one side (Verg. Aen. 8,473: amnis Tuscus) and

Umbria, the region of the Sabini, and Latium on the other. On the left bank were the towns of > Tifernum

TIBERIANUS

1], was prevented (Tac. Ann. 1,79). As a watercourse,

the T. was of great importance to the economy of Rome and also for > land transport: the valley of the T. conducted the Tifernum-Perusia

road, the via Amerina

from Perusia to Tuder, part of the + via Flaminia, the via Tiberina along the right bank and the via Campana along the left and, from Rome to the sea, the via Osti-

ensis on the left side and the — via Campana and via Portuensis on the right. J.LeGALL,

Le Tibre

fleuve de Rome

dans

l’antiquité,

1952; Id., Recherches sur le culte du Tibre, 1953; S. QuILict GiGi (ed.), Il Tevere e le altre vie d’acqua del Lazio antico, 1986.

G.U.

Tiberianus. Author of at least three short poems (possibly also a fourth, fragment surviving). Further fragments are cited by Servius [2] and Fulgentius [1] Mythographus in the 5th cent. AD. It is uncertain whether he is

TIBERIANUS

655

656

identical with the official C. Annius T., described byJer.

from Sepphoris to T. in the mid-3rd cent. T. remained a centre of Jewish scholarship until long after the Arab conquest of 636. A Christian see is attested from the 5th cent. -» Galilaea; » Judah and Israel; + Palaestina

Chron. ab Abr. 2380 as a vir disertus (‘eloquent’), or

with the Roman city praefect Iunius [II 42] T. of 303/4; the much-discussed question of whether T. wrote the +> Pervigilium Veneris is also unresolved. It is possible that Carm. 4 refers distantly to Christological points of dispute at the Council of Nicaea [5] (in 325). The whole of his poetry is characteristic of Late Antiquity Latin short poems: the formalized + ekphrasis of a locus amoenus in trochees (Carm. t), a hexameter poem curs-

ing the gold (Carm. 2), a moralising animal epigram in the phalaecean metre (> Metre VI. C. 5.) against pride (Carm. 3) anda hymn of prayer in hexameters to Plato’s omnipotent creator god (Carm. 4). Poems 2 and 3 are imitations of philosophers (Socrates, Plato). The hymn left traces e.g. in Boethius (Consolatio 3, Carm. 9, 22), the cursing of the gold in the early mediaeval Carmen Fidolio fratri suo, ascribed to Columbanus. ~ Pervigilium Veneris EpITIONS/ COMMENTARIES: U.ZuCCARELLI, Tiberiano, 1987; S. MaTTIAccl, I carmi e i frammenti di Tiberiano, 1990.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: T.AGOzzINO, Una preghiera gnostica paganae lo stile lucreziano nel IV secolo, in: Dignam dis a G. Vallot, 1972, 169-210; K.SMOLAK, ’Auri sacra fames’ in dem Columbanus-Gedicht an Fidolius, in: Studi classici e orientali 30, 1980, 125-137; PLRE 1, Tiberianus no. 1

or 4.

K.SM.

Tiberias (Tipyeidcd/Tibérids, Hebrew thry’). City in + Galilaea on the western shore of the Sea of Galilee. Founded in c. AD 20 by Herod Antipas (> Herodes [4]), tetrarch of Galilaea and Peraia, as a new capital replacing > Sepphoris. Its naming after emperor Tiberius [II r], its Hellenistic city constitution including a

1 R.A.

Hors tey, Galilee. History, Politics, People, 1995

2 Y.HirscHFELD, s. v. T., The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East 5, 1997, 203-206.

JP.

Tiberinus see > Rivergods II; > Tiber Tiberius I. GREEK

II. ROMAN

I. GREEK [I 1] (TiPéotod/Tibérios). Greek rhetor, probably of the

late 3rd or 4th cents. AD, author of a small surviving treatise on figures (Ilegi tov maga Anyuoobévet oxnuatov, Peri ton para Demosthénei schématon, ‘On

the figures in Demosthenes’), which uses + Apsines as its main source. The latter’s dates (rst half of 3rd cent. AD) are thus the only point of reference for dating T. The treatise deals separately with figures of thought (1-22) and figures of speech (23-42; — Figures). Each section begins with a listing of these figures, which are then explained individually, firstly by a definition, then usually by several examples (mostly from Demosthenes [2]) and sometimes by a short description of the effect. In the last chapters (43-48), T. adds six figures for which he cites Caecilius [III] 5] as the source, Apsines not having mentioned them. According to the Suda (s. v. T.), T. wrote a number of other works on rhetoric and literary criticism, of which no trace survives. EDITION:

G. BALLAIRA,

1968 (out-dated: WALZ 8, 527-

waa

M.W.

boule and its incorporation of a — cardo, baths and

stadium are all signs of Antipas’ close relations with Rome. T. was settled by coercion with Jewish farmers and freedmen from the surroundings. Greeks and Hellenized Jews formed the urban elite. T. remained the capital of Galilaea under Antipas’ successor, Herod Agrippa (— Herodes [8], AD 37-44), and subsequently under the administration of the procuratores of Judaea, until the emperor Nero added T. to the kingdom of Agrippa II (— lulius [II 5]), which adjoined it to the north, in AD 61 (54 according to [1]). Its treasury and archive were removed to Sepphoris once again. In AD 67, during the Jewish War, the social tensions in the city ignited. The Jewish lower classes revolted, an uprising that culminated in the destruction of the royal palace. T. surrendered without a fight to the advancing Roman troops under Vespasian. After the death of Agrippa II (AD 96), T. came under direct Roman rule. The emperor Hadrian had a temple built in his own honour. Elagabalus [2] (218-222) accorded the city the status of a Roman colonia. The expulsion of the Jews from Judaea as a result of the > Bar Kochba uprising (AD 132-135) led to more intensive Jewish settlement, as it did at Sepphoris. Thus, the patriarchate and its school moved

Il. ROMAN The established Latin -> praenomen (Greek TeBéouoc/Tebérios), abbreviations (Republican) Ti. and (Imperial) Tib., is etymologically linked to the river > Tiber and may therefore be understood as a theophoric name expressing a connection to the god of that river. The nomen gentile Tiberilius, derived from the diminutive, is rare. The forms Oihvarie- > @efarie > Oefri/Oepri(e) (in chronological order of occurrence) attested in Etruscan inscriptions come from prehistoric Latin (because of -f-) or > Faliscan.

SALOMIES, 55 f.; 149; D.H. STEINBAUER, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen, 1999, 488.

D.ST.

[II 1] Imp. T. Caesar Augustus. Roman emperor, AD

14-37. I. CAREER UP TO ACCESSION II. ARMY AND PROVINCIAL POLICY III. RELATIONS WITH THE SENATE; DYNASTIC POLICY IV. EVALUATION I. CAREER UP TO ACCESSION T. was born on 16 November 42 BC at Rome, son

(of the same name) of Ti. Claudius [I 19] Nero and

657

658

~ Livia [2] Drusilla. The family fled to Sicily in 40 BC, because his father had opposed Octavian, the future ~+ Augustus [1 A.]. After their return and the marriage

rebellion. T. postponed (to AD 12) the triumph awarded for this because of the defeat of Quinctilius [II 7] Varus. He reconsolidated the Rhine frontier from ro— 12, apparently including military excursions across the Rhine. In 13, T. again received the tribunicia potestas for ten years, along with the imperium as proconsul, which was now equal to the imperium of Augustus. When Augustus died on r9 August AD 14, T. already had in his possession almost all the rights upon which the + principate depended, excepting only the extension of the imperium to Rome and Italy [2]. His tribunicia potestas enabled T. to act immediately after Augustus’ death (Tac. Ann. 1,10). He convened

of his mother to Octavian, he lived with his brother Claudius [II 24] Drusus at the latter’s home. Their father made Octavian the guardian of his sons shortly before his death (Cass. Dio 48,44,5), and T. was quickly betrothed to Vipsania Agrippina [1], the daughter of Agrippa [1]. With Octavian’s de facto personal rule from 31/30 BC, T. too won a consequently superior public position to other aristocrats of his own age, but until AD 4 he remained in the second rank, after Augustus’ relations by blood. In 29 BC, T. took part in Octavian’s triumph for the victory at Actium, and in 26/5 he accompanied him as military tribune in the war with the > Cantabri. In 24/3 he became quaestor, a dispensation permitting this five years before the usual minimum age. In 20 BC he took Tigranes [4] back to his Armenian kingdom, while his main achievement was to accomplish the restoration to Rome by the Parthian king Phraates [4] of the standards lost by M. Licinius [I 11] Crassus in 53 BC at Carrhae. For this he received the > ornamenta praetoria the following year. He was praetor in 16 with Augustus in Gaul, preparing the reorganization of the province. He subjugated the Alpine tribes in 15 with his brother (cf. Hor. Carm. 4,14,9-11). In 13, in his 30th year, he was cos. ord. In 12, after the death of Agrippa, he took his place in the campaign to conquer > Pannonia, a task he had accomplished by 9 BC. Augustus did not permit the > triumph awarded by the Senate, because T. had as yet no independent > imperium. After his brother’s death in 9 BC, T. took over the command in Germania and pacified it to such an extent that in 7 BC, when he was also cos. IT, he was allowed a triumph. He may have been positioned as political heir to the + princeps by the next year, because it was then that he received the tribunicia potestas (-> tribunus |7] plebis) for a period of five years, and especially as he had been married to > Iulia [6] since 11 BC and was thus Augustus’ son-in-law. The soon calamitous marriage and the peculiar promotion of the sons of Iulia whom Augustus had adopted, Gaius and Lucius (- Iulius [II 32, 33]),

provoked T. to use a special commission in the East to remain on Rhodes, where he spent seven years, at first voluntarily, then under compulsion. Although Augustus allowed him to return in AD 2, he awarded him no public function. Only the death of Gaius Caesar in AD 4 drove Augustus to nominate T. as his successor, and to adopt him (on 26 June AD 4, when he took the name T. lulius Caesar). Before this, T. was required to adopt the son of his brother and Augustus’ great-nephew Germanicus [2] (on the public proclamation of this act see [x. 199-201]). T. received the tribunicia potestas for ten years as well as an imperium as proconsul. He commanded the army and the province of Germania from AD 4-6. A revolt in Pannonia compelled T. to break off the war against » Maroboduus in Bohemia, which had begun in AD 6, and he spent AD 6-9 putting down the

TIBERIUS

the Senate (> senatus) and had resolutions made on the funeral ceremonies and deification (> consecratio). He

only assumed full power at the ostensible pleading of the Senate (Tac. Ann. 1,6-7). He refused the title of

~ pater patriae, but accepted the name Augustus bequeathed to him (contra Suet. Tib. 26,2; v. [1. 276]), and he was pontifex maximus from 10 March AD 15. It is not clear at whose behest Agrippa [2] Postumus, adopted by Augustus along with T., was eliminated immediately on T.’ assumption of power. II. ARMY AND PROVINCIAL POLICY T. was recognized in the army by virtue of his military successes. None the less, there were mutinies immediately after Augustus’ death in Dalmatia and Germania inferior because of low pay and long terms of service. The crisis was aggravated when the mutineers on the Lower Rhine offered sovereignty to Germanicus, who was there at the time. He, however, rejected them. T. had Germanicus’ campaigns against the Germans on the right bank of the Rhine called off prematurely in AD 16 because of lack of success, invoking as he did so the advice of Augustus to keep the empire within the frontiers it had attained. In the East, T. annexed — Cappadocia in AD 17 after its king had died at Rome: he entrusted Germanicus with moving into the region. For this, Germanicus was given a special imperium, superordinate to all other proconsuls but subordinate to that of T. [1. 159-161 on lines 33-37]. A new king was appointed in Armenia during this mission (AD 17-19) and Commagene was made a Roman province. T. seems not to have developed any other activities in provincial policy. He left many governors and the proconsuls of Africa and Asia in the postings for longer than was then usual, perhaps because of his increasing reluctance to make decisions. Although he tried to take seriously the interests of his subjects (cf. Suet. Tib. 29), there were revolts in Gaul, under Iulius [II 126] Sacrovir in AD 21 (Tac. Ann. 3,40-46), and in Africa, under + Tacfarinas from AD 17-25 (Tac. Ann. 2,525 3,20 f.; 4,133 4,24-26). Ill. RELATIONS

WITH THE SENATE; DYNASTIC

POLICY T. tried to activate the Senate as an equal partner. He therefore stopped using the senatorial commission

659

660

which had latterly been Augustus’ only channel of neg-

3 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 530-550 4P.BRunT, The Role of the Senate in the Augustan Regime, in: CQ 34,2, 1984,

TIBERIUS

otiation [4]. The attempt failed, however, because of

the unequal distribution of actual power and the struggle for influence between various groups, a struggle to some extent interwoven with the issue of the succession (see below). At first, T. forbade prosecutions in the Senate because of infringement of his + maiestas (Tac. Ann. 1,74). With the accusation of conspiracy against Scribonius [II 6] Libo in AD 16, however, a new venue for political struggle revealed itself (Tac. Ann. 2,27-31), as criminal trials held by the Senate as the criminal court prosecuting its own members now became almost indispensable as political weapons. The trial of Calpurnius [II 16] Piso for the murder of Germanicus was in fact aimed at T., who had to sacrifice Piso in order not to expose himself to the suspicion of having acted against Germanicus (on the purposes of the publication across the whole empire of the politically motivated and grossly biased senatorial verdict, see [1. 289-303]). Strong tensions arose over the succession issue after the death of Germanicus (AD 19) between T. and Germanicus’ widow, -> Agrippina [2], who wanted to secure the succession for her sons. The conflict acquired a new intensity in AD 23, when Drusus [II 1], the son of T., was killed at the instigation of > Aelius [II 19] Seianus. Seianus, whom T. trusted entirely, now acted against Agrippina and her sons, certainly not against the interests of T. Firstly, Agrippina was banished. Two of her sons, Nero lulius [II 34] Caesar and Drusus [II 2], were eliminated. Only when Seianus also tried to neutralize the third son, the future > Caligula, and to position himself as the only possible successor, did T., who had not entered Rome since AD 26 and lived mostly on Capri (> Caprae), very abruptly (in 31) have him convicted of maiestas by the Senate and executed. Many senators and equestrians associated with Seianus suffered the same fate in 31-37 after trials in the Senate, the new praetorian prefect Naevius [II 3] Sutorius Macro playing a central part. T. died at Misenum on 16 March AD 37, possibly smothered by Caligula. His ashes were placed in the ~» Mausoleum Augusti, but there was no deification. IV. EVALUATION T.’ personality was shaped above all by his birth into the deeply traditional Republican family of the Claudii, the influence of his mother Livia and the succession policy of Augustus, who for a long time merely used him as an interim candidate. The failure of his efforts to work together with the Senate allowed his reign to be used by Roman historiographers, especially by — Tacitus [1] (and especially Ann. book 4), as a prototype of the arbitrary despotism inherent to the principate. The denigratory slant of the sources therefore makes a fair evaluation of his personality impossible. 1 W.Ecx, Das Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, 1996

2H.M.

Corron, A. Yakosson, Arcanum impe-

rii, in: G. CLARK, T. RAjAK (eds.), Philosophy and Power in the Graeco-Roman World, Festschrift M. Griffin, 2002

423-444. Coins: RIC FP, 87-101. Portraits: A.-K. MASSNER, Das romische Herrscherbild,

vol. 4, 1982, 48-53; 77-86.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

D.HENNIG,

L. Aelius Seianus, 1975;

KIENAST, 76-79; B.Levickx, T. the Politician, 1976; B.SCHROMBGES, T. und die res publica Romana, 1986; L. SCHUMACHER, Die imperatorischen Akklamationen der Triumvirn und die Auspicia des Augustus, in: Historia 34, 1985, 216-222; SyME, RP, 937-952; T.E. J. WIEDEMANN, |. to Nero, in: CAH 10, 1996, 198-255. W.E.

{Il 2] T. If (TiPéovwd/Tibérios; also counted as T. I), Eastern Roman emperor (AD 578-582). He defeated the > Avares in Thrace in 570 while comes excubitorum (565-574) under the emperor Justin II (— Iustinus

[4]). Justin adopted him in 574 at the behest of his wife Sophia, giving him the title of Caesar and the byname Constantinus, or Neos Konstantinos

(‘new Constan-

tine’) [2]. The increasing senility of the emperor led to T.’ assuming power together with Sophia. He continued to prosecute wars against the Avares and the Persians when he became emperor in 578, and like his predecessor he published some — novellae [3]. In 582 he made the general > Mauricius Caesar and successor, and gave his daughter Constantia to him as wife. PLRE 3, 1323-1326 (no. 1). 1 E. STEIN, Studien zur Geschichte des byzantinischen Reiches, 1919 2M. Wuirtsy, Images for Emperors in Late

Antiquity, in: P.MAGDALINO (ed.), New Constantines, 1994, 83-93 3 S.PuLiaTTI, Tra diritto romano e diritto bizantino, in: II diritto romano canonico (Utrumque ius

26), 1994, 317-351. W.E. Kaa, s. v. T. I., Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium 3, 2083 f.

[I 3] T. HI (also counted as T. II), baptismal name ApsiEastern Roman emperor (AD 698-705), acclaimed emperor under > Leontius [9] by marine forces after a failed naval expedition against the Arabs. During his reign, his brother Heraclius successfully defended the eastern frontier against the Arabs. Justinian II (+ lustinianus [3]), who re-conquered Constantinople in 705 with Bulgarian assistance, took him prisoner and marus,

had him beheaded. P.A. HOLLINGWoRTH,

s. v. T. II., ODB

Lite (ed.), Prosopographie der Zeit, vol. 1.5, 2001, no. 8483.

3, 2084; R.-J.

mittelbyzantinischen

[Il 4] Youngest son of + Constans [2] II, who appointed him co-emperor with his brother Heraclius in AD 659. Their elder brother Constantine (+ Constantinus [6]), who became the emperor Constantine IV in 668, deposed both in 681, fearing their rivalry, and had their noses cut off. R.-J. Litre,

Prosopographie

Zeit, vol. 1.5, 2001, no. 8484.

der mittelbyzantinischen

661

662

{II 5] Son of the emperor Justinian II (> Iustinianus [3]) and Theodora of Khazaria; he was born c. AD 705 and soon afterwards made co-emperor, and was murdered after the deposition of his father in 711.

The first two volumes of so-called Corpus Tibullianum are demonstrably by T. (cf. Ov. Am. 3,9; Mart. 14,193); for its other parts cf. ~ Lygdamus, > Panegyricus Messallae, > Sulpicia [2]. The exact arithmetical pattern involving numbers of lines in poems speaks against the assumption that he was not able to complete the second volume ([8. 1966 f.; 18]; problematic: [29; 30]) as does the surreptitiously poetological character of the concluding poem [27. 85].

R.-J. Lititz, Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit, vol. 1.5, 2001, no. 8490. FT.

Tibia see > Musical instruments VI.

Tibiscum (Tifpioxov/Tibiskon). Roman base in Dacia superior (+ Daci with map) on the upper Tibiscus (or Tibisia, modern Timis), a left tributary of the Danube (> Ister [1]; cf. Ptol. 3,8,10; 3,8,1; lord. Get. 24,178; Geogr. Rav 4,14; 4,18; Tab. Peut. 7,4), modern Jupa

(county of Carags-Severin, Romania); on road from ~ Viminacium via Lederata to > Sarmizegetusa, where a road branched off to > Dierna. In the camp of T., (320m

%*170m)

auxiliary

units

were

stationed

(Cohors I Vindelicorum, Cohors I Sagittariorum, Numerus Maurorum and Numerus Palmyrenorum). It was a > municipium, probably from the Severan period, first attested by an honorary inscription for > Salonina (CIL Ill 15 50, AD 254-268). As magistrates decuriones, duumviri, flamen and pontifex are known. In T. there was a > collegium [1] fabrorum (CILII 1553). In the religious life of T., oriental cults played an important part (Sol invictus numen Mithras, Sol Ierhabol, Iuppiter Dolichenus, Deus Aeternus, Belus Palmyrenus, Malagbelus). Numerous finds of inscriptions (two military diplomata), bricks, pottery, building remains. Near T., there were rich iron and gold mines. M.F uss, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 813-815; TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 111; 1.1. Russu (ed.), Inscriptiile antice din Dacia si

Sythia minor, vol. 3.1, 1977, 145-234.

J.BU.

Tibullus, Albius (Praenomen unknown). The Roman elegiac poet Tibullus, rst cent. BC. I. BroGrapHy ERARY FORM

II. INTELLECTUAL WorLp IV. POSTERITY

III. Lir-

I. BloGRAPHY Tibullus’ date of birth can be only approximately deduced from the information in an epigram by Domitius [III 2] Marsus, according to which Tibullus accompanied the poet Virgil to the underworld as a iuvenis (+ Youth, > Age(s)) (FPL 3 Fr. 7): between

60 and

50 BC. He came from a family of equites whose property had diminished (Tib. 1,1,19), perhaps owing to the expropriations of the years 41-40. Nevertheless, Horace [7] could still designate him as wealthy (Hor. Epist. 1,4). Tibullus belonged to the circle around M. — Valerius [II 16] Messalla Corvinus (- Circles, literary), took part in the latter’s campaigns in Aquitania and northern Spain (Tib. 1,7,7-12; probably 30 BC) and would also have accompanied him on his mission to the East, had he not fallen gravely ill on the way (1,3; 28 BC). If the Marsus epigram is taken literally, the year of his death may be assumed to be 19, but perhaps also 18 or even 17 BC. [19. 188].

TIBULLUS,

ALBIUS

Il. INTELLECTUAL WORLD Love is at the centre of T.’ intellectual world, in the form, typical of the Roman love elegy (> Elegy II), of a sexual subjection that reverses social relations of rank (servitium amoris). T.” narrator has fallen successively for Delia, a boy named Marathus, and a certain Nemesis. His love brings him into conflict with the traditional conceptions of value and duty of his class. Warfare based on greed is rejected unambiguously, as is, moreover, every form of warfare in Elegy 1,10, since it is an absurd ‘summoning?’ (accersere) of death. The counterimage is represented by the peasant, who, staying at home and pursuing peaceful labour, grows old at peace in the circle of his family. For Tibullus, greed (avaritia) is the fundamental evil of the time, which has infected even love (2,3,71-743 2,4,31-34). This hegemony of greed is the result of a cultural-historical process which Tibullus depicts on several occasions (1,3; 2,3; 2,5). In this he follows Lucretius [III 1] and Virgil, but adds a cultural history of love. The reaction of Tibullus’ narrator to current circumstances is to withdraw into a world of wish-fulfillment, either a better past or (sometimes simultaneously) an idyll of rural life, in which he, together with his beloved and with the acquiescence of his patron Messalla, could lead an unambitious, simple life (for the most detailed account: I,5,21-34).

In Tibullus, unlike in Propertius [1] and Ovid, poetry is never viewed for its own sake, but always within the imagined situation and in its function for love, as a capability that accrues to the speaker exclusively through his love (2,5,111 f.) and/or as a means of courtship

(1,9,47-50; cf 1,4,59-70). III. LirERARY FORM T. names none of the poets who served him as models or from whom he wished to distance himself. The influence of the Georgica of > Vergilius, of > Lucretius, and of > Hellenistic poetry in general is, however, undeniable: T.’ elegies are constructed in blocks, the unfolding of the text sometimes suggests a simultaneous unfolding of the action described or referred to (1,8; 2,1; 5), and much care has been spent on the language of the poems. T.’ subtle humour represents another Hellenistic feature [15. 287-303]. Other peculiarities of Hellenistic poetry, however, such as striking stylistic boldness or allusions to obscure myths and erudite knowledge of details, are avoided (contra: [12]). Tibullus thus reveals himself to be a typical representative of Augustan — Classicism.

TIBULLUS,

ALBIUS

In some poems

(1,3; 7; 2,1; 5) a unified narrative

situation is suggested (for instance, the lover speaks to his beloved), while others can best be understood as monologues, in which the speaker, under the influence of his violent emotions, places himself in a series of different situations in which he apostrophizes absent persons in a form of address that evokes their presence. IV. POSTERITY T.’ influence can already be seen in Ovid, who wrote a poetic obituary for him (Ov. Am. 3,9). It was clearly T., rather than Propertius [1], who was considered the main representative of Roman love elegy in Antiquity. Many more verses (447-464) in Book 2 of Ovid’s Tristia are devoted to him than to Cornelius [II 18] Gallus and Propertius, while Quintilian [1] attributes to him the first place among the four elegists (Quint. Inst. 10,1,93). As late as the 4th cent., the grammarian Diomedes [4], when discussing the genre of elegy, quotes an example from T. as well as from Horace’s Ode 1,33, addressed to T., whereas he mentions Propertius and Gallus only in passing, and Ovid not at all (GL 1,484). In the Middle Ages, the first attestation of a ms. of T. can be traced to the 8th cent. (in the library of Charlemagne), and another one in France in the 13th cent. Yet citations of T. are found in numerous anthologies, especially French. Philological work on T. began after the first printed edition (Venice 1472), dominated in the 16th cent. by SCALIGER and Muretus, and in the 18th cent. by HEyNe. LACHMANN published the first critical textual edition in 1829. The work of Ronsarb, A. CHENIER and GOETHE (“Roman Elegies”) may be cited as the most prominent testimony to T.’ literary heritage (as well as that of Propertius), along with that of E.MOrike, who adapted older translations of five of T.’ elegies (1,1; 3; 4; 8; 10) for his collection Classische Bliithenlese (1838-1840),

whence he derived the inspiration for his four-line epigram ‘Tibull’ (1837). > Elegy [II]; > Literature [V F]; > Lygdamus; > Panegyricus Messallae; > Sulpicia [2]; > ELEGY Ep.: *1983

1F.W. Lenz, G.K. GALINSKY, 31971 3G.LUCK, 1988.

COMMENTARIES: 5 M.C.

M. PurnaM,

(Bk. t), 1994 k 2) 1983, 1924-1961 1983,

1962-1975

4K.F. SMITH, 1973

2 G. LEE,

1913 (repr. 1971)

6 P.MURGATROYD,

7J.M. FisHer, in: ANRW 8H.DetTTMeR, in: ANRW 9 P.MurGATROYD,

1980

II 30.3, II 30.3,

in: Echos du

monde classique 31, 1987, 69-92. Lir.:

10 B. Rreosati, Introduzione allo studio di Tibullo,

*1967 11 D.F. Bricut, Haec mihi fingebam, 1978 12 F.Carrns, T.,1979 13 F.-H. MutscuH er, Die poe-

tische Kunst Tibulls, 1985 1986

664

663

15 Simposio

14 Cu. NEUMEISTER, Tibull,

Tibuliano

(Murcia

1982),

1985

21 J.H. Gasser, Amor, rura and militia in Three Elegies Of le

x,)

Bepandi

ato;sin

RED

455

1983,058—72

22 M. Hennices, Utopie und Ges.-Kritik bei Tibull, 1979 23 W.R. JOHNSON, Messalla’s Birthday: the Politics of Pastoral, in: Arethusa 23, 1990, 95-113 24 L. LENZ, Tibull in den Tristien, in: Gymnasium 104, 1997, 301-317 25 B.Mossprucker, Tibull und Messalla, 1983 26 F.SOLMSEN, T. as an Augustan Poet, in: Hermes 90, 1962, 295-325 27J.VEREMANS, Tibulle Il, 6: Forme et fond, in: Latomus 46, 1987, 68-86 28 M.WIFSTRAND ScCHIEBE, Das ideale Dasein bei Tibull und die Goldzeit-

konzeption Vergils, 1981 29 W. WIMMEL, Der frithe Tibull, 1968 30 I1d., Tibull und Delia, 2 vol., 1976-1983. CH.N.

Tibur (Tipovo/Tibour, TiBovoa/Tiboura). City in Latium (Ptol. 3,1,58; Pol. 6,14,8; App. B Civ. 1,65), modern Tivoli, about 27 km to the east-northeast of

Rome at the confluence of the Anio and the Empiglione; station on the via Valeria (Str. 5,3,11). Foundation legends are numerous, syntheses of local traditions and Hellenistic influences. One line of tradition traces the origin of the founder - Catillus to Arcadia (Cato Orig. 56), another to Argos (Sextius in Solin. 2,7 and in

connection with it Verg. Aen. 7,670-674; Porph. on Hor;

‘Garm.

%,7;533

1jk8i25

236,53 Serv. Acay

736703

Plin. HN 16,237). Further variations consider T. a Siculan city (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,16,5), others consider Latinus [2] Silvius the founder (Diod. Sic. 7,5,9;

Origo Gentis Romanae

17,6). In essence, the Argive version appears to be the most credible one. At the beginning of the sth cent. BC, T. was a member of the > Latin League (Cato Orig. 58), taking part in the battle of > Lacus Regillus (cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,61,3). A victory in the 5th cent. by the Tiburtini over the > Volsci (probably rather the Aequi) is known (Serv. Aen. 8,285). Fighting is recorded between the Tiburtini and Rome in the 4th cent. BC until 338 (36a: Liv. 7,9,1 £3 7;21,3-33 3.60: Liv. 7;02,9-173 Flat —as ggg: Shiv, 7, E8j2seq non t. i35 9/8 ie 8,12,7; 8,13,6—9; 8,14,9). In the middle of the 2nd cent. BC, disagreements arose between T. and Rome (causes unknown; ILS 19). After the + Social Wars [3], T. was

given Roman citizenship, and was then a municipium of the tribus Camilia (Plin. HN 3,107; App. B Civ. 1,65). Despite its Latin origin, T. was allocated to regio IV (Sabinum et Samnium) in the context of the Augustan land reform (Plin. HN 3,12).

The main deity in T. was > Hercules Victor (Prop. 253 2553 Niart. 4:5,7593. 4662.5; Stet. Calico: 8."Sils Pun.

4,424), furthermore > Iuppiter was worshipped as Praestes (CIL XIV 3555) and Territor (CIL XIV 3559; cf. the Flamen Dialis Tiburs: CIL XIV 3586). In addition, Iuno Curitis (Serv. Aen. 1,17), Vesta, Diana,

16 Atti del convegno internazionale di studie su Albio Tibullo, 1986 17 G.D’Anna, Virgilio e Tibullo, in: M. Gigante (ed.), Virgilio e gli Augustei, 1990, 87-110 18 H.Detrmer, The Arrangement of T.’ Books 1 and 2,

Mars, Neptunus and Aesculapius are found. Albunea was an indigenous deity whose oracles are attested by

in: Philologus 124, 1980, 68-82

peak of Mount Catellus, modern Monte Catillo: Serv. Aen. 7,672). There was also cult worship of Tiburnus; a

19 A.FouLon, Tibulle

Il, 5: Hellenisme et Romanité, in: REL 61, 1983, 173-188 20 Id., L’art poétique de Tibulle, in: REL 68, 1990, 66-70

Varro (in Lactant. Div. inst. 1,6,12; Serv. Aen. 7,83). Catillus was also invoked for oracles (hero cult on the

665

666

grove was dedicated to him (Hor. Carm. 1,7,12; Ps.-

pied by the > Ostrogoths under Theoderic [3] in 489 (cf. Procop. Goth. 2,12,31 f.; Excerpta Valesiana 71); in 540 the Gothic royal city in succession to > Ravenna, probably finally abandoned by the Ostrogoths under Indulf in the autumn of 552 (Procop. Goth. 4,35537)3 572-774 ruled by the > Langobardi (Paulus

Suet. Vita Horatii 8).

T. asa

place of banishment and internment is record-

ed in Pol. 6,14,8; Liv. 3,58,10; 30,45,4; 43,2,10; Ov. Fast. 6,665; Ov. Pont. 1,3,82; Val. Max. 5,1,1; SHA

Tyr. Trig. 26. T. was also a favourite place among Romans for summer retreats with numerous villas (the best-known one is 4 km outside T.: Villa Hadriana), of which remains survive; moreover, there is archaeological evidence of city walls with various gates, a theatre, an amphitheatre and several public and private buildings. > Crypta (with ill.); > Gardens [2]; > Grotto; > Nymphaeum C.; > Palace IV. E.; - Porticus (II.); > Vaults and arches, construction of II.; > Villa E. Bourne, A Study of T., 1916; G. Cascio_t, Bibliografia

tiburtina, t923; M.Sorp1, I rapporti fra Roma e T. nel IV sec. a.C., in: Atti e memorie della Societa Tiburtina 38, 1965,

1-8; C.F.

GruLrani,

Tibur

(Forma

Italiae

1.7),

1970; Id., s.v. T., EV 5, 1990, 202 f.; D: BRIQUEL, La legende de fondation de T., in: Acta Classica Universitatis scientiarum Debrecenensis 33, 1997, 63-81; A.MEeEvRANT, La valeur du theme gémellaire associé aux origines de T., in: RBPh 76, 1998, 37-73. G.VA.

TIDES

Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum

2,26 f.). Its later

name was Papia (Paulus Diaconus loc.cit. 2,15; Geogr.

Rav 4,30; [5]). 1 E.Gassa, T., in: Storia di Pavia (Soc. Pavese di storia

patria), vol. 1, 1984, 205-248 2Mr1er 3P.Tozzz, Il territorio di T. romana, in:s.[1], 151-181 4L.Cracco RueGoinI, T., in: s. [1], 271-312 5 E.Gapsa, Il nome di Pavia, in: RIL 121, 1987, 37-51. NISSEN, vol. 2, 190.

ASA.

Ticinus (Tixivoc/Tikinos, modern Ticino). Left-bank tributary of the > Padus (modern Po; Sil. Pun. 4,82; Plin. HN 3,118), which rises in the > Alpes Graiae, forms — Lacus Verban(n)us (Str. 4,6,12; Plin. HN 2,224) and flows into the Padus about 8 km below > Ticinum (Str. 5,1,11). It was on the T. that Hannibal [4] defeated P. Cornelius [I 68] Scipio in 218 BC. R. DE Marinis, Ligurie Celto-liguri, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI

Ticida. Writer of Latin love poetry, mentioned in Ovid (Tr. 2,433-436) together with Memmius [I 3], Helvius {I 3] Cinna, Anser [2], Cornificius [3] and Valerius [III 3] Cato. A lover (or perhaps his mistress, if T. was a slave) he calls Perilla was in reality one Caecilia Metella (Apul. Apol. ro); other poets praise her under her real

(ed.), Italia omnium

terrarum

alumna,

1988,

159-259; A.CosTANzo, La romanizzazione nel bacino idrografico padano, 1975, 41. ASA.

Ticks. In the Ixodides family of eyeless parasitic mites, chiefly the sheep tick, Ixodes ricinus, 6 xeotwv/kroton (or xedtwv; kréton) in Hom. Od. 17,300, in Aristot.

Ticinum (modern Pavia). Settlement of the Celtic + Libici (Pol. 2,17,4—-6; Liv. 5,32,2: Laevi) and Marici (Plin. HN 3,124) in the > Transpadana, a region previ-

17 f. xvvogeaotic/kynorrhaistes, Latin ricinus, according to Plin. HN 30,82 the ‘the most hideous of animals’ (foedissimum animalium). The female buries itself into the skin of infested mammals such as dogs, sheep and goats (Cato Agr. 96,2; Gp. 18,16), oxen (Colum. 6,2,6) and pigs (Plin. HN 30,84), as well as humans (cf. Hom. Od. 17,300; Columella 7,13,1; Plin. HN 11,116) and sucks itself full of blood (cf. ibid. 30,82), then drops off, later giving birth to its young. Asses, however, are supposed to be free of ticks (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,31,557a 14f.). Aristotle (ibid. 5,19,552a 15) claims, without evidence, that they are generated from couch grass (Gyewottc/dgrostis). People combated ticks (Geop. 18,16) by applying to affected animals a decoction of e.g. maple and cypress roots or by bathing them with salt water (Cato loc.cit.). Magical uses are mentioned by Plin. HN 28,256 and 30,83 f. Known figures of speech are: ‘healthier than a tick’

ously settled by the > Insubres, where the > Ticinus flows into the Padus (modern Po). Despite being patronised by Augustus (honorary arch: CIL V 6416), the > municipium (tribus Papiria) was overtaken in significance by neighbouring Mediolanum [1]. Important

other you see a louse, in yourself you do not see a tick’ (in alio peduclum vides, in te ricinum non vides, Petron. Sat. 57). In fable they are found only in Aesop (427 Perry = Aristot. Rh. 2,20,1393b 23-28).

name (Oy. Tr. 2,437 f.). Two fragments of T.’s work

survive: one of a wedding song in glyconics (Prisc. 1,189), the other of an elegiac poem which praises Valerius [III 3] Cato’s Lydia (Suet. Gram. 11,2). An eques Romanus with the name of L. T., probably the poet, sailed from Sicily to Africa in 46 BC with reinforcements for Caesar; his ship was captured, however, when it deviated from its course as the result of a storm (Bell. Afr. 44,1). Apparently, Caecilius [I 32] Metellus Scipio had him executed (ibid. 46,3). N.ScIvoLetro, T., poeta novus, in: Poesia latina in fram-

menti (Istituto di Filologia Classica di Genova), 1974, 201-211; E.CourtNEY, The Fragmentary Latin Poets,

1993, 228 f.

T.W.

junction [1; 2. 227] (roads: Tac. Ann. 3,5,1; Amm. Marc. 15,8,18; It. Ant. 340,13 347,15

Hist. an. 5,31,557a

(byéote@0S xOEdtWVOS, Men. fr. 263 KORTE) and ‘in an-

KELLER 2, 398 f.;W.RicuTeEr,s. v. Z., RE Suppl. 14, 981-

356,83

984.

Tab. Peut. 4,1; waterways: Str. 5,1,11); archaeological evidence of two centuriations (+ Surveyors; [3]). In AD

452 plundered by the

Hunni (Iord. Get. 42). Occu-

Tides see -> Sea

C.HU.

TIFATA

668

667

Tifata (t& Tipativa der/ta Tiphatina 6ré). Mountainous region, densely wooded with oak trees (Sil. Pun. 13,219; for the meaning of the name cf. Fest. 503: T. iliceta, “T. means oak forest’), to the east of Capua, modern Monti di Maddaloni with its highest elevation

R.Biocnu,

Les T. castra, in: MEFRA

58 (1941-1946),

1947, 9-42, Taf. I f.; F.WINDBERG, s. v. T. (1), RE 6A, 942. W.HU.

Tigellinus see > Ofonius

(604 m) inthe modern Monte T. On the western slopes,

about 30 stadia (5-6 km) from Capua, there was a temple to Diana Tifatina (Paus. 5,12,3; Tab. Peut. 6,3;

-» Capua E.), on the eastern slopes a temple to Iuppiter Tifatinus (Tab. Peut. 6,4; foundations under the ruins of

the Cappella di San Nicola). Bands of robbers again and again sought shelter there (Cass. Dio 42,25), - Hannibal [4] operated from there for quite a long time (Liv. 2336-43; 24,12,3 for the year 215 BC), > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla won a victory over the consul Norbanus [I 1] there in 83 BC (cf. [1. 36, 243]). 1 M. FREDERIKSEN, Campania, 1984.

H.PHIipp, s. v. T. (2), RE 6 A, 932 f.

V.S.

Tigellius. Rare Latin gens name (ILS 1687; CIL VI 27412 f.; FiE Il8; AE 1975,788; SEG 29,1105 f.; 33,179). The freedman [2. 269 f.] M. T. Hermogenes from Sardinia (Cic. Fam. 7,24) was a musician, singer

and patron of the arts famous for his wealth and extravagance (Hor. Sat. 1,3,1-19; 1,3,129 f.). C. Licinius

{I 31] Calvus ridiculed him; Cicero, who was an enemy because of T.’s uncle(?) Phamea (Cic. Att. 13,49), was fearful of his influence with Caesar (which extended to Cleopatra [II 12] VII and Octavianus [1]: Porph. in Hor. Sat. 1,2,1; 1,3,4). T. ([1. 867] et al. distinguish two people) died in 40BC or shortly after (Hor. Sat. I,2,1—4).

1 E. FRAENKEL, Horace, 1957

Tifatina see > Capua E. Tifernum Tiberinum. City in Umbria (+ Umbri; Plin. HN 3,114) in the valley of the upper > Tiber, modern Citta di Castello; no remains survive; > municipium of the tribus Clustumina (CIL XI 5939; 5942). T. was connected by road to > Perusia and > Arretium. Nearby there is a sanctuary in the oriental style; thermae at Rignaldello. A > villa of Plinius [2] the Younger was to the north of T. (Plin. Ep. 4,1; 5,6; modern Colle Plinio near Lama, Selci). R.MARGHERINI GRAZIANI, Storia di Citta di Castello, 1890; D.Dirincer, Edizione Archeologica della Carta

d'Italia, fol. 115, 1930; L.SENsI, Citta di Castello, in: C.RENz1 (ed.), L-Appennino, 1998, 63-82. GU.

Tifernus. River in Samnium (> Samnites; Plin. HN 3,103; 3,106; Ptol. 3,1,18: Pitéevoc/Phitérnos), modern Biferno. It rises on T. Mons (modern Matese), forms

the border with - Campania, flows through the territory of the Pentri of > Bovianum and > Fagifulae, separates the > Frentani from the Larinates (— Lari-

num) and flows into the Adriatic (— Ionios Kolpos) to the south of Buca (modern Termoli). G. BARKER, A Mediterranean Valley, 1995; S$. P. OAKLEY, The Hill-Forts of the Samnites, 1995, 107-120. GU.

2 S. TREGGIARI,

Roman

JOF.

Freedmen during the Late Republic, 1969.

Tiger (Felis tigris L., Greek 6/f tiyou/tigris, Latin tigris), a large striped (cf. Plin. HN 8,62) cat, widespread in Asia originally from Hyrcania to India (incorrectly in Ptol. 4,8,4: Ethiopia). According to Varro Ling. 5,100 and Str. 11,14,8 (term tOEevua/toxeuma; cf. Isid. Orig. 12,2,7: sagitta for the Medes and Persians) the name is derived from Iranian tigra = ‘pointed’, ‘sharp’. The Greeks first learned of the animal through Alexander’s campaign (Curt. 9,30,1; Ps.-Callisthenes 3,17,32; Arr. Ind. 15,1 f.). Based on Indian sources Ctesias (FGrH 688 F 45,15) describes the man-eating monster

pwaotiyooac/martichéras

(in

Aristot.

Hist.

an.

2,1,501a 25-b 1 there is an interpolation citing Ctesias) in such a way that Paus. 9,21,4 f. makes an identification with the tiger. Aristotle’s assertion (Hist. an. 8(9),28,607a 3-8), that tigers interbreed with dogs is based on a misunderstanding. Plin. HN 8,66 and Opp. Cyn. 3,340-363 emphasize e.g. its enormous speed when pouncing on its prey. The large size of litter (Plin. HN 8,66; Mela 3,43) is a tall story. In India it was primarily young tigers that were caught (Opp. Cyn. 3,363; Mela 3,43; Amm. Marc. 23,6,50; Timotheus Gazaeus 9), as gifts for princes and kings (e.g. Ctesias loc.cit.; Ael. NA 15,14). The mother animal would follow the mounted huntsman, who would have to dis-

Tigava [1] City in Mauretania Caesariensis (> Africa [3]; Ptol.

4,2,26; Amm. 29,5,20?) on the right bank of the Oued Cheliff, modern El Kherba. Initially a — civitas (Plin. HN 5,21), then a > municipium (It. Ant. 38,1). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 9648; 1o946f.; Suppl. 3,

21497 f.; 22569 f.5 22579; AE 1955, 149. F, WINDBERG, Ss. Vv. T. (2), RE 6 A, 942 f.

tract it by throwing down a mirror ([r. fig. 24] from Piazza Armerina in Sicily; Claud. Rapt. Pros. 3,26368).

Seleucus [2] I Nicator (312-281 BC) was the first to make a gift of a tiger to the Athenians (Ath. 13,5904). The first tiger in Italy was presented to Augustus by Indian ambassadors

in 19 BC (Cass. Dio 54,9,8). A

tame tiger was paraded at the opening of the Theatre of Marcellus (> Theatrum Marcelli) in 1x BC (Plin. HN

[2] Fort in Mauretania Caesariensis (— Africa [3]; It. Ant. 38,3), on the left bank of the Oued Cheliff between

8,65; Suet. Aug. 43; cf. Sen. Epist. 85,41; Mart. 21,1; Plut. Mor. 974c). At beast-hunts in the amphitheatre

Oppidum Novum (modern Ksar el Kebir) and > Tingis, modern El Khadra.

and at gladiatorial games up to 51 animals (at Elaga-

669

670

balus’ wedding: Cass. Dio 79,9,2) were exhibited (> Munus, munera IL.; > Venatio). Tigers can quite often be seen in hunting mosaics [r. fig. 22-23, cf. text 64-69]. In mythology, the tiger, like the > lynx and the ~> panther, accompanies + Dionysus, primarily on his Indian campaign. A tiger skin, as well as a team of tigers drawing his chariot, for instance, appear in Virgil (Verg. Ecl. 5,29; Verg. Aen. 6,805) and Horace (Carm. 3,3,14 f.). Itis also connected with > Cybele (Ov. Epist. 2,80), > Zephyrus (Claud. Rapt. Pros. 3,266; Opp. Cyn. 3,354), > Priapus and — Eros (in archaic sources, such as on gems [2. pl. 15,6]).

Tiglath-Pileser. Form in the Bible (2 Kg 16,7; x Chr 5,6; 26; 2 Chr 28,20: Gr. Thalga(th)phellasar) and in Josephus (Ant. Iud. 9,11,1: Gr. Theglaphalasdr) of the Assyrian royal name Tukulti-apil-ESarra (‘the hereditary son of the Temple of ESarra — i.e. the god “> Ninurta” — is my support’). Of the three Assyrian rulers with this name two were of great significance: [1] T. 1 (t11145-1076 BC). With his far-reaching campaigns, e.g. against the > Aramaeans and the Musku people (+ Moschi) on the upper reaches of the Euphrates and the Tigris (also a campaign to Lebanon and war with Babylonia), his power politics were initially very successful, but in the last years of his reign the Assyrians again had to accept considerable territorial losses to the Aramaeans advancing from the west. T. brought about a great amount of building activity in ~ Assur and Nineveh (- Ninus [2]) and was responsible for a series of cultural innovations (e.g. introduction of the standard Babylonian calendar), which mark the transition from the Middle Assyrian period to the neo-Assyrian period. In addition to his inscriptions, which are distinguished by the adoption of annalistic elements [2], a song of praise to the king has also been preserved [1]. [2] T. IM also called Pulu (745-727 BC). After campaigns in northern Babylonia, the Zagrus region and +> Urartu he turned, as the Bible tells (for references see above), his political interest to ‘pacifying’ the West. At first the small late-Hittite states of northern Syria and ultimately, between 734 and 732 BC, Aram/— Damascus, Trans-Jordan and northern Israel (> Judah and

1 TOYNBEE, Tierwelt

2 F.IMHOOF-BLUMER, O. KELLER,

Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen klassischen Altertums, 1889 (repr. 1972).

des

KELLER 1,61 f.; A. STEIER, s. v. T., RE 8 A, 1662-1668.

C.HU.

Tigidius. A powerful > praefectus praetorio under the emperor - Commodus. Sex.(?) T. Perennis had probably already reached the high rank of > praefectus [4] annonae under Marcus [2] Aurelius (his name erased in the > Tabula Banasitana; AE 1971, 534) and was then appointed praefectus praetorio by Commodus along with Tarrutenius Paternus (SHA Comm. 4,7; 14,8; inaccurate in Hdn. 1,8,1); he and the latter disposed of — Saoterus, Commodus’ influential chamberlain (SHA

Comm. 4,5). Shortly afterwards, T. brought about the execution of Paternus (Cass. Dio 72,10,1; SHA Comm.

4,7 £.). T. kept the emperor at a distance from the affairs of government by means of numerous diversions and planned to seize power for himself (SHA Comm. 5,1-3; Cass. Dio 72,9,1 f.; Hdn. 1,8,1 f.). In this position, he

brought about numerous executions and convictions, including that of the emperor’s sister > Lucilla and of the martyr > Apollonius [24]. His influence also forced P. Helvius -> Pertinax, the later emperor, into temporary retreat into private life (Hdn. 1,8,8; Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,21,2~-5). His attempt to oust senators from their official positions in Britain led to his overthrow in c. AD 185/186 (SHA Comm. 6,2). According to Hdn. 1,9,1-6 and Cass. Dio 72,9,3, T. is supposed to have instigated a plot against Commodus, on the other hand, in order to secure imperial rank for his own son. TE.

TIGRANES

Israel) were

defeated;

adjoining states also became

tributary vassals of the Assyrians, who for the first time advanced as far as the borders of Egypt. As a culmination of his equally successful and cruel policy of expansion, which was accompanied by extensive > deportations and a reorganisation of the Assyrian system of provinces, in 729 BC the king achieved his goal of ascending the throne of Babylonia (> Babylon). T.’s building activities were concentrated on the residence city of + Kalhu, where numerous > orthostats with comprehensive but seriously damaged annals of the king have been found [3]. + Mesopotamia 1 B. Foster, Before the Muses, 1993, 236-238

2A.K.

Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium

Tigisis. Fortified city in Numidia (+ Numidae; Tab. Peut. 3,5) on a hill dominating the Plain of Bahiret etTouila to the southeast of — Cirta, modern

Bordj. Initially part of the colonia of Cirta, T. later beops are recorded from 305 onwards (Aug. Epist. 43; Aug. contra Cresconium 3,27,30). Inscriptions: CIL VII 1, 4817-4819; 2, 10162f.; 10819-10826; Suppl. 2, 18764-18782; AE 1957, 175. 6 A, 957.

3 H.TADMoR, The Inscriptions

E.FRA.

Ain el-

came independent (curator, > ordo are recorded). Bish-

AAAlg, sheet 17, No.340;

BC, vol. 1, 1991, 5-84

of Tiglath-pileser Ill, 1994.

F. WINDBERG, s.v. T. (1), RE

W.HU.

Tigranes (Tiyoedvyc/Tigranes). {1] T. I. Father of T. [2] (App. Syr. 48), king of > Armenia around 120-95 BC. (2] T. I. Son of T. [1], born in 140 BC. In c. 120 BC, after a lost battle against the > Parthians, he was given over to them, to be released in Armenia in 95. For his release, he had to hand over an area containing 70 valleys. In c. 93, T. annexed — Orontes’ [6] IV kingdom of Sophene. Not later than after the death of the Parthian king Mithridates [13] II (88/87), he recaptured the 70

TIGRANES

672

671

valleys and annexed other areas that were under Parthian rule: Atropatene, Adiabene, Gordyaea, Osroene and North Mesopotamia with Nisibis. In c. 83, T. turned against the — Seleucid empire, capturing Commagene and Phoenicia, as well as Syria with Antioch fan]?

The collapse of this Armenian empire is connected with the defeat of Mithridates [6] VI of Pontos, who fled to Armenia in 71 (~ Mithridatic Wars), T. having become his son-in-law at the beginning of his rule (+ Cleopatra [II 16]). Since T. refused to hand him over to the Romans, the conflict spread to Armenia. In 69 Licinius [I 26] Lucullus defeated an Armenian army near Tigranocerta and captured the city; in 68 he was again victorious at Arsanias and in the winter 68/67, he captured > Nisibis. But it was Lucullus’ successor Pompeius [I 3] who succeeded in subduing T. for good, even though the only reason for his victory was the flight of a rebellious son of the king, T. [3], who had taken refuge with him. However, T. prevented, however, the Romans from collaborating with his son, by surrendering to Pompey and dramatically humbling himself in front of him. He had to give up all the occupied territories, but continued to rule as amicus et socius of the Roman people till c. 5 5 BC. [3] Son of T. [2] and of > Cleopatra [II 16] (App. Mithr. 104), who rose up against his father in 66 BC. Being defeated by his father, in spite of Parthian aid, he took refuge with — Pompeius [I 3] (Cass. Dio 36,51; Plut. Pompeius 33), who accepted his father’s capitulation and awarded the young T., to the latter’s disappointment, only Sophene and Gordyaea (App. Mithr. 105). Soon after, he fell out of favour with Pompey and was sent to Rome (Cass. Dio 36,53), where he was carried in triumph (Cass. Dio 37,6,2). During an attempt of P. Clodius [I 4] to rescue him (Cass. Dio 38,30,1), T. may have lost his life (App. Mithr. ro5). [4] T. OL. A son of > Artavasdes [2] II. and grandson of T. [2] I., T. was taken prisoner when M. Antonius [I 9] invaded + Armenia in 34 BC; he was brought to Alexandria [1] and then to Rome. After the assassination of his brother > Artaxias [2] IJ by Armenians who were supporters of Rome, Tiberius proclaimed him king in 20 BC (R. Gest. div. Aug. 27; Tac. Ann. 2,3; Jos. Ant.

Jud. 15,4,3). [5] T. IV. Son of T. [4] and brother-cum-husband of Erato [2], he succeeded his father to the throne not later

wards, he lived in Rome and was executed in 36 because of maiestas (Tac. Ann. 6,40).

[7] T. VI. Nephew of T. [6]. When Domitius [II 11] Corbulo succeeded for a short time in defeating the heir apparent Tiridates [5] during the > Parthian Wars under Nero, T. was made king in 60 (Tac. Ann. 14,26). This was possibly thought to be only a temporary solution, since in the following year, T. was apparently instructed by the Roman government to renew the war by attacking the Parthian vassal kingdom of Adiabene. Though T. could repulse a Parthian attack on Tigranocerta, he was dropped by Rome soon after. His son was -> Julius [II 6]. M.-L. CHAUMONT, s. v. Armenia and Iran I], Enclr 2, 418-

438, esp. 420-424; M. ScHotrky, Media-Atropatene und Grofs-Armenia, 1989; Id., Gibt es Miinzen atropatenischer Konige?, in: AMI 23, 1990, 211-227; Id., Parther,

Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI Tot ED es

24, 1991, 61-134, esp. M.SCH

Tigranocerta (Tiyouvoxeota/Tigranokerta, Latin Tigranocerta and -—certae, Armenian T(t)granakert; mentioned in Str. 11,12,4; 16,1,23; Tac. Ann. 15,4 f.; Plin. HN 6,9,26; App. Mith. 10,67; Plut. Lucullus rr f.; 26; 29; Tab. Peut. 11,3; Eutr. 6,9,1; Buzandaran Pat-

mut‘iwnk‘ (BP) 4,24; 5,27 [1]). A new capital of Armenia (in addition to > Artaxata), founded after 80 BC by

~ Tigranes [2] I (95-55 BC) in the Armenian province of Arzanene/Afnik [2], where mainly inhabitants of Mazaka (later - Caesarea) in Cappadocia were forcibly resettled [3]. When conquered by Licinius [I 26] Lucullus in 69 BC, T. was still unfinished. The Hellenistic foundation remained an urban centre in western

Armenia until Late Antiquity, and after AD 359 was occupied by Sapar II (> Sapor [2] II); in the 5th cent., it was the see of a Syrian and an Armenian bishop [2]. T. used to be identified with modern Silvan (Martyropolis/ or with Tall Arman to the southwest of Mardin [4]. Because of its connection with Arzanene (in BP 4,24 and Eutr. 6,9,1) [5], [2] and [6] plead for its location at Arzan (Arzn, Erzen, near Ikik6prii) in the eastern Tigris

basin, where on the east bank of the Garzansuyu/ Yanarsu (Nicephorius?), there are extensive remains of a city which has not yet been studied in detail. 1 N. Garsoian, The Epic Histories Attributed to Piawstos Buzand,

1989,

157, 207

(English transl. with comm.)

than 6 BC. Since he was in favour of the + Parthians (cf. Cass. Dio 55,10,20 f.), Augustus nominated (with

2 R. HewseEn, The Geography of Ananias of Sirak, 1992, 157-162 (English transl. withcomm.) 3 C.F. LEHMANN-

hardly any success) his uncle > Artavasdes [3] III. against him. At the beginning of the Common Era, he fell fighting against a ‘barbarian’ tribe (Cass. Dio

Haute Mesopotamie orientale et pays adjacents, 1962, 247-263 5 M.-L. CHauMonrt, T.: données du probléme

5 5,104, 5). [6] T. V. Grandson of Herodes [1] the Great (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18, 5,4), only distantly related to the Armenian ruling house, whose male line had died out since T. [5]. After the assassination of + Artavasdes [4] IV, Augu-

stus made him king of > Armenia (R. Gest. div. Aug. 27), though he could not maintain his position. After-

HaupT,

s.v. T., RE

6A, 981-1007

4 L.DILLEMAN,

et etat des recherches, in: Rev. armenienne 21, 1982, 89t1o0.—s @ T..S. Sincatr, The Site of T., in: Revue armenienne 25, 1994, 188 f. R.Symeg, T. A Problem Misconceived,

in: S$.MITCHELL

(ed.), Armies and Frontiers in Roman and Byzantine Anatolia, 1993, 61-70; T.S. StNcLarR, The Site of T., in: Revue armenienne 25, 1994/5, 183-254; 26, 1996/7, 5118.

AP-L.

673

674

Tigris (Sumerian Idigna, Assyrian/Babylonian Idiqlat, Greek Tiyons/Tigrés (Hdt. 1,189; 1,193; 2,150; 5,525

success to himself (Caes. Gall. 1,12) (Plut. Caesar 18,1; see also [2]), in order to be considered as the avenger of the clades Cassiana ‘defeat of Cassius’ (cf. [3]). It is possible that the place name Tigring (near Klagenfurt) can be traced to the T.; cf. also inscriptions [1].

6,20), Latin Tigris (Plin. HN 6,129 f. et passim), Arabic Digla, Turkish Dicle), at about 1850 km the second

longest river of the Near East. The > Euphrates [2] and the T. enclose the ‘land between two rivers’ called + Mesopotamia. In Antiquity unclear ideas on the sources of the T. circulated. Assyrian inscriptions at the source cave of the Sebene locate its origin there. Plin. HN 6,127 f., who cites the etymology from Iranian tigri-, ‘arrow’, mentions a partly subterranean course in Armenia, connects the T. with Lake Van (> Thospitis

Limne) and is of the opinion that it flows parallel to the Arsanias (River Murat). The most important city on the

upper T., an Assyrian border region, was > Amida. From there the T. flows east, forming the border with ~ Sophene and — Gordyaea, with the rivers Batman (> Nymphaeus) and Bohtan (> Centrites) as tributaries. After that it breaks southwards through the Taurus mountains and arrives on the northern Mesopotamian plain. For a time in the znd/3rd cents. AD this section was the eastern border of the Roman Empire, cf. also names of road stations such as Ad Tigrem and Ad Flumen Tigrim (> Limes VI). It flows on through the core of Assyrian territory including the Assyrian residence cities of Nineveh (+ Ninus [2]), > Kalhu (Nimrud) and > Assur, later also part of > Adiabene; to the east of it was the ‘Eastern Tigris Region’. The most important tributaries there are the Greater and Lesser Zab (— Caprus [2], > Lycus[14]). As it enters the northern Babylonian alluvial plain the T. meanders considerably. Owing to the danger of flooding there were no large settlements immediately on its banks there before the Hellenistic period. Because of the strong current, apart from on a few sections river navigation was possible only downstream with the help of rafts. It was only in the Hellenistic period and with the founding of — Seleucia [1] that the significance of the Babylonian T. region increased. The closeness of the Euphrates permitted canals (~~ Naarmalcha) to be dug between the two river systems. The most important tributary in northern Babylonia was the Diyala (+ Tornadotus). Today the T. combines with the Euphrates at Al-Qurna to form the Satt al-‘Arab; originally they flowed separately to the Gulf. On its unclear course near its mouth cf. Plin. HN 6,129 f.; 138; 145147. The southernmost section with the tributary Karhe or Karun (-> Eulaeus [1], Pasitigris, -» Choaspes [1]) flows — forming an island — through > Mesene or + Characene with the ports of > Charax Spasin(o)u

and Teredon. + Mesopotamia (with map)

K.KE.

Tigurini. Sub-tribe of the — Helvetii, who under + Divico joined a looting campaign by the > Cimbri and in 107 BC annihilated a Roman army under Cassius [I rr] on the (?) > Garumna (modern Garonne). In

58 BC the T. protected the Helvetii crossing the > Arar and were attacked by Labienus [3]. Caesar ascribed this

TILENA

1 J.Sasex, Huldigung norischer Stimme am Magdalensberg in Karnten, in: Historia 16, 1967, 70-74 2 F.MUnzer, s. v. Labienus (6), RE 12, 260-270, here 261 3 G. Watser, Bellum Helveticum (Historia ES 118), 1998, 58-59.

G.W.

Til Barsip (Arabic Tall al-Ahmar) on the eastern bank

of the Euphrates, about 20 km to the south of > Karchemish. Remains from the Ubaid period (5th millennium BC) and the early, middle and late Bronze Age; several inscribed stelai from the period of the Luwian dynasty of Hapatilas (roth/9th cent. BC). Under the name TB the capital of the small Aramaic principality of Bit-Adini, which was conquered after several attempts by the Assyrian ruler > Salmanassar II] in 856 BC. In the town, renamed Kar Sulmanu-ASaréd, he built a pal-

ace with opulent wall paintings, which became the seat of an Assyrian governor. In the 8th and 7th cents. BC the city wall encompassed a maximum area of 55 hectares. Under the name Bersiba (Bérsima according to Ptol. 5,18,5) the town was a significant settlement between Edessa and Bambyce/Hierapolis from the Hellenistic period to the late Roman period. — Mesopotamia III. (with map) G. BUNNENS, Orient Express, 2001, 65-68 (with bibliogr.); P.-L. GaTrEeR, T.SINCLAIR, Antiochia (Map 67), in: R.J. A. TALBERT (ed.), The Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 2000. AR.HA.

[I 5] V. (Sabinus?), T. Praetor in 59 BC, thereafter probably governor of Africa (Cic. Flacc. 85). His relationship to the quaestor of > Verres (T. V.; cf. V. [I 2]) and the tresvir monetalis (> Tresviri [4]) T. V. Sabinus, whose dates are disputed (BMCRR, no. 3370; RRC, no. 404; MRR 2,455; 3,219), is unclear. T.Sprr1poNoy, Istori¢eska geografija na thrakijskite plemena, 1983, 19, 58.

Lv.B.

Tilena. Settlement or statio (CIL XIII 5621-5636) on the Via Agrippina, which runs along a tributary of the Arar (modern Sa6ne) of the same name (modern Tille), some 27 km to the north of Divio (modern Dijon) and

45 km to the south of Andemantunnum (modern Langres); modern Thil-Chatel (département of Cote-d’Or). At the junction of the military road from Vesontio (modern Besangon) with the Via Agrippina, T. was an economic and religious centre. Traces of a fortified

camp survive; little is known of the civilian settlement (burial inscriptions, cf. CIL XIII 5626 f. and 56335635; [2. 3608]; remains of a sanctuary at the road junction, cf. [r. 107]). A Celtic spring cult is recorded [2. 1311]; today the spring is dedicated to Saint Petronilla [1. 74, 161], as are cults of the > Matres (CIL XIII 5623) and > Epona (CIL XIII 5622). All votive inscriptions are from members of legions.

TILENA

676

675

1G.Drioux,

Les cultes indigénes des Lingons,

1934

Tilmun see > Dilmun

2 ESPERANDIEU, Rec. 4. GRENIER

I, 241, 2563 2, 57, 179, 267.

CH.W,

Tiliaventum. River in Venetia, modern Tagliamento (Geogr. Rav 4,36: Taliamentum). It rises in the Alpes Carnicae, flows through > lulium Carnicum, Osopus (modern Osoppo), Reunia (Ragogna), Apicilia (Latisanotta) and into the Adriatic between Concordia (Concordia Sagittaria) and Aquileia [1]. Wood was floated on the T. from the mountains to the sea; it is hence conceivable that the name of the river derives from Latin tilia, ‘lime’. Plin. HN 3,126 distinguishes the T. Maius and the T. Minus (modern Fella), its left-hand tributary. V.VEDALDI IJASBEZ, La Venetia orientale e |’Histria, 1994,

156-159; G. CANTINO WATAGHIN, Antichita e altomedioevo tra Livenza e Tagliamento, 1999.

GU.

Tilphossium

(Tirdwo(a)ov,

Tirdovoiov;

— Tilp-

hos(s)ion, Tilphousion). The northern part (up to more than 1000 m elevation) of the eastern Helicon [1] be-

tween > Haliartus and + Coronea. To the northeast of Alalcomenae [1] on the summit of Petra (ancient T.) was a pass controlling the most important east-westroute in central Greece. The well > Tilphusa [1. vol. 2, 222-224; vol. 3, 60-62] and the grave of — Teiresias (Ath. 2,41e; Apollod. 3,7,3) [1. vol. 3, 38 f.] were there, as was a fort fought over in the third of the > Sacred Wars

(Dem. Or. 19,141;

19,148). On T. there were

sanctuaries to Apollo Tilphossius [1. vol. 1, 76 f.] and

the Praxidikai

(> Praxidice) [1. vol.3, 5 f.]. H. Hom. ad

Apoll. 244-276; 375-387; Paus. 9,33,1-3; Str. 9,2,273 9,2,36.

1 SCHACHTER.

J.M. Fossey, Tilphosaion?, in: Id., Papers in Boiotian To-

Tillius [1] Brother of T. [2], senator, excluded from the Senate and exiled by Caesar; an appeal for clemency on his behalf was the signal for the murder of the dictator (Nicolaus of Damascus, Vita Caesaris 24,88; Plut. Caesar 66,5; Plut. Brutus 17,3 f.; App. B Civ. 2,490493). According to Horatius (Sat. 1,6,24 f.; 107-111), T. returned shortly thereafter and became senator again (as people’s tribune in 43?). His supposed hopes on becoming praetor were not fulfilled (death at Philippi in 42°).

[2] T. Cimber, L. Follower of Caesar and one of his murderers, he was possibly in Delphi in 62 BC (CIG I 1695). In 46 he campaigned for T. Ampius [2] Balbus (Cic. Fam. 6,12,2). Despite having received favours from Caesar such as a praetorship (in 45?, MRR 2,307; 3,205), I. joined the conspirators, perhaps due to his bitterness about the exile of his brother T. [1]. On x5 March 44 BC, T. approached the dictator, again pleaded for clemency and, when Caesar denied it as expected, tore down his toga — the sign for the murder. Caesar had recently nominated T. as governor of Bithynia et Pontus; confirmed in this office, he departed soon thereafter

[1. 330-345]. At the order of M. Tunius [I 10] Brutus and C. Cassius [I ro] Longinus, T. strongly armed the province which had no troops when he had taken it over (App. B Civ. 3,4; 3,18) and, in 43, attacked C. Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella in Syria, where he besieged Tarsus

pography and History, 1990, 169-184; S. LAUFFER, s. v. T., in: LAuFFER, Griechenland, 685. M.FE.

Tilphusa (Tidotoa, TéAdovoa; Tilphousa, Teélphousa). Boeotian well nymph, who does not allow + Apollo to build his oracle temple at her well, and

sends him to > Delphi so that she herself can preserve her area of influence. Apollo later fills in her well and in its place builds an altar to himself (Hom. H. 3,244-276;

3375-387). According to Apollod. 3,84 — Teiresias meets his death after drinking from her well; his grave was marked for a long time (Str. 9,2,27; 9,2,36). T. is also known in Arcadia (Paus. 8,25,1-3). E. WusT, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1045-1048.

R.HA.

Tilurium. Military camp or Roman settlement (Plin. HN 3,142; It. Ant. 337,5: Ponte Tiluri; Tab. Peut. 6,3: Tilurio; Geogr. Rav. 4,16: Tilurion) in the hinterland of ~ Salona on the Tilurius (modern Cetina; -» Nestus [2])

in the province of Dalmatia, modern Gardun (in Bosnia). The later Augustus stationed the Legio VII there in 33 BC. After AD 45 T. accommodated a number of detachments of other units (e.g. the Legio XI in > Burnum), and from the second half of the rst cent. auxiliary troops (Ala Frontoniana, Cohors Aquitanorum, Cohors I Belgarum). G. ALFOLDY, s. v. T., RE Suppl. 11, 1259-1268.

PI.CA,

(Cass. Dio 47,31,1). In 42 he followed Cassius to Mace-

Timaea (Tiata/Timaia). Spartan, wife of Agis [2] II, in

donia, feigned a landing manoeuvre against the Caesarians and took part in the decisive double battle near Philippi (App. B Civ. 4,426; 429; 438) during which he probably fell. T.’ change of sides was viewed either as a model of loyalty for republican principles (Cic. Phil. 2,27) or as ingratitude (Sen. De ira 3,30,4 f.) depending on the respective position.

415 BC supposedly seduced by -> Alcibiades [3] who thus fathered her son + Leotychidas [3], yet this is doubtful [1. 67 f.]. Agis only recognised Leotychidas as

1 W. SterNkopPrF, Die Verteilung der romischen Provinzen vor dem mutinensischen A2c—ACM

Kriege, in: Hermes

47, 1912, JO.F.

his son on his death-bed, in order to enable him to succeed to the throne. Lysander [1], however, saw to the election of Agesilaus [2] II (Duris FGrH 76 F 69; Xen. Hell. 3,3,1-4; Paus. 3,8,8—10; Plut. Agesilaus 3; Plut.

Alcibiades 23,7-9; Plut. Lysander 22,6-13; Plut. Mor. 467 f.). 1 W.M. Extis, Alcibiades, 1989.

K.-W.W.

677

678

Timaeus (Tiwatoc; Timaios). [1] T. of + Locri [2] Epizephyrii in southern Italy (Tiporog Aoxedcd/Timaios Lokros), the main speaker in

Il. Works 1) Synchronistic list of the > Olympic champions, Spartan kings and ephoroi, Athenian archontes, priestesses'of Heraat Argos (Poli12, 11,0 =f 10: F 125— 128). Owing to T., the counting of Olympiads (+ Chronography) was to become the reference point in historiography. 2) (Sikelikai) Historiai/(Zixehnai) ‘Iotogiau: ‘(Sicilian) Histories’ in 38 books, from the mythical beginnings to the death of + Agathocles [2] in 289/8 (T 6-8). There was also a ‘separate depiction’ of the ‘wars [sc. of the Romans] against > Pyrrhus’ [3] and further developments up to 264 (T 9). This is the date at which ~ Polybius’ [2] history begins (cf. Pol. 1,5,1 and 3.9,8,4

~ Plato’s [x] Timaeus, was in Antiquity regarded as a Pythagorean [1.83—85]. The Sudas.v. T. (IV p. 5 53,26f. ADLER) and the scholia to Pl. Tim. 20 A GREENE report that he wrote on mathematical problems, on nature and on the life of > Pythagoras [2] (uaOnuatixd, seoi mvoews, TeQi tov TvOayoeov Biov/Mathématika, Peri physeos, Peri tou Pythagorou biou) [1.85]. One treatise, in the Doric dialect [2.11—19], entitled ‘On the Nature of the Cosmos and of the Soul’ (Hegi ptovog xat XOOWW Xai puxac/Peri physios kai kdsm6 kai psychas) is preserved: it positions itself as the model for much of the Platonic T. Although the treatise was generally taken for authentic in Antiquity, studies have shown it to bea forgery of the late rst cent. BC [2.1-3, 20-26]. It thus needs to be seen in the context of the allegations of plagiarism levelled at Plato in Antiquity in respect of the T. in particular [2.3; 4.169-174]. Apart from abbreviations and some transpositions, the little treatise is essentially consistent with the Platonic dialogue in content and structure. It is not important to the history of ~ Neopythagoreanism, but it is esp. for that of Platonism, as it does betray traces of earlier interpretations of the entire Platonic dialogue which bridge the gap between the exegeses of the Old > Academy and the early Imperial Period [2.4-11, 20-26]. The treatise was seen

in the Imperial Period as evidence for Plato’s having adopted important doctrines from Pythagoreanism. It is mentioned or cited, firstly by > Nicomachus [9] of Gerasa, later by L. Calbenus > Taurus[5], > Iamblichus[2], — Syrianus, — Proclus[z] and — Simplicius {1.87-113]. EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS: 1 W. Mare (ed.), Timaeus Locrus, De natura mundi et animae, 1972 (with

Germ. transl.).

COMMENTARIES:

2M.Ba.teEs, Timaios Lokros, Uber

die Natur des Kosmos und der Seele, 1972. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3/J.DiLLon, The Middle Platonists, *1996, 118, 130f. 4A.S. Ricinos, Platonica. The Anecdotes Concerning the Life and Writings of Plato, 1976.

M.BA. [2] IT. of Tauromenium (modern Taormina on Sicily), most important western Greek historian, c. 350-260 BG I. Lire Il. Works III. LEANINGS AND LEGACY Gaps T. was the son of Andromachus, the founder (358

BC) and dynast of - Tauromenium, who enthusiastically adopted (358) and energetically supported > Timoleon (FGrH 566 T 3). T. was banished (F 124) around 315 for his opposition to tyranny, probably when > Agathocles [2] took Tauromenium. He spent at least 50 years of his exile at Athens (F 34). There, he became a pupil of the Isocratean -> Philiscus [3] [3] (T rt) and wrote his great work of history. It is possible that he returned to Sicily around 265. T. d. at the age of 96 (T 5), soon after 264 (see below).

TIMAEUS

Sane

The structure of the histories is known only in outline. What we know of the work depends on 164 frr., the extensive use of T. by > Diodorus [18] Siculus (books 4-21, where they deal with Sicilian history), [1] and Polybius’ thorough critique of T. in his r2th book [2]. An introduction (prokataskeue) comprising five books contains the geography and ethnography of the west, and reports of ‘colonies, city foundations and kinships’ (T 7). Books 6-15 dealt with the early history of Sicily up to > Dionysius [1] I’s assumption of power in 406/5, and books 16-33 covered the time of the later tyrannis (406/5-344/3) and further developments up to Agathocles. The last five books (34-38) recounted the history of Agathocles (T 8). T. did not restrict himself to the history of Sicily alone, but dealt with the entire West, including Carthage. He was the first Greek historian ever to give an (albeit often summary) account of Roman history up to 264 (T 9b). Hence > Gellius [6] (Gell. r1,1,1 = T 9c), with some justification, speaks of ‘the histories which T. composed in the Greek language about the affairs of the Roman people’ (...historiis quas oratione Graeca de rebus populi Romani composuit). T.’ concept of history was exceedingly comprehensive: myth, geography, ethnography, political and military events, culture, religion, tales of wonder and paradoxes of all kinds were surveyed. III. LEANINGS AND LEGACY His Sicilian patriotism often led T. to slant matters in favour of the Siciliots (F 94). He also always emphasized the role of the western Greeks in Greek intellectual life (e.g. Pythagoras: F 12; 131f., Empedocles F 14,134, Gorgias: F 137). A historian of aristocratic background and conservative instincts, he not only propagated a distorted image of Agathocles (F 124), but also portrayed the other tyrants, e.g. > Hieron [1] and > Dionysius [1] I (F 29; 105), in an extremely negative light, with the exception of + Gelon [1]. The Carthaginians, arch-enemies of the Sicilian Greeks, were also judged tendentiously, indeed with hatred. He used elements of rhetorical (cf. Pol. 12,25; F 22; 31), tragic and pragmatic + historiography (II. C.; cf. F 7; 151) in equal measure, and his work thus constituted a prime example of

TIMAEUS

679

the blend of diverse historiographical tendencies that is typical of early times. T. was also the first Greek historian to subject almost all his predecessors and other literary figures to sharp criticism. This is also the origin of the witty nickname Epitimaios (‘the Fault-Finder’) coined by > Istrus [2] (I 1; T 11; T 16). He reserved particular vehemence

for his attack on > Philistus, his immediate predecessor in the field of Sicilian historiography (F 38; T 18; F 154). T. in turn was chided by Polybius (book 12) for numerous factual errors, for his immoderate attacks on his predecessors and the inadequacy of his historical method, which, according to Polybius, was characterized by mere book learning, a lack of forensic skill and the absence of any political or military experience. Nonetheless, T. was ‘the most important historian

between Ephorus and Polybius’, and he became ‘the standard authority on the history of the Greek West for almost five hundred years’ [3]. Of the Greek authors, + Callimachus [3], > Lycophron [5], > Eratosthenes [2], > Agatharchides, — Polybius [2], — Poseidonius [3], > Diodorus [18] Siculus, > Strabo [1] and Plutarch (> Plutarchus [2]) were among those who used him, and Romans including > Fabius [I 3 5] Pictor, the elder -» Cato [1], > Cicero, Cornelius + Nepos [2], Ovid (+ Ovidius Naso) and > Gellius [6] did likewise. The

reactions of Istrus (T 10) and > Polemon [2] of Ilium (T

680

Laconia, including perioikoi (Pol. 4,34,9), and enslaving them (50,000: Plut. Agis/Cleomenes 39,3). He is probably to be identified with the T. attested by inscription (Syll.3 444 E (25 5/4); cf. StV 3, 495 and 546). W.ED. [4] Greek astrologer, probably rst. cent. BC. Vettius Valens mentions him immediately after > Critodemus. He selected the seven most influential locations from the

dodekat(r)opos

(CCAG

8.3,

116).

Pliny

(HN

5,5 5f.) mentions his celestial explanations of the Nile flood and (16,82) the poisonous miasma of the zodiacal Scorpio. Vettius Valens cites (2,32) Ileot yovewy &x THv Twwaiouv/Peri gonéon ek ton Timaiou (‘On parents, from the [sc. writings of] T.’), Aba Ma‘sar (CCAG 1, 97-99, also 5.1, 29) Tywaiov

Moaktéov (MoagwWixov KROLL) meol Soamet@v xal xAent@v/Timaiou Praxidou (Praxi-

dikou KROLL) peri drapeton kai klepton (‘On absconded slaves and thieves’). The Ma6nuatxc/Mathematika mentioned in the Suda s.v. T. may also be his work. W.KROLL, s.v. Timaios (9), RE 6 A, 1228; F.H. CRAMER,

Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, 1954, 17; W. and H.G. GunbEL, Astrologumena, 1966, 111f. W.H.

[5] Greek lexicographer, known for a short lexicon for the elucidation of — Plato[r], mentioned

by Photius (Bibl. Cod. 151; 154) and preserved in a single, highlyinterpolated MS. It dates from some time between the tstand 4th cents. AD. T. seems to have processed other,

26) and Polybius’ criticism (Pol. book 12) also attest to the great impact of his work, which (pace [4]) set new

older (lost) Plato commentaries. His work was used by

standards in Greek historiography by virtue of the breadth of its concept of history, its blend of diverse historiographical genera, its consideration of Roman history and, not least, its chronological meticulousness.

the later Plato scholiasts and found its way into various Byzantine lexica (+ Photius [2] and > Suda) by way of the Synagége léxeon chrésimon. ~> Lexicography

1K. MEISTER, Die sizilische Geschichte bei Diodoros, thesis, Munich 1966 2 Id., Historische Kritik bei Polybios,

1975, 3-55 West, 1987

3 L.PrEarson, The Greek Historians of the 4 O.LENDLE, Einfihrung in die griechische

Geschichtsschreibung, 1992, 211-218. EpITIONS: FGrH 566 (with comm. by JAcoBy). BIBLIOGRAPHY: T.S. BROWN, Timaius of Tauromenium, 1958; K. Mester, The Role of Timaeus in Greek

Historiography, in: Scripta Classica Israelica 10, 1989/90, 55-65; Id., Die griechische Geschichtsschreibung, 1990, 131-137; G.SCHEPENS, Politics and Belief in T. of Tauromenium, in: AncSoc 25, 1994, 249-278; R. VATTUONE,

Sapienza d’occidente. I] pensiero storico di Timeo di Tauromenio, 1991; F.W. WALBANK, Timaios und die westgriechische Sicht der Vergangenheit (Xenia 29), 1992; Id., The Historians of Greek Sicily, in: Kokalos 14/5, 1968/9,

476-498; I. Weiter, Autopsie und Geschichtserkenntnis bei Polybios und Timaios, in: P. W. Harper (ed.), Althistorische Studien, FS F. Hampl, 2001, 317-333. K.MEIL,

EpITIoNs:

1F.DUBNer,

1.G. Barrerus

Glossarium

et al., Platonis

opera

Platonicum,

in:

1839, 969-1010

2 D. RUHNKEN, Timaei sophistae lexicon vocum Platonicarum,

1789.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

A, 1226-1228

3 K.VON FRITZ, s.v. Timaios (8), RE 6

4T.Metrauer, De Platonis scholiorum

fontibus, thesis, Zurich

1880, 62—69.

ST.MA.

Timagenes (Twwayévns/Timagénés). {1] T. of Alexandria. The Greek rhetor and historian T. arrived in Rome in 55 BC as a prisoner of war of A.

Gabinius [I 2] and was ransomed by Sulla’s son Cornelius [I 87] Faustus (FGrH 88 T 1). He worked there as a respected rhetor, mentioned in the same breath as Caecilius [II] 5] of Cale Acte and + Craton (T 1 and 2).

Initially, he was in great favour with Augustus, but later fell into disgrace with the emperor because of his all too candid statements, and from then on lived in Asinius

{I 4] Pollio’s house (T 2 and 3). Of the ‘many books’ T. [3] Strategos of the Aetolian League around 240 (cf. Syll. 480; — Aetolians, Aetolia [B. 3.]). Probably invaded the Peloponnese in 241 with -» Charixenus|2], plundered temples at -»Taenarum and > Lusi (Pol. 9,34,9) and attacked Sparta, which was weakened by internal unrest (> Agis [4]), nonetheless without success. He succeeded in capturing many inhabitants of

wrote

(T 1), only the title ‘Kings’ (Peri basiléon) is

known, intended as a universal history extending from the beginnings until the time of Caesar. Its bias was on the one hand anti-Roman — felicitati urbis inimicus (Sen. Ep. 91,13 = T 8), and on the other hand ‘Hellenocentric and pro-Barbarian’ [1].

681

682

TIMANTHES

1 M.Sorp1, Timagene di Alessandria, uno storico ellenocentrico e filobarbaro, in: ANRW II 30,1, 1982, 775-797.

[3] Epicurean, see > Timasagoras.

EpiTr1on: T. von Alexandria FGrH 88 (with the comm.

Timandra (Twdvdeo/Timdndra).

by Jacosy). BIBLIOGRAPHY: G.W. BoweRsock, Augustus and the Greek World, 1965, 109 f.; R. LAQUEUR, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1063-1071; J.Matirz, Die Historien des Poseidonios, 1983, 52 f.; A.MEHL, ROmische Geschichtsschreibung, 2001, 99. K.MEI.

[1] Daughter of > Tyndareos and > Leda, sister of — Clytaemnestra and Helene [1], wife of Echemus [1] of Tegea (Apollod. 3,126; 3,129; Paus. 8,5,1), and with him mother of + Evander [1] (Serv. Aen. 8,130). Owing to a curse by Aphrodite on the daughters of Tyndareos (according to Stesich. in Schol. Eur. Or. 249, because Aphrodite had been passed over in a sacrifice by Tyndareos), T. leaves Echemus and goes to Dulichium with > Phyleus, father of her son > Meges (Eustasiosst7)s T.GO. [2] Mistress of > Alcibiades [3], from a prominent family in the Sicilian city of Hyccara (Plut. Alcibiades 39). When in 404 BC Alcibiades was murdered in Melissa [4] (in Phrygia), she was with him and is supposed to have buried his body (Plut. Alcibiades 3.9; Nep. Alcibiades 11). Mother of Lais [2].

[2] Military leader of Egyptian origin, who on the orders of + Zenobia [2] subjugated the whole of Egypt in AD 269/270. He and his occupation army succeeded in repelling the — praefectus Aegypti — Tenagino Probus sent against him near Memphis (Zos. 1,44,2; otherwise SHA Claud. 11,1 f.). After the end of the Roman-style empire of > Palmyra, he ended up in as a prisoner of the emperor > Aurelianus [3]. PIR57> PURE 1973%

TR.

Timagetus (Tiwcayntoc/Timdgétos). Author of a work Tlegt Aweévov/Peri liménon (‘On Harbours’) of at least two books surviving in seven frr., probably from the first half of the 4th cent. BC (FHG 4, 519 f.): six frr. in scholia ad Apoll. Rhod. 1,224-226a W. (otherwise FGrH 42, F3); Apoll. Rhod. 2,1031b; 4,257-262b; 4,282-291b; 4,303-306b; 4,323-326a, one fr. in Steph. Byz. s.v. “Axti/Akté (here with the name: Anudyntocd/Démagétos). In these frr., no harbour is mentioned; five of them provide mythical narrative on the voyage of the > Argonauts. Frr. 1-3 (FHG) are devoted to the course of the Danube (- Ister [1]), where T. (fr. 2), however, unlike Apoll. Rhod. 4,284 ff., who may otherwise have used T.’ work as a basis, has a branch discharge into the Tyrrhenian Sea (> Mare Tyrrhenum). T.’ work with its idiosyncratic information was displaced by that of > Timosthenes [2]. F. GISINGER, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1071-1073.

H.A.G.

Timagoras (Twayooad/Timagoras). [1] Greek Classical period painter and poet (?) from Chalcis; known only from Plin. HN 35,58, who gives an account of a painting competition during the Pythian Games in Delphi (c. 450-440 BC), which T. won against > Panaenus. The scale and appearance of his works are unknown. N.J. Kocu, Techné

und Erfindung in der klassischen

Malerei, 2000, 229; G.LIppOoLp, s.v. T. (7), RE 6 A, 1074; P.MORENO, s. v. T., EAA 7, 1966, 855. N.H.

[2] Athenian, sent to > Artaxerxes

[2] II in Susa in

367 BC in order to look after Athenian interests in the face of a legation of Thebans. On his return T. was accused by his fellow envoy > Leon [5] of conspiring with > Pelopidas, and possibly of corruption, by means of a > parapresbeias graphé and condemned to death [ene Site a Szetel: 1S.PERLMAN, On Bribing Athenian Ambassadors, in: GRBS 17, 1976, 223-233 2J.HorsTETTER, Die Grie-

chen in Persien, 1978.

WS.

W.M. Exuis, Alcibiades, 1989, 97.

ME.SCH.

Timanthes (TwavOne/Timanthes). [1] Greek painter from the island of Cythnos in the Cyclades, active in the late 5th and early 4th cents. BC, contemporary

of — Parrhasius

and

— Zeuxis

[r],

against whom he competed, sometimes victoriously (Plin. HN 35,72). T. is assigned to both the Sicyonian and the Attic schools of painting. In his works, all lost, written sources [1] praise primarily his creative inventiveness (ingenium), less his painting techniques. The original manner of presentation was also considered exemplary for the art of rhetoric. A ‘Sacrifice of > Iphigenia’ was particularly famous; in this, T. expressed the emotional shock of those involved by various forms of facial expression and posture, which in the figure of Agamemnon he raised to such an extent that he enveloped him entirely in his cloak because otherwise his -» mourning could not be represented. There are various copies of this pictorial element in reliefs, mosaics and Pompeian > wall paintings (Plin. HN 35,73 f.; Cic. Orate22 74s Gic Brutenss7o@nintlnsta

2ereei3)):

Other themes were a sleeping Cyclops surrounded by Satyrs; a hero, whose ideal build (probably similar to the canon of > Polyclitus [1]) became a model for other painters, and the defeat of Ajax [1] by Achilleus in the contest for the arms of Achilles. 1 OVERBECK, nos. 1734-1744 2L.Kant, s. v. Iphigeneia, LIMC 5, 1990, 710, no.4 + 3N.J Kocn, Techné und Erfindung in der klassischen Malerei, 2000, 201; 229 4G.Lrppoxp, s.v. T. (1), RE6 A, 1231 5 P. MORENO,

s.v. T. (1), EAA 7, 1966, 855 6J.J. Pottitr, The Ancient View of Greek Art, 1974, 456 (Index) 7 I.SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994, 221 (Index) 8 O. TOUCHEFEU, s. v. Aias, LIMC 1, 1981, 5 ola eaovnetysa

[2] Greek painter of the second half of the 3rd cent. BC, friend and artistic adviser of > Aratus [2]. A painting is recorded of a battle scene of the expulsion of the Aetolians from — Pellene under the leadership of the ruler (Plut. Aratos 12; 32). Of the style nothing is known.

TIMANTHES G. LippoLp,s. v. T. (2), RE 6 A, (2), EAA 7, 1966, 856.

683

684

1232; P. MORENO, s. v. T.

[3] Aetolian condottiere who occupied Samos (Frontin. Str. 3,2,11; see lastly [1. 280 f.]), probably after a conflict with the Ptolemaic officer Charmades (PP VI

N.H.

Timarchides (Tywaoyidye/Timarchides). [1] Frequently occurring name in a 2nd-cent. BC Attic family of sculptors. A T. created an Apollo Kitharoidus in Rome in c. 179 BC, of which copies exist. After 156 BC in Elatea [1], a younger T. and Timocles, sons of Polycles [3], worked on cult images of Asclepius and Athena, of which fragments survive, and a victor statue at Olympia. After 130 BC the same T. and Dionysius [48] created a surviving portrait statue of Ofellius Ferus in Delos. In the rst cent. BC, there is inscriptional evidence of a further sculptor, T. the Younger (Neoteros).

OVERBECK, nOS. 2207; 2211; 2213; LOEWy, no. 242; J.Marcapg, Recueil des signatures de sculpteurs grecs,

15131). From there, he made himself tyrant of Miletus with the aid of his mercenaries (Polyaenus, Strat. 5,25 with [2]). The dating of his short period of rule can be approximated by the fact that he stood on the side of Ptolemaeus [4] in the latter’s revolt (Pomp. Trog. Prologi 26) and was then 259/8 (?) toppled by Antiochus [3] Il. As a result, the latter received the cognomen Theos (App. Syr. 65,344; cf. IMilet I 3, 123; [Didyma 358). No coins of T. are known. 1 K.Haior, Cu. MiLeta, Samos und Ptolemaios IIL, in: Chiron

27,

1997,

255-285

MOELLENDORFF, KS 5.1, 3 ROBERT, OMS 3, 1633 f.

2U.von

1937

(repr.

WILAMOWITZ

1971),

441

R.BAGNALL, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Posses-

vol. 2, 1957, 131 f.; P, MORENO, s. v. T. (1), EAA 7, 1966, 856 f.;Id.,s. v. T. (1-2), EAA 2. Suppl. 5, 1997, 772-7743 A.STEWART, Greek Sculpture, 1990, 304 f.; F. QUEYREL,

sions outside Egypt, 1976, 80 f.; W. Huss, Agypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 2001, 282 f. W.A.

C. Ofellius Ferus, in: BCH 115, 1991, 389-464; G.I. DespPINis, Studien zur hellenistischen Plastik I, in:

[4] T. from Miletus (grandson of T. [3]?), son of Heraclides. At first, he was a page(?) at the court of + Antiochus [6] IV along with his brother Heraclides, then Antiochus’ legate in Rome, finally general governor of the ‘Upper Satrapies’, i.e. the Seleucid areas to the east of the Euphrates. He and his brother endowed a bouleuterion for their hometown during the reign of Antiochus’ [1. 95-99]. In 164 BC, T. refused to acknowledge

MDAI(A) 110, 1995, 339-372.

RN.

[2] Freeman and accensus (> Accensi) of C. > Verres,

one of his closest helpers in Sicily 73-71 BC, well-informed on the leading class there (Cic. Verr. 2,2,133137; 2,3,154-157). I. collected protection money (ibid. 2,5,116; 2,5,120) and engaged in temple robbery (ibid. 2,4,94). JOR.

Timarchus (Tiwaeyoc/Timarchos). [1] Son of Arizelus from the demos of Sphettus, Athenian politician in the 4th cent. BC who held several offices from 361/o on (member of the council and of the financial office, legate). The speech of — Aeschines [2] (who was about the same age as T.) of 345 in which he defended against a > parapresbeias graphe filed by T. was directed against T., who was a follower of Demosthenes [2] and an adherent of pronounced anti-Macedonian politics. The accusations in the speech against T. (passive homosexuality, waste and careless management of his office) appear to have resulted in a premature end of T.’ political career. -» Aeschines [2] N.FisHeR, Aeschines: Against Timarchos, 2001 (introduction, commentary and an English translation); PA

13636; SCHAFER 2, 334-343

HA.BE.

[2] Sculptor from Athens, 3rd cent. BC, son of - Praxiteles and brother of + Cephisodotus [5] with whom he created most of the works that have been transmitted through inscriptions or literature. His sitting statue of ~ Menander [4] in the Athenian Theatre of Dionysus is the only one to have been transmitted through Roman copies. OVERBECK, nos. 1331-1338; LOEWy, nos. 108-110; 491; LipPoLp, 299 f.; K. FirrscHEN, Die Statue des Menander, in: MDAI(A)

106, r991, 243-279; P. MorENO, Scultura

ellenistica, 1994, 175-177.

RN.

~» Demetrius [7] I as the successor of Antiochus, man-

aged to procure for himself Roman recognition as king (coin legend Baothéws weycdou/basiléds megalou: HN 764) and in 162 allied himself with > Artaxias [1] I of Armenia but was defeated in 161/o by Demetrius and then lost his life (Diod. Sic. 31,27a; Pomp. Trog. prologi

343 App. Syr. 45,2353 475242). 1 H.Knacxeuss, Das Rathaus (Milet 1.2), 1908.

A. KneppE, T., in: H.-J. DREXHAGE (ed.), Migratio et commutatio.

Festschrift Th. Pekary,

367-369.

1989, 37-49; WILL

2,

A.ME.

Timasagoras (Tywicaoayooas; Timasagoras). Epicurean

‘deviant’ (sophistes), living in Rhodes presumably in the 2nd cent. BC. T., who shared the philosophical views of Nicasicrates, the leader of the Epicurean school there, is accused together with him (primarily by Philodemus) of having misappropriated Epicurean theories by setting themselves in opposition to the founders (kathégemones). T.’ interest was in the theory of perception, particularly vision (PHercul. 19/698). T. and Nicasicrates were of the opinion that anger is an affect that should be avoided in all its forms. Philodemus, who, with Epicurus, accepted a natural anger (physike orgé), attacked the two for it in his work ‘On Anger’. F.LoNGo Auriccuio,

A. TEPEDINO GUERRA, Chi é Tima-

sagora?, in; Atti del Convegno: La regione sotterrata dal Vesuvio, Studi e prospettive (Napoli 1979), 1982, 405-

413.

TD.

685

686

Timasion (Twaciwv; Timasion) from Dardanus in the Troas. After the battle of > Cunaxa in 401 BC and the murder of Clearchus [2] elected a leader of the Greek mercenaries of the army of the young Cyrus [3]; equestrian leader in the March of the Ten Thousand against Artaxerxes [2] (Xen. An. 3,1,47 et passim). O.LENDLE, Kommentar zu Xen. An., 1995, 157 f.

HA.BE. Timasitheus (Twaoi8eoc/Timasitheos). As a high offi-

cial of > Lipara in 393 BC he brought about the freeing of a Roman legation, captured with their ship, which was taking a tenth of the > Veii plunder to Delphi as votive gifts. This deed earned treatment as an honoured guest of the Roman people for T. himself and privileges for his descendants when Lipara came under Roman rule in 252 BC (Diod. 14,93,4 f.; Liv. 5,28,3-5; Val. Max. 1,1 exteri 4; Plut. Camillus 8,3-8). CMU. Timasius. Flavius T., an officer under Valens [2], in AD 385 cos., in 386 > comes et magister equitum, 388-395 + magister equitum et peditum, and in 388 he led the infantry in a war with > Maximus [II 7]. He took part in the conflicts between — Theodosius [II 2] and + Ambrosius over the synagogue in Callinicum, which had been destroyed by Christians. In 389, T. was cos. II. In 391, when he had to fight bands of Goths in Thrace, he came into conflict with > Rufinus [II 3] and shortly afterwards fell into disgrace. In 394, however, he was commander-in-chief with — Stilicho in battle against — Eugenius [1]. Under > Arcadius [1], he initially remained magister militum; in 396 — Eutropius [4] had him denounced, probably unjustly, for high treason and obtained the banishment of T., known as arrogant, ambitious and avaricious; his later fate until his death at the beginning of 400 is unknown. He left a widow by the name of Pentadia. PLRE 1, 914 f. KIGen Timavus

(Tiavov/Timauon).

River

in the

border

region between — Histria and -» Venetia. It flows through karst country, in parts of which it seeps away. It moved ancient authors to astonishment with its numerous springs of abundant water (according to Verg. Aen. 1,245 nine, according to Pol. in Str. 5,1,8 seven springs). According to Plin. HN 3,128, it was connected to the nauts, at the Reka,

Istrus [2] (Danube) (cf. the return of the > ArgoMart. 4,25,5 f.; 8,28,7 f.). Today, from its source foot of the Dletvo onwards, the river is called the at the Skocjan Caves it trickles away, and where

it returns to the surface at San Giovanni di Duino it is called the Timavo; according to Pol. loc.cit., it was described by the indigenous inhabitants as the ‘source and mother of the seas’. In the Fons Timavi sanctuary, there was originally a cult worshipping a female chthonic deity (possibly Reitia = Minerva), then T. and Diomedes [1]. T., a pre-Celtic deity, is known from various dedications ([1]; ILS 3900). 1 M.Buora-ZaccariA, Una nuova aretta votiva Timavo, in: Aquileia Nostra 60, 1989, 309-311.

al

TIME, CONCEPTS

OF

M.SaSex Kos, Pre-Roman Divinities of the Eastern Alps and Adriatic, 1999, 18-20; Ead., Sacred Places and Epichoric Gods, in: CH. DELPLACE (ed.), Les cultes polythéistes dans l’Adriatique romaine, 2000, 27-51; L. Bosto, Le strade romane della Venetia e dell’Histria, 1991, 213-223, 254. PICA.

Timbriada

(Twfeiada/Timbriada,

Tuufeiada/

Tymbriada). Settlement in the northeast of > Pisidia at modern Aksu (formerly Mirahor) in the region of the source of the Eurymedon [5], to whom as a river god a large cave sanctuary was dedicated [2]. In the Byzantine period a bishopric |[3. 405]. Coin legends exclusively from the Roman Imperial period make the variously spelt place name certain [1. 49]. 1 AULOCK 2, 47-50 2 D. Kaya, S. MITCHELL, The Sanctuary of the God Eurymedon at Tymbriada in Pisidia, in: AS 35, 1985, 39-55 3 BELKE/MERSICH, 405 f.

ZGUSTA, 639 f.

HB.

Time (t1/timé, literally ‘honour’, ‘esteem’), is used in

Attic law in two aspects. (1) In the Archaic period a killer could stave off the victim’s relatives’ right of revenge by paying weregeld (time, fine) in accordance with an agreement of conciliation (+ Aidesis). However, somebody killed lawfully, in self-defence or retribution for an unlawful act, or for

breaching a ban, would remain ‘unavenged’ (d&twoc/ dtimos), and their relatives could not claim a time [3. 101; 2. 99]. In later > atimia, deprivation of civic

rights, the idea of paying retribution is supplanted by the meaning of time = ‘honour’ [2. 192]. (2) The division of Athenians into census classes

(tédn/téle:

— Pentakosiomédimnoi,

— Hippeis,

-» Zeugitai, > Thetai) was based on estimation (time)

of the average annual production of grain, oil and wine from their property. In a > timokratia constitution it was in accordance with this that participation in civil rights and duties were organized [1. 48 f., 522 f.]. Outside Athens, tysotyov—> timoiichoi (‘holders of honour’) are found as the highest authority in a polis, with time acquiring the meaning of ‘office’: e.g. in Teos, Abdera, Naucratis [4. 62]. 1J.BLEICKEN, Die athenische Demokratie, *1994 2 M.H. Hansen, The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes, 1991 3 J. VELISSAROPOULOS-KARAKOstas, Nepoinei tethnanai, in: M.GAGaRIN (ed.), Symposion 1990,

1991, 93-105

4K.-W.

WeLwel,

chische Polis, *1998.

Die grie-

Gr

Time of day see > Clocks Time, concepts of I. THe ANCIENT ORIENT

IJ. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. THe ANCIENT ORIENT The concept of time in cuneiform cultures is characterized by cyclic and linear rhythms, ideas of beginning

687

688

and end, before and after, repetition and change, progress, past, present, future, and ‘eternity’/perpetuity. All these aspects can be grasped both notionally and conceptually in the transmitted sources, but are not the subject of asystematic, theoretical discourse. The languages of the cuneiform cultures had several means available to

temporal duration and xaigd¢ (Rairds) as a favourable point in time. Zeno [1]’s paradoxes of movement im-

TIME, CONCEPTS

OF

describe events, circumstances and states of affair witha

view to various levels of time. The central function of time as a social category marks every concept of time. Individual segments were specially qualified on the basis of events that might be astronomical (such as the phases of the moon) or otherwise natural (for instance, agriculture) or cultural-political (for instance, coronations) —

whether one-time or recurrent. They attracted particular attention both in the area of cultic practice (cf. » Festivals; Feasts, > Ritual) and in that of -» magic and > divination [2]. Such culturally relevant phenomena as natural rhythms, the existence of summer and winter, the problem of immortality and of survival were discussed in epic, myth, and disputations (such as the Enuma ellis; fables of winter and summer). There are no traces of a physical-scientific concept of time. Whether ‘Time’ in the form of an originary deity played a role in the context of cosmogonic conceptions among the Phoenicians, as is transmitted by some classical sources (Pherecydes [1], Damascius), cannot be verified in the current state of the sources [1]. + Chronography; -—> Gilgamesh, Gilgamesh Epic; + Historiography 1K.Kocu, Wind und Zeit als Konstituenten des Kosmos in phonikischer Mythologie und spatalttestamentlichen Texten, in: M.DretricH, O.LoretTz (eds.), Mesopotamica — Ugaritica — Biblica. FS K. Bergerhof, 1993, 58-91

plicitly presuppose the indivisible and unextended nature of the punctiform now, as well as the continuous nature of temporal duration. The numerability of time is assumed in the Pythagorean -+ cosmogony. The theogony of > Pherecydes [1] of Syrus includes personified time among the first three > principles (moeatat aoyai/ protai archai) and attributes to it perpetual being (dei eival/aei eindl). Peculiar to the Presocratics, on the other hand, is the fact that they interpret temporal relations primarily as legal relations. According to Anaximander (12 B1; A9 DK), everything that proceeds forth from the unlimited through its own emergence becomes guilty of suppressing its contrary, and receives its punishment in accordance with the ‘order of time’ (tot yoovov taEtc/tou chro-

nou taxis), which ordains that everything temporal necessarily perishes, thus ensuring -* JusTICE (diké). ~» Solon [1] (fr. 24,1-7 DIEHL) indeed speaks of a ‘tribunal of time’ (yodvov dixn/chronou diké). Time (chronos) imparts the certainty that no misdeed is ever

forgotten and remains unpunished, not as a principle that merely permits occurrences, but as itself an active advocate of what is right. Time’s divine power, which is oriented toward the future and brings equal measures of truth and annihilation, is also emphasized in the lyric verse of - Pindar and > Simonides [2] (for instance, Pind. Ol. 6.97; 8,28; 10,7f.;Pind. Nem. 7,67£.; Simon. Epigram 75). Whereas in Solon it functions as a guarantor of the inescapability of retribution and the constant re-establishment of what is right, it becomes clear

at the same time that even what is right never lasts long.

2 A.Livinestone, The Magic of Time, in: T. ABuscH, K. VAN DER TOoRN (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic. Textual,

Historical and Interpretative Perspectives,

1a 7s

1999,

131-

E.C-K.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. THE PresocratTics B.PLato C. ARISTOTLE D. THE Stoa’_ E. PYRRHONIAN SCEPTICISM F. PLotinus G. SimpLticius H. AUGUSTINE

J. BoETHIUS

A. THE PRESOCRATICS No elaborate concepts of time, but numerous stimuli that were taken up by later ancient theories, are to be found in the > Presocratics. In anticipation of > Plato [1] and > Plotinus, it is noteworthy that > Anaximander and > Empedocles understand time with a view to eternity, when they contrast the unlimited ((eioov/ apeiron; — Infinity) or the One with what proceeds forth from it, which, although based in the eternal, is itself subject to perishability (12 B 1 DK; 12 A 9 DK; 31 B 16 DK). However, eternity is conceived in the Presocratics as an unlimited duration in time, and not, as in Plato and Plotinus, as timelessness (Heracl. 22 B 30 DK). Various aspects point forward to Aristotle [6], such as the distinction between yodvocg (chronos) as a

B. PLaTo The cosmogony of Plato’s Timaeus interprets time (chronos) on the basis of eternity (aidv/aidn), which

Plato [1] conceives, contrary to tradition, as the negation of temporal succession, that is, as a permanent present. A divine — démiourgos [3] fashions the kosmos (-> World) as a rational and immortal living being, whose model is the one, perfect, and eternal living being (cf. Pl. Ti. 33a-b). To make the kdsmos as similar as possible to its model, the démiourgos engenders time as the image, progressing according to number, of eternity, which dwells in simple unity (Pl. Ti. 37c-39e). Thus, time represents that property of the

kosmos which may allow it to approximate its model; yet it cannot level out the prevailing difference and deficiency. According to the relation between archetype and image (-> Ideas, theory of), time is distinguished from eternity by its constant progression, although both are endowed with a character of totality and unity that embraces all life. It is this character that Plato emphasizes when he distinguishes time both from (a) the units of temporal duration designated as the ‘parts’ (uogoUmoroi) of time, and from (b) the so-called ‘forms’ (té& eidn/ta eidé) of time, namely, the temporal modes of past and future. The measurement of time is

689

690

made possible by the continuity and periodicity of the planetary orbits (— Planets I. B.), set in order by the démiourgos at the same time as the generation of time. Called the ‘instruments of time’ (Pl. Ti. 41e 5; 42d 5), these planets and their orbits are not to be identified with time itself. Owing to the imperishability of the kosmos, time also has no end, and Plato consequently calls it eternal (aidvioc/aionios, that is, of unlimited temporal duration). Time can therefore be understood as the constant, perpetual alteration of the késmos, and is to be distinguished from the timeless eternity of its archetype. The problem of how to grasp time conceptually is faced in Plato’s Timaeus, where its nature as an image is characterized in a similarly imagistic discourse (eixdc hoyoc/eikos logos; Pl. Ti. 28b 3-29d 3). With regard to the problem of how the transformation (yetaPpodr/ metabole) of one state into another is to be explained, since only one or the other can exist at any given time, Plato in the Parmenides (Pl. Prm. 15 5e 4-157) 5) conceives of the instant (&aigvyc/exaiphnés) as a significantly timeless moment, at which alone a transformation can take place. The exaiphnés is akin to eternity in its negation of temporal succession, yet unlike eternity it does not lie beyond time, but acts as something timeless within time, and, as the principle that enables change, constitutes precisely the motive force of time.

Central to the Aristotelian concept of time is the relation between temporal duration (chrénos) and temporal points (ta myn), which depend upon one another both for their recognizability and for their reality: each temporal duration is limited by a beginning and an endpoint. These ‘punctiform nows’ (t& viv/ta nyn) are to be understood as atomic points, not as parts of time. Unlike the kairés (the notion of a favourable moment, important for the theory of action, representing an occasion that can be qualified by a content), the formal notion of the myn is defined from a purely functional

C. ARISTOTLE In his Physics, Aristotle (Aristoteles [6]) (Aristot. Ph. 4,10-14) starts out from the question of whether time (chrénos) is the cause of change (xtvynoic/ kinésis; ~ Motion). Since time and change can only be perceived simultaneously, time is ‘something that belongs to change’ (tijc xwhoeds wWtés kineseds ti, Aristot. Ph. 4,11,219a 8-10). Aristotle’s definition of time: ‘For time is just this: the number of change with regard to the before and after’ (Aristot. Ph. 4,11,219b 1 f.), has often

been criticized as circular. Since what is meant by + number is not that by means of which we count, but what is countable or the numerable, time may be conceived as a specific quantity of sections of change (insofar as this quantity is counted or measured). Thus, not only change, but also the soul (in its function as the faculty of counting) are presupposed as necessary, but not as sufficient conditions for time. In the absence of soul, there would be no time, but at best its substrate, change (> Soul, theory of the). It would nevertheless be a mistake to ascribe to Aristotle a subjective conception of time, for although time does not exist without the soul, neither does it exist because of or indeed in the soul. Through his solution to the problem of the constitution of time, Aristotle is not only turning against the thesis attributed to > Antiphon [4], according to which time is a mere thought-content and a measure (vonua/ndéma and véteov/métron), but also against a sceptical position which he reports, that argues against the existence of time from the fact that one part of time has perished and is no more, while the other lies ahead and is not yet (Aristot. Ph. 4,10,217b 33-218a 3).

TIME, CONCEPTS

OF

viewpoint. The myn (‘punctiform now’) serves to delim-

it a specific temporal duration, and mediates in itself between the past and future, so that it functions as a principle both of the subdivision and of the continuity of time. Against the background of this twofold function of the zyn, Aristotle was also the first to emphasize time’s nature as a continuum, which he derives from the

analogously continuous nature of change, in turn derived from that of magnitude. The continuum is thus defined (in a definition once again open to the reproach of circularity) as something extended and contiguous, which can always be further dissected: not into something indivisible, but into parts that are themselves again divisible into something divisible, and hence into continua. Like Plato, Aristotle attributes perpetual existence to time. This is based, on the one hand, on the mediating nature of the myn, which exists not only at the end of one temporal duration, but always at the beginning of a future temporal duration as well; and, on the other hand, on the impossibility of the generation or destruction of change. Without time, there could be no ‘prior’ or ‘posterior’, so that neither a ‘prior to time’ nor an ‘after time’ can be conceived (Aristot. Metaph. 12,6,1071b 6-10). Aristotle finds the ultimate guarantor for the perpetual existence of time (mediated by the unceasing circular motion of the heavens) in God, who, as the cause, itself unchanged, of all change (t6 me@tov xivovv auivytov/to proton kinown akinéton, Aristot. Metaph. ror2b 31) ensures a substrate for time. Aristotle does not, of course, consider time to be an image

of eternity as Plato does, but he does see it as based in an

instance that is not itself temporal. In addition to its perpetual existence, Aristotle also emphasizes the unity and ubiquity of time, which embraces all changes, places and objects, and is present everywhere as one and the same. Aristotle denotes changeable things, embraced by time and measurable with its help, as what is ‘in time’, which he distinguishes from what is ‘not in time’

(cf. eivar év yoovea/einai en chronoi, ibid. 4,12, 221b 3-7), i.e., what is eternal and cannot be measured temporally. Against the traditional conception that time is active and is the cause of destruction, he observes that it

is not time but the change that accompanies it that brings about the destruction of what is ‘in time’. Whereas Plato in the Timaeus merely remarks that the measurement of time presupposes the continuity and periodicity of a standard velocity, Aristotle ob-

691

692

serves that time is not only measured by change, but change and rest are also measured by time. The fundamental systematic problem of time measurement thus comes to light: some homogeneous change, some standard motion serving as yardstick must be presupposed for a reliable measurement, yet only by means of a reliable measurement apparatus can the question of whether a specific form of motion is homogeneous be clarified. According to Aristotle, it is the circular motion of the heavens, which takes place continuously, that is appropriate for measuring time (cf. -» Elements, theories

the individual arguments operate by means of complete disjunction, in order to show in detail that whether one ascribes or denies to time such attributes as corporeality, limitedness, divisibility and perishability, one falls in any case into unsolvable aporia, which speaks for the non-existence of time. Although we perceive time as a ‘phenomenon’, a conceptual reflection on time leads to contradictions.

of the; - Planets I. B.), an assumption that ultimately

sizes that time can only be understood from the viewpoint of eternity (aidv/aion), that is, as its image (eixdv/eikon). Plotinus also follows Plato in conceiving eternity as an eternal present, but he then understands it in the specific context of his own doctrine of the hypostases (> hypostasis) as the mode of being and living, grounded in the One (t0 év/to hén), of the — intellect (votc/nous), which moves itself by thinking, while remaining entirely within itself as it does so. Since nous, conceived as an unextended unity, lives without a tem-

TIME, CONCEPTS

OF

relies on the notion of God. Whereas only a single form of change, namely the reliable revolution of a sphere, can serve for the measurement of time, all forms of change can, conversely, be measured by means of time (+ Chronography). D. THE STOA Although Aristotle represents the starting-point for the concept of time in > Stoicism, Zeno [2] of Citium and > Chrysippus [2] defined time not as a number, but as the interval (Suiotmpa/didstema) of change (kineésis),

which does not presuppose any psychic faculty of counting, but merely the change of the perpetual kosmos (fr. 51 A-H LONG-SEDLEY). As far as its ontological status is concerned, Stoicism includes time among what is incorporeal and non-substantial, and attributes real existence only to the present, but not to the past or the future. Although the Stoics, like Aristotle, saw time as a continuum and conceived of the indivisible punctiform now in its corresponding function of division and mediation, they also allowed a more negligent way of speaking that was suited to everyday life, according to which the present is not atomic, but has duration and is made up of past and future. In the later Stoa, + Seneca [2] (Sen. Ep. 88,33) formulated a series of questions that play a crucial mediating role in that, on the one hand, they point back

F. PLOTINUS Following Plato, > Plotinus (Enneades 3,7) empha-

poral dimension, and neither eternity nor time is to be

ascribed to the hén, it is only the life of the world soul (yoy tod mavtoc/psyché tou pantos), proceeding from the nods, that possesses temporal extension. Because of the psyche’s temporalization, time is similar to eternity in that both represent forms of life and existence, but dissimilar in that each of them constitutes a different form of life and existence. As the psyché is an image of the nots, so time, as the life of the psyché, is the image of eternity, as the life of the nous. Although time emerges, in a timeless ontological act, simultaneously with the psyche and the késmos, it stands in different relations of dependence to each of them. The central difference of Plotinus’ as opposed to Aristotle’s concept of time consists in the fact that time is here conceived as independent of all change: time would not be eliminated even if the spherical rotation stood still. Time thereby loses the cosmological (and

ultimately theological) foundation it had in Aristotle, to

to the concepts of time of his Greek predecessors, and,

be identified instead with the life of the psyché, thus

on the other, were to be taken up in Augustine’s concept

becoming ‘psychologically’ grounded in the world soul. Time thus presupposes not the kdsmos, but the psyché as both its necessary and sufficient condition. Since time comes to be through the fact that the soul temporalizes

of time (+ Augustinus): Does time (Lat. tempus) exist,

and, if so, is it as something independent or merely ‘as something belonging to motion’ (motus)? Did something timeless exist before time? Did time begin its existence at the same time as the universe, or was there a

time before the time of the world? E. PYRRHONIAN SCEPTICISM Pyrrhonian — Scepticism (cf. Sext. Emp., Outlines of Pyrrhonism 3,19,13 6-150) takes up the basic argument reported by Aristotle against the existence of time, and develops it in numerous variations. While beginning with fundamental doubt — nothing certain can be said about time — these arguments assume in their own demonstration that time, should it exist, must be made

up of three ‘parts’ (past, present and future) and connected with change (kinésis). Against this background,

itself in emerging from the ozs, time would also come

to an end if the psyché were to return to its origin and abolish its temporalization. Yet since Plotinus does not see time as a representation in the soul, and conceives of psyche notas the individual soul but as the world soul, a subjective concept of time should no more be ascribed to him than to Aristotle. G. SIMPLICIUS In his Corollarium de tempore (‘On Time’), > Simplicius starts out from the Aristotelian definition of time, which he however interprets as a measure of the physical, and which he further interprets in the context of his doctrine of hypostases. On this view, time, which

693

694

serves as the measure of the physical but itself flows

rality of the human faculty of knowledge (Boeth., Consolatio philosophiae 5). Whereas the human mind no longer possesses the past and does not yet possess the future, the divine mind rests in itself, and has the infinite perpetuity of successively elapsing time before itself as pure present. For such a mind, therefore, what is still to occur in time and will only be accessible to the human mind later, is already present. Since God himself has no place in time, and everything in time is simultaneously present to Him, He has available a comprehensive knowledge, but not that ‘foreknowledge’ that raises problems for human freedom (— Predestination, theory

away along with it, presupposes a ‘primary time’ (me@tog yedovoc/prétos chrénos), which remains

unchanging and, as in Plotinus’ time, is associated with the psyché, the principle of change for the physical. Only on the basis of this timeless time of the psychic, situated between the changing and the unchanging, can the successively progressing time of the physical transmit unity, coherence, and order to this realm. H. AUGUSTINE As Pyrrhonian Scepticism describes time as a familiar phenomenon that inevitably leads to contradictions when it becomes the subject of conceptual reflection, so Augustine (+ Augustinus) in book r1 of the Confessiones contrasts our everyday familiarity with time with the uncertainty in which one falls when forced to explain what (quid) time is. Augustine shows how time becomes a problem for thought primarily with regard to the practice of measuring time and its theoretical presuppositions. Following Aristotle, he distinguishes between the measuring time, which functions as the measure of the change (motus) that occurs in it and is by no means to be identified with it, and the time that is measured (by change). Yet for time to be measurable at all, it must exist as something extended and present. The presuppositions, necessary for measuring time, of an actual temporal duration and a present space of time can be rendered problematic by means of the sceptical argument according to which the past no longer exists, the future does not exist yet, and the present is merely an unextended punctiform now. Against the background of this problem, Augustine observes that we measure time in the soul, and the space of time necessary for measuring time can only be found within the human soul. This space of time is due to the specific contributions

of the soul

(anima,

animus),

TIMETAI DIKAI

of).

+» Chronography; > Cosmology; — Infinity; — Mo-+ NATURAL PHILOSOPHY; ~— Neoplatonism; + Philosophy; — Physics; — Planets I. B.; — Space; ~ Stoicism

tion;

W.BrEIERWALTES,

Plotin.

Uber

Ewigkeit

und

Zeit

(Enneade III 7), 41995; G. BOHME, Idee und Kosmos. Pla-

tons Zeitlehre. Eine Einfiihrung in seine theoretische Philosophie, 1996; R. BRAGuE, Du temps chez Platon et Aristote, 1982; P.F. CoNEN, Die Zeittheorie des Aristoteles,

1964; R.FERBER, Zenons Paradoxien der Bewegung und die Struktur von Raum und Zeit, *1995; K.FLascH, Was

ist Zeit? Augustinus von Hippo. Das XI. Buch der ConHistorisch-philosophische Studie, 1993; K.G oy, Studien zur Platonischen Naturphilosophie im fessiones.

Timaios, 1986; Ead., Die Struktur der Zeit in Plotins Zeitanalyse, in: AGPh 71, 1989, 303-326; E.P. MEIJERING,

Augustin uber Schépfung, Ewigkeit und Zeit. Das XI. Buch der Bekenntnisse, 1979; E. RUDOLPH, Zeit und Gott bei Aristoteles, 1986; Id. (ed.), Zeit, Bewegung, Hand-

lung. Studien zur Zeitabhandlung des Aristoteles, 1988; E.A. ScHmipT, Zeit und Geschichte bei Augustin, 1985;

E.SONDEREGGER,

Simplikios: Uber die Zeit. Ein Kom-

mentar zum Corollarium de tempore, 1982; R.SORABJI, Time, Creation and the Continuum. Theories in Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, 1983; H. WESTERMANN, S. V. Zeit II. B., HWdPH 12. H.WE.

which through the acts of remembering (memoria), perception (contuitus, intuitus), and expectation (expec-

tatio) renders past, present and future simultaneously present, thus constituting time as something extended and present. Since Augustine conceives of time as the extension (distentio) of the soul, which spans the space of time, he not only understands it as the product of psychic activity, but locates its ‘ontological place’ exclusively in the soul that constitutes it. Outside the soul there can be no temporal extension, but merely the atomic present of ever-transitory things (praetereuntia).

+» Boethius broaches the issue of the relation between (aeternitas)

Timesitheus [1] (TynotBeoc; Timésitheos). Greek tragedian, men-

tioned in the Suda (t 613), not datable. According to Suda t 613, author of 11 tragedies (IrGFI 214). [2] see > Furtus [II 5]

Bz.

Timetai dikai (tywntai Sixav/timeétai dikai). Legal processes at Athens which, having completed the ballot on the issue of conviction, had to undergo a further ‘assessment procedure’ (> timetos agon). In private cases concerning money (-> dike [2]), it was the rule, in public

J. BOETHIUS eternity

Time, theories of see > Time, concepts of

and

temporality

(tempus)

with

regard to the question of whether God’s necessary foreknowledge (praescientia) of future events makes human + freedom impossible. To solve this problem, God’s eternity is to be comprehended not as omnitemporality, but as atemporality, and is thus to be distinguished both from the perpetuity of the world and from the tempo-

cases (> eisangelia, > graphe [1]) the exception. Recorded as TD are: the dike epitropes (— epitropos [2)), dike klopes (> klope), — aikeias dike, > exhaireseos dike, pseudomartyrion dike, — lipomartyriou dike, + kakotechnion dike, > biaion dike, + exoules dike, + blabes dike ([4. 98 f.] assumes fixed fines at a preliminary stage). The dike > kakegorias, for example, was unassessable, as was the > diadikasia. Assessable

695

696

graphai were: the graphe asebeias (-» asebeia), » doron graphe, + dekasmou graphe, paranomon graphe, + parapresbeias graphe, -» pseudokleteias graphe, hybreos graphe (->hybris {Il]), graphe klopes (> klope), graphe sykophantias (> sykophantes). For details, s. [1. 80-83; 2. 563, 683, 722 f., 734 f.]. + Athenian law

Timocharis (Tywoyaoi; Timdcharis). Greek astronomer from the time of Ptolemaeus [1] I (around 300 BC), whose observations were used by — Ptolemaeus [65] in his Syntaxis (7,2 p. 12,24); cited six times by + Proclus [2] in his Hypotyposis.

TIMETAI

DIKAI

1 A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971

2 P.J. RHopes,

A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athe-

naion Politeia, *1993

3 O.SCHULTHESS,

s. v. TD, RE

6 A,1251-1255 4H.J. Woxrr, Die Dike Blabes in Dem. or. 55, in: Id., Beitrage zur Rechtsgeschichte Altgriechenlands und des hellenistisch-rémischen Agyptens, 1961,

gI-10l.

Ga.

W.KROLL, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1258 f.

WH.

Timoclea (Tiwoxieva; Timokleia). Sister of the Theban general Theagenes [3]. During the Macedonian sacking

of Thebes (in 33 5 BC) she was attacked in her house and raped, but was ultimately able to outwit and kill the perpetrator. Impressed by her courage, her dignity and her pride, Alexander [4] the Great refrained from convicting her (Plut. Alexandros 12; Plut. Mor. 259d260d; Polyaenus, Strat. 8,40).

Timetos agon (tumtoc tydv/timetos agon, ‘legal action with assessment’). In Athens every case to be decided by a > dikastérion was either ‘non-assessable’ or ‘assessable’. In the first case (> atimétos agon), by statute a particular sanction, whether the > death penalty, banishment or a fixed fine, was linked to the verdict; in the second case (> timétai dikai) after deciding the verdict, if it was iaffirmed the jury had to agree again, i.e. on the extent of the punishment or on the amount of the sum adjudicated. In their ‘assessment’ (tipnots/timesis) the jury could only side with one of the claims of the alternative parties, either the plaintiff's tiwnua/timema, already mentioned in the - énklema, or the defendant’s > antitimésis (cf. Aristot. Ath. pol. 68,4; [3. 37]). To establish an assessment claim each party had the speaking time of only a half > chous [1] of water, 1-2 minutes (ibid. 69,2; also [2. 734 f.; 3. 48]). Also, the additional penalty (xeootivnuca/prostimema) of putting somebody pronounced guilty of theft in the stocks probably originated with the plaintiff and not the court [r. 166 f.]. + Athenian law 1 A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971 2 P.J. RHopes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia, *1993

Athens

3 G.TuHUrR, Das Gerichtswesen

im 4. Jahrhundert y. Chr., in: L. BURCKHARDT,

J. von UNGERN-STERNBERG (ed.), GrofSe Prozesse im anti-

ken Athen, 2000, 30-49.

Gat

Timna‘. Right-hand side valley of the Wadi al-‘Araba, about 30 km to the north of the Gulf of ‘Aqaba. There were rich copper deposits there, which were mined from the 4th millennium BC until the Islamic period by means of galleries, up to 35 m long, cut into the rock. Smelting sites are evidence of smelting in situ. An Egyptian temple from the time of Sethos [1] I (1290-1279) and Ramses [2] Il (1279-1213) particularly deserves mention. W.G. Dever, s. v. Timna‘, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, vol. 5, 1997, 217 f.; B. Ro-

THENBERG, Timna‘: Valley of the Biblical Copper Mines, 1972; Id. (ed.), The Ancient Metallurgy of Copper, 1990, passim.

HJ.N.

BERVE 2, Nr. 751.

HA.BE

Timocles (Twi0oxAfdTimokleés). [1] Important Athenian author of comedies in the 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC to whom the Suda [1 test. 1] attributes 20 plays (divided into two authors by the same name who in reality are identical). 28 titles have been transmitted

(uncertain:

Georgds,

‘The Farmer’)

and altogether 42 fragments. Only one win is recorded on the Lenaean list of winners [1 test. 3], two places ahead of Menander [4]. T.’ active period lasted from the 3408 (allusion to the Halonnesus scandal of 342/41 in fragment 12 and perhaps fragment 20,4 f.) until at least 317 BC (allusion in fr. 34 to the office of + gynaikonomos

created by Demetrius [4] of Phaleron). Compared to other comedy writers of his period, his work is marked by many, often biting allusions to his contemporaries: locally well-known parasites (fr. 9-11; 20 f.; a remarkable praise of the various qualities of a parasite is contained in fragment 8), hetaerae (— hetairai; Pythionice and her lovers in fragment r5 f., Phryne in fragment 25; Neaera [6] known from Ps.Dem. Or. 59 to whom the play by the same name was probably dedicated), pederasts (fragment 27 from the Orestautokleidés presents Autoclides surrounded by sleeping prostitutes, just as Orestes earlier in Aeschylus’ Eumenides was surrounded by sleeping Erinyes; Misgolas is mocked in fragment 32 from the Sappho), and above all politicians (Telemachus of Acharnae: fragment 7; 18; 23; Callimedon: fragment 29; Demosthenes

[2]: fragment 4; 12; 41; Hyperides: fragment 4; 17). Some of T.’ titles might have originated in the Old Comedy (Aigyptioi, “The Egyptians’ with a mockery of Egyptian animal gods in fragment 1; Démosatyroi, ‘The Satyrs of Demos’, probably political demagogues; Dionysiazousai, “The Women at the Dionysus Festival’; Heroes, ‘The Heroes’; Ikdrioi Satyroi, ‘The Satyrs on (the Island) of Icarus’; Marathonioi, ‘The Men of Marathon’), others, however, point to material more typical for the New Comedy (Daktylios, ‘The Ring’; Epichairékakos, “The Gleeful One’; Polypragmon, ‘The Busy One’). As a whole, T.’ work thus reflects a restless and dynamic time of transition. + Comedy I C-H 1 PCG VII, 1989, 754-781.

H.-G.NE.

697

698

[2] According to Ath. 9,407d, T. was an author of comedies and tragedies (IrGF I 86). He was successful in the + Dionysia in Athens with the satyr play Lycurgus (DID A 2a, 17) in 340 BC, further successes and titles may be attributed to either him or to > Philocles [6]. BZ. Timocrates (Twoxedtys/Timokrates). [1] Spartan, one of the three advisors of the nauarchos + Cnemus who, following the defeat off the Acarnanian coast in 429 BC, were supposed to make strategic and logistical preparations for a new naval battle (Thuc. 2,85,1). T. committed suicide after the devastating defeat in 429 against the Athenian fleet near — Naupactus (Thuc. 2,92,3). ~ Peloponnesian War [2] Rhodian. In the winter of 396/5 BC, he undertook a diplomatic mission to Greece at the order of the satrap Pharnabazus [2] (Polyaenus, Strat. 1,48,3) in order to unleash a war there against Sparta, a war which was supposed to force Agesilaus’ [2] retreat from Asia Minor. In view of the strong anti-Spartan sentiments especially in Thebes, Argos, Corinth and Athens, the success of his legation consisted in quickly focusing these tendencies in the Corinthian alliance (StV 2, 225). The 50 talents given out by T. were therefore not meant as a bribe (although regarded as such by Xen. Hell. 3,5,1—-2; Plut. Lysander 27,1; Plut. Artaxerxes 20,4-5; Paus. 3,9,8) but were intended to speed up the completion of the aimed-for anti-Spartan coalition (Hell. Oxy. 7,2-3). P. FUNKE, Homonoia und Arche, 1980, 55-57.

[3] Athenian, son of Antiphon. For the benefit of > Androtion who was deeply in debt, T. applied for a law which would avert prison terms for owing money to the polis if one could provide guarantors. In the paranomy case (+ paranodmon graphe) against it, Demosthenes {2] wrote the speech ‘Against Timocrates’ for the main prosecutor Diodorus in c. 354/53 BC (Dem. Or. 24). PA 13772; SCHAFER, vol. 1, 364-390.

HA.BE.

[4] Older brother of + Metrodorus [3], first a follower

and later a harsh critic of > Epicurus whose student he had become during the latter’s stay in Lampsacus in 3 10/9 BC. When Epicurus and Metrodorus left the city in 307, T. continued to spread the Epicurean doctrine there. At an unknown point in time, T. came to oppose his brother’s position regarding the Epicurean theory of pleasure (fdovi/hedone; > Pleasure). Epicurus’ attempt at reconciliation through Leonteus [2] failed and T. left the school for good. T. began a campaign of defamation against Epicurus and Metrodorus by means of exploiting his position as an old member of the school. In 290 at the earliest, T. published his doctrine in the text Edoeavre (Euphranta, ‘Exhilarations’). Epicurus wrote T. (3 books) and Ieoi ma0@v 50Eat, te0¢

Twoxedtnv/Peri (‘Opinions

about

pathén affects,

doxai,

pros

against

T.’) against

Timokraten him.

Metrodorus attacked his brother in the texts T. and Tloedc¢ Tiwoxedtnv/Pros Timokraten (‘To T.’) as well.

TIMOKRATIA

D.SEDLEY,

Epicurus

and His Professional

Rivals, in:

Cahiers de Philologie 1, 1976, 127-132, 151-154; A. ANGELI, Frammenti di lettere di Epicuro nei papiri d’Ercolano, in: CE 23, 1993, 13-17. T.D.

[5] Lacedaemonian — perioikos from Pellana, in the service of the Spartan tyrant > Nabis in 197-195 BC in Argos [II 1] which was under occupation by the latter (Pol. 18,17,1), probably employed to implement his program of land reform. In 195 BC, T. received the command over the Spartan troops in Argos and, after the liberation of Argos, was not brought to justice by T. Quinctius [I 14] Flamininus because he had practiced clemency in his function (Liv. 34,29,14; 34,40,7). K.-W.W.

Timocreon (Twoxeéwmv/Timokréon). Lyricist and elegist from Jalysus in Rhodes, early 5th cent. BC, according to the Suda also a writer of the Old Comedy (for which no evidence survives, however). In Mesopotamian Susa, T. entertained the Persian king as a pentathlete and a jester (Ath. 415f-4 16a). It is well known that there was a feud between him and —> Themistocles, whom he attacks for his failure to return him to Rhodes and his lack of success at the Isthmian Games (fr. 727 PMG). This twelve-line poem may survive whole; it consists either of one dactylo-epitrite triad or (with an emendation in the epode) of three identically structured strophes. Later T. mocked Themistocles for siding with the Medes (— Médismos) and for being exiled (fr. 729 PMG); he also made fun of > Simonides [2] (if Anth. Pal. 13,31 and 13,30 are authentic). A famous epitaph attributed to Simonides vilifies T. for his greed and spitefulness (Anth. Pal. 7,348); its authenticity is questionable: it probably belongs to a fixed tradition of T. anecdote and T. biography (fr. 252-253 FGE), but conceivably it was written during T.’s lifetime. Most of T.’s poems (fragments survive in a number of metres: iambic, trochaic, dactylic or dactylo-epitrite and Ionic) were probably recited at the symposium (- Symposium literature). According to the assertion of the scholiast, Aristophanes imitates T. (Aristoph. Ach. 532 = T., fr. 731 PMG, a > skolion, and Aristoph. Vesp. 1060-1062 = T., fr. 733 PMG). T.’s poetry is lively and shows a genuine talent for parody. FGE; IEG; PMG; D.A. CampsBeLt, Greek Lyric, vol. 4, 1992, 84-97.

E.R.

Timokratia (ty0xeatia/timokratia). The modern term ‘timocracy’ denotes a form of constitution in which people’s political rights depend on their wealth (cf. tiunwa, timema, ‘assessment’), similar to ‘plutocracy’. In general, a constitution in which this principle was applied to a significant extent would be called + oligarchia by the Greeks, but ploutokratia is also found (Xen. Mem. 4,6,12). In Aristot. Eth. Nic. 8,1160a-b timokratia is used to denote the good form of — demokratia),

which

Aristotle

otherwise

calls

+ politeia. Among the subdivisions of demokratia and

TIMOKRATIA

700

699

oligarchia in Aristot. Pol. 4, 1291b-1293a), the more moderate forms of both are timocratic in the modern sense. A different sense of timokratia is used in Plat. Resp. 545¢-5 50C:); timokratia is second in descending order of five forms of constitution, inferior to > aristokratia

and characterized by love of victory and honour; next after timokratia is oligarchia, which is characterized by love of money. + Constitution PLR.

to the commander of the Cadmia who was murdered during the revolt of Thebes (Arr. Anab. 1,7,1). The connection to Orchomenus (IG VII 3175,38, c. 290 BC) is therefore purely speculative. On — Dinarchus (Din. 1,74), who regards him as a friend of Demosthenes [2], CS IBAE 1 1. WorTHINGTON, A Historical Commentary on Dinarchus, 1992, 241. HA.BE.

[5] Son of + Odaenathus [2] of - Palmyra and > Ze(SHA Gall. 13,2), brother of - Herennianus. Along with the latter, T. received the ornamenta imperatoria. After the end of the separate kingdom of Palmyra, Emperor - Aurelianus [3] took T. and Herennianus along in the triumph in Rome; his fate is unknown (SHA Tyr. Trig. 24,4; 27,1 f.). He was possibly the brother of > Vaballathus (SHA Aur. 38,1). nobia

Timolaus (Tiw6daoc/Timolaos).

[1] Leading politician of Corinth. At first on the side of the Spartans, he managed to convince Thasos in 411/10 BC to secede from Athens [1. 216-231]. Later, he changed course for personal reasons [2. 83 against 3.73 f.|: in 395 BC, he advocated an alliance with Argos and due to his expertise [4. 411] became a moying force in the Corinthian Alliance (Stv 2, 225), for which he is claimed to have received plenty of funds from Timocrates [2] (Hell. Oxy. 7,2 f.; Paus. 3,9,8; Xen. Hell. 3,5,1; 4,2,11 f.). His son was possibly the temple builder Eupeithidas (Syll.? 249B,75). 1 B.BLECKMANN,

Athens Weg in die Niederlage,

1998

PIR T 162; PLRE

1, 915.

TF.

Timoleon (Tworéwv/Timolé6n). General and ruler in Sicily, originally from Corinth, son of Timodemus and Demariste. In 365 BC, T. approved of the assassination

of his brother + Timophanes, the tyrant of Corinth (Plut. T. 2 f.; Nep. T. 1; Diod. Sic. 16,65,2—9), retiring

&ax%n und die Vorphase des korinthischen Krieges in den

after that from the public life for almost 20 years. At the request of the Syracusans, who were threatened by

Hell. Oxy. II, in: ZPE 30, 1978, 73 f. Wealthy Corinth, 1984.

+ Dionysius [2] I] and > Carthage, he was sent by the Corinthians as a general in 3.45, landing with ro ships

2 H.-J. GEHRKE, Stasis, 1985

3 G.A. LEHMANN, Spartas

4J.B. SALMON, HA.BE.

and 700 mercenaries in

[2] T. from Cyzicus. Philosopher from the 4th cent. BC, student of Plato [1] (Diog. Laert. 3,46). According to a later insertion in Philod. Academicorum Index 6,12 he was mentioned by Speusippus in the Perideipnon Platonos (‘Plato’s funeral feast’) as well. Probably in 320/19 BC, T. undertook the failed attempt to turn himself into the tyrant of his home town with the aid of + Arridaeus [5] (Ath. 11,509a, there, however, the name is Timaeus). Afterwards, he remained in his home

town where he lived without honour. K. TRAMPEDACH, Platon, die Akademie und die zeitgenéssische Politik, 1994, 62-64. K-HS.

[3] Greek rhetor from Larisa

[2] Kremasté (c. 3rd

cent. BC); student of + Anaximenes [2] (Suda s. v. T.).

T. expanded the Iliad -similar to Idaeus [4] of Rhodos’s expansion of the ‘Odyssey’- to twice the length through insertions of verses and published it with the title of Troika (Eust. 1379,50 ff.). The first six verses are extant (FHG 4, 176,63). In a commentary to the ‘Odyssey’, two places with idiosyncratic variations of myths are

Tauromenium, whose ruler

Andromachus welcomed him with open arms and supported him energetically. Near Hadranum, T. defeated the tyrant > Hicetas [1] of Leontini and won Mamercus of Catane as an ally, whereupon Dionysius surrendered the tyrants’ fortress of Ortygia and went into exile to Corinth. T. also captured the district Achradine and forced Hicetas, who had occupied the rest of + Syracusae and had called the Carthaginians for help. to retreat to Leontini. So in 343/2, Syracusae was completely liberated from tyranny. As a symbolic act, T. had the tyrants’ fortress of Ortygia pulled down, erecting a court of justice on its site (Plut. T. 16-18; Nep. T. 3,3; Diod. Sic. 15,66-68.). He united thereafter the Greek cities into an antiCarthaginian symmachia, in which even Hicetas took part. In spite of being by far outnumbered, he decisively defeated the Carthaginians at the battle of > Crimisus (modern Belice) in 342 (Plut. T. 25-29.; Nep. T. 2,4; Diod. Sic. 16,79,2—6), sending valuable pieces of booty to Corinth. (Plut. T. 29; [1]). When the Carthaginians

18,14,4). Supposedly, Phillippus abandoned him later

landed in Sicily with a new army, numerous tyrants, among them Hicetas (of Leontini) and Mamercus (of Catane), who felt to be threatened by T., went over to their side. T., however, managed to have Hicetas handed over and had him executed, as he did soon after with Mamercus. Then he expelled the tyrants Nicodemus and Apolloniades from > Centuripae and from ~» Agyrium respectively. In 340 a peace treaty was reached with the Carthaginians: it laid down the Haly-

(Dem. Or. 18,48), which is why he cannot be identical

cus (modern Platani) as the border between the Car-

transmitted (schol. Hom. Od. 3,267 and Eustathius 1697, 57 ff. on Hom. Od. 11,521). K. ZIEGLER, s. v. T. (6), RE 6 A, 1275 f.

M.B.

[4] Theban, heavy drinker (Ath. 10,436b; Ael. VH 2,41), who, through treason, played his town into the hands of Philippus [4] Il (Dem. Or. 18,295; Pol.

Jol

7O2

thaginian territory and the Greek sphere of influence in Sicily — as it had been once in c. 374 under Dionysius [1] I (Diod. Sic. 15,82,3; Plut. T. 34,2; Nep. T. 2,4, cf. StV II no. 344). Obtaining thus a free hand in the east, T. annexed numerous Sicel cities, among which were Alaisa, Herbessus and Morgantina, into the Greek symmachia under Syracusan hegemony (Diod. Sic. 15,82; Nep. T. 1,1; 3,2; StV II, no. 338; coin: head of Sicelia, legend: Symmachikon HN 16; 143; 157). By taking numerous measures, T. gave rise to ‘the revival of Greek Sicily’ [2]: 60,000 new settlers from Hellas, Italy and Sicily were sent to Syracusae, which was depopulated (cf. Athanis FGrH 562 F 2); the cities of Acragas, Gela, Camarina, Leontini, Centuripae and others saw a new period of prosperity, which is revealed by literary sources (Plut. T. 35; Diod. Sic. 16,82,2-7.; Nep. T. 3,1), as well as by numismatic [2] and archaeological findings (cf. the articles in [3] concerning the

Timomachus (Twouayos/Timomachos).

renaissance of the Sicilian cities under T.). T. estab-

lished a moderate democracy in Syracusae, investing the priest (amphipolos) of Olympian Zeus with the chief magistracy (Diod. Sic. 15,70,1-3). T. was almost blind when in 337 he resigned of his own free will from the power of the strategia (stratégds autokrator; ~» stratégos 1.), which had been assigned to him eight years before. At his death, he was givena state funeral at the agora of Syracusae; on the occasion, ‘musical, equestrian and athletic agones were organized in his everlasting honour, because he ... gave back to the Greeks their laws’ (Diod. Sic. 16, 90,1. Plut. T. 37,10; 39,5-7). Being an oikistes (‘founder of a community’), he was given the honours of a hero; the Timoleonteion,

a > gymnasium, was built over his tomb. The sources on T., mainly Plutarch’s T., Diod. Sic. 16, 65-90 and Nepos (T.), are all based on the panegyric portrayal of > Timaeus [2] of Tauromenium, showing, accordingly, a no less than ‘outrageous bias in favour of T.’ [4]. For this reason, the sources have to be considered carefully; for instance, there is nothing to justify the cruel treatment of the tyrants Hicetas and Mamercus [5]. The theory [6] according to which T. was ideologically inspired by Plato, and only put into practice the advice given by Plato in his 7th and 8th letters, and introduced an oligarchic constitution in Syracusae, cannot be accepted (with [7]). + Magna Graecia; > Sicily (with map); > Syracusae 1J.A. Kent, Excavations of Corinth 8,3, 1966, no. 23 2R.J. A. Tarpert, T. and the Revival of Greek Sicily,

1974 3 Essaysin Kokalos 4,1958 4H.D. WesTLake, in: CAH 6, *1994, 706-722 5 Id., T. and His Relations with Tyrants,

1952

6M.Sorp1,

Timoleonte,

1961

7 H. BERVE, review to [5], in: Gnomon 35, 1963, 375-383 8 Id., Die griechische Tyrannis, 1967, vol. 1, 276-282; vol. 2, 663-666.

H.-J.GeHrKE, T., in: K. BRODERSEN

(ed.), GrofSe Gestal-

ten der griechischen Antike, 1999, 354-360; M. Sorp1, Il IV e III secolo da Dionigi I a Timoleonte, in: E.Gapsa, G. VALLET (eds.), La Sicilia antica II. 1, 1979, 207-288.;

M.R.MELITA PappALARDO, Caratteri della propaganda timoleontea, in: Kokalos 42, 1996, 263-273. K.MEI.

TIMOMACHUS

[1] commander of the Theban > Aegidae, claimed to have supported the Spartans with his army in the conflict against > Amyclae [1] and to have instructed them in the art of warfare. His bronze armour was displayed at the Hyacinthia (+ Hyacinthus) and T. himself was always highly honoured in Sparta (Aristot. fr. 532 ROSE).

M.Nariss1, La nascita del kosmos, 1991, 324-326.

M.MEI.

[2] Athenian strategist from Acharnae. In 366 BC, he allowed -»Epaminondas to pass through the Oneum [1] mountains without interference (Xen. Hell. 751,41 f.) [1. 187 f.]. In the fall of 361, he commanded a squadron in front of the Chersonesus [1] (Aeschin. In. Tim. 56) and recruited the aid of his exiled brother-inlaw Callistratus [2] from Methone [2. 71-74]. After the capture of Sestus by Cotys [I 1], he was condemned to death in 360 BC in an ~ eisangelia case (Dem. Or. 36,53 et passim; Hyp. 3,1) for alleged treason and fled from Athens [3. 96 f.]. PA 13797. 1 J. BucKLER, The Theban Hegemony, 1980 2 J. HEsKeL, The North Aegean Wars, 1997 Hansen, Eisangelia, 1975.

3 M.H. HA.BE.

[3] Greek historian of unknown dating. According to Ath. 14, 63 8a, he was the author of the local history of ~» Cyprus (Kypriakd), where he refers to a certain Stesander from Samos-according to WILAMOWwITz from (Cypriote) Salamis [2]-as the first cithar player who recited the Homeric poems in > Delphi. According to Vita Homeri 6 (p. 251 ALLEN), he assumed the Sporadian island of Ios to be Homer’s place of birth—instead of Salamis on Cyprus in accordance with Callicles (FGrH 758 F 13)! FHG 4,521 f. K.MEI. [4] Greek painter of Late Hellenism from Byzantium, probably active in the rst half of the rst cent. BC (Plin. HN 35,136). The dating is supported by > Caesar’s purchase of two of his main works (Plin. HN 7,126;

35,26) and by their mention in contemporary epigrams (e.g. Anth. Pal. 4,136). The panels of - Medea before the killing of her children and of > Ajax [1] despairing over his madness had been erected in front of the temple of Venus Genetrix in Rome (-> Forum [III 5] Iulium). Pompeian frescoes copied various elements of a picture of Medea, but stylistically they refer more to a model from Late Classicism or from the early 3rd cent. BC. It is possible that T. worked in a classicist manner. Another mythological painting of T., possibly inspired by ancient tragedians, showed > Orestes [1] and > Iphigenia in Tauris. Other subjects: a teacher of gymnastics, a noble family, two citizens engaged in conversation and a-» gorgo [1]. T.’s works have been lost in their entirety and their style and appearance are unknown. B.GentILI,

F.PERusiINo,

Medea

nella

letteratura

e

nell’arte, 2000; G. LipPpOLD, s. v. T. (5), RE 6 A, 12921294; M.ScHMipT, s. v. Medea, LIMC 6, 1992, 388, Nr. 7;

Nr. 97.

O. TOUCHEFEU,

s.v. Aias, LIMC

1, 1981, 328,

N.H.

703

704

Timon (Tipwov/Timon). {1] T. of Athens. Epitome of the misanthropist. Son of a

the most critical stage of the conflict between Pyrrhonists and Academics, it consisted of three books (Apollonides [2] of Nicaea in Diog. Laert. 9,111-112). Book r was a monologue in the first person, books 2-3 represented a dialogue between T. and Xenophanes on older and more recent philosophers; during a > katabasis into the Underworld, Xenophanes showed T. the way. The Silloi belonged to the genre of the - parody. Homerus [1], especially the ‘Nekyia’ (Hom. Od. 11), were used by T. as a source of conventions, typical scenes and epic elements of style, which he, however, reversed into the burlesque form, in order to denounce the non-Sceptic philosophers. The Silloi were an original polemic manifesto of Pyrrhonism. Starting from his own Sceptic perspective, T. submitted the outstanding philosophers of old and of his time to a critical judgment according to the degree of their divergence from Pyrrho’s philosophic statements.

TIMON

certain Echecratidas, from the demos of Collytus, 5th cent. BC. T., whose historicity is uncertain, withdrew

from society, probably after suffering disappointments, and died because he did not want to see a doctor. His tomb, which lay on a shore ledge, is said to have been washed off by the sea (Phrynichus, Monotropos, fr. 18 CAF; Aristoph. Av. 1549; Aristoph. Lys. 805-815; Neanthes FGrH 84 F 35; among others: [1]). Legendary interpretations of his figure and confusion with the Sceptic -» T. [2] in the ancient sources (especially Lucian T.; Plut. Alcibiades 16,6; Plut. Antonius 69 f.)

influenced the modern history of reception (on this topic [2]). SHAKESPEARE (T. of Athens) may have used, in addition, literary texts of the Renaissance as sources [3]. MoLIERE (Le misanthrope) shifted the plot to the period of Louis XIV (> Comepy C.5. and 7.). PA

+ Irony,

13845. 1 A.M. Armstronc, T. A Legendary Figure?, in: G&R 34,1987, 7-11 2J.IRMscHeER, T., der Menschenfeind, in: L.BELLONT et al. (eds.), Studia Classica, Festschrift G. Tarditi, 1995, 1029-1033 3S. Frevitz, T. Comoedia

imitata, 1994, especially 13-82.

D.RO.

[2] Greek poet and Sceptic philosopher, c. 320/315230/225 BC. According to the biography in Diog. Laert. 9,109, he was a singer in a chorus before he turned to philosophy, heard > Stilpo in Megara, met +> Pyrrho, joined him and settled down in Elis. Economic constraints drove him, as a sophist, as far as the Propontis; eventually, he settled down in Athens, where he had a relationship of strong rivalry with the scholarch of the +» Academy, Arcesilaus [5]. As a moodytis tov IIveewveiwv hOywv/prophétes ton Pyrrhdneion logon (‘preacher of Pyrrho’s philosophy’, Sext. Emp. Ady. math. 1,53), he propagated and defended with passionate disputes the doctrine of the founder of ~ Scepticism. The catalogue of his works (Diog. Laert. 9,110-I11)

contains epic poems, tragedies and satyr

plays, silloi and obscene verses. Only a small part of his extensive poetic work has survived (see below). The

prose writings must

have comprised

20,000

lines;

among them were the works [oc tov muotxots (Pros

tous physikous, ‘Against the natural philosophers’, frr. 75 f. Diels), Meoi aioOoewv (Peri aistheseon, ‘On perceptions’, fr. 74 D.), Aoxeodou

meoideutvoy (Arkesi-

laou perideipnon, ‘Funeral banquet for Arcesilaus’, fr. 73 D.: a reconciliation with the Academic philosopher, at least after his death) and especially the Tlv0wv (Python, frr. 77-81 D.), which described the encounter

with Pyrrho and presented the fundamentals of Pyrrhonism. T.’s “Ivéaduot (Indalmot,

‘Visions’, or ‘Im-

ages’, frr. 67-70 D.) on the relation between knowledge and human behaviour, were composed in elegiac distichs. T.’s most famous work were the Siddor (Séloi, ‘Mockeries’, poems of mockery and scorn: 68 or 67 frr. with a total of over 130 hexameters still existing). Probably written in the middle of the 3rd cent. BC, during

sometimes

mixed

with

sarcasm,

prevailed

while he was dealing with the > Presocratics, such as Thales (fr. 23 Di Marco), Pythagoras [2] (fr. 57), Heraclitus [1] (fr. 43), Empedocles [1] (fr. 42), Anaxagoras [2] (fr. 24). Only those, in whose work T. could recognize some anticipation of Scepticism, were spared, or at the most were dealt with with good-natured = satire: Protagoras [1] (fr. 5), Parmenides (fr. 44), Democritus [1] (fr. 46) and especially Xenophanes (frr. 59; 60). The judgment on outstanding personalities like Socrates [2] (fr. 25) and Plato [x] (frr. 19; 30; 54) was critical, though still giving credit, while the polemic against the founders and advocates of the philosophical schools that were in rivalry with Pyrrhonism struck especially hard and poisonously, cf. the fragments on Zeno of Citium (frr. 13, 14, 38), Epicurus (frr. 7; 51), Cleanthes [2] (fr. 41), the stoics in general (frr. 65 and 66) and Arcesilaus [5] (frr. 31-34). All these personalities were outshone by Pyrrho’s character, who was beyond the belligerence of dogmatic philosophers, as well as an example of perfect wisdom (frr. 9; 48; 63; 64). Caustic mocker, but also equipped with a profound knowledge of philosophy, the poet T. is able to portray, with a few strokes, every figure with a skilful mixture of » biography and > doxography. His language, rich in hapax legomena and clever neologisms, contributes to the dense and witty character of his satire. » Academy; > Pyrrho; > Scepticism Epitions: menta,

H.Dters,

1901,

173-206;

Poetarum SH

philosophorum

775-848;

frag-

C. WACHSMUTH,

Corpusculum poesis epicae Graecae ludibundae, vol. 2, 1885 (with a commentary); M.D1 Marco, Timone di Fliunte. Silli, 1989 (Italian translation and commentary); W.NestTLE, Die Nachsokratiker, 1923, vol. 1, 102-104; vol. 2, 249-259, 374 (with a German translation).

BrBLioGRaAPHy: A. A. Lone,T. of Phlius: Pyrrhonist and Satirist, in: Proc. of the Cambridge Philological Soc. 24, 1978,

68-91;

W.Ax,

T.s Gang

Hermes 119, 1991, 177-193.

in die Unterwelt,

in:

M.D.MA,

25)

706

Timonassa (Tymvacoa; Timonassa). Daughter of a Gorgilus of Argus. At first the wife of the > Cypselid Archinus, tyrant of Ambracia. Later the second wife of + Peisistratus [4], the father of her two sons > Iophon [x] and -> Hegesistratus [1] (Aristot. Ath. pol. 17,3).

liance, he was actively involved in fighting in the ~» Lamian War. In 306/5 BC he was honoured in Athens for his services (Syll.3 327). A commendation of his grandson as late as the year 229/28 recalls his commitment (Syll.3 496,23-24). HA.BE.

Davies 11793,VI, p. 449; L.DE LiBeRo, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 88.

K.KI.

Timonidas (Twwovidac/Timonidas). Significant painter of polychrome Corinthian pottery (> Corinthian vases), c. 580 BC, of whose work a clay bottle and a clay tablet survive. Both have a painter signature, which is rare in Corinth; the clay tablet furthermore has the father’s name, Bias. On the clay bottle, Achilles is lying in wait for Troilus; in addition to Polyxene and Priam there are other Trojans with name labels (Athens, NM

277; from Cleonae). One side of the fragmentary clay tablet shows a hunter with a dog, the other probably Poseidon, its dedicatee according to the carved inscription (Berlin, SM, F 846; from Penteskouphia). Amyx, CVP, 201; J. BOARDMAN, Early Greek Vase Painting, 1998, 180; 185; R. WACHTER, Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, 2001, 55-57, 129 f. M.ST.

Timonides (Tywwvidye/Timonides) of Leucas, ath cent.

BC; according to Plut. Dion 31,3, a friend and comradein-arms of > Dion [I 1] in the latter’s attempt to overthrow Dionysius [2] II in Syracuse and seize power himself. He is named by Plutarch among those who actively

supported Dion’s military venture (Plut. Dion 22,5). According to Diog. Laert. 4,5, T. also wrote letters to + Speusippus reporting on Dion’s activities in Syracuse. These writings, in which T., not shrinking from distortion, seems to have taken the side of Dion’s cause and the Academy (on Plut. Dion 32,2 cf. e.g. Diod. Sic. 16,6,4 f.), are also a source for Plutarch’s description of the events (cf. e.g. Plut. Dion 31,3; 35,4), cf. [1]. 1 W.H. Porter (ed.), Plutarch: Life of Dion, 1952, XX— XXII. K.-H.S.

Timophanes (Twopavyd/Timophanes). Son of Timodemus and Demarete or Demariste, elder brother of

+ Timoleon. In 366 BC, supported by his command of 400 mercenaries and the urban population, he elevated himself to tyrant of > Corinth. When his rule degenerated into arbitrariness, Timoleon and others from the circle of his + hetairia |2]| tried, unsuccessfully, to convince him to give up his position of power. With the assent of Timoleon and the oligarchs of Corinth, T. was assassinated by his companions (Plut. Timoleon 4,5-8; Plut. Mor. 808a; Timaios FGrH 566 F 116; Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 334; Ephoros FGrH 70 F 221; Nep. Timoleon 1,4; Diod. Sic. 16,65,4 f.). H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 304 f.

BP. Timosthenes (Tiw0oo8évyc/Timosthénes). [1] Son of Demophanes from Carystus [1] in Euboea. After his homeland had joined the anti-Macedonian al-

TIMOSTRATOS

[2] T. from Rhodes, naval commander of Ptolemaeus

[3] Ul, author of a work (probably after 270 BC) Tegi Muévov/Peri liménon (‘On Harbours’) in ro books, of which an excerpt (> Epitome) exists; of a Tév otadiov émdQoun/Tén stadion epidrome (‘Summary of distances’; cf. — Stadiasmés); also of a work called EEnyntxov/Exeégetikon, a kind of interpretation of sacred law [1. 1312] anda poem on Apollo’s fight with the dragon. Of the work on harbours (— Periplous), of which Eratosthenes [2] thought very highly, 42 frr. survive [6]. In accordance with the interests of the reading public, it was supposed not only to provide the immediate service of supplying nautical data to be used by seafarers, but also to convey, on the one hand general information on the history and culture of coastal regions [1. 1319; 2. 204-210; 4], and on the other an approach to a kind of cartographic record of the + otkouméné [2. 210-213]; the latter (fr. 8; [6]) made use of an allocation of the earth’s fringe areas to the directions of the wind, the number of which T. had completed and increased to 12 [3], known as T.’ wind rose. + Cartography; > Geography 1 F.GIsINGER, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1310-1322 2D.MEyER, Hellenistische Geographie zwischen Wissenschaft und Literatur ..., in: Scriptoralia 95, R. A 22, 1998, 193-215 3 P.Moraux, Anecdota Graeca minora IJ, in: ZPE 41,

1981,43-58 4 F.PRONTERA, Sull’esegesi ellenistica della geografia omerica, in: G.W. Most et al. (eds.), Philanthropia kai Eusebeia, Festschrift A. Dihle, 1993, 387-397 5 C. WacHsMuTH, Das Hafenwerk des Rhodiers T., in: RhM 59, 1904, 471-473 6E.A. WAGNER, Die Erdbe-

schreibung des T. von Rhodos, 1888.

HAG.

Timostratos (Tiwooteatoc/Timostratos). [1] Greek tragedian, successful at the - Lenaea in c. 350 BC (IrGF I 83). B.Z. [2] Athenian comedian, who came sixth at the Dionysia in 188 BC with his Avteobpevoc (Lytroumenos, “The ransomed [prisoner]’) [1. test. 1] and fourth in 183 with his Ptdouxetoc (Philoikeios, ‘He who loves his relatives’) [x. test. 2]; a third place in c. 177 with an ‘Avteveoyet@v (Anteuergeton, ‘He who repays good deeds’) is uncertain [1. test. *3]. In addition, five further play titles are recorded (“Aowtoc/Asotos, ‘The unrestrained man’; Anuonointoc/ Démopoietos, “The new citizen’; [dv/ Pan; Uaoaxatadyxy/Parakatatheké, “The surety’;

Pi0déonotoc/ Philodéspotos, ‘He who loves his master’), on which the few fragments permit no statement, however. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 783-786.

H.-G.NE.

[3] Eastern Roman general and provincial governour on the eastern border of the Empire under the emperors + Anastasius [1] I and > lustinus [1] I, who was suc-

TIMOSTRATOS

707

708

cessful as a dux Osrhoenae in the war with the Persians in AD 503-506, but less so as a dux Mesopotamiae in 527, the year of his death. PLRE 2, r1149 f. FT.

of a shipwrecked Persian, and the plea of a Phrygian in broken Greek, with echoes of the Phrygian aria at Eur. Or. 1369-1502). In the final section (the > sphragis), T. boasts of playing on an eleven-stringed lyre (his invention, according to the Suda), defends himself against Spartan critics, and asks for blessings for the city in which the performance took place (Miletus or Athens?). The work is astrophic, and constructed pri-

Timotheus (Ty.60e0c; Timotheos). [1] T. of Metapontum. Greek physician, fl. c. 400 BC. According to the > Anonymus Londiniensis (8,8), T. believed that disease was the result of the blockage of passages through which residues would have been excreted. Residues that have risen up from the entire body are forced to remain in the head until they are transformed into a saline, acrid fluid. They then break out and cause a wide variety of disease, whose character is determined by the place or places to which they flow.. ~» Humoral theory VN. [2] Citharist and poet from Miletus. According to the Marmor Parium 76, T. died between 366-5 and 357-6 BC, at the age of 90, 97 according to the Suda s.v. T. Diod. Sic. 14,46,6 gives the year 398 as the acme of his creative period. T. boasts of his victory over his older contemporary > Phrynis, presumably in a citharist’s contest at Athens (PMG 802; cf. Aristot. Metaph. 2,1,993b 15f.). This was probably an expression of his satisfaction with the success of his own modern literary style. T. was backed by Euripides, who wrote the prooimion to his ‘Persians’ (Satyrus, Vita Euripidis POxy. 1176 fr. 39 col. 22). A fine funerary epigram for Euripides is attributed to T. (or to Thucydides) (Anth. Pal.

marily of iambo-trochaic and Aeolic kdla (+ Kolon)

[x]; its elegant turns of phrase and riddles anticipate features of Hellenistic poetry. In the ‘Cheiron’ of + Pherecrates, personified Music polemicizes against T. as its destroyer (PCG VII 155, roff.). EpITIONs:

1PMG

=

2D.A. CampBELL,

Greek Lyric,

vol. 5, 1993, 70-121 (with Engl. transl.) 3 J.HORDERN, The Fragments of Timotheus of Miletus, 2002. BIBLIOGRAPHY: DORFF, Timotheos.

Dithyrambographi

4U.von WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDie Perser, 1903 5 D.F. Sutrron,

Graeci, 1989

Dithyrambos (Hypomnemata

Ancient Greek Music, 1992.

6 B. ZIMMERMANN,

98), 1992

7M.L. West,

E.R.

(3] A tragedian (or perhaps director, chorodidaskalos; DID B 5, 6 = IrGFI 56), victorious c. 380 BC with an ‘Alcmaeon’ and an ‘Alphesiboia’. B.Z. [4] An important general and statesman in the 4th cent. BC, son of + Conon [1] and friend of + Isocrates. As

+ stratégos, T. brought about the accession of Corcyra to the second Athenian League (~ Athenian League

7,45). He spent some time in Macedonia (PMG 801),

(Second)) in 375 BC, and, after a victory over the Spar-

where he died (Steph. Byz. s.v. MiAntos). The Suda attributes various genres of poems to him, especially the nomos (+ Nomos [3]), prooimion

tan fleet, that of Alyzeia, of Acarnania, Cephallenia and other cities as well (Xen. Hell. 5,4,63-66; Diod. Sic. 15,36,5f.; cf. IG I/II’ 43B; 96f.). Sparta declared a short-lived peace, to be broken because T. had supported pro-Athenian forces in Zacynthus. In 373, he was ordered to assist Corcyra, which was under siege by Sparta, but first, owing to financial problems, turned toward Thrace, where he won over additional cities for the League. In view of the acute threat to Corcyra, T. was recalled, stripped of his command, and prosecuted, but acquitted (Xen. Hell. 6,2,11-13; Diod. Sic. 15,47,2; {[Demosth.] Or. 49,9f. and 22). T. left Athens, but later

(+ Prooemium), hymnos (~~ Hymn

I.), and the > di-

thyramb. Although the preserved titles do not allow any certain attribution to specific genres, T. was considered as predominantly a poet of dithyrambs. These presumably included ‘Raging Ajax’ (Aiag éuwavis/Aias emmanes; first performed, according to Lucian, after T.’ death at Athens, PMG

777), ‘Elpenor’ (triumphantly

performed in 320-19, and thus posthumously as well: PMG 779), ‘Nauplios’ (?) (with its attempt, later satirized, to reproduce a storm on the flute, PMG 785),

returned. Re-elected stratégds of Athens, he succeeded

‘Semele’s Birth pang’ (LeuéAync Odic/Semélés dis; with its humorous imitation of Semele’s cries, PMG 792) and ‘Scylla’, with its lament by Odysseus, criticized by Aristotle, PMG 793. Additional attested titles include

in conquering Samos in 365, after a ten-month siege. He later won over Sestos, Crithote, Potidaea, Torone and other cities for Athens, but attacks on Amphipolis and

‘Artemis’, “The Cyclops’, ‘Laertes’, and “The Sons of Phineus’ (®weidai/Phineidai). T.’ use of the solo song in the dithyramb deviated from the older Attic tradition,

prosecuted for unpaid loans around 362 ({[Demosth.] Or. 49). In 357, he pleaded in favour of protecting Euboea against Thebes. During the > Social Wars [I], the stratégot T. and + Iphicrates were prosecuted for bribery or treason, since they had hesitated, because of a storm, to support Chares [1] in the naval battle off Embata. T. was condemned to pay a high fine, which forced him to flee to Chalcis, where he died in 3 55-4 (Din. Or. 1,14; 3,17; Diod. Sic. 16,21; [Plut.] Vitae X

and he is also supposed to have been the first to write nomot for the chorus (Clem. Al. Strom. 1,78,5). Boundaries between genres were apparently abolished in the ‘new music’, and nomoi in T.’ dithyrambic style are mentioned by Plut. De musica 4,113 2e. Of the citharistic n6mos ‘The Persians’, only 240 verses are preserved in six columns (1-2 are badly damaged) on a papyrus found in 1902 [4]. It describes the battle of Salamis from a Persian perspective, with lively individual scenes (for instance, the struggle for survival

Olynthus, by contrast, remained unsuccessful. T. was

or. 3 = Plut. Mor. 836d).

A statue was raised to honour T. on the Athenian Agora in 374, and a fulsome evaluation of him as an important stratégos is to be found in Isocr. Or. 15,101-

709

710

139. [Aristot.] Oec. 2,2,23, 1350a 23-br5 testifies to his tricks for financing his campaigns, while Polyaenus, Strat. 3,9f. extols his military skills. Nepos devoted a biography to him.

creative theology was probably the historical background for the tale. This, rather than the establishment of any alleged branch of the Eleusinian > Mysteries, will thus have been the reason for the summons of T. [2.200f.]. The longest surviving version of the myth of Agdistis/ Attis names a certain T. as its source, who is designated as > theologos (Arnob. 5,5). He is usually identified with the exégétés from Eleusis [2.279; 3.72f.], so that if this is correct, he was also active as an author. He presumably had considerable influence on the unification and modernization of religious traditions (perhaps including those of the cult of Isis) at the beginning of the Hellenistic Period [4.38-41; 5.79f.].

K.-W. WeLwel, Das klassische Athen, 1999, 283-290;

293-298.

WS.

[5] Greek sculptor, active c. 380-350 BC. The preserved building accounts for the temple of Asclepius at ~ Epidaurus (IG IV* 1, 102; 375-370 BC) present T. as the creator of twxov/typoi (‘reliefs’) and akroteria (> Akroterion). Among extant sculptures, a Nike akroterion is usually attributed to T., as well as the overall plan of the temple sculptures, if the term typoi is understood as ‘models’. The sculptures on the south side of the > Mausoleum of Halicarnassus (c. 350 BC) were supposed to have been by T. (Plin. HN. 36,3 1-33), as was an acrolith of Ares on the city’s acropolis. Both attributions were already uncertain in Antiquity (Vitr. De arch. 2,8,11; 7 praef. 12). An Artemis by T., which ended up in the temple of Apollo Palatinus at Rome under Augustus, and an Asclepius in Troezen, cannot be identified in Roman copies. T.’ personal style remains unknown to us. OVERBECK,

nos.

1160; 1177f.; 1307;

1328-1330;

Lip-

POLD, 219-222; 255f.; G. Roux, L’architecture de |’Argolide aux IV° et III* siécles avant J. C., 1961, 84-108; L.ViaD

BorreELLl, s.v. T. (1), EAA

7, 1966, 862-865;

A.STeEwarT, Greek Sculpture, 1990, 273f.; 180-182; N. Yatourtis, Die Skulpturen des Asklepiostempels in Epidauros, 1992; G.B. WayweELt, The Sculptors of the Mausoleum

at Halicarnassus,

in: Id., I. JENKINS

(ed.),

Sculptors and Sculpture of Caria and the Dodecanese, 1997, 60-67; B.S. RipGway, Fourth-Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, 1997, 36f.; 244-248. RN.

[6] Poet of the Attic Middle - Comedy, to whom the Suda [x. test. 1] attributes the titles of four plays. A

fragment is preserved of only one of them (Kuvdetov/ Kyndrion; ‘The Little Dog’), which alludes to the well-

known parasite Chaerephon. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 787f.

H.-G.NE.

[7] A specialist on religion from Athens, employed by > Ptolemaeus I Soter (= Ptol.) in the context of the introduction of the cult of + Serapis (Tac. Hist. 4,83;

Plut. De Is. et Os. 28,362a). Tacitus describes him as an Eumolpid (+ Eumolpus), whom Ptol. had summoned from Eleusis as an ‘interpreter of rites’, while Plutarch calls him exégétes. T. may thus have been one of the Eleusinian — exégétai Eumolpidén [1.9, 92]. Both sources mention T. in connection with the dream on the basis of which Ptol. had a colossal statue brought from Sinope, which was interpreted as an image of Serapis. Plutarch also associates T. with the Egyptian priest -» Manetho [1]. It may be assumed that the creation or configuration of a Graeco-Egyptian divinity such as Serapis was greatly facilitated by the combined expertise of both men. Independently of whether or not a statue was actually brought from Sinope, Ptol.’ need for

TIMOTHEUS

1 K. Ciinton, The Sacred Officials of the Eleusinian Mysteries, 1974 2 P.M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 1972 3P.BoRrGEAUD, La mére des dieux, 1996 4A.D. Nock,

Conversion,

1933

5 W.Orro,

H.BENGTSON,

Zur Geschichte des Niederganges des Ptolemaerreiches (ABAW 17), 1938.

RPA.

[8] Dynast (Isocr. Epist. 7,1) of > Heraclea [7] on the Pontus 3 52-337 BC, as son and successor of the murdered tyrant > Clearchus [3] (Diod. Sic. 16,36,3). As minors, he and his younger brother — Dionysius [5] remained under the guardianship of their uncle Satyrus until 345, when — Isocrates wrote a letter to T. (Isocr. Epist. 7), admonishing him to be the benefactor and saviour of the city. > Memnon [5] of Heraclea (FGrH 434 F 1,2f.) contrasted his action in war and peace favourably with that of his father. T. was honoured by agons after his death. He was succeeded by Dionysius, his co-regent (HN 515) since c. 345 (Diod. Sic. 16,88,5). H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 319f.; 348; 681. J.co.

[9] Attic comic poet, who finished second at the Dionysia of approximately 192 BC [1. test. 1]. It is uncer-

tain whether or not he won third place at those of around 177 with an Avteveoyet@v (Anteuergeton, ‘The Requiter of Good Deeds’) [1. test. *2], as is whether or not the lists of victories at the Dionysia credit him witha victory [1. test. *3]. 1 PCG VII, 1989, 789.

H.-G.NE.

[10] Seleucid military commander. He suffered several defeats in the Ammonitis and Gaulanitis (East Jordan area) at the hands of Judas |r] Maccabaeus in 164 BC (1 Macc 5:6f.; 29-44 = Jos. Ant. Iud. 12,329f.; 337-3433 parallel tradition: 2 Macc 12:10-31). Pace [1.508515], other accounts

(2 Macc

8:30-33;

10:24-38)

cannot be reconciled either chronologically or on a factual level with the above-mentioned reports (on this point, see [2.54f.]). It remains doubtful whether the contradictions can be solved by the assumption of two homonymous persons. 1 B. Bar-Kocuva, Judas Maccabaeus, 1989 2 K. BRINGMANN, Hellenistische Reform und Religionsverfolgung in Judaa, 1983. K.BR.

TIMOTHEUS

Was

[11] T. was apparently converted by Paul (— Paulus [II true and beloved child’; 1 Cor 4:17; cf. 1 Tim According to Acts 16:1-3, he came from Asia the son of a Greek and a Jewish woman. After company with Barnabas, Paul named T. one of his companions, and had him circumcized, in consideration of the Jews. In Paul’s letters and in Acts, T. appears as Paul’s closest collaborator, special emissary, and partner in his mission. Paul calls him ‘brother’ (2 2]; ‘my 1:2.18). Minor, parting

Cor 1:1; 1 Thess 3:2), ‘collaborator’ (Rom 16:21) and

‘servant’ of Jesus Christ (Phil 1:1). He was co-sender and to some extent co-author (use of ‘we’) of several letters (2 Cor; Phil; Col; 1-2 Thess; Phm). Paul compares T.’ activity with his own (2 Cor 1:19; 1 Cor 16:10;

Phil 2:19-22). He often sends him with special commissions as his representative to his communities (1 Cor Avs Philia.nora: Dhessissa.and 6s Acts n:nat. 05:55 19:22) and defends him against the Corinthians’ doubts with regard to his authority (2 Cor 8:18; 8:22). The information concerning T. in Acts is usually accorded a high degree of plausibility [2.21], while that contained in the biographical indications of the Pastoral epistles (> Pseudepigraphy II.) is controversial: T. as the receiver of these letters; the name of his Christian mother and grandmother (2 Tim 1:5); his early instruction as a child (2 Tim 3:15); his entry into Paul’s service, with Paul’s

laying on of hands (2 Tim 1:6). Hebr 13:23 contains an allusion to T.’ captivity. Christian tradition considers him to have been bishop of Ephesus (Eus. HE 3,4,5). > Titus I 1 W.-H. OLLRoG, Paulus und seine Mitarbeiter, 1979 2 J.RoLorr, Der erste Brief an Timotheos. (Evangelischkatholischer Kommentar zum NT 15), 1988. P.WI.

{12] T. Il Ailuros (T. Aihoveos/T. Ailouros). Patriarch

of Alexandria [1] AD 457-460 and 475-477, t 31 July 477 (2). His name is inseparably associated with the violent defensive reaction of the Oriental Monophysite churches (+ Monophysitism) against the resolutions of the Council of Chalcedon (451, — Synodos II. D.). An objective evaluation of the person and his work is difficult, since the historical sources for the most part reflect the viewpoint of the imperial position. His entry into the clergy under compulsion from Cyril [2] probably belongs to the realm of legend, as does the popular Greek etymological interpretation of his nickname (‘cat’), also rendered as a (Syriac) title in the sense of

‘confirmed by God’ according to the main Syriac source for his life, the chronicle of Zacharias [5]. After the death of emperor Marcianus [6], T. was appointed in March 457 under questionable circumstances against his predecessor, the rather ‘Chalcedonian’ Proterius (who was later supposed to have been killed by the populace of Alexandria). As a strict Monophysite, T. proved to be uncompromising against the imperial court in Constantinople, for which reason he was deposed at the instigation of emperor Leo(n) [4] Lin 460, and banished to Gangra or Chersonesus. He was able to return to Alexandria after Leo’s death, where apparent-

7307)

ly only his demise prevented his renewed resignation. His literary work (CPG 5475-5491), preserved primarily in fragments and in Syriac and Armenian versions, reflects his dogmatic standpoints. Cf. [1; 3; 5]. [13] T. IV or III (according to reckoning). Patriarch of

Alexandria [1] AD 517-535, t 2 or 7 Feb. 535. Historically, he is to be classified among the circle of the empress > Theodora [2], his most important patroness. Unlike his predecessors, he was not openly attacked by the central government, especially since the emperor > Iustinianus [1] and his wife provided shared representation for Orthodoxy and -» Monophysitism at the apex of the state. Antioch [1] had, moreover, become established in the meantime as the new centre of Monophysite theology. Of T.’ work, one longer fragment as well as a series of short fragments of sermons are preserved (CPG 7090-7100), which are in the theological tradition of Severus [3] of Antioch. It is unclear whether or not the liturgy transmitted under his name (CPG 7098; > Liturgy II. C.) really derives from T. Cf.

[2 4]. 1 Cu. FrarssE-Coug, in: J.-M. MAyeur et al. (eds.), Die

Geschichte des Christentums, vol. 3, 2001, 161-180 (orig. 2 L. GARLAND, Histoire du christianisme, vol. 3, 1998) Byzantine Empresses,

1999, 23-29

3 A. GRILLMEIER,

Jesus der Christus im Glauben der Kirche, vol. 2.1, *1991, 131-266 4Id., TH. HAINTHALER, Jesus der Christus im Glauben der Kirche, vol. 2.4, 1990, 42-46 5 B.PHANURGAKE, O xvgihdetos yaoaxtnoas, Toenyootos 0 Ilakawas 74, 1991, 541-668.

in: L.H

[14] T. of Gaza. Byzantine grammarian and popular scientist around AD 500 (Suda t 621 s.v. T.). Author of the Kavovec xa8odtxoi regi ovvtaeewd/Kanones katho-

likoi peri syntaxeos (‘General Rules of Orthography’, ed. [1]) and of Iegi 6Q80yoaiac/Peri orthographias (‘On Orthography’, which has not survived; cf. [6.369; 7]), as well as of a work, originally written in verse, Meoi tdwwv/Peri zoidn (‘On Animals’, in four books, a collec-

tion of zoological curiosa [2; 3]) and of a speech of complaint about the commercial tax to emperor -» Anastasius [1] I. EDITIONS: 1J.A. CRAMER, Anecdota Graeca ..., 1841, vol. 4, 239-244 2M.Haupt, Excerpta ex Timothei Gazaei libris de animalibus, in: Hermes 3, 1869, 1-30 3 F.S. BODENHEIMER, A. RABINOWITZ, T. of Gaza on Animals (Iegi G@wv), 1949 (Engl. transl.).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4P.EGENOLFF, Die orthographischen Stiicke der byzantinischen Literatur, 1888, 6-8

5 HunGer, Literatur, vol. 2, 13, 18-19, 265f. Kaster,

156)

Guardians

of Language,

1988,

6R.A.

368-370

(no.

7 J.SCHNEIDER, Les traités orthographiques grecs

antiques et byzantins, 1999, 15-71 Timotheos (18), RE 6 A, 1339-1341

8 A. STEIER, S.v. 9M. WELLMANN,

Timotheos von Gaza, in: Hermes 62, 1927, 179-204.

ST.MA.

Timouchos (tiwodyoc/timotichos). Holder of an honour, honorary position or office (formed from tw tyew, timen échein, ‘to have/hold honour’); first recorded in the form tuaoxoc as an epithet of deities in the 7th

714

713

cent. BC

(Hom.

Hymnos

to Demeter

268 f.; Hom.

Hymnos to Aphrodite 31 f.); as office holders timoichoi are recorded almost only in communities of the Ionic dialect groups, e.g. in the early sth cent. BC in Teos (Syll.3 37/8; ML 30), where they had to pronounce curse formulas against enemies of the polis at the > Anthesteria and at festivals for Heracles and Zeus, swear

in stratégoi and citizens and see to honorary decrees [x. 9]. They were probably established there by the Archaic period, but later lost significance as a consequence of the institution of new offices. In Abdera [1] the office was presumably adopted from the metr6dpolis [x] of Teos [2. 100-107]. Influence from Teos and other Ionian poleis on the office of t. in > Naucratis can also be assumed (Ath. 149 d-f). In > Phocaea the t. were an

ancient official body, since in the > apoikia, founded by Phocaea c. 600 BC, of > Massalia the three high officials and all 600 members of the decreeing body (synhédrion) and its executive committee (15 members)

were described as f. (Str. 4,1,5). The office presumably also existed in Miletus [2] and the Milesian colonies of Olbia [1] and — Sinope, since tywtovyiat (timouchiat) was a collective term for ‘administrative bodies’ there. T. also held office in Priene, Lebedus, Thasos and Methymna, where in the Hellenistic period they generally had a more limited significance. Massalia was an exception. 1P.HERRMANN, Teos und Abdera im 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr., in: Chiron 11, 1981, 1-30 =. J.BouSQUET, Inscriptions de Delphes II, in: BCH 64-65, 1940/1, 76120. G. GoTTLieB, Timuchen (SHAW 1967.3).

K-W.W.

Timoxena (Twmwoééva; Timoxéna). Wife of Plutarchus

[2], daughter of Alexion (Plut. Mor. 701d), probably herself an author (a writing on obsessive cleanliness is

mentioned by Plutarch Mor. 145a). The marriage produced a daughter of the same name, but she died at the age of two (writing of condolence to T.: Plut. Mor. 608a—612b),

and four sons; two of these also died

young.

W.ED.

Timoxenos (TwdEevoc/Timoxenos).

{1] Achaean, political friend of - Aratus [2], several times stratégos of the Achaean League (> Achaeans): in 225/4 BC and/or 224/3 (Pol. 2,53,2; Plut. Kleomenes 20,8; Plut. Aratos 38,3; cf. [1.254 f.; 2. 149]), 221/0 (Pol. 4,6,4; Plut. Aratos 47,3) and 216/5 (Pol. 5,106,1). 1 F.W. WaALBAnkK, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 1, 1970 2 R.Urpan, Wachstum und Krise des Achaischen Bundes von 280 bis 222 v. Chr., 1979.

L-M.G. [2] Athenian comic poet who came fourth at the Dio-

nysia of 154 BC with his Svyxovatwv (Synkrypton, He who hides something together with others); it is uncertain whether he attained third place at the Dionysia of about 177 with a play entitled “Avteveoyet@v (Anteuergeton, He who returns favours) |x. test. *3]. 1 PCG VU, 1989, 790.

H.-G.NE.

TIN

Timycha (Twa; Timycha). Spartan, 4th or end of the 6th cent. BC, wife of > Myllias ina horror story told by Neanthes (FGrH 84 F 31). T. is mentioned in first place in the catalogue (perhaps dependent on > Philochorus? {1]) of “most significant Pythagorean women” in Iambl. v.P. 267. ~» Woman philosophers; — Pythagoras [2]; > Pythagorean School 1 W. Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972, 1054°. CRI.

Tin I. DEFINITION II. Deposits III. ExTRACTION AND USES OF TIN IV. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT V. GREECE AND ROME

I. DEFINITION Tin is a metal, used in Antiquity for casting, for making sheet-metal, for plating other materials, for alloys, primarily with > copper to make — bronze or with -» lead to make tin-lead solder. The starting material was cassiterite, the only tin ore that occurs naturally in sufficient quantities for metallurgical processing. Cassiterite, an oxide of tin (SnOz), is dark brown to black in colour, has a high density (6800-7100 kg m3) and is very hard (6-7), characteristics which must have immediately attracted attention when ores were being sought; it is very resistant to weathering. Apart from the primary deposit sites there are also alluvial deposits of cassiterite in river sediment, which yield a very pure ore. In Greece, tin was called xacoitegocd/kassiteros; Roman authors, on the other hand, did not clearly distinguish between lead and tin, indeed they were thought to be different varieties of a single metal and described as plumbum nigrum (‘black lead’) and plumbum candidum (‘white lead’ = tin) (Plin. HN 34,156; cf. Caes: B Gall. 5,12,5); Il. DErositTs Since the - Phoenicians, who introduced tin to the Mediterranean, took care that the sea route to the locations of tin deposits should not become known, the

origin of the metal was at first unclear in GraecoRoman Antiquity (Str. 3,5,11; cf. Plin. HN 7,197). According to Herodotus [1], tin was from the Kassiterides (Kaoouteotoec, “Tin Islands’, > Cattiterides) in the Nor-

wegian Sea, but their exact location was unknown to him (Hdt. 3,115). Strabo and Diodorus [18], too, assumed that they were in the sea far from the coast of Spam (Stras,5,nus cin 255,05 552595 Diodmoice5.3°9,45 Plin. HN 4,119; 34,156). It was known as early as Polybius [2] that tin was from Britain (Pol. 3,57,3); the extraction of tin in Britain and its transportation through Gaul to Massalia and Narbo is described in detail by Diodorus (5,22; 5,38,5; cf. also Str. 3,2,9; Caes. B Gall. 5,12,5); deposits of tin in the Iberian peninsula

were also mentioned (Str. 3,2,9; 5,38,4; Plin. HN 4,112; 34,156).

Diod.

Sic.

TIN

715

716

Recent excavations relating to the history of mining and archaeo-metallurgical studies have produced substantial clarity in regard to the sites of ancient tin deposits. Tin deposits occur in Asia and Europe in large numbers. The earliest tin deposits to be mined were smaller and quickly exhausted occurrences of alluvial tin and primary ores in the Near and Middle East, primarily in

IV. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT In Mesopotamia, there is true tin bronze from the first half of the 3rd millennium BC onwards, in Egypt from the Middle Kingdom (early 2nd millennium BC), more commonly only from the period of the Ramessids (13th/r2th cents. BC). The question of its origin is still debated: for Mesopotamia, both Iran and > Dilmun are mentioned as middlemen. Other sources suggest Afghanistan, Taurus/Cilicia or eastern Anatolia as source. It is unclear whether tin came to the Near East before the Iron Age from the western Mediterranean or from Britain. R.W.

Asia Minor, Syria, in the Caucasus, in the Altai Moun-

tains and in Tianshan. It was primarily the tin deposits in the West, in England, France, Spain and Portugal, that by the middle of the 2nd millennium BC supplied the Mediterranean with tin. Smaller deposits mined in Antiquity were on Corsica, Sardinia, Elba and in Tuscany. II]. EXTRACTION AND USES OF TIN A. THE EXTRACTION OF TIN’ B. THE TECHNIQUE OF TIN-PLATING C. TIN ALLOYS

A. THE EXTRACTION OF TIN Before metallic tin was

extracted, cassiterite was

used to make bronze directly by melting copper with tin ore. From the 3rd millennium BC onwards, tin-rich bronzes became more common; it can be assumed that they were consciously made as an alloy. The earliest use of metallic tin for making bronze is assumed to be in the 2nd millennium BC. Metallic tin was obtained by smelting cassiterite, i.e. by reducing the ore with charcoal. The metallic tin was cast into ingots and transported from the deposit sites to the centres of processing (Diod. Sic. 5,22). There tin was either worked into tin objects or used to make other materials. Since tin has a relatively low melting point, it was well suited to being cast. Metallic tin can also easily be hammered into sheets, which were often used for the decoration of ceramic or wooden objects in the form of

inlaid or overlaid foil (> Sphyrelaton).

V. GREECE AND ROME From Greece only few finds of early pure tin survive. A bangle from Lesbos has been dated to c. 3000 BC. In the wreck (-» Shipwrecks, exploration of) of Uluburun, which sank c. 1300 BC, there were tin ingots of various shapes with a total weight of about a ton. Individual ceramic pots from the Mycenaean period have tin foil applied or are decorated with inlaid tin strips. As a number of mentions of tin in the ‘Iliad’ show, the metal

was known in the Homeric period and was used to decorate weapons (Hom. Il. 11,25; 11,34; cf. 18,613; 21,592) and other objects (e.g. a chariot, Hom. I. 23,503) with inlays. In literature, there are detailed clues to the occurrence and use of tin in the Roman period (Diod. Sic. 5,22; Plin. HN 34,156-163). The 3rd-cent. AD Leiden Papyrus X, with more than roo methods of working metal, gives detailed information on the use of tin. From the Roman period, numerous finds of tin objects have survived, such as vessels and simple pieces of jewellery. Large numbers of tin ingots have also been recovered from wrecks. ~> Cattiterides; > Metallurgy 1 BLUMNER, Technologie 3, 81-88; 180-191; 376-378 2 P.T. Crappock,

B. THE TECHNIQUE

OF TIN-PLATING

The low melting point (232 °C) of tin permitted metal objects to be tin-plated, e.g. by dipping them in molten tin or by painting molten tin onto other surfaces. The technique of tin-plating has been known since the 2nd millennium BC and is documented by finds from the Near East and from southern and central Europe. + Mirrors were also made by tin-plating bronze discs. This technique is described in detail in Plinius [1] (Plin. HN 34,160-163). C. TIN ALLOYS

1995

Early Metal Mining and Production,

3J.F. HEALY, Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek

and Roman World, 1978

4 P.R. S. Moorey, Ancient

Mesopotamian Materials and Industries. The Archaeological Evidence, 1994, 297-301 5 J.D. Muuty,

Copper and Tin, 1973 6 E.RiepeL, Bibliographie zu Material und Technologie kulturgeschchtlicher Objekte aus Blei und Zinn, in: Berliner Beitrage zur Archaometrie 9,1984,191-195 7 J.RIEDERER, Archaologie und Chemie, 1987, 139-141 8R.C. A. ROTTLANDER (ed.), Pli-

nius Secundus der Altere tiber Glas und Metalle, 2000, 70-126 9R.F. Tytecote, A History of Metallurgy, 1976 10Id., The Early History of Metallurgy in Europe, 1987.

JO.R.

The majority of tin extracted, however, was used for

alloys, with bronze certainly ranking foremost, since, by adding various quantities of tin to copper, materials with particular properties could be obtained, such as bronzes with lower tin content which are easily cast or worked cold, or hard, polishable bronzes with high tin content which are suitable for making mirrors. Lead-tin solders represent an important group of alloys, suited by their melting point of about 250 °C to joining and repairing. JOR.

Tin Islands see > Cattiterides; > Tin Tinca. Cicero (Brut. 46,172) mentions a T. from Pla-

centia, who sought to outdo his friend Q. Granius [I 2] with his wit. The cognomen is probably borrowed from the Celtic [1]. 1 HoLpER, vol. 2, 1851 f.

717

718

Tinde (Tivé; Tindé). A city, probably inland but not precisely located, which, on the evidence of the Athe-

[6] Q. T. Sacerdos Clemens. Son of T. [3]. Cos. ord. in AD 158; pontifex; was made a patrician by > Antoni-

nian tribute lists (ATL 1, 424 f.), was one of the cities of

nus [1] Pius (IGR III 808; [1. 341-343, nos. 60, 61]).

the > Crusis that were forced to join the > Delian League in 434/3 BC and seceded in 432. T. was a member of the Chalcidian League from before the middle of the 4th cent. BC (Steph. Byz. s. v. Tivdtov). M. ZaAuHRntT, Olynth und die Chalkidier,

1971, 247.

MZ.

TINIA

1 J. Noi£, Side im Altertum, 1992, nos. 60, 61.

[7] Q. T. Severus Petronianus

> Curator rei publicae probably of Nicaea [5] in AD 244; perhaps senator (AE 1993, 1442).

W.E.

Tingis (Punic Tg). Berber city with a convenient natuTineius [1] Q. T. Clemens. Senator; cos. ord. in AD 195; son of T. [6]. On the family of the Tineii, s. [x]. 1O.SaLtomigs, Die Herkunft der senatorischen T., in: ZPE 60, 1985, 199-202.

[2] Q. T. Demetrius ~ Praefectus Aegypti in AD 189/190, [1. 489; 2. 5113

Sells Ont.

capital from AD 40 of > Mauretania Tingitana, modern Tangiers (in Morocco). The ancient city has been

entirely overbuilt by modern buildings. From no later than the 8th cent. BC, Phoenician traders ( Phoenicians) visited the city, which was probably independent of + Carthage from the 6th cent. onwards. Under the Mauretanian kings (~ Mauretania), T. was a residence

1 P.Buretu, Le préfet d’Egypte (30 av. J. C. — 297 ap. J. C.), in: ANRW II 10.1, 1988, 472-502 2 G. BASTIANINI, Il prefetto d’Egitto, in: ANRW

II ro.1, 1988, 503-517. 3F.Goppio et al., L’épigraphie sousmarine dans le port oriental d’Alexandrie, in: ZPE 121, 1998,

ral harbour (Str. 3,1,8; Mela 1,26; Plin. HN 5,2; Plut. Sertorius 9,5; Ptol. 4,1,5; Cass. Dio 48,45,2; 60,9,5),

131-143.

city. In 38 BC it was made a colonia Iulia with Latin rights by the later Augustus, from — Claudius [III r] onwards colonia Claudia with Roman citizenship. As late as the Roman period, the (neo-)Punic language was used there. Inscriptions: CIL VI 4, 31870; CIL VIII 2, 9988-9990; 10985 f.; Suppl. 3, 21812-17; AE 1935,

63; 1942-1943, 43 f.5 1955, 453 2653 [15 2]. [3] Q. T. Rufus. Praetorian governor of > Thracia in

AD 124 (CIL III 14207,35); cos. suff. in May of 127 (FO? 49). In 132, at the start of the > Bar Kochba revolt in Iudaea, he was consular governor (from 130 at the latest [1. 215 ff.]). He did not succeed in quashing the revolt. In Jewish transmission, however, he is regarded as the one who directed his attacks mostly against the Jewish people [2. 518, 547-549]. His wife and his daughter were honoured in Scythopolis (unpublished inscription). It is not documented whether he died in the province or was simply replaced [3]. He cannot have been responsible for Rome’s early defeats against Bar Kochba, since his progeny reached the highest offices (PIR T 168). 1 H.M. Cotron, W.Eck, Governors and Their Personnel

on Latin Inscriptions from Caesarea Maritima, in: The Israel Academy

of Sciences and Humanities, Proc. 7.7,

2001

2 SCHURER

I, 514-557

Kokhba

Revolt: the Roman

3 W.Ecx, The Bar

Point of View, in: JRS 89,

1999, 76-89. [4] Q. T. Rufus. Patrician; Son of T. [6]; cos. ord. in AD 182. (DEGRASSI, FC 50); pontifex; [1. no. 6r]. 1 J. NoLL£, Side im Altertum, 1992.

[5] Q. T. Sacerdos. Patrician. Son of T. [6]. Cos. suff. in AD 192; consular legate in Pontus-Bithynia in 198/9 [x. 249]; procos. of Asia in 209/10 or 210/1 (AE 1985,

804; cf. [2.795 f.]). Cos. ord. II in 219 along with ~» Elagabalus [2] [3. 136]. 2 G. Petz, Rez. zu T. Ritti, Hie1 THOMASSON 1, 249 3 LEUNISSEN. rapolis 1, in: BJ 187, 1987, 792-798

1 L.CHATELAIN (ed.), Inscriptions Latines du Maroc, 1942, 1-25 2 J.Gascon (ed.), Inscriptions antiques du Maroc 2, 1982, I-50. M. Ponsicu, Tanger antique, in: ANRW II 10.2, 787-816;

F. WINDBERG, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 2517-2520.

W.HU.

Tinia. God at the centre of the Etruscan pantheon {1. 294 f.]. The name (several variants are attested) is derived from the Indo-European root diie- (‘bright day’) [2. 216 f.]. Identification with the Greek + Zeus is epigraphically recorded. Like Zeus/— luppiter, T. has as attributes a thunderbolt and a sceptre [3. 66, 82]. In scenes from Greek myths, the Greek iconography of Zeus as an older bearded god is maintained [r. 294 f.]; alongside this, there is also an iconography of T. or of Zeus [4.233] as a youthful and clean-shaven god [1.295 fig. 1], which survives until the rst cent. BC, known to the Italic peoples and the western Greeks. There is no mention of T. as the addressee of official cults until a clay tablet from Capua (beginning of the 5th cent. BC: ET TC 19). Vulca from Veii is supposed to have sculpted a cult statue for the Temple of Jupiter in Rome (end of the 6th cent. BC; Plin. HN 35,12,45). In terms of the history of religion, T. emerges from an animistic stage as a weather god and develops into a high god: if in the 5th cent. BC he was able to hurl his sometimes peaceful and sometimes dangerous or devastating thunderbolts for the purpose of announcing the future (Sen. Q nat. 2,41,1), he appears in > Caecina [I 4] (Sen. Q nat. 2,45,1-3) as a high god with the predicates of a ruler among which were those of justice and order. ~ Etrusci, Etruria (III.)

719

720

1I.Krausxkopr, s. v. T., in: M.CristTorant (ed.), Dizionario illustrato della civilta etrusca, 1985, 294f. 2 H.Rix, Teonimi etruschi e teonimi italici, in: Annali della fondazione perilMuseo Claudio Faina 5, 1998, 207—

The considerably variable T. emblem [4. 536-538; 9; 11; 12. 210] can be interpreted as a stylised baitylos (> Baitylia) or altar table, as an anh hieroglyph, but also as an abstract anthropomorphic figure with arms raised in blessing or worship, and described as a ‘bottle’ with a sun disc and an inverted crescent moon. [4. 537] sees in it a ‘memoria of the child heroised’ by m/(o)lk sacrifice. > Baal; + Human sacrifice; » Artemis; —> Astarte;

TINIA

229

3 E.GERHARD,

1884-1897

G.KOrrTxE,

Etruskische

Spiegel,

4 PFIFFIG.

G. CAMPOREALE, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 400-421.

L.A-F.

Tinnit. The Phoenician goddess T., worshipped since the 5th/4th cent. BC primarily in > Carthage, originates in the Phoenician motherland; mentions on 9th—6th cent. stelai found at Tyrus [7. 113; 8. 54] and in a 7th cent. BC inscription in Sarepta (cf. [3]), the phrase tnt

» Phoenicians, Poeni 1 F.O. HvipBerG-HAnsen, La déesse TNT, 2 vols., 1979 (older lit.: vol. 2, 173-197) 2 S.Moscat1, Un bilancio per TNT, in: Oriens Antiquus 20, 1981, 107-117

3 J.B.

blbnn, ‘T. in/from Lebanon’ (KAI 81,1), documented

PRITCHARD, The Tanit Inscription from Sarepta, in: H.G.

(names of) persons, modern Lebanese place names and diverse small finds provide indications for excluding converse north-African (Numidian) derivation. The pronunciation T., instead of the previously usual tanit, is confirmed by the spellings tynt (KAI 164,1 et passim),

4 W.Huss, Geschichte der Karthager, 1985, 513-517, 536-540 5P.BorprReuIL, Tanit du Liban, in: E.LiPINSKI (ed.), Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the

tnjt and tunt, instead of the familiar tnt, by Greek transcriptions such as OINIO (KAI 175,2), OENNEIO (KAI 176, f.), the Latinised place name Thinissut (= Bir

Stelae from Tyre, in: Berytos 39, 1991, 101-126

Bou-Rekba, in modern Tunisia), etc. The etymology and meaning of the name can not be determined. T., as is shown by the name combination tnt t-‘Sért in the Sarepta inscription [3], appears to be an offshoot from

the

Syrian

— Astarte

(—Salambo);

Astarte

appears, for instance, in the inscription at Burg Gadid (Carthage; KAI 81,1) beside ‘T. in/from Lebanon’. The Punic epithet pn b‘/, ‘face of Ba‘l’ (cf. PANE BAA: KAI 175,2 etc.. PANHBAAOX on coins from Ascalon c. 150 AD), which almost always appears in connexion with the name T., calls to mind, as in the case of Astarte, a close relationship with the well-known Syrian god of fertility (> Baal), without the function of the epithet being clear. The inscription KAI 81, only one side of which survives, attests to sanctuaries to Astarte and tnt blbnn in Carthage (on neighbouring temples to T. and Esmun-Asclepius on the Carthaginian > Byrsa cf. KAI vol. 2, 90). From Carthage the worship of T. radiated outwards, primarily to Malta, Sicily, Sardinia, Spain and Ibiza. The T. mentioned in Carthage (unlike far and wide in the rest of the Mediterranean world) in first place,

before Ba‘l Hammon, was, like him, given m(o)/k sac-

rifices, which correspond to the Hebrew molek sacrifices (incorrectly ‘Moloch-’) and in which, at least originally, children were offered (cf. Gn 22). Unlike Ba‘l Hammon, who is called dn, ‘Lord’, she is called rbt, e.g. in rb(b)tn, ‘Our Lady’. She is considered to be a ‘moth-

er’ and, by identifications as > kourotrophos (‘nurturer of young men’) and Nutrix Saturni (‘nurturer of Saturn’, = Ba‘l Hammon?),

as Urania, Dea or Virgo

Caelestis with lunar and/or solar attributes, and is iden-

tified with Iuno Caelestis. The rendition of the Phoenician personal name ‘bdtnt, ‘servant of T.’, by Greek Artemidoros (KAI 53) suggests an identification with the virginal Artemis.

NIEMEYER

(ed.), Phonizier

im

1st Millenium B. C., 1987, 79-86

Westen,

1982,

83-92

6 E.LipiNski, Tannit

et Ba‘al Hamon, in: Hamburger Beitrage zur Archaologie 15-17,

1988-90,

209-249

7 H.SADER,

Phoenician

= 8 Id.,

Phoenician Stelae from Tyre, in: Studi epigrafici e linguistici sul vicino oriente antico 9, 1992, 53-79

9 F.BErR-

TRANDY, S. v. Signe de Tanit, DCPP, 416-418

10E.LI-

PINSKI, s. v. Tanit, DCPP, 438 f.

11 F.BERTRANDY, Les

représentations du “signe de Tanit” sur les stéles de Constantine, in: Rivista di studi fenici 21, 1993, 3-28 12 E. LrprNsk1, Dieux et déesses de l’univers phénicien et punique, 1995, 199-215.

H.-P.M.

Tintagel. A headland on the northern coast of Cornwall, for a long time connected with King + Arthur and his court. Limited settlement in the late Roman period was followed by more intensive settlement from the late 5th cent. AD onwards with many imports from the eastern Mediterranean, particularly amphorae and fine pottery. At that time T. was evidently the residence of

the kings of the > Dumnonii. C.THomas, The Book of T.; Arthur and Archaeology,

1993.

M.TO.

Tintinnabulum (Latin; ‘bell’). A bell sculpted in three

dimensions from metal, surviving mostly without a clapper, found in many places of the ancient world. In the cults of oriental deities, the noise of tintinnabula expelled — demons. Tintinnabula announced opening times (market, thermae), were used as amulets against

the evil eye and danger in battle. A tintinnabulum is often suspended by a thin chain from a winged > phallus, human or animal. Since such fantastic combinati-

ons in bronze (currently some strably from the Roman

30 examples demon-

period) contain at least one

imitation phallus other than their dominant phallic body, these striking pieces can be considered a special group of phallic tintinnabula. According to ancient understanding, a representation or imitation of the male member also wards off evil. Private houses, shops, hostelries and brothels used phallic tintinnabula as signals and talismans. The find contexts of phallic tintinnabula do, admittedly, not make possible any deduc-

72a

722

tions as to the social standing of the owners, but expensive custom design of a lucky charm implies well-to-do buyers. + Amulet; > Eroticism II.; > Phallus; > Phylakterion

mae in the city). Limited traces of the Poeni. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 4846-4873 a; 2, 10832; Suppl. 1,

1 E. EspERANDIEU, s. v. T., DS 5, 341-344 2 A. Diericus, Klingendes Kleinod. Ein unbekanntes T. in Danemark, in: Antike Welt 30, 1999, 145-149

TIRIDATES

17141-17149; 2, 18068; [1. 6413-618].

1 J.-B. CHasor (ed.), Recueil des inscriptions libyques, 1940, 613-618. F. WINDBERG, s. v. T. (2), RE 6 A, 1423-1425.

W.HU.

3 G. HERZOG-Hausk, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1406-1410.

ANDI. Tinurtium. Fort or settlement in Gallia > Lugdunensis on the via Agrippina (It. Ant. 359,5), modern Tournus (département of Sa6ne-et-Loire). There were two settlements: T. vetus, the original Celtic town and later Roman vicus on the modern Muret de la Mousse, an island in the River Arar (Sa6ne); T. novum, modern

Tournus, a new foundation on the right bank of the Arar between Cabilonnum (modern Chalon-sur-Sa6ne) and Matisco (modern Macon; It. Ant. 3 59,5). T. novum was given a castellum in the late Imperial period, of which remains survive. The original road station with warehouses where provisions were kept developed into a settlement. Clodius [II 1] Albinus was defeated by Septimius [II 7] Severus there in AD

197 (SHA Sept.

Sev. 11). Because of considerable overbuilding there are only few finds. EsPERANDIEU, Rec. 10, 7082; A. REBOURG, Carte archéo-

logique de la Gaule 71, 1993, 537.

CH.W.

Tiphys (Tipuc/Tiphys). Son of + Hagnias, from Siphae, the port of Thespiae, > Argonaut and helmsman of the > Argo (Apollod. 1,111; Apoll. Rhod. 1,105—110 and 1,401 f.; Val. Fl. 1,481-483; Orph. A. 122-126). T. leads the launch (Apoll. Rhod. 1,381393), urges departure (ibid. 1,522 f.), steers safely out of harbour (ibid. 1,559-562) and takes the ship unharmed into the + Bosporus [1] (ibid. 2,169-176) and through the — Symplegades (ibid. 2,573-606). After his death from illness among the > Mariandyni, Ancaeus [2] (Apollod. 1,126; Apoll. Rhod. 2,85 4-898;

Val. Fl. 5,13-62) or > Erginus becomes his successor (Val. Fl. 5,13-66; Herodoros FGrH 31 F 55, in which in F 54 T. dies only on the return voyage). In Roman poetry, T. is the model of a prudent helmsman (Verg. Ecl. 4,34; Ov. Epist. 6,48). 1 E. Wust, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1426-1429

2 L.RADERMACHER, Mythos und Sage bei den Griechen, 31968, 194-196; 313-315 3R.BLATTER,s. v. Argonautai, LIMC 2.1, 591-598 (5, 8, Io). P.D.

Tipasa (Tinaoa/Tipasa). [1] City in > Mauretania Caesariensis (Plin. HN 5,20;

Tiribazus

Ptol. 4,2,5; Amm. Marc. 29,5,17), about 30 km to the east of Caesarea [1], modern T. or, in Arabic, Tefased,

trap in Armenia, who rescued — Artaxerxes [2] II at ~» Cunaxa (in 401 BC) and allowed the Greek merce-

with substantial ancient remains (two thermae, a thea-

naries free passage (Xen. Anab. 4,4,4 f.; 18; Plut. Artaxerxes 7 and 10; Diod. Sic. 14,27,7). As kdranos (governor-general of the western satrapies) in Asia Minor (and probably also satrap in Sardeis), in 392 BC he re-

tre, two temples, a nymphaeum, two basilicae, etc.). Possibly a Phoenician, in any case a Punic trade port

(evidence from the 6th cent. BC onwards; possibly a cult of Baal Hammon); after the second - Punic War, Numidian or Mauretanian, from AD 42 Roman, from AD 46 a > municipium, from the time of - Antoninus [x] Pius colonia Aelia Augusta. Punic traditions were

preserved for a long time. Inscriptions: CIL I 2210; CIL a; Suppl. 3, 20856-20931 a; AE

VIII 2, 9288-9314

(TioiBatoc/Tiribazos),

Achaemenid

— sa-

ferred Athenian and Spartan envoys to the great king, helped — Antalcidas construct a fleet and captured +» Conon [1] (Xen. Hell. 4,8,12 ff.; Diod. Sic. 14,85,4).

Temporarily called away, in 388 he returned to Lydia, took Antalcidas to Artaxerxes and in 386 in his residence read the > King’s peace to the Greek envoys

1951, 265; 1955, 48; 130; 201; 1958, 134; 1966, 600;

(Xen. Hell. 5,1,25 ff.). After he and > Glos had defea-

1967, 646; 1971, §273 531; 1989, 885; 886(?); 1994, 1900; [1. 335-339; 2].

ted Euagoras [1] at Citium, he was prosecuted for negotiating with the king of Salamis by — Orontes [2]

1 J.Carcopino,

Mélanges

d’épigraphie

algérienne, in:

Revue Africaine 58, 1914, 330-361 2 J.-B. CHABoT (ed.), Recueil des inscriptions libyques, 1940, 867. S. LANCEL,T. de Maurétanie, in: ANRW II 10.2, 739-786;

C. LePELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romaine, vol. 2, 1981,

543-546; M.M. Morciano, T. d’Algeria: un esempio di pianificazione antica, in: A. MasTINo, P. RUGGERI (eds.),

(Diod. Sic.

15,8; cf. Polyaenus, Strat. 7,14,1); In 384 BCT. rescued the Persian great king in the » Cadusii War and was pardoned and highly honoured. Having taken part in one of Darius [5]’ conspiracies against Artaxerxes, he met his death (Diod. 15,8 ff.; Plut. ArtaKErKes 243.27 f.).

L’Africa romana. Atti del ro convegno di studio 1, 1994,

BRIANT, Index, s. v. T.; O. CASABONNE (ed.), Mécanismes et innovations monétaires dans |’Anatolie achéménide,

403-418; F. WINDBERG, s. v. T. (x), RE 6 A, 1413-1423.

ZOOon se ve Le

[2] Originally a Berber city in Numidia (~ Numidae; It. Ant. 41,7; Tab. Peut. 4,3; Geogr. Rav 39,19), to the

southeast of > Thubursicum [2] Numidarum, modern Tifesh, with few ancient remains (on the acropolis, ther-

dW.

Tiridates (Tieddtyc/Tiridates). [1] Artaxerxes’ [2] Il eunuch (Ael. VH 12,1). [2] Achaemenid commander and ‘treasurer’ of — Persepolis, who was kept in his post by > Alexander [4] the

TIRIDATES

724

723

Great after the surrender of the ‘citadel’ and treasure (Diod. Sic. 17,69,1; Curt. 5,5,2; 6,11). From 330/29 BC

T. was a strategos of the > Ariaspae and Gedrosians (+ Gedrosia) (Diod. Sic. 17,81,2). In 328/7 BC, Alexander gave the estates of a T. to the page Eurylochus for exposing a conspiracy (Curt. 8,6,26). 1 BRIANT, s.v. T. (on T. [1]) 2 J.WieseHOFER, ‘dunklen Jahrhunderte’ der Persis, 1994, s.v.

Die T.

3 BERVE 2, 374 f. (on T. [2]).

JW.

[3] > Parthian usurper with an unknown family background; in 32/1 BC, he rebelled against > Phraates [4] IV, whose regime, after his victory over M. Antony [I 9] in 36 BC had become oppressive. Phraates fled, but returned assisted by Scythian troops and began a struggle for the throne which lasted several years. The fluctuating fortunes of war (cf. Isidorus [2] of Charax 1; Hor. Carm. 1,26,5) can be seen from the changing heads on the dated —> tetradrachmae of Seleucia |r]. After T. had minted coins for the last time in March 25 BC, Phraates finally triumphed in May and forced T. to flee to Roman territory. It is probably a misconception that he set off to Spain seeking -» Augustus (Lust. 42,5,6). T. requested Augustus to help him to regain the throne, whilst Phraates demanded the return of a son whom T. had captured. The princeps sent the son back to Phraates and supported T. only in as far as allowing him to live in Rome at his, Augustus’, expense (Cass. Dio 51,18; 53,333 55,104,5; lust. 42,5).

did not act all too skilfully (cf. + Parthian and Persian Wars; —~ Tigranes [7]; > Vasaces), T. lay down his diadem in AD 63 at Rhandeia before Nero’s image (Cass. Dio 62,23,2-4) and promised to accept it again in Rome from the hands of the emperor. His journey to Rome with a high-ranking royal entourage did not then take place until AD 66 (Cass. Dio 63,1,2). The reports about the coronation (brief in Suet. Nero 13) reveal T., now a Roman client king, as a man conscious of his dignity (Cass. Dio 63,2,1-4, cf. his speech of homage 63,552), who allowed a certain contempt for Nero’s behaviour to show through (Cass. Dio 63,6,3-6) and who finally returned home showered with presents (Suet. Nero 30,2). His description as a ‘magus’ shows that he was probably a Zarathustrian priest (Plin. HN 30,6; cf. Tac. Ann. 15,24; ~ Zoroastrianism).

In about AD 72 his land was devastated by the + Alani: Radamistus’ father > Pharasmanes [1] I. had

opened the Derbend pass to them. In contrast to his brother > Pacorus [2] of Atropatene, who panicked, T. went into action against the wild hordes, not however with much success (Jos. BI 7,7,4). The Armenian heroic

legend which even preserves the memory of his Median origins, changes his name to Artashés (= Greek > Artaxias [1]), has him defeat the Alani and reign for 41 years (Moses [2] of Choren 1,37—60), though > Sanatruces [2] may have ruled from around AD 75. M.ScHotTrky,

Media

Atropatene und Grof-Armenien,

M.Karras-KiLapprotu, Prosopographische Studien zur Geschichte des Partherreiches, 1988.

1989, Index s. v. T.; Id., Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134; 113-122; Stammtafel VII; Id., Dunkle Punkte in der armenischen K@nigsliste, in: AMI

[4] A son of one of the four Arsacid princes who in

27,1994, 223-235, esp. 223-225; Id., Quellen zur Gesch. von Media Atropatene und Hyrkanien in parthischer Zeit,

10 BC had been given into the care of the Romans by their father > Phraates [4] IV. In AD 36, the T. living in Rome was nominated as a rival claimant to the throne against > Artabanus [5] Il by opposing groups centred around — Abdagaeses and his son > Sinnaces. He was escorted by L. Vitellius to the Parthian kingdom. Artabanus fled first of all to > Hyrcania but returned aided by Scythian troops, so that T. had to withdraw to Roman Syria (Tac. Ann. 6,32-37; 6,41-44; Cass. Dio 58,26, 2-3). M.Scuotrky,

Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI

24, 1991, 61-134, esp. 82 f.

[5] FT. 1The younger legitimate son of > Vonones II (in Jos. Ant. Iud. 20,3,4 erroneously described as the son of Artabanus [5] II) was named by his half brother - Vologaeses I in AD 52 or 53 as the king of the Roman client state - Armenia (Tac. Ann. 12,50, cf. 15,2) and finally drove out the previous occupant of the throne ~ Radamistus in AD 54 (Tac. Ann. 12,51). In the succeeding years T. endeavoured to gain acceptance in Armenia and at the same time to acquire Rome’s acknowledgement of protective power (Tac. Ann. 13,3 441; 14,23-26; 15,1-17 and 24-31). After many different military and political actions in which to some extent the representatives of the Roman government

in: J.WIESEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeug-

nisse, 1998, 435-472, esp. 446-449; 454 f. [6] T. I The son of + Chosroes [2] I; he was recognised by > Macrinus in AD 217 as the king of > Armenia (Cass. Dio 79,27,4). > Ardashir [1] I’s attempt to conquer the country in AD 227 was repulsed (Cass. Dio 80,3,3, without mentioning by name). - Sapor [x] I was able to drive out T. around AD 252, whilst the

latter’s sons defected to the Persians (Zon. 12,21, there Tyowdrns/Teridates). M. Scnortrky, Dunkle Punkte in der armenischen K6nigsliste, in: AMI 27, 1994, 223-235, esp. 225-232.

[7] T. (IM?) After T.’ [6] flight Armenia was ruled for some decades by Sassanid governor princes (+ Hormisdas [1]; + Narses [1]). It is therefore unclear who is

the king ty/dt (Tirdad) who is named in the Paikuli [x] inscription of AD 293 or 294 but without the territory over which he ruled. Possibly he was one of the sons of T. [6] who went over to the Persian side and carried out less important leadership functions with the agreement of the later great ruler Narses, who already had a royal title as the ruler of Armenia. 1 H.Humsacn, P.O.SKjAERVO (eds.), The Sassanian Inscription of Paikuli, vol. 3, 1978-1983.

>

726

[8] T. (IV?) ‘the Great’ The first Christian king of + Armenia and the hero of Armenian tradition which needs to be evaluated with caution (Moses [2] of Choren 2,79-92 is obviously legendary). What appears to be certain is that after the Roman victory of AD 298 over > Narses [1], an Arsacid T., possibly a nephew of T. [7] and grandson of T. [6], was installed as the Roman client king of Armenia. He appears at first to have given his support to the Romans’ hostile policy towards Christians, but converted to Christianity in AD 313 or 314 (Sozom. Hist. eccl. 2,8,1) and reigned until

took, in different positions, signs specifying the endings). The Notae Tironianae were still in use up to the High Middle Ages. They developed further in the course of time, diverging, in many cases, from the original system (cf. > Tachygraphy). T., an extremely erudite person, played an important role in the collection of Cic.’s letters. The plan of publishing them appears to have been his idea (see Cic. Fam. 16,17,1; Cic. Att. 16,5,5; therefore, the last book of the Epistulae ad familiares contains Cic.’s letters addressed to him as well). According to Gell. 1,7,1, after Cic.’s death, T. published an edition of the ‘Orations against Verres’. He also published a collection of witty remarks made by Cic. (De iocis) and wrote a biography

about AD 330. His successor was > Chosroes [3]. R.H. Hewsen, In Search of T. the Great, in: Journ. of the Soc. for Armenian Stud. 2, 1985/6, 11-49; E. KETTENHOFEN, Tirdad und die Inschriften von Paikuli, 1995; Id., Die Arsakiden in den armenischen Quellen, in: J. WIESEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 325-353. M.SCH.

Tirizis (Tigitic Gxeo/Tirizis akra; Latin Tiristis pro-

munturium). ‘Cape’ or fortress on the western coast of the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos; Str. 7,6,1; cf. Mela

2,22), on the coast road between > Callatis to the north and - Dionysopolis to the west, modern Kaliakra (Ptol. 3,10,8: Tiristria é Tiristris dkra; Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 35). I.’ natural safe position on the steep coast had already been of useful service to the Thracian Terizi. Lysimachus [2] hid his treasure from the attacking — Thraci under Seuthes [4] [I there at the end of the 4th cent. BC (Str. 7,6,1). The comes foederatorum —> Vita-

lianus dug in against the imperial troops under > Hypatius [4] there in AD 514 (Iohannes Antiochenus fr. 214). A.BALKANSKA,

Tirizis-Tirisa-Akra,

Die thrakische

und

romisch-byzantinische Stadt am Kap Kaliacra, in: Klio 62, 1980, 27-46.

TIRO

in several volumes to justify his master (Vita Ciceronis),

from which nothing has survived besides a few remarks and quotations in Gellius (4,10,5), Plutarch (Plut. Cicero 41,4; 49,4), Tacitus (dial. 17) and Asconius (in Cic. Mil. 38). Nothing is left of his other works either; there is evidence, in Gellius (6,3,10; 10,1,7; 13,9,2, cf. on this Plin. HN 2,106), of a treatise on Latin De usu et ratione linguae latinae, a collection of letters and a work on all kinds of interesting facts with the title Pandéktai; these miscellanea, from which there is a quotation in Gellius, taken from the section on the stars, were also used by Plinius [1] the Elder (Plin. HN 2 ind. quotes Tullius T.). According to Cic. Fam. 16,18,3, T. was writing a tragedy as well. 1 G. CALBOLI, Cicerone, Catone e i neoatticisti, in: A. MICHEL (ed.), Ciceroniana. FS K. Kumaniecki, 1975, 5 1-103 (84-1or on T.inGellius) 2 P.Groesg,s. v. Tullius (52),

RE 7 A, and T., Hostus nem, in:

1319-1325 3 W.C.M.McDermorr, Cicero in: Historia 21, 1972, 259-286 4 SCHANZ/

1,547f.

5J.E. G. Zerzer, Emendavi ad Tiro-

HSPh 77, 1973, 227-245.

M.ZE.

Ly.B.

Tiro [1] T., M. Tullius. Born in the house of > Cicero’s (= Cic.) grandfather in Arpinum as son of a prisoner of war, therefore as a slave, in 103 BC (according to [3] in 80 BC). T. was made a freedman by his master Cic.,

who was not much older than he, only in 53 (cf. Cic. Fam. 16,16,1). He was a valuable help to his master in

all possible ways, as the latter repeatedly emphasized (for instance, in Cic. Fam. 16,4,3 in 50 BC). T. accom-

panied Cic. to Cilicia in 51, was sent by his master to meet his son-in-law Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella on the latter’s return from Africa in 46, and after Caesar’s murder looked after his interests in Rome. In spite of longstanding, serious problems with his health, especially because of amalaria infection (Cic. Fam. 16,10,1; 11,1; £7,2; 22,1 among others), T. lived to almost roo years, as it emerges from Hier. chron. a. Abr. 2013 (4 BC). After Cic.’s > proscription, which left him unharmed, he lived in a villa near Puteoli, which he acquired in the autumn of 44. T. is known, to this day, as the inventor of an ingenious shorthand system (simple abbreviations of words, consisting of the initial letters,

[2] Term applied to Roman recruits, who were conscripted to service in the legions (— /egio) when they were c. 16-20 years old (CIL V 8278 = ILS 2333; CIL XIII 11853) and underwent a comprehensive training. Being fundamental components of the > disciplina militaris, physical training and mental disposition moulded the soldiers already during the recruitment period (tirocinium). As far as it was possible, the practical training was conducted by ~> centuriones before the campaign (Pol. 3,106,4 f.; Liv. 23,35,6-93 34,13,33 40,35,11 f.), at least, however, as the battle approached (App. Hisp. 65). Apart from tactical modifications, the institutionalized regulations of the Imperial Period (Cass. Dio 69,9,4-6) followed well-tried principles: Physical training, marching exercises, training with arms, fortification and camp building, as well as drilling constituted the canon of the tirocinium; for cavalry soldiers there were special exercises (Veg. Mil. 1,9-27). Inscriptions and papyri give evidence of conscriptions (CIL V 7889; XI 7554), individuals (CIL V 4958; POxy. 1022; BGU 696) and the praefectus tironum (CIL XI 6or1 =ILS 2691). -» Levy IL; > Recruits, training of

TIRO

ae

1 G.HorsMann, Untersuchungen zur militarischen Ausbildung im republikanischen und kaiserzeitlichen Rom, 1991.

Tirocinium fori (‘period of recruitment for the forum’, in distinction to a military one; > Tiro [2]) describes

both the public presentation in the forum of a young man from the upper classes after his donning the » toga virtlis

(deductio

in forum:

Suet.

Aug. 26,2;

Suet.

Tib. 54,1; Suet. Nero 7,2) and the ensuing approximately one year period of education for famous politicians, orators and lawyers (Cic. Lael. 1,1: cf. Cic. Brut. 89,306). The instruction did not happen systematically, but rather by constant accompaniment and observation of the ‘teacher’ in his practice, which was usually conducted in the forum (Cic. De orat. 3,33,133 £.5 Quint. Inst. 12,6,7; Tac. Dial. 34; Law schools II). Hence TF formed the political equivalent of military education in the field as the contubernalis (> Contubernium) of an experienced commander. E. EYBEN, Restless Youth in Ancient Rome, *1993, 128— 145; M.Geuzer, Die Nobilitat der romischen Republik, *1983, 66; 85 f.; WIEACKER, RRG, 563-565. W.ED.

Tiryns (Tigvve; Tiryns). Significant Bronze Age settlement on and around a steep rock outcrop on the eastern

shores of the Gulf of Argolis. Settled by the late Neolithic, in the 3rd millennium BC T. had developed into a centre of early Bronze Age culture with dense building on the whole hill, including apsis-buildings on the Lower Citadel in the north and a unique circular building with a diameter of 28 m on the higher south hill, the Upper Citadel. In the middle Bronze Age only the latter and the plain to the south east were inhabited. In the 15th cent. BC the construction was begun of a palace whose external walls served to increase the area on which a representational building could be constructed. In the following phases of construction (expansion of the palace area), however, the defensive character of the

728

the ‘bath room’ (no. 12) — certainly a cult space — and storage buildings. Frescoes and colourfully painted floors accentuated the significance of the rooms, the building was of at least two storeys. A fire at the palace c. 1200 BC and early excavations (SCHLIEMANN considered the burnt layer to be > opus caementicium) make the determination of the precise functions of all the rooms impossible. The palace of T., with its columned and pillared halls (nos. 4; 10), is certainly the most modern of all

Mycenaean palaces, and, with the corbel-vaulted chambers of the walls of the Lower Citadel (no. 18), the rainwater drainage planned in advance and the substruction in the eastern and southern galleries (no. 5; 8), also the technically most advanced. There are traces of craft activities in the Middle Citadel (no. 14); it has been shown that there was a city settlement around the Citadel hill, on the landward side

as much as 200 m distant, and has been partially excavated. Life in T. did not come to an end with the palace fire. It relocated to the city, as the large megaron building below the eastern gallery suggests. New buildings in the Lower Citadel with something of a village character and the more constrained building within the Great Megaron (no. rr) date to the 12th cent. BC. Later there

was a temple to Hera there, with an altar around the Mycenaean place of sacrifice in the forecourt. Of the temple architecture a fragment of a Doric capital (c. 600 BC) survives. Proto-Geometric and Geometric graves in

the city area (to the west of the Citadel) record the existence of an earlier settlement, according to the pottery probably already in the sphere of influence of > Argos {Il 1] after the mythical > synoikismos of Pheidon [3]. Homer (II. 2,559) mentions T. after Argos in the list of cities in the territory of Diomedes [1]. Nevertheless, the

Tirynthians are mentioned as fellow combatants in the battle of > Plataeae (in 479 BC; Hdt. 9,28,31; Paus

the palace in the Upper Citadel and areas for the elite in the Lower Citadel were enclosed by walls up to 11 m

5,23,2) and are inscriptionally attested in the list of victors on the Snake Column at Delphi. Conflicts with Argos ultimately led to the resettlement of the population at > Halieis. As late as the beginning of the 3rd cent. coins were minted there with the inscription TiobvvOio/ Tirynthioi. Pausanias found T. abandoned and gave an account of the cult images brought from T.

high and 6-8 m thick. Two well tunnels (see ill. no. 17)

to Argive sanctuaries (Paus. 2,17,5; 8,46,2-3).

in the northwest of the Lower Citadel are also consistent with this direction of thought. Since the excavations by H.SCHLIEMANN and W.D6rPFELD, begun in 1885, T. has been considered the best-preserved example of a Mycenaean fortress palace (cf. site plan; -> Palace

The antagonism between Mycenaean seats of power in -» Argolis is also reflected in Greek myth. At the focus are the sons of Abas [1], > Proetus and — Acrisius, for T. and Argos respectively. Proetus flees to Lycia and returns with, among others, > Cyclopes, who build the fortress of T. for him. Proetus also writes the semata lygra (lit. ‘evil-bringing signs’) to the Lycian king -+Iobates for Bellerophontes. Afterwards Perseus [1] is king in the palace of T., and, lastly, his grandson Heracles [1] and his conflicts with > Eurystheus become associated with T.

external walls became more and more prominent. By the second phase the Lower Citadel had its own wall. The dominance of the walls becomes clear in the third phase, in which, in accordance with a unified concept,

IV. B.). The colonnaded

inner courtyard

(no. 10) is

reached by way of passages resembling keeps, gates and forecourts (plan nos. 25; 3; 4; 6; 7; 9). Opening on to it is the Great > Megaron (no. 11) with atrium, ante-cham-

ber and main chamber. A round hearth-place and a throne are at the centre of the latter. Corridors and small open squares lead to the ‘Small Megaron’ (no. 13), whose significance is unclear, other dwelling units,

G.Hieser,

Spathelladische

Hausarchitektur,

1989;

U. JANTZEN (ed.), Fuhrer durch T., 1975; Id. et al. (ed.), T.

729

730

TIRYNS

Tiryns: Upper and Lower Citadels Ramp Main entrance

Gate to Upper Citadel Forecourt

East gallery Outer propylon Outer palace court South gallery Inner propylon Inner palace court ‘Megaron'

‘Bathroom’ 13 ‘Small Megaron' 14 Middle Citadel 15 West staircase

16 Lower Citadel 17 Well tunnels 18 Chambers (in the walls of the Lower Citadel) 19 Gates of the Lower Citadel

__| 1st phase, c. 1400 BC

[___] 2nd phase, c. 1300 BC KZ

3rd phase, c. 1250 BC

wea 4th phase, after 1200 BC

aes

TIRYNS

731

(series), vol. 1, 1912 ff., repr. 1976; K. KittAN, Grabungsberichte, in: AA 1976 ff.; J.Maran, Das Megaron im

Megaron. Zur Datiering und Funktion des Antenhauses im mykenischen Palast von T., in: AA 2000, 1-16; A. Pa-

PADEMITRIOU, T. Historischer und archaologischer Fihrer, 2001; H.SCHLIEMANN, W.DOrPFELD, T., der prahistorische Palast der K6nige von T., 1886; H. SrULPNAGEL,

Mykenische Keramik der Oberburg von T., thesis, Freiburg 2000. GH.

Tisaeum (Tioaov; Tisaion). Mountain in the south of -» Magnesia [1] (modern Bardzochia, 644 m_ elevation); today, the whole of the east-west part of the pen-

Oe

(4,100) and Strabo (7,3,4) identify the lower reaches of the T. with the Maris (modern Maros). The T. plain (modern Bansag) was fertile and densely settled: + Agathyrsi (Hdt. 4,78), -»*Daci, Boii, Taurisci, > lazyges (Plin. HN 4,80). Augustus conquered this region only after several unsuccessful attempts (R. Gest. div. Aug. 5,47), but without reaching the T. At the conclusion of the second Dacian War in AD 106 (> Daci B.), the plain was part of the province of Moesia superior ( Moesi), whereas on the upper reaches the settlement area of the > Sarmatae remained free. At the time

signalling by fire to Demetrias [1] (Pol. 10,42,7; Liv.

[2] Aurelius, » Marcomanni and Jazyges from the upper reaches of the T. and in c. 280 > Vandals invaded the Roman province (Cass. Dio 72,2,3). Constantius [2] II defeated the Sarmatae in AD 358 between the T. and the Danube. From the sth cent. BC

BS yseie

onwards, there is evidence of traffic and trade on the T.

insula is called T. The - Argonauts passed by this mountain (Apoll. Rhod. 1,568 ff.). There was a temple to Diana Tisaea there (Val. Fl. 2,7) and a station for

F.STAHLIN, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1467.

HE.KR.

Tisamenus (Tevoapevoc/Teisamenos, Lat. Tisamenus). [1] Son of + Thersander, the king of Thebes and of ~» Demonassa [1] (Paus. 9,5,15) and therefore a grandson of > Polyneices (Hdt. 6,52). After the death of his father in Mysia, > Peneleus at first led the Theban con-

tingent to Troy in place of T. who was still too young (Hom. Il. 2,494). T. became king of Thebes only after Peneleus died. Under his rule, the curse on his lineage was supposedly dormant. His son Theras is said to have settled the island of > Thera (Hdt. 4,147; Paus. Bes srs): [2] Son of — Orestes [1] and — Hermione, King of Argos and Sparta (Paus. 2,18,6), i.a. father of Sparton (Paus. 7,6,2), under whose rule the > Heraclidae returned to the Peloponnese (Paus. 2,18,7). T. falls in the battle against the latter (Apollod. 2,176) or against the Ionians during his search for a new home. He was first buried in Helice, later his remains were moved to Sparta (Ratisycreerate) CA.BI. [3] Seer from the lineage of the lamids (> Iamus) in Elis (Pind. Ol. 6,35-71) who foretold five victories for the Spartans (first in 479 BC at the gates of -» Plataeae) after having received Spartan citizenship (Hdt. 9,3 3-36; Paus. 3,11,6-8).

In the Roman period, several roads along the T. connected + Pannonia with Dacia; the most important ran along the valley of the Maris to the Danube at > Lugio. > Taesia E. IstvANoviTs, Some Data on the Ethnical and Chrono-

logical Determination of the Roman Age Population of the Upper Tisza Region, in: N.Gubea (ed.), Romer und Barbaren an den Grenzen des romischen Dakien, 1997,

717-724.

Lv.B.

Tisias (Tevoiac/Teisias). {1] Syracusan; ancient tradition ascribed to him, in

addition to > Corax [3] (see there for details), the invention and foundation of rhetoric in the 5th cent. Be:

O.B.

[2] Athenian, relative of > Charicles [1], a councillor (Isoc. Or. 16,43) during the oligarchy (— Triakonta), who in c. 397/6 BC sued Alcibiades for damages because at the Olympic Games (416?; [1. 202 f.]) the latter’s father > Alcibiades [3] had proclaimed a victory by a team of four acquired on behalf of T. as his own. Isocrates (Or. 16) wrote the defence speech (cf. Diod. Sic. 13,74,2; Plut. Alcibiades 12,2-5). 1A.E.

RaupirscHEK,

The

Case

against

Alcibiades

(Andoc. IV), in: TAPhA 79, 1948, 191-210.

K.-W.W.

[4] Athenian (from Paeania, if identical with the treasurer of Athena in 414/3 BC, IG P 309,2, etc.), son of Mechanion. In 404/3 ‘legislator’ along with —» Nicomachus [2] (nomothétes; nomothétai) in the com-

mittee for the revision of laws that had been decided by the people following his motion (And. 1,83; Lys. Or. 30,28). The same T. might also be the target of the comic mockery of Theopompus in frr. 60-62 PCG. DEVELIN 194; 199-204; PA 13447; 13443.

of Marcus

K.KI.

Tisia (Tiza, Pathissus, Parthiscus; Vioooc/Tissos, Thoa! Tésa, TitCa/Titza; modern Tisza). The largest tributary of the Danube (- Ister [1]), flowing from the > Car-

pathians to the west of — Singidunum and into the Danube from the north (cf. also > Pathissus); original name probably Parthisus (Str. 7,5,2). Herodotus

[3] Athenian from Cephale, son of Tisimachus, who was one of the strategoi in the operations against

+ Melos [1] in 416 BC (Thuc. 5,84,3; 1G BP 370,29). from Rhamnus (Aeschin. 1,157 with Schol.), brother of —> Iphicrates; as a — chorégds he competed with the latter’s rival Diocles (Dem. Or. [4] Athenian

21,62).

U.WAL.

Tisicrates (Tewoixeatyc; Teisikratés). Bronze sculptor from Sicyon in the early 3rd cent. BC. There is literary evidence of portrait statues of Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes, Peucestas [2] and an otherwise

unknown

Senex

Thebanus (‘elderly Theban man’) and inscriptional evidence of others in Thebes, Eretria [1] and Oropus as well as a mythological group. T. and Piston created a chariot and pair (Plin. HN 34,89). None of his works

ee)

734

survives; attempts to identify his Demetrius in copies are questionable. T.’s teacher was Euthycrates [2], but his style was similar to that of Lysippus [2] (Plin. HN 34,67). T.’s sons were the sculptor Thoenias and the painter Arcesilas. Whether > Xenocrates was his pupil was considered debatable in Antiquity (Plin. HN

Teisippus (Teioutnoc/Teisippos, Tiowrnoc/Tisippos) from Trichonium. Stratégés of the Aetolian League (> Aetoli) in 163/2 (?) and possibly also in 156/5 BC (IG IX* 1,1,101-103; [1. 435 f.]), who during the third of the > Macedonian Wars had manifested himself together with > Lyciscus [3] as an unscrupulous extremely pro-Roman politician: in 168 at the massacre in -» Arsinoe [III 2] of 5 50 Aetolians, in 167 as an envoy of congratulation to L. > Aemilius [132] Paullus in

34,83). OvERBECK, No. 1525-1527; Loewy, No. 120-122; 478;

493; P.MorENO, s.v. T., EAA 7, 1966, 664-666; Id., s.v. T., EAA Suppl., 1970, 797; B.S. Rrpeway, Hellenistic Sculpture, vol. 1, 1990, 108; 126; P. MorENO, Scultura ellenistica, 1994, 147. RN.

Tisidium. City in Africa Proconsularis (> Africa [3]; Tab. Peut. 5,4; the oppidum Thisiduense in CIL VIII

TISSAPHERNES

Amphipolis

(Pol. 30,11,5; [2. 192 f.; 3. 89-91]).

30,13,4;

Liv. 45,28,6-8;

1 F.W. WALBANK, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, vol. 3,1979 2J.DEININGER, Der politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971 3 H.NOTYMEYER, Polybios und das Ende des Achderbundes, 1995. —_L.-M.G.

Suppl. 1, 131882), modern Krich el-Oued (in Tunisia),

In the Jugurthine War (> Iugurtha) Q. Caecilius [I 30] Metellus set out from T. to punish the city of > Vaga for its treachery (Sall. lug. 62,8; 68,2 f.). Inthe 2nd cent AD

Tissa (Tiooa). City in the interior of > Sicilia, location unknown (Philistos FGrH 556 F 37; Ptol. 3,4,12). As

a > municipium. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 1267-1271;

+ Verres in 71/o BC (Cic. Verr. 2,3,86 f.: Tissenses).

Suppl. 1, 14763-14765. AATun o50, sheet. 27, No. 28; F.WINDBERG, s.v. T. (x),

RE 6 A, 1478 f.

civitas decumana T. took part in the lawsuit against E. Manni, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 236f. K.MEL.

W.HU.

Tissaphernes Tisiduo (TictSovw: in inscriptions). City to the south-

east of > Carthage, destroyed by Caesar in 46 BC in the Roman civil war (Str. 17,3,12), not locatable; identification with > Tisidium is unlikely [1. 1436]. 1 1.ScHMmrptT, Komm. zu CIL VIII Suppl. r. F. WINDBERG, s. v. Tisidium (2), RE6 A, 1479 f. — W.HU.

(Tiooadéovys/Tissaphérnés).

Son

of

Hydarnes [4], grandson of Hydarnes [1]. After the removal of the rebellious satrap > Pissuthnes T. became a ~ satrap in 413 BC in > Sardis and a > kdranos (Thuc. 8,5,4: stratégos tén kato, ‘army leader of the lands on the coast’) in the west of Asia Minor. As such he concluded a subsidy treaty with Sparta against Athens in 412 BC; in return Sparta entrusted the Greeks of western Asia Minor

to the Great

King (Thuc.

1,115,4;

Tisiphone (Tevoupovr/ Teisiphone, Latin Tisiphone).

8,5,4f.; 8,17f.; 8,43; 8,52 and 8,58; renewal of the

[1] Avenger of murder’. Besides Al(l)ecto and + Megaera the third > Erinys (Lat. > Furiae; e.g. Hyg. Fab. praef. 3) identified by name. The triad is documented from Euripides onwards (Eur. Or. 408; Eur. Tro. 457) and plays an important role in the Orphic tradition (Orph. H. 69,2; Orph. Arg. 966-969; ~» Orphism). The name T. first appears in literature in Lucil. 4, fr. 169 f., but is attested on an Apulian > lekythos [1] as early as the 4th cent. BC [3. 833 f., no. 64]. In Latin poetry T. is the warden of — Tartarus (Verg. Aen. 6,555) and tortures in the service of > Rhadamanthys

treaty in 411 BC after differences of opinion about the level of support: Thuc. 8,29 and 8,36f.). T. was never unambiguously pro Spartan (unsuccessful negotiations with Athens; third ‘treaty’ with Sparta: Thuc. 8,56,4 f.; 8,57; 8,58; refusal to put the Phoenician fleet at Sparta’s disposal); he was replaced in 407 BC by > Cyrus [3] the

(Verg. Aen. 6,570-573; cf. Petron.

120,97;

121,120).

T. helps Juno (+ Iuno) make a poison to cause madness (Ov. Met. 4,500), Hor. Sat. 1,8,34 mentions her as a

helper in magic. [2] In Euripides’ Alemaeon of Corinth (Eur. fr. 65-87 TGF) the daughter of the matricide > Alcmaeon [1] and + Manto. She is brought up by Creon [2] in Corinth; out of jealousy his wife sells her as a slave to her own father, who recognizes her only later (Apollod.

3,94; Hyg. Fab. 73). 1 O. Horr, s. v. T., ROSCHER 5, 207-210 2F.JOUAN (ed.), Euripide, vol. 8.1 (Gr. and Fr.), 1998, 81-116 3 H.Sarian, P. DELEV, s. v. Erinys, LIMC 3.1, 825-843 4 SCHERLING, s. v. T., RE 9, 150-152. K.WA.

Younger

and confined

to Caria (Thuc. 8,87,4; Xen.

Hell. 1,4,3). When Cyrus used a quarrel with T. over » Miletus as a pretext for arming himself against his brother Artaxerxes [2] II (Xen. An. 1,1,7), T. warned the Great King (401 BC). His command of the cavalry was a deciding factor at the battle of + Cunaxa [4], he had the Greek leaders of the mercenaries killed and pursued the Ten Thousand (Xen. An. 1,7,123 1,8,9; 1,10,7; 2,3,17-20). In 400 BC, Artaxerxes gave him one of his daughters as a bride and placed him in his old post again (Diod. Sic. 14,26,4). Following the Spartan intervention of 400/399 BC, and possibly before his defeat on the -> Pactolus in 395 BC against > Agesilaus [2] I, T. lost the trust of the Great King due to his tactics of avoiding contact with the enemy and of counselling the Spartans against + Pharnabazus [2]. Invited by + Ariaeus to Phrygia, he was arrested in > Colossae and executed in —Celaenae (Xen. Hell. 3,4,24f.; Diod. Sic. 14,80; Polyaenus, Strat. 7,61,1).

TISSAPHERNES 1 A.ANDREWES,

735 The Spartan Resurgence,

in: CAH

5,

*1992, 464-498 2BRIANT,s.v.T. 3 O.CASABONNE (ed.), Mécanismes et innovations monétaires dans |’Ana-

tolie achéménide, 2000, Index s.v. T.

4 C. EHRHARDT,

Two Notes on Xenophon, Anabasis, in: Ancient History Bulletin 8.1, 1994, 1-4 5 S.HORNBLOWER, Persia, in: CAH 6,*1994, 45-96 6D.M. Lewis, Sparta and Persia, 1977, Index s.v. T. 7H.C. MeLcHERT, A New Interpretation of Lines C 3-9 of the Xanthos Stele, in: J.BorcHHarbtT, G.Dosescu (eds.), Akten des 2. Inter-

nationalen Lykien-Symposions, 1993, 31-34 8H.D. WesTLAKE, Studies in Thucydides and Greek History, 1989, Index s. v. T.

j.W.

736 + Tartarus where they remain shackled, surrounded by a wall of ore and guarded by the hekatoncheires (thus still present as a latent threat). (2) The ‘cyclical’ Titanomachy in probably at least two bks. (T 2 PEG), the opening work of the - Epic cycle. Of this version, three testimonies (in [1]) along with 11 fragments (of these, four have survived verbatim with, in all, 5 complete and 21 incomplete hexameters: fr. 5) allow few insights into style and structure. It can only be discerned that the hekatoncheires appear to fight on the side of the Titans (fr. 3) and that > Helios

(fr. 7; 8) plays a prominent role among the Titans along with

Cronus and ~ Oceanus (fr. 10), while Apollo

the ‘constitutional’ Attic deme of + Aphidna, which moved with the latter from the phyle of > Aeantis [1] (Harpocry sav. Tas BMisay. Steph. Byz. siverlAntiochis) to > Ptolemais [ro] (IG II* 2050 Z. 74; 2067

excels on the side of Zeus (fr. 5; 6) and presumably provides the musical accompaniment for the victory dance of the Olympians around Zeus (fr. 6; cf. on this [7.4f.]). » Chiron plays a special role in that he appears as a civilizer of humankind who mediates between gods

Z. 633 [1. 50 no. 18]) in 224/3 BC. T. was not an inde-

and humans

pendent deme until the Roman period.

unknown already in Antiquity: the work is quoted anonymously eight times (‘the author of the Titanomachy’), occasionally attributed (doubtingly) to + Eumelus [5], twice to > Arctinus. The time of origin was more likely the 6th [6] cent. than the 7th cent. [7]; main model: probably Hesiodus [7]. The Titanomachy was a popular theme (often used in political propaganda) in art, esp. in temple decorations (usually thrown together with the Gigantomachy, s. [8]) as well as in poetry, esp. Lat. (e.g. Hor. Carm. 3,4,42ff.; Tib. 2,5,9f.; Sen. Ag. 338-341).

Titacidae (Titaxidou; Titakidai).

» Komé in the area of

1 J.H. Oxiver, Greek Inscriptions, in: Hesperia 11, 1942,

29-103. TRAILL, Attica, 30, 88, 122 No. 42; WHITEHEAD,

24 n.

83; 329.

H.LO.

Titane (Titavy; Titané). Town in the area of > Sicyon

in the Peloponnese, away from the road to > Phleius on the western bank of the Asopus [3] at modern T., with sanctuaries to Athena, Asclepius and Hygieia (Paus. 2,11,3-12,1). Apart from a Hellenistic fortress,

remains of an Asklepieion (inscriptions IG IV 436) can be seen at the church of Agios Tryphon. A.GRIFFIN, Sikyon, 1982, 25 f.; N.FARAKLAS, Ancient Greek Cities 8, 1971, Anh. 2, 15; G. Roux, Pausanias en Corinthe, 1958, 158 f. SA.T.

Titanomachy (Titavouayia; Titanomachia). The battle of many years between the Olympic gods under + Zeus against the > Titans for world-domination. The cosmological-theological meaning of this invention is the revolutionary displacement of a primal state marked by the (‘titanic’) powers of nature through a regular (‘civilized’) world order (s., in contrast, > Gigantomachy). The probably primeval subject that originated in the oral tradition was a popular source for literary and artistic adaptations due to its (undifferentiated and generalized) symbol content (order versus

chaos), often in connection with the ‘Gigantomachy’. The following appear to have been the best known literary adaptations (among others by -» Musaeus [1], Epimenides, Hyg. Fab. 150): (1) The still extant work by — Hesiodus (Hes. Theog. 617-735): a battle in the area between > Olympus [1] (party of Zeus) and -» Othrys (Titans) spreads over the entire cosmos (heaven, earth, sea, underworld) due to the intervention of the Hekatoncheires whose help Zeus had enlisted after to years. The battle ends with the victory of Zeus’ party, who buries the — immortal — Titans under a layer of rocks and takes them to the

(fr. r1; on

this [7]). The

author

was

EDITIONS: 1PEG 2EpGF. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3M.L. West, Hesiod. Theogony, 1966, 336-356 4A.RzAcH,s.v. Kyklos, RE 11, 23472435, esp. 2354-2356 5E.WuUstT,s.v. Titanes, RE 6 A, 1491-1508 6M.Davies, The Date of the Epic Cycle, in: Glotta 67, 1989, 89-100 7 A. LEBEDEV, The Justice of Chiron ..., in: Philologus 142, 1998,3-10 8 LIMC, Indices 2, 1999, s.v. T. Cf also bibliogr. on > Epic cycle. JL.

Titans (Titav/Titdn, pl. Titaved/Titanes; Lat. Titan(us),

pl. Titanes; the name is possibly of North-Syrian origin [x. 204**]). For the Greeks, the ‘ancient gods’ par excellence who, after their rebellion against + Zeus, were banished into the > Tartarus (cf. recently the ‘subter-

ranean T.’ in a Sicilian + defixio: SEG 47, 1442). The earliest sources:

Hom.

Il. 5,898; 8,478 f., etc., Hes.

Theog. 617-719 and the lost -+’Titanomachy’ [2]. Hesiod (Theog. 133-137) and Acusilaus (FGrH 2 F 7) record > Oceanus, -» Coeus, > Hyperion, -> Crius [1]

>

-> lapetus and + Rhea,

-> Kronos as male T., while + Tethys,

> Themis,

+ Mnemosyne,

Phoebe

[1],

> Dione and -> Theia [1] as female T. (Hes. Theog. 135 f., without Dione). The later tradition occasionally mentions

other T. as well, such

as — Prometheus,

Syceus, Pallas [1] or > Atlas [2], who evidently do not belong to the original circle of T. [3. 1506-1508]. Most of the T. are a mystery: nothing more is known of Crius; + Phorcys [2] is the name of a Phrygian king in the Iliad (Hom. Il. 2,862), while in Hes. Theog. 237, he

Taw.

xs)

is one of the sons of Pontus [1]; Hyperion is the Sun’s father (ibid. 374; torr). The name Coeus (father of + Leto, ibid. 404) suggests some connection with the island of Cos, where the early epic Meropis (SH 903A) features several giants; Latin poetry recalls his hostility towards Zeus. The most important T. are Iapetus and Kronos, whose names are the only ones to be mentioned in Homer (Il. 8,479). Only Kronos, the most important T., had cults and festivals dedicated to himself. The month Kronion, which was named after his festival Kronia, was originally limited to a small area (Samos and its colony of Perinthus, Amorgos, Naxos, Notium/

Colophon and Magnesia on the Maeander). The origin of Kronos (and the T.) must evidently be looked for in this region, from where his myth and rite — with the reversal of roles between master and slave — spread over the Greek world starting from the 8th (?) cent. BC. As the Hurrian-Hittite > bilingual inscription (c. 1400 BC) of the ‘Epic of release’ (found in 1983)

shows [4; 5], the origin of the rite can be located in North Syria. It is from here that it found its way into the tradition of the Hittites and eventually Ionia [6]. In Greece, the T. were early associated with > anthropogony. Hes. Theog. 507—5 11 mentions Iapetus as the father of Prometheus and Epimetheus; the author of the Homeric hymn to Apollo (6th cent. BC) invokes, besides Uranus and Gaia, the ‘divine T., who dwell under the earth, somewhere in the wide Tartarus, and from whom the people and the gods are made’ (Hom. H. 3,334-336). Another invocation of the T. as ‘radiant children of Gaia and Uranus, ancestors of our fathers’, appears in an Orphic hymn (Orph. H. 37,1 f.; rst cent. AD, going back to earlier Orphic traditions). Apart from a brief allusion by Procl. to the origin of mankind from the T., in Pl. Resp. 2,338,10 KROLL = OF 224, the myth is explained in its most detailed version only by Olympiodorus [4] (in Pl. Phd. 3,6-14 = OF 220), a philosopher of the 6th cent. AD: + Dionysus was Zeus’ successor to the throne, but he was torn to pieces and eaten up by the T. > Zeus struck the T. with the thunderbolt and from the soot falling from their smoke, mankind was born. That is why humans should not commit suicide, their body being part of Dionysus. Surely, this myth goes back to the 5th cent. BC: already Pindar (fr. 133), Plato (Men. 81bc; Leg. 3,701be; 854b), recently found ‘Orphic’ gold tablets from Pherae (SEG 45, 646; > Orphicae lamellae) and Xenocrates (fr. 20 HEINZE = 219 ISNARDI PARENTE), they allude to it. When Jewish authors started, in the last cent. BC, to compare their culture with the Greek one and to make connections between biblical myths and Greek mythology, they appropriated the T.’ myth as well. Passing remarks on the T. appear in numerous Greek translations of Hebraic texts, but also in the euhemeristic third ‘Sibylline oracle’ (105-15 8; [7]). ~ Kronos; > Titanomachy 1 W.Burkert, The Orientalising Revolution, 1992 (German 1984) 2M.L. West, Eumelus: A Corinthian Epic Cycle, in: JHS 122, 2002 3E.WuUstT,s. v. T., RE

TITELBERG

6 A, 1491-1508 4E.Neu, Das hurritische Epos der Freilassung, vol. 1, 1996 5 S.DE MArtTINO, Il canto della liberazione, in: PdP 55, 2000, 269-320 6 W.BURKERT, Kronia-Feste und ihr altorientalischer Hintergrund, in: S.Dopr (ed.), Karnevaleske Phanomene in antiken und nachantiken Kulturen und Literaturen, 1993, 11-30 7G. Mussigs, s. v. Titans, in: K.vAN DER ToorRN et al. (eds.), Dictionary of Deities and Demons

in the Bible,

*1999, 872-874. K. Bapp, s. v. T., ROSCHER

5, 987-1004; U. von WILA-

MOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF,

KS

5.2,

1937,

157-183;

E.SCHUBERT, Die Entwicklung der Titanen-Vorstellung von Homer bis Aischylos, 1967; J. BAZANT, s. v. T., LIMC Seams JB.

Titarus (Titagoc/Titaros). A mountain chain (Eust. in Homivlls ano2s2onStiy 7a iA is oy5.20: Letarion modern Sapkas, up to 1890m elevation) between

Mount Olympus [1] in the east and Mount Cambunia in the west, forming a natural boundary between Macedonia and Thessaly. The T. was the northern border of Perrhaebic Tripolis [1] and gave its name to one of the main rivers of the small region, Titaresius (Hom. II. 2,751-755; location uncertain); today the name is officially applied to the whole river (in Antiquity also Europus/Xerias) up to the Peneius. F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, lier

On

15-18; TIB HE.KR.

Titelberg. Celtic oppidum in the western area of the ~ Treveri near Pétange (Luxembourg) on the southern edge of the Ardenne mountains, c. too m above the valley of the Chier (a side arm of the Meuse), situated on

a rocky ledge which served as the settlement area (43 ha). From the rst half of the rst cent. BC, the area was secured along the edges of the cliff with a fortification wall (2700 m) and with a barrier in the shape of a

— murus Gallicus at the narrowest connection to the plateau behind it, later with a ‘Belgian type’ wall. Two gates connected by a ‘high street’ testify to the precision exercised in the planning of the infrastructure and to an advanced communal organization. The necropolis of Lamadelaine is the only grave-field of an important Celtic oppidum that has been thoroughly examined to this day [1]. It is located on the road that leads down into the valley, a road used throughout the rst cent. BC. The exploitation of ore deposits and the geographical location favourable to traffic made T. the main production and distribution centre in northeast Gallia. At T., the pre-Roman long-distance connection from south Gallia split into the roads to the Rhine valley and to the Champagne. Furthermore, the largest part of the Treveran money was emitted there. The archeological results (sanctuary with a public square) indicate that T. was not only the economic centre of the Treveri but a political and religious metropolis as well. Caesar’s Gallic War did not negatively affect the oppidum, instead, T.’s prosperity increased in the subsequent period.

TITELBERG

The revolt of the Treveri in 29 BC (Cass. Dio 51,20,5) as well as the layer of debris testifying to a destruction by fire that has been documented for the same period on the T., traces of the Augustan army, and not least the disappearance of traditional forms in fibulas and ceramics and the end of Treveran coin minting (c. 10 BC) were all reactions to a heavier interference of the Roman administration. Furthermore, the construc-

tion of new roads changed Gallia’s economic geography and pushed the T. to the sidelines. The GalloRoman vicus with thermae and a sanctuary that had emerged from the oppidum shrank to a size of only ro—15 haand was located in the eastern part of the area and around the former ‘main street’. Following its destruction by Germanic invaders in the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. AD, the city was partially rebuilt in the 4th cent. Settlement on the T. came to an end in the late 4th and early sth cents. 1N.

and

740

739

J.Merzier-Zens,

P.MEénieL,

Lamadelaine,

387 and in 377 BC T. was charged with the reconquest of Egypt (Hell. Oxyrh. 14,1-3; Isoc. Or. 4,140 f.; Nep. Datames 3,5). [2] Persian satrap of Greater Phrygia under > Artaxerxes [3] III Ochus, who on Artaxerxes’s orders in 355 fought with Artabazus [4], who was involved in the satrap rebellion, in Hellespontine Phrygia and the Athenian —~ Chares [1] at the Hellespont (Diod. 16,22). P.HO. Tithymal(l)os (t10bp0A(2.)o¢/tithymal(l)os, Latin herba lactaria). The genus Euphorbia (Spurge), with a characteristic milky sap, of many species which were well described in Antiquity (e.g. three species in Theophr. H. plant. 9,11,7—9; seven species in Dioscorides 4,164 WELLMANN = 4,162 BERENDES and Plin. HN 26,6271). Despite being slightly poisonous it was used in a variety of ways as a purge and an emetic [1. 122, figs. 228 and 233].

1999.

1 H. BAUMANN, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982.

J. Metz_er, Das treverische Oppidum auf dem T., 2 vols.,

A. STEIER, Ss. v. T., RE 6 A, 1524-1531.

C.HU.

1995; R. WEILLER, J.METZLER, Der Schatzfund vom T., 1999.

F.SCH.

don [1] and hence a brother of > Priamus. > Eos, the

Titianus [1] Iulius T. Active probably in the late 2nd cent. AD as a tutor of princes and later in Vesontio (modern Besangon) and Lugdunum (modern Lyon) as a teacher

goddess of dawn, abducted the extremely attractive T.

of rhetoric, T. was the author of numerous (non-surviv-

and makes him her lover (cf. > Cephalus [1], > Cleitus [1], > Orion [1]). According to the Homeric formula

ing) works. He was famous for his prose ‘Letters of Famous Women’ written on the model of — Ovidius’

Eos brings light in the morning, by rising from “T.’ bed” (Hom. Il. 11,1 et passim). The result of their union is the Aethiopian king Memnon [1]. Eos asks > Zeus for immortality for T., but neglects to also ask for eternal youth. The inevitable happens: with advancing age T. shrivels more and more, until almost only his chirruping voice can still be heard (according to some he transforms into a cicada: Hellanikos FGrH 4 F 142). Eos then loses interest in T. and keeps him in a room where he continues to live, as it were, as a chirruping voice (Hom. h. 5,218—238). For many ancient authors T. simply represents a type of frail extreme old age (Mimn. fr. 4 W.; Aristoph. Ach. 688; Plaut. Men. 854 et passim). In pictorial representations the motif of abduction predominates, but whether it is that ofT.can not in every case be ascertained.

Heroides (on the choice of the letters of Cicero as a

Tithonus (TiOwvoc; Tithonds). Member of the Trojan

royal family, grandson of > Ilus [1], son of > Laome-

J.SCHMIDT,

s.v.

T., ROSCHER

5, 1021-1029;

SATZ-DEISSMANN, S. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 34-36.

A.Kos-

RE.N.

Tithraustes (TiWWoabotys/Tithraustes, ‘the best by origin’). [1] Chiliarch (Medean hazarapati, ‘master of a thousand’) of + Artaxerxes [2] II, defeated > Tissaphernes

at Colossae in 395 BC and then in the name of the Great King offered the victor of Sardis, — Agesilaus [2], autonomy for the Ionian cities, provided that the Spartans vacated Asia Minor and the lonians again paid tribute to the Great King (Xen. Hell. 3,4,25 f.; Plut. Agesilaus 10,6-8; Diod. 14,80,7 f.). Between 389 and

stylistic model: Sid. Apoll. Epist. 1,1,2). Furthermore, there is evidence of a collection of themata from Vergil for teaching rhetoric, a prose paraphrase of Aesop’s ~ Fables and a chorographia (place description) in several books (Auson. Gratiarum actio 7,31; Epist. 10 praef.; 10,74-81; Serv. Aen. 4,42; 10,18; Greg. Tur. de cursu stellarum 13). His division into two people with the description of the son as tutor of the emperor Maximinus is probably an invention of the Historia Augusta (SHA Maximini duo 27,5) [1]. 1K. THRAEDE, Zu Ausonius Ep. 16,2 (Sch.), in: Hermes 96, 1968, 608-628 21.ljsewtjn, Avianus Titiani fabulas num

retractaverit?,

in:

Latinitas

3 K.SALLMANN, in: HLL 4, § 458.1.

29,

1981,

42 f.

M.ZE.

[2] See > Postumius [II 5]. [3] Fabius T. (full name: C. Maesius Aquillius F. T.),

initially a provincial governor (corrector Flaminiae et Picent, consularis Siciliae, procos. Asiae). In AD 337 he became consul. 339-341 he was praef. urbis Romae, 341-349 praef. praet. Galliarum (cf. Cod. Theod. 12,1,36; 7,1,3) and 350-351 (under > Magnentius) again city prefect. As an ambassador of Magnentius in 351 he asked Constantius [2] II to abdicate but without success (Zos. 2,49,1 f.). His career is known primarily from inscriptions (e.g. CIL VI 1717 = ILS 1227; CIL II 12330 =ILS 8944). PLRE 1, 918f. no. 6. WP.

741

742

Tities see

> Ramnes

Titii sodales see — Sodales

Titinius {1] Roman comedy writer, in the general opinion of scholars a contemporary of > Plautus (second half of the 3rd/beginning of the 2nd cent. BC), according to [7], however, from the late 2nd cent. BC. In the latter case, it is not T. but Afranius [4] who would have been the

archegetes of the Roman national comedy (fabula ~ togata); T. would have been responsible for its flourishing. In 15 plays proved to be his he distinguished himself, according to Varro [2] (in Char. 315,3 ff.) beside Terentius [III 1] and Quinctius [I 4] Atta, particu-

larly by his characterization. The some 190 surviving verses allow us to determine that T. — despite making provision for Italic, particularly Volscian elements — brought an everyday urban Roman tone to the stage [8]. In the case of the later dating, the echoes of Plautus and the distinctive polymetry (~ Canticum) could be interpreted as archaistic (cf. [7. 16 f.]). The fragments are predominantly from the Compendiosa doctrina by Nonius [III 1] (c. 400), who was therefore able to read a complete copy of the poet’s work as late as Late Antiquity. FRAGMENTS: 1 CRF, *1873, 133-159; ?1898, 157-188 2 A. DaviAuLt, Comoedia togata, 1981, 31-47, 91-140, 267-270, 281-288 3 A.LOpEz LOpeEz, Fabularum togatarum

fragmenta,

1983,

22ff.,

63-89,

223-235

4 T. Guarpi, Fabula togata, 1985, 18 f., 29-87, 103-172. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5 E.VEREECKE, T. temoin de son époque, in: M. HoFINGeER (ed.), Recherches de philol. et de linguistique, vol. 2, 1968, 63-92 6l1d., T., Plaute et les origines de la ‘fabula togata’, in: AC 40, 1971, 156-185 7M. Martina, Sulla cronologia di Titinio, in: Quaderni di filologia classica dell’Universita di Trieste 1, 1978, 5-25 8 T. Guarpi, Note sulla lingua di Titinio, in: Pan 7, 1981,

145-165

9E.Capont, Citazioni ‘doppie’ e ‘multiple’ da

Titinio in Nonio, in: Studi Noniani 13, 1990, 87-120.

PLS.

TITIUS

Titius. Roman family name, derived from the praenomen -> Titus II., recorded only in the rst cent. BC; the bearers of the name are usually not related to each other. K.-LE. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] T., C. Roman equestrian of the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC, orator (Cic. Brut. 167) and poet (Fronto p.

15,13 ff. v.b. Hour). Although T. lacked theoretical education and frequent practice of delivering speeches, his own speeches distinguished themselves by their natural wittiness. From a speech on a luxury law, two drastic punch lines have entered the facetiae, the Latin humorous literature (Macrob. Sat. 3,13,13; 16,14 ff.). In his tragedies (Novius fr. 67 f. CRF), such highlights were felt to be inappropriate; it is also significant that + Afranius [4] took T. as his example. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

in: H.SEDLMAyYR 45-52.

1ORF3, 201-203

2R.TiLL, C.T.,

(ed.), Festschrift K. Oettinger,

1967, P.L.S.

{1 2] T. (Hispanus?), L.(?) Spaniard (?), made senator by Caesar, father of two military tribunes who fell into the hands of the Pompeians in 46 BC, refused to change sides and were killed (Bell. Afr. 28,2-4; only one T. in Val. Max. 2,8,7); one of them must be that L. T., who is mentioned in Bell. Alex. 57,1. Cicero’s letter of condolence (Cic. Fam. 5,16) might have been addressed to T. (as against [3. 152]). {I 3] T., L. Possibly from Auximum ([4. 267], cf. CILIX

5853); married to Munatia, sister of L. Munatius [I 4] Plancus, and father of T. [I 4] (Vell. Pat. 2,83,25 cf. Cic. Fam. 10,21,3). At the end of43, he fled from the > proscriptions to S. Pompeius [I 5] in Sicily (Cass. Dio 48,30,5 f.).

[1 4] T., M. Cos. suff. in 31 BC; in 43, after his ostracism during the — proscriptions, he plundered the Etrurian coast with a pirate fleet. In 40, Menodorus [1] took him prisoner, but S. Pompeius [I 5], who had been a host to T. {1 3], was lenient. In 39, T. came back to Rome and

[2] IT. Curvus, M. Various accounts often refer to at

least two people [1] but can be unified. It is possible that the same person first held office as a people’s tribune together with an unknown C.T. in 193 or 192 BC, when they are supposed to have prohibited a triumph for L. Cornelius {I 60] Merula (Liv. 35,8,9). In 178 he was praetor urbanus (Liv. 40,59,5). Initially in Rome (Liv. 41,5,7-8; 41,6,4), at the end of his year in office he went to the just pacified province of Hispania citerior (Liv. 41,9,33 41,145,113 41,26,1), over which he nevertheless celebrated a victory in 175 (InscrIt 13,1,80 f.; 338 f.; 555). In 171 he was able to have an accusation in Rome’s first ever repetundae suit (> repetundarum crimen) quashed (Liv. 43,2). A master of the mint of the same name known from copper issues belongs to the next generation (RRC 150). 1 MUNZER, 218.

TAS.

soon (like his uncle Munatius [I 4] Plancus), he joined M. Antonius [I 9], in whose Parthian war he served as a quaestor in 36. Already in c. 35/4, he became proconsul

of Asia, pursued the fleeing S. Pompeius, took him prisoner and put him to death. Later, the angry plebs chased the ingrate from Pompey’s theatre (Vell. Pat. 2,79,5; Cass. Dio 48,30,5). Cleopatra [Il 12] VII honoured him, evidently, by founding Titiupolis in Cilicia [4. 281]. During the crisis of 32, T., now an admiral, went over to Octavianus (- Augustus [1]) together with Plancus. As a consul (InscrIt 13,1,171) in 31 at

» Actium, he was in command, together with T. Statilius [If] 11] Taurus, of Octavian’s land army. His mar-

riage with Fabia Paullina, daughter of Q. Fabius [I 22] Maximus (SEG 1,383), seems to have remained without issue. In c. 13/2 (for an earlier, second term of office

[5], on the other hand [1. 315], among others), T. took over the province Syria from Agrippa [1], where he re-

743

744

ceived Parthian hostages in c. to BC and quarreled with Archelaus [7] of Cappadocia (Str. 16,1,28; Jos. Ant. ud. 16,270). T. possibly started off a trade journey on

{0 3] T. Homullus. Senator, who defended Julius [II 28] Bassus in the Senate in AD roo/r (Plin. Ep. 4,9,15; 5,20,6; 6,19,3). On his identification [1. 92 f.]

the > Silk Road, leading as far as the ‘stone tower’ (now

1 A.R. BirLey, Onomasticon to the Younger Pliny, zooo.

TITIUS

in Tajikistan; at the time, probably part of the Kushanian kingdom) [2]. [15] T., P. Caesarian party, tribune of the people in 43 BC. T. thwarted a petition of honour made by Cicero for L. Munatius [I 4] Plancus (Cic. Fam. 10,12,3) and in

August, he let the plebs depose his colleague P. Servilius [I 16] Casca, who had fled. T.’ death in the same year was considered as the divine retribution for this deed (Cass. Dio 46,49,1 f. with ‘precedents’). His lex Titia provided the legal grounds for the > Triumvirate of 27.11.43 (App. B Civ. 4,27). 1K.M. T. Atkinson, The Governors of the Province of Asia in the Reign of Augustus, in: Historia 7, 1958, 300— 330 2M.Cary, Maes, qui et Titianus, in: CQ 50, 1956, 130-134 3D.R.SHACKLETON BAILEY, Onomasticon to Cicero’s Letters, 1995 4SyME,RR 5L.R. Taytor, M. T. and the Syrian Command, in: JRS 26, 1936, 161— WE X

JO.F.

[I 6] T., Sex. Tribune of the people in 99 BC; as a follower of L. Appuleius [I 11] Saturninus, he created a law on farmland, which, however, did not pass (Cic. Leg. 2,14; 2,31). In 98 he was convicted in a maiestas trial (+ maiestas C.), mainly because of being in possession of an image of Saturninus, and went into exile (Cic. De or. 2,48; 2,265; Cic. Rab. perd. 24-25). ALEXANDER, 42.

K.-L.E.

{fl 4] T. Sabinus. Equestrian, supporter of Germanicus [2] and Agrippina [2]; therefore he was in conflict with Tiberius and Aelius [II 19] Seianus. He was executed in AD 28 for having insulted Tiberius [1] (Tac. Ann. 4,18,1; 68-70; Cass. Dio 58,1-3; Plin. HN 8,145). {11 5] T. Saturnius. Equestrian, who held office as governor of Moesia inferior between 268 and 270 (AE 1993, 1377). Titles

» Ceremony; ~ Codex; > Court titles; see > Political + Ruadministration; + IMPERATOR; bric(a); > Scroll

Titmouse

(aiyibad(A)oc/aigithal(l)os, aiyi0d)oc/aigithalos; Latin vitiparra). The Paridae family of songbirds in which Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b

{11 1] L. Epidius T. Aquilinus Cos. ord. in AD (DEGRASSI, FC, 36).

125 W.E.

{If 2] T. Aristo. Roman jurist in c. AD too, pupil of ~ Cassius [II 14] Longinus [1] (Dig. 4,8,40; 17,2,29,2). T. was a respondent and a lawyer (Plin. Ep. 1,22,6), as

17-21

distin-

guishes three worm-eating (ozwinzooaya/ skolekophdga) species, with many eggs (8(9),15,616b 2f.), enemies of bees (8(9),40,626a 8; Ael. NA 1,58): 1. the Great Tit (Parus maior), the size of a finch (amCity¢/

spizités), 2. a medium-sized titmouse with a long tail (Ogewoc/oreinds), perhaps the Long-Tailed Tit (Aegithalos caudatus), and 3. an unspecified small titmouse with no particular name, perhaps the Sombre Tit (Parus lugubris) [1. 22]. In Pliny (HN 10,96), vitiparra is used to describe all species of tit, the ball-shaped nest could refer to the long-tailed tit. In Late Antiquity a new name,

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD

W.E.

parrus,

is encountered

in glosses.

It remains

uncertain whether the wedayxdoudod/melankoryphos, the ‘black-head’, mentioned in Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),3,592b 22 is identical with the Marsh Tit (Parus

palustris) [2. vol. 2, 121]. 1D’Arcy W.THompson, A Glossary 1936, repr.1966 2 KELLER.

of Greek

Birds, C.HU.

well as, probably, member of -> Traianus’ [1] consilium

(Dig. 37,142,5). T. annotated, besides the works of his teacher, those of — Antistius [II 3] Labeo and of -> Sabinus [II 5]. Maybe the Notae (‘annotations’) were included in his -» Digesta (at least 5 books), which were only edited by Pomponius [III 3] (Dig. 24,3,44 pr.). It is also uncertain, whether his Decreta Fronti(ni)ana, which were only quoted in Dig. 29,2,99, were a collection of the Senate’s decisions, or a work on the resolu-

tions taken by the Senate [2. 220 f.]. T., who was often mentioned by the lawyers of the Imperial Period (77 quotations: [1]), contributed to the development of the innominate contracts

C.)

and

of the

(Dig. 2,14,7,2, see > condictio

immission

control

(Dig.

8,5,8,5;

[3. 71 ff.; 4. 458-461]). 1 O. LENEL, Palingenesia Iuris Civilis, vol. 1, 1889, 59-70

2 R.A. Bauman, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1889, 213-227 3 A. MANTELLO, I dubbi di Aristone, 1990 4 C.A. CannaTA, Lo splendido autunno delle due scuole, in: A.DurouR (ed.), Mélanges

B. Schmidlin, 1998, 441-462.

T.G.

Titulus see

+ Scroll

Titurius. Italian nomen gentile, recorded primarily in inscriptions (cf. [1. 274 f.]; AE 1986,262;

1996,532).

The only prominent member was Q. T. Sabinus, son of a mint-master c. 88 BC (MRR 2,454), who served Cn.

Pompeius [I 3] in Spain (Sall. Hist. 2,94 M.) and was a legate of Caesar in Gaul. In 57 BC, T. fought the Belgae, in 56 the Veneti and with great success the Venelli under Viridovix (Caes. B Gall. 3,17,1-19,6), and in 55, with five legions in Caesar’s absence, the Morini and the

Menapii. The disaster in the winter camp at Aduatuca in 54/3, in which T. and L. Aurunculeius [3] Cotta and t5 cohorts perished, was explained by Caesar, to counter reproach, by T.’ (sudden!) naivety, panic and spectacular failure in battle with > Ambiorix (Caes. B Gall. 5526-37).

1 SCHULZE.

JOP.

746

GAS Titus I. GREEK

M. Kajava, Roman Female Praenomina, 1994, 83; SALOMIES, 57; D.H. STEINBAUER, Neues Handbuch des Etruskischen, 1999, 479; WALDE/HOFMANN 2, 686. D.ST.

II. ROMAN

I. GREEK (Titoc/Titos). [11] Important ‘assistant’ and ‘partner’? of Paul (> Paulus [II 2]; 2 Cor 8,23), of unknown origin. Taken by Paul to the Apostles’ Convent in Jerusalem as a ‘Gentile Christian’, he was not compelled to be circumcised there, in spite of the demands of the Judaists (Gal 2:1-3). Paul sent T. to Corinth on several occasions as his negotiator (2 Cor 7:6 f.; 7:13 f.; he also appeared as an independent co-organizer of the collects: 8:6; 8:16 f.) According to the Pastoral Epistles (+ Pseudepigraphy II.), T. was converted by Paul and was charged with organizing the church on Crete (Tit 1:4 f.; 3:12). According to 2 Tim 4:10, he journeyed on from there to Dalmatia (historicity disputed). According to Euseb. Hist. eccl. 3,4,5, T. was the first bishop of Crete (cf. Church of Titus at > Gortyn). 1 W.-H. OLLROG, Paulus und seine Mitarbeiter, 1979 2 J.RoLorF, Der erste Brief an Timotheus (Evangelischkatholischer Kommentar zum NT 15), 1988.

P.WI.

[I 2] Bishop of > Bostra in Syria (died before 378). Ina letter to the inhabitants of Bostra (Julian. Ep. 52) in AD 362, the emperor Julian (— Iulianus [r1]) blamed T. for the outbreaks of religiously motivated violence taking place there, and demanded his banishment. Late in 363, T. signed the Synodal Letter of Antioch addressed to the emperor Jovian (> Iovianus). He wrote an influential

treatise Contra Manichaeos (CPG 3575) in four vols. (Greek preserved up to vol. 3,29: [1; 2]; Syriac survives ‘in full: [1]), containing valuable quotations and paraphrases from Manichaean writings and the — Diatessaron (-» Tatianus [I r]). Works surviving by T., who was aligned towards Antiochene exegesis, are a theologically important commentary on Lk [3], fragments of an exegesis of Dan (CPG 3577) and a sermon on the feast of the Epiphany (CPG 3578). 1 P.pE LAGARDE, 2 vols., 1859 (Greek and EDITIONS: 2 P. NAGEL, Neues griechisches Material zu Syriac text) 3 J. SICKENT., in: Studia Byzantina 2, 1973, 285-350 BERGER, |. (TU 21.1), 1901, 140-245. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

4A.SOLIGNAC, s. v. T. de Bostra, Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 15, 1991, 999-1006. |.RL

Il. ROMAN Common Latin

-> praenomen

(etymology

uncer-

tain, but not Etruscan), Greek Titoc/Titos, abbreviation

T.; also found in the Osco-Umbrian languages along with the derived nomen

TITUS

gentile Titio- (Latin Titius).

The Latin feminine praenomen Tita is attested from the 7th cent. BC. The tribus name Tities and the nomen gentile Titinius are probably related, but the morphology is unclear. Following loans into Etruscan (Tite, Tita, diminutives Tit(u)le, Tite/ula), numerous nomina gentilia formed there as derivations, e.g. Titena, Titalu-.

[Il 1] see > Tatius, T.

[112] Imperator Caesar T. Vespasianus Augustus. Roman emperor, AD 79-81. Born 30 December AD 39 at Rome, son (of the same name) of T. Flavius > Vespasianus and Flavia [1] Domitilla. Growing up at first in

circumstances which were modest for a house of senatorial rank, he subsequently came to the imperial court as a contemporary of > Britannicus, the son of Claudius [III 1]. His origins led him to a senatorial career.

He served as military tribune in Britannia and Germania (Suet. Tit. 4,1; Tac. Hist. 2,77,1); he may have become acquainted with Plinius [1] the Elder in Germania. He made an early marriage to the daughter of Arrecinus [1] Clemens, Arrecina Tertulla (died before AD 65). He probably separated from his second wife Marcia [9] Furnilla, daughter of Marcius [II 3] Barea, for political reasons; she bore him a daughter Iulia. T. became quaestor around 65. When > Nero [r] appointed his father to put down the Jewish Revolt in 67, T. accompanied him. His command of the legio XV Apollinaris is surprising given that his rank was merely that of a quaestor and that he was under the command of his father. This may have been simply an informal commission from his father. Josephus (Jos. BI vols. 3 and 4), who fell into T.’ hands as a prisoner of war, reports his military successes. He broke off his journey to join > Galba [2], to whom he was intending to bring a declaration of loyalty from the troops fighting in Judaea, when he heard of Galba’s murder. He turned back and went to mediate between his father and Licinius [II 14] Mucianus, the governor of Syria, in negotiations on a revolt against — Vitellius [II 2]. After Vespasian was proclaimed emperor (1.7.69), T. was given the name Titus Caesar Vespasianus, which was amended to Imp. T. Caesar Vespasianus when he was likewise acclaimed imperator by the troops in Judaea. He was given supreme command of the troops in Judaea, besieging > Jerusalem in AD 70 and conquering it in September, on which occasion he is said to have attempted to prevent the destruction of the > Temple [III] (Jos. BI 6,236), though the assertion is historically somewhat improbable. He visited Egypt in the spring of 71 and celebrated a triumph over the Jews with his father in June of that year in Rome. A triumphal arch was erected for T. in the Circus Maximus (ILS 264; on the so-called ‘Arch of Titus’ only erected after his death in AD 81, cf. > Triumphal arches). The amphitheatrum Flavium (- Colosseum) was probably financed from the booty from the Jewish War as a victory monument (CIL VI 4045 4a with commentary). Vespasian at once positioned T. clearly as his appointed successor. T. was given the tribunicia potestas and the imperium of a proconsul. Furnished with these powers, he was acclaimed imperator fourteen times together with his father until the latter’s death (79). He

TITUS

747

748

was consul seven times between 70 and 79 and censor (with his father) in 73. He was co-opted into all the priestly colleges. He also served (from 71) as > praefectus praetorio, which provided him with direct military authority in Rome itself. His autocratic behaviour — he eliminated a number of highly-esteemed senators for alleged treason — kindled unease, but he took power without difficulty on Vespasian’s death

Tityus (Titvdd/Tityds). Son of Zeus and Elara, the daughter of Orchomenus. In fear of Hera, Zeus conceals the pregnant Elara under the earth, which then ‘gives birth’ to T., with the result that he, because of his gigan-

(23.6.79).

» Panopeus to Pytho (= Delphi [2z. 307), he is shot dead by Artemis (Pind. P. 4,90-92) and Apollo

Now called Titus Caesar Vespasianus Augustus, the new emperor reformed his behaviour considerably. Quite unexpectedly, he swore never to kill a senator, thereby gaining the support of the Senate (-> senatus). He also bowed to popular opinion in sending back to her homeland Berenice, the sister of the Jewish King

tic size, could also be called ‘Earth-son’ (Hom. Od. 7,324; 11,576), i.e. Gegenes (cf. + Gégeneis; Phereky-

des FGrH 3 F 55), or > Giant [r. 184 f.]. Since T. intends to assault -» Leto when she goes through

(Apoll. Rhod. 1,759-762). In» Hades, where he is one

of the eternal penitents (Verg. Aen. 6,595—600), he lies stretched out over nine plethra (> Pléthron; construed by Paus. 10,4,5 as a local name for the grave of T. at Panopeus); two vultures peck at T.’s liver or heart

lulius [II 5] Agrippa, with whom he had long been liv-

(Apollod. 1,23), without his being able to fend them off

ing together, among other places at Rome. Ancient tradition attested his scrupulously humane nature with his exclamation that he considered wasted a certain day because he had shown no one a kindness (Suet. Tit. 8). His reign, which lasted only a little over two years, permits no inference of independent policy. Its most significant event was the eruption of > Vesuvius (August 79). He sought to mend the consequent damage in Campania with financial means [1. 691-704]. The following year, a fire devastated the city of Rome and the Temple on the Capitol, which was immediately rebuilt, opening, like the Colosseum, in AD 80. T. died on 13.9.81. Rumours that his brother Domi-

(Hom. Od. 11,576-581; Apollod. 1,23). According to Hom. Od. 7,323 f. T. is visited by > Rhadamanthys on Euboea with ships of the + Phaeaces, where, according

tian (> Domitianus [1]) had him poisoned are later fab-

rications. He was consecrated by the Senate (— consecratio [3]). Roman tradition, without exception post-dating the murder of his brother, portrays T. as a humane ruler celebrated as “the delight of the human race” (amor ac deliciae generis humani: Suet. Tit. 1,1). It has to be borne in mind, however, that here he was also serving as a counter-image to his brother. On musical portrayals (esp. Mozart’s La clemenza di Tito) v. [2]. 1 G. Pact, Tito a Salerno, in: Epigrafia. Actes du colloque en mémoire de A. Degrassi, 1991, 691-704

2H.LUHNING,

T.-Vertonungen

im

1983.

Corns: RIC I 113-148.

1,33 f. nos. 28-30. BiBLiOGRAPHY: PIR* F 416; B.W. Jones, The Emperor W.E.

Tityrus (Titveoc; Tityros). Extended headland in the

northwest of Crete on the Rodopou peninsula, about > Dic-

M. Guarpbuccl (ed.), Inscriptiones Creticae vol. 2, 1939, 129 f.; D.Gonpicas, Recherches sur la Créte occidentale, 1988, 286.

1 P. DRAGER, Argo pasimelousa 11,1993

2 WILAMOWITZ

2, 3 K.SCHERLING, s.v. T., RE 6A, 1593-1609 4R. VOLLKOMMER, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 37-41. P.D.

Tityus Painter. Etruscan Black-Figure vase who painted more than 40 amphorai, jugs, bowls and plates in the third quarter of the 6th often exclusively with animal friezes. The TM

painter, kyathoi, cent. BC, is named after an amphora bearing the killing of — Tityus by Apollo and Artemis (Paris, CM 171); his favourite theme, however, are the exploits of — Heracles [1]. With his colourful pictures and his representation of figures mostly in motion, the TM is, after the + Paris Painter who was a strong influence on him, probably the most important representative of Pontic vase painting (— Pontic Vases). 17-31; 56-60; M.A. Rizzo, in:

M. MARTELLI (ed.), La

ceramica degli Etruschi, 1987, 299 f., No. ro1,5; 101,6; 101,8; 303 f., No. 108 f. MST.

Portraits: G.DALpor et al., Die Flavier (Das romische Herrscherbild 2,1), 1966, 18-29; FirrsCHEN/ZANKER

16 km long and 6 km wide, with a sanctuary to tynna in the extreme north (Str. 10,4,12).

father of > Europe [2], the new eponym of that part of the earth from which Libya was settled [1. 184 f., 240 f.]. For T. in art: [3. 1598-1609; 4].

L. HANNESTAD, The Followers of the Paris Painter, 1976,

18. Jahrhundert,

T., 1984.

to Str. 9,3,14, there was a cave named after Elara and an heroon to T. Pindar (P. 4,46) makes Gégenés T. the

H.SO.

Tius (Tioc/Tios; original place name Tteiov/Tieion). City on the coast of the Black Sea (> Pontos Euxeinos) in the territory of the » Caucones [2] (Str. 12,3,5), to the east of modern Hisar6énii, to the west of the mouth of the - Billaeus (the river god on coins from T.), founded in the 7th cent. BC from Miletus [2]. T. came under the rule of Heraclea [7], in c. 300 BC became part of the > synoikismos of Amastris [4], only to be liberated by Lysimachus [2] and entrusted to Eumenes, the elder brother of Philetaerus [2], who was from T. (> Attalus with stemma). After 281, > Zipoetes [1] of Bithynia seized the territory, but T. was bought back by Heraclea and ultimately taken over by Prusias [1] I. In the context of +» Pompeius’ [I 3] reorganisation, T. was annexed to

749

750

the Roman sub-province of Pontus [1. 21, 35 f.]. Acult of Zeus Syrgastes is attested for T. Inscriptions and coins of the Roman Imperial period, ruins of buildings, theatre substructures and remains of a pier survive, and inland an aqueduct.

[3] Son of Artapates (PP VIII 23 4?; a votive offering by him in the year 279 BC in IG XI 2, 161 B 72; IDélos 1441 A118), from Xanthus. The paternal name indicates Iranian descent or relation. In 256 BC, he achieved an Olympic victory in colt riding (Paus. 5,8,11). He delivered an order of the King to Zeno (PSI V 513; cf. P CZ 59283) and was the eponym priest of Alexander in 247/6 and 246/5. During the 3rd > Syrian War, T. worked in Caria as a high Ptolemaic official

1 C.Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium, 1993, 13-36. L. Ropert, Etudes anatoliennes, 1937, 266-291; N. EHRHARDT, Milet und seine Kolonien, 1983, 52. C.MA.

TLOS

(SEG 42, 994). Tlepolemus (TAnnodenocd/Tlépdlemos, Thanddeuoc/Tlapolemos).

Doric

[1] Son of — Heracles [1] and Astyochia. After the + Heraclidae retreated from the Peloponnese, T. settled in Argos along with > Licymnius [1] and killed him there in the midst of an argument (Diod. 4,58,5—8; in Tiryns: Pind. Ol. 7,20-38; unintentionally: Zenon of Rhodos FGrH 523 F r). As a result, T. fled to > Rhodos, where he followed the Doric tradition and “settled three times according to > phyle” (Hom. Il. 2,668), that is, he created a new political foundation for the pre-existing cities of Lindus, Ialysus and Camirus -named after the sons of + Cercaphus- and subdivided the country. The story was supposed to legitimize the ~ colonization of the island by creating an analogy of catharsis for murder and colonization, an analogy resting on the cathartic and archegetic (+ Archegetes) function of > Apollo ([2; 3. 31-44, 70-72, 120-125]; on the possible competition with the story of > Althaemenes see [1]). The Iliad presents T. as the leader of the contingent from Rhodos (2,65 3-670) and tells how he falls at the hands of — Sarpedon [1] (5,628-662; cf. schol. bT Hom. Il. 5,639). His wife > Polyxo [3] takes revenge for his death on + Helen [1] (Paus. 3,19,9-10: aition of Helena Dendritis). The sanctuary, the grave and the festival are known through the transmission (Tlapolémeia: Pind. Ol. 7,77—80 with schol. 36c, 1410, 145-147, attested by Syll.3 1067,8, in Ialysus?). -» Heraclidae 1 A. Bresson, Deux légendes rhodiennes, in: Les grandes figures religieuses (Annales litteraires de |’Univ. de Besangon 329), 1986, 411-421

2 C.DouGHERTY,

Cu. HaBicut, Pausanias und seine Beschreibung Griechenlands, 1985, 86 f.

[4] Son of Artapates, probably the grandson of T. [3], married to the daughter of Demeter priestess (?) Danae (Pol. 15,27,2); troop commander of Ptolemaeus [7] IV, after his death, strategist of Pelusium (Pol. 15,25,26). In

203 BC, he caused the revolt in Alexandria [1] which led to the death of Agathocles [6] and made him

> epitropos [2] of Ptolemaeus [8] V along with Sosibius [2]. After eliminating Sosibius, he alone led the government in the spring or summer of 202 (as > dioiketes? PP I 50 following Pol. 16,21,6). His request for political protection from Rome was not granted (Lust. 3.0,2,8). It was probably during his time as epitropos that he made his donation for oil during the agones in the Delphic gymnasium prior to 197 (SEG 27,123,54 f.), for which he was honoured

in Delphi. T. was soon (201?) re-

placed by Aristomenes [2], supposedly due to proven incompetence (character study: Pol. 16,21 f.). Thereafter, he probably returned to Xanthus, where he is mentioned asa priest pro poleos (‘for the city’, i.e. in the Letoon) under Ptolemaean and Seleucid rule (206/5: SEG 38,14 763) 202/12 obhG 36512210; 197/635 SEG 33,1184). A certain Artapates in this office (167: SEG 44, 1218) must be a relative, if not the son of T. Another offspring in IK 34, 36. H.Scumirt, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte Antiochos’ des GrofSen, 1964, 231-237; J. and L.RoBERT, Fouilles

d’Amyzon 1, 1983, 168-171; W. Huss, Agypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 2001, 479-486; 502 fF.

It’s

Murder to Found a Colony, in: Id., L. KurKE (ed.), Cultural Poetics in Archaic Greece, 1993, 178-198 31d., The Poetics of Colonization, 1993 41.MALkin, Myth and Territory in the Spartan Mediterranean, 1994, 36-383 172 5 E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997. TH.

[2] Son of Pythophanes (Arr. Anab. 3,22,1), hetairos (+ Hetairoi) of + Alexander [4] the Great. The latter

appointed him to supervise the Parthian satrap of Parthia-Hyrcania in 330 BC. In 325, T. was installed as satrap of Carmania (Arr. Anab. 6,27,1) and confirmed by — Perdiccas [4] and — Antipater [1] after Alexander’s death (Diod. 18,3,3; 18,39,6). Even though he had joined Eumenes [1] (Diod. 19,14,6; 19,28,3), + Antigonus [1] allowed him to remain in office because he was popular among his subjects and soldiers (Diod. 19,48,r1). EB.

[5] Probably a relative of T. [3] and [4]. In late summer of 169 BC, he travelled to Antioch [6] IV as a legate of Prolemaeus [9] VI along with Ptolemaeus [33] (Pol. 28,19,6).

E.OLSHAUSEN, Prosopographie der Konigsgesandten 1, 1974, 78 f. Nr. 56.

hellenistischen

WA.

Tleson see > Little-master cups Tlos (TA@c/Tl6s, Lycian tlawa). Lycian township in the upper > Xanthus valley at the crossing to > Cibyra [1] (Str. £4,3,3) on a foothill of Mount Massicytus (modern Ak) at modern Diiver, one of the six largest cities in the -» Lycian League with three votes (Artem. in Str.

14,33). Settled by the Bronze Age, the place may have been identical to the Hittite Dalawa. Remains from the Classical to Byzantine periods (Acropolis, terrace

TLOS

751

houses, southwestern gate, settlement walls, theatre, thermae, rock graves, sarcophagoi, inscriptions). W.Wurster, Antike Siedlungen in Lykien, in: AA, 1976, 23-49; M.J. MeLttnx, Homer, Lycia, and Lucca, in: J.B.

CARTER, E. TOWNSEND Homer, 1995, 35-43.

VERMEULE

(eds.), The Ages of ULHA.

Tmesis (from tyijoic/tmésis, ‘the act of cutting, separation’). An ancient term for the phenomenon of breaking up compound word forms (primarily verbal forms) by inserting or rearranging its constituents: cf. Serv. Aen. 1,412 “Figura tmesis est, quae fit, cum secto uno ser-

mone aliquid interponimus” (“Tmesis is the rhetorical device that is formed by splitting up an expression and putting something in between”). This notion, however, does not reflect the historical linguistic development since the verb forms ancient > grammarians considered

PO

[2] City in Lydia at the foot of the mountain chain of the same name, T. [1], probably 14 km to the west of > Sardis at modern Gokkaya. T. was one of the 12

cities of the province of Asia [2] granted temporary tax relief by Tiberius after an earthquake in AD 17 (Tac. Ann. 2,47; Vell. Pat. 2,126,4; Plin. HN 2,200; ILS 156;

IGR 4, 1503). It was given ‘Aureliopolis’ in honour of Aurelius, which was still the quity: Hierocles, Synekdemos bishopric of Sardis.

the additional name of the emperor Marcus [2] place name in Late Anti670,4. T. was a suffragan

Maaieg, 1358 f.; Ropert, Villes, 277 n. 4; L.ROBERT, Monnaies grecques, 1967, 77 f.; C.Foss, A Neighbor of

Sardis, The City of T. (1982), in: Id., History and Archaeology of Byzantine Asia Minor, 1990, 178-201. H.KA.

Toad see > Frog

as ‘standard’ had arisen from univerbation. Parallels,

e.g. in Indo-Iranian and Germanic, show that tmesis has its linguistic origin in an earlier state of Indo-European when such compounds were not yet fixed as single words. From the earliest times on, t/esis is found in

Greek (epic) poetry, but also in prose (Herodotus) up to the Classical Period, in Latin sacred language (ob vos sacro) and in poetry from Ennius and Plautus up to the end of the Republican Period (Lucretius, Virgil). Examples: Hom. Il. 1,25 émi w0Oov étedAe; Hdt. 2,181,3 nate ue EpGouatac; Plaut. Trin. 833 distraxissent disque tulissent. In modern German, tmesis is the grammatical norm for the verbal prefixes that developed out of (quite recent) local particles, e.g. aufnehmen — er nimmt auf (but entnehmen — er entnimmt). ~ Homeric language; > Indo-European languages J. WACKERNAGEL, Vorlesungen uber Syntax, vol. 2, 1928, 171-177; SCHWYZER, Grammatik, s. v. Tmesis (subject index); LEUMANN, s. Vv. Tmesis (subject index); E. BeRNARD, Die Tmesis der Praposition in lateinischen Verbalkomposita, 1960; Y.DuHOUx, Autour de la tmése grecque, in: L.ISEBAERT, R. LEBRUN (eds.), Quaestiones Homericae, 1998, 71-80. RP.

Tmolus (Tu@Aoc/Tmédlos). [1] Mountain chain (up to + Lydia,

snow-covered

2157m

in winter

elevation)

(Hom.

in

II. 2,866;

20,385), modern Bozdag. The T. mountains were the source of the > Pactolus, which in Antiquity bore auriferous sand; > Sardis was on its banks (Plin. HN 5,110). In the T. mountains, vines were cultivated (Str. 14,1,15; Plin. HN 14,74; Vitr. De arch. 8,3,12), they were known for fields of saffron (Verg. G. 1,563 4,380;

Solin. 40,10). The T. were the residence of the “Tmolian

goddess’ -» Cybele and of Zeus-Dionysus-Sabazius (> Sabazius) as well as the cult area of > Bacchus [2] (Ov. Met. 11,86: Anth. Pal. 9,645), personified as the

king and husband Apollod. 2,31).

of -» Omphale

(Nic. Ther. 633;

C.Foss, Explorations in Mount Tmolus, in: California Stud. in Classical Antiquity 11, 1978, 21-60; D. MULLER,

Topographische Bildkommentare zu den Historien Herodots: Kleinasien, 1997, 744-747.

Tobiads (from the Hebrew personal name toviyyah, Neh 2,10; TwBuac/ Tobias, LXX, cf. trot TwoBia/byioi Tobia ‘sons of Tobias’, 2 Esr 17:62). The family of the T. played a leading economic and political role at the

time of the second + Temple (III) in Iudaea (+ Judah and Israel). Archeologically attested is Hyrcanus’s fortress of Tyrus which was probably built on the ruins of the ancestral seat of the T. in present-day — ‘Iraq alAmir (Transjordan) [1]. The first historically traceable representative is known from the Biblical book > Nehemia as the Persian administrative officer Tobias who was of Ammonitic decent (late 5th cent. BC). In the 3rd cent. BC, Tobias, commander of a Ptolemaean cleruchy (> Klerouchoi II) in Ammanitis, is mentioned in the

+ Zeno papyri; he was related to the priestly nobility of Jerusalem through his marriage to the sister of Onias [2]

Il. His son Joseph competed successfully for the office of prostasia with an actively pro-Seleucid high priest, he became tax locator under Ptolemaeus [6] III Euergetes for > Palestine (240-218 BC). Joseph was succeeded in this office by his youngest son Hyrcanus [1] (2 Macc 3:11) who was the only one to remain on the side of the

» Ptolemaeans in the Ptolemaean-Seleucid conflicts while his brothers joined together in pursuing Pro-Seleucid politics along with the party of high priest Simon [5] Ul. Hyrcanus was unsuccessful politically and committed suicide in c. 175 BC in Tyrus. During the religious and political conflicts under Antiochus [6] IV Epiphanes, the T. along with high priest Menelaus [5] represented a position that was well-disposed towards Hellenism (Ios. Ant. ud. 12,239). The most important historical source is the description by Josephus (+ Iosephus [4] Flavius: Ant. Iud. 12) which is based on a Hellenistic novel (possibly a family chronicle) about the T. Some of Josephus’s dates are contested [2; 5]. 1M. HENGEL, Judentum und Hellenismus, #1988, 51-55, 486-495 2J.A. GoLpsTEIN, The Tales of the Tobiads, in: J. NEUSNER (ed.), Christianity, Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults. Festschrift Morton Smith, vol. 3, 1975,

85-123

3 Cu.C. Ji, A New Look at the Tobiads in Iraq

al-Amir, in: Liber Annuus 48, 1998, 417-440

TZER,

Tyros,

the Floating

Palace,

in: $.G.

4E.NE-

Witson,

754

US M. Desyarpins (eds.), Text and Artifact in the Religions of Mediterranean Antiquity, 2000, 340-353

5 D.SCHWARTZ, Josephus’ Tobiads: Back to the Second Century?, in: M.GoopmMan (ed.), Jews in a GraecoRoman World, 1998, 47-61 6 V.A. TCHERIKOVER,

A.Fuxs, Corpus Papyrorum [udaicarum, vol. 1, 1957, 115-130. LWA.

Tochari (ToyaooU/Tocharoi Str. 11,8,2; Latin Tochari: Just. Epit. 42,2,2; Thocari: Plin. HN 6,55; Taxooo Tachoroi: Ptol. 6,16,4; Athagurae: Amm. Marc. 23,6,66; Oayovoov Thagouroi: Ptol. 6,16,2). Group of

TOGA VIRILIS

Originally, the woolen toga was worn over the bare upper body and over the + subligaculum that covered the lower body, later over the — tunica. The common toga of the simple Roman citizen was white (toga pura, toga virilis). Furthermore, there was the toga praetexta with a crimson stripe along the edges (clavi; > status symbols) which was worn by curule officials, by the +» Flamines Dialis and Martialis (priests of Jupiter or Mars), as well as by boys who exchanged it for the toga virilis on the day of their attaining citizenship (> civitas) and manhood.

Bactria (+ Graeco-Bactria) in the rst cent. BC. Other

The toga was in the shape of a circle segment and had one straight and one rounded hem and only two tips. The straight hem (balteus) was worn over the left shoulder in such a way that about a third of it hung down in front and that the tip (/acinia) was below the left knee. The other two thirds were draped across the back, under the right armpit and diagonally across the chest to the left shoulder, so that the other tip hung down the left side of the back. Thus, the left side of the body was almost completely covered. In the Republican Period, the toga was smaller and tight-fitting (toga exigua). At the beginning of the Imperial Period, the amount of fabric and the length of the toga increased (on the develop-

groups remained in oases of the Tarim basin (> Tur-

ment of toga fashions [r]).

fan).

In the Early Period, both sexes dressed in a toga, but in the Republican Period, women replaced it with the + stola, while the toga was degraded as the garment of adulteresses and prostitutes (Mart. 2,39; Juv. 2,70; +> Prostitution). Although the toga remained the offi-

Inner Asian tribes, after which an Indo-European language is named — Tocharian. It is mentioned in the context of the westward migration of the Yuezhi after their defeat in 176 or 174 BC by the Xiongnu (presumed Central-Asiatic antecedents of the > Hunni). Accord-

ing to the Geography of Ptolemaeus [65], and in Strabo and Justin (see above) located in Gansu, > Sogdiana

and -» Bactria. Chinese and Graeco-Latin sources used the name for groups of peoples in different regions and presumably also with different languages. The T. were among the tribes that annihilated the Greek state in

> Silk Road F. ALTHEIM, Weltgeschichte Asiens im griechischen Zeitalter, 1947/48, esp. 11 f.; W. W. TARN, The Greeks in Baktria and India, *1966, esp. 175; 177. HJ.N.

cial state garment up to Late Antiquity, a lighter outer

Tocharian. Independent branch of the Indo-European languages, a > centum language, recorded in translations of Buddhist texts stemming from the 6th—8th cents. AD. These are written in a vocalized Indic script and were found in buried monasteries in Xinjiang province in northwestern China. Dialect A was written only in Turfan, Dialect B also to the west in Kuéa. The name

Tocharian was given to the language by modern scholars, perhaps in error, after the ancient + Tochari people in Bactria. From the vocabulary cf. Tocharian B pacer = Latin pater, and, with only a Greek cognate, Tocharian B soy ‘son’ = Greek vidc/byids (vibc/hyiys), Tocharian

AB pont- ‘all, whole’ = Greek navt-/pant-. A closer relationship with Greek is possible. > Indo-European languages W.Krause,

W.THomas,

Tocharisches

Elementarbuch,

vol. 1, 1960; vol. 2, 1964; J.P. MaLtory, D.Q. ADAMS (ed.), Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture, 1997, 590594; D.R. Ring, Evidence for the Position of Tocharian in the Indo-European Family, in: Die Sprache 34, 1990, 59-123; W. THomas, Die Erforschung des Tocharischen (1960-1984), 1985, 15-17 (on the name “Tocharian’).

N.O.

Toga. The toga, adopted from the Etruscans, was the official garment of Roman citizens which was worn in public and which non-Romans were not allowed to wear (Suet. Claud. 15,3; gems togata: Verg. Aen. 1,282).

garment such as the > pallium was preferred in the Late Republic for reasons of comfort (cf. Juv. 3,171-172; Mart. 4,66). Officially, it was made sure that the toga was worn at least on the Forum and in its vicinity (Suet. Aug. 40,5). Furthermore, the toga was a must at public games (Mart. 2,39; Juv.

11,203-204), in court, at sac-

rifices and at the > salutatio (Juv. 1,96). People in

mourning or defendants wore a dark toga palla (> Mourning dress). If one had earned the right to wear the toga praetexta it could be put on the dead body for the funeral (Liv. 34,7,3). An applicant for political office was draped in a special white toga candida (cf. ‘candidate’). On the toga of the triumphator, see — Triumph. dress; + Clavus; > Clothing (with im-

> Ceremonial

ages);

» Laena;

> Trabea [1]; > Tunica

1H.R. Goetre, Studien zu rémischen Togadarstellungen, 1990 (reviewed by H. WreDE, in: Gnomon 67, 1995,

541-550)

2U.Scnarr, Strafenkleidung der ro6mischen

Frau, 1994,

131-136

3 F.Have-Niko aus, Untersu-

chungen zu den kaiserzeitlichen Togastatuen griechischer 4 A.Firces, Himationtrager, PalliaProvenienz, 1998 ten und Togaten. Der mannliche Mantel-Normaltypus und seine regionalen Varianten in Rundplastik und Relief, in: T. MATTERN (ed.), Munus. Festschrift Hans Wiegartz, RH, 2000, 95-109.

Toga virilis see

> Age(s)

TOGATA

as

756

Togata. Type of Roman ~ comedy; unlike the variation later called + palliata, it was not associated with Athens but with a Roman setting. By the term togata (= play with Roman private individuals in everyday

Tokens (obuBoiov/symbolon, tessera). From 450 BC onwards in Athens, the State gave poor citizens free tickets for performances in the Theatre of Dionysus to the value of two oboloi (Gemeimov d16Bodov/thedrikon

dress; > toga), it is distinguished

didbolon);

from

> praetexta

these tokens,

called

obpPodra

(symbola),

(= action by persons in political/military official dress), cf. Hor. Ars P 288; Varro suggested to replace togata with tabernaria and to use it as a collective term for all plays ina Roman setting [2], but this usage did not gain general acceptance (but cf. Juv. 1,3). While Roman and Greek elements were used alike in the comedies of + Naevius [I 1] (and of > Livius [III 1] Andronicus, — cf. Donat. Terentii Commentum 1,23,12 f. W.), there were specialised togata playwrights in the time after Plautus, > Titinius [1] and -» Afranius [4] (the most significant exponent of the togata); > Quinctius [I 4] Atta (born 77 BC) was a latecomer. From the early rst cent. BC onwards, the ~ Atellana fabula gradually replaced the togata — only the palliata seems to have survived for another genera-

were given to the lessee of the theatre, who then collected the corresponding money for them from the State treasury. This institution was later extended to all citizens, followed by payments for participation in people’s assemblies and in court. Numerous bronze symbola survive from the period between the second half of the 4th cent. BC and the 2nd cent. BC; they resemble contemporary coins and bear a stamp (head of Athena,

tion (> Fundanius [2], > Iuventius [I 2], > Quintipor Clodius).

od, are lead or clay tokens with various symbols (ears of corn, vases, statues, etc.), implying a multifarious use of

Whereas Greek models continued to be used for the dramatic structure of the togata, the different social structures of everyday Roman life required some degree of adaptation (cf. Donat. in Ter. Eun. 57); thus the togata seems to have been more realistic and more serious in effect than the Latin palliata (cf. Sen. Ep. 8,8). Since only fragments survive, a more comprehensive appreciation of the genre is not possible. ~ Comedy; > Palliata

tokens for baths, as vouchers for grain donations, etc.;

FRAGMENTS

(WITH

TRANSLATIONS):

A.DAVIAULT,

Comoedia togata, 1981 (with A.S. GRATWICK, in: Gnomon 52, 1982, 725-733); A. LOPEZ Lopez, Fabularum togatarum fragmenta, 1983; T.GuARpi, Fabula togata, 1985. RESEARCH REPORTS: A.PASQUAZI BAGNOLINI, Sulla fabula togata, in: Cultura e Scuola 13 (52), 1974, 70-79 and 14 (56), 1975, 39-47; R. TaBacco, II problema della

togata nella critica moderna, in: Bollettino di studi latini 5,

1975, 33-57: BIBLIOGRAPHY:

A. MORESCHINI QUATTORDIO, Contri-

buto all’analisi linguistica della fabula togata, in: Studi e saggi lingustici 20, 1980, 192-242; A. MINARINI, II linguaggio della Togata, in: Bollettino di studi latini 27, 1997, 34-55; E.STARK, in: HLL 1, § 132-134.

P.L.S.

Togisonus. River in Venetia (Plin. HN 3,121), probably arising from the confluence of the Retron (modern Retrone) and the Astagus (modern Astico) in the area of + Vicetia (modern Vicenza) with other rivers to the

north of thr > Atesis; modern Bacchiglione. G.B. CastTIGLiont, Abbozzo di una carta dell’antica idrografia nella pianura tra Vicenza e Padova, in: P.INNoCENTI (ed.), Scritti geografici. FS A. Sestini, vol. 1, 1982, 183-197.

Toilets see > Latrines

G.U.

a lion or owls) on one side, and letters from A to 2 on the reverse; other tokens show the same letter or the

same letter doubled (here only BB and AA) on both sides. The letters on the tickets corresponded to those on the wedge-shaped sectors of the audience spaces in the Theatre of Dionysus and therefore also determined the seating. Later, and primarily from the Roman peri-

furthermore, theatre tokens survive, e.g. with masks and names of plays, including some with the inscription Theophorou[mene] (a comedy by > Menander [4]). From the Roman era, there are bilingual tokens (tesse-

rae) for theatrical productions with a Roman numeral and the corresponding Greek letter (A-I to XV-IE), as well as an inscription illustrated by an image on the reverse

(masks,

animals,

buildings, figures

of gods,

Ctea)e

Roman

tokens were of clay, bronze, stone, ivory,

bone or lead, and round, rod-shaped, rectangular or figural in shape. For grain supplies, bronze tokens were used, bearing an image of the emperor of the time or (less often) of a member of the imperial family, a number between I and XVI (occasionally XIX) and wreaths; similar purposes were served by lead tesserae (for grain and money donations or as supply tokens for collegiae, tokens for religious associations, change for publicans or private circus events or for visits to brothels). Ivory tesserae, often in the shape of different figures, were used as seating tokens at symposia (with the inscription prandium and a number). A special group is constituted by the rod-shaped control tokens for mint inspectors (tesserae nummulariae).

In addition, there

were tokens for visits to the baths, tokens with erotic representations (spintriae) used as an unofficial means

of payment for the services of prostitutes, round tesserae of ivory and stone used as playing pieces and clay ones for visits to the theatre. + Board games; > Bronze; > Corns, COIN MINTING;

> Collegium; - Dice games;

Money

A.Mtasowsky, Die antiken Tesseren im Kestner-Museum Hannover, 1991 (with bibliography). R.H.

TST:

758

Tolastochora (Tokaotoyoea; Tolastochoéra). Town in + Galatia (Ptol. 5,4,7; Tab. Peut. 9,5) at a crossing over the former southern main tributary of the > Sangarius from Lake Ak (River Gdkpinar) at modern Gokpinar in the southwestern border region of the > Tolistobogii.

soli), of the > Sabini of Trebula Mutuesca (near Monteleone Sabino) and > Reate, where it joins with the ~ Avens to form the > Rosea Rura wetlands.

BELKE, 236.

K.ST.

Tolbiacum (modern Ziilpich, district of Euskirchen in

TOLERANCE

A.R. SraFFa, La viabilita romana della valle del Turano, in: Xenia 6, 1983, 37-44; Id., L’assetto territoriale, in: ArchCl 36, 1984, 231-265. GU.

Tolerance

North Rhine-Westphalia). Town (vicus: CIL XIII 7920;

I. TERMINOLOGY

It. Ant. 373,4: vicus Sopenorum — possibly a Celtic tribal name), originally in the settlement area of the > Eburones, then of the > Ubii (Tac. Hist. 4,79,2). Presumably the location of a station of > beneficiarii. Remains survive of thermae and burial monuments. After being destroyed in Germanic attacks in 275/6 AD, T. was fortified at the beginning of the 4th cent. AD. There is evidence of Romanic settlement until the middle of the 5th cent.

AND RELIGION

H. VAN DER BROECK, 2000 Jahre Ziilpich, 1968; K. BOuNER, Romanen

und Franken, 1974, 114-129; TH. GRU-

NEWALD, Zur Geschichte Zilpichs in r6mischer Zeit, in: D. GEUENICH (ed.), Chlodwig und die ‘Schlacht bei Ziilpich’, 1996, 11-30; H.G. Horn, Zilpich, in: id. (ed.), Die

Romer in Nordrhein-Westfalen, 1987, 650-656.

RA.WI.

Toledot Yeshu (Hebrew for ‘Life of Jesus’), a Jewish popular pseudo-history of the life of > Jesus (A.1.), describing his birth, life and death in a satirical and polemic manner. The mediaeval compilation, which was in circulation in numerous different versions in several languages (including Hebrew, Yiddish, Judaeo-Arabic and Judaeo-Persian) and whose roots can be traced back as far as Talmudic tradition (cf. e.g. bSot 47a; bSan 43a; 67a; 107b), tells e.g. of Jesus’s ignominious origin, since his mother > Maria [II 1], of noble descent, is supposed to have been raped and then abandoned. Jesus himself appears as a meddlesome > miracle worker showing no respect for authority, and as a magician and demagogue. His power is founded in his cunning hijakking of the miraculous power of the name of God. The explanation of Jesus’s resurrection is that his corpse was supposed to be stolen from his tomb and secretly buried in another place. Accounts by the bishops Agobard and Amolo of Lugdunum (Lyons) record (PL 104, 87; 116, 167-170) that this popular book, which served the purpose of Jewish self-assertion within a Christian environment, was already in circulation in the 9th cent. S. Krauss, Das Leben Jesu nach juedischen Quellen, 1902 (repr. 1977).; Id., Neuere Ansichten iiber die ‘Toldoth Jeschw’, in: Monatsschrift fiir die Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 76, 1932, 586-603 (with German trans., comm. and literature); G.SCHLICHTING, Ein jidisches Leben Jesu (WUNT 24), 1982. B.E.

Tolenus. Central-Italian river (Ov. Fast. 6,565), modern Turano. It rises in the Montes Simbruini (modern

Monti Simbruini), flows through the territory of the + Aequi of + Carsioli (to the northeast of modern Car-

AND PHILOSOPHY

II. History

I. TERMINOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY A. MODERN CONCEPT B. LATIN TOLERANTIA:

WORD AND CONCEPT C. TOLERANCE BETWEEN STATE AND RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES

A. MODERN CONCEPT The general modern meaning of the word ‘tolerance’ is the readiness of individuals, groups or states to permit the opinions, ways of life and philosophical and religious convictions of others to ‘have validity’ alongside their own. Today, the meaning of the word ranges from ‘sufferance’ (e.g. in the sense of constitutional law: the sufferance of immigrants, diverse confessions, religions) to the emphatic affirmation of the ‘different’ phenomenon. A very widely-conceived stipulation of tolerance can come into conflict with the law in force, even

with codified

> human rights.

B. LATIN TOLERANTIA: WORD AND CONCEPT The first evidence of a substantive from the Latin verb tolerare (‘to bear’, ‘to endure’) is found in Cicero: tolerantia rerum humanarum (Cic. Parad. 27; 46 BC). The form toleratio (dolorum: Cic. Fin. 2,94; 45 BC), used synonymously, did not catch on. In both cases, the term refers to the capacity for enduring, bearing or suffering the vicissitudes of human life in the context of Stoic ethics (> Stoicism; — Ethics). Tolerantia is an aspect of fortitude (fortitudo): fortis tolerantia stands with fortis patientia (Sen. Ep. 67,5-10). In the Old Stoa, ‘fortitude’ (&vdeeia/andreia, one of the cardinal — virtues) indicated knowledge of those

things that must be endured (bmopeévew/bypomenein, SVF III fr. 280; 263; cf. avéxeo0aV/aneéchesthat). The

aspect of endurance in the narrower sense was called nxaoteola (karteria, SVF Ill fr. 264; 265; 275). This is glossed by Cicero (Cic. Tusc. 4,24,53) as perferre and pati (cf. SVE Il 285). Accordingly, his definition of patientia (Cic. Inv. 2,163; c. 80 BC) is: “the voluntary and lasting enduring of arduous and difficult things” (rerum arduarum ac difficilium voluntaria ac diuturna perpessio). This remark is part of a brief portrayal of the cardinal virtues in the context of the doctrine of the good (honestum) and of natural law (naturae ius, Cic. Iny. 2,161). A definition of imtolerantia in Gellius (“Not to (be able to) bear evils that must be borne”, 17,19,5) betrays the quest for a consistent philosophical terminology, in view of the non-philosophical use of the

TOLERANCE

759

760

word intolerantia as ‘insupportability’, ‘arrogance’ (Cic. Clu. 40,112). Equivalents for the modern concept of tolerance emphasizing a ‘sufferance’ (in constitutional law) or a ‘cultural model’ [1] of acceptance of ‘the Other’ can be found in other ancient terminological and conceptual fields (e.g. freedom, hospitality, etc.).

II. HisTORY AND RELIGION A. INTRODUCTION B. GREECE C. ROME D. THE ROMAN STATE AND THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION E. LATE ANTIQUITY/EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD: CHRISTIANITY AS A PERMITTED RELIGION OR

C. TOLERANCE BETWEEN STATE AND RELIGIOUS COMMUNITIES The dominance within the development of the concept of ‘tolerance’ of the relationship between state and religion, and that between different religions, is founded in the history of the European early modern period and the Enlightenment [2]. The edicts, subsequently termed ‘edicts of tolerance’, of the emperors Galerius

A. INTRODUCTION The use of the term ‘tolerance’ in reference to Graeco-Roman Antiquity must be examined critically, because both term and content only developed in the early modern period, and did so only as modes of evaluation initially for the religious and latterly for the political sphere of state. ‘Tolerance’ is thus an indicator of the increasing separation of Church and state, and of religion and politics. As no such separation existed in Antiquity, the concept of political tolerance may only be used retrospectively of pre-‘state’ societies and ancient states. The oneness of religion and politics in the ancient state made it a task of the politician to ensure due honour to the gods, because the latter in turn ensured the well-being of the state. Incorrect religious behaviour on the part of individuals or groups could in the end endanger the existence of the state, and was thus often not tolerated. Antiquity had neither any discussion of politico-religious tolerance nor any term equivalent to the

[5] (AD 311), Licinius [II 4] and Constantinus

[1] |

(313: ‘Edict of Milan’) do not constitute tolerance in the sense of the modern term, nor do they use the word tolerantia. Galerius, in a pragmatic compromise, permits the exercise of Christian cults on certain conditions (Lactant. De mort. pers. 34; cf. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 8,17,9); Licinius and Constantine were declaring reli-

gious freedom (libera potestas sequendi religionem quam quisque voluisset, “the freedom to attach oneself to whatever religion one wishes”; Lactant. De mort. pers. 48,2; cf. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 10,5,2-3; B and II E). ~» Tertullianus [2] had already demanded libertas reli-

STATE RELIGION

F. JUDAISM

G. EARLY ISLAM

modern sense (see above I.). On the other hand, in view

gionis (‘freedom of religion’) (Tert. Apol. 24,6), terming it a ‘human entitlement’ (bumanum ius: Tert. Ad Scapulam 2,6). He uses the terminology of Stoic ethics, thus indicating the ancient roots of — human rights. ‘Freedom of opinion’ was not restricted to religion:

of the complex relations within developing political institutions, it was also inevitable that problems of coexistence would be solved by principles which are also linked with the modern concept of ‘tolerance’.

“No one shall be punished for what he thinks” (cogi-

B. GREECE Polities and world order began to develop alongside one another in the Archaic period. In what after the elimination of monarchical structures was a politically open form of society without fixed social groups, it was possible on the one hand to arrange systematically the origin and genealogy of the gods according to non-

tationis poenam nemo patitur, Ulpianus, d. in c. AD 223, Dig. 48, 19,18). These programmatic utterances

were (even in Antiquity) well in advance of practice. ~» Tacitus’ |1|report of > Tiberius’ [II 1] action against the historian Aulus + Cremutius Cordus in AD 25 is the classic analysis of surveillance and > censorship [3]; a paradigm of state repression against a religious move-

ment is found in the so-called » Bacchanalia Scandal of 186 BC [4] (see below II. C.). Religious freedom ended with the total ban on Roman religion in AD 392 (Cod. Theod. 16,10,12). + Freedom; ~» Human — HUMAN RIGHTS

permit the gods in the sense of active ‘creators’ at all dignity;

>Human_

rights;

1 A.WIreRLACHER (ed.), Kulturthema Toleranz, 1996 2 K.ScHREINER, G. BESIER, s. v. Toleranz, Geschichtliche

Grundbegriffe 6, 1990, 445-605 3 H.Cancix, H. CAnCIK-LINDEMAIER, Zensur und Gedachtnis. Zu Tacitus,

Annalen IV 32-38, in: A. und J. ASSMANN (eds.), Kanon und Zensur, 1987, 169-189

4H.CANCIK-LINDEMAIER,

Der Diskurs Religion im Senatsbeschluf§ tiber die Bacchanalia von 186 v. Chr. und bei Livius, in: H. CANCIK et al. (eds.), Geschichte — Tradition — Reflexion, 1996, vol. 2, 77-96.

Greek, Near Eastern models (> Hesiodus, Theogony) and to relate these to humanity (-» Homerus [r]) and, on the other hand, to conceive of the cosmos as a world order of rational, scientific categories, which did not

H.C.-L.

(+ Milesian School; - Thales). In the incipient — polis,

the binding nature of the regulations drafted by legislators and mediators and collectively agreed (— Solon [1]; > Lycurgus [4]; > Charondas) was not yet secured by the indigenous gods, but were guaranteed by the gods of the pan-Hellenic sanctuaries such as > Delphi. Only as the polis established itself as a community of citizens did a clear relationship also develop between the polis and its gods. The latter could then serve as an instrument of legitimization of rule in the polis (e.g. when -> Peisistratus [4] had his patron goddess, Athena, brought into Athens in the form of a noble lady, Hdt. 1,60), but were viewed primarily as guarantors of the safe existence of the polity. Even within what was in principle a polytheistic world-view, then, the

761

762

circle of gods relevant to the polis was defined [3. 4], their worship in forms laid down in ritual was obligatory for citizens, and the problem of dissent in religious issues became a political problem, i.e. a question of ‘tol-

C. ROME As in Greece, Roman tradition saw the genesis of the state and the cultic relationship with the gods as an undivided whole, though the foundation of the cult (+ Numa Pompilius) was more clearly chronologically later than the foundation of the state (> Romulus [r]) than was the case in Greece. Unlike Greece, however, Roman society showed unusual openness in the political and religious spheres alike. The constant expansion of the citizen body through manumission of slaves and the granting of citizenship (> civitas) to individuals and communities seems to have been seen alongside a principle of readiness to expand the religious and cultic base of the state [9. 11]. Not only were the customs familiar of ‘calling’ the gods of besieged cities to Rome (+ evocatio) or of ‘entreating’ their favour (exoratio), but the Romans were also disposed to recognize the religious convictions, cults and gods of the native tribes and peoples of territories incorporated during the conquests of the Mediterranean region, and even sometimes to introduce them to Rome. > Hercules had an altar (Ara Maxima) in the Roman Forum Boarium from the Archaic period, and in 433 BC, a plague occasioned the promise of a temple at Rome to be made to the Greek > Apollo Medicus; it was consecrated in 431. In 291 the Epidaurian > Asclepius/Aesculapius was given a temple on the Tiber Island. As late as the 3rd cent. BC came the nocturnal cult of the healing goddess > Bona Dea, open only to ladies of the Roman elite, and finally in 205, during the Second > Punic War, the Magna > Mater was brought from Asia Minor to Rome, together with her orgiastic cult (on which, and on other cults: [5. 213-261]). Here, however, ended the sequence of gods officially introduced to Rome during the Republican period. It is striking that these either only attained limited importance (Hercules, Apollo Medicus and Aesculapius) or were kept under the political curatorship of a magistrate and were only made available to a restricted circle (Bona Dea), or that the active participation of Romans was prevented by such measures as the ban on the castration of Roman citizens (Magna Mater; [3. 6-8]). To the extent that new citizens were integrated by being incorporated either into social relationships (-> cliens) or especially into large voting units (> Citizenship), new cults, too, were adapted to the Roman understanding of religion, so that they were made ‘tolerable’, without, however, requiring actual ‘tolerance’ [3. 8]. On the one hand, the favour of the gods was sought, because the genesis and continued existence of the Roman Empire were attributed to the work of the gods, and on the other hand, the practice of the cult was designed so as to prevent their engendering any danger to the state. One example of this is the proceedings against the + Bacchanalia in 186 BC. This cult was certainly not banned —and the deity was not thereby insulted — but its practice was hampered so that it could no longer be used to propagate crime and activities threatening to the state (the senatus consultum is preserved in an in-

erance’.

The phenomenon is most clearly seen — and this is certainly not only because of the better state of the sources — in democratic Athens of the sth/4th cents. BC. The gods have become ‘indigenous gods’ or ‘gods of the polis’ (Aesch. Sept. 14: éyy@euot Oeoi/enchorioi theo; 69: MoMLGoovyxot BEoi/polissouchoi theoi), and the gods of the polis had to be recognized (PI. Ap. 24b: vowitew tous DEovc, ovs N MOAtc vouiTe/nomizein tous theous,

hous hé polis nomizei). In strict contravention of democratic freedom of speech (ionyogia/iségoria; nagenoia/ parrhésia; cf. + Freedom) and the public sufferance of

private forms of behaviour (Thuc. 2,37,2), accordingly, free speech on religious matters at Athens was restricted by the law of Diopeithes [2] in the late 430s BC, criminalizing a lack of awe of the gods (doéfeva/— asébeia). In the political sphere, this development towards intolerance was accompanied by the effects of ~ ostrakismos, which to all intents and purposes removed the proponent of opposition from politics for a decade. Diopeithes’ law was not aimed against personal religious convictions, but pursued doubt or criticism of the gods or the denigration of traditional cults and rituals when given public utterance (cf. the agraphoi nomoi in Thuc. 2,37,3). Flight from the city was the response to the threat of prosecution of Anaxagoras in 431, Protagoras [1], whose books were burned, in the 420s, and

Diagoras [2], on whose head a substantial bounty was placed, shortly before 414 (Aristoph. Av. 1071). > Socrates [2], who refused to leave the city, was executed in 399 on the pretext of asébeia. The trials surrounding the mutilation of the ~ Herms in 415 ran against the background of some hysteria, which then abated in the 4th cent. (an asébeia trial around 350 against the hetaira - Phryne is known). To what extent political intentions lurked behind these trials is of no importance to the issue of ‘tolerance’ in classical Athens. What is significant is the readiness to take dissenting views as the grounds or pretext for shuffling off the obligation to suffer dissident thinkers in the polis (cf. Plut. Nicias

23,4). Such trials began to occur in large numbers again late in the 4th cent. [7. 379], until they finally vanished as the polis declined in political importance in the Hellenistic period. Hellenistic society was typified by an extraordinary breadth of religious horizons, a plethora of cults and syncretic tendencies existing alongside one another (> Syncretism). Only the ultimately vain attempt of the Seleucid Antiochus [6] [V to transform the cult of Judaism into a cult of Zeus led to lengthy conflict from 166 BC (> Judas [1] Maccabaeus; > Judaism [C 2]). However, it is disputed whether this conflict is primarily to be seen as an expression of the religious intolerance of Antiochus or rather as an attempt to curry favour with Hellenized Jewish groups.

TOLERANCE

763

764

scription: CIL I? 581, ll. ro—22; [9]; cf. Liv. 39,18,8f.). The Roman understanding of ‘tolerance’ extended to the deity (Bacchus), but not to his followers. This paradigm also determined the banishment from Rome of the Chaldaeans in 139 BC (Val. Max. 1,3,3; [5. 275]) and of the followers of > Isis in the rst cent. BC and later [5.282 f.]. At approximately the same time as the action against the Bacchanalia, the tide also turned against the influence of Greek philosophy: in 161, Greek rhetors were banished from Rome (Gell. NA 15,11,1), and in 155 BC an embassy of Greek philosophers was sent away prematurely (Plut. Cato 22,5). The Jews were guaranteed the freedom to practice their religion in the Roman Empire. There are traits of ‘tolerance’ in the recognition and privilege they were afforded. This is true in spite of Tacitus’ vituperative, anti-Semitic portrayal of the Jewish religion (Hist. 5,113). Their privileges, however, were precarious, and had to be earned and secured by good political conduct. The fact that, according to the sources, demands for ‘tolerance’ came exclusively from Jews (and later from Christians; cf. Jos. Ant. Iud. 16, 31-57 and 174-178) also tends to support an argument against there having been a spontaneous readiness to suffer the Jewish religion [3. 9-11 and 25]. > Cult; > Religion

However, the pre-Constantinian period even in the 3rd cent. was also characterized by an everyday coexistence of Christians and followers of other religions, albeit one influenced by the abovementioned factors. The possibility cannot be dismissed that Christians were more open to -> syncretisms than the Christian sources would have us believe in attributing such readiness only

TOLERANCE

1M.Apriani, Tolleranza e intolleranza nelle Roma antica, in: Studi Romani 6.5, 1958, 507-519 = 2K.J. Dover, The Freedom of the Intellectual in Greek Society, in: Talanta 7, 1976,24-48 3 P.GARNSEY, Religious Toleration in Classical Antiquity, in: W.J. SHEILS (ed.), Persecution and Toleration, 1984,1-27 4 B.K6rTrTING, Religionsfreiheit und Toleranz im Altertum, 1977 5 LATTE

6 A.MomiIcLiano, The Social Structure of the Ancient City, in: $.C. Humpureys (ed.), Anthropology and the Greeks, 1978, 179-193 7 W.NESTLE, s. v. Asebieprozesse, RAC 1, 735-740 8 K.L. NoerTHuicns, Das Judentum und der rémische Staat, 1996 9P.J. A. Norrn, Religious Toleration in Republican Rome, in: PCPhS 25, 1978, 85-103 10E.SANpvoss, Asebie und Atheismus im klassischen Zeitalter der griechischen Polis, in: Saeculum 19, 1968, 312-329. W.ED.

to the

+ Gnostics (Iren. Adv. haereses 1,25,6). Christians also visited temples and synagogues (Constitutiones apostolicae 2,61; 8,47,71). The persecutions show that Christianity was widespread among the urban elite by the 3rd cent., and that here, too, a certain practical ‘tolerance’ prevailed. > Tertullianus [2] knew officials who were well-disposed towards Christians (Ad Scapulam 4,3). Emperor — Severus [II 2] Alexander is said to have venerated a statue of Christ alongside other divine images, albeit only in his own, private religious sphere (vita cottidiana et domestica:

SHA

Alex. Sev.

29,1). -» Origenes [2], a Christian philosopher, was invited to lectures at the imperial court at > Antioch [1] (Eus. Hist. eccl. 6,21,4). > Philippus [II 2] Arabs (244249) was believed to be secretly a Christian (Eus. Hist. eccl. 6,34, as earlier philosophers were regarded as quasi-Christians, > Christianity B.r). The Christian - apologists called for tolerance, citing loyalty to the state (Tert. De idololatria 15,3). Tertullian demanded the extension of the usual /ibertas religionis, ‘freedom of religion’, to include Christians (Apol. 24,6). Other Christian authors, too, inveighed

against religious coercion (religio cogi non potest: Lactant. Div. inst. 5,19,11), but with the Constantinian

revolution (see below, [II E]) such thinking began to fall increasingly into oblivion. E. LATE ANTIQUITY/EARLY

BYZANTINE

PERIOD:

CHRISTIANITY AS A PERMITTED RELIGION OR STATE RELIGION + Galerius [5] granted freedom of worship by imperial benevolence (—> clementia: Lactant. De mort. pers. 34,4) to Christians in 311, although he thought them foolish (stultitia). This permission was renewed by - Constantinus [1] and > Licinius [II 4] in 313. The

D. THE ROMAN

STATE AND THE CHRISTIAN

RELIGION The Roman state and Imperial society met > Christianity with indifference, incomprehension and repudiation. Christianity was regarded as ‘superstition’

so-called ‘Edict of Milan’ assured freedom of worship to all (libera potestas sequendi religionem quam quisque voluisset: Lactant. De mort. pers. 48,2), so that the state might enjoy the favour of the ‘supreme divinity’ (summa divinitas). The public practice of non-Christian cults was allowed in 319 (while private > haruspices

(— superstitio: Tac. Ann. 15,44,3; Suet. Nero 16,3) and ‘madness’ (amentia: Plin. Ep. 10,96). Christians were

were at the same time banned), but these were now

tolerated

and no

classified as ‘customs of the past’ (praeterita usurpatio:

breach of law could be attributed to them (Plin. Ep.

Cod. Theod. 9,16,2). Even after his victory over Licinius in 324, Constantine counselled tolerance, but now

where

they were

not denounced

10,97; Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,9,3). From the reign of > Marcus [II 2] Aurelius (F.), Christians were increas-

ingly regarded as atheists (Martyrium Polycarpi 9,2; Justin. Apol. 1,6) who endangered the benevolence of the gods (Cypr. ad Demetrianum 3). Persecutions were enacted as local pogroms (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,1,7). Empire-wide persecutions came only under the rule of the emperors -> Decius [II 1] and + Diocletianus (C.).

it was tolerance of the ‘erring pagans’, who were to enjoy the general peace (Euseb. Vita Const. 2,56). It is unclear to what extent ‘anti-pagan’ decrees were implemented. In 361-363, emperor —> lulianus [11] attempted to restore religious freedom, including that within the Church (Amm. Marc. 22,5). Following a law securing religious freedom (colendi libera facultas: Cod.

765

766

TOLERANCE

Theod. 9,16,9; cf. Amm. Marc. 30,9,5) enacted in 371 by > Valentinianus [1] I, Theodosius [II 2] finally, in

nans, vol. 1, 1988, 158-187; J. Liev et al. (eds.), The Jews among Pagans and Christians, 1994; H. SCHRECKENBERG,

380, made Christianity, in its anti-Arian form (> Arianism), the state religion by decree (Cod. Theod. 16,1,2). Still, consideration was made for the pagan elite and population. In any case, the old cults were very deeply rooted in the countryside (Sulp. Sev. Vita Martini). The + contorniati and the dispute concerning the altar of > Victoria [1] attest to the vain resistance of the ‘old’ religions: in 384, the Roman senator > Symmachus [II 4] had the goddess > Roma [1] lay claim to freedom and peace for the old gods (Symmachus, Relat. 3,9 f.). The bishop of Milan, > Ambrosius, intervened successfully against him. Roman religion was comprehensively banned in 392 (Cod. Theod. 16,10,12). No tolerance was possible in a theological sense between Jews (> Judaism [C. 2.]) and Christians because of irreconcilable interpretations of the > Septuagint (cf.

Die christlichen |Adversus-Judaeos-Texte, +1999; W.SpEYER, Toleranz und Intoleranz in der Alten Kirche, in: 1.BRoER, R.SCHLUTER (eds.), Christentum und Toleranz, 1996, 83-106; G.G. STRouMSA, Tertullian on Idolatry and the Limits of Tolerance, in: G.N. STANTON,

+ Bible translations

[I. B.]), to the Christian

mind

understood as the ‘Old’ Testament, and of the figure of Jesus. > Clemens [3] of Alexandria (Strom. 6,5,41) could only acknowledge that God had once made a pact with Jews (and heathens), too. For — Iustinus [6] (Justin. Dial. 96,2), the Jews were ‘brethren’, who,

however, by that very concession must in the end come to acknowledge the ‘truth’. In spite of anti-Semitic polemic, the Jews and their synagogues remained under the protection of imperial law against attacks even after the Constantinian revolution (Cod. Theod. 16,8,2; 16,8,9). None the less, there were occasional excesses

(Rome; Callinicum/— Raqqa). There is likely to have been everyday contact, not least because of the proximity of churches and synagogues (> Dura-Europus) (cf. above II.).

Several tendencies at first competed within Christianity itself. Only from the 2nd cent. did categories develop for ‘rightness of belief’ and ‘heresy’. Tolerance within Christianity after the Constantinian revolution was only practised where dissenters were tolerated by the state. In North

Africa, Catholics and Donatists (+ Donatus [1]) had to coexist. To Augustine (> Augustinus [B. 3.]), the Donatists could be met only with coercion (compelle intrare, ‘force [them] to enter’, Aug. Epist. 173,10) or at most be accorded the gentleness with which a convalescent would be treated (Aug. Serm. 357,4). The Manichaeans (> Mani, Manichaeans [B.]), who portrayed themselves as a variant of Christianity in the West, were ruthlessly persecuted. After the Council of Chalcedon in 451 (> synodos [II. D.]), Byzantine politics for some time allowed the sufferance of > Monophysitism. Nowhere was there any particular consciousness of ‘tolerance’ or the possibility that different confessions of Christianity might coexist. + Christianity; > Heresy; > Judaism W.Bauer,

Rechtglaubigkeit

und Ketzerei

im 4ltesten

Christentum, *1963; H.DOrriEs, Wort und Stunde, vol.

1, 1966, 1-117; P. Guyot, R. KLEIN, Das frithe Christentum bis zum Ende der Verfolgungen, *1997; R. KLEIN, Der Streit um den Victoriaaltar, 1972; B. KOTTING, Religions-

freiheit und Toleranz im Altertum, in: Id., Ecclesia peregri-

G.G. Stroumsa (eds.), Tolerance and Intolerance in Early

Judaism and Christianity, 1998, 173-184; J. VoerT, Toleranz und Intoleranz im constantinischen Zeitalter, in: Saeculum 19, 1968, 344-361; Id., H. Last, s. v. Christenverfolgung, RAC 2, 1159-1228. K.FI.

F. JUDAISM

The continual flux in social and political framework conditions for Jewish communities led to different attitudes towards outsiders, members of other religious communities and minorities within their own, particularly once after AD 70 at the latest (Roman conquest of —» Jerusalem) they had lost their politically independent territory. However, even before this, > Judaism was already a minority culture in the various > diaspora communities, and it relied upon the tolerance of the majority culture(s). Biblical legislation already justified the prescribed tolerance of individual foreigners living among the Israelites with the experience of the Egyptian enslavement, and it explicitly forbade ‘oppression’ (Ex 22:21). Still, foreigners were legally disadvantaged, being unable to own land (Lv 25:23) and were subject, e.g. as slaves, to other regulations (Lv 25:45-46). However, they were explicitly named as recipients of prescribed poor relief (Lv 19:10; 23:22; 25:6; Dt 14:29 et passim). The ban on family relationships was explained by cultic affiliation, and was sometimes imposed by force (e.g. Nm 25:1-8; Neh 13:23-30). Numerous prophetic speeches against ‘idol worshippers’ within the Israelite community indicate the de facto practice of suffering forbidden ‘foreign’ practices (in spite of Dt 7:1-5) in the monarchical period (9th—6th cents. BC). Non-Israelites also had positions at court and in the army during this period, and took part in the Jerusalem — cult [IV.] (1 Sam 21:8; 2 Sam 11:11). ~ Rabbinical literature amends the reality of the coexistence of Jews and non-Jews by the legal fiction of a homogeneous Jewish society, and it makes contradictory statements about tolerance. The relevant demographic and power relationships must also be considered in its context. Essentially, tolerance (including social welfare) was offered to whoever kept to the seven Noachide Laws (ban on idol worship, blasphemy, the spilling of blood, incest, theft, the consumption of parts of living animals, commandment to introduce a legal system; bSanh 56a-b; Noah). This position effectively included followers of monotheistic religions (> Monotheism; see below, G.). Jews were to influence positively non-Jews’ view of Judaism, by observing social obligations that applied to Jews (such as interest-free loans) towards non-Jews, too (bBM 7ob). In the Sassanid period (3rd—4th cents. AD), Mar Samuel said:

TOLERANCE

767

768

“Before the Throne of the Creator, no distinction endures between Jews and Gentiles, for there are also among these latter noble and virtuous men” (jRH 1,3,57a). Similarly, it was also said, “I call heaven and earth as witnesses, whether Gentile or Jew, [...] the Holy Spirit looks upon each man according to his acts” (SER

pended on whether the power of the political centre recognized a danger to itself (early sects were mostly fought as political opposition groups). Islamic tolerance of Jews and Christians was another matter. While the early, Meccan suras at first emphasize the community of faith between the possessors of the older Holy Scriptures (Ahl al-Kitab, at first Jews and

IO).

At the same time, there were segregatory measures to the social and financial disadvantage of non-Jews. This was justified on the one hand by the lack of cultic affiliation, and on the other hand by the cruelty of nonJews towards the Jews (bBQ 117a) and their supposed immoral behaviour (bAZ 17a-b). At times of strong assimilatory pressure or obtrusive foreign rule, the attitude towards non-Jews became more extreme, going as far as Simon bar Jochai’s “The best of the Gentiles should be killed” (jQid 4,11, 66c; 2nd half of 2nd cent. AD). Political conditions meant that such attitudes had

no practical effect, although the legal disadvantaging of non-Jews was discussed in Rabbinical literature. Liturgical texts, such as the 12th blessing of the

Shmona Esre (‘Eighteen Blessings’), were aimed against Jewish apostates (e.g. minim), calling down curses upon heretics, apostates and denouncers, and, in some (probably later) text variants, upon Christians. However, various tendencies probably continued to exist through the Rabbinical period, which only ata late stage merged into Rabbinical Judaism and were until that point de facto tolerated. This is suggested by mediaeval marriage contracts which codified internal Jewish tolerance. Especially here, though, some subtle re-evaluation is to be expected regarding the Islamic period, in view of the ~ Karaites and documents newly available in Eastern Europe. ~» Proselytes L. HoFFrMAN (ed.), My People’s Prayer Book, vol. 2, 1998; G.N. Stanton, G.G.Stroumsa (eds.), Tolerance and Intolerance in Early Judaism and Christianity, 1998; G.STEMBERGER, Juden und Christen im Heiligen Land, 1987. E.H.

Christians)

and the followers of the new

(Muslims) (29,47), the Medinan

revelation

phase imposes an in-

creasing distance (accusation of forgery of the original message: 4,46; 5,13-14), probably because of the Medinan Jews’ rejection of Muhammad’s prophetic mission. Still, members of the religions of the book remained essentially believers, who were not subject to compulsory conversion as the polytheists were, and who had the chance of reaching Heaven (2,62). A strong polemical tendency is again evident in the corpus

of the Islamic legal tradition (Hadit), reflecting the processes of self-identification of the young community. In parallel with these dogmatic developments, during the conquests but even during the time of Muhammad, highly pragmatic dealings developed with Christians and Jews, characterized by a flexible treaty policy. In exchange for the payment of a tribute, Christians and Jews were granted the legally guaranteed status of wards (dimmi) of Islam. However, in the course of Is-

lamization of further areas of population and especially in consequence of the Crusades, the discriminatory impulse gradually gained ground over time, so that legal provisions which at first had pointed merely to the desire of early Muslims to define themselves were made the basis for social stigmatization. However, the Jewish and Christian communities’ legally guaranteed position generally remained untouched, enabling them to develop independently within Islamic states. C. CAHEN, s. v. Dhimma, EI?, CD-ROM 1999; J. vAN Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert. Hidschra, r991tf., vol. 1, 416-418; vol. 3, 20-22; W. HEFFE-

LING,

S. Vv.

Kuoury,

Murtadd,

Toleranz

EI*,

CD-ROM

im Islam, 1998;

1999;

A.NotH,

A.TH. Moglich-

keiten und Grenzen islamischer Toleranz, in: Saeculum

G. EaRLy ISLAM A typical feature of > Islam is the contrast between intolerance of both polytheists and apostates, alongside the formal and legally defined tolerance of followers of the older revealed religions (Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians). However, social and religious practice responded very much to pragmatic conditions, and diverged both regionally and historically. Because + Muhammad’s prophetic work at Mecca was focussed particularly on the conversion of the followers of old Arabian polytheisms (gabiliyya), » Quranic polemic was primarily directed at them. Nor was there the remotest tolerance of polytheists in later, strictly monotheistic Islam (+> Monotheism VI.): to them applied the commandment of conversion (if necessary by force). The same applied to Islamic ‘heretics’ and those who renounced Islam, who, as apostates under Islamic law, incurred death. Practical implementation, however, de-

29, 1978, 190-204; R. PARET, Toleranz und Intoleranz im Islam, in: Saeculum

21, 1970,

Ahl al-Kitab, El?, CD-ROM

344-365;

1999.

G. VAJDA, Ss. Vv.

LT.N.

Toletum (modern Toledo). Chief town of the > Car-

petani (Plin. HN. 3,25; Ptol. 2,6,57: TwAntov/Toléton) ona steep-sided granite plateau on the northern bank of the > Tagus, which flows round the city on three sides. During the Romans’ conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 193 BC, there was fierce fighting with the > Vaccaei, the -» Vettones and the + Celtiberi in the area ofthe city (Liv. 35,7,6-8), which was conquered in 192 (Liv. 35,22,8). In 185 BC two Roman armies suffered a heavy defeat near T. in a battle with the Celtiberi and their allies (Liv. 39,30,2). As part of the province of Hispania ulterior (cf. > Hispania with map), T. was a > civitas stipendiaria in the conventus of > Carthago Nova (Plin. HN 3,25). T. particularly flourished as a

769

770

residence city of the > Visigoth kingdom (in AD 580) and a see. The conversion of the Visigoths from ~ Arianism to the Catholic faith was brought about at the Council ofT. in 589. T. was famous for its smithing (sword blades).

tetrarch of the T. after Mithridates’ [6] VI massacre among the tetrarch nobility; Deiotarus eventually also ruled over the Trocmoi and the Tectosages. After the establishment of the Roman province of Galatia the T.’s northwestern region gained Bithynia, whilst the area to the west of the river > Sangarius became for the most part the territory of the Roman colony of > Germa. The T.’s northeastern region was added to the metropolis of > Ancyra in 25/4 BC, whilst the rest became part of the newly built polis of + Pessinus, from where the federation of the T.was now organised. > Celts III. (with map)

A.Garcia Y BELLIDO, s. v. T., EAA 7, 895 f.; Tovar 3, 229-232. RST.

Tolfa. The T. mountain zone lies between the modern towns of Civitavecchia and Bracciano, about 70 km to

the north of Rome. On the evidence of the rich > hoard finds of Coste del Marano and Monte Rovello and the settlements of Luni sul Mignone, Monte Rovello and several necropoleis it first flourished at the end of the Bronze Age (12th—1oth cents. BC). By contrast, it is not until the Etruscan period (from the 7th cent. BC) that there seems to have been a further intensive phase of settlement (necropoleis of Pian Conserva, Pian Cisterna

TOLL

1 K.StTRoBEL, Die Galater,vol. 1, 1996

21d., Galatien

und seine Grenzregionen, in: E.SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Galatien, 1994, 29-65 3 Id., Keltensieg und

Galatersieger, in: ibid., 67-96. F.STAHELIN, s.v. T., RE 6 A, 1673-1677; K.STROBEL, Die Staatenbildung bei den kleinasiatischen Galatern, in: H. Bum et al. (eds.), Briickenland Anatolien?, 2002

and Castellina del Ferrone). The reason for this settle-

ment under the dominance of > Caere was presumably the ore deposits in the T. Mountains: iron, lead, copper, above all also alum. A small Hellenistic period sanctuary has been discovered in the Grasceta dei Cavallari. In the Roman period, a dense network of farms developed, beside which, because ofits location and splendour, the Villa della Fontanaccia occupies a special position. — Etrusci, Etruria (with map) R.PERONI, Rispostigli del massiccio della T. (Inventaria Archaeologica 1) 1961; A. Naso et al., Note sul popolamento e sull’economia etrusca (documents of the conference at Florence 1985), 1989, 537-572; A. MAFFEI, F. Na-

sTASI (eds.), Caere e il suo territorio, 1990, 57-135.

C.KO.

Tolistobogii (Tototopoytov Tolistobdgioi). Celtic tribe (Syll.3 59x: Tolistodgioi) which, together with the + Trocmi and led by -» Leonnorius, passed through Thracia in 279/8 BC and into > Byzantium where Nicomedes [2] recruited them as allies [1.236-252]). After 275/4 BC the T. took possession of northwest Phrygia. Until 189 BC -» Gordium was their municipal

centre and their territory extended from the > Axylos in the south to the Bolu basin, and eastwards over the Ankara-Haymana region (> Galatia; [2]). At the begin-

ning of the struggles against Antiochus Hierax after 238 BC, Attalus [4] I defeated the T. at the springs of the > Caicus [1], and the T., > Tectosages and Antiochus

Hierax by the Aphrodisium around 230 BC [3. 86ff.]. Only three of the four T. tetrarchies (‘four-ruler-principalities’; cf. > tetrarchés) were allied with

> Antiochus [5] III against Pergamon and Rome; they were defeated by Cn. Manlius [I 24] Vulso in 189 BC at Olympus [ro]. The Galatae under their leader > Ortiagon, one of the T. tetrarchs, were defeated by Eumenes [3] II in 18 4/3 BC; the Bolu basin was lost to Bithynia in 179 BC. In the late 2nd cent. BC, the T.-tetrarch Sinorix attempted to gain supremacy (IG III* 3429; Plut. Mor. 257f.; capital ~» Blucium). In 86 BC, his son > Deiotarus was the sole

K.ST.

Toll I. TERMINOLOGY Ecypt

II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND

III]. GREEK woRLpD

IV. ROME

I. TERMINOLOGY A toll is a duty on goods imported into or exported from an area of rule. The ancient terms t& téAn/téle (pl.) and portorium can also denote internal tolls and tolls for harbours, roads, bridges and gates, and tele also included other > taxes. Nor is the Latin term vectigal restricted to tolls, but also refers to many taxes and even income in general terms. The éA\Awévia/elliménia was on the one hand a fee for the use of a harbour or, on the other hand, the > harbour’s total income including tolls, or perhaps only a particular ad valorem duty (cf. Men Veets 4540s Anistota Occ, 2225) Pola gira seo:

9529). Il. ANCiENT NEAR EAST AND EGyPt The idea of exacting fees from foreign traders is probably as old as + commerce itself. The fee guaranteed the trader, who otherwise had no rights, protection for his activities. Old Assyrian texts from > Kanesh attest to a complex and diverse system of charges (tolls) which Old Assyrian traders had to expect and which contributed considerably to their transaction costs. Texts from the archive at >» Mari show that toll-keepers were already busily at work on the Euphrates in the early 2nd mill. BC. According to the Turin Royal Papyrus from the reign of > Ramesses [2] II (c. 1279-1213 BC), harbour employees at-» Memphis had to pay a fee of 1 dbn (c. 90 g) of silver for every ship docked — they would probably have collected this sum as a toll beforehand.

II]. GREEK WORLD In the historical records of classical Antiquity, the + Bacchiadae of Corinth (8th/7th cents. BC) are the

TOLL

77%

first Greeks to have imposed charges on the exchange and export of goods (Str. 8,6,20). As no direct taxes

were levied in the Greek poleis, tolls became an important source of income for the public treasury. Xenophon [2] thus recommends attracting as many traders as possible into the Athenian > emporion (Xen. Vect. 3,1-5;cf. also Xen. Hell. 5,2,16; Isoc. Or. 8,21). During

the > Peloponnesian War in 413 BC, the Athenians replaced the tribute with a 5 % import and export duty (eixootr/— eikoste) in all emporia within the territory of their symmachy (Thuc. 7,28). In 410 BC they also erected a toll station in Chrysopolis on the Bosporus to impose a 10 % passage toll (Sexctn/> dekate). After Athens’ resurgence in 390/389 BC, Thrasybulus [3] leased this toll to Byzantium (Xen. Hell. 1,1,22; Pol. 4,44; Diod. Sic. 13,64,2; Aristot. Oec. 2,3). The most

important toll in many Greek cities was the ~ pentekoste, a 2 % duty on the value of all imported and exported goods. At Athens, the lease contract for the pentekoste was auctioned in 400/399 BC for 30 talents, and in the following year for 36 talents (And. 1,133). In Hellenistic Egypt, high tolls also served to protect domestic production of some goods. In the case of oil, for example, under Ptolemaeus [3] II Philadelphus, half the value of the product was demanded as toll (P CZ 59012, ~ Zeno papyri). Numerous

domestic import

tolls were charged on transport within Egypt. In the kingdom of the > Seleucids, too, incomes from the emporia filled the royal coffers (Aristot. Oec. 2,1). Toll issues were of great importance to Hellenistic Rhodes (+ Rhodos), which even waged war against Byzantium in 220 BC when the city on the Bosporus attempted to reimpose a passage toll (Pol. 4,38-47). After > Delos was declared a free port following Roman pressure in 166 BC, a Rhodian emissary complained in Rome that incomes from Rhodes’ harbour (ellimenia) had in consequence fallen from 1 million to only 150,000 drachmai (Pol. 31,7).

IV. ROME According to Roman constructions of the early history of the Tiber metropolis, the plebeians had already been freed from portoria in the very earliest years of the Republic (Liv. 2,9,6; Plut. Publicola 11). The ideal of

freedom from tolls was realized in Italy in 60 BC by a lex Caecilia, once the public purse was filled by vast amounts of > war booty (Cass. Dio 37,51; Cic. Att. 2,16,1). Although Caesar reintroduced import duties to

Italy, it no doubt retained a privileged status on toll issues during the Principate (Suet. Iul. 43). In the provinces, Rome often adapted itself to local usage, so that no unified Roman toll system developed. In Egypt, the Ptolemaic toll station of Schedia (today Kaum al-Giza) near Alexandria [1] remained in place as a station for domestic tolls during the Augustan period, as did the station of the same name in the western Nile Delta on the northern boundary of the Thebaid (P Hib. I 110,24 f.; Str. 17,1,41). Receipts for various domestic

17%

tolls from Roman Egypt afford numerous glimpses of the economic life of the province. The > quadragesima, a 2,5 % toll ad valorem (‘on the value’) when a regional toll boundary was crossed, which endured into Late Antiquity, is attested for the toll regions of Gaul, Hispania (only attested under Caracalla), Asia and Bithynia/Pontus/Paphlagonia (CIL XIV 4708; ILS 1330; AE 1924, 80 = IK 17, 3045; Symmachus, Ep. 65). As well as the Gaulish provinces, the Gaulish region finally encompassed Germania, the Alpine regions and possibly, from the 3rd cent., Rhaetia as well (AE 1930,29; ILS 1561-1566.), while the Hispanic region probably covered the whole Iberian peninsula. A toll of a comparable amount was probably payable on the borders of the Illyrian toll region, which consisted of Rhaetia (until the 3rd cent.), Noricum, Pannonia, IIlyricum, Dacia, Moesia and Thracia (from the mid—2znd cent.) (App. Ill. 6; ILS 1855). A 5 % toll was payable in Cicero’s time for exports from Syracuse (Cic. Verr. 2,2,185). It is not clear what duties were payable in the case of the toll region of Africa (III publica Africae) (ILS 1549 f.). An insight into the organization of toll imposition is permitted by the toll law for the province of Asia of 75 BC, which survives in epigraphic form with later emendations (Monumentum Ephesenum from AD 62, [6]). According to this, every person crossing the border of the toll region of Asia had to visit the next toll station and declare all the goods they carried to the toll-keeper, indicating their value in particular (§ 10; 17; 18; cf. also

Philostr. VA 1,20). Goods not declared or falsely declared could be confiscated by the toll-keeper without further ado (§ 8; 18; 21 f.; cf. also Quint. Decl. 3 59). All goods for one’s own use remained toll-free, as did water and prospected samples. In general, journeys in the public interest and those made in fear of foreign acts of war were exempt from the payment of tolls (§ 25-27; cf. Dig. 39,4,4,1; Paul. Dig. 39,4,9,7; on soldiers’ freedom from tolls: Tac. Ann. 13,51). Further to the provisions on the imposition of tolls, the addenda give a range of precise regulations on the leasing of these tolls and corresponding suretyships (§ 45-62). Local authorities could demand tolls in addition to those set by Rome. The council of the city of > Palmyra issued a comprehensive tax law in AD 137, which contained a number of fixed tolls for local trade: on one donkey-load of olive oil, for instance, a toll of 7 denarii was payable there (OGIS 629). The traders’ economic interests were also considered in setting toils. In Zarae in Numidia, the toll-free import of livestock to be sold

at the weekly market was permitted in AD 202 (CIL VII 4508; 18643). To denote whether goods had already had their toll paid or not, toll-keepers probably used lead seals (goods seals).

At the outer eastern frontiers of the Roman Empire, a toll tariff of 25 % (tetaertn/tetarté; Peripl. m.r. 19; SB 18/13167; AE 1947, 180; cf. also Dig. 39,4,16,7) applied during the Principate. In Late Antiquity (probably already from the reign of Severus [2] Alexander),

TA)

774

the toll (octava) at the outer frontiers was only 12.5 % (Cod. Theod. 4,13,6; Cod. Iust. 4,65,7).

Tolma (ToApo/Tdlma, ‘boldness, daring’). Notes on the ancient concept of T. as a deity, although scanty and late, are unquestionable [1. 1681]: Schol. Aesch. PV 12c HARINGTON mentions an (unidentified) sanctuary to T. and > Anaideia in Athens; in App. Lib. 21 Scipio (+ Cornelius [I 71]) prays to T. and > Phobos; Anth. Pal. 9,29,1-4 (Antiphilus [3] of Byzantium) addresses T. as the fateful inventor of sea travel (ambivalent: Anth. Pal. 7,529,1). Claudianus [2] presents the corresponding Latin Audacia as a personification attendant on Allecto (Carm. 2,34) and as the mental attitude to + nuptiae (Carm. 10,81). In the Pythagorean system of divine numerical entities (> Pythagoras [2]), One corresponds to Apollo, Three to Dice, whereas T. and Eris embody Two (Plut. De Iside 75,381f = Phot. 143a,39

The right to collect taxes and tolls was auctioned to the highest bidder during the Republican period. The award usually went to large societates (> societas) run by > publicani. These societies organized the collection of tolls using their own staff. They lost ground in the Principate as the expansion of the public financial administration meant that its officials (esp ~ procuratores |1]) increasingly collected duties themselves and intensified their monitoring of taxpayers (ILS 1856). However, auctions of tolls to lessees were still taking place in Late Antiquity (Cod. Theod. 4,13,1; AD Born) —+ Commerce; > Phoros; > Publicani; lonai 1K.BrRopERSEN,

Das

Steuergesetz

E. RUPRECHTSBERGER

(ed.), Palmyra,

+ Taxes; > Te-

HENRY).

von

Palmyra,

1987,

in:

153-161

2 M.DreEHER, Das Monumentum Ephesenum und das rémischen Zollwesen, in: MBAH 16.2, 1997, 79-95 3 H.-J. DRExHAGE, Beitrag zum Binnenhandel im r6émi-

schen Agypten aufgrund der Torzollquittungen und Zollhausabrechnungen des Faijum, in: MBAH 1.1, 1982, 6184 41d., Einfliisse des Zollwesens auf den Warenver-

kehr im romischen Reich — handelshemmend oder handelsfordernd?, in: MBAH 13.2, 1994, 1-15 5Id.etal., Die Wirtschaft des romischen Reiches (1.-3. Jahrhundert), 2002, 145-148, 268 f. 6 H.ENGELMANN, D.KNIBBE, Das Zollgesetz der Provinz Asia, in: EA 14, 1989, 1-206 7 J. FRANCE, Quadragesima Galliarum, 2001 8 W. HABERMANN, Statistische Datenanalyse an den Zolldokumenten des Arsinoites II, in: MBAH 9.1, 1990, 50-94 9 J. HASEBROEK, Staat und Handel im alten Griechenland, 1928 (repr. 1966),171-181 10 W.HeEtck,s. v. Zoll, LA 6,1420 11 JONES, LRE, 429 f. 12 P.KARAYANNOPULOS, Das Finanzwesen des friuhbyzantinischen Staates,1958 13 H.KLENGEL, Handel und Handler im alten Orient, 1979, 82-84 14 F.KUDLIEN,

Antike Bezeichnungen fiir ‘Schmuggel’, in: MBAH 2000,

IOO-108

15S.peE

Laet,

Portorium,

17U.MALMENDIER, Societas publicanorum,

2002 18J.F. MarrHews, The Tax Law of Palmyra, in: JRS 74, 1984, 157-180 19 P.OERSTED, Quattuor publica Africae —- Customs Duties or Landtax?, in: A. Mastino (ed.), L’Africa 20 N. OIKONOMIDES,

Romana 9, 1992, Customs, ODB

S. V.

~ Personification 1K. ZIEGLER, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 1679-1681.

JO.S.

Tolmides (Todutdnc/Tolmidés). Son of Tolmaeus, Athenian — stratégos in the years 457-455, 452, 451, 448 and 447 BC [1. 75 ff.]. After the murder of > Ephialtes [2], in the 450s T. became the most important democratic politician and exponent of an aggressive naval league policy (> Delian League). T.’ often assumed political independence from > Pericles [1] is an anachronism (cf. Plut. Pericles 16,3). In 456/5, T. commanded a successful naval operation against the Peloponnese (Thuc. 1,108), in 447 he settled Attic > klérotichoi on Euboea, Naxos and probably also Andros (Diod. Sic. 11,88,3; cf. Plut. Pericles 11,5). In the same year, he fell as — stratégos in the battle of > Coronea [1]; Athens evacuated Boeotia (Thuc. 1,113). 1 Develin.

19.2, 1949

16 H.J. Leuket, Rémische Bleiplomben aus Trierer Funden, 1995

TOLOSA

813-829 1, 566

21J.N. Posreate, Early Mesopotamia. Society and Economy at the Dawn of History, 1992,214 22 PREAUX 23 A.RuBEL, Hellespontophylakes — Zdllner am Bosporos? Uberlegungen zur Fiskalpolitik des attischen Seebunds (IG P 61), in: Klio 83, 2001, 39-51

Tolophon (Todopdv; Tolophon). Port in western Locris (+ Locri [1]; Thuc. 3,101,3; Dionysios Kalliphontos 66 f.) near modern Vidavi, where remains of city walls are visible near Galaxidi. Frequent mentions of the inhabitants of T. in inscriptions from > Delphi. L. Lérat, Les Locriens de l’ouest, vol. 1, 1952, 50 f.5 138145; vol. 2, 1952, passim; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN, vol. 1, 372, n. 2; K.BRAuN, s. v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland,

688; G.J. SZEMLER, T., in: E.W. Kase et al. (eds.), The Great Isthmus Corridor Route, vol. 1, 1991, 92 f. GDR.

234

28 F.VITTINGHOFF, s. v. portorium, RE 22, 346-

Tolosa (To\@ooa/Toléssa). Main city of the Volcae + Tectosages (Str. 4,1,13; Plin. HN 3,37; Ptol. 2,10,9; Cass. Dio 27,90) on a terrace on the right shore of the upper > Garumna, present-day Toulouse. Allied with Rome probably from 121 BC on, T. revolted against the Romans in 106 BC, only to be captured and plundered by the consul Servilius [I 12] Caepio (on the story about

399

«©29 R.P. Wricut, Official Tile Stamps from Lon-

the stolen sacred treasure, the aurum Tolosanum, ‘gold

24 C.SCHAFER, Funktionare in den societates publicanorum, in: MBAH 20.2, 2001, 72-80 25 P.J. SIJPESTEIJN, Duties in Graeco-Roman Customs Egypt, 1987

26 M.C. Stitt, Opening up Imperial Lead Sealings, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 6, 1993, 403-408 27 J. VELISSAROPOULOS, Les naucléres grecs, 1980, 205—

don, in: Britannia 16, 1985, 193-196 30G.K. YOUNG, Rome’s Eastern Trade, 2001 31 M.T. Larsen, The Old

Assyrian City State and Its Colonies, 1976, 194-1983 242245;263-268 32 K. VEENHOLF, Aspects of Old Assyrian BJ.0. Trade, 1972, chs. 12 f.

Ofelia

GicmNaty Diesuqan GellINAmayos7siStreuoc. cit.); from that time, T. was part of the province of Gallia Narbonensis (Caes. BGall. 1,10,1). Caesar estab-

TOLOSA

lished the ivs Latii (> Latin law) in T. and the emperor Domitianus (AD 81-96) elevated T. to the rank of a Roman colonia [6]. In the course of the imperial reform of — Diocletianus (with map), T. became part of the province of — Narbonensis Prima (Amm. Mare.

15,11,14). In AD 417, the > Visigoths led by > Ataulfus captured the city and made it the royal residence of their ‘Tolosanic Kingdom’. As an important centre of commerce,

776

PLS

T. was the transshipment

point for wine

from Italy shipped from + Narbo via T. to » Burdigala (Bordeaux). The city was home to famous jurists and rhetors. It was well known for its numerous prestigious

1 N.G. L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN, vol. 2, 1, 86 f.

Tombs see

D.S.

-> Funerary architecture

Tomi (Tono/To6moi, Towc/Tomis, Tautc/Tomis; Lat. Tomi). Colony of Miletus [2] (Ps.-Scymn. 765) on the west coast of the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos), modern Constanta (Romania). T. was probably founded in

of Christians in AD 250 on the steps of the capitol of T. The brick masonry trade thrived in T. [3]. The city

the 6th cent. BC — although Jer. Chron. 95b,4, lists the founding date as 657 BC. In Plinius [1] the Older (HD 4,44), T. is referred to as Eumenia (originally perhaps an outlying district of T.). T. was built on a small peninsula, with the city occupying much of the western part. T. was located on the coastal road from > Istros [3] to > Byzantium. The earliest mention of T. in

wall (1st cent. AD) which

Memnon (fr. 21, FHG 3,557) refers to it as emporium

schools (cf. Mart. 9,99,3; Auson. Urb. 15,5,17; 16,18,7; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 7,4955). Saturninus, the first bishop in T., fell victim to Decius’ [II 1] persecution

became

necessary

in the

course of a comprehensive urban redesign [4; 5] was primarily built of bricks [1]. The theatre, amphitheatre and two aqueducts are extant. The city was fortified again in c. 275 [2]. 1G. BaccraBERE, A. Bapte, L’enceinte du Bas-Empire a Toulouse, in: Aquitania 14, 1996, 125-130 2 R.DE Fizippo, Nouvelle définition de l’enceinte romaine de Toulouse, in: Gallia 50, 1993, 181-204 3 Id., CH. Rico, La forme et la marque: la brique a Toulouse ..., in: Pallas 46, 1997, 67-86 4M.LaAsBRousse, Toulouse antique, 1968 5 C.E. STEvENS, s.v. T., RE 6 A, 1685-1693 6 J.-M. PAILLER, Domitien et la ‘cité de Pallas’, in: Pallas 34, 1988, 99-109.

A.L. F. Rivet, Gallia Narbonensis, 1988,

115-129.

]-M.DE.

(‘commercial harbour’). Not much information exists

from the 6th to the 4th cents. BC. Towards the mid 3rd cent. BC, Istros [3] and > Callatis fought a war over T. in which Byzantium became involved. From this period on, T. appears to have been an independent — polis with intense commercial activity. Coin minting can be documented up to 70 BC. According to Str. 7,5,12, the hinterland was home to > Scordisci, - Crobyzi and ‘Troglodytae’. Since T. was allied with Mithradates [6] VI, it was captured by Licinius [I 27] Lucullus (71/70 BC). In c. 50 BC., T. was affected by the expansion efforts of ~ Byrebistas (ord. Get. 221). Ovid (+ Ovidius Naso), exiled to T. in AD 9, offers a wealth of source material

on the city which he describes as multicultural and primitive (Ov. Tr. 1,10,41; Ov. Pont. 4,24,59). Under

Tolumnius. Etruscan nomen gentile; most famous bearer: Lars T., king of the > Veii, who in 437 BC brought about the killing of Roman ambassadors by the

Roman rule, T. enjoyed a strong economic (grain trade) and cultural rise due, on the one hand, to the fall of

Callatis and on the other hand to the siltation of the

Fidenati (+ Fidenae), who had defected to him. In the

Danube

subsequent war, he was killed in single combat by Cor-

goods from the Danube (-> Ister, Istrus [2]) via Axiupolis (modern Hinog) to T. for export. As métropolis {1], T. led the - koinon of West-Pontic cities (at first Pentapolis, later Hexapolis), founded in c. 29 BC. T. became the capital and the only diocesan town of the province of Scythia (early 6th cent. AD; Hierocles, Syn-

nelius [I 20] Cossus (Liv. 4,17,1-5; 4,19,1—5); the year

of this single combat was already disputed in ancient tradition (Liv. 4,20,5-11; cf. |r. 563 f.]. Cossus dedicated T.’ armour as spolia opima (> War booty III.) to Iuppiter > Feretrius (for the political role of this under Augustus cf. > Licinius [I 13]). The historical core of the tradition is evidenced by the existence of a Tulumnia gens in Veii and the statues of the killed ambassadors on the rostra (e.g. in Cic. Phil. 4,4 f.). 1R.M. 1965.

Ocitviz,

A Commentary

on Livy, Books

1-5, C.MU.

Tomarus (Topaeocd/Tomaros, also Tuceocd/Tmaros). A sacred mountain (1972m elevation) to the west of + Dodona (Str. 7,7,11; Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 319;

Plin. HN 4,2), now again Tomaros (formerly Olytsika). Derived from T. are Tudeoc/ Tmdrios, Towcordte/ Tomarids and Latin Tomarius as epithets of Zeus and the sacred oak in Dodona, and probably the term tonoveov tomounroi for oracle priests [1. 368 f.]

delta, which made it necessary

to transport

ekdemos 637,1). In AD 599, the + Avares besieged T.

for an entire winter but were unsuccessful (Theophylactus Simocattes 7,13,1) due to the strong fortifications there (Procop. Aed. 4,4). After the period from the 6th to the 9th cents., about which there is a dearth of sources, the city is mentioned by Constantinus [1] Porphyrogennetus (De administrando imperio 9,99), who refers to it by the name of Constantia as a station of the Rus on their way to Constantinopolis. At that time, it must have been under the rule of the Bulgari (+ Bulgaria B.).

The ancient city has been completely covered over by modern buildings so that consistent excavations have not been conducted to this point. Attested are the fortifications of the 2nd cent. AD, rebuilt in the 6th cent., a

ed

778

large villa with mosaics, four basilicas from the 4th/5th cents. and harbour installations. + Black Sea area (with map); > Thracia (with map)

Tonitrualia (Greek Beovtoddyia/brontolégia). Thunder-books, usually organised according to signs of the ~» zodiac, used for interpreting thunder in > divination [3. 1162], e.g. for harvests and war. The surviving tonitrualia are contained either in — Lydus [3], De ostentis [1. 105-113; 4] or in astrological MSS, and in the Middle Ages exercised great influence, primarily in Anglo-Saxon areas [5]. + Clodius [III 4] Tuscus; > Cornelius [II 19] Labeo; ~» Fonteius [I 9]; Vicellius

E. Meyer, s. v. T., RE Suppl. 9, 1397-1428; I. Sroran, Tomitana. Contributii epigrafice la Istoria cetatii Tomis, 1961; A. PODOSINOV, Proizvedenija Ovidija kak istoénik po istorii vostocno} Evropy i Zakavkaz’ja, 1985; G.STEFAN, Tomis

et Tomea,

in: Dacia

11, 1967,

233-258;

V. VELKOV, Cities in Thrace and Dacia in Late Antiquity, 1977, 107; D.M. Prrrrpi, s. v. T., PE, 928 f. Lv.B.

Tomos synkollesimos (towog ovyxodAnouoc/tomos synkollésimos, literally ‘piece glued together’). In Antiquity reports, documents, contracts and other papers belonging together were glued together and kept in archives or in the offices of ‘officials’ (logistat); examples

of papyri from such glued collections are POxy. 53 (AD 316) and 87 (AD 342). It is such a document that is being discussed in POxy. 34 I 12f. (AD 127: tov topov TOV ... OVYXOAANOiWwV/ton tomon ton ... synkollésimon, ‘the volume of pieces of writing glued together’) and probably also in the earlier PGrenfell 2.41.18f. (AD 46: TOMOV OVYXOAANOiLOv/tdmou synkollésimou). POxy. 2131.4 (AD 207) speaks of quite similar ‘small books glued together’. These collections of documents may be numbered by tomos (‘volume’) and kolléma (gluing) and encompass the considerable content of several hundred sheets [1.817°]. In turn they can be collected into larger documents called chdartai [2.18], such as ‘the papyri divided into four scrolls’ (yagtac teteatouous/ chartas tetratomous) of PLond. inedita 2134 (2nd cent. AD). 1N.Lewis, Papyrus in Classical Antiquity, 1974 2 R.SeIDER, Palaographie der griechischen Papyri, 3.1, 1990. GE.SCH.

Tomyris (Touveis/Tomyris), ‘the heroic’ (?). Queen of the Massagetes, to the southeast of the > Aral Sea, c. 530 BC. The exclusively Greek and Latin accounts are presumably legendary, with the earliest surviving being from Herodotus [1], also the most believable (Hdt. 1,205—214). In order to gain power over the Massagetae + Cyrus [2] wooed T. but she spurned him. Cyrus decided on a military campaign and at the river + Araxes [2] at the border received a message from T.: he may either continue three days’ march into her lands and then fight, or allow her to march an equal distance into his lands. Against the advice of the Persian nobles Cyrus followed > Croesus’ plan, advanced and with a trick was able to capture T.’s son; the latter killed himself, however. Without knowing this T. demanded of Cyrus to release her son and leave her lands, otherwise she would ‘satiate the insatiable with blood’ (cf. Hdt. 1,212). Cyrus fell in the subsequent battle; T. mockingly immersed his head in a skin filled with human blood. H. SANCISI-

WEERDENBURG,

The Death of Cyrus, in: Fest-

schrift M. Boyce, vol. 2 (Acta Iranica 2), 1985, 459-471. P.HO.

TOOLS

1M.Maas, John Lydus and the Roman Past, 1992 2 E.Rawson, Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic, 1985, 305 f. 2 W.SPEYER, s. v. Gewitter, RAC ro, 1107-1172. +4 C.WacHsmuTH (ed.), Ioannis Laurentii Lydi liber de ostentis et calendaria Graeca omnia ed., 1897 5 C.WeIsseER, s. v. Donnerbicher, LMA 3, 1251.

MSE.

Tools I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGyptT

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGYPT The tools of the Near Eastern cultures and Egypt comprised the most important types still used in similar designs and functions today. The use of natural objects as tools and their adaptation in order to improve their properties dates back to the Palaeolithic period (e.g. stone tools with various basic functions; increasing differentiation in relation to the qualities for particular usages). Improvements were made in handling (grip, mounting, shafts), the systematic exploitation of mechanical principles, e.g. axial mounting (tournette/revolving working wheel for the production of > pottery) and drive (potters’ wheels in the Middle East from the 4th millennium BC). As political centres began to develop in the 4th millennium BC, new tools were developed and so-called ‘classical’ ones were refined in the Middle East and Egypt. New materials (e.g. + copper, + bronze, iron, — steel), new technologies (e.g. founding) and continuing specialization in crafts and technology (e.g. glass technology, cf. > glass, > metallurgy, stone-cutting technologies) led to the development of numerous specialized tools and further differentiation. It is difficult to provide an overview, partly because of the fluid boundaries with devices related in terms of technology, and also because of the varied spheres in which tools were used, e.g. in the domestic

context, in > agriculture and — husbandry, in > hunting and war (> Armies; > Military technology and engineering), in arts and > crafts and in the > building trade. Evidence comes mostly from written sources, from depictions of tools (esp. on Egyptian reliefs and wallpaintings) and from archaeological objects recognized as tools, as well as from indirect evidence for tools used and methods of use ascertained from traces on archaeological finds. It is usually difficult to answer the question of the date from which a particular tool was

TOOLS

779

780

known, as the tool in question will probably already

hold, from clay pots to clothing (Poll. 10,112; 146; Varro, Ling. 5,105). Other ancient terms whose spectrum of meaning intersects with the modern conception of ‘tools’ are: oyaheta/ergaleia (‘things used for work’, Hdt. 3,131), Sndo/hdpla (‘tools, weaponry, ship’s equipment’, Hom. Il. 18,409), unxavi/mechane, Latin machina (‘mechanical apparatus’, Hdt. 2,125; Vitr. De arch. 10,1) and ferramenta (‘iron equipment’, Veg. Mil.

have been in use prior to the ‘first’ evidence for it (in

illustrations, references in texts, object finds). In a few cases, the date can be pinpointed more exactly: traces of tools on roll seals (> seals) attest to the use of rapidly revolving cutting-wheels mounted on a horizontal axle (lathe spindle) at least from the 2nd third of the 4th millennium BC; stone-cutting technology was subsequently decisively influenced by this (working of hard stone). The horizontal fixing of the object to be worked and its rapid rotation led to the development of the turning lathe, used e.g. in stone- and woodworking. The many ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian tools developed in prehistoric times form a few basic types, the mechanical effect of which can be described as striking (e.g. hammers), cutting/splitting (e.g. knives), perforating (e.g. needles, awls, drills), shaping by removal of material (e.g. scrapers, saws, gravers, etching tools) and by leaving behind material (e.g. punches, chasing tools). The further technological development of tools depended, among other things, on materials (e.g. earth, wood,

stone, metal, ceramics including glass/glazing/quartz ceramics) and on many technological advances. In Ancient Near Eastern agriculture, the basic tools (spades, hoes, harrows, sickles) did not develop significantly in spite of modifications. Innovations were in > irrigation technology (— Water lifting devices) and the > plough (digging stick — simple wooden scratch-plough — plough with reinforced share — plough with seed funnel/‘sowing-plough’). The drill, in its basic form, is known from prehistory. Specialized forms of this tool and improvements on its performance depended on changes to its drive (manual, mechanical: ‘pump’ drive, bow-drive), its type (solid drill, hollow drill), the material for the drilling head (organic, e.g. wood, stone, metal) and the quality of the abrasive (quartz sand, corundum, diamond powder). + Technology J.DeEsHayes, Les outils de bronze, de I’Indus au Danube (IV¢ au II* millénaire), 2 vols., 1960; R. DRENKHAHN, Die

Handwerker und ihre Tatigkeiten im alten Agypten (Agyptologische Abhandlung 31), 1976; A.Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, 41962; P.R. S.

Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries. The Archaeological Evidence, 1994.

RW,

PH)

In philosophical literature in particular one often finds é0yavov/Organon in the sense of ‘tool’ or ‘mechanical apparatus’. Plato [1] exemplifies his abstract considerations on language and the naming of things by a comparison with the use and manufacture of organa (examples: drill, weaver’s sley, ship’s rudder, kithara: Pl. Crat. 388a—390d); war equipment and agricultural implements were also organa. According to Plato, it required special knowledge to manufacture organa, for which reason farmers and craftsmen did not make their own organa, but used smiths and carpenters. It was necessary to prevent — poverty so that craftsmen could always afford suitable organa (Pl. Rep. 370cd; 374d; 421d—422a). Aristotle (+ Aristoteles [6]) distinguishes non-animated organa such as rudders from animated ones such as the steersman’s assistants (Aristot. Pol. 1253b); in Roman literature, Varro [2] makes a similar distinction for instrumenta (Varro, Rust. 1,17). Vitru-

vius distinguishes the organa from the machinae, stating a machina to be a working tool used by several people and an organum to be one used by a single person (Vitr. De arch. 10,1).

B. TOOL TYPES AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES Most ancient tools consisted of a wooden handle and an iron part which had to do most of the work. — Bronze, dominant overall in tool manufacture until

the introduction of — iron early in the rst millennium

BC, was still often used in the Graeco-Roman period for finer tools and precision instruments such as needles and physicians’ implements (-> Surgical instruments, with fig.). Archaeological finds, vase paintings, wallpaintings and relief depictions such as the funerary relief of a smith from Ostia (ZIMMER, no. 119) show the enormous variety of forms of ancient tools, which nonetheless can mostly be derived from the basic types of tools for metal, wood and stone working already

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. TERMINOLOGY

B. TOOL TYPES AND ARCHAEO-

LOGICAL SOURCES

A. TERMINOLOGY Tools are today generally defined as instruments for processing raw materials (esp. metal, wood and stone)

in technical production. This conception does not correspond to ancient thinking, as the Greek and Latin terminology shows. The spectrum of meaning for the terms oxevt/skeueé and instrumentum covers very much more than merely ‘tool’ in the modern sense, being used for virtually all apparatuses and objects in the house-

known from the Ancient Near East and Egypt. Important tools used in antiquity and occurring in many variants were -> knives (opidn/smile; Latin culter), hammers (optea/sphyra; Latin malleus or marcus), anvils (&xwov/akmon; Latin incus), axes (méhexuc/

pélekys; Latin ascia, securis), adzes (axe with blade at a right angle to the shaft, Latin ascia), saws (motwv/prion; Latin serra), piercing saws (Latin lupus), files (dtvn/ rhineé; Latin lima), gravers (Latin caelum), claw chisels

(tools of sculptors and stonemasons, Eoig yaouxtr/xois charakte; Latin scalprum), chisels (owidn/smilé, yAudetov/glypheion; Latin tornus, scalprum), mallets (xohantio/kolaptér), trowels (Latin trulla), levers (Lat-

781

782

in vectis), — scissors (Latin axicia, forfex), drills (tobaavov/trypanon, téeeteov/téretron; Latin modio-

Toparches (tondeync; topdrchés). ‘Leader (aoyet/ archein = rule) of a district (t6pos)’; in the Hellenistic

lus, terebra). Trypanon also denoted siege weapons which ‘drilled’ holes in walls (Aen. Tact. 32,5 f.). The differentiated spectrum of tools attests to the high standards of ancient craftsmen, who did not shirk from improving their tools. While it is probable that only spring tongs, similar to large tweezers, were used during the Bronze Age, the much more serviceable hinged forceps (nveayoa/pyragra; Latin forceps) were already in use by the Late Mycenaeaen period. Great technical strides in surface treatment were made in the Graeco-Roman period by the development of planes (Latin runcina). The first written record of a plane may be contained in a list of a carpenter’s tools from the 3rd cent. BC, which mentions a 6vxdvy/rhykdné (Anth. Pal. 6,204 f.). The earliest depictions of planes are found on Roman coins of the rst cent. BC. Soldering-irons are known for the Roman period only from archaeological sources. In design, they resembled modern hammer soldering-irons. From the Principate, depictions of typical tools on

period the highest civil administrative official in a

gravestones and company signs increasingly also served

as pictorial emblems for the craftsman’s business, manual workers asserting themselves with ever more self-assurance in this period. Hammers, anvils and tongs indicated smithing, trowels and plumbs represented building, and adzes and saws symbolized woodworking. — Aristoteles [6] C 3; > Knives; > Scissors 1 BLUMNER,

Technik

2 R.FINSTER,

HWdPh 6, 1363-1368

s. v. Organon,

3 W.GarTzscu, Eiserne romi-

sche Werkzeuge, British Archeological Reports, Internat. Ser. 78, 1980 41d., Werkzeuge und Gerate der romischen

Kaiserzeit,

in: ANRW

II 12,3,

1985,

170-204

5 M.FeuGERE (ed.), Bibliographie Instrumentum 19942001, 2001 6 A. JOCKENHOVEL, Frihe Zangen, in: S. HANSEN (ed.), Archaologie in Hessen, FS F.-R. Herrmann, 2001, 91-102

7A, 713.

7 F.LAMMERT,s. v. toevaavov, RE

8H.ScHNEIDER, Das griechiche Technik-

verstandnis, 1989

9 ZIMMER.

BJ.O.

Top (otedpiioc/strobilos, also Béupné/béembex, u@voc/ kénos, otedupoc/strombos, otedadoc/strophalos, Latin rhombus, turbo). The top was a popular toy in Antiquity (+ Children’s games); made of box wood (hence also called buxum in Latin) with cross grooves, it was set rotating with the fingers and then propelled with a whip (Verg. Aen. 7,373-383 in an epic simile; Callim. Epigr. 1,9; Tib. 1,5,3; Anth. Pal. 7,89). Original tops of clay, bronze, lead and other materials have been preserved as grave goods and votive gifts in sanctuaries (cf. Anth. Pal. 6,309) [1]. 1S. Laser, Sport und Spiel, in: ArchHom T, 1987, 98f. P.Ho.ter, K., 1989; K.SCHAUENBURG, in: Antike Welt 7, 1976, H. 3, 43-45.

Erotenspiele 1, R.H.

TOPICS

> topos (q.v.).

W.ED.

Topazos (Tomatoc; Tépazos). Island, of which Pliny

gives a detailed account, allegedly the place of origin of the name of the precious stone topaz. According to Plin. HN 37,24;108 it was 300 stadia from the Arabian coast in the Red Sea, and in the language of the > Trogodytae T. means ‘seek’, since the fog-enshrouded island often had to be looked for by seafarers. It appears as an Indian island in Steph. Byz. s.v. Tomdtuos. K.KE.

Topics I. TERMINOLOGY ARGUMENT

II. ARISTOTLE: FORMS OF III. CiICcERO: COMMONPLACES

I. TERMINOLOGY

Today, some aspects of the dialectical and rhetorical theory of argument, as systematized by Aristotle [6] in the Topikd and the Rhétorike téchné, are subsumed under the general term of topics. Témoc/T6pos (literally ‘place’, then ‘commonplace’) does, of course, already appear earlier as a technical rhetorical term (Isocr. Tp UDIGS LOO LO,4 lov s8s) 1525476 eALIStOm Dew Ale 1443b 31; Lat. locus), but not until Aristotle was an essential role assigned to the tdpoi (pl.; Lat. Joci) — not only for achieving rational persuasion, but also for arousing emotions (> Affects). II. ARISTOTLE: FORMS OF ARGUMENT Whereas the treatment of the topoi represents the overall program of the Topikd, in the Rhetoric Aristotle uses t6pos primarily in relation to deductive reasoning (Aristot. Rh. 1358a rz ff.), to which he adds his own definition of this technical term at the end of book 2 (ibid. 1403a 18 ff.; cf. 1396b 22). In this context, topos takes on the meaning of a general principle, on the basis of which an argument may be formed. Cicero later refers to this function when he gives a definition of the argumentative /oci that emphasizes their heuristic nature and at the same time clarifies the difference between locus and argumentum (Cic. Orat. 2,162). Topoi

of this type are purely formal principles, which are therefore valid for the discovery of arguments in every discipline. In this context, Aristotle (Rh. 13 58a 12 ff.) speaks of tomo. xowot/ topoi koinot (or now? /Roinéi; ‘commonplaces’), and cites as an example the topos of ‘more and less’, which is appropriate for arguments with analogies to other orders of magnitude in law, physics, politics and other disciplines. He emphasizes the usefulness of these commonplaces in all kinds of enthymemes (katholou peri hapanton; ibid. 13974 1) and then studies a list of 28 such topoi in detail (ibid. 1397a 7-1400b 36). This class of formal t6poi includes nine additional tépoi which Aristotle considers separately since only apparent enthymemes can be formed from them (ibid. r40ra 1-1 4024 28).

TOPICS

783

784

By contrast, the topoi that provide specific premisses

means of demonstration, since here the res in question must first be rendered plausible (cf. Quint. Inst. 5,12,3).

(meotdoeic/protdseis) — in other words, those that are

associated with a specific discipline — as well, within rhetoric itself, as premisses falling within the domain of one of the three genera (~ Genera causarum), have a

more concrete nature. Aristotle expressly distinguishes these genre-specific premisses from the topoi koinoi by calling them eidnfeidé (ibid. 1358a 31 f.). The topo underlying these premisses serve the respective ‘goal’ (télos) of the three genres, viz., agathon and kakon (‘good vs. ‘bad’), kalon and aischron (‘fair’ vs. ‘ugly’), and dikaion and ddikon (‘just’ vs. ‘unjust’; ibid. 1396b 27 ff.). According to the Aristotelian conception of rhetoric, the topoi also have an essential heuristic function outside of logical conclusions in the strict sense (pistis dia tou logou). For instance, they act as support in the application of the pisteis atechnoi (ibid. 1376a 31 f. on the ethical evaluation of witnesses; for this concept see - Argumentatio). A series of specific topoi serve for the generation or destruction of capricious suspicion (ibid. 1416a 4-b 16 peri diabolés); while av&nou/auxesis

and weiwmots/meiosis, - Amplificatio and diminutio are merely the result of the application of topoi suitable to such purposes (ibid. r419b 23). ~ Pathos and > ethos acquire a ‘technical’ status or can be considered as pisteis éntechnoi (—~ Argumentatio) precisely because they come about thanks to the knowledge of the necessary topoi (ibid. 1396b 31 f., cf. 1380b 30 f. and 1419b 27).

III. CrcERO: COMMONPLACES T6pos is never found in Aristotle in the sense of a ready-made argument usable in a variety of situations, which is constitutive for the loci communes, the treatment of which Cicero (Cic. Brut. 46 f.; cf. Quint. Inst.

3,1,1) ascribes already to Protagoras [1] and Gorgias [2]. The most precise description of this type of ‘commonplaces’ is provided by Cic. Inv. 2,48 ff. and De or. 3,10 f. In both works, the loci communes are divided into two categories, the first of which corresponds to the notion of the progymnastic koinds topos (+ Progymnasmata), the second to philosophers’ arguments that sound out both sides of a question. In the first case, the loci communes are the amplificatio (‘increase’) of a res certa (a fact already ascertained); in the second, they are the amplificatio of a res dubia (an uncertain state of

affairs), representing the discussion of both sides of a controversy, and may be utilised by the prosecution as

A heuristic function is fulfilled, on the one hand, by

the loci which Cicero considers inherent to the matter in dispute, and which he divides into four categories: ex toto, ex partibus eius, ex nota and ex eis rebus quae quodam modo affectae sunt ad id de quo quaeritur (‘from the whole, its parts, what is known, and what is affected’; Cic. Top. 8 ff.; cf. De or. 2,163 ff.); and on the

other by the attributa personis and the attributa negotiis (Cic. Inv. 1,34 ff.; 2,28 ff.). In technical rhetorical

literature, the treatment of topics is associated with the doctrine of how the individual quaestiones belong to various > Status [1]. + RHETORIC; > Rhetoric H.Bium,

Die antike Mnemotechnik,

1969; L.CALBOLI

MonteFusco, La dottrina degli “status” nella retorica greca e romana, 1986; Ead., Die Topik in der Argumentation, in: G. UepinG (ed.), Rhetorik zwischen den Wissenschaften, 1991, 21-34; Ead., La force probatoire des

pisteis atechnoi d’Aristote aux rhéteurs latins de la republique et de l’empire, in: G. DAHAN, I. Rosier (eds.), La

Rhétorique d’Aristote. Traditions et commentaires de Pantiquité au XVII* siécle, 1998, 13-35; Ead., Die adtributa personis und die adtributa negotiis als loci der Argumentation,

in: TH. SCHIRREN,

G.UEpING

(eds.), Topik

und Rhetorik, 2000, 37-50; TH. Cote, The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece, 1991; B. EMRICH, Topik und Topoi,

in: M.L. BAEUMER (ed.), Topos-Forschungen, 1973, 210-251; W.M. A. GRIMALDI, Studies in the Phi-

losophy of Aristotle’s Rhetoric, 1972; Id., The Aristotelian Topics, in: K.V. Er1KSON (ed.), Aristotle. The Classical Heritage of Rhetoric, 1974, 177-193; G. KENNEDY, The Art of Persuasion in Greece, 1963; Id., A New History of Classical Rhetoric, 1994; A.D. LEEMAN et al., M. Tullius Cicero, De oratore libri III, vol. 3, 1989, 99-

290 (comm.); M.Lerr, The Topics of Argumentative Invention in Latin Rhetorical Theory from Cicero to Boethius, in: Rhetorica 1, 1983, 23-44;J.MARTIN, Antike Rhetorik, Technik und Methode, 1974; L. PERNOT, Lieu et

lieu commun dans la rhétorique antique, in: Bulletin de l’Association Guillaume Budé, 1986, 253-284; F. PIAZZA, Il corpo della persuasione. L’entimema nella retorica greca, 2000; O.PRIMAVEsI, Die aristotelische Topik, 1996; P.SLOMKowskI, Aristotle’s Topics, 1997; F. SOLMSEN, Die Entwicklung der aristotelischen Logik und Rhetorik, 1929; J.SpRUTE, Topos und Enthymem in der aristotelischen Rhetorik, in: Hermes 103, 1975, 68-90; Id., Die Enthymemtheorie der aristotelischen Rhetorik, 1982. L.C.M.

well as by the defence. In both cases, the matter at issue must be a general state of affairs (Cic. De or. 3,106; cf.

Toponyms see

> Geographical Names

Hermog. 12,4 f. RABE). Since they lack any reference to a specific person (cf. Grillius 40,15 ff. MARTIN; Emporius 567,11 ff. HALM), the loci communes can be used in many similar situations. The argumentative function of both these types of loci communes is quite different: in the first case, the amplificatio of guilt serves for arousing emotions, which is why it has its place primarily in the peroratio (> Epilogue). By contrast, the amplificatio of a res dubia represents a very strong

Topos (t6x0¢/topos).

[1] Territorial subdivision of a nome

(+ noms

[2]),

attested from the Hellenistic period onwards in Egypt and in its external possessions (Syria, Palestine, southern Asia Minor); also as an administrative unit under

the > Seleucids and Attalids (> Attalus, with stemma),

probably with a similar structure but not understood in detail [1. 440]. In Egypt a topos comprised several villages or k6mai (— Kome B), and therefore formed a unit

785

786

of intermediate size, which had no pharaonic antecedent, unlike the nome and kome, but was newly formed in the 3rd cent. BC [2. 146] in order to be able to fully register the country’s resources. At the top was a topdrchés, as a rule an Egyptian, who looked after state revenues and was liable for them [1. 276]. He had similar duties at the level of the topos as a > nomdrchés or ~ komarchés at their respective levels. Also active in a topos was the leader of a secretariat, the topogrammateus, an epistatés (-> Epistatai) or overseer as chief of the local police and an oikondmos as the leader of the revenue authority, but from the 2nd cent. BC onwards actual or assumed functions often overlapped.

engraving or chasing/embossing. Traces of this technique can be detected in Egypt and the Near East since at least the 4th millennium BC. Among the oldest toreutic techniques would be the raising or sinking of cast blanks into vessels (Uruk period, end of the 4th millennium BC), as well as joining techniques for individually prepared parts (rivets, joggles, sometimes fixed by a binding agent such as pitch), priming (parting and detaching by chiseling), decoration by chisel-like punches, plating and folding, as well as reinforcing borders by flanging and wires hammered around with sheet metal. In the case of larger objects, hammering copper

1 RostovizerF, Hellenistic World 2 E. Turner, Ptolemaic Egypt, in: CAH 7, *1984, 118-175. W.ED.

[2] See - Topics.

Toprakkale see —» Urartu Torah see > Judaic law; > Pentateuch

Toranius. Italian gens name, primarily in Latium (cf. [2. 98]; AE 1980,588).

[1] T., C. In 73 BC quaestor of P. Varinius, defeated by -» Spartacus (Sall. Hist. 3,96 M.; Flor. Epit. 2,8,5); c.

64 aed. pl. with C. Octavius [I 2] and in 62 (or 60-58: [1]) praetor (otherwise: MRR 3,63). After the death of Octavius in 59 BC he became the guardian of the later ~ Augustus. A moderate Pompeian in the Civil War, T. waited until c. 45 (on Corcyra?: Cic. Fam. 6,20 f.) fora pardon from Caesar. His own ward had him proscribed in 43 BC (Suet. Aug. 27,1; hushed up in Nicolaus of

TOREUTICS

sheets over a (wooden) core required less material than

did casting techniques. Representations of toreutic activities are found on Egyptian funerary reliefs. In addition to providing form, toreutic methods served primarily for decoration. Engraving (by chip removal) was probably not practiced with frequency until a later period (for instance in Egypt from the 18th Dynasty, mid— 2nd millennium BC), while chiselling, which displaced material, was undertaken from the front by means of tracers over a filler of pitch. Plastic decorations were usually produced by embossing from the back side of the plate (repoussé) and by chiselling the front side of the object. High points of toreutics are attested by the metal finds from the royal tombs from > Ur in Iraq (mid—3rd millennium BC) and the grave of > Tutankhamun (mid—14th cent. BC: gold masks, gold sarcophagi, funerary furnishings). More recent objects bear witness to scarcely more than a completion and refinement of these methods. ~ Metallurgy; > Technology

(the Thuranius killed at App. B Civ. 4,71 f. is probably

R.R. S. Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, 1994, esp. 216-301; P.T. NICHOLSON, I. SHaw (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technol-

C. Turranius, praet. in 44 BC).

ogy, 2000, 148-161.

Damascus, Vita Caesaris 2,3), but T. may have survived

1 F.X.

Ryan,

1996, 207-215

Four Republican 2SCHULZE.

Senators, in: CeM

47, JOP.

Torch see — Lighting

Torcularium see

-» Presses

Toreutics (togevtixi téyvr/toreutike téchne; Lat. caelatura; literally ‘chiseling’, from togetvc/toreus, Lat. caelum, ‘chisel’) denotes the chasing and repoussé work of thin plates of metal, or else works in which chasing is combined with repoussé work to design relief work; repoussé work may be replaced by casts. I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPT Il. PHornticiA III. GREECE AND ITALY I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT Toreutics designates primarily the productive technique by which metals (gold/electrum, silver, copper/bronze, lead, iron) were shaped in a cold state. The

objects (plaques), usually thin, were formed and decorated primarily by drilling, hammering/repousse work,

R.W.

I]. PHOENICIA Phoenician toreutics was famous far beyond the Levant from the early Iron Age (c. roth—rrth cents.

BC). Its best-known example is the silver crater described at Hom. Il. 23,741-751, which Achilles [1] offers as a prize for the winner of the footrace at the funeral games for Patroclus [1]. Its products were accordingly appreciated among the aristocracy of the Near East and both the higher and ‘peripheral’ cultures of the Mediterranean. Two groups dominate the archaeological material from the roth to the 6th cents. BC: metal bowls with relief decorations and pearshaped jugs, initially of bronze, later of silver, often partially gilded in addition. Their dissemination extended from the palaces of the Neo-Assyrian kings (Nimrtd), by way of Greek aristocratic graves and shrines, as well as the princely tombs of Etruria and Latium, as far as >» Tartessus in southwest Spain. Workshops may be assumed to have existed in the Phoenician cities of the East and in Cyprus, and in isolated cases in the region of the Mediterranean expansion (Etruria, Tartessus?).

+ Phoenicians, Poeni,IV. B.; > Thymiaterion

787

788

G. FALSONE, L’art. Arts des métaux, in: V.KriNnGs (ed.), La civilisation Pheénicienne et Punique (HbdOr 1.20), 1995, 426-439; G.MARKOE, Phoenician Bronze and Silver Bowls, 1985; Id., Phoenicians, 2000, 148-150. H.G.N.

beginning of the heyday of relief mirrors and vessels sometimes worked in relief and sometimes decorated with figured embossed appliqué. Most finds from the Classical Period stem from Thrace, Macedonia and southern Russia, where they were imitated in the local style. Toreutics experienced its artistic and cultural high point at the Hellenistic princely courts in the form of

TOREUTICS

lil. GREECE AND ITALY

A. THE BRONZE AGE AND THE IST HALF OF THE IST MILLENNIUM BC B. FROM CLASSICAL GREECE TO THE HELLENISTIC

PERIOD

C. FROM THE ROMAN

REPUBLIC TO THE 3RD CENT. AD

D. LATE AN-

TIQUITY

A. THE BRONZE AGE AND THE IST HALF OF THE 1sT MILLENNIUM BC In the rst half of the rst millennium BC, toreutics

was primarily carried out in bronze, then in silver, gold, iron or combinations thereof (Plin. HN 33,15-157; Quint. Inst. 2,21,9). Its principal objects included vessels as well as boxes, mirrors, arms and utensils. Toreu-

tics appears only seldom on statues (— Sphyrelaton; ~ Gold-ivory technique). In addition to originals, often preserved as part of treasure hoards (— Silver hoards),

indirect testimonies to toreutics include impressions in plaster or clay. Toreutics is mentioned epigraphically in votive inventories (Delos, CIG XI), and is described in the literature of the Imperial Period in the context of an interest in collecting. Toreutics was a highly-prized genre of art (> Corinthian alloy), and its masterworks

were often ascribed to sculptors of the Greek Classical Period (Plin. HN 34,54). Minoan-Mycenaean art used toreutics on weapons, vessels and gold masks. In Geometric-Archaic Greece, toreutics was primarily worked in bronze, as in the applied protomai on the griffincauldrons from the 7th cent. BC in Olympia, whose models were initially Assyrian-Phoenician import items. The so-called Cretan shields date from the same period, as do figured vessels in Cyprus and Phrygia. Corinth and Sparta were famous production sites for toreutics in the 6th cent., although the attribution of the few vessel finds is controversial. High-quality production of candelabras and vessels, tripods and chariot parts in bronze and silver, decorated with figures, began also in 7th-cent. BC Etruria, after initial Phoenician imports.

B. FROM CLASSICAL GREECE TO THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD

Classical Greek toreutics can be known primarily through copies and imitations from the periphery or from later periods. Its centres included Corinth once again, as well as Tarentum, which took up the Spartan tradition. From Athens, such masterworks of toreutics as the lamp of > Callimachus [2] in the Erechtheum are transmitted only in literature (Paus. 1,26,6), while preserved material includes cheek-flaps for helmets, clay seal-impressions and, beginning in the late sth cent. BC, bronze hydriai with toreutic appliqué, sometimes figured and made of silver. The 4th cent. BC saw the

silver dinnerware, which was also dedicated at shrines.

In addition to the few preserved pieces, we are informed about them by literary sources (Liv. 27,16,7; Ath. 5,199;

11,782b).

Hemispherical

Achaemenid toreutics, decoration, and figured especially popular. By andrian and Pergamene plaster casts.

cups, influenced

by

with vegetal or mythological rhtya in precious metals were contrast, the famous Alextoreutics is known only from

C. FROM THE ROMAN REPUBLIC TO THE 3RD CENT. AD In Rome, silverware acquired great importance for

the banquet-culture of the late Roman Republic and the early Imperial Period. The collectors’ passion for argentum vetus (‘old silver’) is described by such authors as Plin. HN 26,139, Sen. Trang. 9, Martial [1. nos. 21732176, 2181-2183] and Cic. Verr. 2,1-4. Crustae (‘enca-

sings in relief’) were taken from vessels, and Greek originals were copied or falsified by means of plaster casts. Most preserved pieces date from the early Imperial Period. The vessels are decorated with mythological scenes, less often with historical or erotic scenes. Contemporary artists such as > Zopyrus and > Chirisophus [2] took their thematic and stylistic inspiration from Greek toreutics. Figured decoration is also found on the inside of bowls in Roman toreutics. In addition to kantharoi, the type of the Megarian cup (— Relief ware) and cups with mythological medallions (— Silver hoards of Hildesheim and Boscoreale) after Hellenistic models were especially popular. Gallic workshops, in which a local style becomes more evident, appear in the 2nd—3rd cents.

AD

(treasure

of Berthouville).

The

toreutic style of the Antonine period tends toward stylization and chiaroscuro effects obtained by energetic chiseling of contours. D. LaTE ANTIQUITY

In Late Antiquity, toreutics is attested by a plethora of rich, high-quality hoards (for instance, Kaiseraugst, c. AD 350), which go back partly to guest-gifts (apophoréta; - Presents II.) among the aristocratic circles,

partly to church furnishings and fixtures. Colour effects (through niello inlays) and ornamental decoration are

frequent, while figured material continues to imitate the Classical style, and mythological themes appear even in a Christian surroundings (the Esquiline treasure from Rome, London, BM).

Ancient toreutics was determined by the exchange of iconographies and styles beyond cultural borders, and by the longevity of Classical forms and images. The study of toreutics is therefore oriented equally toward questions of art and art history.

789

799

1 OVERBECK, sources).

NOs.

263-305;

2167-2205

(written

E.SaGLIOo, s. v. caelatura, DS 1.2, 1887, 778-810; E. PerNICE, F. WINTER, Der Hildesheimer Silberfund, 1901; E. BABELON, Le trésor d’argenterie de Berthouville, 1916; P. WUILLEUMIER, Le trésor de Tarente, 1930; A. Maruri, La Casa del Menandro ed il suo tesoro di argenteria, 1932;

U. Jantzen, Griechische Greifenkessel, 1955; H.KUTHMANN, Untersuchungen zur Toreutik des 2. und tr. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., 1959; F. CANCIANI, I rilievi bronzei cretesi e il problema dell’arte orientalizzante, 1960; D.E. SrronG, Greek and Roman Gold and Silver Plates, 1966; E.SIMON, s. v. toreutica, EAA 7, 1966, 919-948; I. CaLABI LIMENTANI, Ss. v. toreutica, EAA Suppl., 1970, 854; E.D. ReEDER, Clay Impressions from Attic Metalwork, 1974; R. LAFFINEUR, Les vases en métal précieux a |’époque mycénienne, 1977; C. REINSBERG, Studien zur helle-

nistischen Toreutik. Die antiken Gipsabgiisse aus Memphis, 1980; K.J. SHELTON, The Esquilin Treasure, 1981; L. Musso, Manifattura suntuaria e committenza pagana nella Roma del IV secolo, 1983; F. BARRATTE, ROmisches Silbergeschirr in den gallischen und germanischen Provinzen, 1984; H.A. CAHN (ed.), Der spatromische Silberschatz von

Kaiseraugst,

1984; F.BARRATTE,

Le trésor

d’orfévrerie romaine de Boscoreale, 1986; M. PFROMMER, Studien zu alexandrinischer und grof$griechischer Toreutik frihhellenistischer Zeit, 1987; S. FAusT, Fulcra. Figiirlicher und ornamentaler Schmuck an antiken Betten,

1989; F.BarrRatTTE, La yaisselle d’argent en Gaule dans Pantiquité tardive, 1993; H.MIeLscH, s. v. toreutica, EAA Secondo suppl. 5, 1997, 797-804; H.MIgELscH,

B. NreMeYER, Rémisches Silber aus Agypten in Berlin, in: BWPr, 2001, 139 f.

Tormenta

RN.

see — Catapult;

+ Quaestio; — Quaestio

TORQUES

like promontory of the Chalcidian peninsula. Its significance in Antiquity was primarily due to an excellent harbour, still in use today, in a bay on the southwestern side of the peninsuia and the fertile plain on its eastern side. The earliest sources for the history of T. are coins (minted from the 6th cent. BC). Until the > Peloponnesian War T. was the most important city of the Chalcidians (> Chalcidice), to which the administration of > Olynthus was transferred after its seizure by the Persians in 479 BC. In the Athenian lists of tribute quotas (ATL 1, 426 f.) T. is listed with six talents at the most; in contrast to the other Chalcidian cities, it remained loyal to Athens even after 432 BC and seceded only in 423, at the instigation of the oligarchs, to > Brasidas, who installed a Spartan commandant in the city (Thuc. 4,1 10116; 4,132,3). In the summer of 422, T. was reconquered by > Cleon [1] and severely punished (Thuc. 5,2 f.); it was ceded to the Athenians in the Peace of + Nicias [x] in 421 BC (Thuc. 5,18,8). After a few years of independence, T. was a member of the Chalcidian League, and in 380 was occupied by the Spartan king > Agesipolis [1] (Xen. Hell. 5,3,18). After the provisional dissolution of the Chalcidian League T. was again independent, but in 364 BC was conquered by the Athenian strategos Timotheus [1] (cf. Isoc. Or. 15,108; Diod. Sic. 15,81,6). Soon afterwards T. returned to the Chalcidian League and by treachery fell into the hands of Philippus [4] II in 349 BC (Diod. Sic. 16,53,2). The town continued to exist, although possibly in the territory of the newly founded Cassandrea (> Potidaea). T. is mentioned in connexion with the second and third > Macedonian Wars as an important harbour (Liv. 31,45,15;

44,12,73 45,30,4). > Chalcidice

per tormentum

Tornadotus. Tributary of the > Tigris rising in the Iranian uplands, mentioned in Plin. HN 6,132, modern Diyala. Its name is recorded from the 2nd millennium BC, Akkadian Turan/Turnat, and as late as in mediaeval Arabic sources as Tamarrd. The main route to Babylonia from the eastern Tigris region and the Iranian uplands ran along the lower reaches of the T. From the lower T. numerous canals branched off towards the southeast to the Tigris; these may have been identical

F.PapAzoGLou, Les villes de Macedoine 4 |’€poque romaine, 1988, 429 f.; M. ZAHRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 247-251.

M.Z.

Torquatus. Roman cognomen (decorated with a torque (> Torques I.)), prominent in the Manlii family (cf. > Manlius [I 12; > 14-21]). Legend on its origin in Rive 7uo, une KaJANTO, Cognomina, 346.

K.-L.E.

with rivers mentioned in Graeco-Roman sources, such

as Physcus (Xen. An. 2,4,25) and» Gyndes. On or near the T. were important Ancient Oriental cities and fort-

Torques

(‘torque’; Lat. also torquis; Gr. otgentov/

resses, such as Mé-Turran (modern Tall Haddad/Baradan), E8nunna and later Greek centres, such as Apol-

strepton, ‘twisted’).

lonia and Artemita. mouth.

AREA

Opis [3] can be located at its

R.M. Apams, Land Behind Baghdad: A History of Settlements on the Diyala Plains, 1965; C. Saporetti (ed.), Siti storici nella valle della Diyala. Passato e presente, 2000.

K.KE.

Torone (Toowvn/Torone). A city, located at the modern village of Toroni (Hdt. 7,122; Scyl. 66), dominating the whole southern part of > Sithonia, the middle finger-

I. CLassicAL ANTIQUITY

II. CELTO-GERMANIC

I. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Helically twisted collar of bronze, gold or silver with open but almost touching ends, which were thickened or figure-shaped and could sometimes be turned outwards. Torques are known from the Bronze Age onwards and numerous examples survive. The Greeks learned of torques from the Medes and Persians, where they were worn by people of high status (Hdt. 8,113,1;

TORQUES

791

792

9,80,4; Xen. Cyr. 1,3,2—3; cf. Curt. 3,3,13), eg. the

Sotira to the north of Kamenitsa; a prehistoric settle-

Great King in the -» Alexander Mosaic, or were gifts presented by the Great King (Hdt. 3,20). Torques were also particularly popular among the Celts (Gauls); Gaulish warriors wore them when they marched into battle (Str. 4,4,5; Plin. HN 33,15; cf. Pol. 2,31,4); Manlius [I 12] Torquatus received his epithet by taking torques from Gauls he killed and wearing them himself (Liv. 7,10,11; cf. Prop. 4,10,44). For the Romans the

torque was part of military decoration (-» dona militaria), but was also awarded as a prize in games (SHA Alex. 3; in Suet. Aug. 43,2 it is a ‘consolation prize’). Etruscan women and men wore them from c. 400 BC; it was rare for Roman women and goddesses. Cu. ELuére, L’Or des Celtes, 1987, 165-188; Id., Celtic Gold Torcs, in: Gold Bull. 20, 1987, 22-27; M.]. GREEN, The Celtic World, 1994, esp. 102 f., 300 f.;J.RUMSCHEID,

Kranz und Krone. Zu Insignien, Siegespreisen und Ehrenzeichen der romischen Kaiserzeit (IstForsch 43), 2000, 52.

R.H.

Il. CELTO-GERMANIC AREA In > Celtic archaeology torques is the designation for collars, usually of > gold (II B) and bronze, occasionally also — silver (II C) and iron, which are often mentioned in ancient sources (see I) as insignia or status

ment is nearby on Mount Sakovouni (finds from the

Neolithic to the Mycenaean period). 1 A.PLassart, Inscriptions d’Orchomeéne d’Arcadie, in: BCH 39, 1915, 58-60 25S.Dusanic, Notes épigraphiques sur l’histoire arcadienne, in: BCH 102, 1978, 346358.

R.Hope Simpson, Mycenaean Greece, 1981, 88; G.A. PIKOULAS, TO T. tig “Aoxadiac, in: Horos 8-9, 1990-91,

135-152.

SAT.

Tortoise [1] (yek@vn/chelone, tui princely graves of the 6th/5th cents. BC (e.g. + Glauberg; - Hochdorf) gold torques are a characteristic element of the equipment of a warrior noble, also represented in corresponding warrior statues (stelai, e.g. — Glauberg,

The Homeric Hymn to Hermes (Hom. H. 4,33 ff.: a tortoise shell used as a lyra sounding board, cf. + Musi-

-» Hirschlanden). Gold torques also occur, however, in

cal instruments V.A.1., cf. Paus. 2,19,7) and the frag-

the tombs of noble women of this period (e.g. > Wald-

ment Emp. B 76 (31 B 76 DK) are the earliest records. Aristotle provides a great deal of information on the body and internal organs and the voice (an intermittent hissing, Plin. HN 11,267 in accordance with Aristot. Hist. an. 4,9,536a 6 f.) and mating of toroises (laying and burying eggs on land, ibid. 5,33,558a 4-14; Aristot. De respiratione 10,475b 23; Plin. HN 9,37; Plut. Soll. an. 33 = Mor. 982b-c), as does Plin. HN (e.g.

algesheim and — Vix). In simple tombs (esp. of women)

of the 5th/4th cents. BC bronze collars of the most varied shapes are characteristic grave goods. In the tombs of Celts of the 3rd—1st cents. BC torques evidently have no particular significance, although the depiction of the Dying Gaul from > Pergamum (IV C 2) represents the torque as a distinctive emblem for this period. In this era torques are quite a common constituent of > hoard finds. In the Germanic sphere the torque evidently has no corresponding significance, but in the princely graves of the 3rd cent. AD gold collars are quite common as grave goods. » Germanic archaeology T.CAPELLE,

s.v.

Halsschmuck,

R. CorpiE-HACKENBERG,

RGA

Halsringe,

13,

455-460;

in: H.Breck

(ed.),

dines terrestres), sea turtles (marinae), marsh tortoises/turtles (/utariae) and freshwater tortoises (eydes).

9,158)

In Arcadia

there were

large tortoises

(Paus.

8,23,9). The view was widespread that a tortoise would protect itself with > origanon against the poison of a snake it had eaten (first in Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),6,612a 2428). Birds of prey, such as the eagle (Plin. HN 10,7), would break the tortoise’s shell (cf. Aristoph. Av. 1292)

by lifting it and dropping it on stones (Soph. Fr. 279;

Hundert Meisterwerke keltischer Kunst, 1992, 171-177;

Ael. Nat. 7,16). The proverbially slow movement (e.g.

Cu. ELugre, L’Or des Celtes, 1987, ro6-110; R. HeyNOWSKI, Eisenzeitlicher Trachtschmuck der Mittelgebirgszone zwischen Rhein und Thiringer Becken, 1992; H. Lorenz, Totenbrauchtum und Tracht, in: BRGK 59, 1978, 3-380. V.P.

Anth. Pal. 11,436; Plut. Mor. ro82e; S. Emp. P. H. 3,77) — of the testudineus gradus (Tert. De pallio 3; Hieron. Epist.

125,18) — was also a theme in fables (Aesop. 106, 226 and 230 Perry). In southern and eastern countries sea turtles were caught for food, e.g. in > Carmania

(Plin. HN

6,109;

GGM

1,352;

Diod.

Torthyneum (Toedbvewv; Torthyneion). Town in cen-

3,21). The cutting up and cooking of a tortoise by Croe-

tral Arcadia (Plin. HN 4,22; inscr.: [2]), to the southeast

sus (Hdt. 1,48) is mentioned in connexion with the Delphic Oracle; it was not usual, however, for the Greeks (Zenob. 2,29) and was believed to cause diarrhoea

or south bordering -» Orchomenus [3] and > Methydrium [1], recently identified with the remains of Hagia

123

794

(Zenob. 4,19). The flesh of tortoises was smoked and used as a protection from the magical arts and poisons

456 BC that the sea turtle was replaced on coins by a land tortoise [4]. The Archaic reverse was retained. During the exile of the Aeginetes, 43 1-404 BC, minting was interrupted.

(Plin. HN 32,33), the blood, combined with flour and shaped into small balls, was used for cataracts and against the poison of snakes, spiders and frogs (Plin. loc.cit.). Particular healing powers were also ascribed to the bile, the ash of the dorsal shell and the urine (Plin. loc.cit.). For the other species of tortoise Plin. HN 32,3 5-41 is also familiar with similar recipes. The shells — particular of the larger species — allegedly found a use in the covering of roofs (as in Str. 16,4,14; Diod. 3,21; Plin. HN 6,91; Curt. 9,8,2; Ael. Nat. 16,17) and as a raw material for tortoiseshell (Vell. 2,56,2; Varro Men. 448; the faking of fine wood with tortoiseshell in Plin. HN 16,233). People also used it to make

TORTURE

EDITIONS:

1F.Hu.rscu, Metrologicorum scriptorum

reliquiae, vol. 1, 1864 (repr. 1971). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 2 M.R. ALFOLp1, Antike Numismatik, 1978, 81f. 3R.R.HoLtoway, An Archaic Hoard from

Crete and the Early Aeginetan Coinage, in: ANSMusN 1971, I-21 4 R.Raco, Il cambio di tartaruga ad Egina, in: Ruy. Italiana di Numismatica 1963, 7-15. DLK.

[3] See — Siegecraft (with ill.); > Testudo. Torture

the walls of rooms (Ov. Met. 2,737 f.), doors (Verg. G

A. HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS

2,463) and even beds (Plin. HN 33,146; luv. 6,80 and 11,94). This was supposedly invented by Carvilius

C. ROME AND AFTER-EFFECTS

Pollio (c. 80 BC) (Plin. HN 9,39). The tortoise was sacred to > Pan (Paus. 8,5 4,7);

A. HisTORICAL FOUNDATIONS In a legal history sense, torture in Antiquity can be understood primarily as a means for eliciting evidence.

Athena and Apollo transformed themselves into tortoises (Antoninus Liberalis 32; Serv. Aen. 1,509). According to Pallad. 1,35,14 (cf. Geop. 1,14,8), marsh turtles

possess magical powers against storms and hail. Tortoises were made from clay and bronze, e.g. as vases, lamps and toys, but also as weights. On coins, particularly from Aegina, we find marsh and sea turtles [2. pl. 6,24-28]

(see Tortoise

gems [2. pls. 37-40,50]. tations on vases [t. fig. mosaic from Aquileia quires philosophical Elea’s second paradox

[2]), land tortoises on

There are also good represen98], in wall paintings and in a [3. fig. 115]. The tortoise acsignificance in — Zeno of of Achilles and the tortoise

~ (+ Motion). 1 KELLER 2,247-259

2 F.IMHOoF-BLUMER, O. KELLER,

Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, Tierwelt.

1889, repr. 1972

3 TOYNBEE,

TOYNBEE, Tierwelt, 215-217.

C.HU.

[2] (yekwvn/cheloneé). Ancient term (Poll. 9,74; Hesych. s. v.) for the > stater of > Aegina with a tortoise on the obverse. Later tradition mistakenly ascribed its introduction to Pheidon [3] of Argos (FHGIS. 546 Z. 45 f.5 [1. 350]). As an extremely important trading and naval power, Aegina did mint the first coins in Greece, but according to quite recent studies only after 600 BC. The coinage metal was — silver, which was obtainable on the trade route. As a sign of Aegina’s strength at sea earlier series show a sea turtle in two variants (see Tortoise [r]). On the reverse there is a > quadratum incu-

sum, initially crude, but from c. 550 BC regular with 5 fields. Aegina had its own

coinage standard

(-> Coi-

nage, standards of), which was adopted by many cities in Greece, Crete and Asia Minor. Tortoises became the most important Greek coins of the Archaic period. They were very widespread and occur in hoards as late as the 3rd cent. BC. It was no earlier than the occupation of Aegina by Athens and the end of its sea power in

B. GREECE

Furthermore, torture occurs as a(n additional) punish-

ment. The origins of the legally recognized use of torture is obscure. In the Babylonian law Code of Hammurabi (+ Cuneiform, legal texts in), for instance, there is no mention of torture at all [1]. By contrast, it

was widespread in Greece. The Greek expression for the use of torture, Bacavitew (basanizein) is probably a loanword from the Orient, however, so that torture itself may also have been adopted from there. B. GREECE Among the ‘non-technical means of proof’ (Gteyvot miotetc; dtechnoi pisteis), alongside laws, witnesses, documents and reference to oath, Aristotle (Rhet. 1,2) enumerates statements extracted by the use of torture (Ba&oavoc; basanos). Such statements were themselves also called B&oavor (bdsanoi, ‘touchstones’). The torturing of slaves in a lawsuit between private individuals was preceded by a formal application (me@dxAnotc; proklésis) by the party bearing the burden of proof. This could be both the slave owner and his opponent. Usually the interrogation had probably taken place by the time the lawsuit began. It could, however, also be performed in court (Dem. Or. 47,16f.). Carrying it out was

the responsibility of special investigators (and torturers) or executioners.

Apart from extracting statements, torture was probably also used in Greece as a means of making punishment more severe for slaves. Plat. Leg. 872 b, for instance, calls for the whipping of murderers before their execution. For crimes against the state and other capital crimes, torture was also imposed on free non-citizens. Unlike slave torture, as a rule this was directed at those

to be sentenced themselves, and was therefore used to extract a confession, but for conspiracies or the activities of accomplices it probably also came into consideration as a means of convicting other perpetrators. If

citizens were lawfully condemned to death, this kind of

TORTURE

796

795

the murder took place were not only killed but also tortured first. Instruments of torture in use in Rome were primarily a mechanical ‘stretching horse’ rack (eculeus), the rope

(fidicula) and the claw (ungula). After the reception of Roman law, the passages in the » Corpus iuris on the use of torture were presumably the most important basis for torture in the European Inquisitional process until the Enlightenment. > CRIMINAL Law 1 J.GAUDEMET, Les institutions de l’Antiquité, *1982, 27 Eculeus (‘little horse'); hypothetical reconstruction.

The limbs ofthe tortured person, who was lying on the eculeus or hanging from it, were stretched and dislocated by means of two winches or wheels. This form of torture could be

2 MoMMSEN, Strafrecht, 406 res-Honestiores, 1988, 129ff.

3 R.RILINGER, Humilio-

G. THUR, s.v. Folter, RAC 8, 101-112; J. VERGOTE, s.v. Folterwerkzeuge, RAC 8, 112-120; G. THtr, Beweisfiih-

combined with others, such as searing with red-hot irons,

rung vor den Schwurgerichtshéfen Athens. Die Proklesis

tearing of the skin with hooks, or flogging.

zur Basanos, 1977; A. EHRHARDT, s.v. lormenta, RE 6 A,

M. HAA

1775-1794; L.SCHUMACHER,

torture could be used against them, too, since by being convicted they lost their + citizenship. Otherwise citizens were immune from torture. The instrument of torture most often used was the wheel. The ladder was also used; with this the victims had their limbs dislocated. For private torture flogging may have been widespread.

C. ROME AND AFTER-EFFECTS In Rome, as in Greece, torture was above all a means

of interrogating slaves. Hence in the Digests > quaestio and quaerere are often used without adjunct as expressions for torture. A plethora of Imperial period rescripts regulate the admissibility of torture and its value as evidence. Above all, as a rule orders to torture slaves for statements against their masters were inadmissible. Only for adultery (> Adulterium), tax avoidance (fraus census) or lése majesté (> Maiestas) might slaves be interrogated even against their masters (Cod. lust. 9,41,1, rescript of Septimius Severus and of Caracalla from AD 196). On the other hand, the prohibition was extended to statements against the wife and children of the slave owner and sometimes his guardian. Apart from the non-free, torture might be used only in rare exceptional cases, such as lése majesté and against a freed slave who had been freed precisely for the purpose of evading torture (Dig. 48,18,1,13). The use of torture for léese majesté is also the background of the (probably highly exaggerated) accounts of torture in the acts and legends of martyrs. There have been attempts to read a rescript of Diocletian (Cod. lust. 9,41,11) as saying that free people of lower social status (+ Humiliores) are equivalent to slaves with regard to torture [2]. This appraisal appears to have been overtaken, however, by more recent research [3]. The use of torture as a supplementary punishment is barely dealt with in Roman law. It is possible, however, that the SC Silanianum (AD 10) can be included here: any slaves who were staying in their owner’s house when he was killed or were accompanying him when

Servus Index. Sklavenver-

hor und Sklavenanzeige im republikanischen und kaiserzeitlichen Rom, 1982. FOR THE ILL.: J. VERGOTE, s.v. Folterwerkzeuge, RAC 8,

120-122.

Gs

Torus. Latin term (Greek t0n/tylé; tudeiov/tyleion) for anything raised or bulge-like, such as the convex circular parts of an Ionic column base ( Column [II B 3] with ill.; the term entered mediaeval and modern architectural terminology in the form (torus) usual in Vitr. De arch. 3,5,2-3), the calloused skin of the neck and

shoulders of a load carrier (Aristoph. Ach. 860; 954: tylé) or the bulging of animals’ muscles (Plin. HN 18,78: torus). Tylé was also the word for cushions

on klinai and furniture for sitting on (Sappho fr. 46 LoBEL/PAGE; Diod. Sic. 13,84,5) and a ring-shaped padding placed on the head in order to carry something on it (Diog. Laert. 9,53; Aristot. fr. 63: tylé). E. MAnakIDOu, Athenerinnen in schwarzfigurigen Brunnenhausszenen, in: Hephaistos 11/12, 1992/93, 55 w. note 21; B. WESENBERG, Kapitelle und Basen (32nd Supp. BJ), 1971.

Torybeia

R.H.

(Togdpea/Torybeia,

Tvefevov/Tyrbeion).

City in the interior of Acarnania (> Acarnanes) above

modern Komboti, mentioned only in a few lists of theorodokoi (cf. IG IV* 1, 95, 18; FdD III 3, 203). The city was systematically laid out in the 4th cent. BC (orthogonal streets, insulae; > Insula). PRITCHETT 8, 104-108; D.StRauUCH, Romische Politik und griechische Tradition, 1996, 305 f. DS.

Toscanos (Mawdxn/Mainakeé?; Lat. M(a)enaca, Maenoba?). Modern name of a Phoenician settlement to the west of Torre del Mar (province of Malaga in Spain) at

the mouth of the Rio de Vélez, with a protected harbour; a pass leads into the highlands and the mining regions around Jaen. Excavations (1964-1986) discovered a trading post founded c. 730 BC by the Phoenicians. The settlement, which flourished in the 7th cent.,

797

798

extended to the Cerro del Pefién (94 m) to the west,

At this point, T. acted in a conciliatory manner towards the Senate (ibid. 3,37,1-4), probably as a result of the beginning Byzantine ‘Amalic-legitimistic propaganda’ [4. 357] (> Amali) by > Germanus [1], the husband of > Matasuntha. T. led a legation to + Iustinianus [1] for peace negotiations (Procop. Goth. 3,37,6 f.) and invaded Sicily

where at a moderate elevation there were workshops for iron-working. Shortly afterwards the Cerro del Alarcon (80 m), which adjoined to the north, was occu-

pied and c. 600 BC a strong defence wall of up to c. 3.5 m in thickness was built; in the core of the settlement lavish buildings with rusticated masonry were built. There were necropoleis on both sides of the river (individual finds and fossa, cist and sarcophagus graves). In the early Imperial period a villa with a garum factory and a potter’s workshop producing amphorae was built over the core of the settlement, which had been deserted since the sth cent. BC. The identification of the place with > M(a)enaca has again been made likely [1; 2]. Its designation,

advocated by Greek authors, as the westernmost colony of Phocaea evidently served as pro-Greek propaganda. -» Colonization III.; + Phoenicians, Poeni; > M(a)en-

aca 1 B.SHEFTON, Massalia and Colonisation in the NorthWestern Mediterranean, in: G.R. TsETSKHLADZE (ed.),

The Archaeology of Greek Colonisation. Festschrift J. Boardman, 1994, 72 2P.BARCELO, Die Phokader im Westen, in: R. ROLLE, K.ScHMipT (eds.), Archaologische Studien in Kontaktzonen der antiken Welt. Festschrift H. G. Niemeyer, 1998, 605-614 3 H.G. NIEMEYER,

Die phonizische Niederlassung T.: eine Zwischenbilanz, in: Id. (ed.), Phonizier im Westen (Madrider Beitr. 8), 1982, 185-206 4Id., Auf der Suche nach Mainake, in: Historia 29, 1980, 165-189 5 Id., Phoenician T. as a Settlement Model?, in: B. CUNLIFFE, S. Keay (eds.), Social

Complexity and the Development of Towns in Iberia (Proc. of the British Academy 86), 1995, 67-88.

H.G.N.

Totila (Twtitac/Totilas; alternate name Baduila, e.g. lord. De summa temporum vel origine actibusque gentis Romanorum 380; [1. 458]). King of the Goths AD 541-552, nephew of Hildebald (Ostrogothic king 540/541), great-nephew of the Visigothic king > Theudis. He commanded the Gothic troops in Tarvisium when his uncle was murdered. When > Erarich’s rule caused discontent among the Ostrogoths, T. decided to succeed his uncle despite negotiations with Byzantium (Procop. Goth. 3,2). In 542, he re-engaged in the war against Byzantium during the absence of -> Belisarius (ibid. 3,4), pushed far into Southern Italy against strong resistance (ibid. 3,6,1 f.) but was unable to win the support of the Roman Senate (ibid. 3,9,6—22). Despite Belisarius’ return, T. captured Rome in late 546 after a year-long siege (Chron. min. 2,107 f.). He exiled many senators to Campania, had the city wall partially torn down (Procop. Goth. 3,22,6 f. and 19 f.) and applied social-revolutionary measures which, however, should rather be regarded as tactical means against landowners such as > Tullianus ([{2. 382-386] with older lit.; [4. 355]). In the spring of 547, T. lost Rome to Belisarius, a great blow to his prestige among the Goths (Procop. Goth. 3,24) and among potential allies (rejection of T.’s marriage plans by a king of the Franks: ibid. 3537.1 £.), but won it back in January 550 (ibid. 3,36).

TOWER

(ibid. 3,37,18-23; 3951-5). In 5 51, the Gothic fleet conducted a plundering campaign in Greece (ibid. 4,22,1732) but was defeated decisively thereafter at Ancona (ibid. 4,23). T.’s repeated efforts towards peace remained unsuccessful (ibid. 4,24,4 f.), At the end of 5 51, he occupied Sardinia and Corsica (ibid. 4,24,31-39). In 552, - Narses [4] suprisingly managed to push from Dalmatia to Ravenna, bypassing the Gothic troops (+ Theia [2]) that had been deployed to defend against him (ibid. 4,26). After losing the decisive battle at the Busta Gallorum in Umbria (probably in June 5 52; ibid. 4,29-31, cf. [3]), T. lost his life during the escape (Procop Goth. 4,31; Chron. min. 2,203; 236). Theia [2] (Teia) became his successor. PLRE 3,1328-1332. 1P.Amory,

People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy,

1997, eSp.175-192 2J.MooruHeaD, T. the Revolutionary, in: Historia 49, 2000, 382-386 3H.N.RoIsL,s. v. T., RE Suppl. 14, 799-809 4H.WoLrrRam, Die Goten, 22.0001,

WE.LU.

Toygeni (Twiyevoi/Toygenoi). Sub-tribe of the > Helvetii, affiliated with the > Cimbri on the westward migration (Poseid. FGrH 87 F 31,2). According to Str. 4,1,8 Marius [I 1] fought against the T. and the + Ambrones; but since, besides the Cimbri and the Ambrones, Plut. Marius 15,6 mentions the + Teutoni as opponents of Marius at Aquae [III 5] Sextiae in 102 BC, Strabo may have confused the T. with the Teutoni [1. 145-157]. Identification of the T. with the Teutoni [1; 3. 356 f.5 4. 300-309, 455-459], however, is fundamentally unlikely [2; 5; 6. 208"°]. 1 F.STAHELIN, Zur Geschichte der Helvetier, in: Zeitschrift fiir Schweizerische Geschichte 1, 1921, 129-157 2 T.STEVENS, s.v. T., RE 6A, 1859f. 3 E.HOWALD, E. Meyer, Die romische Schweiz, 1940 4 W.ALY, Strabonis Geographica, vol. 4,1957 5 K.Krart, Tougener und Teutonen, in: Hermes 85, 1957, 367-378 6H.-W. Goetz, K.-W. Wetwe1, Altes Germanien, vol. 1, 1995.

RA.WI. Tourism see > Travels II. E.

Tower. Apart from defensive and protective installations (- Fortifications) and ~ funerary architecture, towers are found in Graeco-Roman architecture primarily in domestic constructions, particularly in rural areas. They were used there partly as representational buildings, but also as safe places of refuge in period of crisis and also as well ventilated places for storing agricultural produce which were difficult for pests to reach. The significance of ‘Greek tower farmsteads’ as a type of rural settlement was recognized by archaeological studies in the context of comprehensive surveys only in

TOWER

799

the most recent times. In some parts of Greece the traditional structure of tower farmsteads has continued until the modern period (e.g. Mani). Sporadically towers also played a part (unclear in details) in ancient > mining, as e.g. in the Attic silver mining area of Laurium. Occasionally towers are found in Roman villa sites (> Villa). A. Konecny, Hellenistische Turmgeh6fte in Zentral- und Ostlykien, 1997; H.LOHMANN, Atene, 1993, 136-148; Id., Ein Turmgehoft klassischer Zeit in Thimari (Attika),

in: MDAI(A) 108, 1993, 101-149; M. Nowicka, Les maisons a tour dans le monde grec, 1975. C.HO.

Tower of Babel see ~ Tower of Babel Town hall see

Town planning East

III. EGypt

I. GENERAL Town planning is the designing of urban settlements (+ Town, city) on an organizational basis, with the central and particular functions of the town, e.g. as a port or a political centre, having an effect on its external and internal form. Most towns and cities in the Middle East and Egypt arose in the earliest times (in the Middle East from the 5th millennium onwards) at economically or strategically important points (trade routes, river crossings, anchorages). Towns and cities were newly founded by particular rulers in only a few places from the middle of the 2nd millennium onwards. Insofar as it is possible to speak of planning at all, even in the new foundations it was limited to central areas such as + palace and/or > temple complexes. So far as can be established, all these towns and cities were surrounded

by fortified walls, with gates protected by towers. A widespread characteristic of Mesopotamian cities from the 2nd millennium onwards is the location of palaces next to or on the city walls. Il. THe MIDDLE East

In the often long-lived cities of the Ancient Orient, a degree of structure already resulted from the tendency of the central area to rise faster, owing to the greater accumulation of debris from older buildings’ falling into disuse (+ Ur; > Uruk; Nineveh:

preted the ruins of the ziggurat, still standing to some height, as the ‘Tower of Babel’); but it lacked a detect-

able overall plan (the city area remains uninvestigated). The Elamite ruler UntaS-Napirisa built his cult centre and capital Dar-Unta§ c.1250 BC in what is now Huzestan (Iran), presumably also on a pristine site, and shortly before 1200 BC Tukulti-Ninurta I (1244-1207), with the foundation of Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta (KTN),

opposite Assur on the east bank of the Tigris, inaugurated the series of Assyrian rulers who built themselves new capitals. An area 800m x 800m was surrounded by an almost rectangular wall; houses were evidently built on only the smallest portion of it, the city being abandoned soon afterwards. In Nimrud (-* Kalhu) and Nine-

Assembly buildings

I. GENERAL II. THE MIDDLE IV. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

800

+ Ninus [2]), or

from its being occupied by a natural elevation (-> Assur [1]; > Hattusa I). The central temple or palace area was normally divided from the rest of the city by its own wall (+ Temple; > Palace II-III). As the city grew, its wall followed the expansion of the inhabited quarters; little is known about inhabited areas outside the city walls (sometimes dense scatterings of finds).

The Kassite ruler Kurigalzu I (beginning of the 14th cent. BC) built his new capital of Dar-Kurigalzu, with extensive palace and temple complexes, near the modern ‘Agar Quf (west of Baghdad; early travellers inter-

veh, subsequent rulers converted existing settlements into new capitals, and it was not until the usurper Sargon II (722-705 BC) that a ruler again founded a new city, Dar-Sarrukin, the modern Horsabad. An extensive complex comprising a royal palace, temples and various palaces for high officials was located on a high terrace in the northern portion of a walled 1500m x 1650m city site. Here too, the area was probably never completely occupied by houses. Circular city complexes are to be found in the region of Syria and south-eastern Anatolia from the 2nd miilennium

(concentric

mound

cities,

such

as

Tall

Huwaira: upper city surrounded by a circular residential city), and also in the rst millennium BC (Zincirli,

gth—8th cent. BC). It cannot, however, be established that these were the result of purposeful planning. Notable known, planned circular cities are ArdaSsirhurra (the modern > Firuzabad, Fars, Iran: 3rd cent. AD) and

the ‘round city’ of the caliph Al-Mansur (AD 754-775), within modern Baghdad. Ill. Ecyptr Fortified towns of round or oval plan, with main

streets intersecting in a cruciform pattern, developed around royal palaces, fortresses, pyramid sites and temple complexes (e.g. > Elephantine; al-Kab: early 3rd millennium). The few city excavations carried out suggest that residential quarters with rectilinear street systems were the rule (example: the residential capital Achet-Aton, newly founded by - Amenophis [4] IV Echnaton in 1345 BC, and today known as > Amarna). Complexes laid out on a grid plan are to be found in particular in the planned workers’ villages in the vicinity of quarries (Old and New Kingdom). + Palace;

+ Town/City;

D. ARNOLD,

Lexikon

> Temple der agyptischen

Baukunst,

2000;

M.BreTak, s. v. Stadt(anlage), LA 5, 1984, 1233-1249;

M.NovaAk, Herrschaftsform und Stadtbaukunst. Programmatik im mesopotamischen Residenzstadtbau von Agade bis Surra man ra’a, 1999.

HJ.N.

801

802 IV. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

dence for the persistence of old, agglomerate settle-

A. DEFINITION AND PARAMETERS C. Rome D. ETRUuRIA

B. GREECE

A. DEFINITION AND PARAMETERS The fundamental concepts of town planning and urban development, as normally understood in modern research, have no direct equivalents in ancient terminology; they presuppose the existence of the > town or city, at least in the sense of the urban-geographical phenomenon, and imply reflective and creative awareness of the repertory of architectural elements making up the city, perhaps after the manner of + Hippodamus of Miletus. Urban development as an archaeological phenomenon, however, already begins with the emergence of the > polis as a form of political organization; under it should be subsumed all those structural measures that immediately follow upon the > synotkismos of various rural settlements, as they evolve into a polis with the functions of an urban centre and market. This article does not include any detailed discussion of urban settlements belonging to the high, pre-Classical Mediterranean cultures of the 2nd millennium BC, in particular the Minoan settlements of Crete (e.g. Gournia), or the current controversy in respect of the status of > Troy as a city (cf. further - Oppidum; on the reception of ancient urban structures in medieval and modern-period towns and cities cf. > Town). B. GREECE

1. ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIOD ISM

2. HELLEN-

1. ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIOD The amalgamation of village settlements into larger units first led to the emergence of structural and organizational complexes for common use in the Greek motherland in the 8th cent. BC, although it is widely held that, into the sth cent., it was the exception rather than the rule for such ‘evolved’ poleis to turn into closed cities (as happened in > Athens and > Corinth). In the context of a synoikismos, connecting roads were built between the nal areas (> common use > sanctuary

individual ké6mai (> Kome), and commuAgora) and > necropoleis established for (cf. e.g. in Argos); in addition, a central was determined upon, often in a conspicu-

ous position, and provided with a

TOWN PLANNING

-> temple, the first

communal construction project of any size. A further

necessity was provision for the supply of water and for drainage (> Wells; Cistern; - Water supply), and, where appropriate, to establish places of refuge for protection in the event of attack (walled acropoleis); massive city walls, embracing the entire settlement area, only gradually became the rule in the late 6th cent. BC; quite apart from their function as fortifications, they quickly became symbolic of civic autonomy, while their construction was accompanied by a defortification of acropoleis (e.g. Athens; see > Fortifications). Besides these sites that developed into cities, there is also evi-

ments in the Minoan tradition (inter al. Vrokstro, Zagora, Tsikalaria, Karphi), for the most part on the

islands of the Aegean. Cities that were newly established, usually in a ceremonial act of foundation, such as those that arose from the late 8th cent. BC onwards in the context of Greek > colonization, differed fundamentally from such ‘evolved’ cities. As most of these newly built settlements were located on land previously settled by others, and won by military action, their situation was characterized by a heightened need for security, as well as by the requirements of + commerce and > agriculture. The locations were close to the coast, and yet far enough inland to be secure from > piracy; they were in the middle of fertile territory, and at the same time their topographic situation was such as to provide ease of defence. The construction of a protective wall was usually the first and most urgent shared construction project, it being usual, in order to facilitate construction, to incorporate natural defensive features such as escarpment edges as far as possible ( Acragas). Another very important factor governing the selection of a location was —> water supply, and not unimportant in addition was a nearby source of building material (> Quarries). Land for settlement and cultivation was divided among the colonists by land lot (+ Clerus), thus giving rise to the regular plan of early colonial cities, their insulae incised by a rectilinear network of streets, with separate sanctuaries and areas for administration and assembly. Early examples of such planned colonial towns are particularly common in the western Greek world (e.g. ~» Megara [3], Hyblaea, > Metapontum); there is discussion as to the extent to which such city plans, already virtually ‘Hippodamian’ in character, can be extended to the Archaic colonial towns of Ionia and the Black Sea area. There was evidently no rule for the allotment of spaces within the settlement; sanctuaries might be established either in a block at the town’s centre (Metapontum, > Selinus [5], > Poseidonia/Paestum) or at the periphery (— Syracusae, Acragas).

New foundations of the 5th/4th cent. BC display without exception a high degree of rational design in terms of their functional spaces and structural organization: characteristics associated with the name of the Milesian > Hippodamus. Typical in this respect is a coherent concept of the use of space, using the > insula as a basic module, within an orthogonal grid comprising broader main streets and narrower side streets (respectively plateiai, c. 9m wide, and stenopoi,c. 4.5 m wide), to give the entire area of the town its structure, and setting the areas for housing, public areas (for administrative and trading purposes) and sacred areas in an ordered relationship one to another. Supposedly first used in the rebuilding of the town of > Miletus [2] after its destruction in the Persian Wars, such a grid-based concept became the standard (and at the same time part of the political doctrine) for the classical town; it recurred in various guises, in new foundations of colonial

803

804

towns, cleruchies (> Klerouchoi) and late synoikismot (e.g. > Thurii 445/4 BC; > RHODES 407; > Megalopo-

ter. An innovation of Hellenistic town planning was the increasing prominence of particular towns as capital cities. Initially fostered by local rulers (+ Maussolus in

TOWN

PLANNING

lis 371; + Mantinea 370; Cassope c.3 50 BC), then in the rebuilding of former urban complexes that had been destroyed or ceased to function for other reasons (besides Miletus above all > Priene 3 53/2 BC), and finally in urban expansion projects (-> Piraeus [1] after 479

BC; the new town of -» Olynthus in 432 BC). The ‘system-built’ town also increasingly manifested itself as a kind of Gesamtkunstwerk (integrated artwork); the effort to communicate urban structures to

inhabitants and to an external public could lead to urban complexes that went ‘against nature’, sometimes in complete disregard of practical and functional criteria (Priene). In the politically and militarily uncertain decades of the later 4th and early 3rd cents. BC, especially in northern and central Greece, many new cities arose in strategically favourable mountain-top positions, (> Pleuron inter al.); in part owing to their inordi-

nate size, these also served as places of refuge for surrounding settlements. Infrastructure for the supply of water, problematic owing to the elevated position, dominated here, along with massive, far-flung fortifications that exploited the features of the landscape and followed state-of-the-art principles of + siegecraft. The much-discussed modern thesis of ‘standard houses’, of equal dimensions and identical plan, in the context of an all-embracing design in the urban development of Classical Greece, and the ‘democratic’ theme supposedly associated with it, is probably mistaken, not least as political equality (> Isonomia) was not accompanied by equality of material endowment. The general status

of democracy

(~ Demokratia)

in towns

and

cities that, for the most part, originated not earlier than the 4th cent. BC is, moreover, disputed; furthermore, the postulated standard house (> House) has made a

comparatively rare appearance as a confirmed feature among structural finds, which normally conserve their final state, much changed over the course of time in relation to the circumstances surrounding the foundation of a town, and never their original condition. 2. HELLENISM Hellenistic town planning followed the ‘Hippodamian’ models developed in the late 5th and 4th cents. BC, with rulers refining their use in numerous new foundations of small and medium-sized towns in the 3rd and 2nd cents. BC (e.g. -» Dura-Europus). To be noted in this connection is the increasing prestige of ‘political’ complexes within cityscapes (> Agora, + Assembly buildings), contrasting remarkably with the factual loss of autonomy and decline in the importance ofcivic self-government in the Hellenistic monarchies, and should probably be seen as an ‘antiquarian’ reference to long-revered, traditional ideals of the polis. It is possible to interpret in a similarly symbolic manner the well-documented,

meticulous

extension

» Halicarnassus),

from the period of Alexander the

Great onwards regular metropolises developed under royal rule, with population numbers unknown before that time. Owing to the general lack of archaeological evidence, the extreme luxury and lavish structures of » Alexandria [1], Demetrias [1], Seleucia [1] and » Antioch [1] can be (incompletely) reconstructed only through literature, and probably not on the basis of » Pergamum, the sole example that is better preserved, but in this respect atypical. Characteristic of Hellenistic urban complexes is the enhancement and inclusion of the city’s approaches, thus its immediate environs, sometimes with streets of

tombs before the gates (> Cnidus), or smaller cult districts, baths or stables and inns, and frequently large -» gardens and parks; this phenomenon regularly recurs later on in Roman towns and cities. In the environs of the Hellenistic metropolises, the process resulted in the growth of regular ‘suburbs’ (~ Daphne [4] at > Antioch [1]; cf. also the suburbs along the Alexandria canal). Capital cities usually included the prominently sited basileia (> Palace) within the urban agglomeration, this complex of buildings being at the centre and culminating point of all the city’s public buildings (Pergamum). The orthogonal structure of the network of streets led to the enhancement of the street-space in the sense of an emphasis on the increasing magnificence of the main streets (e.g. the ‘boulevards’ of Alexandria, much

celebrated

in ancient

literature); this phenom-

enon too continued in the Roman period in the collonaded streets in city centres (e.g. the ‘desert cities’ of

North Africa). Orchestrated axes of buildings and filigree perspectives became the rule, and, when the topography was suitable (terracing, or ‘framing’ by hills), staggered vertical arrangements of structures aswell, aimed at producing a picturesque view (inter al. Pergamum). Also of Hellenistic origin, finally, is the furnishing of streets with memorial architecture (e.g. Athens [1], Street of Tripods; Ephesus, Marble Way and

Street of the Curetes). C. ROME The genesis of the ‘evolved’ metropolis of Rome asa broad synoikism0s (+ Rome III) represents an exception in urban development in Roman Antiquity. The normal practice in the Roman world, in direct correlation with the expansion of Rome’s political and cultural territory, was the unconditional new foundation, the alternative being displacement (Avellino) or its virtual equivalent, the radical overlaying of old, evolved urban sites with new structures, so as virtually to eradicate

them, e.g. in - Capua and Paestum (— Poseidonia).

and im-

Roman foundations of towns, like > the construction

provement, in towns far removed from frontiers and

of roads and bridges, followed immediately on the heels of expansion, and were necessary measures of politicomilitary, economic and ideological security. Towns

zones of conflict, of city walls that, while in fact obso-

lete, sometimes assumed a really monumental charac-

805

806

such as > Ostia, > Minturnae, Terracina, > Pyrgi [x], Rimini, Alife and Aosta, as settlements for — veterans

pletely new urban centres were also sometimes superimposed on the ruins of old settlements (> Carthage). In analogy to the Hippodamian system, the rule was to structure districts according to function, although an admixture of places of entertainment (e.g. > theatres, — thermae, — palaistra) within residential districts was favoured; the > amphitheatre, as a potential source of disorder, was frequently assigned to the outermost edge of the town (e.g. - Pompeii, — Trier). The views of ~ Vitruvius in respect of Roman town planning (Vitr. 1,4-7) are largely of a theoretical nature, and find only tentative expression if any in the real ancient building practice. + House; ~ Infrastructure; — Oppidum; - Polis; + Roads and bridges, construction of; — Town; — Town, city C.HO.

already powerful military centres, soon also became dominant economic centres in their particular regions, owing to intensive methods of > agriculture; at the same time, they functioned as cultural presences and Roman administrative outposts in conquered country (> Romanization). With the foundations of towns, moreover, went the comprehensively appropriative principle of the Roman land survey (centuriatio, limitatio; > Limitation). This principle also brought with it the particular physical character of the overwhelming majority of Roman foundations, only the earliest of which (and then only in exceptional cases) followed Greek or ‘Hippodamian’ models (above all — Norba [1] and > Alba Fucens; also, with reservations, Cosa(e)). Normal practice from the early 3rd century BC onwards was rather a model based on the very principle of land appropriation, and thus at the same time on Roman ~> castra: an originally square, walled area, sometimes subsequently enlarged into a rectangle, traversed by two street axes (> cardo, kardo and + decumanus) crossing at a right angle at the exact midpoint of the settlement. Four gates led into the town, at whose centre were located cult and administrative buildings (+ Forum); this pattern has endured in some instances to the present day (Alife).

Prerequisite for a Roman foundation was integration into the — infrastructure or politico-military and/or economic conditions in the region (frontier situation, road junction, natural fluvial or maritime

harbour), rather than the topographical criteria of earlier times. Natural springs were sometimes dispensable, as water could be brought in by aqueduct from a distance of up to 50 km (-» Water supply); an elevated, strategically devised position favourable to the town’s individual defence was also seldom necessary, at least for foundations in secure locations in the interior of the Empire. In the context of the expanding Roman Empire, there was a diminishing motive for building robust city walls (even though new foundations such as > Nicopolis [3], founded after 27 BC near Actium, were given encircling walls whose meagre thickness and height indicate a symbolic character that can scarcely have been accidental, as, functionally, they are useless). The origin of Roman towns, whether a newly founded civitas (regardless of its individual legal status), a new settlement ‘imposed’ on one already existing, or, as customary in the north-western provinces, the rebuilding in stone of an initially ephemeral military camp or the conversion of a usurped > oppidum, was always military in character. In the Greek world of Asia Minor too, the Roman preference for transforming existing settlements in accordance with Roman tastes went undaunted, even in face of cities rich in tradition, such as > Athens [1] (Hadrianic new city) or > Ephesus; in the southern provinces, extensive new Cities arose in great numbers (> Leptis Magna) next to old town centres, while com-

TOWN

PLANNING

D. ETRURIA Owing to the absence of extensive excavations, our

knowledge of Etruscan urban development is still very imperfect. The most thoroughly researched site is + Marzabotto (with plan), a colony established c. 500 BC, with orthogonal street plan orientated to the cardinal points and a clear separation between a residential district with integrated workshops, an acropolis with a number of cult buildings, and necropoleis at the town’s periphery. Greek influences in the sense of the ‘Hippodamian’ system (~ Hippodamus), with wide main stre-

ets crossing at right angles and narrow side streets, are unmistakable, but the house types, some with an atrium-like internal structure, and the size of the houses, some of which cover a ground area of more than 600 m’, indicating a considerable degree of domestic luxury, are indigenous Italic/Etruscan (cf. also the recent domestic finds on the Via Sacra in Rome). Etruscan necropoleis (> Caere, > Volsinii/Orvieto),

along with finds in > Veii, Piazza d’Armi and > Acquarossa, suggest that the orthogonal street plan in association with courtyard houses did not become established until about the middle of the 6th cent. BC, while, prior to this time, individual houses (+ San Giovenale:

two-roomed oikoi; Acquarossa: ‘broadhouse’ structures with porticos) predominated, sometimes loosely grouped around courtyards. The urban development of large Early Etruscan settlements such as Caere, Veii and > Tarquinii/Tarquinia is, however, largely unresearched. Town foundations of the Late Etruscan period (3rd cent. BC), such as

> Volsinii/Bolsena and > Falerii [2] Novi, should be assigned to the Roman period of urban development. The question of public squares with buildings of a sacral or administrative character must also remain largely unresolved: judging from structural finds and roof tiles, temples were normally present in considerable number from the 6th cent. BC onwards, not only at the centres and peripheries of towns, but also outside residential settlements. In individual cases, the beginnings of the main cults may be traced back to the 8th and 7th cents. BC; this is true of the cult of Mater

807

808

Matuta at the centre of Latin — Satricum, and in Tar-

Greeks Built Cities, 1962; A. ZACCARIA RUGGIU, Spazio privato e spazio pubblico nella citta romana, 1995. FPR.

TOWN

PLANNING

quinia of the temple of the city’s goddess Uni/Iuno on the site of the later forum. In Acquarossa, sanctuary and administration (with banqueting room) appear to have been integrated into one and the same building with wings, for which the term ‘regia’ has gained acceptance by researchers. C.AMPOLO, I] sistema della polis. Elementi costitutivi e origini della citta greca, in: S. Serris (ed.), I Greci, vol. 2.1,

1996, 297-342; F. CASTAGNOLI, Orthogonal Town Planning in Antiquity, 1971; G.COLONNA (ed.), Santuari d’Etruria, Exhibition catalogue Arezzo 1985; Id., Urbanistica e Architettura, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.),

Rasenna. Storia e civilta degli Etruschi, 1986, 369-530; M. Coppa, Storia dell’urbanistica dalle origini all’Ellenismo, 1968; Id., Storia dell’urbanistica. Le eta ellenistiche, 1981; M. CrisTorant (ed.), La grande Roma dei Tarquini, Exhibition catalogue Rome 1990, 97-99; B. FEHR,

Kosmos und Chreia. Der Sieg der reinen ber die praktische Vernunft in der griechischen Stadtarchitektur des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., in: Hephaistos 2, 1980, 15 5-186; T. FiscHER-HansEN,

The Earliest Town-Planning of the

Western Greek Colonies, in: M.H. HANSEN

(ed.), Intro-

duction to an Inventory of Poleis (congress Kopenhagen 1995), 1996, 317-373; A.VON GERKAN, Griechische Stadteanlagen, 1924; A. GIULIANO, Urbanistica delle citta greche, in: Xenia 7, 1984, 3-52; E.Greco, M. ToreELLI, Storia dell’urbanistica: I] mondo greco, 1983; P.GRos, M.ToreELLI, Storia dell’urbanistica: I] mondo romano, 1988; T.HOrscHer, Offentliche Raume in friihen griechischen Stadten, 1998; W.HoEPFNER, E.L.SCHWANDNER, Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland, *1994;

F. Lana, Archaische Siedlungen in Griechenland. Struktur und Entwicklung, 1996; H. Lauter, Die Architektur des Hellenismus, 1986, 64-92; C. LEPELLY (ed.), La fin de la

cité antique et le début de la cité médiévale (congress Paris 1993), 1996; TH. LoRENz, ROmische Stadte, 1987; R. Martin, L’urbanisme dans la Gréce antique, *1974; C.Marconl, La citta visibile e i suoi monumenti, in: S.SETTIS (ed.), I Greci, vol. 2.1, 1996, 755-784; D. MERTENS, E.Greco, Urban Planning in Magna Grecia, in: G.PuGLigsE CARRATELLI (ed.), The Western Greeks.

Exhibition catalogue Venice 1996, 243-263; G. Métraux, Western Greek Land Use and City Planning in the Archaic Period, 1978; W.MULLER-WIENER,

Von

der Polis zum Kastron. Wandlungen der Stadt im agaischen Raum von der Antike zum Mittelalter, in: Gymna-

sium 93, 1986, 435-475; Id., Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 184-191; E.J. OwENs, Roman Town Planning, in: I.M. BARTON (ed.), Roman Public Buildings, 1989, 7-30; Id., The City in the Greek and Roman World, 1991; H.M. Parkins (ed.), Roman Urbanism. Beyond the Consumer City, 1997; J. Ricu (ed.), City and Country in the Ancient World, 1991; CH. SCHUBERT, Land und Raum in der rémischen Republik, 1996; P.SOMELLA, Italia antica. L’urbanistica The Ancient Roman

romana, 1988; J.E. STAMBAUGH, City, 1988; R. TOMLINSON, From

Mycenae to Constantinopolis. The Evolution of the Ancient City, 1992;

M. Tore wi, Introduzione, in: $.Stop-

Town, city I. DEFINITION

II. THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND

Ecyrpr II]. PHoENricIA AND ROME

IV. ETRURIA

V. GREECE

I. DEFINITION

‘Town’ and ‘city’ in modern parlance have become general terms to describe settlements of a particular size, with a particular complement of buildings and administrative and legal structure. Owing, however, to the manifold forms assumed by towns and cities, we lack a specific, all-embracing definition: criteria such as a closed built environment, a highly evolved division of labour, and central administrative and economic func-

tions for the surrounding territory, have proved only partially helpful. In the case of Antiquity, which, in the western hemisphere, holds particular significance as formative phase in the history of towns and cities, the problems involved in arriving at a general definition are greater still. On the one hand, towns and cities in their initial phase (above all in the Ancient Near East) must also be seen as a response to sometimes entirely different requirements posed by the environment. On the other hand, in view of the extremely wide territorial and chronological extent of Antiquity, a conclusive definition is possible only for restricted chronological and cultural spaces. Finally, the tradition itself offers no special definition of the concept in the case of Antiquity, even calling into question the relatively easy to discern political and legal criterion of the autonomous community of citizens, when other criteria are lacking (e.g. relating to urban development: Paus. 10,4,1 on > Panopeus; to infrastructure: Heraclides [18] Criticus 1,1 on

Athens in the 3rd cent. BC; to civilization: Str. 3,4,13 on settlements in Spain). Following the work of [1] (cf. [2, 3]), which, however, concentrates on medieval towns and cities, today

the ancient city is approached primarily from a settlement-typological and functional point of view, so that, according to a widely recognized (working) definition, an ancient city, in terms of urban geography, must display the following characteristics: a closed topography and administration, a variety of buildings, pronounced specialization and division of labour, an appropriately numerous, socially differentiated population, and central functions — specifically economic as well as political — for a surrounding area. The latter criterion relates to the settlement’s function as a > market and location for commercial activities [4. 15]. The criteria also justify the use of the term town or city for central settlements of the > Celts (see > Oppidum II).

PONI (ed.), Case e palazzi d’Etruria. Exhibition catalogue

1M. Weser, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft, 51980, 727-

Siena 1985, 21-32; A. Di Vita, Urban Planning in Ancient Sicily, in: G.PUGLIESE CaRRATELLI (ed.), The Western Greeks. Exhibition catalogue Venice 1996, 263-309; J.B. WARD-PERKINS, Cities of Ancient Greece and Italy: Planning in Classical Times, 1974; R.E. WyCHERLEY, How the

814 Weber,

2 J.DEININGER, Die antike Stadt als Typus bei Max in: W.DAHLHEIM

1989, 269-289

(ed.), Festschrift R. Werner,

3 W.NippeL, Max Webers The City

Revisited, in: A. MOLHo et al. (eds.), City States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy, 1991, 19-30

809

810

4F.Koxs, Die Stadt im Altertum, 1984 5 H. SONNABEND, S. Vv. Stadt, in: Id., Mensch und Landschaft in der Antike, 1999, 502-506. W.ED.

I]. THe ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGyPT The Ancient Near East is regarded as the cradle of the city as an organizational structure and a way of life, as here its main characteristic — its role as an economic, political and religious centre for the surrounding area — can be traced back to the sth millennium BC (first indications of the development of urban centres in the Halaf period, - Mesopotamia [II C]; use of the term to describe Neolithic — Jericho is misleading [1. 24]). The defining characteristic here is that the city exercised functions not only for its own population, but also for the surrounding area, and those functions thereby acquired greater complexity. By the Uruk period at the latest (2nd half of the 4th millennium) in southern Mesopotamia, settlements are to be found that, on the

basis of their size and population, as well as complex socio-economic, political and religious structure (thus e.g. > Uruk: 250 ha and ca. 40,000 inhabitants; a high degree of division of labour; differentiated administration; a demarcated central religious and administrative district), should be called cities. The pressure, arising from this structure, in the direction of an extensive information technology led to the emergence of the oldest-known script, so-called Proto-Cuneiform

(+ Writing Il).

From the end of the 4th millennium onwards, the city as an organizational form displaying the same or similar characteristics spread over wide areas of the Middle East. In all cases, the main common feature was

its character of an urban centre; most cities were ac-

cordingly centres of political power with more or less extensive hinterlands at their disposal, these being described as city states, territorial states or kingdoms/empires, depending on their size. Besides the > temple of the main divinity, at least from the end of the 3rd millennium onwards the ruler’s > palace, usually located next to or on the obligatory city wall, was the real centre of power. From the 4th millennium onwards, the territories of modern Syria, Iraq and south-western Iran should be termed urban cultures. Even during periods when they were integrated into larger political entities, cities remained at the core of developments in all areas, and this was accompanied by a continuous striving for the greatest possible degree of autonomy in the face of a central regime. In other territories of the Middle East, such as

- Palaestina,

> Anatolia and > Iran, urban-

ized phases alternated with periods when village-based or tribal structures predominated. Although expressions such as uru (Sumerian), alu (Accadian) and happira

(Hittite) are translated as ‘town’ or ‘city’, attempts to differentiate these exactly from (scarcely attested) expressions for smaller settlements are futile. Such a distinction was evidently deemed less important than the disparity with the open country: a frequently stated opposition is dluu séru (Accadian), ‘town/city and open country/steppe’.

TOWN, CITY

For a long time, Egypt was regarded as the model of a central state without cities: but this assumption increasingly appears to have arisen from the preservation state of the evidence. The construction material (airdried mud bricks) and the location of settlements in the area of the > Nile floods are unconducive to research;

the overriding interest up to now in stone-built central structures has meant that extensive excavations of cities (+ Amarna,

~ Buto, > Elephantine, Qantir) are rela-

tively recent undertakings. In Egypt as elsewhere, the city (Egyptian mjwt) was the seat of rule and administration as well as the religious centre, and its population displayed a complex social structure. Owing to Egypt’s considerably greater degree of centralization, however, it appears that, in relation to the capital, other cities played a subordinate role. 1H.J. Nissen, Geschichte Altvorderasiens, 1999.

W. VON SODEN, Tempelstadt und Metropole im Alten Orient, in: H.Stoos (ed.), Die Stadt, 1979, 37-82; G. WILHELM (ed.), Die orientalische Stadt, 1996; M. BIETAK, s. v. Stadt(anlage), LA 5, 1984, 1233-1249; D.FRANKE, Zur Bedeutung der Stadt in altaglichen Texten, in: M. JANSEN (ed.), Stadtische Formen und Macht, 1994. HJ.N.

Ill. PHOENICIA

Phoenician cities of the rst millennium BC on the Mediterranean have their typological and structural roots in the important urban centres of the Syrian/Canaanite city kingdoms of the Late Bronze Age; for most of those lying on the coast of the Levant we have both written sources (inter al. the > Amarna Letters, Assyr-

ian royal inscriptions) and archaeological evidence (inter al. > Ugarit, Arwad/> Aradus [1], > Byblus/ Byblos, > Sidon, Simyra/Tell Kazel, > Tyre). Their political and material urban culture and individually specific self-conceptions, developed very early, were not seriously affected by the > migration of the Sea Peoples at the end of the Bronze Age (c. 1200 BC), as the coastal

strips abutting the mountains of + Lebanon, located between the empires of + Hattusa/Hatti and Egypt, remained, with few exceptions (e.g. Ugarit), for the most part free of devastation. This continuity of settlement gave the Phoenician city states, in which several urban settlements might be united under one main centre, the strength in the early rst millennium BC to undertake expansion across the Mediterranean; this expansion, driven by economic factors, especially the lack of raw materials (— Colonization), at the same time gave the Phoenicians a bridging and mediating function between the Bronze Age and the Iron Age. Armed with an experience of urban living, city politics and the material organization of the city as a framework for daily life that stretched far back into the 2nd millennium, in the early part of the rst millennium BC they were far advanced in comparison with all neighbouring Mediterranean cultures, with the exception of Egypt.

TOWN, CITY

812

81r

Essential elements characterizing the situation and aspect of Phoenician cities (both in the Levant and in overseas settlements) were: a) the selection of the finest available harbours along the great sea lanes; b) appropriate development of the harbour, or of more than one harbour (e.g. Sidon, Tyre) [1]; c) strong fortifications, with earthworks and walls equipped with towers; d) dense forms of urban settlement (even in the smaller

though the estimated population figures for each town at its peak (up to 32,000 for Veii, and 25,000 each for Caere and Populonia) are of only relative significance, these towns/cities may have been among the most important and largest in Italy. In about 500 BC, devastation and the definitive abandonment of settlements are to be observed in central Etruria; the causes of this are uncertain. During the following period, under the additional effect of increas-

trading posts), with quasi-orthogonal plots and multistorey development (cf. Str. 16,2,13; App. Lib. 128); e) relatively modest religious sanctuaries, with monumentality (under Greek influence?) developing only later (> Phoenicians IV A).

ing restriction of Etruscan maritime dominance in the Tyrrhenian Sea, cities in the interior, such as -> Volsinii/Orvieto, > Clusium/Chiusi, Cortona [r], and later also -» Arretium/Arezzo, — Perusia/Perugia and the

1 H. Frost, Harbours and Proto-Harbours. Early Levantine Engineering, in: V. KARAGEORGHIS, D,.MICHAELIDIS (eds.), Cyprus and the Sea (Proc. of the International Symposion, Nicosia 1993) 1995, I-22.

port city of + Spina [2] on the Adriatic coast, gained in importance. In the absence of extensive excavations, the internal structure of these settlements too is still largely unknown (cf. -» Town planning IV D).

H.G.

NieMeyer,

E.Lipinsxi,

s.v.

Urbanisme,

DCPP,

486-488; H.G. NIEMEYER, El yacimiento fenicio de Toscanos: urbanistica y funcion, in: Aula Orientalis (Barcelona) 3, 1985, 109-126; Id., The Early Phoenician CityStates on the Mediterranean: Archaeological Elements for Their Description, in: M.H. HANnsEN (ed.), A Comparative Study of Thirty City-State Cultures, 2000, 89-115. H.G.N.

IV. ETRURIA A pronounced growth in population is to be discerned in Etruria as in Greece during the 9th/8th cents. BC; this led to the development of large settlement centres in the early 7th cent., and their territorial expansion at the cost of formerly autonomous settlements such as > Visentium and > Marsiliana d’Albegna in the territory of the > Volci/Vulci, or, in the case of > Tarquinii, to the abandonment of small peripheral settlements in favour of the centre, so that here one may speak of a kind of > synoikismos. On account of the particular geological situation, the settlements in southern Etruria had at their disposal ready-made settlement areas in the form of tufa plateaux, separated from the surrounding land by canyon-like gulfs and affording defensive advantages, so that, for the most part, fortifications did not become necessary until the struggle

+ Etrusci,

Etruria

(with

maps);

> Twelve

Cities,

League (Etruscan) of G. CoLonna, Urbanistica e architettura, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Rasenna, 1987, 369-530; M. MILLER,

Befestigungsanlagen

in Italien vom

8. bis 3. Jahrhun-

dert v. Chr., 1995, 72-105; M.RENDELI, Sulla nascita delle comunita urbane in Etruria meridionale, in: Annali del Seminario di studi del mondo classico, sezione di archeologia e storia antica 13, 1991, 9-45; S. STEINGRABER, L’urbanistica etrusca, in: M.Toreu (ed.), Gli Etruschi, Exhibition catalogue Venice 2000, 291-311. FPR. V. GREECE AND

A. TERMINOLOGY

ROME

B. GREECE

C. ROME

A. TERMINOLOGY The ancient city, as an urban-geographical phenomenon, is not identical with the politically and socially defined organizational types of the — polis and the + civitas, which were self-governing municipalities on a strictly defined territory. It is misleading to translate polis and civitas as ‘town’ or ‘city’, or ‘city-state’, insofar as the territories of these municipalities did not necessarily contain a town or city, but, on the other hand, might accommodate several urban settlements, an in-

against Rome (4th cent. BC), whereas in northern Etruria they are attested as early as the 7th and 6th centuries (— Rusellae). As the tufa plateaux were certainly not densely populated, their size (— Veli: ca. 190 ha, +> Caere: 150, Tarquinia: 120, Vulci: 90) offers only rough guidance as to population numbers; the case is

stance being Attica with > Athens, the > Piraeus [1] and -> Thoricus. Although polis and civitas might also

similar in respect of > necropoleis and graves, although these do indicate an advanced development for Tarquinii and Veii, in the sense of a degree of urbanization and stronger social stratification, as early as the late 8th

polis in the 2nd cent. AD whose asty did not by any means have an urban character.

cent. While this, on the other hand, is not true of Caere

1. THE ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIODS HELLENISTIC PERIOD

until the early 7th cent., in this case the settlement underwent a rapid rise in prosperity, to become the leading maritime and trading power in the course of the same century. In northern Etruria, - Populonia and ~ Vetulonia (respectively ca. 150 ha and too ha) stand out as the most important centres for > metallurgy. Al-

denote the settlement centre, the specific terms for the latter were

> asty,

> oppidum

and

urbs, none

of

which, of course, have the same meaning as our terms ‘town’ and ‘city’. Pausanias (10,4,r) mentions a Greek

B. GREECE 2. THE

1. THE ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIODS By no means all Greek polis centres conformed to the above-mentioned (I) criteria even by the rst half of the 4th cent. BC. The historian Xenophon (Xen. Cyr.

813

814

8,2,53;cf. Pl. Resp. 369B-E) denies small poleis any craft specialization worthy of note, and certainly any division of labour, this being present only in large poleis. As the latter, according to Xenophon, had some 5,000 male citizens, thus 20,000-40,000 inhabitants (cf. Pl. Leg. 705 ff.; Aristot. Pol. 1327 ff.), only a minority of the estimated 1,000 poleis in the Greek world can have fulfilled the demographic and economic criteria for the development of an urban centre in the Archaic and Classical Periods. This is confirmed by archaeological evidence in Greece proper. While the history of the polis begins in the 8th cent. BC, only in the larger poleis of southern Greece — such as Athens, Corinth and Argos —do we see, beginning in the second half of the 6th and first half of the sth cent., the appearance of noteworthy public buildings (— stoai, official buildings, fountain houses etc.) in the central settlements, especially in the > agora

The precondition for urban development was an appreciable upturn in commercial production and trade (+ Commerce; > Crafts, Trade), and this is reflected in archaeological finds, e.g. in the growing quantity of ceramics and circulation of coinage. Not until about 500 BC was silver coinage minted in substantial quantities in the Greek world, and only in the second half of the 5th cent. was it joined by considerable issues of bronze coinage for the retail trade, in what may be termed a > money economy (- Minting [1 C]). Associated with this was the employment of a large part of the population in the secondary sector, enabling an urban concentration of population. Recent field research has demonstrated the presence of numerous farmsteads, serving to feed the population, on the + territorium of poleis in the Classical and Hellenistic periods. Only a small portion of the population living in the settlement centres can thus have been employed in ~ agriculture. It is nevertheless true that population numbers in Greek polis centres remained quite low. The population of s5th-cent. BC Athens may have numbered some 50,000, but that of most mainland poleis, insofar as these had an urban centre at all, may scarcely have

(+ Town planning IV). The model of + Sparta, com-

prising several separate k6mai (> Kome, village), and seen by Thucydides (1,10,2) in 400 BC as backward, was not exceptional on the Greek mainland in the 6th/5th cent. Even 6th-cent. Athens and Corinth were not as yet closed urban settlements, and the settlement centres of by far the majority of Greek poleis were more like villages than towns. Exceptions were new foundations on ‘green-field’ sites, such as > Eretria [1] in Euboea, and possibly > Halieis in the Argolis, and these should perhaps rather be seen as instances of the Greek colonization movement in Greece itself. In the Greek colonial territories ( Colonization IV) as early as about the end of the 7th cent. BC, against the background of different environmental conditions and the planning freedom provided by a ‘green-field’ site, we see the establishment of walled settlements on an orthogonal plan, their political centres provided with public buildings as early as the 6th cent., as in the cases of + Megara [3] Hyblaea, > Metapontum and > Selinus [4]. The apotkiai ( Apoikia) became models for the urban development of polis centres on the Greek mainland. If we disregard exceptions such as Athens and Corinth, it was not until the 4th cent., and especially the Hellenistic

Period,

that most

settlement

centres

in

Greece proper acquired that urban aspect commonly associated with Greek cities: paved streets, spacious

dwellings, > theatres, > stadia and > gymnasia built entirely of stone, agorai lined with splendid stoai and adorned with official buildings, countless honorific monuments and architecturally ambitious fountain houses etc. Now for the first time we see officials (+ astynomoi, > agoranomoi and -> architects) bearing responsibility for the market, streets, drainage, water supply and maintenance of public buildings, not for the entire polis, but for the city alone. For the first time, such figures as Hippodamus, ~ Plato [1] and + Aristoteles [6] were moved to thoughts about ~ town planning [IV].

TOWN, CITY

exceeded 1,000-2,000. The situation was different in the case of the colonies and the large poleis created by — synoikismos (i.e. at the cost of the existence of smaller communities), of the end of the 5th and rst half of the 4th cent., such as > Olynthus, > Rhodes and — Megalopolis, which rapidly achieved an urban character by planned concentration of population and generously proportioned city models. The great variety of conditions under which urban settlements were founded led to highly differing models, ranging from dusty country towns to dynamic port cities, with little in common even in outward form, so that it appears scarcely advisable to speak of ‘the Greek city’. 2. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD This applies especially to the Hellenistic era, when, as a consequence of the political and economic opening up of the Orient, sources of wealth until then unheard of became available. To facilitate military, political and economic control of conquered territories, many towns and cities were founded, and rulers established capitals in the form of true metropolises with populations approaching or even exceeding 100,000, such as > Alexandria [1] in Egypt, -» Antioch [1] on the Orontes, » Seleucia [1] on the Tigris, Pergamum etc. These developed quite new dimensions of urban planning and provisions. In them, a colourful ethnic and social mix of craftsmen, merchants, factory owners, officials, officers, priests, scholars, writers, artists etc. lived from the

capital that flowed from political mastery, lucrative long-distance trading in exotic wares such as spices and precious stones, and the mass production not only of practical items but also of more expensive goods such as linen, glass, perfume and papyrus scrolls.

TOWN, CITY

816

815

C. ROME The longing of city-dwellers for a simple country life, an aspiration that also found expression in literature and art, was awakened first in opulent metropolises like Alexandria. The mood continued in the Imperial Period in Rome, which owed its development into a metropolis of a million souls exclusively to its function as the capital of an empire (+ Rome III F and G). The cityscape of Rome and the settlements it founded or developed in conquered territories owed much not only to Etruscan

The towns and cities of the Roman Empire, in spite of a relatively standard basic complement of monuments and buildings, were by no means monotonous iterations. Owing to the widely differing circumstances of their foundation, planning and historical development, they varied greatly in urbanistic, economic and social respects. The province of Africa proconsularis, for instance, while possessing a network of small country towns with populations of between 2,000 and

and Greek models, but also to technical and architec-

cluded the metropolis and port of Carthage, with several hundred thousand inhabitants. Flourishing ports, trading and manufacturing towns and cities such as > Tyre, > Tarsus, > Ephesus, > Colonia Agrippi-

tural innovations (see above IV; > Town planning). The systematic, if not everywhere equally intensive municipalization and urbanization not only of the western provinces, but also of many eastern regions as yet little touched by civilization (e.g. inland Asia Minor), were possible only against the background of the prosperity guaranteed by the pax Romana (-> Pax [1] C). This relied on systematic agricultural improvement and the application of the Roman system of taxation to obtain an enhancement of agricultural yields, together with the creation of a unified economic area and transport zone, and an associated intensification of trade and manufacture that would remain unmatched into the Early Modern era (> Infrastructure). In their civitas foundations in the West, the Romans sometimes expanded on existing settlements, and at other times favoured new foundations (— veterans’ and citizens’ colonies, > coloniae); but, for the most part, resettlements of indigenous peoples formed the core population stock. The dismantling of the fortified hilltop settlements of Iberian, Celtic, Germanic and Illyrian tribes, and the removal of centres of population to the plain, usually to important route junctions, served in one respect for better political and military control (cf. Tac. Agr. 21); but it also fostered the development of these new settlements into political, cultural and economic centres for a larger hinterland. Roman civitas centres (oppidum, urbs), whatever legal status they enjoyed (colonia, — municipium, civitas peregrina), generally developed into true towns or cities (there were exceptions, e.g. in backward Balkan regions). But settlements of a lower legal category (vicus, canabae; cf. ~ Logistics II), situated at road junctions and river crossings or near large military camps, were not infrequently able, by dint of economic dynamism (often augmented by the right to hold a market), to acquire the attributes of urban status, so that the urban network of the Roman Empire was denser than is suggested by the estimated 2,000 civitates and poleis.

The development of a minimum urban provision, with forum, town hall, official buildings, temples, colonnade/-> porticus, thermal baths and dwelling houses

of stone was more or less obligatory into Late Antiquity. It was sometimes financed with technical and financial aid from Rome, but, as a rule, was paid for

from the economic resources of the community itself and its political and social elite, the —» decuriones assembled on the town council [1].

3,000, as centres for services and commerce, also in-

nensis (the modern Cologne), -» Londinium (the mod-

ern London), -» Narbo (the modern Narbonne), + Caesarea [2] in Mauretania, > Ostia etc. probably

had populations of 20,0o00-50,000. Here, major landowners were also wholesale traders and factory owners; specialist markets for textiles and fine foodstuffs served a discriminating clientele, while workshops that were fire-prone or the source of noisome odours occupied the outskirts. The membership and wealth of the local elite varied according to the economic significance and population size of its town or city. In a small country town, a reasonably prosperous farmer might expect to be accepted onto the council of decuriones; in a city such

as

Mediolan(i)um

(the

modern

Milan)

or

Lug(u)dunum (the modern Lyon) one had to be a wealthy landowner or wholesale merchant. The notion of a ‘Roman’ city is nevertheless as nebulous as that of its ‘Greek’ counterpart. The Roman urban concept was, moreover, no static phenomenon, but, over the centuries, underwent considerable chang-

es in terms of autonomy,

architecture, society and

economy. But it was not immanent economic and social

developments that brought an end to the ancient concept of the city. The city in Late Antiquity was by no means decadent; on the contrary, where its political and military framework remained intact it was highly vital. Christianity brought changes, but no decisive interruption to urban development. The ancient urban concept disappeared as a consequence of political and military catastrophe: the Germanic invasions in the West of the Empire during the sth and éth cents., and the advance of the Arabs in the East and in North Africa in the 7th cent. not only largely destroyed the economic infrastructure; they brought into these regions conquerors who had neither an understanding of the political and social organization of the polis and civitas, nor the technical knowledge required to maintain the ancient urban civilization. + Market; > Polis; > Settlement continuity; » Town; + Town planning GENERAL:; F, ViTTINGHOFF, Stadt und Urbanisierung in der griechisch-rémischen Antike, in: HZ 226, 1978, 547563; F.Kors, Die Stadt im Altertum, 1984; J.Ricn,

A. WaLLace-HapriLL, City and Country in the Ancient World, 1991. GREECE:

M.H.

Hansen

(ed.), The Polis as an Urban

817

818

Centre and as a Political Community, 1997; O. MURRAY, S.PricE (ed.), The Greek City from Homer to Alexander, 1990; A.H. M. Jongs, The Greek City from Alexander to Justinian, 1940; E.KirstENn, Die griechische Polis als historisch-geographisches Problem des Mittelmeerraums, 1956; Id., Die Entstehung der griechischen Stadt, in: AA 1964, 892-910; F.Lanc, Archaische Siedlungen in Griechenland, 1996; A.H. M. Jones, The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces, *1971. Rome: H.von Petrikovits, Kleinstadte und nicht-stad-

tische Siedlungen im Nordwesten des R6mischen Reiches, in: H. JANKUHNet al. (eds.), Das Dorf der Eisenzeit und des friihen Mittelalters, 1977, 86-135; W.Ecx, H. GALsTERER (ed.), Die Stadt in Oberitalien und den nw Provinzen des R6mischen Reiches, 1991; F. KOLB, Die urbane Aus-

stattung von Stadten im Westen und im Osten des Rémischen Reiches, in: Klio 75, 1993, 321-341; J. R1cu (ed.), The City in Late Antiquity, 1992; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine au Bas-Empire, 2 vol., 1979-198t.

BK.

TRABEATA

and archers (Hdt. 3,45,4), while Athens had available a troop of 1,600 archers by the time of the > Peloponnesian War at the latest (Thuc. 2,13,8). Archers also took part in the Athenian campaigns against Melos in 416 BC and against Sicily in 415 BC (Thuc. 5,84,1; 6,43). Sparta did not accept archers into its army until its military difficulties following the defeat at Pylos in 424 BC (Thuc. 4,55,2). In general, however, archers were less important in Archaic and Classical times than the > hoplites. The archers used in Greek armies were often — Scythae (Xen. An. 3,4,15) or Cretans (Thuc. 6,43,2). Archers were increasingly used as independent units in the armies of Alexander [4] and his successors. As ‘skirmishers’, they were used preferentially before the line of the > phalanx, in, or else against, defensive positions, or from higher ground. There were also units of archers in the Roman army, the sagittarii (> Bow and arrow). -» Armies (II.); > Hippotoxotai

Toxandria. Region (Amm. Marc. 17,8,3) in the mod-

ern provinces of Noord-Brabant, Antwerpen and Limburg, in the Middle Ages the earldom of Teisterbant. The population (Texuandri: Plin. HN 4,106; ILS 2556; CIL Ill, 6239; 14214) consisted of different groups, among them Germanic peoples which gathered in the former settlement area of the > Eburones. The > Salii [1], who settled in T. in Late Antiquity, were defeated in AD 358 by lulianus [11], but may have remained in the country and made T. the starting point for their expansion in the 4th and sth cents. TIR M 31 Lutetia, 1975, 179.

F.SCH.

Toxeus (ToEetc/Toxens). [1] A son of > Eurytus [1], the king of Oechalia and a

famous archer, and Antiope. According to Diod. Sic. 4,37, killed by Heracles [1], who conquers and destroys the city of Oechalia, together with his brothers Molion and — Clytius [3] (according to Aristocrates in schol. Soph. Trach. 266: Clytius and Deinon). [2] Son of king > Oeneus of Calydon and of > Althaea [x], a daughter of + Thestius (Apollod. 1,64). [3] According to Ov. Met. 8,304; 8,434; 8,439 ff., son of + Thestius, brother of Althaea [1]. Killed by his nephew -> Meleager [1] in a dispute following on the Calydonian hunt. .GO. Toxon see > Bow and arrow

Toxotai (toE6ta/tox0tai, ‘archers’). [1] The + Bow and arrow were very ancient weapons.

Widespread in Greece since Mycenaean times, they were not the normal weapons of an aristocratic hero, and were held in lower esteem than the sword or the spear. Homer mentions archers and their weapons several times (for instance, Hom. Il. 4,93-126; 11,385395; ~ Philoctetes on Lemnos: Soph. Phil. 287-292; 707-711; 1146-1162). Near the end of the Archaic Period, Polycrates [1] of Samos relied on - mercenaries

A.SnNoperass, Arms and Armor of the Greeks, 1967, *1999, 80-84.

LB.

[2] Name for the > Scythians [2], a group of archers used as a police force in 5th- and 4th-cents. BC Athens. PLR.

Toys see > Children’s Games

Trabea [1] Roman garment, a festal form of the > toga, differing from it only in colour. It was dyed purple-red, with scarlet or white stripes (clavi) and was worn on official

occasion by equestrians and — Salii [2]. Originally it was the dress of Roman kings and was then taken over by consuls, but they wore it only on special occasions (e.g. opening of the Temple of Janus). Other wearers of the trabea in the early period were the augures and the Flamines Dialis and Martialis (priests of Jupiter and Mars), who then wore the toga praetexta from the 3rd cent. BC onwards. Because of the lack of coloration on monumental artworks representations of the trabea can hardly be ascertained. H. GABELMANN, Die ritterliche T., in: JDAI 92, 1977, 322372; H. Wrepe, Zur T., in: JDAI 103, 1988, 381-400;

A.PorrHorr,

Lateinische

Kleidungsbezeichnungen

synchroner und diachroner Sicht, 1992, 201-206.

in RH.

[2] Roman writer of comedies in the + palliata genre, probably from the first half of the 2nd cent. BC. > Volcacius Sedigitus’ canon of comedy writers already lists him only eighth of ten names; the few fragments also make it clear that his work found an audience only until the generation of Cicero and Varro. CRF 31898, 36 f.; BARDON 1, 37 f.

Trabeata see > Comedy II D..; > Melissus

TRACHIS

Trachis (Toayic/Trachis). One of the oldest cities in the valley of the > Spercheius, on the northern slopes of the Oete, at the end of the Asopus [1] gorge near the ‘Trachinian Rocks’ (Toayivua néteaTrachiniai pétrai, Hdt. 7,198). T. was the residence of > Ceyx. In the Iliad T. is part of the territory of + Peleus (Hom. II. 2,682). In the 5th cent. BC, T. was the capital of the + Malieis (Hdt. 7,199). In 426 BC, against the ~ Oetaei who were advancing from the south, Sparta founded Heraclea [1] Trachinia only 6 stadia (about 1.2 km) away, the lower part of which soon encroached on T. (Thuc. 3,92; Diod. Sic. 12,59,3 ff.). Y.BEQuiIGNON, La vallée du Spercheios, 1937, s. Index; F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 208f.; PritCHETT 1, 81f. HE.KR.

Tracing (in full size), Scratched or scored lines in ~ architecture (> Construction technique; > Building trade). The architect’s plan was successively transmitted to the emerging building at a scale of 1:1 by tracing. Tracings are recorded from the pre-Greek era in Mesopotamian and Egyptian architecture; in Graeco-Roman

architecture, tracing long made scale construction drawings unnecessary. Well-preserved or documented tracings are found, among other places, on the Propylaea in Athens, the large tholos in Delphi and the more recent temple of Apollo in Didyma. L.HASELBERGER,

820

819

Aspekte

der

Bauzeichnungen

von

Didyma, in: RA 1991, 99-113; Id., Ein Giebelrif$ der Vorhalle des Pantheon, in: MDAI(R) tor, 1994, 279-308;

J.P. Hetser, Antike Bauzeichnungen,

1993,

154-182;

A. PETRONOTIS, Bauritzlinien und andere A. am Unterbau griech. Bauwerke der Archaik und Klassik, 1968; Ders., Zum Probiem der Bauzeichnung bei den Griechen, 1972.

C.HO.

Tractatores (Greek toaxtevtai/trakteutat). Accounting

official, primarily in the financial administration, which came under the > praefectus praetorio, first attested in a 468 AD law of the emperor Leo [4] I (Cod.

equivalent to the forms of reassignment of the + mancipatio and — in iure cessio in the - ius [D.] civile (law for Roman

citizens, Gai. Inst. 2,65; Dig.

41,1,9,3), which applied to > res mancipi alone, while the traditio sufficed for res nec mancipi (e.g. clothing, gold, silver). It required a iusta causa (legal basis, e.g. sale, gift, Gai. Inst. 2,19 f.; Paul. Dig. 41,1,31 pr.). Ifa res mancipi, e.g. a piece of Italian land, was merely reassigned by a traditio, the recipient gained no civil ownership of it (+ dominium), but did gain adverse possession, and with it a position that was secure in relation to the civil owner (in bonis habere, ‘to have in

bonis’, i.e. ‘simple possession’; Gai. Inst. 2,40 f.; Theophilus [7] 1,5,4). If the parties had not been able to agree as to the iusta causa (e.g. gift or loan? Bequest or promise by ~ stipulatio?), Ulpian (— Ulpianus, early 3rd cent. AD, Dig. 12,1,18) held the transfer of possession to be void, while Julian (— Iulianus [1], rst half of 2nd cent. AD, Dig. 41,1,36) had found it valid. For the traditio itself, the handover of the key to the storehouse in which the sold goods were stored (Gai. Dig. 41,1,9,6;

cf. also Papin. Dig. 18,1,74), for instance, or to the

cellar holding the wine to be transferred (Paul. Dig. 41,2,1,21), would suffice. What was required was the procurance of possession by actual physical access (corpore) with associated intent to take control (animo, Paul. Dig. 41,2,3,1). For the acquisition of possession of a piece of land, the boundaries of the land had to be jointly viewed from a tower (Celsus, Dig. 41,2,18,2) or

the land had to be entered at a particular place — there was no need to walk its entire perimeter (glebas circambulare). If money or property were given up at the behest of the purchaser in his house, or deposited in front of the creditor, it was regarded ‘in a certain sense as transferred with a long hand’ (i.e. indirectly, quodammodo manu longa tradita, lav. Dig. 46,3,79). The

acquirer did not need to take the object ‘physically and by touching’ (corpore et tactu), but only ‘by the eyes and by the will’ (oculis et affectu, Paul. Dig. 41,2,1,21; still uncertain in Labeo/Iav. Dig. 41,2,51).

In common

law, there was ‘transfer with a short

Just. Epit. 10,23,3,3). In the provinces they were re-

hand’ (i.e. directly, brevi manu

sponsible for the annual notification of the amount and use of taxes, supervised the collection and passing on of all tax demands and saw to the recovery of financial arrears; for this they also received armed assistance when needed. They were selected by the heads of the office. Negligence by tractatores attracted severe fines. There were also tractatores in the financial administrations of a governor, a domus divina, pagi and villages. + Taxes

cases already mentioned in Roman law whereby e.g. the custodian/ borrower (detentor, ‘detainer’) bought the item or had it mortgaged (Ulp. Dig. 6,2,9,1; still otherwise Gai. Dig. 41,1,9,5). The converse case also occurred, whereby the present (full) possessor relinquished his position to another and himself became merely the custodian or borrower (Celsus, Dig. 41,2,18 pr.; in

STEIN, Spatrom. R. 1, 340.

K.G.-A.

Trade see > Commerce Traditio. Transfer or procuration of possession (> possessio) in Roman law. In the ius gentium (common law of the ‘peoples’, i.e. non-citizens) it was

common

traditio) in respect of

law constitutum possessorium). In Late Anti-

quity, the iusta causa became the decisive feature of transfer, in comparison to which the traditio lost importance, while mancipatio and in iuve cessio fell entirely into disuse. Justinian (— lustinianus [1], 6th cent. AD) rehabilitated the traditio, but had the mancipatio and in iure cessio deleted in the > Corpus iuris or replaced by the traditio (e.g. Ulp. Dig. 41,1,20 pr.). > CAUSA; > PROPERTY

821

822 HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB,

137-140;

154-163;

Kaser, RPR, vol. 1, 203; 390-394; 403; 416-418; vol. 2, 274-284; M.Kaser, lus Gentium, 1993, 97-100; D.Liess, ROmisches Recht, 51999, 163-169; D. SCHAN-

BACHER, Zur Bedeutung der Leistungszweckbestimmung bei der Ubereignung, in: TRG 60, 1992, 1-27. D.SCH.

Traffic. The overcoming of distances by people and goods, using means of transport on transport routes. I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. THE ANCIENT ORIENT The oldest means of transport are people, beasts of burden and boats. They were used for short- and longdistance traffic alike, for individual items and for bulk

transport. It was not only in the nomadic context (+ Nomads) that > donkeys and later > camels were employed unharnessed for their stamina as beasts of burden, and their ability to travel long distances with little food. In Egypt, sledges were used for heavy transport over limited distances; this also applies to the early period in Southern Mesopotamia, where they are only rarely attested (pictographs in archaic texts from ~ Uruk; end of the 4th millennium BC). Although we have no actual finds from Mesopotamia, some representations survive. Carts were very rare in Egypt, and in Southern Mesopotamia at the end of the 4th millennium we know of them only from pictographs again. Four-wheeled fighting vehicles are depicted on the socalled ‘standard’ from the > Ur cemetery (mid 3rd millennium); their radius of action, however, was restricted by the lack of roads. Long-distance commerce via the Persian and Arabian Gulfs to the Indus Valley and Southern Arabian peninsula respectively was largely carried out by ship, probably as coastal traffic. The two-wheeled > wagons or chariots harnessed to horses or equines, depicted on Egyptian, Neo-Assyrian, Late Hittite and Achaemenid reliefs from the 2nd millennium onwards, were probably purely for military use. The main means of transport in Egypt and Southern Mesopotamia was water, on vessels ranging from simple boats to enormous freighters, in Egypt capable of transporting obelisks, in Southern Mesopotamia up to 20 tonnes (c. 2000 BC) or 130 tonnes (7th cent. BC; Hdt. 1,194) of grain. In Egypt as well as Southern Mesopotamia, cult processions and progresses were performed on ships that, in Egypt, were sometimes built from precious materials. Paved roads do not appear to have existed anywhere in the Middle East until the rst millennium BC. Paved roads do not appear to have existed anywhere in the Middle East until the rst millennium BC. They are attested neither in literature nor in archaeological finds, neither inside nor outside towns, and even famous main routes like the Silk Road, the Incense Road, the Great Khorasan Road, etc. were in fact unpaved. An exception is the portion of the Neo-Babylonian processional way in the southern Citadel area of + Babylon (7th

TRAFFIC

cent. BC), which was paved with large, close-set lime-

stone slabs. Even in the case of the > royal roads of the Neo-Assyrian Empire and the > Achaemenids [2], at most those portions within towns and cities were paved. Street networks that survive within Ancient Oriental settlements, however, allowed only limited traffic by means other than animals. Textual sources and so-called — itineraries attest since the 2nd millennium BC to traffic links between places remote from one another. Such links were associated with commerce, for example between Old Assyrian > Assur and Anatolia by means of donkey caravans, or with the exchange of prestige goods between the various Ancient Near Eastern courts and the Egyptian empire during the Amarna period (14th cent. BC). A well-developed messenger system served for the conveyance of diplomatic messages among other things. Armies also used existing traffic routes, and knowledge of alternative routes was available. Listed locations can occasionally be identified with archaeological sites, thus allowing conclusions to be drawn regarding historical topography, and also the length and duration of individual sections of routes. Neo-Assyrian texts reveal the existence of artificial > canals functioning as waterways apart from the main rivers, but of these too there is scant archaeological evidence. + Commerce

I; - Communications;

— Navigation;

— Wagon, Chariot E. MartIN-Parpey, s. v. Schiff, LA 5, 601-610; W.K. SIMPSON, s. v. Schiffbau, LA 5, 616-622; W.HELCK, s. v. Transportwesen, LA 6, 743 f.; M.-CH. DE GRAEVE, The Ships of the Ancient Near East (2000 — 500 B. C.), 1981; G.F. Bass, Sea and River Craft in the Ancient Near East, in: J. SAssON (ed.), Civilizations in the Ancient Near East, vol. 3, 1995, 1421-1431; D.A. Dorsey, Transportation, in: E.M. Meyers (ed.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ar-

chaeology in the Near East, 1997, 243 f.; F.M. FALEs, Rivers in Neo-Assyrian Geography, in: M. LIVERANT (ed.), Neo-Assyrian Geography, 1995, 203-215; W.NAGEL, E. STROMMENGER, Der friihsumerische Kultschlitten — ein Vorlaufer des Wagens?, in: P. CALMEYER et al. (eds.), Bei-

trage zur Altorientalischen Archaologie und Altertumskunde, 1994, 201-209; A.SALONEN, Die Wasserfahrzeuge in Babylonien (Studia Orientalia 8, 4), 1939. HJ.N.

Il. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Many people in Antiquity, especially in country areas, only rarely left their town of abode or their home region; the distance covered by farmers in getting to -» market was in all probability normally less than 20 km, the distance that could be managed in order to get there and back in one day. Craftsmen working in the larger towns and cities also usually remained in place. The lack of > mobility on the part of a large section of the population must have been associated with the fact that suitable means of transport were largely non-existent. Only a few people possessed a riding animal (> Horse, Mule), or draught animals and a wagon; thus a large part of the population had to cover lengthy distances on foot. It was not until Roman times that

TRAFFIC

824

823

~ roads (see annexes) were in general sufficiently well made to be passable the whole year round. In these circumstances, - travel took a long time, and farmers and

craftsmen in particular could scarcely afford to leave their farms or workshops for a lengthy period. Mobility and displacement were tied to particular conditions. Thus soldiers in wartime often covered great distances, and specialist traders transported goods long distances. It was chiefly members of the elite who had the material means to visit foreign cities and sanctuaries to take part in > artistic competitions, or as — envoys (see annexes). In the case of journeys by

water, a traveller had to conclude a contract with a ship-owner; there were probably no regular passenger services.

Travelling conditions improved fundamentally with the enforced -> construction of roads and bridges by the Romans; vehicles built especially for the demands of a journey are also attested for the Roman period. At the same time, > navigation intensified in the Mediterranean region, so that, in the entire territory of the Roman

Empire, transport links by land and water were better than ever before. Staging posts (> Mansio; —> Statio) on the roads, where one could stop over or stay for the night, represented a fundamental improvement. Dangers remained, however, for individual travellers, from

bad weather or > brigandry. Whereas traffic on country roads produced few problems, the situation was different in towns and

+ Tenedus (EM 763,25). Known for its salt springs (Str. 13,1,48), T. lies in the middle of the Plain of Tuzla (in Antiquity ‘AAjowov mediov/Halesion pedion, ‘Salt Plain’, Hellanikos FGrH 4 F 34; Plin. HN 31,85). The

springs were so profitable that Lysimachus [2] levied a tax on them (Ath. 3,73d). W. Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923, 247 f.; J.M. Cook, The Troad, 1973, 221-224. E.SCH.

Tragedy I. GREEK

II. ROMAN

I. GREEK A. DEFINITION, ORIGIN, EARLY FORMS B. STRUCTURE AND ELEMENTS C. PERFORMANCES D. MYTH

AND TRAGEDY

E. POLIS AND TRAGEDY

F. DEVELOPMENT AFTER 406 BC:

G. RECEPTION

A. DEFINITION, ORIGIN, EARLY FORMS

The explanations for the term toaywéia (tragoidia) are controversial; equally controversial is the reconstruction of the genesis of tragedy from cult rituals over pre-literary choral performances to the — literary genre

of the 5th cent. BC. The greatest problem is to reconcile — Aristotle’s [6] brief history of the genre in the Poetics (Aristot. Poet. 4,1449a 9-31) with anthropological and

cities. Here, traffic was soon regarded as a nuisance,

ethnological considerations. Aristotle thought the literary form evolved gradually from short myths (plots) and froma diction that originally caused laughter (1€E1¢

even requiring special regulation. Thus in Rome, vehi-

yehoia/léxis gelota) [17. 301 f.], in connection with the

cle traffic on the city’s streets was forbidden by day (ILS 6085, 56ff.). Despite this restriction, the impression persisted that the streets of major cities were too busy; a series of accounts testify to the fact that this situation was regarded as unsatisfactory (Juv. 3,232-248; Sen.

early satyr-like character (ocatvowxdv/ satyrikon, cf. ~ Satyr play) of tragedy. The dignity that is characteristic of the genre (cf. deoeuvivOn/ apesemnynthé) was attained only late. The evolution is reflected in the change of metre from trochaic tetrameter, supposedly more suited to the dance- and satyr-like character of the early stage, to iambic trimeter (> Metre). Both tragedy and > comedy [I A] began from improvisations (&° doxs advtooyediaotixis/ap’ archés autoschediastikés) [17. 296-298]. Tragedy originated with those who led

Clem. 1,6,1; cf. Mart. 4,64;

Noise). As the situation

as regards town planning scarcely changed, the only possibility was to limit traffic, and above all riding and driving in towns and cities (Suet. Claud. 25,2; SHA Hadr. 22,6; SHA Aur. 23,8).

Late Antiquity brought a new motive for travelling: -~» pilgrimages to holy places, or visits to saints. There is also, however, evidence for the degeneration of roads in Late Antiquity, so that, in the interior, many transport links could no longer be used (Rut. Namat. 37-42); the

decline of political authority also led to growing insecurity outside urban centres. + Land transport (with ill.); > Mobility; Navigation; > Roads (see annexes; with maps); > Travel E. OLSHAUSEN, H.SONNABEND (ed.), Zu Wasser und zu Land. Verkehrswege in der antiken Welt (Stuttgarter Kol-

loquium

zur historischen

1999), 2002.

Geografie

des Altertums

7,

H.SCHN.

Tragasae (Toayaoai/Tragasai). Settlement in southeastern > Troad at modern Tuzla, to the north of Gul-

pinar. T. is named after Tragasus, whose daughter Philonomia was married to - Tennes [1], the ruler of

the > dithyramb (as singers, &&aoyovtec/exdarchontes),

according to the prevalent interpretation of the passage of the Poetics, defended with valid arguments by [17] against [14]. Scholars who follow Aristotle and accept a close connection between dithyrambos, characteristics of satyr (play) and tragedy interpret the term ‘tragedy’ as ‘song of (billy) goats’ (toe@yoc/tragos, ‘billy goat’; @51/ didé, ‘song’). They assume there was a ‘satyr dithyramb’ with mimetic elements, an invention > Arion is credited with [15. 38-40; 31. 24-29]. This would be supported by a statement in a commentary on Hermogenes [7] by lohannes Logothetes claiming that > Solon [x] in his elegies called Arion the poet who composed “the first play of tragedy” (tic toaymdiac mo@tov doapa/tés tragdidias proton drama) (T 5 Dithyrambographi Graeci ed. Sutton). If this quote by Solon is authentic it provides the first evidence for ‘tragedy’ be-

825

826

fore Aristoph. Ach. 464. Herodotus [1] (Hdt. 5,67) mentions tragic choruses (toeayixol yoeoi/tragikoi choroi) in Sicyon which he dates to the time of the tyrant Cleisthenes [1] (early 6th cent. BC). Supposedly these

nation between song and spoken passages provided the structure of tragedy as described by Aristotle (Poet. 12,1452b 14-27) who distinguished between the chorus parts > pdarodos and stasima (> stdsimon) which divided tragedy into several sections: pr6logos, ~> epeisddia and > éxodos. The playwrights enlivened and varied this structure with > amoibaia and kommoi (> Kommos [2]), lyrical dialogues between chorus and actors. In the last quarter of the 5th cent. BC a shift of the lyrical element from the orchestra on to the stage is seen with > Euripides [1], who in response to greater professionalism among actors and the introduction of an agon among actors (449) increasingly employed > monodies

choruses recounted the ordeals of the hero + Adrastus [xz] or > Melanippus [1] and were performed at a hero festival honouring the god + Dionysus. This could explain how hero myths became part of chorus songs sacred to the god Dionysus. The proverbial ovdév modc tov Avovucov (oudén pros ton Didnyson, “Nothing to do with Dionysus!”, for ancient testimonies see [14. 68 f.; 15. 43]), allegedly the reaction of the citizens of Sicyon to a performance of Epigenes, provides something of an > aetiology for the non-Dionysian content of the Dionysian genre. A different school of thought, based on W. BuRKERT [7], understands tragedy as ‘song at the sacrifice of a goat’, performed by teaywdol (tragdidof), a group of singers in masks. Proponents of this interpretation seek the origin of tragedy in sacrificial rituals, as indicated by certain elements ( masks, dirge, performance as agon; musical accompaniment by aulos; > chorus) and especially by the topics of many surviving tragedies (‘Shuman existence in the face of death’ [7. 26]). The ancient testimonies [14. 64-72] indicate that reconstructing the history of the genre in a single strand is misguided, considering that the sources point to early forms of tragedy at several locations outside of Athens (cf. Them. Or. 27,406: the Sicyonians invented tragedy and the Athenians perfected it) [15. 45 f.; 21. 159-163; 22. 32-38]. Being part of the cult of Dionysus explains some of tragedy’s elements, such as masks and aulos music; the proximity of tragedy to the Dionysian cult song dithyramb explains the non-Dionysian subjectmatter of the surviving tragedies. The essential step that led to + drama in the proper sense was made in Athens by > Thespis between 535 and 531 BC in the context of the Dionysian religious policy of > Peisistratus [4] (similar to other tyrants of the 6th cent.; cf. > Periander of Corinth or > Cleisthenes [1] of Sicyon) [3 1. 24-34]. It is quite conceivable that early tragedies were performed in the context of initiation rites [29]. B. STRUCTURE AND ELEMENTS Although there is very little information about tragedy before > Aeschylus [1], the evidence [15. 51-54] supports the assumption that Thespis ‘invented’ tragedy (> protos heuretes) by adding spoken parts (of + prologue/prologos and > rhesis) to an earlier form which had been chorus only. This meant introducing the first actor (bmoxowtyc/-> hypokrites). Instituting a competition (é&ydv/agon) among the dramatic poets at the Greater > Dionysia (from 53 5/4 or perhaps from 508 BC) hastened the development of tragedy. Aeschylus [r] introduced the second actor (-» deuteragonistes) and strengthened the rhésis by reducing the parts of the chorus. By adding a third actor (tritagonistés) > Sophocles [x] expanded the dramatic possibilities even more. The interaction between chorus and actor and the alter-

TRAGEDY

(arias). This, in turn, reduced the function of the chorus. In the extreme, the chorus only sang intermezzi which were unrelated to the action (éupoAua/embolima). The introduction of these intermezzi was ascribed to > Agathon [1] (Aristot. Poet. 18,1456a 29 f.). Very popular stereotypical elements of Attic tragedy were the messenger speech (— Messenger scenes; ~ rhésis) and, influenced by Sophist rhetoric (— Sophists), the contest of speeches (&ywv Aoywv/agon logon) consisting of speech, counter-speech and ~» stichomythia. The combination of + anagnorisis and — intrigue, first apparent in Aeschylus’ Choephoroi, became the predominant plot structure of Euripides’ late plays; cf. in general [12].

C. PERFORMANCES Organizing the performance of tragedies (cf. —» Spectacles [II A]; [6; 19]) was the responsibility of the + polis, represented by the archon eponymos at the Greater Dionysia and by the archon basilezus at the ~ Lenaea where from c. 432 BC on a tragedy contest (agon) was held (— Archontes [I]). The archontes chose

the three poets (yoedv di8dvat/choron didonai, ‘to give a chorus’, i.e. the right for a performance), determined the sequence of the plays and appointed the choregos who had to finance the performance (— Choregia, + Choregos). At the Dionysia, there were 20 dithyrambs on the first day and five or three comedies on the second day, and the last three days were reserved for tragedies. The tragic poets competed with one > tetralogy each. In 5th-cent. Athens, tragedies could only be performed once; an exception was made for Aeschylus’ tragedies which were staged again after his death. After 3.86 it became officially allowed to stage previously performed pieces anew in an agon that was specially created for the purpose (IrGF I DID A 1, 201). D. MyTH AND TRAGEDY From its roots in choral poetry Greek tragedy drew its subject > myth [V]. Although as early as in pre-literary time Dionysian subject-matter seems to have lost

ground to other myths, especially to topics of the + Epic cycle (cf. Aristot. Poet. 23,1459b 1-6 and above I A), modern scholars have pointed out Dionysian sub-

structures and the ‘Dionysation’ of tragedy through the

TRAGEDY

context of the > festival [5; 9; 11]. Historical topics can be found in the first quarter of the 5th cent. BC (> Phrynichus [1]: Capture of Miletus, Phoenician Women; Aeschylus [1 B 1]: Persians) and in post-classical time (see below I F). Aristotle noticed (Poet. 13,1453a 1722) that whereas in the beginning the poets treated any mythological subject, later they limited themselves to a few central topics (see also -» Antiphanes [1], fr. 189 PCG). This was because the tragic poets not only sought the immediate contest in the annual agon but competed with their rivals over years (cf. the subject of Orestes and Electra in Aesch. Cho.; Soph. El.; Eur. El., Or.; the fate of Oedipus’ children in Aesch. Sept.; Soph. Ant.; Eur. Phoen.). Euripides [1] was especially creative in adapting the mythological subject matter that the genre demanded. He did so by leading the plot away from the ending prescribed by tradition to a point at which he could bring about that ending only by the — often abrupt — intervention of a god (+ Deus ex machina). Choral poetry and tragedy used mythology in comparable ways. A choral poets reflects on an event or situation from the present by situating it ina mythological context, and similarly in the theatre the dramatic rendering of a myth can refer to a current political event or provide an explanatory model for life in a democratic polis in general (see below, I E) or for the relationship between man and the gods (‘theology of tragedy’, cf. -» Aeschylus [1 C], > Sophocles [1 C], > Euripides [1 C]). In contradistinction to choral poetry, tragedy can act out a conflict between different discourses, represented by the dramatis personae and the > chorus. E. POLIS AND TRAGEDY The fact that tragedy was part of the main festival of the polis of Athens suggests that tragedy had a direct political function comparable to the two other Dionysian genres, comedy and dithyramb — taking ‘political’ (modttixdc/politikos) in the broader sense of ‘every-

thing that concerns the polis of Athens in all its aspects’. In the surviving tragedies two dramatic techniques in particular can be observed: By providing an aetiology, contemporary political decisions could be mythologised and thus became immune to contemporary arguments. An obvious example of this is in the Eumenides by > Aeschylus [1 D] when the city goddess > Athena establishes the > Areopagus in the function it retained even after the reform of > Ephialtes [2] in 462, i.e. that of a blood court. A far more common technique was to update the dramatic action by interspersing it with terms and ideas from the time of performance; examples are the term otéotc (> stdsis/‘civil war’) in Aeschylus’ Eumenides (976-987) in a call for concord inside the city; the expression meWaoyia (peitharchia, ‘subordination’) in Sophocles’ [1] Antigone (676, cf. 669)

which has an oligarchic overtone and thus turns the conflict between Creon and Haemon (635 ff.) into a clash of oligarchy and tyranny vs. democracy; another example is the political catchword étatgot (> hetairoi) or étaioia (> hetairia [2], ‘political association’)

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by

which in Orestes of Euripides (Eur. Or. 804, 1072, 1079; cf. Thuc. 3,82) Orestes, Pylades und Electra describe their association to carry out their plans [33. 130-135]. In these instances the mythological

action is carried into the present and thus used to interpret it (often in a critical and subversive manner, especially by Euripides). F. DEVELOPMENT

AFTER 406 BC

The Frogs of -» Aristophanes [3] attest that as early

as 405 BC- only a year after the death of Euripides and Sophocles (406) — the triad of the three great tragic poets had been established and that in terms of quality they towered above the rest of the poets (Aristoph. Ran. 71 f., 96 f.). Largely because of the early canonization (> Canon) only tragedies of the triad have been preserved — seven each of Aeschylus and Sophocles and nineteen tragedies by Euripides [33. 57-64]. Once repeat performances were permitted (from 386 on) Euripidean

tragedy in particular influenced tragedy productions of the 4th and 3rd cents. BC, e.g. the treatment of Medea by > Biotus (TrGF I 205, date unknown), > Carcinus [4] (IrGF I 70), > Dicaeogenes [2] (TrGF I 52), + Dio-

genes [14] of Sinope (IrGF I 88), + Theodorides (TrGF 178 A), Cn. Pompeius Macer (1st cent. BC, TrGF I 180

F 1); Adespota (TrGF II F 644, influenced by Eur. Tro. and Hec.; F 663: by Eur. IA.; F 665: by Eur. Phoen.).

The fragments of the 4th to rst cents. BC as well as Rhesus, attributed to Euripides but probably written in the 4th cent. BC, have certain characteristics of postclassical tragedy, which can be understood primarily as a preoccupation with the three canonical tragic poets of the 5th cent. BC, against which Hellenistic scholars sought to balance with the — Pleias, a canon of contem-

porary tragic poets [4. 441; 21. 196 f.]. In addition to

dramatic vividness and effective staging (Rhesus), they sought to attain variety (xovmtdic/porkilia; cf. > Astydamas [2] TrGF I 60 F 4). Just as in the contemporary ~ satyr play (D), current and historical topics were featured,

e.g. Theodectes

(or Theodectas),

Maussolus

(TrGFI72T x [1. 291; 4. 442]); > Moschion [xz], The Pheraeans (Phéraioi, TrGF 1 97 F 3); > Lycophron [5], The People of Cassandria (Kassandreis, TrGF I 100 *F th);

- Moschion

[1], Themistocles

(TrGF I 97 F 1);

» Lycophron [5], The People of Marathon (Marathonioi, IrGF I 100 *F rk), possibly the Gyges fragment (IrGF II F 664 after Hdt. 1,10,2 ff.; the date is controversial, [1. 260-—263]); > Ezechiel [2] (IrGF I 128). Because from the Hellenistic Period on (Plut. Alexander 8,3,668d) tragedies were read more and even written as closet dramas [4. 442], they became a means to convey philosophical ideas (+ Diogenes’ [14] Cynic tragedies, TrGF 188). When from the 4th cent. on acting became more professional and actors formed guilds (the so-called > technitai of Dionysus; + hypokritées [IV]) tragedy spread throughout the Greek world. Eventually, however, instead of complete plays mostly only highlights were recited (esp. the lyrical parts). ~» Pantomime, which presented historical and mytho-

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logical subjects as well, pushed tragedy out of the theatres and into schools. From Hellenism on, but especially from the Roman Imperial Period to Late Antiquity, Greek tragedies were, following the pattern of rhetorical training, composed as literary stylistic exercises: + Asinius [I 4] Pollio (TrGF I 178), Cn. Pompeius Macer (IrGF I 180), Emperor > Titus [3] (TrGF I 183),

+ Pliny [2] the Younger (TrGF I184), > Synesius [1] of Cyrene (IrGF I 199), > Timotheus [14] of Gaza (the last Greek ‘tragic poet’ that can be dated, AD 6th cent., TrGF I 200). In general, cf. [21. 185-201; 23; 30]. G. RECEPTION The reception of Greek Tragedy was twofold: on the one hand there was the productive reception of the Tragic Triad (> Aeschylus [1 F], > Euripides [1 D 2], + Sophocles [1 D 2]), often related to repeat performances of their pieces (see below II, cf. > GREEK TRAGEDY), and on the other hand there was a theoretical and poetological reflection on the genre that goes back to the sth cent. BC with the parody of tragedy in Old Comedy (the so-called paratragoidia) [20]. In ancient and modern times, the theoretical discussion of tragedy as a genre combined, with changing emphasis, criteria of the aesthetics of production and of audience response, elements already present in Aristophanes’ Frogs

[3]. These discussions frequently started from the Aristotle’ Poetics [32]. Since the 18th cent. (F. SCHILLER) there was an interest in the idea of ‘the tragic’ [10; 27; 33. 170-178], in the objective of tragedy (— katharsis) and in the function of the chorus [33. 144-160]. The category of the ‘Dionysian’, which F. NIETZSCHE introduced in his Die Geburt der Tragddie aus dem Geiste der Musik (The Birth of Tragedy Out of the Spirit of Music; 1872) ( Apollinian), turned the attention to the origins of the genre in cult and had a decisive influence on the staging of tragedy, up to H.NiTscu’s Orgien Mysterien Theater as well as research, starting with E. ROHDE’s Psyche (*1898) and continuing to this

day [7; 33. 179-187]. -» Aeschylus [1]; » Chorus; -» Comedy; > Dithyramb; ~» Drama; - Euripides [1]; Satyr play; > Sophocles [1]; ~ GREEK TRAGEDY; > TRAGEDY Ep.:

1B.Gauty et al. (ed.), Musa tragica, 1991 (selec-

tion from the Tragici minores, greek with German transl.)

2TrGFI

3 TrGFII.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

4G.Avezzv,

Il teatro

tragico,

in:

TRAGEDY

14 J. LEONHARDT, Phalloslied und Dithyrambos. Aristoteles uber den Ursprung des griechischen Dramas, 1991 15 A. Lesxy, Die tragische Dichtung der Hellenen, +1972 16 H.Parzer, Die Anfange der griechischen Tragédie, 1962 171d., review of [14], in: Gnomon 67, 1995, 289310

©18 PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/WEBSTER

19 PICKARD-

CAMBRIDGE/GOULD/LEWIS 20 P. Rau, Paratragodia. Untersuchung einer komischen Form des Aristophanes, 1967. 21G.A. SrEcK, Geschichte der griechischen Tragodie, in: id. (ed.), Das griechische Drama, 1979, 15 5-203 22 Id., Die griechische Tragédie, 2000 23 G.M. Sirakis, Studies in the History of Hellenistic Drama, 1967 24 M.S. SiLk, Tragedy and the Tragic. Greek Theatre and Beyond, 1996 25 A.H. SOMMERSTEIN et al. (eds.), Tragedy, Comedy, and the Polis, 1993 26 B. SNELL, Szenen aus griechischen Dramen, 1971 27 P.SzoNp1, Versuch iiber das Tragische, in: id., Schriften, vol. 1, 1978, 151260 28 G. XANTHAKIS KARAMANOS, Studies in FourthCentury Tragedy, 1980 29J.J. WINKLER, The Ephebes’ Song: Tragodia and Polis, in: id., F.1. ZerrLin, Nothing to Do with Dionysos? Athenian Drama in Its Social Context, 1990, 20-62

30 B.ZIMMERMANN, Die griechische Tra-

godie,*1992

31 1d., Dithyrambos. Geschichte einer Gat-

tung,1992

321d. (ed.), Antike Dramentheorien und ihre

Rezeption, 1992 godie, 2000.

33 Id., Europa und die griechische TraB.Z.

Il. ROMAN

A. TERMINOLOGY RIOD

D.IMPERIAL

B. ORIGIN PERIOD

C. REPUBLICAN PEE. TyPOLOGY

A. TERMINOLOGY Roman tragedy has two subgenres: (fabula) crepidata (crepida = Greek open shoe) with subjects from Greek mythology, and (fabula) praetexta(-ta) (> toga praetexta = an outer garment with a crimson stripe along the edges) with a Roman setting (Lydus, Mag. 1,40). Since the term crepidata has not become established, in the discussion that follows we will use the terms ‘tragedy’ (from Greek tragoidia) and + praetexta. Tragi(co)comoedia is a mixed form; the term comes from a — probably — playful coinage in Plaut. Amph. 59. Greek synonyms are the terms hilarotragOidia or komoidotragoidia. > Plautus may have reversed the last term for comic effect [ro. 22-24]. Strictly speaking, only his Amphitruo is a tragicomoedia. However, in many Roman comedies there are paratragic elements and literary allusions to tragedy, often intended as parody [23].

I. Lana, E. V. Mactese (eds.), Storia della civilta letteraria

greca e latina, vol. 1, 1998, 236-457. 5A.F.H. Bieri, Dionysos und die griechische Tragddie, 1991 6 H.-D. Biume, Einfiihrung in das antike Theaterwesen, ‘1991 7 W. Burkert, Greek Tragedy and Sacrificial Ritual, in: GRBS 7, 1966, 87-121 8M.D1 Marco, La tragedia greca, 2000

9 P.E. EasTer.ING, A Show for Dionysus,

in: ead. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Greek Tragedy, 1997, 36-53 10 H.FLasnar (ed.), Tragédie. Idee und Transformation, 1997. ~=—-11 A. Henricus, “Warum soll ich denn tanzen?”. Dionysisches im Chor der griechischen Tragédie, 1996 12 W.Jens (ed.), Die Bauformen der griechischen Tragédie, 1971 13 J. Laracz, Einfiihrung in die griechischen Tragédie, 1993

B. ORIGIN Unlike Greek tragedy which emerged in a highly developed cultural setting, tragedy in Rome came at the beginning of literature. In 240 BC the aediles asked —» Livius [III 1] Andronicus, who came from the Greekspeaking world, probably from Tarentum (+ Taras [2]), to stage a dramatic play for the ludi Romani (> Iudi [II B] and [III G]) (Cassiod. Chronica p. 120 M. on the year. 239 BC: “ludis Romanis primum tragoedia et comoedia”). Thus in Rome, dramatic literature was first ‘commissioned’ by magistrates. Correspondingly,

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832

it had a public, ‘political’ function. In Rome, the introduction of dramatic plays was primarily an institutional and religious phenomenon [5. 319] and only secondarily a literary phenomenon. Liv. 7,2 (cf. the parallel

sible for the war [15]. ~ Ennius [1] was an eclectic writer. At least 20 of his

TRAGEDY

account in Val. Max. 2,4,4) in a brief excursus on the

history of Roman theatre emphasized its administrative and cult aspect [22].

The openness for Greek theatre was a result of -> the rst Punic War (264-241) during which Roman soldiers on Sicily were exposed to the Greek cultural sphere. Furthermore, there may have been a desire in Rome to find a match for its increased military and political importance on the cultural plane. Hor. Epist. 2,1,162 ff. mentions a connection between the end of

the war and the onset of literary life. Yet, the beginning of Roman dramatic literature did not come as unexpected as might seem. There had been improvised plays in Rome before Livius Andronicus (- Comedy [II]; > Mime; > Atellana fabula). C. REPUBLICAN

I. TRAGEDY

PERIOD

2. PRAETEXTA

1. TRAGEDY Hor. Epist. 2,1,165 credited the Romans with an innate talent for tragedy. In addition to tragedies, the pioneering — Livius [III 1] Andronicus also wrote comedies and by transferring the Odyssey into Latin he created the first Roman epic poem. Of his tragic oeuvre 22 fragments from ro works have survived. Half of the titles point to the Trojan cycle as their subject (> Troy III). This topic was so popular because of the ‘Trojan’ heritage of the Romans who considered these myths their ‘history’ [25]. Aetiological references, albeit hidden, cannot be excluded in the other works either. For

example, the Romans associated Danae and Perseus with the city of Ardea in Latium (Serv. Aen. 7,372) [12]. Titles without any obvious relation to Rome however, have led to doubts about the Roman focus of the Livian program [3. 152]. On the other hand, aetiological considerations also governed Livius Andronicus’ choice of epic subject. Probably the Romans were attracted to the Odyssee because its protagonist visited Italy and is thought to have founded some Italian cities. -» Naevius [I 1] also was at home in every literary genre of his time. In epic poetry (Bellum Poenicum) he continued the development his predecessor had begun. The titles of his tragedies point to the mythological past, but they may also have touched on current events. Thus, there may be a connection between the play Lycurgus, which dramatized the resistance of the Thracian king + Lycurgus [1] to the cult of Bacchus, and the > senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus |14. 166-168}. In Danae the Ardean/Rutulian origin of the city of ~ Saguntum (cf. Sil. Pun. 1,658 ff.) may have played a role and the play could have been about Rome’s intervention in support of the Saguntian allies in the > First Punic War. Like his Bellum Poenicum it may have expressed an opinion on the question of who was respon-

tragedies are known by title. Their subject matter again pertains to the Trojan Cycle or suggests an interest in aetiology. Most of his plays were modelled after + Euripides [1] or Hellenistic tragedy. Ter. An. 15-21 reports that Naevius and Ennius, as well as the comic poets, melded together several Greek plays (contamination). A longer fragment from Iphigenia and sung by a chorus of soldiers, preserved by Gell. NA 19,10,12, was

probably written by Ennius himself; the chorus of soldiers takes the place of the chorus of Chalcidian women in Euripides’ play [4]. This is an example of Ennius’ Romanisation and the creative and free adaptation of models. The function of the chorus in Roman tragedy remains largely unclear. It is probable, however, that the role of the > chorus was shifted from commentator to actor, in accordance with the demand of Aristot. Poet. 1456a 25 ff. [6].

Ennius’ nephew > Pacuvius wrote only tragedy. According to Cic. Lael. 24 (referring to his Chryses) he was appreciated for his pathos. The surviving fragments that he consciously built on and departed from Greek tragedy and reformed it to conform more with Roman values. Thus Cicero preferred the Ulixes of Pacuvius’ Niptra to the Odysseus of the play by > Sophocles [1] because, when Ulixes did not whine in such an unmanly manner about his injury (Cic. Tusc. 2,48—50). Pacuvius appears to have alluded less to contemporary events than his predecessors had done, but it will have reflected a moral outlook that was in keeping with the sentiment of his time [2. 296]. Most titles that have survived — over 40 — are by ~» Accius, the latest pre-classical tragic poet. Like the poets before him he reworked Greek plays and, as attested by a few fragments, he cultivated a polished and incisive language. He was the last to contribute to the continuous output of tragedies which resumed only in the early Principate. Cicero documents the influence of early tragedy to the end of the Republic. His statements about the relationship between Greek originals and Latin adaptations are contradictory and have never been adequately explained. In Fin. 1,4 he says Latin drama was literally translated from the Greek, whereas in Acad. 1,10 he

credited the Roman tragic poets with capturing of the Greek poets non verba sed vim (‘not the words but the force’) [20. 29-30]. The expression probably implies translations that are faithful to the content but not overly literal [16. 44-67, 305]. However rather than to entire plays Cicero probably referred to individual passages only or at most to scenes. Because of the fragmentary state in which Republican tragedy has survived and because we lack knowledge of its models (at least of Hellenistic tragedy) we cannot go beyond conjectures about plot structure and the relation to its models. 2. PRAETEXTA With the exception of Livius [III 1] Andronicus all the Republican tragic poets mentioned above also

833

834

wrote praetextae in which they put mythological, historical or contemporary figures on stage. The main difference to tragedy was the Roman subject matter and the absence of a Greek original. In this genuinely Roman genre the poets had to rely completely on their own imagination and talent. This suggests that they acted very independently, even when adapting Greek models. Content and poetic intent were probably similar to the tragedies. Considering that in Romulus (also called Lupus) Naevius glorified Rome’s early period and that in Clastidium he commended the victory of M. Claudius [I rr] Marcellus over the Gauls (222), that in Ambracia Ennius applauded Fulvius [I 15] Nobilior’s conquest of that city (189), that in Paullus Pacuvius celebrated the victory of the eponymous hero (Aemilius {1 32] Paullus) over Perseus [2] (168), that in Brutus Accius extolled the taking of Rome from the Tarquinians (510; cf. > Tarquinius [7]) or that in Aeneadae sive Decius he praised the self-sacrifice of Decius [I 2] Mus in the battle of Sentinum (295 BC), it becomes evident that the praetexta, even more consistently than tragedy, had a panegyric focus on the > res publica. Cic. Sest. 123 reports that a reproduction of Accius’ Brutus turned into a political event. At the ludi Graeci of the year 44 BC this play was replaced by Tereus, a work by

Dial. 2,1; 3,4). There is also Octavia (> Octavia [4]) which is included in the corpus of Seneca’s tragedies and the only praetexta preserved in its entirety. Formally it conforms to Greek tragedy.

the same poet (Cic. Att. 16,5,1). The incident bears wit-

ness to the unabated contentiousness of the praetexta, even after its original performance. D. IMPERIAL PERIOD I. TRAGEDY

1. TRAGEDY Under Augustus only few tragedies were written. L. -» Varius Rufus had great success with his Thyestes, performed at the games after the victory of Actium (29). Since the play was dedicated to a celebration of great importance to the princeps we may assume that, in the tradition of Roman Republican tragedy, it was of an

lost) that was

~ Ovid wrote a Medea

praised exceedingly

FE. TyPoLoey The content of Roman tragedy is not ‘tragic’. In its early form its main purpose was to provide historical arguments. With Pacuvius and Accius tragedy became more literary but continued to focus on the model attribute of virtus (— virtue) — either of individual heroes or of the populus Romanus as a whole. Of central concern was not the fate of the individual but rather the advancement of the collective good. Roman heroes do not face tragic decisions between equally important duties since the teleology of Roman society has eliminated such conflicts. Under Nero, tragedy became the genre of the opposition. In their positive aspects Seneca’s heroes are Stoic wise men, in their negative aspects

monomaniacal criminals. In their own way, both types are autonomous. Entirely self-sufficient, they know neither physical pain nor moral challenges; they are not part of the community. The solution consistently available to them is death [9]. ~ Accius; Comedy II; > Ennius [1]; > Euripides [1]; > Literature V; > Livius [III 1] Andronicus; > Naevius [I 1]; > Pacuvius; > Plautus; > Praetexta; > Rhinthon; ~ Seneca [2]; > Varius [I 2] Rufus; > Latin TRAGEDY; -> TRAGEDY 1 TH. Baier (ed.), Studien zu Plautus’ Amphitruo, 1999

2. PRAETEXTA

affirmative nature [7].

TRAGEDY

by Quint.

(now

Inst.

10,1,98 and Tac. Dial. 12,6.

The genre only flourished again with > Seneca [2]. His nine extant tragedies are mostly based on > Euripides [1]. As counterparts to the Stoic wise man (— Sto1cism) Seneca’s heroes were led by their emotions and in that aspect his plays were didactic and philosophical. At the same time they alluded to current events touching the imperial family. Phaedra appears to have been about the incest which Nero [1] and Agrippina [3] were suspected of [13]; the eponymous protagonist of Oedipus (-» Oedipus), presented as matricide (!), probably referred to Nero’s attempt on Agrippina’s life in AD 59 [x1]. Suet. Nero 39,3 confirms that this incident was a topic of the theatre. In this respect, Seneca shared the ‘political’ tradition of Republican tragedy. 2. PRAETEXTA In their subject matter two plays by Curiatius Maternus are praetextae as well: Cato and Domitius (cf. Tac.

2 Id., Pacuvius, Niptra, in: [17], 285-300 3 J.BLANSporF, Livius Andronicus und die Anverwandlung des hellenistischen Dramas in Rom, in: [17], 145-156 4 K. BUcHNER, Der Soldatenchor in Ennius’ [phigenie, in: Grazer Beitrage 1, 1973, 51-67 (=Id., Studien zur rémischen Literatur, vol. 10,1979, 1-15)

5 H.Cancik, Die

republikanische Tragédie, in: [8], 308-347 6 M.Hose, Anmerkungen zur Verwendung des Chores in der r6mischen Trsgddie der Republik, in: P.RIEMER, B. ZIMMERMANN

(ed.), Der Chor im antiken und modernen Drama,

1998,

113-138

7E.LeFevre, Der Thyestes des Lucius

Varius Rufus (AAWM, 1976.9) 8 Id. (ed.), Das romische Drama, 1978 9Id., Versuch einer Typologie des rémischen Dramas, in: [8], 1-90 10I1d., Maccus Vortit Barbare (AAWM, 1982.5) 11 Id., Die politische Bedeutung

der

rémischen

ANRW

Tragddie

und

Senecas

II 32.2, 1985, 1242-1262

‘Oedipus’,

in:

12 Id., Die politisch-

aitiologische Ideologie der Tragédie des Livius Andronicus, in: Quaderni di Cultura e di Tradizione Classica 8, 1990,9-20 13 Id., Die politische Bedeutung von Senecas Phaedra, in: WS 103, 1990, to9-122_ =:14 Id, Die Literatur der republikanischen Zeit, in: F.GrarF (ed.), Einlei-

tung in die lateinische Philologie, 1997, 165-191

15 Id.,

Aitiologisch-politische Implikationen in Naevius’ Danae, in: [17], 175-184 16 K.LENNARTZ, Non verba sed vim. Kritisch-exegetische Untersuchungen zu den Fragmenten archaischer romischer Tragiker, 1994 17 G. MANuWALD (ed.), Identitat und Alteritat in der frihromischen 18 Ead., Fabulae Praetextae. Spuren einer liteT., 2000 rarischen Gattung der Romer,

2001

19 I. OpELT, Das

Drama der Kaiserzeit, in: [8], 427-457 Ennius im Urteil der Antike, r998

20 H.PRINZEN,

21 0O.RrIBBECK, Die

TRAGEDY

835

836

romische Tragédie im Zeitalter der Republik, 1875 (re-

3,11,13; It. Ant. 175,1-9), modern Loutros. Minting of its own coins is documented. After + Diocletianus’ administrative reform, T. was one of the most important cities in the province of Rhodope (Hierocles, Synecdemus 63 4,4-63 5,2). Christianity spread at an early stage in T.; T. was also a bishop’s see.

print 1968)

22 P.L. ScHmiprT, Postquam ludus in artem

paulatim verterat. Varro und die Frihgeschichte des romischen Theaters, in: G. Voct-Spira (ed.), Studien zur vorliterarischen Periode im frihen Rom, 1989, 77-134

23 G.A. SHEETS, Plautus and Early Roman Tragedy, in: Illinois Classical Studies 8, 1983, 195-209 24 W.SuERBAUM, Religidse Identitats- und Alteritatsangebote im Equos Troianus und im Lycurgus des Naevius, in: [17], 185-198 25 E. WeBeR, Die trojanische Abstammung der Romer als politisches Argument, in: WS 86, N. F. 6, 1972,

213-225

(Nachtrag in: E.OLSHAUSEN,

Antike Diplomatie, 1979, 239-255).

TIR

K 35,1

Philippi,

1993,

59; V.VELKOv,

Cities of

Thrace and Dacia in Late Antiquity, 1977, 125; E.ScHONERT-GEISS, Die Miinzpragung von Augusta Traiana und T., 1998.

Lv.B.

H. BILLER (ed.), a,

Tragelaphos (toeayékadoc/tragélaphos). A chimaera, with its origin in the imagination of Oriental artists, of a goat (tragos) and a deer (élaphos; Pl. Resp. 6,488a; Aristoph. Ran. 937), which was evidently also used by the Greeks as an ornamental motif (e.g. on the hearse of Alexander [4] the Great: Diod. Sic. 18,26; cf. Plut. Agesilaus 19). People believed in its reality only after Ari-

stotle (Diod. Sic. 2,51,2, including other dimorpha zoia, ‘bi-formed beings’). Pliny’s (HN 8,120) description of the tragelaphos is similar to that of Aristotle’s inthadoc/hippeélaphos (literally ‘horse-deer’; Aristot. Hist. an. 2,498b 32-499a 9), but with a differing geo-

[2] City in Mysia Megale (-» Mysia C.) in the province of > Asia [2] (Ptol. 5,2,14f.), founded at the time of + Traianus [1] on the > territorium of Grimenuthyrae

(cf. [1.21-23]), presumably at modern Ortakoy, 12 km to the east of Usak. Initially the two cities existed independently side by side, until T. outstripped or even incorporated Grimenuthyrae (cf. [2]). 1 H.von AuLock, Miinzen und Stadte Phrygiens, vol. 2 (MDAI(Ist), suppl. 27), 1987 2 F.IMHooF-BLUMER, Die Pragorte der Abbaiter, in: K. MASNER (ed.), FS O. Benndorf, 1898, 204-207. W.RucE,

s.v. T. (2), RE 6 A, 2085-2087;

SICH, 407.

BELKE/MER-

E.O.

graphical distribution. The latter is probably a real animal of Asia [1]; the identification of the two can pos-

[3] See > Selinus [5].

sibly be traced to the post-Aristotelean Zozka [2]. In

Traianus

Attic comedy writers, tragelaphos was also a term for a drinking vessel of unknown shape (Ath. 11,500e).

[1] Roman emperor, AD 98-117. I. CAREER UP TO ACCESSION I]. RELATIONS WITH THE SENATE; DOMESTIC POLICY III. FOREIGN POLICY AND MILITARY EXPANSION IV. DYNASTIC POLICY; ASSESSMENT

1 A.STEIER, s.v. T.. RE6 A, 1894f. 2 W.KRoLL, Zur Geschichte der aristotelischen Zoologie (Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophischhistorische Klasse 218.2), 1940, especially 27. W.RL

Tragurium (Toayot\e.ov/Tragourion, Trogir, Trau; also

modern Trogir). City on a small island off the coast of Illyria, to the northwest of > Salona. Archaeological finds (primarily ceramics) provide evidence of an Illyrian settlement, before Greek colonists from — Issa settled in T. and in + Epetium neighbouring to the east around the turn of the 3rd and 2nd cents. BC (Str. 75555); relations between Issa and its two daughter cities were very close (Pol. 32,9,2). C. 158 BC there were

attacks by the > Dalmatae. In 56 BC, Caesar awarded T. the status of a > civitas libera et foederata (‘free and allied city’). In T. there were many traders from the Italic coast (CIL III 2677; 9699; Italic families: Bennii, CIL Ill 268; Fundanii, Pomponii, ibid. 13970; Rutilii, ibid. 9711; Stallii, ibid. 9707; Statii, ibid. 2699). J.J. Wirxes, Dalmatia, 1969, 30, 38, 100, 123, 237; N. Camsi, Trogir in Antiquity, in: Mogu c nosti 10/11, 1980, 950-963. PLCA.

Traianopolis (Tocavomodc; Traiandpolis). [1] Founded by > Traianus [1] at the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD on the northern coast of the Aegean (— Aegean Sea) in the plain of the lower > Hebrus on the site of > Doriscus on the > via Egnatia (Ptol.

I. CAREER UP TO ACCESSION T. was probably born in 53, the son of the consular (of the same name), M. Ulpius [12] Traianus, and probably a certain Marcia, perhaps a daughter of Marcius [II 3] Barea. The family came from Italica in Hispania Baetica. Little is known of T.’ senatorial career. He served as a > tribunus [4] militum under his father in Syria (but certainly not for ten stipendia (‘campaigns’), as alleged in Plin. Pan. 15,3). After his praetorship (before 84), he was legionary legate in northern Spain with the legio VII Gemina (in spite of his patrician background). In this capacity, he was ordered to Germania superior in the winter of 88/9 by Domitian (> Domitianus [1]) to put down the revolt of Antonius [II 15] Saturninus. He was rewarded for this loyalty with appointment (relatively late for a patrician) as cos. ord. in 91. Only under > Nerva [2] did he again (97) attain office: the consular

governorship of Germania superior. This was probably already part of a well-considered plan in which Iulius + Frontinus and + Julius [II 140] Ursus were also involved. To avert the threat of an usurpation by Cornelius [II 36] Nigrinus, Nerva should (if necessary against his will) adopt T., who was in a position to intervene in Italy immediately with the Upper Germanic army, and

837

838

should transfer to him the legal competencies necessary for rule: the tribunicia potestas and the > imperium of a proconsul. According to this view, then, T. did not owe his accession to a sudden whim of Nerva, as it is styled by Plinius [2] in his Panegyricus. T. received word of Nerva’s death (28 January AD 98: beginning of T.’ reign) at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (modern Cologne), where he had ordered some of the > Praetorians who had revolted against Nerva under their commander Casperius [2] Aelianus. The prefect was executed. T. then personally commanded the army in Lower Germania [3], where he stayed until probably the summer of 98. Only then did he move to the Danube and begin preparations for the Dacian War (+ Daci, Dacia; measures including a diversion canal at the Iron Gate [4]). He was thus continuing the frontier policy of Domitian, who had already moved the focus of activities from the Rhine to

loans which T. had provided to landowners (cf. CIL XI 1147; IX 1455). He boosted the Italian economy by building roads and new harbours at + Centumcellae and + Ancona. He decreed special regulations governing the making of wills by soldiers (Dig. 29,1,1 pr.). He founded colonies for — veterans: Sarmizegetusa in

the Danube. In the autumn of 99, T. returned to Rome. II. RELATIONS WITH THE SENATE; DOMESTIC

POLICY T. deliberately gave his regime the appearance of a mirror image of Domitian’s, and avoided any behavyiour that could be seen by senators as autocratic and which they would not accept. The two approaches are clearly illustrated in the Panegyricus of Pliny the Younger. T. thus portrayed himself as civilis princeps (‘the courteous prince’), showing moderatio (‘moderation’) by at first refusing the title of > pater patriae (though he accepted it late in AD 98), swearing in public that he would kill no senator (a promise he seems to have kept),

TRAIANUS

Dacia, > Colonia Ulpia Traiana (see addenda; Xanten)

in Germania inferior and Colonia Ulpia Thamugadi (Timgad) in Numidia. His policies, which were aimed at furthering the interests of the empire but also those of the provincial populations, are most clearly sensed in the correspondence between the emperor and Pliny (— Plinius [2]), his Imperial governor of Bithynia and Pontus (Plin. Ep. bk. ro), for instance in T.’ pragmatic reply to a question from Pliny concerning how to treat Christians (Ep. 10,96 f.). III. FOREIGN POLICY AND MILITARY EXPANSION

Although T. had only gained limited direct experience prior to his adoption, he became great Roman conqueror in the course of three the spring of AD ror (profectio on 25th/26th

military the last wars. In March),

he declared war on > Decebalus across the Danube, in

order to counter the threat long posed by the Dacians (> Daci, Dacia) and to win martial renown. The army, reinforced by units from all provinces, crossed the Danube on a pontoon-bridge at Lederata, and, in spite of heavy losses against the Dacians, it exacted a peace treaty in the autumn of 102, which T. had the Senate ratify. Decebalus became a Roman client, and parts of his kingdom were annexed by the Roman empire. T. took the victor’s honorific name > Dacicus in the same year, and celebrated a — triumph. But war returned as early as June 105. This time it ended with Decebalus’ [5]

defusing tensions with the senators by dealing with them as equals and avoiding resentment by granting high offices also to senators and equestrians who had been promoted by Domitian. He did not follow the Flavian practice of almost permanently holding the office of the ordinary consulship. In 19 years as emperor he bore the — fasces (‘bundle of rods’ as the symbol of consular power) only five times. This in no way diminished his dominance, even of the Senate (— senatus). Even Pliny acknowledges Sunt quidem cuncta sub unius arbitrio: “It is true that all depends on the judgment of the one” (Plin. Ep. 3,20,12). But most of the Senate seems to have approved of this. T. was already being celebrated as optimus princeps on coins from AD 103, and by 114 he was simply Optimus (‘The Best’). This harmonious relationship even prevented his image from being tarnished by the catastrophic end of the Parthian War (— Parthian and Persian Wars). Only in brief snippets is T.’ political line outside his military activities known. A generally paternalistic ten-

looting of the royal treasury. From 106, as the province of Dacia, the territory was put under the control of a governor with two legions. The Colonia > Sarmizegetusa was set up in 106/7, as a replacement for the former royal capital, at the encampment of the legio IV Flavia. T. celebrated a second triumph over the Dacians in the summer of 107. The» Forum [III 9] Traiani was built as a victory monument. The column erected there documents T.’ victorious campaign in a long series of relief images (- Monumental columns (III.); — TRAJAN’s Co.Lumn). Lengthy games at Rome were financed from the war booty, as were the Baths of Trajan on the Oppian Hill (+ Thermae [1]), the aqua Traiana at Rome (-> Water pipes) and the via Traiana from Bene-

dency is discernible. For instance, he had 5,000 children

kingdom of the Nabataeans (-> Nabataei, Nabataeans)

suicide, the annihilation of most of the Dacians and the

ventum

to Brundisium

(FOst for the years AD

107-

ro)

While the 2nd Dacian War was still underway, the

at Rome included in the distribution of free grain. He

was annexed from Syria without significant military ex-

created the Institutio Alimentaria (‘Institution for the

ertion, and became the province of Arabia, under the

apportionment of provisions to the poor’) for Italy (the beginnings were under Nerva): it provided monthly support, probably to several hundred thousand boys and girls. The funds flowed constantly from interest on

control of a governor with one legion. The nature of relations with the Parthian kingdom in this period is unknown. At all events, T. took the appointment by the Parthian king > Osroes [1] of a king in > Armenia,

839

840

which Rome regarded as its sphere of influence, as the provocation to declare war on the Parthians (profectio 27th October 113; > Parthian and Persian wars). Passing through Armenia and Mesopotamia, which were quickly conquered and immediately set up as provinces,

E, SCHALLMAYER (ed.), s.above [3]; K.STROBEL, Untersuchungen zu den Dakerkriegen Traians, 1984; R.SYME,

TRAIANUS

Tacitus,

1958,

vol.

1, 1-18;

30-58;

217-235;

K.H.

held the title Parthicus from February 116, was forced

Waters, Polis and Imperium, in J. A.S. Evans (ed.), 1974, 233; M. WiLson Jones, One Hundred Feet and a Spiral Stair: the Problem of Designing Trajan’s Column, in: Journ. of Roman Archaelogy 6, 1993, 23-38; P. ZANKER, Das Traiansforum in Rom, in: AA 85, 1970, 499-544.

to give up most of these conquests again in 117, as the

WE.

T. advanced to the Persian Gulf. But T., who had also

Parthians quickly recovered wide tracts of territory and a lengthy uprising of the Jews in Mesopotamia, Syria, Cyprus, Judaea, Egypt and Cyrenaica required the attention of substantial Roman contingents. The war thus ended at the status quo ante, with heavy losses on the Roman side. T. entrusted his close kinsman Hadrian with the Syrian command, and hence also with the task of completing the Parthian undertaking, and began the voyage home. He died at Selinus [5] in Cilicia on 7th (?) August AD 117. His ashes were brought to Rome, and following a posthumous triumph they were entombed in the pedestal of the Trajan’s Column. The Senate decreed the + consecratio, and he officially became divus T. Parthicus. IV. DYNASTIC

POLICY; ASSESSMENT

T. was married to Pompeia — Plotina, who received the title Augusta around the year AD tos at the latest, as did his sister Ulpia > Marciana, whom T. deified as diva after her death (AD 112). Marciana’s daughter

~» Matidia [1] and her daughters Sabina and > Matidia [2] played a crucial role in T.’ dynastic policies. So it was no coincidence that Hadrian (> Hadrianus), his closest male relative and the husband of Sabina, suc-

ceeded to the throne (+ Adoptive emperors). Throughout Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, T. was regarded as the ideal emperor. According to legend, the ‘heathen’ T. was rescued from Hell by Pope Gregory the Great (> Gregorius [II 3]), a story to which DANTE also refers in his Divina Comedia (Purgatorio 10,7378). > TRAJAN’S COLUMN 1 D. BoscuHunG, W.Eck, Ein Bildnis der Mutter Traians?, in: AA 3, 1998, 473-481 2 W.Ecx, An Emperor Is

Made: Senatorial Politics and Trajan’s Adoption by Nerva in 97, in: G. CLARK, T. RaJjAK (eds.), Festschrift M. Griffin, 2002 3/J.K. HAALEBos, Traian und die Auxilia am Niederrhein, in: E.SCHALLMAYER (ed.), Traian in Germanien,

Traian im Reich (Bericht des dritten Saalburgkolloquiums), 1999, 207-212 4 J.SaSe1, Trajan’s Canal and the Iron Gate, in: JRS 63, 1973, 80-85 5 M.P.SpepeEL, The

Captor of Decebalus, in: JRS 60, 1970, 142-153. Coins: RIC II 234-313. PORTRAITS: FITrsCHEN/ZANKER, Katalog 1 nos. 39-45.

BipLioGRAPHY: A.CLARIDGE, Hadrian’s Column of Trajan, in: Journ. of Roman Archaelogy 6, 1993, 5-22; DuNCAN-JONES, Economy, *1982, 290-296; A.GArRZETTI, From Tiberius to the Antonines, 1974, Italian original 1960; M. GRIFFIN, Trajan, in: CAH XI, 2000, 96-131; F.A. Lepper, Trajan’s Parthian War, 1948; A. NUNNE-

RICH-AsMus (ed.), Trajan. Ein Kaiser der Superlative am

Beginn einer Umbruchzeit?, 2002 (with numerous essays);

[2] Dux Aegypti, AD 367-368. T. expelled Lucius, the adversary of -» Athanasius (Historia acephala 5,11-

13). He was comes rei militaris in the East from 371374, fighting the Persians and ordering the killing of the Armenian

king > Papa in 374 (Amm.

Marc.

29,1,2;

30,1,18—21). Valens [2] sent him to Thrace in 377 as magister peditum against the Goths (Amm. Marc. 31,7), but his limited success led to conflict with Valens, who replaced him with Sebastianus [1] (Theod. Hist. eccl. 4,33; Amm. Marc. 31,11,1). Soon afterwards,

though (378), T. was fighting as mag. mil. at Hadrianopolis [3], falling at that battle (Amm. Marc. 31, 03508). PLRE 1 Gan £110. 2. WP [3] Attested as an officer of the body-guard of — Belisarius in AD 537/8, at the defence of Rome against the Gothic besiegers, and in 541 on the Persian front. PLRE Zulaa qeenone nan Training (medical). Although most healers in Antiquity learned their trade from their fathers or as auto-

didacts, some also went to study with a master (e.g. Pap. Lond. 43, 2nd cent. BC), or travelled to medical strongholds to receive training. Remains of these teaching centres are to be found in Babylonia [1] and in Egypt, where the ‘House of Life’ in Sais, rebuilt by Darius c. 510 BC, may have served as such a centre and scriptorium [2]. If, in the Greek world, the Hippocratic tradition (+ Hippocrates) emphasized the superiority of healers trained at Cos, Cnidus and (briefly) Rhodes, we also know of other, far less famous centres of medical teaching, especially in the Roman Period, an example being Sparta [3; 4]. The renown enjoyed by Hellenistic ~ Alexandria until far into Late Antiquity and beyond (Expositio totius mundi 37) led to its development into a real centre of medical studies, not least of + anatomy. Students, > Galen of Pergamum among them, flocked from the entire Hellenistic world to Alexandria, the

high level of training there being attested by Amm. Marc.

22,16,18.

In the Roman

Period, doctors and

teachers congregated not only in Rome, Ephesus, Pergamum, Smyrna, Tarsus and Massilia, but also in Aventicum, in the modern Turin, and, in the 4th cent., in

what is now Bordeaux. In Galen’s time, doctors staying in Rome assembled on the Forum Pacis and possibly at the Porticus Octaviae, where a wide public could follow

their lectures and demonstrations. The Methodists won many followers in Rome by their promise to communicate all medical knowledge even to slaves in only a few months; this may have reinforced Domitian and Trajan

in their resolve (SDAW 1935, 167-72) to punish those

841

842

teachers of medicine who taught ‘worthless slaves’ for profit. The presence of discentes capsariorium in a medical collegium in > Lambaesis (ILS 2438) indicates the existence of some kind of basic medical training in the army. We know little about the content of the teaching. The remains of institutional libraries are known from some Egyptian temples [5] and from Antinoopolis (ZPE 1984, 117-21). The Corpus Hippocraticum may well have owed its origin to such a collection. A few manuals for beginners survive in Greek and Latin, either in question-and-answer form or as medical - doxographies [6]. The curriculum for advanced students concentrated less on anatomy than on bedside teaching (Mart. 5,9) and the preparation of commentaries on selected texts. By AD 350, partly thanks to Galen, agreement had been arrived at as to what were the most important Hippocratic writings. In s5th-cent. Alexandria, selected writings by Galen were an established part of a curriculum

Carian

TRALLEIS

border region, in a fortified location (Str. 14,1,42) on a hill above present-day Aydin. T. was founded by settlers from the + Argolid; legends about its origins (Plut. Quaest. Graec. 46) point to its great age. In 401 BC, T. wasa place of internment for families of disloyal Greek commanders from the army of Cyrus [3] the Younger (Xen. An. 1,4,8). In 397 BC, it housed

the quarters for the retreating troops of > Tissaphernes (Xen. Hell. 3,2,19). T. surrendered to Alexander [4] the Great in 334 BC (Arr. Anab. 1,18,1; 1,23,6) and was conquered in 313 BC by Antigonus [1] Monophthalmus (Diod. Sic. 19,75,5). In 301 BC, the town, together with western Asia Minor, fell to Lysimachus [2], and in 281 BC to Seleucus [2] I. In the 3rd cent. BC, T. was called Selevikeia (Plin. HN 5,109). In 2142/1 BC, a treaty of isopoliteia (> Isopoliteia) was concluded with Miletus [2] (StV 3, 537; [2.20]). Around 204 BC, Antiochus [5] Ill issued the tenth edict [1.41; 2.17]. In 190 BC, T. surrendered to the Romans (Liv. 37,45,1) and fell to

that was translated into Latin in Ravenna, into Syriac,

~+ Pergamum in 188 BC (Pol. 21,46,10; Liv. 38,39,16).

and, in the 9th cent., also into Arabic [7]. This brought an important, though scarcely attested change in the self-conception of ‘official medicine’, which was from now on no longer defined as a teaching discipline, but as a book discipline.

T. had a Greek polis constitution (— Polis II.) and

1].

L. Finket and M.J. GELLER (eds.), Disease in Babylo-

nia. Cuneiform Monographs, 36.

2 A.GARDINER, The

House of Life, in: JEA 1938, 157-179

3 W.D. Smit,

Galen on Coans and Cnidians, in: BHM 1973, 569-585 4J.N. CoLpsTREAM, Cythera, 1972, 314 5 1. ANDORLINI, Trattato di medicina su papiro, 1995, 8-11 6 J.KoLLEscH, Untersuchungen zu den pseudo-galenischen Definitiones medicae, 1973 7 E. LieBER, Galen in Hebrew, in: V. Nutron, Galen, problems and prospects, 1981, 167-186.

8 C.D. O’Mattey, The history of medical education, 1970, 3-37. 9 V.Nutron, Museums and Medical Schools, in: History of Education 1976, 3-11 10 J.M.

DurFy, Byzantine medicine in the sixth and seventh centuries, in: DOP

Medicine, 2004.

1984, 21-28.

11 V.Nurtron, Ancient

V.N.

Trajan’s Column. See - Forum [III 9] Traiani; > Monumental columns III; > Traianus[1];-> TRAJAN’s COLUMN

Tralleis [1] (ToddAetc, TodddAoW/Tralleis, Trallot). Tribe in the south of > Illyricum, which, according to Hesych. s.v.

Toahdeic was of Thracian origin, but to Steph. Byz. (s.v. Biyyic; BOAoveos; ToaAdla) and Liv. (27,3243 31,3551:

Tralles; 38,21,2: Tralli) was of Illyrian extraction. The T. were known as mercenaries in Hellenistic armies (Diod. Sic. 17,65,1; Liv. 37,19; Hesych. loc. cit.). The

towns of Begis and Bulurus were situated in their territory (according to Steph. Byz. loc. cit.). Lv.B. [2] (TodAAetc/Tralleis, Latin Trallis). Town in the valley of the central section of the Maeander [2] river at the southern foot of Mt > Mes(s)ogis, in the Ionic-Lydian-

(local) autonomy and under the Attalids (+ Attalus, with stemma) was one of the most important places for minting coins. In 133 BC, T. was bequeathed to Rome. In 88 BC T. surrendered to > Mithridates [6] VI and permitted the massacre of Romans, large numbers of whom were already living in T. (Cic. Flac. 57; 71); T. was then for a short period ruled by tyrants (Str.

14,1,42; Cass. Dio 30-35,101,1). Following severe earthquakes in 25 BC Augustus ensured its reconstruction (Str. 12,7,18; Suet. Tib. 8; Agathias 2,17). In gratitude T. venerated the emperor as its (new) founder and

for acentury called itself Kaisdreia. In AD 129, Hadrian visited T. and was likewise honoured as the founder of the town. T. maintained friendly relations with Ephesus, Pergamum, Smyrna (homdnoia coins, 2nd—3rd cents.). The extent of the esteem in which the T. school of rhetoric was held varied (Cic. Orat. 234; Str. 12,7,18; Sen. Controyv. 10,5,21). T. was the home of the writer

+ Phlegon. It exported pottery wares (Plin. HN 35,161). Zeus Larasios was the main deity. A Jewish community existed in T. (Jos. Ant. ud. 14,242) and an early Christian community; bishops ofT. are documented from the 2nd cent. AD (Hierocles, Synecdemus 659,5; Not. Episc. 1,95; 3,15; 7,85). [he old cults sur-

vived in the mountainous region until the 6th cent. AD. Archaeology: few ancient remains. 1WeLtes

2 F.B. PoryaKov, Die Inschriften von T. und

Nysa, vol. 1 (IK 36,1), 1989.

O.MorkHoLM,

Some

Reflections on the Early Cisto-

phoric Coinage, in: ANSMusN 24, 1979, 47-61; W. KoENIGS, Westtiirkei, 1991, 155f.; F. PreyKo, Letter of Eume-

nes II to Tralles, in: Chiron 18, 1988, 55-69; E.AKURGAL, Griechische und romische Kunst in der Turkei, 1987, 110; 116; 143; MaGIE, 991f.; 1004; 1331f.; 1480f.; W.RUGE, s.v. T., RE 6 A, 2093-2128. H.KA,

TRAMBELUS

Trambelus

844

843

(Todupydos; Trambélos). Son of > Tela-

A general settlement of all claims between two par-

[1] (Lycoph. 467; Parthenios 26), who is given

ties was made by - novatio (‘renewal of a debt’), fol-

Theaneira as booty after the capture of Troy (Istros FHG 1,421). Pregnant by Telamon, she escapes and is taken in by king Arion of Miletus, who raises T. as his own son (schol. on Lycoph. 467). Parthenius (loc. cit.) tells of T.’ love for Apriate of Lesbos. She spurns him,

lowing a formula of commutation dating back to the Republican jurist C. + Aquillius [I 12] Gallus (stipulatio Aquiliana, 1st cent. BC; Florent. Dig. 46,4,18,1; Inst. Iust. 3,29,2). At the same time, it was confirmed that the sum still outstanding would be redeemed by + acceptilatio (formal ‘acquittal’). Legal relationships unconsidered by the parties, however, remained unaffected (Papin. Dig. 2,15,5). -» Exceptio; + Pactum

mon

however, and throws herself into the sea, when T. uses violence (or is thrown into the sea by T.). Parthenius

and schol. Lycoph. tell of T.’ death, with Parthenius interpreting it as the gods’ revenge for Apriate’s death: + Achilles kills him, on a foray out of Troy, in single combat, but buries him with full honours, after recognizing him as his cousin. SV.RA.

Kaser, RPR, Bd. 1, 642; 649; vol. 2, 445-447; F.STURM, Stipulatio Aquiliana, 1972; F.EBEL, Berichtung, t. und Vergleich, 1978, so ff.; K.Visxy, Les régles du droit romain relatives aux transactions ..., in: Index 12, 1983/4,

Tranquillitas. Until the rst cent. BC, the usual meaning

87-105.

F.ME.

of tranquillitas is ‘peace, stillness’ (as late as in Caes. B

Gall. 3,15,3); after that, under the influence of > Stoicism and the philosophy of Epicurus (analogous with the Greek yadrwn/galéné, ‘calm’ = ‘peace of mind’), the word becomes the Latin philosophical term for ‘calmness of mind’ (maris t.: Cic. Tusc. 5,6,16; t. animi: Cic. Fin. 5,8,23; cf. Sen. Dial. 9: De tranquillitate animi). In combination with ‘security’ and ‘peace’ (cf. Cic. Leg. agts

oh,24s Gic. Olt ne 20169sCicumDeOLatu.r sa) ite

gained political significance as an expression of the secured peace of the state (Val. Max. 8,13 praef.; coins of Constantinus [1] and his sons; RIC 7,110-115;

131-

Transaquincum. Small fort, probably originating under ~ Commodus (Not. Dign. Occ. 33,65: Transiacinco), on the left bank of the Danube (-> Ister [r]), linked by means of a wooden bridge with > Aquincum in the province of > Pannonia inferior, now near Budapest-Rakospatak. Remains of buildings, a statue of Victoria, inscriptions, tiles of the /egio IV Flavia and legio II Adiutrix are preserved. In the 4th cent. AD the seat of a praef. legionis. TIR L 32 Budapest, 1968, 112 f.; Z. Visy, Der pannoni-

sche Limes in Ungarn, 1988, 84 f.

J.BU.

134; 160-195; 197-201). The fact that from the time of Hadrian t. also appears as a > personification on coins

(RIC 2,365; 3,375 4.35595 4-3,695 4.3588; 5.1,342) suggests taking is as a deity, an assumption which is strengthened by the discovery of an altar to ¢. together with altars to other deities from the rst cent. AD (ILS 3277-3279). On the other hand, the image on coins could equally well be a political personification, like the representation of provinces. From the 4th cent. AD onwards ¢. tua and t. vestra are found as forms of address to the emperor (Eutr. Praef. and 1,12,2; Cod. Just. Epit. 12,53,1), comparable with the modern ‘Serenissimus’. R. VOLLKOMMER, s.v. T., LIMC 8.1, 1997, sof. (comm.); 8.2, 1997, pl. 28f. (ills.). W.ED.

Transactio (from transigere, ‘to come to an agreement, to transact, to settle’). Denotes an out-of-court agreement between two parties by means of which contentious or doubtful points in a Roman legal relationship were settled without formal procedure (cf. Dig. 2,15; Cod. Iust.. 2,4). In respect of a point of contention resolved by a compromise, the respondent could, in classical Roman law, raise an exceptio pacti (‘exception of compact’; according to Papin. Dig. 2,15,17 an exceptio transacti negotit, ‘exception of transacted business’). The obligations arising from the transactio were usually made actionable in the form of a > stipulatio (formal verbal ‘undertaking’).

Transcendence. The philosophical concept of an ultimate origin that is separated by an ontological gap from what it ‘causes’, ‘releases’ from itself or brings into be-

ing. The antonym of transcendence is the concept of immanence: here the foundational origin is not something separate from the world, but is contained and present within it. The Latin transcendere, transcendens (as an equivalent to txeoPdddew/hyperballein, bmegéyew/hyperéchein, bxegpokiVhyperbole, c&vapacic/ andabasis, tntxewa/epékeina etc.) has been documented since -» Augustinus (for more on the Greek and Latin terminology see [5; 6]). » Presocratic thought (like later Hellenistic philosophy) is immanentist. However, the complete separation of the nous (- intellect) from all things, as found in the works of -» Anaxagoras, might be regarded as approaching the idea of transcendence (59 B 12 DK). The concept of transcendence is fully developed in » Plato [2] in two steps: (a) souls emerge from the cosmos (@&@ mogevOetoaVexd poreutheisai) to contem-

plate the ‘super-heavenly place’ (the tae0-ovgdvioc tonoc/hyper-ouranios topos), i.e., they transcend the world of the senses through the vision of ideas (PI. Phdr. 247bc); (b) in the hierarchically ordered world of ideas (+ Ideas, theory of), an ascent takes place in stages to the presuppositionless ‘principle (arché) of all’, i.e. to the idea of the good, which is distinguished from other ideas by the fact that it is no longer ovoia (ousia, ‘being’), ‘but extends beyond being in rank and power’ (PI.

845

846

Resp. 517b 4-5: dvaBaotc, &vodoc; 5 1rb 6-7: péyou tod

Transfuga. Unlike a mere > desertor, i.e. a citizen

avuno8Etov emi tiv tod MavtdOs GeExXIv iwv; so9b 9-10

evading military service or a soldier not on leave, whose desertion was severely punished by Rome, a transfuga was a Roman citizen (or subject of the Empire), who as a soldier or civilian (Dig. 48,4,2,3) committed treason (— perdueilio), and thus a crime against the polity (crimen publicum) by defecting to the enemy (Erl. Dig. 49,15,5), which Rome punished according to the law of war (> War, law of) through the magistrates by + coercitio or in criminal law as a crimen maiestatis (+ Maiestas). A transfuga was considered pro hoste (> Hostis; Dig. 49,16,7), like a defector (‘deserter’ Dig. 4,555,1) had forfeited his — postliminium (Dig. 49,15,19,4; 8; [1]) and, after being taken prisoner or extradition, on the basis of by then stereotypical Roman requirements in the framework of a > deditio, > pactio or an ~ international treaty [2] effecting > pax |1] [3. 546 f.5], could be crucified or burned. ~ Conscientious objection

about the good GAN ét éméxewa tij¢ OVOiac MEEoPEia xa dvvauer Umegeyovtoc). Attempts have been made to undermine the ontological import of this ‘beyond’ (énéxewa/epékeina) by means of a minimalist interpretation. Such attempts are doomed to failure in view of the text, which, in one phrase after another, emphasizes

the the ing éti,

‘surpassing’ (beePodn/hyperbole) of other ideas by idea of the good (PI. Resp. 5o8e 6-509¢ 2, increasemphasis for example through the three uses of éti/ ‘still’ and of txée/hypér, ‘over’). Since the primary ontological characteristic of ideas is their unity (in contrast to the multiplicity of the objects of the senses, ibid. 476a 5; 596a 6), it is only consistent if that to which the transcending of the ideas themselves leads is the basis for their unity: the ‘one itself’ (abtO 16 év/auto to hén), which, according to Aristotle, is for Plato identical to the ‘good itself (Aristot. Metaph. 14,4,1091b 14, cf. 1,6,987b 21; 988a 7-15). Aristotle adopts (from Pl. Resp. sog9b 9) the wording SUVGUEL KA TYLLOTHTL TOAD LLGAAOV bmEQexEL (dyndmei

TRANSLATIO

ADDITIONAL LITERATURE (SEE ALSO CROSS-REFERENCED ENTRIES: 1M.F. Curst, La struttura del postlimin-

kai timioteti poly mallon hyperéchei,’extends far be-

ium, 1996, 231-234 Aufenpolitik in der

yond in power and rank’, Aristot. Eth. Nic.

3 MomMsEN, Strafrecht, 27-34; 538-546; 560f.

1178a 1-2),

but he applies it to the zous, which for him is not ‘beyond’ ousia. In Peri euchés fr. 1 ROSE, however, he contemplated the question of whether God might be ‘something beyond the nous’. + Neopythagoreanism and — Gnosis, both of which were ultimately inspired by Plato, kept alive the notion of an ‘otherworldly’ principle [1]. A philosophy consistent with regards to transcendence is characteristic of ~ Neoplatonism. For > Plotinus, the soul transcends the world of the senses toward the nous; in transcending the nous itself, the One can be comprehended as the origin of being, living and thinking [2; 3]. This experience of the absolute overcomes the duality of that which thinks and that which is thought, while also eliminating the boundaries of the self [4]. With acute clarity, + Proclus distinguishes between the relative transcendence of the higher hypostases and the lower and the absolute transcendence of the One (bdemévn versus eEnonuévyn bxeooxH; Procl. Theologia Platonica 2,5, p. 39,6-26 SAFFREY-WESTERINK). For the Christian Middle Ages, Ps.-Dionysius [54] Areopagita, who was influenced by Proclus, was the most important exponent of the concept of transcendence. + Ideas, theory of; ~ Metaphysics; > Neoplatonism; ~+ Ontology; > Plato [1]; > Principle; - Soul, theory of the 1 C.Co.re,

s.v.

Gnosis

II, RAC

11,

1981,

581-585

4 W.BeteRWALTEs,

Erfahrung der Einheit, 1991

Selbsterkenntnis und

5 A.P. Bos, s. v. Immanenz

und Transzendenz, RAC 17, 1996, 1042-1046 6 J.HALFWASSEN, Ss. v. Transzendenz, HWdPh ro, 1998,

1442 f.

TAS.

rémischer 227-229

—P.KE.

Transhumance see addenda vol. 15

Transitio

ad

plebem.

Transfer

of a

patrician

(— patricii) to the > plebs. If the individual concerned was a citizen free from the ‘paternal power’ (— patria potestas), the TP took place by arrogatio, and if he was subject to the power of the father, it was by adoptio by a plebeian (> Adoption; cf. Gell. NA 5,19,1-9), who could release him from his patria potestas (— emancipatio). The best-known case of a TP (by arrogatio) is that of P. + Clodius [I 4] Pulcher, who wanted

to stand for the people’s tribunate in 59 BC (Cic. Dom. g4—Aus

CassmDions

zap lente so smle2) (ees Oaeken 2 |

Also confirmed is the TP of — Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella (Cass. Dio 42,29,1). There were also very probably transitiones in the cases of P. — Sulpicius [I 19] Rufus [2; 4. 136-138] and C. > Servilius [I 19] Geminus [3]. Conversely, the supposed transitiones of early Rome are unhistorical [5. 69-127]. >» Comitia;

+» Deminutio

capitis;

- Detestatio sacro-

rum 1 R.WirrMann, W.KuNKEL, Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis (HdbA 10,3,2,2),1995 2M.J.SLAGTER,T., 1993 3 R. FeiGc VisHniA, The T. of “C. Servilius Geminus”, in: ZPE 114, 1996, 289-298 4 MOMMSEN, Staatsrecht 3, 1

5 TH. MOMMSEN, Romische Forschungen, vol. 1, 1864.

LL.

2 Tu. A. $zLezAk, Platon und Aristoteles in der Nuslehre 3 J. Hatrwassen, Der Aufstieg zum

Plotins, 1979 Einen, 1992

2 P.KEHNE, Formen Kaiserzeit, 1989,

Transitorial Style see — Corinthian vases; > ProtoCorinthian vases Translatio [1 ce

Status [a 2A:

847

848

[2] Translatio iuris (‘transfer of rights’) finds expression

ergative language; similar was the relation between the Indo-European > Hittite, on the one hand, and > Hatti and > Hurrian on the other, the latter two being agglutinative ergative languages. In addition, there were profound semantic problems. Difficulties also presented themselves in the rendering of Akkadian legal documents in + Nuzi, in which characteristic features of the underlying ergative Hurrian mother tongue of the scribes (e.g. mixing up of subject and object) can be discerned.

TRANSLATIO

in the famous phrase: “A person cannot transfer to another person rights greater than those he has himself” (‘nemo plus iuris transferre potest quam ipse habet’, Ulp. Dig. 50,17,54). This formula from the early 3rd cent. AD reflects the concept in classical Roman law that subjective rights do not emerge anew in the person receiving them — as was assumed in the earlier world view — but were pictured to be transferred almost like the thing itself (cf. — traditio). The translatio legati (‘translatio of inheritance’), on the other hand, refers not to a transfer but to an amendment by the bequeather that the inheritance should not be given to a ‘titius’ (as was ruled first) but to a ‘Seius’ (Inst. Iust. 2,21,1). This constituted a modified repeal of the bequest (+ ademptio legati). Gs.

Translations I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND Eoyrt II. GREEK SPHERE II]. Latin SPHERE IV. LATE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTIUM: GREEK AND LATIN SPHERE I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT B. MESOPOTAMIA C. H1TTITE ANATOLIA (16TH TO 13TH CENTS. BC) D. Syria E.Ecypr F. IRAN

A. GENERAL Points

A. GENERAL POINTS Translation by means of an interpreter (Akkadian targumannu; Ugaritic targumianu; Hittite tarkummija(‘to translate’); Aramaic ta/urgmana; Arabic tu/argu-

man; Italian turcimanno; cf. dragoman) played an important role in the cultures of the Ancient Orient in their contacts with other ethnic groups. Mesopotamian rulers prided themselves on their command of foreign languages. Especially during the second half of the second millennium BC, Akkadian served as a kind of diplomatic lingua franca between the kingdoms of the Ancient Near East (the (~~ Amarna Letters), and in some regions it was the language of official documents as well. Mythologically, awareness of language differences and the problem of mutual understanding was reflected in various ways (e.g. Gn 11 in contrast to Acts 2:63 [1. 345£.5 6.83 5]). Two phenomena have to be kept in mind with regard to translation: for one, those translations of the period

that were intended for bi- or multilingual populations and which took the form of > bilinguals or > trilinguals, e.g. sovereign proclamations, decrees and propagandistic inscriptions; secondly, among scholars or -» scribes, translation of traditional literature that had been written in a language no longer spoken and which could be passed on through translation. This type of translation served mainly to preserve cultural and religious values. Special problems arose when there were texts to be translated into another language type. That was especially the case with regard to > Akkadian, an inflected Semitic Language with a subject-object-verb system, in its relation to > Sumerian, an agglutinative

B. MESOPOTAMIA As Sumerian began to be replaced by Akkadian as the spoken and written language at the turn of the 3rd to the 2nd millennium BC, certain genres of Sumerian

literature began to be provided with an interlinear Akkadian translation. This was the case predominantly with regard to theurgic texts, certain categories of hymnal literature, and individual royal monumental inscriptions. Sumerian myths and epics (e.g. the 12th tablet of the Epic of - Gilgamesh) were translated directly only in a few instances; alongside such direct translations we also find new Akkadian versions of the mythological and epic (Epic of Gilgamesh) traditions of the Sumerians. The bilingual — lists used in schools (vocabularies and lists of objects) were arranged in columns. The Mesopotamian scribes used the term ‘corresponding language’ Sumerian eme.ha.mun, Akkadian /isan mithurti) for this side-by-side arrangement of the two languages. The ability of Akkadian scribes to translate Sumerian into Akkadian is the subject of numerous Sumerian (18th cent. BC) and bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian texts (7th cent. BC). The technique ranged from literal translations — for example in royal monument inscriptions or in the vocabulary lists (and here there are numerous instances of overlapping lexical fields, especially with the verbs) — to translations that are idiomatic and/or interpretive. In their work as translators the scribes approached the Sumerian text on several different levels in order to ‘lay open that which is hidden’, as it was called; i.e., to make accessible the

theological and mystical levels of a text’s meaning with the help of a ‘cabbalistic’ etymology [3]. There are references to translations of Akkadian texts into Aramaic. Legal documents written in Akkadian from the rst millennium BC occasionally contain short content summaries in Aramaic. Whether during the Hellenistic era and later there were also translations from Akkadian into

Greek

remains

unknown,

but

the

possibility

cannot be ruled out. C. HittTire ANATOLIA (16TH TO 13TH CENTS. BC)

Myths that had been translated into Hittite from the Hattic and Hurrian were incorporated into Hittite ritual. There are indications that at least some of the scribes did not master the Hattic language. For the most part, the translations are provided not interlineally but rather in segments, or occasionally in corresponding columns

849

850

(Akkadian-Hittite Testament of Hattusili I (cf. > Hat-

translations of Greek texts into Egyptian (-> Bilingual

tusa II: Table) [7], Hurrian-Hittite bilingual inscription [8]). Probably the Akkadian version of the Annals of

Inscriptions; - Canopus, decree of,

TRANSLATIONS

Rosetta Stone;

~ Trilinguals).

Hattusili lis the original translation and the Hittite version a tablets) appears Hittite

later translation (passed down on separate [4. 84], while the ‘Testament of Hattusili’ to have been translated into Akkadian by a author. Despite complete agreement as far as

content is concerned, the text allows us to discern the

typical linguistic difficulties a translator faces [7. 202]. Numerous — treaties between the Hittites and their vassals were written in both a Hittite and an Akkadian version. To a limited extent, Akkadian literature was trans-

lated into Hittite and Hurrian (e.g. parts of the > Gilgamesh Epic, the + Atrahasis myth, hymn to > Ishtar,

a literary dialogue). Congruency between the original and the translated versions ranges from an exact rendering to free translation and/or paraphrase. D. Syria Noteworthy are the numerous multilingual vocabularies (Sumerian-Akkadian-Hurrian-Ugaritic) as well as literary texts (e.g. Sumerian-Akkadian-Hittite Ishtar hymn, Akkadian-Hurrian bilingual inscriptions) from ~ Ugarit in the multilingual northwestern part of Syria (where texts in Ugaritic, Akkadian, Hittite, Hurrian, and Cypro-Minoan have been preserved; Sumerian only in texts of a scholarly character and of Mesopotamian origin). The same can be said of Emar (today Tell Meskene; 2nd half of 2nd millennium BC) [2. ro14], located on the mid-Euphrates. The emergence of perishable > writing materials ~ (esp. leather, parchment and papyrus) for use in correspondence composed in Aramaic and other north-west Semitic languages accounts for the fact that scholars today know of only two instances of —> bilingual inscriptions, both of them on royal stone monuments: from -> Karatepe (Phoenician-Hieroglyphic Luwian, gth cent. BC) and Tall Fa ar ya (Akkadian-Aramaic, c. 850 BC).

F. IRAN In the empires of the Achaemenids (- Achaemenids), Arsacids and > Sassanids, numerous languages (> Elamite; Middle Persian, Parthian, Sogdian, Choresmian, Bactrian, > Armenian, Akkadian, and especially > Aramaic, but also Greek [9. 164]), were used. There are consequently numerous multilingual inscriptions of a propagandistic and legitimatory nature (cf. + Bilingual inscriptions [9. 39]; > Bisatun; - Naqg-e Rostam; ~ Paikuli; — Trilinguals). The Old Persian version of the Bisitiin inscriptions may be a translation of the Elamite, and the Akkadian version was translated into Aramaic, which was the lingua franca of the imperial administration of the Achaemenids. As a result, written Middle Persian was rendered for a long time in the form of Aramaic letter-logograms. ~ Bible translations; > Bilingual inscriptions; — Scribes; > Trilinguals 1W.W.

Hato,

Letters). Mathematical and astronomical texts in De-

motic script (late rst millennium BC) contain passages translated from Akkadian [6. 836 and n. 17]. No multilingual inscriptions are known until the Egyptian Late Period, i.e. beginning with the Persian era (from the 6th cent. BC on), when Egypt fell under foreign rule. Starting with the > Ptolemaic dynasty (from late 4th cent. BC), however, there was increasingly a need for translations of Egyptian texts into Greek or Latin, as well as

and the Beginnings

of

ditions. FS M. Haran, 1996, 345-357. 2 TH.R. KAmMERER, Simd milka — Induktion und Reception der mittelbabylonischen Dichtung von Ugarit, Emar und Tell el’Amarna, 1998

3S.MaAut, Kiichensumerisch oder hohe

Kunst der Exegese? Uberlegungen zur Bewertung akkadischer Interlinear-Ubersetzungen von Emesal-Texten, in: B. PONGRATZ-LEISTEN et al. (ed.), Beitrage zu altorienta-

lischen und mittelmeerischen Kulturen. FS W. Rdllig, 1997, 255-267 4H.OrrTeEN, Keilschriftexte, in: MDOG 91, 1958, 73-84 5 E.REINER, The Sumerian and Akkadian Linguistic Tradition, in: $.AUROUX et al. (ed.), Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaft 1/I/1, 2000, 1-5 6A.Roccati, s.v. Ubersetzung, LA 6, 833-838 7 F.SoMMER, A. FALKENSTEIN, Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des Hattusil I, 1938 8 G. WILHELM, Das hurritisch-hethitische Lied der Freilassung, in: TUAT Erg.Lieferung, 2001, 82-91 9 J. WIESEHOFER, Das antike Persien, *1998. C.-W. MULLER,

BabGyrn Translations in Egypt were initially the renderings of texts from an earlier stage in the development of the » Egyptian language to a more recent one. In the r4th and 13th cents., international correspondence of the Egyptian pharaohs attests to the ability of their scribes to understand letters in Akkadian, Hurrian and other languages and to answer them in Akkadian (> Amarna

Bilingualism

Translation, in: M.V. Fox (ed.), Texts, Temples and Tra-

(ed.), Zum

Umgang mit fremden Spra-

chen in der griechisch-rémischen

Antike

36), 1992.

(Palingenesia J.RE.

Il. GREEK SPHERE A. GENERAL PeErioD

PoINTs

B.HELLENISM

D. CHRISTIAN

C. ROMAN

LITERATURE

A. GENERAL POINTS Translation of foreign-language texts played a noticeably insignificant role in Greek literature, even though interpreters were of course often made use of in contacts with foreigners. For the most part, such interpreters seem to have been foreigners themselves (e.g. Pigres as interpreter for Cyrus in his dealings with the Greek mercenaries, Xen. An. 1,2,17) [7]. No tradition of, or theoretical reflection on, translation developed.

No translations are known to date from the archaic and

851

852

Classical periods, even though cultural borrowings from the Orient certainly did occur during those times (cf. -» Alphabet; Astronomy C.; - Astrology C.2.). One exception is the > Periplous of the Carthaginian ~ Hanno [1], which may have been translated from the > Punic as early as the 5th cent. BC.

emphatically word-for-word (xata nddac/kata podas, ‘following in the footsteps’, Constitutio Tanta § 21). An early example is the Paraphrasis institutionum of ~» Theophilus [7] Antecessor, one of the collaborators on the Codex Iustinianus itself. A Greek legal language developed, influenced by Latin. Eventually, under Emperor Leo(n) [9] VI, such translations left their mark in the > Basilics. Among the few translations of literary texts one finds papyrus fragments of translations of Virgil into Greek [2]. The ‘Histories’ of Sallustius were translated by one Zenobius (Suda s.v. Zyvofios), the history survey of — Eutropius [1] twice, by Paeanius and Capito. The grammar of > Dositheus exists in both a Latin and a Greek version. More extensive Latin-Greek translation activity is first found in the 13th cent., with the work of Maximos - Planudes.

TRANSLATIONS

B. HELLENISM Expansion of Greek culture in the Near East resulted

in ever-greater contact with non-Greeks (and their literature). But translations and adaptations serving to in-

crease understanding were produced less as Greek undertakings than as initiatives by natives endeavouring to assert their own traditions. There are few indications that the > Library in Alexandria [1] contained such translations. A few important instances: (1) Egypt: the — Rosetta Stone (a > trilingual) contains a Greek translation from the Egyptian. + Manetho [1] (3rd cent. BC) used Egyptian documents for his account of history (FGrH 609 T7). (2) Ancient Orient: the antiquarian > Herennius Philon of Byblus (znd half rst cent. AD) reproduced mythical traditions of the Phoenician + Sanchuniathon. His purpose (as was Manetho’s) was to make the Greeks familiar with his native traditions. Hermippus [2] is said to have explicated extensive writings of + Zoroaster (explanavit, Plin. HN 30,4 = FGrH 102 F 57). It is not definitely known whether he accessed these writings in the Library at Alexandria and whether they were Greek pseudepigrapha or authentic translations. (3) In India and Afghanistan there are inscriptions of King — Asoka with Greek translation. [3] (— Trilinguals; cf. > Bilingual Inscriptions.). (4) A long-term and momentous undertaking was the translation of the Hebrew holy scriptures (> Bible translations I. B.) in the > Septuaginta (and competing translations) [4]. According to legend (Letter of Aristeas; > Aristeas [2]) the translation was commissioned by Ptolemy [3] II (283-246 BC) for the +> Library at Alexandria [1], but the work lay far more in the interests of the Jewish community there. In the process, an artificial Greek language was developed that not only made possible a textually close translation but that was later used for original works as well (e.g. the » Wisdom of Solomon, the novel of Joseph and Aseneth). C. ROMAN PERIOD For the tide of Greek-Latin

D. CHRISTIAN LITERATURE -» Tertullianus himself translated his treatise De spectaculis (Tert. De corona

6) into Greek; citations

Vir. ill. 134). There are Greek versions.(— Acta sanctorum; » Martyrerakten; > Passio) of some Acts of the Martyrs (cf. Acta Martyrum Scillitanorum, — Passio

Perpetuae). Eusebius translated speeches of Emperor Constantine I [1], including a citation from Virgil’s Fourth Eclogue, interweaving Christian motifs (> Vergilius [4] III. B.; cf. below IV. B.). ~ Bible translations; > Bilingual inscriptions; Com> Trilinguals; munication; — Multilingualism; ~ World languages 1 V.REICHMANN, Romische Literatur in griechischen Ubersetzungen (Philologus Suppl. 34.3), 1943 2 B.RocuetTtE, Les traductions grecques de |’Enéide sur papyrus. Une contribution 4 |’étude du bilinguisme grécolatin au Bas-Empire, in: Les Etudes Classiques 58, 1990, 333-346 3R.ScumiTT, Ex occidente lux. Griechen und griechische Sprache im hellenistischen Fernen Osten, in: P. STEINMETZ (ed.), Beitrage zur hellenistischen Literatur und ihrer Rezeption in Rom (Palingenesia 28), 1990, 41-

58 4 F.S1eGERT, Zwischen hebraischer Bibel und Altem Testament. Eine Einfiihrung in die Septuaginta, 2001 5 L.WenceR, Die Quellen des rémischen Rechts, 1953, § 85: Das justinianische Recht in Byzanz 6D.N. WicTIL, The Translator of the Greek Res Gestae of Augustus,

translations during Roman times (see below III.) there is no corresponding

in: AJPh 103, 1982, 189-194

activity in the opposite direction

Antike, 2001.

(overview

in [r]).

Translations of decrees and Senate decisions were made for the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire, at first very literally and ineptly (cf. - senatus consultum |r}). In contrast, the translation of the report of the deeds of > Augustus (+ Monumentum

Ancyranum)

is formu-

in

Greek from his Apologeticum can be found in Eusebius’ [7] ‘Church History’. Some of the writings of > Hieronymus were translated by a certain Sophronius (Jer.

meneus

und Interpres. Zum

7 C. WIOTTE-FRANZ, Her-

Dolmetscherwesen

in der H.GO.

II]. LATIN SPHERE A. HisTORICAL OVERVIEW

B. THE CONCEPT

TRANSLATION AND ITS REFLECTION OF TRANSLATION

OF

C. METHOD

lated in a flexible and reader-friendly manner [6].

Beginning with lIustinianus [1], texts of the ~ Corpus Iuris were translated in the classes of the eastern > law schools (III.) [5] — by order of the emperor,

A. HisTORICAL OVERVIEW Reception of Greek culture by the Romans, from the time of the Roman archaic period to Late Antiquity, is

853

854

closely linked with the work of Roman translators. Just as Homer’s epics were adopted in Rome beginning with the translation of the ‘Odyssey’ by — Livius [III r] Andronicus, so did dramatists like - Ennius [r] (Medea), -> Plautus (Asinaria, Bacchides) and > Terentius [III 1] (Andria) conquer the genres of tragedy and comedy during the early phase of Roman literature, even as these were then later recast with Roman themes [x. 1310; 6. 16]. The literature of the Classical period is based on these older, linguistically innovative translations insofar as Roman philosophy, rhetoric, epic and lyric, with the help of this enlarged semantic instrumentarium, freed themselves from direct recourse to a Greek model. Because the mature Latin language no longer needed to translate by means of paraphrase, translation of texts in the philosophical prose of ~ Cicero appears principally as insertion (the most extensive prose translations of Cicero that have been preserved: Pl. Ti. 128a—47b; insertions of translation, including: Cic. Rep. 6,27 and Cic. Tusc. 1,53f.— Pl. Phdr. 245c-246a; Cic. Rep. 1,66f. — Pl. Resp. 562¢ 4-563¢;

over’ (transferre, tradere, transcribere, traducere as terms for translation [5. 7-16]) a work of foreign literature into the world of his reader. With the primacy it gives to functionality for the reader, Roman antiquity is quite close to the skopos theory of our own time [7. 104-107]. A systematic theory of translation was never formulated in antiquity; explicit thoughts on the subject can be found only here and there and as necessitated by actual practice (on awareness of the poverty of the Latin language cf. Lucr. 1,139; Sen. De tranquillitate animi 2,33 [4. 42]). Cicero sees his translations as subject to

Cic. Cato 79-81 — Xen. Cyr. 8,7,17-22; Cic. Tusc. 1,97-99 — Pl. Ap. 40c 4-42a 5). Because of its stylistic

and aesthetic focus, high value was placed on translation in the rhetoric of the Imperial period (cf. early at Cic. De or. 1,155; subsequently Quint. Inst. 10,5,2-3; Plin. Ep. 7,9,2-12; Sen. Controv. 17,20 [2.215f.; 6. 76-78]).

9,1,13;

Gell. NA

In Late Antiquity, > Neoplatonism, with its concept that the writing of an inspired master is the representational embodiment of divine being (cf. Procl. institutio

theologica 62,13 f. Dopps; Procl. In Platonis Cratylum commentaria

16,15-19;

the name

possesses

divine

power: Iambl. Myst. 258,8f.; [3. 14-19; 51-5 4]), effected a basic change in translation. - Hieronymus (Jer. Ep. 57,5) and > Boéthius (Porphyrii isagoge e graeco versa 1,1 [4. 45]) were now already obliged to justify a freer style of translation (see below IV. B.). Translation

as practiced during the Classical period, oriented as it was on the target language, was superseded by translation committed to the source language. -» Marius {fl 2x] Victorinus contributed to the further development of the Latin language with his translation, among others, of the ‘Isagoge’ (Eisagoge) of + Porphyrius, thereby helping Latin to gain that conciseness that made it the language of science and learning in Europe until modern times [1. 1284-1287]. B. THE CONCEPT OF TRANSLATION AND ITS REFLECTION Latin > literary theory classed free-style forms of literary reception, like free adaptation and paraphrase with the process of translation (vertere) [6. 16f.]. As a rule, the translator confronts the Greek text as a competitor whom, in the sense of aemulatio, he corrects and surpasses [6. 104]. In contrast to the requirements of modern-day translation science, the Roman translator does not efface himself behind his work: stylistically, he wants to gain some advantage for himself and ‘carry

TRANSLATIONS

the ideal of non verba sed vim convertere, ‘translate not

words but the sense’ (Cic. Opt. Gen. 14; cf. also Cic. Acad. 1,10, Cic. Fin. 3,15; [4. 45f.]); to the orator (‘speaker’) as conveyor of statements corresponds to the interpreter (interpres) as arbitrator of terms. In an oft-misunderstood passage (Hor. Ars P. 131-135), ~ Horatius [7] proposed not a general prohibition of word-for-word translation but rather differentiated creative rendering from the work of translating [4. 44; 7.95-99]. > Hieronymus picked up on this tradition in order to justify translation that is faithful to the sense of the original (Jer. Ep. 57,5-7), but he had no more success in arriving at a consistent norm for good translation than previous > literary criticism: on the one hand, he supported a word-for-word translation of the Holy Scriptures, on the other, every translation was in his eyes an act of destruction of linguistic aesthetics (Jer. Ep. 84). C. METHOD OF TRANSLATION Translators of Greek into Latin were confronted by the task of overcoming semantic or syntactical divergences between source language and target language while taking the facts of Roman world experience into account. The absence of Latin terms was countered by the use of neologisms (e.g. Gr. adiaphoron — Lat. indifferens; Gr. polytropos — Lat. versutus), the investiture of common words with new meaning (morbus as also emotion), paraphrase (Gr. dlytos in Cic. Tim. 15 as ut dissolvi nullo modo queat |6. 35]) and outright adoption of Greek vocabulary (+ Loan words). If comprehensibility could not be achieved in this way, Greek terms were replaced with words from everyday Roman life, thereby either expanding or reducing the material at hand. Often the Latin translator did not follow the syntax of the Greek original, even when an identical sentence structure would have been possible. Style, prose rhythm and equivalence of effect prevailed over closeness to text as a norm. Translations from Etruscan,

Punic and other languages have not been preserved. The longer — bilingual inscriptions confirm the findings above. On translation see below IV. and > Bible translations. — Literary + Communication; — Literature V.; Theory; > TRANSLATION 1 ALBRECHT 2 Sr. M.BEALL, Translation in Aulus Gellius, in: CQ 47, 1997, 215-226 3 M.Hirscu_e, Sprach-

philosophie und Namenmagie im Neuplatonismus, 1979

TRANSLATIONS

23, 1989,

~» Arabic-Islamic Culture I. C.2.). The Sogdian (— Sog-

5HL.E. Ricuter, Ubersetzer und Ubersetzungen

diana) fragments of the NT are presumably also translations from Syriac. Nothing has been preserved of Bible translations into Middle Iranian languages.

4 B.Kyrz.er, Fidus Interpres, in: Antichthon

42-50

856

855

in der romischen Literatur, 1938 6 A.SEELE, ROmische Ubersetzer, 1995 7 M.Snevi-Hornsy et al. (ed.), Hdb. Translation, 1998. L.FL.

IV. Late ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTIUM: GREEK AND LATIN SPHERE A. FROM THE GREEK B. FROM GREEK INTO LATIN C. FROM LATIN INTO GREEK D. LATE BYZANTINE TRANSLATIONS

A. FROM THE GREEK In the wake of Christianization, during Late Antiquity and the early Byzantine period, there was extensive translation activity, mainly from Greek (in addition, there were also new translations into Greek of the OT since the rst cent. AD: >» Aquila [3], > Theodotion, —» Symmachus [2]). The focus was mainly on biblical and apocryphal texts, the writings of the Church Fathers, as well as legends of the martyrs and Christian historiography and Church history (for example by ~> Eusebius [7] and > Johannes [18] Malalas). Translations of non-Christian literature are rarer, one instance being the ‘Jewish War’ of Flavius > Iosephus [4] translated into Latin by Hegesippus [4] at the end of the 4th cent. AD; a Latin version of the > Alexander Romance (IJ.) dates from the same time. Translating was done from Greek into Latin as well as into other languages, for which these translations often constituted first written appearances or new standardizations and at the same time served as impetus for the genesis of an independent literature. Among others, these languages included: (1) Ethiopian (from 4th cent. AD: Biblical texts, for which, however, a Syriac source text is also being discussed, ‘The Shepherd of ‘+ Hermas”; — Physiologus; in the 7th cent. AD: Iohannes [18] Malalas); (2) > Armenian (biblical texts, possibly by way of Syriac, cf. -> Bible Translations (IL.); Eusebius [7]; lohannes [4] Chrysostomus; Gregorius [2] of Nyssa; also Porphyry and Philo [12] of Alexandria and the ‘Church History’ of Socrates [9]. The ‘History of the Armenians’ by Agathangelus [2], on the other hand, was translated into Greek c. 600 AD); (3) > Georgian; (4) -» Coptic (NT versions in Sahidic and Bohairic dialects are preserved, as are fragments in other dialects), (5) Gothic (-» Gothic language; —> Ulfila); and (6) -» Syriac; considerably later also (7) Old —» Church Slavonic. Syriac quickly produced its own independent Christian literature (e.g. » Ephraim), which was then translated into Armenian (Ephraim’s commentary on the Diatessaron are preserved in its entirety only in the Armenian version) and even had influence, in return, on

the Greek (e.g. Greek kontakia of + Romanos [1] Melodos; - kontakion; +» Madrasha). In later times,

Syriac translations of Greek philosophical and scientific texts became an important medium for the transmission of knowledge from antiquity into Arabic (cf.

B. FROM GREEK INTO LATIN Traces of a first translation of the Bible into Latin (+ Bible Translations) are documented as early as the and half of the 2nd cent. AD; + Marius [II 21] Victorinus (d. c. AD 365) undertook a translation of + Porphyrius’ Eisagoge (‘Isagoge’) into Latin. Around AD 400 -» Hieronymus and > Rufinus [6] undertook Latin translations from the Greek. Jerome is especially famous for his -» Bible translation (I.), which in the course of time attained virtually canonical status (and is of historical-linguistic interest, among

other reasons,

because it orients itself more on the high language than the Vetus Latina). Jerome translated a whole series of Christian texts, e.g. the monastic rules of -- Pachomius, from the Coptic original, homilies of + Origenes [2] and the Chronicle of > Eusebius [7] from the Greek (and conversely, his own writings were translated from Latin into Greek, e.g. the Lives of the monks Hilarion, Malchus and Paulus).

In addition, we also have Jerome to thank for the most complete early reflection extant on principles of translating (Jer. Ep. 57 to Pammachius); citing Greek and Roman authors, he advocated a style of translating that was independent of the original material — emphatically making an exception, however, for the Holy Scriptures. > Tertullianus, by contrast (Adversus Marcionem 2,9,2), warned of the danger of heretical misunderstandings when a translation was all too free. Rufinus [6] translated mainly the writings of Origenes (e.g. De Principiis and several homilies), also the Apology for Origen by Pamphilus [4] of Caesarea (the only preserved part is transmitted by the Rufinus translation, incidentally faulted by Jerome for partiality), also the homilies of Basilius [1] the Great, speeches of Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus, the Sententiae of Evagrius [1] Ponticus and the ‘Church History of Eusebius [7]. Irenaeus’ (-» Eirenaios [2]) Adversus Haereses is preserved principally in Latin translation (4th cent. AD). Around 420, Anianus translated sermons of Iohannes [4] Chrysostomus into Latin. With the collapse of the West Roman Empire and the steady decline of knowledge of Greek, translations also became more rare: in the circle -» Cassiodorus, a Latin ‘Church History’ (Historia

of

Ecclesiastica tripartita) was compiled in the years after AD 537-540, containing translated sections of Sozomenus, Socrates [9] and Theodoretus by Epiphanius [3] Scholasticus; in Africa, there were translations into Lat-

in of the physician Soranus, Epiphanius [1] of Salamis, Aratus [4] and Dares [3] as late as the 6th cent. A translation of Iohannes [18] Malalas into Latin dates from the 8th—oth cents.

Translations from the Greek again became more common starting in the rath cent.: Burgundio of Pisa translated works by Iohannes [4] Chrysostomus; in

857

858

Italy, Latin translations of Classical philosophical (Plato [1], Aristotle [6]) and patristic texts were produced e.g. by Johannes Argyropoulos and Georgios Trapezuntios.

With — Atticism the Greek - diglossia began; this led to the development of some special cases, in particular the translation of ‘high-language’ texts into the vernacular language of the people (e.g. the ‘Alexias’ by Anna Komnena during the Palaedogi period; > Byzantium II. E.), but also vice versa: Symeon Metaphrastes translated the legends of the saints ( Ménoldgion) into high language + Bible translations; — Christianity E.; — Literature VI.

C. FROM LATIN INTO GREEK Translations from Latin into Greek, however, were

rarer (see above II.), as they were in the sphere of pagan literature as well, and outside Christianity have come down to us mainly as interlinear versions of Virgil- and Cicero-texts on papyrus for language instruction and without independent literary interest (P Vindobonensis 30, 4th—sth cents. with frr. from Cic. Cat. I; P Rylands 478, c. 4th cent. AD with passages from Virgil’s Aeneid). The Breviarium (‘Survey of Roman History’) of Eutropius [1] was translated by Paeanius into Greek shortly after it was written (369); Jerome praised Sophronius, saying he had rendered his ‘Life of Hilarion’ into Greek very elegantly (Jer. Vir. ill. 134). Further, the Greek version of the + Passio Perpetuae as well as passages from the Apologeticum of > Tertul-

E. WURTHWEIN, Der Text des AT: eine Einfiihrung in die Biblia Hebraica, +1966; E.FisHER, Greek Translations of Latin Literature in the 4th Century, in: YCIS 27, 1982, 173-215; G. BARDy, La question des langues dans l’église ancienne, 1948; E. DEKKERS, Les traductions grecques des écrits patristiques latins, in: Sacris erudiri 5, 1953, 193233, bes. 217 ff.; S.BRock, Aspects of Translation Technique in Antiquity, in: GRBS 20, 1979, 69-87; K. und B. ALAND, Der Text des NT: Einfiihrung in die wissenschaftlichen Ausgaben sowie in Theorie und Praxis der modernen Textkritik, *1989; V.REICHMANN, ROmische Literatur in griechischer Ubersetzung (Philologus Suppl. 34.3), 1943; B. FARRINGTON, Primum Graius Homo. An Anthology of Latin Translations from the Greek, 1927;

lianus (in Euseb. Hist. eccl. 2,2,4; 2,25,43 3520593 55556)

are worth including here, as are the Dialogues of Gregorius [3] I of a later date. Literary ambitions are plain to see in an excerpt in Greek from Virgil’s Fourth Eclogue; it was prepared at the time of Emperor Constantine [1] I. (306-337) by the imperial > chancellery as the Greek version of a speech given by Constantine originally in Latin and has been preserved in the appendix to Eusebius’ [7] Life of Constantine. The Hippiatrika (4th cent.) of Apsyrtus [2] contain translated passages from Columella; translations of the + Geoponikd of Vindanius Anatolius of Berytus (also 4th. cent.; preserved only in excerpts from the roth cent.) by Varro [2] and Virgil can be documented. Thus one must reckon with the fact that there were considerably fewer Greek translations from the Latin than vice versa; still, they were not as rare as the state of preservation suggests. At any rate, > Photius [2] (Phot. Bibl. cod. 89) could assume that Gelasius [1] of Caesarea had translated a Latin text by Rufinus, whereas in fact the reverse was true.

TRANSMISSION OF DISEASE

B. RocuetTrTE, Le latin dans le monde grec, (Coll. Latomus

233), 1997; A. TRAINA, Le traduzioni, in: G. CAVALLO et al. (ed.), Lo spazio letterario di Roma

antica, vol. 2,

*1993, 93-123; H. Marti, Ubersetzer der Augustin-Zeit: Interpretation von Selbstzeugnissen (Studia et testimonia antiqua 14), 1974; H.E. Ricurer, Ubersetzer und Ubersetzung in der romischen Literatur, thesis, Erlangen 1938.

VB.

Transmarisca (Toeaouagioxa/Trasmariska). Roman fort in Moesia Inferior (~ Moesi with map) on the right bank of the lower Danube (- Ister [2]; Ptol. 3,10,11: Teouagioxa/Tromariska; Procop. Aed. 4,7,7; Geogr. Rav. 4,7,1: Stamarisca) between Sexaginta Prista (mod-

ern

Ruse) and ~> Durostorum, modern Tutrakan (county of Silistra, Bulgaria). T. gained significance

from the 2nd cent. AD onwards, when the Cobors I

Thracum was temporarily stationed in the fort. At the end of the 3rd cent. increased defence measures were taken on the lower Danube

(— Limes V), the fort of

Constantiniana Daphne was built opposite T. under D. LATE BYZANTINE TRANSLATIONS Greek translations of Latin texts were again undertaken in the 13th—1r4th cents. (e.g. » Planudes: Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses’ and ‘Heroides’, Augustine’s De trinitate, Cicero’s Somnium Scipionis, satires of Juvenal;

Demetrius Cydones: Augustine, but also Thomas Aquinas; Gennadius (= Georgios) Scholarios: Thomas of Aquinus’ Commentary on Aristotle’s [6] [6] De anima;

cf. > Byzantium II. F.). Translations from Oriental languages into Greek played a role mainly for the vernacular literature of Byzantium (Stephanites and Ichnelates, 11th cent., in the final analysis, go back by way of Pahlavi, Syrian and Arabic to the Pancatantra written in Sanskrit; Syntipas; Historia Apollonii regis Tyrt).

Constantinus [1] the Great. In the 4th cent. T. was the

seat of the praef. ripae Legionis XI Claudiae (Not. Dign. Or. 40,34). TIR L 35 Bukarest,

1969, 37; 75; V.VELKOV,

Roman

Cities in Bulgaria, 1980, 49-54; E.PETKov, Le role de T. dans le limes de Bas-Danube, in: G. voN BULow, A. MiLceva (eds.), Der Limes an der unteren Donau, 1999, 237-

243.

J.BU.

Transmission of disease. Latin contagio, ‘infection’, refers to the transmission of disease (TD) from person

to person, directly or through an intermediary. TD is associated with the idea of pollution: Judaism, for instance, holds that people suffering from certain diseases (such as leprosy) or menstruating women must be

TRANSMISSION OF DISEASE

859

avoided (- Purification). The stated reasons were either hygienic or religious. Similar precepts are known from ancient Babylon and Greece as well. The observation that those in close contact with the sick suffer the most was first articulated by Thucydides (2,51) in his description of the Athenian plague. In Latin, non-medical authors in particular use the term contagio or contagium on a regular basis when dealing with the spread of a disease, of panic or even of a theological heresy, although the notion of being touched (be it by the disease or by the sufferer) is often replaced by the vaguer one of propinquity. Except from the —» Methodist sources (Plut. Symp. 5,7; Caelius Aurelianus, De Morbis Chronicis 4,13; Theodorus Priscianus, Logica 59), medical authors prefer to talk in terms of individual disposition, miasma and bad air. Regarding the TD between individuals, Greek-speaking authors emphasized the sharing element between the individuals rather than the process of transmission which is rarely investigated or explained. This may be because of a reluctance to believe in a mechanistic explanation for disease, or because they recoiled at the ramifications of applying to the sick the same procedures of quarantine or slaughter practised by vetinary doctors. K.H. Leven, Miasma und Metadosis — antike Vorstellungen von Ansteckung, in: Medizin, Gesellschaft und Geschichte 11, 1993, 44-73 K.F. H. Marx, Origines contagii, 1824 V. Nutton, Did the Greeks Have a Word for

It? Contagion and Contagion Theory in Classical Antiquity, in: L.I. Conrab (ed.), Concepts of Contagion and

Infection, 1999.

860

Transport amphorae I. DEFINITION AND ANCIENT TERMINOLOGY Il. THE BRONZE AGE III]. FORMS AND USE IV. RESEARCH HISTORY V. TYPOLOGY

I. DEFINITION AND ANCIENT TERMINOLOGY Transport amphorae (TA) are two-handled ceramic vessels manufactured for the transportation and storage of foodstuffs. The Latin term amphora derives from the Greek Guooetc/amphoreus, from the older a&udupooevd stamnos and -> pelike (cf. + Pottery A.; +»Amphora [x]; with ill.). Unpainted TA were more frequently referred to as xéoapoc/kéramos or xeoapov/kerdmion (Hom. Il. 9,46; Hdt. 3,6) and ayyetov/angeion (Ps.Aristot. Mir. 136). The Greek terms dimtoc/diotos (‘two-handled’,

literally ‘two-eared’)

and xd6od/>—

kddos were adopted into Latin as diota and cadus. Kddos probably derives from the Semitic noun kd (‘bellied vessel’) [1]. In Hebrew, amphora appears only as a late borrowing from the Greek: *mpwrh. Il. THE BRONZE AGE TA were invented in Northern Syria and Cilicia during Early Bronze Age II (2900-2600) [2; 3; 4]. Still during the 3rd millennium

BC, these amphorae

were

slightly adjusted to the requirements of shipboard transportation, receiving less of a belly and a lesser capacity. They were also adjusted to the Pharaonic system

V.N.

of measurements, and from the Middle Bronze Age onwards manufactured on the > potter’s wheel; at the

Transpadana. General term for the area to the north of

same time, they were given a more pointed base, to suit them better for stowage on board ship. After the middle of the 15th cent. BC, the Late Bronze Age versions were known in the countries of export (Egypt, Cyprus and Greece) as Canaanite TA [2; 3; 4]. The variant with short, straight neck, sharply defined shoulder, convex shoulder and side, and pointed base, was very widespread, particularly in the 12th cent. BC. From it developed the Iron Age Phoenician TA.

the > Padus (modern Po; cf. Cic. Off. 3,22,88; Catull. 39,13: Iranspadanus; [1. 274; 2. 1493 3. 28 f.5 4. 7 f.]),

as an adjective connected only with Italia (Tac. Hist. 2,32; CIL X 3870), never with Gallia. Augustus’ regional reform recognises a regio XI T. bounded in the east by the ~ Ollius (+ Regio with map; Plin. HN 3,123; Tac. Hist. 1,70; Plin. Ep. 6,6). Towards the

end of the 3rd cent. AD, T. was understood to be the whole of the Padus plain to the south of the > Alpes; divided in the 4th cent. into Aemilia and Liguria [5. 236 f.; 6. 1 f.]. T. remained merely a toponym. 1 MomMsEN, Schriften 5 2 R.CHEVALLIER, La romanisation, 1980 3R.Syme, T. Italia, in: Athenaeum 63,

1985, 28-36 4V.VeDALDI IAsBEz, La problematica sulla romanizzazione della T., in: Quaderni Giuliani di Storia 6, 1985, 7-47.

1947

5 R. THOMSEN, The Italic Regions,

6L.RuGGINI, Economia e societa nell’Italia anno-

narla, 1961.

Transport

gation;

see

ASA.

-» Camel;

~ Wagon, Chariot

> Land

transport;

Navi-

Ill. FORMS AND USE

Greek TA have a flat base or base ring, thus revealing their derivation from household storage vessels. The clay-slick coat on Greek TA also indicates such a relationship. Not until the late 6th cent. BC did the foot of the Greek TA develop into a massive knob. This was subsequently also adopted for Punic amphorae, as providing a firm grip for emptying the vessel [5]. From the 8th to the 1st cents. BC, a tendency to ever longer and narrower vessels may be noted in nearly all classes of Mediterranean amphora; this is probably to be explained by the changes in modes of ship-board stowage occurring at the same time, and by the developing links between individual regions and markets. Products shipped in amphorae, mainly > wine, > olive oil and garum (-> Fish dishes (and seafood)), make up only a part of the wares traded in Antiquity. In the case of

861

862

+ transport by land, more secure containers may have been preferred to fragile, heavy amphorae. In the case of the c. 250,000 amphorae found in Elizavetovskoe (on the lower Don), it is surmised that their contents were transferred to skins or similar containers for onward dispatch into the interior [6; 7;]. Although TA represented only a small part of the volume of trade, they constitute one of the most important indicators for economic structures in Antiquity, in respect of agricultural production and consumption and the relationship between the imports and exports of settlements and regions. Until the Archaic Period, TA continued to come from workshops producing the entire range of pottery, thus e.g. in > Tyrus during the 2nd half of the 8th cent. BC [8] and in Phoenician Cerro del Villar (~ Malaca/Malaga) in the early 6th cent. BC [9]. The specialized production of TA in dedicated workshops is discernible in the Greek world from the 5th cent. BC onwards [10]. This pattern of production prevailed in the Roman period. According to Athenaeus (11,784c), at the foundation of Cassandrea (316 BC; — Potidaea) the sculptor - Lysippus [2] designed the model for amphorae destined for the export of (Mendean) wine: an early form of industrial design. An airtight seal was obtained by means of corks, ceramic discs, > pitch or > gypsum. In addition, especially in the case of amphorae for wine, an internal coating was applied in order to prevent the seepage of liquid through the wall of the vessel [11; 12]. The contents of the amphora might be indicated according to product, origin, vintage, producer and/or merchant by a painted

original content (gas chromatography). Attempts are currently being made to link these approaches to production in particular localities and regions, e.g. > Chersonesus [3] and > Pompeii [10. 13-19; 17]. Some studies have also investigated the capacity of amphorae, as a basis for investigations of an economic nature [18; 19]. Although ‘amphorology’ has developed into a specific discipline with its own terminology, it largely continues to respect traditional, culturally based academic boundaries.

mark (tituli picti), a stamp (+ Amphora stamps) or an

attached label. Some 40 different geographical types of vessel, some of them TA, are mentioned on papyri from the 3rd cent. BC onwards [13]. Apart from transport and storage, sometimes in second-hand use (Hdt. 3,6), TA were also employed for other purposes: as coffins for infants (enchytrismos burials), weight-saving elements in the construction of Roman arches (— Vaults

and arches, construction of), floats and pitfall traps (Hdt. 8,28).

IV. RESEARCH HISTORY Although methodological approaches to research into TA were developed in particular respect of Roman amphorae |{14], they apply equally to Greek, Etruscan and Phoenician examples. Interest during the 19th cent. concentrated on epigraphic data: > amphora stamps, tituli picti and graffiti. Gradually, however, interest in the amphorae themselves, and especially in their various forms, gained the upper hand, and formed the basis for research into typology and archetypes. From the 1970s onwards, this involved the use of statistical, mathematical, technological [14; 15] and archaeometric methods of analysis, particularly in respect of the constituents of the clay with reference to origin and typology (petrography; analysis by x-ray diffraction, the Mossbauer process, neutron activation) [16], and its

TRANSPORT AMPHORAE

V. TYPOLOGY Terracotta and painted forms first occur in Greek TA [10]. The type SOS Attic TA, painted in clay-slick and a la brosse, were widespread from the 8th to the 6th cents. BC, and were also manufactured on > Euboea [1] [zo]. Of the contemporary Corinthian TA, the older type A was usually handmade; it was also produced in the vicinity of > Corcyra [1] and > Buthrotum. Most of the type B TA (from the late 6th cent. BC onwards) also came from this region, its early versions having predominantly been manufactured in > Magna Graecia [21; 22]. A related form was developed in > Massalia [22; 23]. Of the Eastern Greek TA, those from Samos, Chios, Lesbos and Miletus were the most widespread [24]. The most important during the Hellenistic Period were those from Rhodes, Cos, Cnidus, Thasos

and Sinope [10; 25]. In the Greek West, the so-called Graeco-Italian amphorae constitute the most important group; they developed in the 4th cent., and were produced into the 2nd cent. BC in Magna Graecia and > Sicily [26; 27]. The Phoenician settlements in the West developed two forms of TA in the 8th cent. BC; these followed Eastern models. TA with a sharply defined shoulder are found on the Iberian peninsula, egg-shaped forms in the Central Mediterranean settlements [28; 29]. Various Punic forms developed from these until some time in the rst cent. AD [15]. The egg-shaped forms served as models for TA in the Etruscan and Nuraghic cultures as early as the 2nd half of the 8th cent. BC [30]. The Etruscan form followed its own process of development, and, especially from the 2nd half of the 7th into the sth cents., constituted an important category in the West

[315 32]. The first typology of Roman TA relied on the table compiled in 1899 by Heinrich Dressel for CIL volume XV 1 [14; 16; 33]. This typology has been constantly extended and refined for particular forms and particular regions of production [333 34; 35; 36; 37]. The resulting classifications include the products of the entire Mediterranean world from the Roman to the Byzantine Periods. Individual sites such as the Monte Testaccio (+ Mons Testaceus), an artificial hill on the bank of the

Tiber in Rome, some 35m high and consisting of nothing but used TA [38], attest to the volume of production and consumption down to the 3rd cent. AD. + Amphora [1]; ~ Amphora stamps; > Commerce; + Imports / Exports; + Measure of volume; > Navi-

863

864

Pottery, production of; > Pottery,

in the Western Mediterranean. The Catalan Evidence, 1984 38 E.RoprRiGUEZ ALMEIDA, Il Monte Testaccio: ambiente, storia, materiali, 1984. R.D.

TRANSPORT AMPHORAE

gation; - Pottery;

shapes and types of; > Pottery trade 1 O.SZEMERENYI, The Origins of the Greek Lexicon. Ex Oriente Lux, in: JHS 94, 1974, 148 2V.R. Grace, The Canaanite Jar, in: $.S. WEINBERG (ed.), The Aegean and the Near East. FS H. Goldman, 1956, 80-109

3 A.RABAN, The Commercial Jar in the Ancient Near East, 1980, ch.3. 4A.G. SAGona, Levantine Storage Jars of the 13th to 4th Century B. C., in: OpAth 14, 1982, 73-110 5 C.G. Korner, Handling of Transport Amphoras, in: s.[25], 66 61.B. BRAsHiNsky, Les importations céramiques greques sur le Don Inférieur du Ve au Ile siécle avant notre ére, 1980 ~=7 Y. GARLAN, De l’usage par les

Transvectio Equitum. Parade of the iuventus of Roman equites on 15 July. Its route led from the Temple of Mars to the Porta Capena, the Temple of Castor and Pollux, and up to the Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus on the + Capitolium (sources: Liv. 9,46,15;

The ‘SOS’ Amphora, in: ABSA 73, 1978, 103-141 21 C.G. KOEHLER, Corinthian A and B Transport Ampho-

Vir. ill. 32,2). There are mythical/cultic and constitutional versions of the origins of this institution, whose beginnings can be traced to the 4th cent. BC. The first is connected with the help given by the + Dioscuri in the battle between the Romans and the Latins at + Lacus Regillus (396 BC; Liv. 2,9 ff.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,3; Cic. Nat. 2,6); hence the date of the parade was related to the dies natalis of the Temple of Castor on 15 July. The equites rode into Rome representing Castor and Pollux. The second explanation refers to the censor Q. Fabius {I 28] Maximus Rullianus, who in 304 BC brought into being a parade of mounted troops. Its purpose was probably a mustering or — census of the equites (according to origin and wealth) and a test of suitability of the horses needed for mounted troops. From the 2nd cent. BC members of these troops were probably primarily the sons of noble families. The title of their leader was > princeps inventutis; his badges of honour were a shield and a spear (the weapons of equestrians and also the attributes of the Dioscuri). In the framework of the restructuring under Augustus, which also strengthened the equestrians, the TE underwent a revival (recorded until the 4th cent. AD). The title of their leader turned into an honorary title for the next in line of succession in the Roman imperial house (cf. C. + Iulius [II 32] and L. = Julius [II 33] Caesar as the first bearers of it; cf. a coin issue by Augu-

ras, 1979 22 V.Gassner, Produktionsstatten westmediterraner Amphoren im 6. und 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr., in:

stus, 2/1 BC: BMCRE ~ Equites Romani

historiens du matériel amphorique 1985, 239-255

1978, 1-13

8 P.M.

grec, in: DHA

11,

Brxat, The Pottery of Tyre,

9J.A. Barcetoetal., El area de produccion

alfarera del Cerro del Villar (Guadalhorce, Malaga), in:

Riv. di Studi Fenici 23, 1995, 147-181 101.K.WuitBREAD, Greek Transport Amphorae. A Petrological and Archaeological Study, 1995, 9-19

11 A.RABAN, The

Phoenician Jars from the Wrecked Ship off Philadelphia Village, in: Sefunim 5, 1976, 50-55 12 A. ZEMER, Storage Jars in Ancient Sea Trade, 1978, 14

13 N. Krurr,

K. Worp, Geographical Jar Names. Towards a Multidisciplinary Approach, in: APF 46, 2000, 65-146 14J.M. SCHURING, Studies on Roman Amphorae J-II, in: BABesch 59, 1984, 137-147.

15 J.H.VAN DER WERFF,

Amphores de tradition punique a Uzita, in: BABesch 52/53, 1977/78, 171-200 16 D.P. S. PEACOCK, D.F. WituraMs, Amphorae and the Roman Economy. An Introductory Guide, 1986 17 W.JONGMaN, The Economy and Society of Pompeii, 1988 18 F. DuRANDO, Inda-

gini metrologiche sulle anfore commerciali arcaiche della necropoli di Pithekoussai, in: AION 11, 1989, 55-93 19 R.F. Docrer, Amphora Capacities and Archaic Levantine Trade, in: Hamburger Beitr. zur Arch. 15-17, 1988-1990, 143-188

Laverna

II, 2000,

20A.W. JoHNsTOoN, R.E.JONEs,

106-137

23 M.Bats

amphores de Marseille grecque, 1990

(ed.), Les

24 R.M. Cook,

P. Dupont, East Greek Pottery, 1998, 142-180 25 J.-Y. EMPEREUR, Y. GARLAN (ed.), Recherches sur les amphores

grecques (BCH Suppl. 13), 1986

26 E.L. WILL, Greco-

Italic Amphoras, in: Hesperia 51, 1982, 338-356 27 C. VANDERMERSCH, Vins et amphores de Grande Gréce et de Sicile [Ve-IHe siécle avant J.-C., 1994 28 J. RAMON,

Las anforas fenicio-ptnicas del Mediterraneo central y occidental, 1995 29R.F. Docrer, Archaische Amphoren aus Karthago und Toscanos, 1997 30 Id., Die soge-

nannten ZitA-Amphoren: nuraghisch und zentralitalisch, in: R.ROLLE et al.(ed.), Archaeologische Studien in Kontaktzonen der antiken Welt, 1998, 359-373

31 F.uND

1, table 14,7).

S. WEINSTOCK, s. v. T.e., RE 6 A, 2178-2187; Id., R6mische Reiterparade, in: Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni 13, 1937, 10-24; LATTE, 175; W. D. LeBecx, Das SC

der tabula Larinas: Rittermusterung und andere Probleme, in: ZPE 85, 1991, 41-70; P. WisEMAN, The God of the Lupercal, in: JRS 85, 1995, 1-22, esp. 10-13. AVS.

Trapetum see > Presses Trapeza see > Delphica; podium; > Table

> Furniture III B ; + Mono-

M.Py, Les amphores étrusques de Vaunage et de Villevie-

Trapezites (toametitys/trapezités). Leader in Egypt of

ille (Gard), in: MEFRA

86, 1974, 141-254

the state

Trafics

archaiques,

Tyrrhéniens

1985,

33 M. BELTRAN,

Las anforas romanas

34 C.PANELLA,

Appunti su un gruppo

32 M.Gras,

325-366

en Espana,

1970

di anfore della

prima, media e tarda eta imperiale, in: Ostia 3, 1973, 460633 35 D.Manacorpa, Anfore, in: Ostia 4, 1977, 117-

254

36 G.KuzMANoV, Tipologiya i kronologiya na ran-

novizantiyskite amfori (IV—VI), in: Archeologija (Sofija) 15,1973, 14-21 37S.J. Keay, Late Roman Amphorae

bank

(Ptolemaic:

basilike

trépeza,

‘royal

bank’; Roman period: démosia trapeza, ‘public bank’) in the métropoleis (— Metropolis) of the nomes (+ Nomos [2]) but also in smaller towns. The trapezites

changed money, collected taxes and other monies intended for the state exchequer and passed them on to the Basilikon (Royal Exchequer). His role is comparable with those of the sitdlogos (‘grain commissioner’)

865

866

and the kollybistes (‘money changer’). Under the > Ptolemies trapezitai usually leased their posts; from 107 (?) AD a trapezites was one of a college of three, who performed the duties for three years as a > liturgy [I C]. Taxes were collected by — praktores [II], who had to hand them in to the public bank, however. + Banks

T. derived substantial natural benefits from its territory. There were many pine forests on the north slope of the Paryadres, which provided wood, tar, and pitch for shipyards in T. and for export. The > Chalybes of the Paryadres, neighbours of the city, were famed for their skill in extracting and processing the ore from that mountain range, and T. could take advantage of the opportunities provided by contact with the iron works of the Chalybes. T. was the first city of this coast at which it was possible to catch - Tuna, which had grown big enough as they migrated west in shoals along the shore from the Cimmerian Bosporus [2] past the mouth of the Phasis [1], and process them for export at curing plants. Good vines grew on the lower slopes of the Paryadres, and beekeeping was lucrative. Although the city’s exclusive location was indeed an advantage from the viewpoint of national security, it was detrimental to trade, for T. was easily accessible only by sea. Only narrow paths connected T. with coastal localities

R.BoGagrt,

Trapezitica

Aegyptiaca,

1994,

153-203;

253-279.

W.A.

Trapezophoron see > Table utensils Trapezopolis

(Toanetonodu/Trapezdpolis).

City in

Caria (Ptol. 5,2,18; - Cares) on the northern slopes of Mount Cadmus (modern Baba) in the Salbacus moun-

tains (modern Akdag); scant remains of the city are at Bolu to the west of Denizli. As well as in inscriptions and on coins (1st-3rd cents. AD) T. is particularly well attested in late Antiquity literary sources. T. was part of the Conventus of > Alabanda (Plin. HN 5,109). T. enjoyed close relations with the neighbouring city of Attuda (modern Hask6y; cf. Homonoia coins under Antoninus [1] Pius). In the 4th cent. AD T. was part of Phrygia Pacatiane. T. is attested as a see (Socr. 7,36,19; Hierocles, Synekdemos 665,5; Not. Episc. 1,369; 3,306;

8,420;

9,330;

10,419;

MAMA 6, 22f.; 143. LXXVIIIf., 177-179.

13,269).

Caria,

J. and L. Rosert, La Carie, vol. 2, 1954, 154 ff.

H.KA.

(TouneCotc/Trapezous,;

BMC,

Inscriptions:

Gr,

Trapezus

Coins:

Lat.

Trapezus;

the

modern Trabzon, Turkey). I. GEOGRAPHICAL SITUATION _II. STAGES OF HIsTrorY III. THE BYZANTINE PERIOD

I. GEOGRAPHICAL SITUATION A Greek city in the region of Colchis (Xen. An. 4,8,223 5,3,2) on the southeast coast of the Black Sea (+ Pontos Euxeinos), situated in a favourable setting

with a secure acropolis. T. may have been first founded as early as 756 BC (cf. Euseb. Chron. 1,80e SCHOENE) by - Sinope as a transshipment centre for wares from ~ Urartu into the Greek world. However, its second foundation, following its destruction by the > Cimmerii after 630 BC, is generally considered to be the only one (cf. [1]). Since the » Paryadres range stretches

TRAPEZUS

to the west and east down to Roman times (cf. Xen. An.

551,13 f.5 5,3,2), and there was no winter proofed road toward the south until the expansion under Vespasian (69-79). That which was conducive to plant growth was not very pleasant for the inhabitants of T.: extremely high humidity characterized the city’s climate in ancient times as well. T. was a frontier town in many respects, and its position on the periphery between the Greek world and the ‘barbaricum’ had an impact at the cultural level on society in T. (faulty Greek attested in inscriptions, Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 2; as well as the inferior quality of coins from T.). At the same time its isolated position protected against attack (e.g. of Alexander the Great, Tamerlane); it also favoured peculiar political developments (the > Satrap revolt in the Persian Empire, 367-362 BC, the Pontic kingdom (> Pontus II), 301-63 BC, and the Empire of Trebizond, 1204-1461). Il. STAGES OF HISTORY Traditional stages of the history of T. include the following: Xenophon marched through T. with the remains of his Ten Thousand on the way to their Greek homeland in 400 BC (Xen. An. 5,5,10). C. 368-7 BC, citizens from T. in Arcadia (near the modern Mavria),

who were not in agreement with the > Synoikismos of » Megale polis (Paus. 8,27,6), settled in T. From the

time of Mithradates [6] VI (87 BC), T. belonged to the Pontic kingdom (-» Pontus II). Pompey [I 3] dissolved

the latter in 63 BC and allocated it to

— Deiotarus.

right down to the coast near T. (Plin. HN 11,2), little

After the latter’s death, T. went over, by way of Darius,

arable land was available. T. possessed the only harbour on the south coast of the Black Sea east of > Amisus, but it could only be used during the summer, owing to frequent storms from the northwest and the northnorthwest. It was not expanded until the reign of the emperor Hadrian (117-138 AD), from which time it was winter proof (Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 24). East of Amisus, T. had the only connection by land from the coast to the hinterland that was accessible in summertime.

a son of Pharnaces [2] I, to the Pontic Empire under

Polemon [5] in 38 BC. In 64 AD, T. was integrated into the Roman empire along with the province Pontus Polemoniacus (this was the period of the city’s coinage). T. was now a base of the imperial Pontic fleet, taken over

from Polemon II, and the city served as an important transshipment port of troops for the defence of the Roman borders along the line from the Rhenus [2] (Rhine) to the Euphrates. 69 AD saw the revolt of Ani-

cetus [2], who occupied T., but was then defeated by

TRAPEZUS

867

868

Roman troops. Hadrian visited T. in 131 AD, as did Arrian [2], governor of the province of -» Cappadocia, in 131-137 AD. The > Goti attacked T. in 257 AD, and the city underwent new urban development under Justinian [1] 1. Archaeological vestiges include remains of the Hellenistic city wall and harbour installations.

Travel literature. The term travel literature (TL) refers to a heterogeneous group of literary products that belong to categories such as travel report, travel de-

1 F. MiLtnerR, Die erste Milesische Kolonisation im Siidpontus, in: W.M. Caper, J.Keit (eds.), Anatolian Studies Presented to W. H. Buckler, 1939, 191-195. W.RuGE, s. v. T. (2), RE 6 A, 2214-2221; E. OLSHAUSEN, s. v. Pontos (2), RE Suppl. 15, 396-442; Id., Pontos und Rom, in: ANRW II 7.2, 1980, 903-912; Id., Elemente

einer Grenzstadt-Typologie am Beispiel von T., in: Id., H.SONNABEND (eds.), Stuttgarter Kolloguium zur Historischen Geographie des Altertums 4 (1990), 1994, 407422; A. BRYER, D. WINFIELD, The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos, vol. 1, 1985, 178-250.

E.O.

Ill. THe BYZANTINE PERIOD T. gained increased importance in the 6th cent. AD as a military and commercial harbour, and since 824 was the capital of the Byzantine Theme of Chaldia. Its Christian roots extend back to the Apostle Andrew, while Christianity established itself here against the cult of Mithras under > Gregorius [1] Thaumaturgus. Domnus was the first attested Bishop of T. at the Synod of Nicaea [5] (325). A.BrYER, D. WINFIELD, The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of Pontus, 2 vol., 1985. K.SA.

scription (travel guide, travel handbooks) or travel novel, categories that in themselves are not clearly defined. Precursors of modern travel guides and handbooks are, for instance, the Greek peri(h)égéseis (- Periegetes, cf. e.g. > Pausanias [8], > Heraclides [18]) as well as sea maps with descriptions cf coasts (> Periplous). Strictly speaking, a travel report — without judging its aesthetic quality — is the representation of an authentic trip with the inclusion of autobiographical, ethnographical, scientific, etc. aspects that may be fictional to varying degrees. Although the genre of ‘travel report’ had not yet emerged in Antiquity, one can recognize beginnings and elements thereof in a variety of literary genres: while autobiographical texts such as letters (> Cicero, Seneca the Younger, — Plinius [2]) present trips and educational travel from a subjective point of view, ethnography (or ethnographical diversions such as Caes. B Gall. 6) describes foreign peoples and places. Latin travel poems form a prominent thread of the tradition: the Iter Brundisinum (‘Journey to Brundisium’) by -» Horatius [7] (Sat. 1,5) was formative, itself modelled after the Iter Siculum by — Lucilius [I 6]. Later authors of travel poems were, among others, > Rutilius [II 5] Namatianus (De reditu suo) and — Prudentius (Liber peristephanon 9). Another model poem was + Ausonius’

Mosella

(cf. H.BeELLoc,

The

Path

to

Rome, 1902). In reference to ancient tradition, the NeoLatin genre of Hodoeporica or Itinera developed which

Trapheia (Tedea; Trapheia). Polis in > Boeotia (Nic. Ther. 887-889), known for cattle breeding (Steph. Byz. s. v. T.), either where the combined Rivers > Ismenus and Thespius flow into the southeastern bay of > Hylice, where there was an extensive settlement [1. 244246], or on the other bank at the kastron of modern Hylike [2. 2222]. 1 Fossey

2E.KirsTEn,s. v. T., RE 6 A, 2221-2223. M.FE,

Traulus Montanus. Sex. T. M. Young Roman equestrian, whom Messalina [2] made her lover for one night. After her death (AD 48), he was executed (Tac. Ann. 11,36,33; Sen. Apocol. 13,4). W.E. Trausi (Toavooi/Trausot, Latin Trausi). Thracian tribe,

which can be located in the southwestern part of the -» Rhodope mountains; their customs are supposed to have been distinct from those of the other > Thraci (Hdt. 5,3 f.). According to Liv. 38,41,5 the T. lived on robbery; he mentions them in connection with the defeat of Manlius [I 24] Vulso at > Tempyra. According to Steph. Byz. s.v. T., the Greeks called the T. ~ Agathyrsi. A.FoL, Politiéeska istorija na trakite, 1972, 58.

Lv.B,

has been productive until recently (e.g. the Iter ad septentriones

by C.ARRtus

Nurus

alias H.C.

ScHNUR,

1977 appeared in his Pegasus Claudus) [2; 3]. > Ovidius’ exile works (esp. Tr. 1) added important impulses to TL as well. The modern concept of the travel novel is characterized by “representations of journeys and travel experiences within a larger epic form” [1.384] that dominate the events or continue to appear as a /eitmotif. In ancient literature it includes, on the one hand, epics such as Homer’s ‘Odyssee’, the Argonautika by Apollonius [2] Rhodius or Vergil’s Aeneis (cf. Caesar as a ‘tourist’ in Troy and Alexandria in Luc. 9-10) as well as the circle of legends surrounding -» Heracles [1], Theseus and > Io; on the other hand, Roman-Hellenistic + novels (e.g. by > Antonius [3] Diogenes, + Ap(p)ulius [II], > Petronius [5]; + Alexander Romance). The popularity of travel novels is apparent in the satirical-utopian travel report ‘True Stories’ (Aléthé diégemata) by -> Lucianus [1] which is an entirely fictitious journey. In the Christian Period, the genre is dominated by descriptions of pilgrims’ travels and missionary travel, e.g. the Acts of Paul and Thecla (3rd—4th cent., s. -» Paul, Acts of) or the Peregrinatio Aetheriae; on this: ~ Sulpicius Severus’ Dialogi. ~ Peregrinatio ad loca sancta; > Pilgrimage; > Travels

869

870

1 F.Deuszer, s.v. Reisebericht, Reiseroman, in: G. und I.SCHWEIKLE (eds.), Metzler Literatur Lexikon, *1990, 384f. 2H.Grupp, Studien zum antiken Reisegedicht, thesis, Tibingen 1953 3H. Wi1eGanp, Hodoeporica.

Zur neulateinischen Reisedichtung des 16. Jahrhunderts, in: P,J.BRENNER (ed.), Der Reisebericht, 1989, 117-139.

Cw.

Travels I. PREREQUISITES AND LOGISTICS II. OCCASION AND PURPOSE III. INFORMATION FOR TRAVELLERS I. PREREQUISITES AND LOGISTICS A. TRAVEL AREAS AND MEANS OF PAYMENT

DANGERS OF TRAVELLING OF TRAVEL

D.SPEED

OF TRAVEL

AND LUGGAGE F. MODES G. ACCOMMODATION

B. THE

C. TIMES AND LENGTHS E. CLOTHING

OF TRANSPORT

A. TRAVEL AREAS AND MEANS OF PAYMENT Travels were manifestations of a > mobility required for the economic, political and cultural exchange and an essential element for civilisatory development (cf. the absence of travel in the static notion of

the Golden Age, aurea aetas, Ov. Met. 1,94-96; Verg. Ecl. 4,31-39). The main travel area in the GraecoRoman Antiquity was the Mediterranean area with its adjacent regions; it was extended in the course of major expansion movements (Greek — colonization; Alexander’s campaign, > Alexander [4] with map; for the Roman empire see - Roma J), which in turn also increased travel intensities. Literary sources and coin finds confirm travels by traders as far as India (— India, trade with, inc. map) and into North-European non-

Roman ‘barbarian country’ (barbaricum); however, compared with the total, such travels remained marginal. When crossing borders, travellers had to pay > tolls (téhn/téle; Latin portoria) on any goods they carried. Tolls and duties were comparatively stable at 2-2,5 % (for internal borders within the Roman empire; on the outer borders they rise to 25 %). Tolls had to be paid for some roads or bridges. For example, travellers to ~» Delphi had to pay transit duties to the city of > Crisa (Str. 9,3,4). Moneychangers were on hand everywhere to exchange travellers’ own into foreign currency; it was also helpful to have some internationally recognized currencies such as the Persian -» dareikos or the Attic + owls (coins) (5th/4th cent. BC). Major empires tolerated to some extent regional and local minting of coins within their territories, but travelling was undoubtedly easier with funds in the respective imperial coinage. Roman coins were also largely accepted outside of the empire’s borders. B. THE DANGERS OF TRAVELLING Travelling was gruelling, unsafe and dangerous. In view of the potential dangers, embarking on a journey required considerable motivation. Accidents at sea as the result of storms, ships running aground on reefs (cf.

TRAVELS

~ Paulus [II 2] the apostle shipwrecked [2], Acts 27:4 128:1) or fire on board happened frequently. Also, > piracy posed a constant risk to travellers. In early times, piracy was not regarded as an objectionable way of making a living (Hom. Od. 3,72-74; 9,252-2553 Thuc. 1,5,1). But even after this ‘trade’ had been ostracized, pirates continued their activities in the Mediterranean (Theophr. Char. 25,2); capturing trading ships and selling crew and passengers on slave markets were extremely lucrative (> slavery). Powers with a strong naval presence such as Athens in the sth cent. BC and Rome in the early Imperial Age managed to keep piracy at bay, but never to suppress it entirely. Travelling overland was equally dangerous. Outside of their home cities, travellers were devoid of legal protection; their only hope was the universal respect of the divine law of hospitality (but cf. Pl. Leg. 919a; > hospitality). However, the institute of > proxenia guaranteed travellers a point of contact in most other Greek poleis, i.e. the proxenos; in an emergency, travellers could turn to this official. The numerous wars between Greek poleis, however, meant risks to travellers (cp. the need for a written permit to enter a foreign city Aristoph. Av. 1213-1216; cf. Plaut. Capt. 450f.); in order to minimize the risks for athletes, officials and spectators travelling to the pan-Hellenic agones (> Sports festivals; > Competitions, artistic), a limited truce (ekecheiria; cessatio pugnae pacticia: Gell. 1,25,8f.) was proclaimed. As a protection against attack by robbers (— brigandry), travellers often travelled in parties or, if possible, were accompanied by a number of slaves (Lucian. Dial. mort. 27,2). Even the > paxRomana (the Roman order of peace for the Graeco-Roman world) only provided travellers with limited protection from bandits (Cass. Dio 36,20,1; positive: Vell. 2,126,3; Epict. 3,13,9). Despite setting up police stations along the more important routes, highway robbery remained a serious risk (Suet. Aug. 32,1; Suet. Tib. 37,1); imterfectus a latronibus, ‘killed by bandits’, was a standard phrase for victims of this kind of crime (e.g. B. Dig. 12,4,5,4; cf. CIL III 8830: deceptus a latrone). Travelling with as little money as possible was regarded the best precaution against attack by bandits and robbers (Sen. Ep. 14,9; Juv. 10,19-22; Dion Chrys. 6,60); how-

ever, this was only practicable for travellers with wealthy hosts at their point of destination. C. TIMES AND LENGTHS OF TRAVEL

For safety reasons, all travel took place during the day — with the exception of urgent courier services (+ communications, > cursus publicus). In cities with a

day-time ban on wheeled traffic such as Rome, most travellers’ carriages would have waited in the outskirts before entering the city centre after nightfall (CILI 593, Z. 56-61; Hor. Epist. 1,17,7). Sea journeys were undertaken between spring and autumn; from 12 November to 5 March, there was hardly any shipping (> navigation). However, anybody urgently requiring a ship’s passage would eventually find a ship whose owner and

871

872

captain — generally a merchant willing to take a risk — was prepared to stand up to the stormy weather (Ov. Tr. 1,11,3-44; Plin. HN 2,125). Planning travels overland was less weather-dependant, particularly as travelling on the well-maintained network of long-distance roads in the Roman Empire (-> roads, > viae publicae) was hardly affected by the weather, other than from snowfall in mountainous regions. The duration of a journey depended on the one hand on its purpose; it could vary between a few days in the case of members of the Roman elite taking a short break on their country estates or peasants on isolated farms visiting markets, and business trips of several months or even longer tours for the purpose of education and study. On the other hand, the duration of sea journeys depended largely on the wind. In addition, those not in possession of their own ship might have to wait a long time in order to find a passage to the right destination and/or a passage at an affordable price (Quint. Inst. 4,2,41). Despite its many imponderabilities, travelling by sea, provided it was a possible alternative, was by far the faster and more comfortable mode of travel.

essentials: personal utensils, food, a change of clothing and a blanket for cover at night. Those who could afford it rode on a » donkey, a > mule or a > horse and were accompanied by a number of slaves who looked after the luggage. The most popular beasts of burden were donkeys and mules; they could carry loads of up to roo or respectively 200 kg and could also be used on the narrow and often unsurfaced tracks common in the Greek world.

TRAVELS

D. SPEED OF TRAVEL

For the speed of ships (in good weather and wind conditions about 120 nautical miles per day) see — navigation (cf. also [1. 368ff; 2. 97ff]). Speed for land travel largely depended on the mode of transport. By carriage or on horseback, the normal traveller could cover 60-75 km per day; the > cursus publicus, mainly restricted to official traffic, was faster.

These data refer to well-maintained Roman trunk roads and to travellers with an interest in fast progress (+ Horatius [7], by contrast, travelling at his customary gentle pace, took almost 2 weeks for the 560 km from Rome to Brundisium/Brindisi, Hor. Sat. 1,5); they do not apply to narrow, sometimes single-lane roads as were still not uncommon even in Roman times in the Greek sphere (Paus. 2,11,3; development of the road connecting > Corinthus/Corinth with > Megara[2] only under emperor ~> Hadrianus [II]; Paus. 1,44,6). Depending on the nature of the area, pedestrians could cover on average between 30 and 40 km per day; the distance of 37.5 km between Athens and Megara was considered a day’s journey (Procop. Vand. 1,17). E. CLOTHING AND LUGGAGE Most people travelling overland travelled on foot (the Latin term viator, ‘wayfarer’ often referred to the traveller in general; Suet. Claud. 25,2). Alongside some of the Roman trunk roads was a footpath specially for pedestrian travellers. In protection against the dust and

F. MODES OF TRANSPORT Even in early Greece, high-ranking and wealthy people used to travel in two- or four-wheeled wagons drawn by horses or mules (Soph. OT 80r ff.). With the

development of the road system in the Roman period, this mode of travel became noticeably more popular. The largest travel carriage with room for several people and their luggage in addition to the driver was the Gallic raeda (Juv. 3,10f.; Mart. 3,47,5). It provided enough space for passengers to read or write (Cic. Att. 5,17,1),

but it was not particularly comfortable. cious carruca, predominantly designed provided greater comfort; it was also sleeper version, carrruca dormitoria Options for faster travel were the open

The more spafor two people, available as a (Dig. 34,2,13). essedum or the

cisium (Cic. Phil. 2,77), a light carriage equivalent to a

gig. All types of vehicles were also available for hire (> land transport, with images). > Litters/ sedan chairs were a further means of transport, used by Greeks as well as Romans, a mode of transport particularly favoured by women of the upper classes (Juv. 10,35). Only state officials and messengers were allowed to use the vehicles of the cursus publicus; private persons were only granted such permission in exceptional cases (Cod. Theod. 8,5).

For journeys at sea, private merchant vessels were used which would also carry passengers. Generally, it was not possible to book a cabin. Crew and passengers usually lived together on deck. Passengers had to take their own food on board. In Antiquity, there was nei-

ther dedicated shipping for passenger transport nor time-tabled shipping. However, during the shipping season, brisk shipping activity would mean only short waiting periods. With travellers prepared to change ship several times and look for new passages in whatever port they reached, there was no need for direct connections. G. ACCOMMODATION

Even in Homeric times, a close network of mutual > hospitalities afforded wealthy travellers accommodation appropriate to their social standing (Hom.

dirt of the road, travellers wore robust clothing, includ-

Od. 4,26-36; 24,271-278). In later periods, too, mem-

ing the chlamys, a woolen cloth tied in form of a cape (> Clothing B 3, with images), the > paenula, a pon-

bers of the upper classes were generally accommodated in private residences by acquaintances; upper-class houses had at least one dedicated guest room (xen6n). The same hospitality was frequently also extended to strangers (Diod. Sic. 13,83,1). By contrast, the hospitium for representatives of the Roman state and their

cho-like overcoat

and the cucullus

(also cuculla), a

hooded coat popular in the Imperial Age. A widerimmed hat was worn as protection against sun and rain. A traveller on foot would only carry the barest

873

874

entourage was compulsory; by virtue of their office, they could demand quarter in private dwellings (Plin.

‘wandering merchant’). The development of the infrastructure in the Imperial Age also led to an enormous boost in internal trade, resulting in an increase in commercial journeys on land, with goods transported on roads by carts or pack animals (> land transport). Roman traders literally travelled in the footsteps of the +> legions; traders and merchants would descend on any new territory immediately after its conquest (Cic. Font. 11; Tac. Ann. 14,31-33). Other groups who had to travel for professional reasons included members of peripatetic professions, such as physicians, rhetors,

HN 9,26).

The increase in travel from the 6th cent. BC led to an expansion of commercial hospitality services: inns (pandokeia) were mainly found close to ports or along main trunk roads. They provided little comfort — hardly more than a straw mattress and chamber pot. For washing, travellers had to visit the public > baths; guesthouses catering for food as well as accommodation were the exception. Travellers without money would sleep on the side of the road; in cities, they would shelter in columned halls, smithies or similar. Festival locations (see below II B) provided a limited number of bed spaces in large halls; wealthy visitors brought their own tents (Diod. Sic.

14,109,1);

a

large

number

of visitors

camped out in the open. In Roman times, the number of hostelries (deversoria; stabula) rose in line with the increased frequency of travel. However, in rarely travelled areas such as Thrace, it remained difficult to find somewhere to stay (Aristid. 48,61). Along the main trunk roads, commercial inns would be set up alongside the official government-maintained stopping places (— mansio); owners of large country estates recognized them as a profitable use of their land (Varro Rust.

1,2,23). In the cities,

painted inn signs and advertising boards with information about low prices and amenities invited travellers to stay the night (CIL IV 806f.; CIL X 4104; CIL XII 5732). In addition to food and lodging, many ~ inns also offered the services of > prostitutes (CIL IX 2689; Dig. 3,2,4,2). Available accommodation ranged from (very few) comparatively luxurious hotels in larger cities and spas (Str. 17,1,17) to the common, mainly very low standard inns with damp rooms (Sid. Apoll. Epist. 8,11,3, V. 42ff.), infested with vermin and grimy with soot (Hor. Sat. 1,5,79-81; Plin. HN 16,158). II. OCCASION AND PURPOSE A. COMMERCIAL JOURNEYS B. FESTIVAL TOURISM AND PILGRIMAGES C. OFFICIAL JOURNEYS D. EXPEDITIONS E. EDUCATIONAL JOURNEYS AND TOURISM F. HOLIDAY TRAVELS G. PILGRIMAGES

A. COMMERCIAL JOURNEYS Commercial journeys constituted the majority of an-

cient travel. The merchant engaged in overseas trade was telllingly known as one travelling on ships (+ émporos). The ship he travelled on would either be his own or a chartered one (earliest evidence: Hom. Od.

2,319f.; 8,158-164; 24,300f.). Only a minority of émporoi did not travel themselves and entrusted the load to employees. Because of bad road connections, even the regional — trade in the Greek sphere was conducted by coastal shipping. Constant travelling was also an integral part of the occupational image of the Roman mercator (Hor. Ars P. 117: mercator vagus, the

TRAVELS

teachers, artisans, actors, athletes, musicians, astrolo-

gers and seasonal agricultural workers. B. FESTIVAL TOURISM AND PILGRIMAGES Representatives of these travelling professional groups were also present at the major pan-Hellenistic festivals in Olympia, Corinth, Delphi and Nemea (> sports festivals), and also at the more regional fes-

tive assemblies whose number increased further in the Hellenistic-Roman period. Around these games, fairs and markets developed, with commercial activity and a varied cultural programme (Cic. Tusc. 5,3,9). This further increased the attraction of the festivals, evident in

periodic surges of travellers. Travellers for such festivals not only included athletes and their coaches, families and friends, but also official delegations and tens of thousand spectators as well as a wide range of showmen (including intellectuals reciting from their works: Diog. Laert. 8,63; Lucian. Her. 1-8). They all came by ship; once landed, they continued their journey on foot (Xen. Mem. 3,13,5). Travellers using any kind of vehicle had to expect long waits because of the congestion (Lucian, Peregrinus 3 5). Neither the hardship of travelling nor the often nerve-racking jostling and crowding at the festival location (Epict. 4,4,24; Ael. VH 14,18) diminished the appeal of the festivals in any way. Other festivals with even deeper roots in religious cult, such as the > mysteria of Eleusis and Samothrace, gave further impulses to the dedicated festival tourism (Philostr. VA 4,17). As places of pilgrimage in a wider sense, the oracles of the Graeco-Roman world also attracted travellers (+ oracle, with map; cf. e.g. Lucian, Alex.). The total

number of visitors to these places remained comparatively modest. This did not apply, though, to the sanctuaries of Asclepius: the ill and infirm travelled there in considerable numbers to find healing. The most important Asclepiea were in + Epidaurus (with map), > Cos and > Pergamum (with map); the number of visitors to Epidaurus increased sharply during the Asclepius festival which took place every five years. C. OFFICIAL JOURNEYS

Official contacts within and without the Greek states required much diplomatic travel activity. Envoys (> Presbeia, Presbeis) represented the interests of their

polis in a number of ways: in addition to traditional diplomatic tasks such as treaty negotiations about tru-

TRAVELS

875

876

ces, alliances and legal assistance, they also attended festivals as official visitors, issued invitations to festivals, consulted > oracles or were dispatched as judges or participants to international congresses (list of Attic and Spartan legations in [3. 595—628]). An additional element in Hellenistic and Roman times were delegations dispatched in honour or homage. The number of official journeys was correspondingly very high. Each delegation consisted of at least one and up to five members, in addition to a number of slaves and occasionally an interpreter. Diplomats tended to travel by sea as the

HN 2,169; the > periplous of +» Hanno [1] along the West-African coast shortly after 500 BC). Only — Pytheas [4] of Massalia managed to break through the Carthaginian blockade and in his pursuit of the tin route also circumnavigated Britain (Diod. Sic. 5,21 ff.; Plin. HN 2,187). Expeditions to Persia and Egypt in the 6th and sth cent. BC arose from the ethnological interest of the Jonian Greeks in particular; it is almost impossible to distinguish these individual undertakings (> Hecataeus [3], Herodotus [1]) from personal educational journeys. The Far East only came into the view of Greek explorers in the wake of the campaign of > Alexander [II 4] the Great. The significance of the exploratory expedition of > Nearchus [2], ordered by Alexander, from the mouth of the Indus to Mesopotamia (325 BC; Arr. Ind.) far exceeds that of voyages of exploration ordered by other Hellenistic rulers (of importance though the journey by -» Eudoxus [3] of Cyzicus; Str. 2,3,4). These journeys were not the result of systematic planning, as little as those in the Roman period; the

fastest way; in exceptional circumstances, they were given permission to use an official ship (Thuc. 8,86,9).

As a general rule, they were accommodated by private hosts or the proxenos (> Proxenia) of their polis (very rarely in an inn: Aeschin. 2,97). In Rome, diplomats

were granted hospitium publicum (- Hospitality B). Because presbeia was considered an honorary office, those travelling on official business only received a remuneration of expenses. The daily travel allowance in the 5th cent. BC amounted to 2-3 drachmae (Aristoph. Ach. 66; 602).

In the Hellenistic kingdoms and in Imperial Rome, honorary envoys were replaced by state officials. The creation of the > cursus publicus resulted in an efficient postal system (> Postal services), which not only allo-

main motivation was purely economic. In the Roman empire, the exploration of foreign lands was mainly a consequence of the military expansion and the travels by merchants and traders. The number of travellers motivated by an interest in academic research was very

wed official messengers fast progress on horseback, but was also available to the civil and military administration for the transport of people. With special permits

low; most of them were Greeks.

(evectio),

Discounting journeys taken by young upper-class Romans predominantly to the Greek sphere in order to

even

emissaries

sent by communities

and

provinces to the imperial administration were allowed to use the cursus publicus (Cod. Theod. 8,5,32). In order to prevent unnecessary official journeys, a fairly restrictive system of permits and authorizations applied (Dig. 50,7,5,6). In the Republican period, communities generally had to pay for their delegations themselves (Gic amis, 85214 5o.6)s

D. EXPEDITIONS

Reports and achievements of legations travelling to distant countries beyond the Mediterranean sphere expanded the geographical horizons of the ancient world. In that way, the mainland Greeks came to know the first map of the world in the wake of the diplomatic mission of > Aristagoras [3] of Miletus (Hdt. 5,49,1). However, as a general rule, commercial interests were the motivation for voyages of exploration and discovery. This motivation is evident in the saga of the > Argonautai (with map) as the original travel myth and also in the many voyages of discovery associated with the Greek — colonization, in the course of which the coastlines of the Black Sea (-> Pontos Euxeinos) were ex-

plored and settled, as was the North-African coast around > Cyrene and the Western Mediterranean to the Strait of Gibraltar. Voyages of exploration in search of new trading partners beyond the Pillars of Hercules (Pylai Gadeirides) remained for long periods the domain of the Carthaginians (> Himilkon [6]’s advance into the Northern Atlantic around 500 BC: Plin.

E. EDUCATIONAL JOURNEYS AND TOURISM

study with renowned scholars, mainly rhetors and philosophers (Athens, Alexandria, Rhodes etc.: Cic. Att. 12,32,3; Quint. Inst. 12,6,7; medical studies in

Alexandria: Gal. 2,220 K.), it is difficult to distinguish clearly between educational journeys and tourism in Antiquity. Since the mainstream of ancient tourism was

to important cultural and historical sites, one could at the most differentiate between travellers in terms of the intensity of the personal educational interest and experience within the general framework of a comparatively fixed tourist sightseeing programme. There was no mass tourism in Antiquity; the normal tourist was a wealthy individual traveller who might spontaneously join with fellow travellers to continue as a travel group. From the 6th cent. BC to Late Antiquity, Egypt was the most favourite tourist destination (Aristot. Ath. Pol. t1,1;

Hdt.

3,139,1).

Main

destinations

within

the

country were -» Memphis and the +> pyramids, the ruins of + Thebes with the royal tombs (for graffiti by tourists cf. [4. 25 ff.; 5. 274 ff.]), and from the Hellenistic period, which saw a general increase in tourism, also

~» Alexandria [1] (Egypt as a series of tourist miracula e.g. in Tac. Ann. 2,60f.).

A highlight in any educational journey was Athens, ‘on account of the buildings and the ancient monuments’ (SHA Sept. Sev. 3,7; evidence for the sth cent. BC: FHG 2, 255; shortly after Sulla’s conquest: Cic. Att. 5,10,5). Other important cities in mainland Greece

877

878

and Asia Minor, such as Epidaurus, Corinth, Olympia,

sentative churches in Jerusalem by > Constantinus [1] I and his sons and the journey to Palestine by his mother > Helena [I 2] in 324. Despite the increasing dangers for travellers, the end of the 4th cent. saw the development of a pilgrimage tourism, often in organized groups. Initial destinations included memorable OT and NT sites, but soon expanded to graves of saints and martyrs in Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor and Rome itself (+ pilgrimage, with map; earliest pilgrims’ reports: the itinerary of the anonymous Pilgrim of Burdigala (Bordeaux) in 333; Egeria’s + Peregrinatio ad loca sancta, around 400). Numerous hospices specially for Christian travellers (xenodocheia) were built along the pilgrims’ routes, some of which provided beds for hundreds of visitors; they also doubled as sick bays.

Delphi, Smyrna and Ephesus also attracted tourists (Liv. 45,27f.). The focus of such journeys on ancient monuments and a great past is evident in the guidebook by — Pausanias [8]. Ilion/ > Troy benefited from the national pride of Roman visitors conscious of their genealogy (Str. 13,1,34f.; Ov. Fast. 6,423; Cass. Dio 78,16,7; — Aeneas[1]). Of the Greek islands, ~ Rhodes had the reputation as the most beautiful and culturally-historically significant destination (Dion Chrys. 31). In the West of the empire, Sicily was considered worth visiting, not least on account of Mt. Aetna. Hardly any tourists ventured into the north-western provinces, but many came to Rome which attracted innumerable visitors not only because of its position as the capital, but also because of its monuments and it leisure attractions (cf. e.g. > ludi, > munera, > thermae, circus) (Mart. Liber de spectaculis 3; Amm. Marc. 16,10,13-21).

Outstanding natural phenomena met with significantly less interest from tourists. Great rivers and their secrets attracted some attention (Nile inundation, + Nile), as did Mt. > Aetna [1]) and important river sources (tourism at the source of the > Clitumnus in Umbria: Plin. Ep. 8,8).

F. HOLIDAY TRAVELS In view of the hardships associated with ancient educational journeys, they are almost ona par with modern activity holiday. Significantly less stress was associated with holidays on country estates at the seaside or in the mountains, a significant improvement to the quality of life of large sections of the Roman upper classes since the rst cent. BC. Many country manors were extended to palatial residences, providing almost all of the amenities of a city dwelling. Rusticari, ‘staying on a country estate’ (Cic. de orat. 2,22), was used as a synonym for being on holidays. It took only a few days travel to get there from Rome. With its large number of villas, the Gulf of Naples could be regarded as a holiday destination for rich Romans. - Baiae on that coastline was the most famous Roman holiday ‘resort’, in modern terminology often referred to as a fashionable spa, because its hot springs also invited to take the waters (Plin. HN 31,4f.; cf. Str. 5,4,53; for available leisure activities see Sen. Ep. 51,3 f.; Tac. Ann. 14,4). Of similar luxury was the Egyptian resort of -» Canopus, which attracted visitors from far beyond nearby Alexandria (Str. 17,1,173 Juv. 6,84; Sen. Ep. 51,3). Hot springs and spas of regional importance were found in Germania, Gallia and Britannia, e.g. — Aquae [III 5] Sextiae (Aix-enProvence),

-» Aquae [III 3] ~» Aquae [III 7] Sulis (Bath).

Gran(n)i

(Aachen)

or

G. PILGRIMAGES From the early 4th cent. AD, a new kind of travel emerged with the peregrinatio ad loca sancta (‘pilgrimage to the holy sites’). The most important impetus for Christian pilgrimages came with the building of repre-

TRAVELS

III. INFORMATION FOR TRAVELLERS Travellers had access to a range of different sources of information. For the more long-term preparation and motivation, they used literary travel books, providing background information such as — Herodotus’ {1]Historiae (> Travel literature). Travel guides providing actual cultural information with a more practical focus were available latest in the 4th cent. AD (e.g. the Bibliotheké of + Diodorus [18], a description of the cities and monuments of Attica; exceptionally productive: > Polemon [2] of Ilium, who in the 2nd cent. BC wrote about Sparta, Delphi and Troy). The only extant travel guide of this kind is > Pausanias’ [8] description of Greece. Ships’ logbook developed into periploi as a literary genre (— periplous). Such coastal descriptions could also be used as travel handbooks. Also of help were maps (> Cartography) and most of all the > itineraries with lists of roadside stations, distances, accommodation, nature of the roads and tolls. From ancient times, visitors/ travellers were shown around on sites by tourist guides (periégétai; exégétai; Plut. Mor. 675e; Paus. 5,10,7). In tourist centres, these

guides were

professionals

(Cic. Verr.

2,4,132); else-

where, priests frequently offered their services as guides (Str. 17,1,29). Assessments of the quality of such guided tours naturally varied widely; most complaints concerned either the all-too routine reeling-off of a standard talk or explanations that were far too long-winded (Plut. Mor. 39§a).

>» Communication; -» Land transport; grimage;

> Gastronomy; > Hospitality; -» Navigation; -> Periegetes; — Pil-

> Postal services;

> Roads;

Proxenia;

> Travel literature;

Via publica

1 L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, 1973,°*1995 2J.RouGE, Recherches sur l’organisation

du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous |’Empire Romain, 1966, 97ff. 3 D.Ktenast, s. v. Presbeia, RE Suppl. 13, 499-628 4A. and E. BERNAND, Les inscrip-

tions grecques et latines du colosse de Memnon, 5 L. Casson, Travel in the Ancient World, 1974.

1960

J.p’ArMs, Romans on the Bay of Naples, 1970; H. BENDER, ROmischer Reiseverkehr, 1978; M. Cary, E.H. War-

MINGTON,

The

Ancient

Explorers,

1963;

L.Casson,

TRAVELS Travel in the Ancient

World,

*1994; O.A.

879

880

W. DILKE,

chius I and II and Diodotus I. The gold works form several groups: statuettes, sumptuous bracelets in various styles, brooches, pot handles in the shape of a

Roman Maps, 1985; H. Donner, Pilgerfahrten ins Heilige Land. Die Altesten Berichte christlicher Palastinapilger, 1979; FRIEDLANDER

1, 318-490; W.H. Gross, Bil-

dungsreisen in der romischen Kaiserzeit, in: E. OLSHAUSEN (ed.), Der Mensch

in seiner Umwelt,

1983, 47 ff.

H.HALFMANN, Itinera principum. Geschichte und Typologie der Kaiserreisen im R6mischen Reich, 1986; O.Héckmann, Antike Seefahrt, 1985; E.D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire, 1982; T.KLEBERG, H6tels, restaurants et cabarets dans |’Antiquité romaine, 1957; B. KOrTING, Peregrinatio religiosa.

Wallfahrten in der Antike und das Pilgerwesen in der Alten Kirche, 1950 (repr. 1980); E.OLsHAusEN, Einfiihrung in die historischen Geographie der Alten Welt, 1991;

P. SrorFeL, Uber die Staatspost, die Ochsengespanne und die requirierten Ochsengespanne. Eine Darstellung des romischen

Postwesens,

1994;

J. WILKINSON,

Travels to the Holy Land, 1971.

Egeria’s

K.-W.WEE.

Trayamar. Modern country estate (fica) to the west of the mouth of the River Algarrobo, about 4 km to the east of Torre del Mar (province of Malaga in Spain), site of several Phoenician chamber graves (tombeaux batis).

The necropolis belongs to the settlement on the Morro de Mezquitilla (on the opposite side of the river). Characteristics of the graves are their construction from hewn blocks, carefully smoothed on the inside, their eastward orientation (towards the settlement) and their access over a ramp-shaped dromos. The chambers of graves I (c. 1.9m X 2.6 m) and 4 (2.9 m x 3.8 m) have

clear proportions (3 : 4), the roof construction and a double frame in the walls are of wood. The ‘mixed’ construction technique (cf. e.g. — Ugarit) inherited from the Bronze Age can also be demonstrated for many instances on the Levant coast in the Iron Age (e.g. Samaria, Ramat Rahel) and there is literary evidence for it in connection with Solomon’s Palace and Temple in Jerusalem built under the guidance of -» Hiram of Tyre (1 Kg 6:36, cf. x Kg 7:12). G. Maass-LinDEMANN, Zur Griindungsphase der phonikischen Niederlassung auf dem Morro de Mezquitilla, in: MDAI(Madrid) 36, 1995, 241-245; H.G. NIEMEYER, H.Scuusart,

T. Die phonizischen

Kammergraber

und

die Niederlassung an der Algarrobo-Miindung (Madrider Beitr. 4), 1975; H.ScHuBART, El asentamiento fenicio del siglo VIII a.C. en el Morro de Mezquitilla, in: Aula Orientalis 3, 1985, 59-78. H.G.N.

Bezoar ibex, a model quadriga, fragments of the sheath of an akindkés (Persian short-sword) with a representation of a rider dressed as an Assyrian king on a lion hunt, a number of gold plates with representations of sacrificers(?) in nomad

dress, all of variable quality,

animal figures, pieces of jewellery, round decorative plates, seal rings, etc. The gold is mostly in the Sacan style (> Sacae), a small group is worked in imitation of Greek Kore figures. According to the information given by the traders the treasure is from the area of the Oxus; Litvinsky and PicikjAn believe it to be traceable to the temple of Taht-e Sangin on the northern bank of the Panj. O.M. Daron, The Treasure of the Oxus, 1905, *1926, 31964; I.R. PictkJAN, Oxos-Schatz und Oxos-Tempel. Achamenidische Kunst in Mittelasien, 1992. B.B.

Treaties, upholding of. To the Greeks, the upholding of treaties on an international level was one of the + agraphoi nomoi, and for the Romans one of the foundations of the ius gentium (here understood in the sense of ‘ius comune’ as applicable to all peoples; > ius [A 2]). As the > international treaty itself was under the sacred protection of the deity invoked for the oath, Zeus and Jupiter respectively in Greece and Rome generally watched over the observance of treaties in their capacities as protectors of (contractual) oaths and of the > pistis [D]/— fides [II] [1; 3; 4. 39, 53]. This guarantee of dependability and sense of fidelity to a treaty, elevated to divinity, “embodied the expectation of con-

duct complying with standards” (verkdrperte die Erwartung normgerechten Verhaltens; [3. 4; 2.35 f.]) and was thus itself the actual “basis of obligation” (Bindungsgrundlage; {2. r1]) in all agreements under international law. The requirement that treaties should be upheld became, by the formula pacta sunt servanda (“what is covenanted

must

be observed”;

Cic. Off.

3,92; cf. 3,107; 1,23; Dig. 2,14,1. 7,7; > pactio), a categorical imperative of international law that remains valid to this day. 1 R.S. GRUEN, Greek and Roman fides, in: Athenaeum 60, 1982, 60-68 2M.Kaser, lus gentium, 1993 3 D.NOrr, Die fides im rémischen Voélkerrecht, r991

4 K.-H. Z1eG er, Volkerrechtsgeschichte, 1994.

P.KE.

Trdat see > Tiridates [6-8]

Treba. City of the - Aequi in the Colles Simbruini Treasure house see > Thesauros

(modern

Treasure of the Oxus or Amu Darya treasure; hoard

upper > Anio; modern Trevini nel Lazio, 821 m elevation; > municipium of > Regio I (Plin. HN 3,64),

taken from the area of this river (+ Araxes |[2]) to India, and since 1897 exhibited in London. It comprises some 1,500 coins, worked gold and silver, a number of roll seals and gems. Coins: Achaemenid period Greek imports and recoinings, and about too tetradrachmai and too drachmai of Alexander III, Seleucus I, Antio-

Simbruini

Mountains)

in the valley of the

tribus Aniensis; ethnicon Trebani {ILS 6264; cf. Ptol.

3,1,62; Frontin. Aq. 93,3: T. Augusta). S.Quitict GiGi, Appunti di topografia per la storia di Trevi nel Lazio, in: MEFRA 99, 1987, 129-69.

GU.

881

882

Trebatius. Roman family name, probably derived from

majority.

a place name (— Treba, Trebula), very common in the

([1.267]).

Imperial Period.

[1] Leader (praetor) of the Samnites in the > Social Wars [3], he was defeated in 89 BC by C. Cosconius {I 1] on the Aufidus and escaped to Canusium (App. Civ. 01,2278): K-LE. [2] T. Testa, C. Roman jurist (c. 84 BC until after AD 4),

pupil of Q. Cornelius Maximus (Dig. 1,2,2,45) and teacher of > Antistius [II 3] Labeo (Dig. 1,2,2,47). He was a friend of Caesar (Cic. Fam. 7,14: familiaris) and enjoyed the highest respect of Augustus (Inst. lust. 2,25 pr.: ‘maxima auctoritas’), without ever holding office. Even though > Cicero dedicated his Topica, a work on legal methods, to him, T. was more an experienced dispute lawyer and respondent [2. 198-203; 3] than a scholarly one (Dig. 1,2,2,45). He gave an expert opinMaecena’s

[2] gift to > Terentia

[2] (Dig.

24,1,64) and advised — Augustus on sanctioning ~> codicilli (‘writing tablets’ as informal testamentary orders, Inst. Iust. 2,25 pr.; see also [1. 133 f.]). T. wrote ‘On religions’ (De religionibus, 9 or 11 books; see also [4]) and a number of works on civil law, of which there was still lively discussion in the early Principate but which were little used in the Antonine period (Dig. 17252545) *

1 BAUMAN, LRTP, 123-136

2M. TALAMANCA, Trebazio

Testa, in: G.G. ArcuHI (ed.), Questioni di giurisprudenza tardo-repubblicana, 1985, 29-204 3 WIEACKER, RRG,

612 f.

Possibly from Latium,

father of T. [I 2]

[1 2] T. (Fides), L. People’s tribune in 47 BC, who gave

SCHULZE, 375.

ion on

TREBELLIUS

4M.D’OrtaA, La giurisprudenza tra Repubblica e

Principato, 1990, 37 ff.

RG

Trebellenus. T. T. Rufus. Senator from Concordia in Upper Italy, where among other things an equestrian statue was raised to him (ILS 931; cf. 93 1a). After serving as quaestor and people’s tribune, he became legatus Augusti with a legion. A praetorian in 18 AD, he was given the task of looking after the children of the Thracian king Kotys [I 9] as their tutor; this task, during which he also became involved in armed conflicts, lasted at least until 21 (Tac. Ann. 2,67,2; 3,38,3 f.). When he was accused of - maiestas in 35 AD, he killed himself (Tac. Ann. 6,39,1). G. ALFOLDY, Stadte, Eliten und Gesellschaft in der Gallia Cisalpina, 1999, 91; 290. W.E.

himself a purposely devised cognomen (Cic. Phil. 6,11 et passim — or Cicero’s mockery?). With C. Asinius [I 4] Pollio, T. resisted the proposal of his colleague P. Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella for a general abolition of debts. In the resulting street battles T. led armed gangs, at first against the wishes, then later with the toleration or approval of M. Antonius [I 9] (Cass. Dio 42,29,1-33,3), before Antony savagely quelled the disturbances. Caesar, whose return in the autumn of 47 BC brought peace, demoted T. to a position behind the pardoned Dolabella. T. was acclaimed at the triumph in 46 BC; in 44 BC, T. was only made an aedilis curulis (ILS 6075; Cic. Phil. 13,26). After the 15.3.44, he stood by Antony (Cic. Phil. 6,10f. et passim: due to heavy debts); on the march to Gaul in 43 BC he apparently led the cavalry (Giewanieenr nea)!

[1 3] T. Calca. He pretended (c. 3 5-25 BC?) to be P.Clodius {I 4] who had been murdered in 52 BC, and demanded the latter’s inheritance before the > centumviri (Val. Max. 9,15,4). 1T.P. WisEMAN, New Men in the Roman B. C.-A. D. 14, 1971.

Senate, 139 JO.F.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD [11 1] M.T. A legionary legate in Syria who, in AD 36, was sent with legionary troops and auxiliaries by L. Vitellius, the governor of Syria, to fight against the Cietae in Cilicia; the expedition ended with the subjugation of the tribe (Tac. Ann. 6,41). T. can probably be identified with + Columella’s amicus of the same name [1.284f.]; he may also possibly be T. [II 2]; however, the latter might also be his son. 1 TH. FRANKE, Die Legionslegaten der romischen Armee in der Zeit von Augustus bis Traian, 1991.

{Il 2] M.T.Maximus. Senator, possibly T. [II 1], or his son. In AD 41, he was present in the Senate (Jos. Ant. lud. 19,185). Together with Seneca [2], he was a suffect consul, probably in AD 55, (Dig. 36,1,1; [1.201 ff.]). In AD 61, he was sent to Gaul for a census with two other

consulars, who despised him due to his not very noble origin; as they could not agree with one another, his status in this task was strengthened (Tac. Ann. 14,46). In AD 63, he succeeded Petronius [16] Turpilianus as

Trebellius I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] T., L. In 67 BC, he was people’s tribune and, like L. Roscius [I 5] Otho, interceded against the lex Gabinia in the interest of the Senate (and of M. Licinius [I rr] Crassus?). A. Gabinius [I 2] initiated T.’ removal from office in the — concilium plebis; T. gave way, when Gabinius needed only one more > tribus’ vote for a

the governor of Britannia, where, according to Tac. Agr. 16,3f., he did not carry out any military operations, because Nero took action against several army commanding officers. At the outbreak of the Civil War in January AD 69 the troops hated him so much that they turned against him, whereupon he left the province and joined

-> Vitellius (Tac. Hist. 1,60; 2,65,2). He sur-

vived the Civil War, as he is documented as the magister of the > Arvales fratres in AD 72, however, he was not present at the celebrations (CIL VI 2053). Whether he had obtained an additional post outside Rome in that year must remain open [2.59-62].

TREBELLIUS

883

884

1 G.Camopeca, | consoli del 55-56, in: ZPE 63, 1986

J. von UNGERN-STERNBERG, Capua im Zweiten Punischen

2 BIRLEY.

Krieg, 1975, 69.

W.E.

Trebendae (Toepévdai; Trebéndai). City in Lycia (— Lycii; IGR 3,704); the long political independence of T. suggests a location at modern Muskar, where there was an ancient settlement (remains from the Classical period to the Roman Imperial period). T. minted, probably in the Hellenistic period, coins for the ~ Lycian League. In the Roman Imperial period T., as did Tyberissus, entered into a ~ sympoliteia with ~ Myra (Syll.? 1234). W.RuGE, s.v. T., RE 6 A, 2267 f.

MA.ZI.

Trebenna (Toefévva/Trebénna). City in eastern Lycia (> Lycii), to the southwest of modern Antalya at Caglarca. The age of the settlement presumably extends back to the Classical period. A member of the > Lycian League, possibly since the Hellenistic period. Archaeological studies of the Imperial period buildings (e.g. stoa, thermae, ekklesiasterion) are in progress. T. minted coins under Gordianus [3] II. The town of Onobara was part of the territory of T., probably incorporated by > sympoliteia, (SEG 6, 622; at modern Gederler). At the end of the 3rd cent. AD T. was a Roman colony (AE 1915, 53), in the sth cent. a bishopric. W.RuGE, s. v. T., RE 6 A, 2267 f.

MA.ZL.

Trebia. Right-bank tributary of the > Padus (modern Po), into which it flows at > Placentia (Plin. HN 3,118), modern Trebbia; it rises in the Ligurian > Ap-

penninus. It was on the T. that in 218 BC the first fighting between the Romans and Hannibal [4] took place (Pol. 3,66-74; Liv. 21,52-56). In its valley are the sacrarium Minervae Medicae Cabardiacensis and the Bob-

bio monastery founded in 612 by Saint Columbanus.

TA.S.

[2] T. Gallus, M. Roman equestrian, Caesar’s prefect or tribune in Gaul, who demanded grain from the Coriosolites (modern Brittany) in 57/6 BC and was taken prisoner; this Caesar (Gall. 3,7,3-10,2; 3,16,4) took as grounds for war. JOF.

Trebonianus Gallus. Imp. Caes. C. Vibius T. Gailus Augustus (CIL XI 1927), Roman

AD

251 to August (?) AD

emperor from June

253. Born about 206 in

> Perusia, from a noble family (Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 31,1), Senator, cos. suff. c. AD 245 (Dexippus FGrH 100 F 22), governor of the province of Moesia inferior AD 250/r [1. 103 f.]. At + Novae[r], he successfully

opposed the Goths (-» Goti) under their king Kniva (lord. Get. ror f.). Emperor > Decius [II 1] escaped to him after being defeated by the Goths at > Beroea[z]. Together they intended to cut off the Germans’ retreat across the Danube the following year, but Decius fell in the battle at > Abritus (Dexippus FGrH roo F 22; Zos. 1,23,3; Zon. 12,20 D.). Together with his son > Volusianus, T. was proclaimed > imperator (Eutr. 9,5), and Volusianus was elevated to Caesar; as Augustus, T. con-

cluded a compromise peace with the Goths (lord. Get. 106). After entering Rome, he adopted the son of Decius, + Hostilianus, and elevated him (ahead of his own son) to Augustus (Zos. 1,25,1). On the campaign against the usurper Aemilius > Aemilianus [1], T. was murdered by his soldiers in August (?) 253 at > Interamna|[1]| or Forum Flaminii. His name was subjected to + damnatio memoriae; however, he was probably consecrated under — Valerianus [2] (lord. Get. 105). 1 A. STEIN, Die Legaten von Moesien, 1940.

KIENAST*, 209 f.; M.PEACHIN, Roman

Imperial Titula-

ture and Chronology, A. D. 235-284, 1990, 35; 69--74; 270-291; PIR V 403; RIC IV,3, 151-173. TF.

G. MarcHeTTl, P.DALL’AGLIO, La battaglia del Trebbia,

in: Atti dell’ istituto de geologia dell’ universita di Pavia 30, 1982, 142-160.

GU.

Trebiae. Umbrian settlement (412m high) on the upper reaches of the > Clitumnus, later a > municipium above the + Via Flaminia, > RegioVI, ethnic Trebiates (Plin. HN 3,114), modern Trevi with

remains of the city wall. L.Senst, T., in: Quaderni Istituto Topografia Antica 6, 1974, 183-190.

GU.

Trebius. Oscan/Italian praenomen (usual abbreviation in Lat. inscriptions Tr.), later also a Roman gens name, recorded from the rst cent. BC onwards. 1 SALOMIES, 94

2 SCHULZE, 469.

K.-L.E.

[1] T., Statius. Supposed to have handed his home city of + Compsa over to Hannibal [4] in 216 BC (Liv. 23,1,1-3; ZON. 9,2,7). — Punic Wars (II)

Trebonius. Name of a Roman

plebeian family, docu-

mented with certainty only from the rst cent. BC on (T. {I 2] might be unhistorical). K.-L.E. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [11] T., C. Son of an ill-reputed (Cic. Phil. 13,23; the same as in Hor. Sat. 1,4,114?) Roman equestrian. In 58

BC [1], T. worked as quaestor urbanus against P. Clodius’ [I 4] switch to the + plebs. As tribune of the people in 55, he introduced laws that gave M. Licinius [I rz] Crassus and Cn. Pompeius [I 3] provincial terms of five years and extended Caesar’s office in Gallia to the same length as well (Plut. Pompeius 52,4; Cass. Dio 39,335,253 39534,3). Lhere, he was Caesar’s legate from 54 to 49. In the Civil War, T. led the long siege of Massalia in 49 (Caes. B Civ. 2,1-16). In 48 as praetor urbanus, he disrupted the intrigues of M. Caelius [I 4]

Rufus. The garrison of the province of Hispania ulte-

885

886

rior, which had been assigned to him, chased him off in the summer of 46. As early as in late 46, T. returned to Caesar’s army. He supported his friend Cicero in the battle of styles against the extreme Atticists (Cic. Fam. 15,21,4). M. Antonius [I 9] was to claim later that T. had offered him a conspiracy against Caesar (Cic. Phil. 2,34). The fact that he stood in the dictator’s favour — office of cos. suff. in late 45 (InscrIt 13,1,500), designation to procos. Asiae for 43 — did not detain T. from joining the conspirators in 44 and from separating Mark Antony from > Caesar on March rsth, an act of which he was very proud (Cic. Fam. 12, 16,4). From Asia, T. sent help for M. Iunius [I ro] Brutus and C. Cassius [I ro], but was unable to stop P. Cornelius {I 29] Dolabella. In Smyrna, he was attacked and killed by Dolabella in mid January of 43, even tortured according to Cicero (Cic. Phil. r1,1-9). The quick death of a murderer of Caesar (in the larger sense) was regarded as divine revenge. The archive of the Sulpicii in Pompeii contains a debt contract with a C.T. (AE 1982,194; the date is problematic).

TREE CULT

65 km northeast of Rome on a side street of the > via 1 km to the east of Monteleone Sabino (Rieti). In 290 BC, they were probably subjugated by the Romans like the other Sabini (cf. Flor. Epit. 1,10; Salaria, c.

Oros. 3,22,11); still a > vicus (ILS 21a) in 149 BC.

After the abolition of the prefectures it became a > municipium, tribus Sergia, with > octoviri (cf. ILS 6554). Cults of + Angitia and —> Feronia (cf. ILS 3478f.). T. was famous for its olives (Verg. Aen. 7,711). There are extant town walls in opus polygonale (+ Masonry), a forum (Colle Foro), a temple from the 3rd cent. BC, an amphitheatre and baths (Colle Castellano). E.MartTINorI, Via Salaria, 1931, 72; F.ZeEvi, s.v. T. Mutuesca, PE, 932 f.

[2] T. Suffenas. Town of the > Sabini tribe in the valley of the Himella (present-day Salto), regio IV (Plin. HN 3,107; ILS 1938; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,4: TowBdra/

Tribola), present-day Passo della Fortuna near Ciciliano (Rome).

1 F.X. Ryan, The Quaestorship of T., in: RhM 140, 1997,

M. Gr. GRANINO CECERE, T. S., in: Supplementa Italica 4,

414-416.

1988, 116-240.

JO.F.

{[2] T. Asper, L. According to Livius (3,65,1-4), T.

introduced a law —as tr. pl. in 448 BC — that prohibited the co-optation of people’s tribunes and determined that all ro members of the collegium had to be elected (on a critique of Livius’s report [1. 227 f.]). 1 D.FLacn, Die Gesetze der frihen r6mischen Republik,

1994.

C.MU.

{I 3] T., P. In 104 BC, in the war against the > Cimbri, he killed the nephew of C. Marius [I 1] because of sexual harassment, but was acquitted by Marius (Plut. Marius 14,4-9; Scholia Bobiensia 114 St.; Val. Max. Gamer):

Kee,

G.U.

[3] T. Balli(ni)ensium. Small > Samnite town in Campania, regio IV (cf. Plin. HN 3,64; Ptol. 3,1,68:

TorPovda; Treboula). In the second > Punic War it defected to Hannibal [4] and was reconquered in 215 BC by the Romans (Liv. 23,39,6). In present-day Treglia there are extant remains of the town wall, the theatre, the forum and an aqueduct. T. was famous for its wine (Plin. 14,69). H. So In (ed.), Le iscrizioni antiche di Trebula, Caiatia e

Cubulteria, 1993.

M.G.

[4] Small town of the > Caudini tribe in > Campania between > Saticula and — Suessula (Liv. 23,14,13)

{11 1] P. T. Suffect consul in October of AD 53 (AE

near the Caudine Forks (Furculae Caudinae, near present-day Forchia?) on the > via Appia; the site cannot be located more precisely. Cicero’s friend Pontius [I 3]

1977,18; FO? 43; 71 f.).

owned a villa here (Cic. Att. 5,2,1).

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

{1 2] T. Fortunatus.

Praetorian

under

[2], perhaps

— Elagabalus

governor

in AD

of Arabia

222

(AE

NISSEN 2, 810.

GU

1991,1589; 1590). §. AuGUSTA-BOULAROT, Un ‘nouveau’ gouverneur d’Arabie sur un milliaire inédit de la voie Gerasa/Adraa, in: MEEFRA 110, 1998, 243-260, esp. 256 ff.; TH. BAuzou, La voie romaine, in: Khirbet es-Samra 1, 1998, 197 f.

{fl 3] T. Garutianus. Imperial procurator in the province of Africa who, in AD 68, killed Clodius [II 7] Macer by order of + Galba [2] (Tac. Hist. 1,7,1; Plut. Galba ES)

{Il 4] M. T. Valens. Equestrian. Praef. Berenicidis in

Egypt in AD 84 (AE 1956,57).

W.E.

Trebula (TonBovka; Treboula). [1] Town of the > Sabini tribe (Str. 5,3,1; Plin. HN 3,107; ILS 442: Mutuesca; Obseq. 41-43: Mutusca), c.

Tree cult. In Greece and Italy, a particular tree was often closely connected with a deity or a hero: examples are the oracular

oak of Zeus at Dodona

(Hom.

Il.

16,233-235), and Athena’s sacred olive tree on the Acropolis, on which the fate of the city was supposed to depend (Hdt. 8,55). Others are the monk’s pepper tree of Hera on Samos (Paus. 7,4,4), the ficus Rumunalis,

which stood on the Forum as a monument to the wolf that fostered Romulus and Remus (Plin. HN. 15,77), and Apollo’s bay tree, which was supposed to have been the result of the metamorphosis of the nymph >» Daphne [2]. The relationship between deity and plant was in each case founded in myth, giving the tree a symbolic value. The last-mentioned example is characteristic: for the most part, trees when personified had

887

888

female traits. They were considered to be homes to nymphs (Hom. H. Veneris 264ff.) and the foremothers of humans (Anth. Pal. 9,312). In cultic practice, trees and sacred groves (as well as > springs) were part of the standard configuration of a sanctuary, as many depictions from the Minoan-Mycenaean period onwards document. On country estates, trees were decorated for particular occasions (Plin. HN 12,3; Apul. Apol. 56). Lastly, parts of trees were used as material for cult objects. Wooden images of deities were

TL were used as an area pattern by endless repetition. The reception of this motif can be observed in Cypriot (bronze sacrifice pillars, Episkopi), Greek (Rhodian, Corinthian vase painting, Laconian ivory tablets, Sparta) and Etruscan (gold plates, Bucchero pottery and figures) works in an orientalistic style.

TREE CULT

considered particularly ancient (Paus. 7,4,4; Plin. HN

12,5); In many rites, the wearing of branches was an important aspect (> Eiresione, >» Daphnephoria), and wreaths were made of twigs (~* Wreath, Garland). Despite Christian criticism of the consecration of trees (Arnob. 1,39), it can not be overlooked that the

symbolic superelevation of the wood of the Cross continued ancient tradition (Firm. Mat. 27,1).

The religious significance of trees which manifests itself in cult and myth is ultimately based on its original evolutionary function as a place of dwelling and refuge. D.Baupy, Das Keuschlamm-Wunder des Hermes, in: GB 16, 1989, 1-28; G.J. BAupy, s.v. Baum, HrwG

116; C.BOTTICHER,

II, tro9-

Der Baumkult der Hellenen, 1856;

A.J. Evans, Mycaenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and its Mediterranean

W.FautH,

Relations,

Widder,

1901,

99-204;

Schlange und Vogel am

in: JHS

21,

Heiligen

Baum, in: Anatolica 6, 1977/78, 129-155; K.ERDMANN (et al.), s.v. Baum, RAC 2, 1954, 1-34; K.MEULI, Die

Baumbestattung

und

die Urspriinge

der griechischen

G6ttin Artemis (1965), in: Gesammelte Schriften I, 1975, 1083-1118. GB.

Tree of life. Representations of the Phoenician TL (also ‘Sacred Tree’), whose

significance and iconographic

R.D. Barnett, Ancient Ivories in the Middle East and Adjacent Countries, 1982; S. PARPOLA, The Assyrian Tree of Life: Tracing the Origins of Jewish Monotheism and Greek Philosophy, in: JNES 52, 1993, 161-208; R.A. Srucky, Anlehnung — Imitation — Kopie. Zur Aneignung

orientalischer Bildmotive auf Zypern, in Griechenland und Etrurien, in: Archéologie au Levant. Recueil Roger Saidah, 1982, ro8—121.

CH.B.

Tremelius. Roman nomen gentile (in the MSS very frequently Tremellius), attested from the 2nd. cent. BC onwards. The six generations of praetorian ancestors on whom T. [3] prided himself (Varro, Rust. 2,4,2) are quite believable. SCHULZE, 374 f.

K-LE.

[1] T., Cn. As tribune of the people, he successfully interceded in 168 BC against an extension of the term served by the censors (Liv. 45,15,9) who had passed him over in the > lectio senatus. As praetor in 159 BC, he insulted the > pontifex maximus who gave him a penalty (— multa). A people’s court confirmed the legitimacy of this in reference to the higher value of religious law (Liv. Per. 47 with [1]). 1 J. BLEICKEN, Gesammelte Schriften 1, 1998, 438 f.

[2] T. Flaccus, Cn. as a quaestorian, he belonged to the legation that in 205 BC brought the > Mater Magna [1] to Rome (Liv. 29,11,3). He was an plebeian aedile in

origin must be sought in Assyrian religion (magic reli-

203 and praetor in 202 (Sicily; Liv. 30,26,11; 30,27,8;

efs, Nimrud), are an important symbol, a picture of fer-

30,41,2).

tility in need of protection and therefore an almost ubiquitous element of the religious and profane world view of the Phoenicians. Considerably stylized in various ways, it is usually represented, in ceaselessly novel combinations, series and abridgments of particular elements, as a palm. It consists of a conical stem with volute sides and capital, crowned by a palmette or a Phoenician bowl palmette. Lotus flowers sprout out of this and the capital base; sometimes grapes also grow on it (Nimrud). Kings, the great Phoenician goddess Astarte and sphinges watch over it to protect it. Representations of the Phoenician TL presumably experienced the widest distribution as a pictorial or repeatpattern motif in ivory (Arslantas, Nimrad) and bronze

[3] T. Scrofa, Cn. Dialogue partner in Varro (Rust. 1-2),

reliefs (Nimrud), which were used to cover luxurious furniture or e.g. in Solomon’s temple (1 Kg 6,29; Hom.

Od. 19,55ff.), but also on ivory pyxides and combs, on Phoenician metal bowls (Nimrud, Cyprus), as a handle palmette (‘paradise-flower’) on silver (Pontecagnano) and bronze jugs (Huelva), as a decorative motif (treasure finds, Aliseda; gold diadem, Tharrus) or in an alabaster relief (Arwad), where the bow] palmettes of the

TA.S.

who, as many other authors did later, (Columella 1,1,12; Plin. HN 17,199) praised his profound knowl-

edge of agriculture and cites T. esp. on pig breeding (scrofa, ‘sow’, Varro, Rust. 2,1,2; 2,1,11). From 59 BC

on, he was one of the vigintiviri for the division and allocation of the ager Campanus (ibid. 1,2,10; 2,4,1 f.).

His supposed advance to the Rhine is unclear (ibid. 1,7,8: as governor of the province of Gallia Transalpina after c. 77 [1] or as Caesar’s legate?). To be distinguished from T. is (a nephew or cousin?) called Cn. T.

who was a quaestor of M. Licinius {I 11] Crassus in the slave revolt in 71 (Plut. Crassus 11,6), judge in the trial of Verres in 70, elected as a tribune of the people in 69

(Cic. Verr. 1,30; distinguished from the quaestor by [1]) and proconsul of Creta et Cyrene in c. 51-so (MRR 3,207 f.; opposing: [r]). [4] T. Scrofa, L. Son of T. [1] who, as a quaestor in Macedonia in 143/2 BC, defeated an alleged son of Perseus [2] (Liv. Per. 53), became praetor probably prior to 135 (MRR 1,436) and appears in the senatus consultum of Priene (SHERK, no. 1oB, |. 3). He is claimed to

889

890

have received the cognomen Scrofa (literally ‘sow’) as a

dian dynasty the normal order became: praefectus cohortis (commander of a cohort of 500 men; > praefectus), — — tribunus [4] militum with a legion (or a > cohors civium Romanorum), and finally praefectus alae (commander of a cavalry unit of 500 men) [3]. As this sequence rapidly became the norm, the three steps became known as militia prima, secunda and tertia respectively, soon also combined in the term tres militae and thereby coming (variously formulated) to characterize individuals in inscriptions: omnibus equestribus militiis functis, a tribus militiis or simply a militiis (‘having discharged the military services for equestrians’, or ‘having completed the three military services’, or simply ‘having completed military service’) [4]. A further step dating from the time of Trajan and Hadrian, that of the praefectus alae milliariae, became known as the quarta militia, which by analogy also produced the term quattuor militiae.

nickname (Varro, Rust. 2,4,1 f.; a counter-version in Macrob. Sat. 1,6,30). 1 G.PeERL, Cn. Tremelius Scrofa in Gallia Transalpina, in: AJAH 5, 1980, 97-109. JOR,

Tremissis (from tres and as). Late Antiquity gold coin, from AD 313 (RIC VII Trier no. 38) under Constantinus [1] the Great 3/s (9 — siliquae; standard weight

1.71 g), from 383 '/; (8 siliquae, standard weight 1.51 g), of a> solidus. Initially rarely minted, from the end of the 4th cent. until the 7th cent. tremisses were very frequently minted, the last in the 9th cent. The reverse image was Victoria, from c. 610 a cross. The tremissis became the model for the majority of gold coins of the Germanic peoples in the migration period (Franks, Vandals, Ostrogoths and Visigoths, Burgundians, Langobards). The Visigoths’ tremissis, large and thin, are particularly seriously barbarized. The Franks’ tremussis was minted, mostly in the 7th cent., by the clergy, cities, bankers and private goldsmiths in more than 800 mints. They were continually debased, andthe Carolingians abandoned them. The term tremissis was first transferred anachronistically from the author’s period by SHA

Clod.

14,3;

17,7; SHA

Alex. Sev. 39,6. In modern numismatics the tremissis is also called the > triens. 1 H.CHANTRAINE, s.v. Quinarius, RE 24, 2 F. VITTINGHOFF, s. v. Triens, RE 7 A, ro5 f.

879-894 DLK.

Tremulus. Roman cognomen (‘trembling, tremulous’); Q. > Marcius [I 28] T.

K-LE.

TRES TABERNAE

1 E. Birtey, The Equestrian Officers of the Roman Army,

in: Id., The Roman Army Papers 1929-1986, 1988, 147164 2 H.Devijver, The Equestrian Officers of the Roman Imperial Army, 1989 3 Id., Suétone, Claude, et les milices équestres, in: [2], 16-28 4 Id., Some Observations on Greek Terminology for the militiae equestres, in: [2], 56-72 5 B.Dosson, The ‘Rangordnung’ of the Roman Army, in: D.J. BREEZE, B. DoBSON (ed.), Roman Officers and Frontiers, 1993, 129-142. WE.

Tres Tabernae [1] Town between > Aricia and Forum Appii (modern Faiti) on the > via Appia (Cic. Att. 1,13; 2,10; 2,12; It. Ant. 107,3; Tab. Peut. 6,1) where it crosses the road ~ Antium—-—~-> Satricum—Norba [1], located south-east of modern Cisterna. In TT, members of the Roman Christian community encountered Paulus [2] on his trip

Treres (Totjoec/Tréres, Toaoec/Trares). Thracian tribe, located in the Plain of + Serdica (modern Sofia) to the north of the > Scombros (modern Vitosa) Mountains and to the west of the River Oescus [1] (modern Iskar).

to Rome (Acts 28,15).

In the kingdom of the Odrysae they were among the northwestern border tribes. They were neighbours of the — Triballi and the — Tilataei (Thuc. 2,96,6; Str. 1,3,18; Plin. HN 4,35). According to Str. (1,3,21; 13,1,8; 14,1,40) they were supposed to have been among the Cimmerii who migrated to Asia Minor. Ancient oriental sources do not mention them, however.

Celtic > oppidum with a main wall and a retaining wall along the edge (c. 170 ha) which was abandoned in the 2nd half of the rst cent. BC [1]. In its place, the GalloRoman statio of ‘Usspann’ was established from the early rst to the early 3rd cents. BC [2]. A settlement developed in the course of the rst cent. AD at the foot of the Col de Saverne. The beginnings of the actual vicus higher up on a mountain slope are to be dated no earlier

G. Wirtu, Der Volksstamm der Treren, in: Klio 49, 1967,

47-52; B.Gerov, Prouévanija varhu zapadnotrakiskite zemi prez rimsko vreme, in: Annales de |’Université de Sofia, faculté des lettres 61.1, 1959, 17-19.

Lv.B.

Tres militiae. A schedule of promotion for equestrians (~ equites Romani) as commanders of auxiliary units and legions developed in the Roman army from the early Imperial period. In many cases, it comprised three steps. Although > Claudius [III 1] had set the sequence: praefectus cohortis — praefaectus alae — tribunus militum (Suet. Claud. 25,1), from the end of the Julio-Clau-

[2] City of the + Mediomatrici

GU.

with the rank of a

> vicus (CIL XIII 11648), modern Saverne (Dép. Bas Rhin) on the Col de Saverne. Located at the summit is a

than in the 2nd cent. BC (cf. It. Ant. 224; Tab. Peut. 6,1;

Geogr. Rav. 4,26). After the city’s first fortification (wood and earth construction, 3rd cent. AD), the settle-

ment was reduced to 7.5 ha in the early 4th cent. and was secured with a massive wall (castrum with 37 towers). Built into it were numerous god stones, votive offerings and funerary steles (CIL XIII 6000 f.; 6003 f.5 11647-11678; ESPERANDIEU, rec. 7, 225-259 passim; [3. 439-452]). The Celtic element dominated in the vicus (onomastics, hut or house-shaped tombstones). After the capture by the > Alamanni, T. T. was rebuilt in AD 357 by lulianus [11] and was expanded into a

891

892

supply base (Amm. Marc. 16,11,11; 17,1,1). TT was

elected in the > comitia tributa (Fest. 468 L). They were responsible for the services of order and security in

TRES TABERNAE

abandoned for good in 377. 1S. FICHTL, Quelques éléments de datation ..., in: Cahiers

Alsaciens d’archéologie, d’art et d’histoire 42, 1999, 3144

2A-M.Apam, X.LAron, Une occupation militaire

au Col de Saverne?, in: Cahiers Alsaciens d’archéologie,

d’art et dhistoire 36,1993, 115-125

3 P. WUILLEUMIER

(ed.), Inscriptions latines des Trois Gaules (Gallia Suppl. 7) ao OA

§.FicuT1 et al., Le Bas Rhin, in:

M. Provost (ed.), Carte

archéologique de la Gaule 67.1, 2000, 132, 551-579 (no. 437 Saverne); X. LAFON, Saverne-Usspann, in: J.-P. Perrr, M. MancIn (ed.), Atlas des agglomérations secondaires, 1994, 155 f. (no. 160). F.SCH.

Tresantes (Toéoavtec, ‘those having fled in fear’). Spartiates, who had failed in battle and lost their arete (> Virtue) (Tyrtaeus fr. 8,14 GENTILI/PRATO), with the

result that they were held in contempt socially (Plut. Lycurgus 21,2). They were allowed to shave only half their beards, could not hold office, were excluded from gymnastics, games, contubernia and from merchant business (Xen. Lac. 9,4-6), could allegedly also be beaten and had to wear dirty clothing. It was considered shameful to give one a daughter in marriage or marry the daughter of one of them. Later, these rules, which were set aside ‘for one day’ by Agesilaus [2] II after the Spartan defeat at Leuctra in 371 BC, in order to not significantly increase the number of tresantes (Plut. Agesilaus 30,3-6), were generally interpreted more liberally. K.-W.W.

Rome, for supervision of the state prison (- Carcer)

and execution of the death penalty. In the area of criminal iaw, they exercised judiciary functions over slaves and freemen from the lower orders; they were not merely aides to the praetor. In the Imperial Period, the tresviri capitales were also involved in the burning of forbidden books (Tac. Agr. 2). The board is epigraphically attested into the 3rd cent. AD [1. 533-6; 2. 3 5-47]. [2] Tresviri agris dandis adsignandis and tresviri coloniae deducendae A settlement commission, on the basis of senatorial resolution or statute responsible for as-

signing land in a single instance (viritim; cf. -» Adsignatio) or in respect of a colony (-» Coloniae). Its function was restricted to the particular allotted area, and ended once the task was fulfilled. The tresviri of the Gracchi (+ Sempronius [I 11] S$. Gracc(h)us, C.; -» Sempronius [I 16] S. Gracc(h)us, Ti.), on the other hand, were called tresviri agris iudicandis adsignandis (CIL I* 639-44; I* 3,2932f.). As, by the terms of the leges Semproniae, from 133 BC landless peasants were to be settled on state land, these tresviri were given judicial powers to decide on the boundaries between state land and private land with regard to land distribution (Liv. Per. 58). Their controversial work was ended by

the lex Thoria of 119/18 BC [3. 29-81; 4]. [3] Tresviri (or triumviri) rei publicae constituendae. Greek

oi toeic Givdoes éni xataotdoet

TOV SnLoCiwy

moayuatwv (hot treis andres epi katastasei ton démosion pragmaton; e.g. Sherk 58,9f.); in respect of the office also triumviratus (rei publicae constituendae) ina

Tressis. Roman coin of value 3 asses (> As) (from tres

non-titular sense (Vell. Pat. 2,86,2; Liv. Per. 129; Suet.

and as: Varro Ling. 5,169); as a cast coin with value

Aug. 27); a three-man board for the ‘consolidation of

indication III in the libral Roma-wheel series of — aes grave (mid—3rd cent. BC [2. no. 24/1]) and in the postsemilibral Janus-prora series (c. 215-212 BC [2. no. 41/3a]); 36-35 BC as minted coins with value indication I in the issues of Marcus Antonius [I 9]’s naval

the state’. By the terms of the /ex Titia, for five years (27.11.43 to 31.12.38 BC) with subsequent extension (until 31.12.33 BC) > Aemilius [I 12] Lepidus, M. + Antonius [I9] and Octavianus/ + Augustus were allowed special powers incompatible with any other Republican magistrature: a proconsulate with specific powers equal to the consulate, granted to each of the three individuals. The character of this triumviralis potestas (Sen. Dial. 11,16,1) was thus proconsular in the provinces, which were divided among the three (z771perium proconsulare), and consular in Rome (consu-

prefect from Sicily (> Sestertius) and, usually without value indication, as a locally minted triassarion in the eastern parts of the Empire in the Imperial period (> As). Coins from Vienna, Lugdunum and Nemausus

with III or I, formerly interpreted as ¢., are asses [1]. 1 H. CHANTRAINE, Die antiken Fundminzen der Ausgrabungen in Neuss (Limesforschungen 8), 1968, 11 f.

2M.CrAwForD,

Roman

Republican

Coinage,

3 F. VITTINGHOFF, Ss. v. T., RE 6 A, 2297-2299.

1974 DLK.

Tresviri. A board of three Roman magistrates with a defined area of competence. Distinction is made between

ordinary

annual

officials, who

had ordering

functions within the group of > viginti(sex)viri, and the extraordinary tresviri, who are known, on occasion, to

have amassed a great deal of power. [1] Tresviri capitales. Created c.290 BC, their office belonged to the lowest grade on the Republican career path (— Cursus honorum; Liv. Per. rr). At first they

were appointed by the > praetor, and after 242 BC

laris potestas); the latter authority was positioned for-

mally alongside that of the consuls, thus representing par potestas (‘equal authority of office’). In the provinces, the triumviri rei publicae constituendae enjoyed clear legal precedence, which allowed for the simultaneous presence of a competing promagistrature. This new invention was not an emergency magistrature, but was used by the potentates to give legal validation to their positions of power, which were supported by military force [5. 27-51]. The triumviri rei publicae constituendae were technically colleagues, but in fact they were rivals, each one of them even resorting to political agitation to exclude the others [6]. The Senate (+ Senatus) played no role in this power relationship, its func-

893

894

tion being confined to approving in retrospect the measures taken by the three, or confirming them in advance [5. 60f., 85].

‘Treveri

1 W.KUuNKEL,

Staatsordnung

und Staatspraxis

4R.BAUMANN, The Gracchan

Agrarian Commission, in: Historia 28, 1979, 385-408

(literature)

5 J. BLEICKEN, Zwischen Republik und Prin-

zipat,1990 6 P. WALLMANN, Triumviri rei publicae constituendae, 1989. Lid.L.

[4] Tresviri monetales (Full title tresviri aere argento auro flando feriundo; so-called mint masters). Three annual Roman officials charged with minting (> Minting I. D.), magistratus minores (Cic. Leg. 3,6) belong-

ing to the > vigintisexviri (later vigintiviri); the starting-point on the career ladder of public offices for a young man from the senatorial class (+ Cursus honorum). Although Pomponius [III 3] mentions the introduction of the office (Dig. 1,2,2,30), it is impossible to arrive at any conclusion as to its date [1]. Forerunners

were perhaps the tresviri mensiarii (for the obtaining of money, Liv. 23,21 in respect of 216 BC [4. 50-2]); the office of tresviri monetales may not have been introduced until coining was centralized in Rome in the period after the > 2nd Punic War. The mint masters’ identities emerge only on coins produced after the so-called anonymous issues; from c.200 BC they are marked with symbols, letters and monograms, then with shortened versions of the name, and finally with the mint master’s full name. After the middle of the 2nd cent., mint masters began to vary the image on the denarius, and then increasingly to introduce new, individualized images, thus using the coins as a topical propaganda instrument for their family (+ Gens) and political faction, and thus as a support for their future career. To judge from the names attested on coins, only one mint master’s name was used in any one year, and in many years no coins can have been minted (cf. also [3. 113]. The title tresviri monetales first appears on an inscription in 92 BC (InscrIt 13,3,70), and on coins between 71 and 45 BC it appears twelve times. Caesar raised the number of mint masters to four (Suet. Iul. 41; coins from 44-40 BC); Augustus reduced it again to three. The denarii and bronze coins produced after Augustus’ reopening of the mint in Rome bear the name and title of the mint master from 19 to 4 BC, when these disappear again (-» Senatus consultum [2]). The office persisted in the Imperial Period into the 3rd cent., as attested by numerous inscriptions [2. 59913 4. 8] and by Cassius Dio (54,26,6). + Minting 1 M. AMANDRY, Le temoignage de Pomponius et la date de création des triumviri monetales, in: RBN

2M.CrawrorpD, 3 K.Pinx,

Roman

Die Triumviri

Republican Monetales

1976, 59-63

Coinage,

IJ. EARLY History AND SOCIETY

III. RoME

V. RELIGION

(HdbA

10.3,2,2),1995 2 W.Nipper, Aufruhr und Polizei in der romischen Republik, 1988 3 D.FLacH, R6mische

Agrargeschichte, 1990

I. GEOGRAPHY IV. ECONOMY

TREVERI

1974

unter Augustus,

in:

NZ 1946, 113-125 4 1Id., The Triumviri Monetales and the Structure of the Coinage of the Roman Republic, 1952. DLK.

I. GEOGRAPHY A tribe living in Gallia Belgica between the Meuse in the west and the Middle Rhine in the east, their territory bordered in the north by the Ardennes, the Luxembourg Eisling and the Middle Eifel; the southern boundary ran along the southern edge of Belgian Lorraine and Luxembourg, through the north of the Saarland and along the Nahe. Between the mountainous, densely wooded and rather settlement-hostile border areas in both north and south (Hunsriick). lay fertile hilly terrain, river valleys and bays with ideal conditions for settlement. Il. EarLy History A > Hunsrick-Eifel culture set apart from that of the rest of the surrounding countryside formed in this area as early as the late Hallstatt period (> Hallstatt culture; 600-475 BC: Hallstatt D) and early La Téne times (+ La Téne culture: 475-250/220 BC: La Téne A-B/C). Transition to the time of the T. (250/220-25/20 BC) occurred without any particular ethnic upheaval. Whereas the medium-sized and smaller hilltop fortifications flourished during the Middle La Téne period, larger oppida like the > Titelberg and the Martberg gained in significance in the Late La Téne period [1; 2; 3]. Although close economic and political contact with the Mediterranean world existed, the T. felt themselves ethnically to belong to the > Germani (Caes. B Gall. 2,4; Tac. Germ. 28). Their northern neighbours, the -» Segni and + Condrusi, were their clients (Caes. B Gall. 4,6,4); in the south they bordered on the > Mediomatrici, Triboci and > Vangiones (Caes. B Gall. 4,10,3; Str. 4,3,4), in the west on the > Remi (Caes. B

Gall. 5,3,45 5,2.4,25 6,29,45 Str. 4,3,5). Ill. ROME The T., who are mentioned in every volume of Caesar’s Commentarii de Bello Gallico, played an important but very ambivalent role in the Gallic War (> Caesar I. C.). Based on their traditionally good contacts with Rome, they informed Caesar, at the beginning of the war in 58 BC, of the arrival of the Suebi (Caes. B Gall. 1,37,3) and placed their powerful cavalry at his disposal. But in the battle against the ~ Nervii in 57, they dissociated themselves from him (Caes. B Gall. 2,24,4). Now Caesar’s policy vis-a-vis the T. was geared toward intervening in the internal conflicts of the tribe in favour of the pro-Roman > Cingetorix [1] and against the faction hostile towards Rome that was led by > Indutiomarus [2]. It is noteworthy that throughout the entire war the T. did not enter into any alliance with the Celtic or Belgian tribes, although they did sympathize with the Germani east of the Rhine (cf. Gaes. B Gall. 3,125; 552,43 6,2,13 6,3,4)) [4].

895

896

In post-Caesarian times, the T. may have been in-

Icorgium (Jinkerath), Mamer, Noviomagus [7] (Neumagen), Orolaunum, Ricciacus (— Dalheim), Stabulum (Etalle), and Volcannionum (near Trier). Off the

TREVERI

volved in the general Gallic disturbances during the governorship of Agrippa [1], 39-37 BC (Cass. Dio 48,49,3). In 29 BC they rose up, together with the +» Morini, and were defeated by Nonius [IJ 14] Gallus (Cass. Dio 51,20,5). Through the redrawing of Gallia’s boundaries under Augustus, the T. became a part of the province > Belgica, although a strip of land along the Rhenus [2] was placed under direct Roman military administration (Mela 3,20). The causes of the insurrection

of > lulius [II 58] Florus in AD 21 were probably of a social nature (Tac. Ann. 3,40-42). The T. appear for the last time as a distinct political force during the contention for the Roman throne in AD 68-69 (> Year of four emperors) and the year following. They did not involve themselves in the revolt of Gallic tribes under Julius [II 50] Vindex in AD 68 (Tac. Hist. 4,69). As a result of their conduct, and especially their hesitant recognition of + Galba [2] as the new princeps, the T. were faced with disadvantages. In AD 69 they joined the insurrection of the legions under ~» Vitellius [II 2] (Tac. Hist. 1,57,63). While they can be seen, under the leadership of the ala commander [ulius {II 44] Classicus, the prefect of the banks of the Rhine, Iulius [II 139] Tutor, and Iulius [II 143] Valentinus, standing on the side of the insurrectionary > Batavi (> Batavian Revolt) under Julius [II 43] Civilis, their political goals were not so much segregation or the setting up of a ‘Gallic Empire’, but rather — as a result of their rejection of — Vespasianus — an attempt at safeguarding the interests of a possible successor to the slain Vitellius. Valentinus was defeated at the mouth of the Nahe (Tac. Hist. 4,69-71); Classicus and Tutor succumbed to the governor of Germania superior, Petillius {II x] Cerialis, near Augusta [6] Treverorum. The city was spared only because the civitas yielded just in time (Tac. Hist. 4,72 ff.) Together with Classicus and Tutor,

113 senatores Treverorum fled to the Batavians, presumably defecting to ‘free’ Germania (Tac. Hist. 5,19,4). The result was a complete restructuring of the tribal aristocracy [5]. Alongside the cavalry units under local command — the ala Indiana, the ala Treverorum of lulius Classicus, the numeri Treverorum under Hadrianus, which Cara-

calla divided into cohors I and II Antoniniana Treverorum equitata — T. soldiers were also well represented in the different troop units of the empire [6]. Rome’s military campaigns against the Germani bestowed a new infrastructure on the region inhabited by the T. In the hub of the network of long-distance connections created already under Agrippa [1] (39-37 or 19 BC), Lugdunum

(Lyons)— Divodurum

main axes of traffic were Titelberg and Vertunum. The pagi that are known to us (Pagus AC |—] or AG [—}, Carucum, Teucorias, Vilicias, Aresaces, Talliates, Devas, Genius Vosugenum) probably date back to preRoman times. The prosperity that was achieved especially in the 2nd cent. AD is also visible in the often extravagantly built villas in the countryside (e.g. Fliessem-Otrang, Welschbillig, Oberweis). IV. ECONOMY AND SOCIETY The economic basis was agriculture, especially the cultivation of grains (principally wheat and barley) and, starting in the 1st cent. AD, viticulture (Moselle, Saar,

Ruwer) as well as horse- and sheep-breeding. The socalled ‘Langmauerbezirk’, an enclosed area of about c. 220 km* near Augusta Treverorum, has been seen as a

kind of imperial ‘game park’. Wool production brought with it the manufacture of textiles and cloth trade (vestarii). T. as business people could be met with every-

where in the empire [6]. In the geographical area itself, they produced ceramics (so-called ‘Belgian’ wares, ‘sigillata of Trier’), quarried stone (Kordel, Ferschweiler, Mamer), and worked metals (copper mines near Kordel and Wallerfangen). The social and economic structure of the T. is reflected in the form of their tombs and especially in their funerary monuments with depictions of everyday life [7]. They yield information about the social and professional position of the deceased individual and his ties to Roman or native traditions [8]. Monumental funerary architecture includes elaborate pillar-shaped columns like the so-called ‘Igel Column’ (cf. > Monumental columns), funerary steles with relief, Latin in-

scriptions and architectural décor as well as funerary altars with niches for cremation urns. Half-cylindrical stones on top of the burial places are typical for the T. Tomb stones in the shape of little houses (predominantly in the western part of the civitas) as well as grave mounds in the eastern Hunsriick-Eifel region and the Sauer Valley are seen as survivals of Celtic practices, while other tumuli (> Tumulus), as e.g. the one near the villa of Nennig, show Italian influence. V. RELIGION Alongside the ruler cult and the veneration of the Roman Triad (Jupiter, Juno, Minerva), one can observe

a very intensive survival of native deities among the T., sometimes called solely by their Roman names, some-

(Metz) in the south,

times by their Gallic names, or sometimes by a com-

Colonia Agrippinensis (Cologne) in the north, Duro-

pound Gallo-Roman name. They are gods who are location-specific as well as gods common to the entire Gallic area (e.g. > Epona, - Rosmerta) [9]. The great cultic centres in the capital city of Augusta [6] Treverorum were located in the southeast, in the Altbach Valley, and on the left bank of the Moselle at the ‘Irminenwingert’, where it is assumed the tribal sanctuary was

cortorum (Reims) in the west, and Mogontiacum (Mainz) in the west, arose the new civitas centre > Au-

gusta [6] Treverorum (Trier); along these routes grew up the vici of Andethanna (Niederanwen, Luxembourg), Ausava

(Oos near Gerolstein),

—» Beda

(Bit-

burg), > Belginum, > Contionacum, Epossium (Ivoy),

897

898

located and the principal deity of the T., Lenus Mars, was worshipped — not as the Roman god of war, however, but as a deity associated with curative waters [ro]. In the countryside, spring sanctuaries and pilgrimage

2 J.Metzer, Das treverische Oppidum auf dem Titel-

Ten ( Deka). Sparta sent forces to support the Ten, but after a show of force the Spartan king Pausanias [2] arranged for a reconciliation and the restoration of the democracy. The deposed Thirty fled to > Eleusis [1], which was initially recognised as a semi-independent oligarchic state; but in 401/o BC it was reabsorbed into Athens (Xen. Hell. 2,3,r1-4,43; Diod. Sic. 14,3-6; 14,32 f.;Just. Epit. 5,8-r1o; [Aristot.] Ath pol. 34,2-40; Gust Gln, ae Gey Te), Xenophon (Hell. 2,4,1) uses the verb tyrannein (‘to rule tyrannically’) in connection with the Thirty; they are first called the “Thirty Tyrants’ (tridkonta tyrannoi) by Diodorus Siculus (14,3,7), perhaps following + Ephorus. Probably in allusion to this, in Roman times, the author of the - Historia Augusta calls a

berg, 1995, 573-624

group of 3rd cent. AD usurpers > triginta tyranni.

sites are known (Hochscheid, Heckenmiinster, Mohn, Judenkirchhof near Pelm), sanctuaries near vici (Belginum, Tawern), temple complexes at villas (Newell, Otrang-FliefSem) and mountain sanctuaries (Burgkopf near Fell) [rr]. A special combination of Gallic and Roman elements can be seen in the form of the Jupiter Giant column (~ Monumental columns).

+ Augusta

[6] Treverorum

(with map); Gallia (with

map); > CELTIC/GERMANIC ARCHAEOLOGY; > TRIER 1S. FicutL, Les Gaulois du nord de la Gaule, 1994, 83-96

3D.Krausse, Zum vorrémisch-

keltischen, gallor6mischen und germanischen Siedlungswesen, in: A. HAFFNER, S. VON SCHNURBEIN (eds.), Kelten,

Germanen,

Romer

im Mittelgebirgsraum,

2000,

1-6

4 R. UrBAN, Die Treverer in Caesars ‘bellum Gallicum’, in: H.HeErzic (ed.), Labor omnibus unus, 1989, 244-256

5 Id., Der Bataveraufstand und die Erhebung des Iulius Classicus, 1985 6 J.Krrer, Die Treverer auferhalb ihrer Civitas, 1981 7 ESPERANDIEU, Rec. 5 und 6, passim (appendixes 9 and 10) 8 M.BALTzer, Die Alltagsdar-

stellungen der treverischen Grabdenkmaler, in: TZ 56, 1993,7-190

9C.M. TerNEs, Non-Roman Gods in the

Civitas Treverorum, in: Bulletin des Antiquités Luxembourgeoises 22, 1993, 137-167 10 H. MerTEN, Der Kult des Mars im Trevererraum, in: TZ 48, 1985, 7-113 11 H.-P. KUHNEN (ed.), Religio Romana, 1996.

H. HEINEN, Trier und das Trevererland in romischer Zeit, 1985;P.Rau,s. v. T., RE6 A, 2301-2353; C.-M. TERNES, Die romerzeitliche Civitas Treverorum im Bilde der Nach-

kriegsforschung, in: ANRW II 4, 1975, 320-424; E.M. WIGHTMAN, Roman Trier and the T., 1970. F.SCH.

Triakonta (oi tovaxovta/hoi tridkonta, ‘the Thirty’). In

Athens, the oligarchic body of thirty men who ruled in 404/3 BC after the + Peloponnesian War (> Oligarchia). They were appointed at the urging of the Spartan + Lysander [1], with a double commission, to make proposals for constitutional reform, and to rule the state until the reform was accomplished. They began a process of legal revision, aiming to purge the excesses of the demokratia ({Aristot.] Ath. pol. 35,2-3), but before long they obtained the support of a garrison from Sparta and began to rule despotically, identifying three thousand men who were to have some rights of citizen-

ship and expelling all others from the city. +» Theramenes played a prominent part in setting up the regime but disapproved of the result; the extremists, led by Plato’s relative > Critias, condemned him to death.

The democratic exiles were led in fighting against the Thirty by > Thrasybulus [3], first at > Phyle [2], from which the Thirty failed to dislodge them, and then at the ~ Piraeus (the long walls linking Athens to the Piraeus had been demolished after the war). After a battle in

which the oligarchs were defeated and Critias was killed, the Thirty were deposed and replaced by a board of

TRIAL FORMULA

C.Hienett,

1951,

A History of the Athenian

285-298;

378-389;

P.KRENTZ,

Constitution,

The Thirty at

Athens, 1982; G.A. LEHMANN, Oligarchische Herrschaft

im klassischen Athen, 1997, 27-29; 48-54;RHODES, 41 5480.

PLR.

Triakosioi (oi tovaxdo.oVhoi triakosioi, ‘the Three Hundred’). Collective name in ancient Athens for a group of 300 men, with various functions: [1] A group of the 300 wealthiest citizens in 4th

cent. BC Athens, made up of the three richest members of each of the 100 tax groups (> Symmoria), created in order to raise the > eisphora, a property tax. They were liable for the — liturgy (I) of the > proeisphora, by which they had to advance the whole sum due from their tax group, and then recover for themselves the contributions of the other members. The Three Hundred are first attested in 364/3 BC (Isaeus Or. 6,60) and may have been instituted shortly before [1; 2; 3]. In 3.40, Demosthenes imposed particularly heavy obligations on the Three Hundred in connection with the + trierarchia (Aeschin. In Ctes. 222; Hyp. fr. 134 JENSEN = Kenyon; Din. Or. 1,42; cf. [4]; [5]). [2] A committee of 300 men, made up of the followers of - Isagoras [1]. When the Spartan king Cleomenes [3] intervened in Athens in 508/7 BC to support Isagoras against Cleisthenes [2], he attempted to dissolve the council (presumably the Solonian Council of 400; > Tetrakosioi) and transfer its power to the 300 supporters of Isagoras (Hdt. 5,72,1; [Aristot.] Ath. pol. 2053) 1 P. Brun, IG IP 1609 et le versement en nature de |’eisphora, in: REA 87, 1985, 307-317. +2. Id., Eisphora — Syntaxis — Stratiotika, 1983, 33-48 3G.E. M. DE STE Crorx, Demosthenes’ tinua and the Athenian eiopogé in the 4th Century, in: CeM £4, 1953, 30-70 4 V.GABRIELSEN, The Number of Athenian Triearchs after ca. 340 B. C., in: CeM 40, 1989, 145-159 S5Id.,

Financing the Athenian Fleet, 1994, 207-213.

Trial formula see » Formula; > Legis actio

PR.

TRIAL MINTING

Trial minting. Trial mintings of coins and medals, as a rule made from inferior metal. Esp. TMs of Roman gold and silver coins exist in bronze and lead [2.64]. They often represent the only record of lost originals or of an issue that was never minted |1.1 ff.].

Coins with a very wide edge, probably special occasional mintings for particular events, can also be described as TM [3.32]. — Coin production 1 A.ALFOLDI, Zur Kenntnis der Zeit der romischen Sol-

datenkaiser III, in: ZfN 40, 1930, 1-15 2ML.R. AtLF6Lp1, Zum Lyoner Bleimedaillon, in: SM 8, 1958, 63-68 3 GOBL. R.BoGaert,

900

899

[4] A. T. Rufinus s. Asinius [II 16] Sabinianus.

WE.

Trias (Greek/Siculan tovac/trias, ‘third’). Corresponds

to 4 > unciae and hence a > triens. As a bronze coin the trias was minted with a value mark of four spheres in Acragas (5th cent. BC: SNG Copenhagen 61), Himera (before c. 413 BC: HN, 146) and Segesta (before c. 409 BC: BMC, Gr, 49), with a value mark III in Regium (5th/4th cent. BC: BMC, Gr, 102-112). Items formerly

described as triantes are tetrantes (> Tetras) [1]. 1 H.CHANTRAINE, Bemerkungen zum 4ltesten sizilianischen und romischen Miinzwesen, in: JNG 12, 1962, 5158.

GE.S.

L’essai des monnaies dans |’antiquité, in:

RBN122, 1976, 5-34.

A.M,

Triballi (ToiBaddoi; Triballot). Illyrian (App. Ill. 2 f.; Steph. Byz.s. v. T.) or Thracian (Str. 7,3,133 7,5,6) tribe

Trial oath see > Sacramentum

Triarius [1] Soldier of the Roman manipular army in the third line of the legion in battle formation (Pol. 6,21,7-10). The triarii were armed with gladius (> Sword), scutum (> Shield) and > hasta [1] (Pol. 6,23,16). The integra-

between the lower Margus and present-day Iskar—right side-arms of the Istrus [2] (Danube). In the 5th cent. BC, the Athenian sources mention T. who mostly had been sold to Attica as slaves by the > Odrysae (Hdt. 4,49; Thuc. 2,96); Aristoph. Av. 1529-1565 emphasizes their wildness (cf. later Isoc. Or. 8,50). > Isocrates (Or. 12,227 f.), however, focused on their unity which he

tion of the triarii from the phalanx into manipular tactics had the purpose of stabilizing combat effectiveness.

viewed as the reason for their military successes. When the Thracian Sitalces [1] campaigned against the Mace-

After that, the qualification was no longer based on the

donians in 429 BC, the T. were independent (Thuc. 2,96,4). In 424 BC, Sitalces conducted a war against the T. as well and suffered a defeat in which he died himself (Thuc. 4,101,5). In 376/5 BC, struck by famine, the T. plundered the region of Abdera [1] (Diod. 15,36; Aen. Tact. 15,8-ro). When Philippus [4] II occupied the areas of settlement of the > Paeones in 358 BC, the T. became the neighbours of the Macedonian Kingdom. In probably 336 BC, Philippus subjected the T. as well (Dem. Or. 18,44). After his death, the T. rose up but Alexander [4] the Great defeated them again (Arr.

~> census but on age and battle experience instead (Liv. 8,8,3-13). The battalions were referred to as ‘pillars’

(pili), the triarii as a whole as pilani (Varro Ling. 5,89). Their function as a ‘bastion’ of the battle formation was reflected in the proverbial phrase res ad triarios redit (Liv. 8,8,r1). In the camp, they were exempt from fatigue duty but not from sentry (Pol. 6,33,10-12). With the restructuring by centuria (> centuria B.), the triarti lost their function, only the title of pilus prior/posterior remained in the hierarchy of the centuriones (ILS 2361; AE 1968,106). The highest ranking centuriones of a legion’s ten cohorts were called > primipilus. > Centurio; > Legio; > Manipulus 1 L. Kerrie, The Making of the Roman Army, 1984, 3336; 63-67. 2E.Rawson, The Literary Sources for the Pre-Marian Army, in: PBSR 39, 1971, 13-31

3 M.STEMMLER,

Die r6mische

der Funktionswandel

Manipularordnung

der Centurien,

und

in: Klio 82, 2000,

107-125.

LE.SCH.

[2] > Seneca [1] the Elder frequently quoted this Latin

declamator from the time of Augustus (e.g. Sen. Controv. 7,1,25; 754,10: conflict with - Porcius [II 3]

Anab. 1,1,4). Syrmus, king of the T. (Str. 7,3,8), con-

ducted the negotiations at the time. In 280/79 BC, the invasion of the

> Celts (III. A.) affected the T. as well

(Paus. 10,19,7). The T. then fought in the Celtic army

that was defeated in 277 BC by Antigonus [2] Gonatas near Lysimachia (Pomp. Trog. 25,1-3; Just. Epit.. 25,1,2 f.). The T.’s most severe conflicts, however, were

those against the Scordisci in the west; in these battles, the tribe finally annihilated itself in the 2nd cent. BC (App. Ill. 4 f.). F. PAPAZOGLOU, The Central Balkan Tribes in Pre-Roman Times, 1978, 9-86.

PLCA.

Latro; 7,5,1-23; 9,2, 20-21; 9,6,8—93; 9,11; 10,4,4; Sen.

Suas. 2,3) whose linguistic and intellectual brilliance at times gave rise unintended humour. CW. [3] T. Maternus Lascivius Cos. ord. in AD 185. In 193, the praetorians wanted to proclaim him as emperor (according to HA Pertinax 6,4 f.) but he eluded them by fleeing from Rome. He is commonly identified with iuridicus Asturiae et Callaciae of CIL Il 2415 [1. 87 f.]. 1 G. ALFOLDY, Fasti Hispanienses, 1969.

Tribes of Israel see + Judah and Israel Tribes, names of see > Ethnic names

Triboci. People in Lower Alsace, who arrived in Gaul with - Ariovistus in 58 BC and settled among the > Mediomatrici around Brocomagus (modern Brumath) and Haguenau [1]. Their neighbours to the north

901

902

were the > Nemetes, to the west the Mediomatrici, to

excerpted works, which he himself made available (Tanta § 17) [3. 173-176]. He had been accused as early as by Humanist jurisprudence of defacing the legal

the south or southwest the - Rauraci and the + Leuci. When the T. became settled is unclear. The depictions in Caes. B Gall. 4,10 and Str. 4,3,4 (ToiBoxyowTribokchoi) probably correspond only to circumstances around the middle of the rst cent. BC ([2. 27-30]; later: [3]). In AD 70 the T. took part in the > Treveri and Leuci uprising (Tac. Hist. 4,70). > Argentorate (Stras-

burg) developed into the political and military centre of the region, and this impaired the T.’s development. In the 2nd/3rd cents. the T. were deployed as exploratores (‘scouts’) on the right bank of the Rhine (CIL XIII 6448; [4]). Owing to their Germanic character there are differences between the T. and the Gallo-Roman culture of their neighbours. Apollo and — Epona, for instance, were hardly worshipped, monuments to the > Matres and spring cults are rare. Typically Celtic ‘house-shaped tombs’ are lacking; unmistakably Germanic are the weapons as grave goods. 1 J.-J. Hatt, Triboques ot étes-vous?, in: E. SCHMID (ed.), Provincialia. FS R.Laur-Belart, 1968, 360-364 2 S.FicuTL, Le Rhin supérieur et moyen ..., in: Germania

78,2000, 20-38 3 F.FiscHER, Rheinquellen und Rheinanlieger bei Caesar und Strabon, in: Germania 75, 1997, 597-606 4R.WieceELs, Numerus exploratorum Tribocorum et Boiorum, in: Epigraphische Stud. 12, 1981, 309-331.

P.FLotre, M.Fucus, in: M.Provost, Carte archéologique de la Gaule, Le Bas-Rhin 67/1, 2000, 116-145.

F.SCH. Tribon

(teifwv/tribon,

toiBpmwov/tribonion).

A coat

(himation, cf. + pallium) of ‘bristly’ wollen material, worn

by Cretans

(Str. 10,4,20)

and Spartans

TRIBUNUS

texts with

(presumably in AD 542) again qu. [1. 40-69]. As a con-

noisseur and admirer of Roman law and the jurisprudence of the Principate, T. was a leading developer of all parts of the Justinianic compilation: the old -» Codex (II. C.; Const. Haec 1; Summa 2), the - Digesta (Deo auctore 3; Tanta pr.), the > Imstitutiones (Imperatoriam 3; Tanta 11) and the new Codex (Cordi 2). Wheth-

er he personally wrote Justinian’s > Novellae is uncertain [4. 400-403]. As leader of the commission for the Digesta, T. was able to select his collaborators and the

Triboniant)

Tribuli. The term tribuli described metal spikes with four points so arranged that one of them always pointed upwards (Veg. Mil. 3,24,4); they represented a very dangerous obstacle for infantry and > cavalry. They can be traced to the teipdrou tribdloi of the Greeks,

who

may

have

adopted

them

from

the Persians

(Polyaen. 4,17: Darius [3]); even the Celts were familiar

with them. The Romans, who are supposed to have used tribuli as early as 295 BC at > Sentinum (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 20,1), systematically deployed them in the wars with Antiochus [5] III and Mithridates [6] VI against the scythed chariots (+ War chariot II.) of these opponents (Veg. Mil. 3,24,1-4). Excavations provide evidence that they found application in the battle of Alesia in 52 BC (cf. also the taleae of Caesar: Caes. B Gall. 7,73,9) and during the Principate in Britain and Germany. The use of tribuli against enemy cavalry in ~ Macrinus’ battles with the Parthians in AD 217 is recorded in literature (Herodian. 4,15,2).

(Plut.

Tribonianus. From AD 529 until AD 532 ‘Minister of Justice’ under Iustinianus [1] I (qu. sacri palatii), from 533 until 535 superintendent of the Imperial chancery (magister officiorum) and from then until his death

(emblemata

1 A.M. Honorg, Tribonian, 1978 2 W.WALDSTEIN, T., in: ZRG 97, 1980, 232-255 3 D.PucGsLey, On Tribonian and his Latin Style, in: R.RUEDIN (ed.), Mélanges C. A. Cannata, 1999, 171-177 4Id., On Compiling Justinian’s Digest, in: J.-F. GeRKENs (ed.), Mélanges F. Sturm, vol. 1, 1999, 395-405. T.G.

1 M.ReEppDE, S$. vON SCHNURBEIN, Fouilles et recherches nouvelles sur les travaux du siége d’Alésia, in: CRAI 1993, 281-312, bes. 302 f. Y.L.B.

Lycurgus 30; Plut. Agesilaus 30; Ael. VH 7,13); later also common in Athens (Thuc. 1,6,3). It was part of the clothing of simple people (Aristoph. Eccl. 850; Aristoph. Vesp. 1131), farmers (Aristoph. Ach. 184; 343) and lakonizontes (‘imitators of Spartan customs’, Dem. Or. 54,34). From the time of Socrates (PI. Symp. 219b; Pl. Prt. 335d; Xen. Mem. 1,6,2) the tribon was also the typical coat of Cynic and Stoic philosophers (Plut. Mor. 52¢; 332a; Dion Chrys. 2,382; Alci. 3,55,9), to display their frugality (> Cynicism). RH.

— interpolations

[1. 247 f.]. Detecting these on the basis of linguistic features is difficult, however, because T. took up many words and usages of Roman lawyers [2. 237-239].

Tribunus (Formed from the word tribus with the suffix -unus, which indicates a person of superordinate authority); the administrative and/or military leader of

a > tribus; pl.: tribuni. [1] Tribunus aerarius. Presumably originally aides to the Roman magistrates, charged by the state treasury (> aerarium) with paying the wages of the soldiers of their — tribus (> Soldiers’ pay). Tribuni aerarii were perhaps also headmen of their tribus. They may have been active in financial matters into the rst cent. BC, and were subject to distraint (— pignus), which indicates a certain level of wealth. In Cicero’s time, tribuni

aerarii appear to have counted as members of the equestrian class (> equites Romani). Under the terms of the lex Aurelia iudiciaria (70 BC), they made up one third of criminal jurors alongside senators and equestrians. Caesar removed them from service as jurors again in 46 BC. J. BLEICKEN, Cicero und die Ritter, 1995,

12-14; 38.; T.P.

WISEMAN, Roman Studies, 61 ff. and 69ff., 1987

~~ Ld.L.

TRIBUNUS

904

903

[2] Tribunus cohortis. Commander of a - cohors. From Augustus onwards, the TC commanded one of

legions, vexillationes (> vexillatio) and auxilia of the army in the field, but also cohortes of the > limitanei,

the nine, later ten, praetorian cohorts (— Praetorians)

units of the fleet, and contingents of militia from nonRoman tribes; they also served as military governors of cities. Officials of the imperial administration also now bore the title of tribunus militum.

under the supreme command of the -> praefectus praetorio (CIL VI 1599), as well as one of the three, later four, > urbanae cohortes, and one of the seven cohortes vigilum (-» vigiles). The commanding officers of the cohortes voluntariorum civiuam Romanorum and the auxiliary cohorts also bore the title of TC (CIL VI 329293 X 4579; XIII 6449; 6530; 7743). The title had general currency from — Gallienus onwards. In the +> Notitia dignitatum (5th cent.), TC signifies solely the commander of a cohort. TE. ({3] Tribunus et notarius. Roman magistrate, arising from the general body of notarii (-» Notary); in the

schola notariorum from the period of Constantine, it ranked directly below that of the highest motarius, the > primicerius. The tribunus et notarius was additionally employed as an officer, diplomat and/or jurist in the emperor’s special service, and as an administrative offiK.G.-A. cial (> scrinium III.). [4] Tribunus militum. Officer on the staff of a legion

(> legio). Varro (Ling. 5,81 and 89) derives tribunus from the original function of leader of one of the three oldest Roman > tribus (> Ramnes, Tities, Luceres). At the end of the 3rd cent. BC, each of the first four legions of the Roman army had six tribuni militum chosen by popular vote; the consul could himself appoint tribuni militum for the other legions levied (Liv. 26,36,14). The tribuni militum served as staff officers, each in rotation commanding the legion for two months, and had to have prior military experience (in the 2nd cent. BC the completion of ten or five campaigns: Pol. 6,19,1). Prior qualification was membership of the class of > equites Romani (Caes. B Gall. 3,7,3 f.), but, already in the Re-

publican Period, positions on the staff of legions were awarded to senatorial applicants. Owing to the broad purple stripe (+ clavus) on their tunica, these appointees were called tribuni militum laticlavii, distinguishing them from the tribuni militum angusticlavii of equestrian rank, with their narrow stripe (Suet. Aug.

1 Tu. FRANKE, Die Legionslegaten der romischen Armee, 1991. A.R. Biriey, The Fasti of Roman Britain, 1981; H. DEVIJVER, The Equestrian Officers of the Roman Imperial Army, 2 vols., 1989-1992; W.PEETERS, Het militaire tri-

bunaat der laticlavii in het Vroeg-Romeinse Keizerrijk (27 v. Chr. — 268 n. Chr.), 2 vols., 1984; J.SUOLAHTI, The

Junior Officers of the Roman Army in the Republican Period, 1955.

TF.

[5] Tribunus militum consulari potestate. According to Roman tradition, an extraordinary magistrate with promagisterial powers, supposed to have acted in place of the consuls as provisional supreme official between 444 and 367/6 BC. Owing to the problematic nature of the tradition, the name, character and function of this tribunus, acting as one of a three- to six-man collegium, are matters of dispute among scholars. The traditional view is to see the tribunus militum consulari potestate as a temporary alternative to the consulate, in the form of a joint supreme function created for internal reasons (— Struggle of the orders) or as a reaction to military requirements. As the tribunus, usually a patrician, had only the formal powers (— Potestas) of a consul, it is supposed that he was barred from the honorific rights due to a consul after the end of his period of office, and

from the right to a > triumph; the military tribunate would finally have been replaced in its turn by the consulate (e.g. [2. 52-93]). Recently, however, it has been suggested that the regular supreme officials, that is to say the three - praetors, continued in office [1; 3], to be joined by three legionary officers (cf. tribunus [4] militum), thus giving the collegium its name [1]. But all these theories are merely hypothetical. 1 R.BunsE, Das r6mische Oberamt in der frihen Repu1998 2 R. STEWART, Public Office in Early Rome,

38; Suet. Dom. ro).

blik,

Under the Principate, the office was reserved for high-born young men, who, at the age of 19 or 20, often

1998

through the influence of relations, served one or one

3D.SOHLBERG, Militartribunen, in: Historia 40, 1991, 257-274 4R.Ruiptey, ‘Consular Tribunate’, in: Klio 68, 1986, 444-465.

and a half years in the legion before embarking upon their > cursus honorum. Despite his youth, the tribunus militum laticlavius represented the commanding > legatus [5] legionis |1. 395], and also occasionally had independent command of a body of troops (CIL

[6] Tribunus numeri. Commander of a > numerus. [7] Tribunus plebis. The Roman ‘people’s tribune’; also tribunus plebei (CIL Iz 583,81; Varro, Ling. 5,81); Greek diuaeyxoc/demarchos (Syll.3 601,1; Diod. Sic.

XIV 3602; 3612;

11,68,8);

> Vexillatio). Tribuni militum could

also now command ans) in the imperial vigilum cohortes (-» [2]cohortis) of the

cohortes praetoriae (> Praetoricapital, ~ urbanae cohortes and vigiles), or cohortes (cf. tribunus Roman citizen reserves or the

> auxilia; the office formed part of the cursus of > tres militiae, usually the second stage. From Constantinus [1] | onwards, tribuni militum commanded not only the Guards (-> scholae palatinae),

transcribed

toipotvoc/triboinos

(IG

VII

1866). Leader of the — plebs in the ‘> struggle of the orders’ (5th to 3rd cent. BC); after 287 BC a plebeian office-bearer with no defined official function. Owing to the problematic nature of the tradition, the origin, early development and number of the tribuni plebis are unclear and disputed [1; 2; 3]. Ancient tradition associates the creation of the office with the first > secessio plebis (traditional date: 494 BC), in the course of which

9°05

906

the plebs are supposed to have elected two tribuni plebis (Liv. 2,3 3,25 2,58,1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,90,2). The number of ten, for which we have certain validation from a later date, is said finally to have been established in 457 (Liv. 3,30,5; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,30,6; Diods Sic.1252)5 52). The function of the tribuni plebis was to represent and assert the political, social and economic interests and demands of the plebs in its conflicts with the patricians (+ patricii). Created as tools of internal political struggle, at this time the people’s tribunes had no role in respect of public order. To reinforce its tribunes’ actions, the plebs pledged an oath to uphold their inviolability (> sacrosanctus). As the tribuni plebis had no authority of constraint over the magistrates (— magistratus), their primary function was to lend aid to plebeians oppressed by the patricians (auxilii latio), and to exercise their power of intervention (— intercessio) in order to prevent unwelcome acts of the magistrates [1]. Accordingly, they had to keep open house by day and night, and normally could be absent from Rome only for one day (Gell. NA 3,2,11; 13,12,9). The tribuni plebis summoned the ~ concilium plebis, led assemblies, presented petitions and instigated a + plebiscitum, although the latter became binding on the entire population of Rome only by the /ex Hortensia in 287 BC (Gell. NA 15,27,4 et al.). With the end of the ‘struggles of the orders’, the people’s tribunate became a regular office (> cursus honorum). It was normally undertaken after the quaestorship, and required plebeian origin. Tribuni plebis were elected in the concilium plebis for one year at a time

infringements (e.g. > perduellio), the tribunus plebis could also resort to judicial proceedings: multa trials were held before the > comitia tributa, trials for serious offences before the comitia centuriata (Cic. Leg. 3,44) [1. 630-7]. The people’s tribunate was not an office for the safeguarding of the constitution; it was of use to the Senate majority, among other things as an instrument of control over its social peers [2]. With Ti. and C. + Sempronius {I rr and I 16] Gracchus, the office became a second decision-making authority alongside the Senate, and was of use to ‘popular’ politicians in the assertion of their special interests (> populares). In the Imperial Period, tribunicia potestas was the legal basis for the actions of the princeps in Rome; the office itself, which is mentioned as late as the 5th cent. AD (Cod. Theod.

(assumption of office: 10 Dec.), and had access to the Senate (— senatus; Val. Max. 2,2,7), which they were

able to assemble as early as about the end of the 3rd cent. BC (ius senatus habendi), and had the right to

address [1]. They did not sit on an official chair (— sella curulis), but on a bench (-> subsellium). They were aided by > apparitores. Their jurisdiction was confined to the city of Rome (domi) up to the > pomerium. They did not have > imperium, but could prevent the measures of those who did (> consul(es), > praetor). With the aid of their ius intercessionis, tribuni plebis were able to exercise a veto over resolutions of the Senate and legislative proposals (cf. [1. 594-607; 5. 74-943 6. 207-

22; 7. 29-49]). Technically, the actions of a tribunus plebis could be forestalled only by his colleagues; but a collegial objection was invalid against an intercession. Despite spectacular exceptions, the ius intercessionis was respected until the end of the Republic [7. 29-49]. The tribuni plebis used their vis tribunicia (‘tribunal power’) in a similar way to the magisterial rights of + coercitio and — iurisdictio; it embraced arrest (prensio), imprisonment (coercive detention), fines (> multa), distraint (pignoris capio, > pignus), confiscation (> consecratio) and capital punishment (throwing from the Tarpeian Rock) [1. 571]. In the event of disregard of tribunal power (in ordinem coactio) and other

TRIBUS

1,6,11; 2,1,12), was under the emperor’s control, and became unimportant (Plin. Ep. 1,23,1) [8].

~ Intercessio; + Magistratus; > Plebs; > Struggle of the orders 1 R. WitTMAnn, Das Volkstribunat, in: W.KUNKEL (ed.), Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis (HbdA 10.3,2,2), 1995, 552-664 2J.BLEICKEN, Das rémische Volkstribunat, in:

Chiron 11, 1981, 87-108 3 W.EpDER, Zwischen Monarchie und Republik. Das Volkstribunat in der frihen rémischen Republik, in: Bilancio critico su Roma arcaica, 1993,97-127. 4J.M. Rainer, Einfiihrung in das romische Staatsrecht, 1997 5 J. BLEICKEN, Das Volkstribunat der klassischen Republik, *1968 6L.THOMMEN, Das Volkstribunat, 1989 7 L.pE LIBERO, Obstruktion, 1992 8 MarTINO, SCR 4, *1974, 626-629. Catalae lf GREENIDGE, Roman Public Life, 1901, 93 ff. 10 Lity Ross Taytor, JRS 1962, r9ff. 11 P.A. Brunt, Social Conflicts in the Roman Republic, 1971 12 H.F. JoLowicz and B.NicHo Las, Historical Introduction to the Study of Roman Law, 1972 13 F. MILLAR, JRS 1986 14 A.DRUMMOND, CAH 77/2, 1989, 212 ff. 15 BROUGHTON, MRR

L.d.L.

Tribus. Subunit of the Roman population (+ populus), arranged solely on a local basis according to residence from at least the Republican period. I. MEANING AND OLDEST FORM II. ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT III. POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE

I. MEANING AND OLDEST FORM

Roman etymology already derived tribus from its recollection of tres (‘three’), the number of the oldest tribus. According to Varro (Ling. 5,55), the Roman ter-

ritory was at first divided into three parts, and the term tribus derived from the Titi(ens)es, - Ramnes and Luceres (ager Romanus primum divisus in partes tres a

quo tribus appellata Titiensium, Ramnium, Lucerum ‘the Roman land was first divided in three parts, whence it is called the tribus of the Titienses, the Ramnes and the Luceres’). This derivation is often ac-

cepted (e.g. evidence in [9. 764 f.]), although such a meaning would be unique in Italy. The Umbrian parallels at least suggest a meaning not based on parts but on the whole of, for instance, a people. For example, in the

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TRIBUS

List of the Roman tribus Name

Foundation date

r = tribus rustica

most frequent abbreviation in inscriptions (in brackets)

ant = antiquissima

u = tribus urbana Status 495 BC: 21 tribus (17 r, 4 u) Status 241 BC:

(the 17 oldest tribus rusticae; set up before 365 BC)

35 tribus (31 5,4 u) Aemilia (AEM)

ant

Aniensis (ANI) Arniensis/Arnensis (ARN)

299

Camilia (CAM) Claudia (CLA)

387 ant

ant (504-495: Liv. 2,16,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

540,5) Clustumina (CLV) Collina (COL) Cornelia (COR)

Esquilina (ESQ) Fabia (FAB) Falerna (FAL) Galeria (GAL) Horatia (HOR) Lemonia (LEM) Maecia (MAE) Menenia (MEN) Oufentina (OVF) Palatina (PAL)

ant (495?: Liv. 2,19,2; 2,21,7)

6th cent.? (Liv. 1,43,13) ant 6th cent.? (Liv. 1,43,13)

ant 318

ant ant

ant 332 ant 318

6th cent.? (Liv. 1,43,13)

Papiria (PAP)

ant

Pollia (POL) Pomptina (POMP)

ant

Poplilia/Poblilia/Publilia (POP/POB/

358 358

PVB) Pupinia (PVP)

ant

Quirina (QVI) Romilia/Romulia (ROM) Sabatina (SAB)

241 ant

387

Scaptia (SCAP)

332

Sergia (SER) Stellatina (STE)

ant

Sucusana/Suburana (SVC/SVB) Teretina (TERET) Tromentina (TROM) Velina (VEL) Voltinia (VOL)

6th cent.? (Liv. 1,43,13)

Voturia/Veturia (VOT/VET)

387

299 387 241 ant ant

> Tabulae Iguvinae, the formula totar tarsinater trifor tarsinater [10] (with gen. ending on -r) probably means ‘(the people) of the city (totar) and of the district (trifor) of Tadinae’. The description of the Umbrian district in the upper Savio Valley as tribus Sapinia also seems to indicate a unity, as does the pars Peltuinatium (translated from Oscan into Latin) in central Italy (cf. [6. 171]). The suspicion thus remains that the derivation from tres was a product of antiquarian speculation. The role of these three oldest Roman tribus is scarcely known. It was later held that each tribus comprised ten curiae, the early voting bodies of the gentes. The six leading voting and cavalry units (sex suffragia) were recruited from the tribus and from these the first six > Vestals (Fest. p. 468). It is uncertain whether the term

>Re RHR CHR RRR ER HA

tribunus (‘tribune’) derives from the three tribus regi-

ments of the early monarchical army. Il. ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT According to the tradition (Liv. 1,42,4; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,14 with the distinction of ‘family tri-

bus’, phylai genikai, and ‘territorial tribus’, phylai topikat; > phyle |x|), the tribus based on the principle of residence dated back to King Servius > Tullius [I 4] (6th cent. BC). Both forms of tribus formed territorial units, but they differed in being named after gentes (— gens) or localities. The four urban tribus (Palatina, Esquilina, Collina and Suburana) were certainly among the oldest tribus named after localities (see maps below). New tribus are only mentioned from 495 BC, when, accord-

git

912

ing to Liv. 2,21,7, 21 tribus were established at Rome’

zens were entered in already existing tribus, including after the end of the + Social War [3] (87 BC), when the foundation of new tribus was mooted for the last time. Even in connection with the large-scale bestowals of citizenship and Latin law under Caesar and in the Imperial period, new citizens were entered in a particular tribus which often differed from province to province. For instance, under Augustus, citizens of the Latin colonies in Gallia + Narbonensis were typically entered in the tribus Voltinia, and those from the Spanish proyinces in the tribus Galeria. The grounds for these allocations are unknown.

TRIBUS

(Romae tribus una et viginti factae; the number una et triginta = 31 in some MSS is wrong). This should probably be understood to mean that in 495, the foundation of the tribus Claudia (for the gens Claudia, which immigrated c. 504 BC) and the tribus Clustumina (Crustumerium had been conquered in 499 BC) brought the total to 21 (cf. list below). The older territorial tribus surrounded the city (according to the reconstruction of [4. 35-45], which is generally accepted today) ina band 5-tokm wide. That they were without exception named after gentes is questioned in many quarters (cf. [3. 2498]). Some were probably named, like the urban tribus, after geographical names. From the foundation of the tribus Clustumina onwards, new tribus were exclusively named after localities. Subsequently, new foundations of tribus were closely linked to the settlement of newly-won > ager publicus (if the citizens of a conquered town were granted Roman citizenship, they were entered in the nearest tribus, e.g. > Tusculum in the tribus Papiria c. 380 BC, cf. map below). Four more tribus were founded in 387, after a long break which corresponds to the lack of conquests in the 5th cent., in the territory of the conquered > Veii (Stellatina, Sabatina, Arnensis and Tromentina). With these began the sequence of tribus regularly (exception: the tribus Clustumina) named after geographical appellations which by the end of the cent. reached up to the gates of Capua with the tribus Falerna (cf. also the map in [4. 47]). After a further 60 years, the last tribus were founded in 241 (tribus Ouirina, Velina) in the territory of the Sabines conquered between 290 and 283 and by the Adriatic (> Curius [4] Dentatus). III. POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE From at least 387, new foundations were always

made in pairs (two or four), apparently to preserve the odd number which always guaranteed a majority vote. Evidently the tribus, which had originally operated as citizen units in the — census, for recruitment and tax

levies, by now served as voting bodies in the > comitia tributa and the > concilium plebis. Hence, the decision to found new tribus was also a matter for the popular assembly. As the tribus differed in size but each had one vote in the comitiae, the political ‘arithmetic’ also always had to be considered when making changes or new foundations, as also in the relationship between the populous but relatively impoverished urban tribus and the thinly-settled but richer rural tribus. Transfer into an ‘inferior’ tribus or exclusion from all (tribu movere)

was therefore a censorial penalty. No more tribus were founded after 241, presumably because there was a desire to preserve the voting ratios that resulted from the correlation of tribus and century affiliation which had been fixed after the last tribus foundations, probably in that same year. The 35 tribus and their official order (ordo tribuum in Cic. Leg. agr. 2,79) remained unchanged into the Imperial period (cf.

list). After 241 BC, newly-incorporated cities and citi-

For Roman citizens outside Rome, ‘their’ tribus very

rapidly lost all political significance. The social cohesion among members of a tribus (tribules) that prevailed in the Republic vanished (Ter. Ad. 439-442; Varro, Rust. 3,2,1). It was now merely included in the name (conventionally abbreviated to its first three letters) as a sign of citizenship. By contrast, at Rome, the 35 tribus remained legally competent bodies entitled to inherit (Suet. Aug. ror: Augustus bequeathed each of the 35 tribus one million HS) and granted their own seats in the Circus (cf. ILS 286) and their own burial grounds.

But above all, the tribus (probably excepting senators and equestrians) formed the ‘urban plebs of the thirtyfive tribes’ (ILS 168: plebs urbana quinque et triginta tribuum), i.e. the community of those entitled to sustenance from the public annona (— cura annonae). The

tribus chiefs were now the curatores of the tribus,a kind of local link between magistracy and people. It is unclear to what extent the Republican tribuni [1] aerarii already undertook such duties. Unlike the curiae and centuriae, the tribus outside Rome were very rarely used as a subdivision of the citizenry. One example is at - Lilybaeum (ILS 6770b; cf. also ILS 6127, find site unfortunately unknown: Republican consecration pro trebibos). This may be connected with the fact that the tribus explicitly acknowledged the civis Romanus, and were thus unsuitable for reference to other cities in the Empire. + Gens; > Plebs 1 MomMsenN, Staatsrecht 3, 161-198 2 W.KustrTSCHEK, Imperium Romanum tributim discriptum, 1889 3 Id.,s. v.t., RE6A, 2492-2518 4L.Ross TayLor, The Voting Districts of the Roman Republic, 1960 = 5 CL. Nico.et, The World of the Roman Citizen, 1980 6 C.AMPOLO,

in:

A.MOMIGLIANO

(ed.), Storia di Roma,

vol. 1, 1988, 169-172; 229 f. 7T.J. CORNELL, The Beginnings of Rome, 1995 8 B. Linke, Von der Ver-

wandtschaft zum Staat, 1995, 117-120 MANN,

Worterbuch

des

9 J. UNTER-

Oskisch-Umbrischen,

10 G. Devorto, Tabulae Iguvinae,

2000

+1962, VIb54.

H.GALsTERER, Herrschaft und Verwaltung im republikanischen Italien, 1976, esp. 25-40. H.GA.

Tributa comitia see > Comitia

Tribute lists see > Phoros

914

913 Tributum see — Taxes Tricaranum

(Tomdeavov; Trikdranon). Mountain ridge on the north-eastern + Peloponnesus (Xen. Hell. FyeTs7e2..5 4.4 7.9,5 Bths 07,4. 539 Steph; Byz,.s.;v..T.); modern Koutsi, east of - Phlius (highest elevation is Hagios Elias: 730 m).

TRICHRYSON E. Kirsten, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 146-149; H.KRAMOLISCH, s. v. T., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 690; F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 118-121; TIB 1, 227; E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 692 f.

HE.KR.

E. MEYER, s.v. T., RE 6 A, 144 f.; PRITCHETT 2, 103-105.

Tricciana. Roman fort (> beneficiarii station?, approximately 296 m x 268 m) in > Pannonia Inferior,

E.MEY.

station on the > Sirmium ——> Carnuntum road (It. Ant.

Tricasses. People in northeastern > Gallia on the upper + Sequana and the modern Aube in > Lugdunensis, with the Senones [2], the — Parisii, the - Meldi, the ~ Remi and the > Lingones as neighbours (Plin. HN 4,107). Until the rst cent. BC they were probably reckoned among the Senones. Augustus organised them as an autonomous civitas with Augustobona Tricassium (modern Troyes) as their seat of administration. In late

Antiquity the T. were part of Lugdunensis II (Amm. 15,10,11 f.); in 588 the Notitia Galliarum has them as part of the later established Lugdunensis IV (Senonia).

267,7), modern Sagvar (megye of Somogy in Hungary). Finds of > terra sigillata, cemetery (also with Christian burials). T. was still of significance in the 4th cent. AD. TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 113; A. Mo¢sy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974, 305 f. J-BU.

Trichalkon (teiyahxov; trichalkon). Coin of 3 chalkoi (+ Chalkos), recorded from the time of Theophrastus (Char. 10,6; 371-287 BC) onwards. The 4th-cent. BC bronze coin of Phocis with value mark T is probably a trichalkon, and it appears as an indication of value on Imperial period bronze coins of Chios (= '/2 > as ?).

DLK.

L. PreTri, Troyes, in: N. GAUTHIER, J.-CH. PicarRD (eds.), Topographie chrétienne des Cités de la Gaule, vol. 8, 1992, 67-80; R. BEDON, Les villes des trois Gaules, 1999, 94 f.; TIR M 31, 180 f. MLPO.

Tricastini. Celtic people in the Roman province of ~» Narbonensis on the west bank of the > Rhodanus (modern Rh6ne) in the mountainous country between the Cavari, the > Vocontii and the > Segovellauni (Liv. 55S As 5 seis 9s roils, -Puny354663 Amm. Marc. 15,10,11). Ptol. 2,10,13 mentions Noviomagus [2] as

main town of their civitas. Identification with modern Saint Paul Trois-Chateaux is likely; Augusta Tricastinorum at the time of Augustus, mentioned in Plin. HN 3,36 among the oppida Latina of the Narbonensis; Colonia Flavia Tricastinorum in the Flavian period (AE

Trichonium (Teiyoverow/Trichoneion, literary Torxwviow/Trichonion). Aetolian city (> Aetoli) to the south of Lake Trichonis (modern Limni Trichonida) on the northern slopes of the Aracynthus mountains (modern Zygos) near modern Gavalu. T. was the most significant city of central Aetolia, supplied most of the strategoi (cf. > Stratégos) of the Aetolian League, but is mentioned in historiographic literature only in the context of Philippus [7] V’s campaign to Thermus in 218 BC (Pol. 5,7,6 ff.). The fertility of T.’s soil was extolled (Str. 10,2,3). T. was apparently still settled in the Roman Imperial period (records: [1]). Burial mounds with rich grave goods have been studied archaeologically (3rd cent. BC). Inscriptions: IG IX 1’, 1,

1962, 143).

117-127; SEG 17, 268; 25,

MLPO.

G20 a4 AT 2sh aaaalle maneraes tees Sous 208]: longer documents of manumission have not been published.

Tricca (Toixxa/Trikka). Capital of Hestiaeotis in western Thessaly, on the Lethaeus (modern Trikkalinos),

tion, 1996, 283 f. 2 E.ScHwerGerT, Greek Inscriptions, in: Hesperia 8, 1939, 5-12. 3 G. KLAFFENBACH, Bericht uber eine epigraphische Reise, in: SPrAW 1935, 691-726

G.BarRUOL, Les peuples préromains du Sud-Est de la Gaule (Revue Archéologique de Narbonnaise, Suppl. 1), 1969, 247-267.

1D.Straucu,

which flows from the Chasia Mountains. T. is mentioned in the Iliad as the place of origin of the > Asclepius cult (Hom. Il. 2,729-733). In the Classical period T. was already minting its own coins (HN 310). T. became Macedonian after 352 BC (Diod. Sic. 18,56,5; +> Pelinna), was Aetolian for a time at the end of the 3rd cent. and was won back by Thessaly in 186/5 BC (Liv. 39,25 f.). T. did not regain any great significance until late Antiquity (Procop. Aed. 4,3,5: renovation of the fortifications by Iustinianus [1] I) as a see under the modern name of Trik(k)ala. Ancient traces presumably of an Asklepieion have been excavated.

Rémische Politik und griechische Tradi-

4 Id., Neue Inschriften aus Aitolien, in: SPrAW 1936, 358388

51.A.PapaposToLou,

in: AD 34 B, 1979.

2 C. ANToneTTI, Les Etoliens, 1990, 238-240; R.SCHEER, s. v. T., LAUFFER, Griechenland, 690; PRITCHETT 6, 132 f.

D.S.

Trichryson (teiyevoov; trichryson). Triple chrysots (gold coin, particularly gold stater) is the name given in a papyrus (P CZ 59021,13; 59022,6-16, 3rd cent. BC) to the coin known today as a ~ pentddrachmon, an early Ptolemaic gold coin of approximately 17.8 g with a value initially of 60 Phoenician-Ptolemaic silver drachmai; this corresponds to a gold-silver proportion

TRICHRYSON

915

916

of 12:1. According to the papyrus, however, the trichryson was traded with a premium of 6 */; silver drachmai, the gold-silver ratio had therefore risen to 13 /;:1 [1. 70-73]. It may be that the trichryson was

Medius lectus

meant by Plautus’s trinummus. 1 W.ScHuBaRT, Die ptolemaische Reichsmiinze, in: Z£N 33, 1922, 68-82. DLK. SNUWLWNS SN}De9]

Tricipitinus. Roman cognomen, derived from an unknown place name, occurring only in the Lucretii family in the Republican period (> Lucretius [1 7;

9-12]). KAJANTO, Cognomina, 210.

s

=:

QP

Wee

M

Table (The arrow indicates the order

of serving.)

K.-L.E.

Triclinium (tomaAivfijov; triklinfiJon). Roman dining room, or in the narrower sense, a group of three couches (Latin lectus; > kliné), on each of which three guests could take their places. Their arrangement around a central round or rectangular table was the typical Roman furnishing for the dining room (cf. ill.). The couches could be built of stone, so that their location is recognizable in the floor plan of the house; however, they were frequently movable. Mattresses, cushions and blankets provided the necessary comfort. Where there was no constructed substructure, a triclinium can be recognized from the decor of the room: wall paintings and floors show where the couches stood and where serving was done. The size of such a room was normally 6 x 4 m. One triclinium per house was the rule in the Republican era as well as in the early and middle Imperial era, as is shown by the examples found in -» Pompeii; wealthy homes could have several triclinia, which were used depending on the occasion and time of year. Triclinia were available in the garden for summer banquets, either on patios, set up under the > peristylion or in the > garden under a pergola. They belonged to private homes, but also to public or semi-public locales such as sanctuaries or tombs. There are also finds of triclinia in private homes from the end of the imperial era, although they were larger than was usual in the Republic (six or more guests per couch). Most extant triclinia come from Antioch [1] and North Africa. Two types of furnishing of the dining room can be distinguished based on the mosaic floors: a U shape, where an area in the centre was surrounded on three sides by couches [r. ill. 14], or the shape of T+U, where the central area was joined with a horizontal surface to gain more room for staff, for example [1. 125 f. with ill. 13 and 17]. During a > banquet (II. B.), a specific seating arrangement was given (cf. ill.). The ius lectus (literally ‘lowest couch’) was reserved for the host family; the medius lectus (‘middle couch’) for especially honoured guests. The host reclined summus in imo, the guest of honour directly next to him imus in medio (in the

so-called locus praetorius or locus consularis) [2. 304;

3].

wn

G xX S £

Positions of guests reclining in a triclinium (diagram).

Only a few built-in couches are recorded from the early and middle Imperial era. In the 4th and 5th cents. AD, the triclinium was replaced by the ~ sigma. Towards the end of Antiquity, the custom of eating in a seated position developed, with the benches placed on the long sides of rectangular tables [1. ill. 36]. + Banquet;

+ Cena; > Kline; > Sigma; > Table uten-

sils 1K.M. D. DunBaB, T. and Stibadium, in: W. J. SLATER (ed.), Dining in a Classical Context, 1991, 121-148, figs.

1-36

2 J.MARQUARDT,

>1886 (repr. 1964), 304 f. RE 4, 1205 f. G.GERLACH,

Zu

Tisch

Privatleben der Romer, vol. 1, 3 A.Mau, s. v. Convivium,

bei den

alten

ROmern,

2001;

A. Hug, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 92-101; F. POLAND, s. v. Stiba-

deion, Stibas, RE 3 A, 2481-2484; Sigma, RE 2 A, 2323 f.

Triclinius see

G.RODENWALDT, Ss. v. P.S.-P.

Demetrius V [43]

Tricorii (Toidguoi; Trikorioi). Celtic people of Gallia » Narbonensis (Plin. HN 3,34) in the valley of the Drac in the Alps (Str. 4,1,11; 4,6,5). In 218 BC > Hannibal [4] marched through their territory (Liv. 21,31,9; Amm. Mare. 15,10,11). In 58 BC they joined the march of the

+ Helvetii (cf. App. Celt. 1,8: Toixoveot).

G.BARRUOL, Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la Gaule, 1969, 325-330. H.GR.

Tricorythus

(Toidev(v)00c;

Trikdry(n)thos).

Attic

» paralia deme, Aeantis phyle, from AD _ 126/7 Hadrianis, three (six) bouleutai, on the marshy northern edge of the Plain of > Marathon near modern Kato Souli; demoticon Teimogvovod/Trikorysios. With Marathon, -» Oenoe [5] and > Probalinthus, T. formed the -» Tetrapolis cult association (Str. 8,7,1), whose cultic calendar (IG II* 1358 Z. 55) is evidence of a Hera cult in

917

918

T. According to Sic. 4,57,4; 58,4, the > Heraclidae settled in T., and the head of - Eurystheus was buried there (Str. 8,6,19). A ring wall above Kato Souli is from post-Antiquity (contra: [2]), its walls contain Bronze Age pottery. In the former swamp beneath the town significant remains of an early Bronze Age settlement survive [13 3].

were first cast, then minted, most recently under Cornelius [I 90] Sulla. The tries also appears in other Ital-

1 E. MasTROKOSTAS, Magabdvict werétau, in: ‘Aoyxaohoyina Aviihexta 8 “AOnviov 7,1974,1-7

2J.R.

McCrepikg, Fortified Military Camps in Attica (Hesperia Suppl. 11), 1966, 37-41 fig. 7 3 Travios, Attika, 216, 220, fig. 271.

TRIFANUM

ian aes grave; in the decimally divided eastern Italian series it is better to call it a > quadrunx. It occurs minted in the Roman/Campanian coin series (obv. head of Juno, rev. Heracles with a centaur), in most cities in

Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Lucania and in ViboValentia, only some with a value indicator. In the Italian/Sicilian coin series the triens corresponds to the > tetrdas. For the triens as a late antique gold coin, cf. > tremissis. F. ViTTINGHOFF, s. v. T., RE7 A, 105 f.

DLK.

TRAILL, Attica, 12, 22, 53, 62, 68, 112 no. 139, pls. 9, 15; WHITEHEAD, Index s. v. T. H.LO.

Trier see > Augusta [6] Treverorum; > TRIER

Tricostus. Roman Cognomen, -> Verginius Tridentum (modern Trento). Raetic > oppidum on the + Atesis (Plin. HN 3,130; according to Just. Epit. 20,5,8, Celtic). The municipium Iulia Tridentina in the area of the > Alpes Tridentinae (Plin. HN 3,121; Flor. Epit. 1,38,11; Cass. Dio 54,22,1 and 3) was founded under Caesar as the central town of the Tridentini (Str. 4,6,6) and under Augustus allotted to > RegioX (tribus

Papiria). The city walls from the time of Augustus attest to urban expansion, which led to the greatest height of development in the rst cent. AD. At the end of the 2nd cent. AD, T. was a colonia (ILS 5016) and was sacked in

the 3rd cent. by the > Alamanni, but recovered for a short time in the 4th cent. through the stationing of Roman troops. From the 4th cent. onwards T. was a bishopric, in the sth cent. it was abandoned. TIR L 32, Mediolanum, 1966, 134; A. BUONOPANE, T., in:

Suppl. Italica N. S. 6, 1990,

111-182.

H.GR.

Tridrachmon (toideaynov; tridrachmon). Coin of 3 drachmai (- Drachme [1]), mentioned by Pollux (9,60). The tridrachma Maronitika in Attic inscriptions are probably the tetradrachma (-> Tetradrachmon) of Maronea [1] in accordance with the ‘Phoenician’ coinage standard (> Coinage, standards of), which because of their decrease in weight were later worth only 3 Attic drachmai. As minted coins tridrachma are very rare: early ‘Aeginetan’ tridrachma of Delphi; the coins of the Ionian > symmachia of 394-387 were simultaneously Aeginetan didrachma (-» Didrachmon) and Rhodian tridrachma (> Heracles coinage). Coins from Cyme [3] (Aeolis) and Alabanda (Caria) are other possible tridrachma. 1 W. SCHWABACHER, S. v. T., RE 7 A, 104.

Triens. Latin, ‘third’ of an

DLK.

> as and hence of any

twelve-part whole, 4 > unciae (- trids), used with this

meaning in Roman currency from the earliest — aes grave; in the Janus/ prora series with a head of Minerva on the obverse, four points as a value indicator. Trientes

Trierarchia (temeaoyia; triérarchia). Obligation to equip a — trireme for one year and to command the crew (c. 200 men). Introduced in 483/2 as a military leiturgia (- Liturgy I.) in place of the > naukrariai, which were no longer sufficient following the naval rearmament programme of — Themistocles. Later also used as a technical term for the command of other warships. Because of the great financial burden it imposed, the system was modified from 410 BC by the syntrierarchy (two trierarchoi per ship), and the load was distributed still more in 357 BC or shortly before by the introduction of the > symmoria for trierarchia-related expenses by a law of one Periander. - Demosthenes[z]introduced the reform in 340 BC by which the burden was divided according to the assets of the person subject to the trierarchia, such that 300 people bore the primary responsibility [1. 89 f.; 2. 566 f.]. 1 J. ENGELS, Studien zur politischen Biographie des Hypereides, 1989, 89f. 2H.LeEppin, Die Verwaltung 6ffentlicher Gelder im Athen des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., in: EpER, Demokratie, 557-571. K.-W.W.

Trieteris (tovetnoic, trietéris, feminine adjective). Liter-

ally ‘third-yearly’, i.e. occurring every third year, according to the modern way of counting ‘every two years’. [1] trietéris periodos (t. meQtodoc, ‘intercalation cycle’)

see > Chronography. [2] trietéris heorte, (t. fot). A festival with games taking place every two years, e.g. the > Isthmia, the > Nemea [3], the > Eleusinia and the Nicephoria for Athena in > Pergamum. K. Hanell, s. v. T. (1), RE 7 A, 122-124.

K.Z.

Trifanum. Town in the territory of the Aurunci (> Ausones) on the Tyrrhenian coast between ~ Minturnae and > Sinuessa, where in 340 BC the consul Manlius [1 12] defeated the — Latini decisively (Liv. 8,11,11; Diod. Sic. 16,90,2), to be found on the Ager Vescinus (Ciluive nO, 2m

7-ko.g m2 CicnLepragr. 2566).

F. COARELLI, Vescia, in: id. (ed.), Minturnae, 1989, 29-33,

here 33.

GU.

919

920

toimwaoc/tripolos; ‘team of three’). Its significance as a racing, hunting or war vehicle was far less than that of > bigae and of the — quadriga. In Homer only extra horses for a team of

lerianus [2] and > Gallienus (253-268) in order to expose their rule as particularly week and bad. He increased the number that was first planned to be 20

TRIGA

Triga (Latin from triiuga; Greek

two are mentioned (cf. Hom. Il. 8,80-86; 16,152-154

and 467-476) and on one occasion a gift of three horses (Hom. Od. 4,590); otherwise the literary sources on trigae are rather rare (e.g. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7,73). The same is true for representations in art; first and

foremost are 9th-cent. BC Assyrian reliefs with battle and hunting scenes. In Greek art there are relatively few monuments from the late Geometric and Archaic periods, Red Figure Attic or Lower-Italian vases of the Classical period, and fragments of 4th-cent. BC frieze panels in Lecce and Tarentum with cupids on trigae drawn by lions. In Etruscan art the motif enjoyed quite great popularity; on Etruscan monuments the triga is depicted primarily in chariot racing. In this function it was also adopted by the Romans (Ludi Romani; + Ludi Il. B.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7,73). In Rome, the exercise area for race-horses, the Trigarium (northwe-

stern part of the Field of Mars; > Campus Martius), acquired its name from the triga. According to Plin. HN 28,238 the emperor > Nero raced in a triga; Diocles was a successful racing driver, winning four times in a

(SHA Gall. 21,1) to 30 as an allusion to the Athenian Thirty Tyrants (— tridkonta) (SHA Trig. tyr. 2-31), among them esp. derisively (31,7) two women, — Zenobia from Palmyra (30) and Victoria in Gallia (31), whom he replaces by men in the final part (32-33). In order to reach that number, the author invents people (fictitious: Postumus the Younger, Victorinus d. J., Saturninus, Trebellianus, Celsus, Titus and Censorinus; probably fictitious: Piso and Maeonius) or used persons who were not living during the time of the reviled rulers (or both). The following remain as historically documented usurpers from that period: -» Aemilianus [2] (22), » Aureolus (11), -» Ingenuus [1] (9), > Laelianus (5), ~ Macrianus [2] (12), + Postumus [3] (3), + Regalianus (10), > Valens [1] (19) and the sons of + Ballista, + Macrianus

(13)

and

— Quietus

(14);

the

Moor

-» Memor from the period of Gallienus is not mentioned. After all, the unusually high number of eleven usurpers points to a state of crisis in the Roman Empire

in the mid 3rd cent. (~ Soldier emperors). A.R6sGER, Usurpatorenviten in der HA, in: FS J. Straub (BJ, Beith. 39), 1977, 359-393.

TF.

triga (CIL VI 10048; > Circus II. E.). In late Antiquity

people conceived the triga as reserved for the gods of the Underworld (Tert. De spectaculis 9; Isid. Orig. 18,26,1). In Roman art there are sporadic depictions of

trigae. On Greek and Roman depictions, see the comprehensive treatment in [4]. + Bigae; — Quadriga; — War chariot; — Waggon, Chariot 1 J.Wresner, 2-24; 66

Fahren 2M.A.

und Reiten

(ArchHom

Lirrauer, J.H.CrouweEL,

F), 1968, Assyrian

Trigas and Russian Dvoikas, in: Iraq 53, 1991, 97-99 3 L.PEponI, Lat. su denari repubblicanie i ludi di Rex, in:

Bollettino di Numismatica 20, 1993, 103-109 4 K.SCHAUENBURG, Zirkusrennen und verwandte Darstellungen, in: Die stadtrémischen Erotensarkophage (ASR 5.2.3), 1995, 23 f. RH.

Trigaboli. Town

near modern

Ferrara, where the

~» Padus (modern Po) separated into two branches, the >Olana (‘Odava) and the Padoa (Madoa) (Pol. 2,16,11: Towwapodov Trigaboloi). G.UaGeGert!, La romanizzazione dell’antico Delta Padano, 1975,46 f.

GU.

Trigeminus. Roman Cognomen (‘Triplet’), see > Curiatius. KAJANTO, Cognomina, 295.

Triglyphos (toiyAvdoc/triglyphos, feminine). The triply grooved panels on the > frieze of the Doric order (cf. > Angle triglyph problem, with ill.; + Column II. B.). According to an assumption recorded by Vitruvius (4,2,2), that the basic forms of the Doric order

derive from a transition from building in wood to building in stone, the triglyphos marks the notched end of roof beams lying horizontally on the architrave. The indentations of the ends in wooden constructions were (primarily)

due to technical

rather

than

decorative

reasons; they, together with the roof overhang and the mutuli (+ Mutulus) of the sloping rafters, were supposed to provide protection from humidity for the delicate cut surfaces. The > guttae, which were below the

triglyphos and in stone construction — unlike in wood structures — were worked as part of the architrave (+ Epistylion), were supposed to imitate the dowelling of roof beams with the architrave. In stone construction the triglyphos, together with the + metope [1], developed into an element of increasingly fixed proportions and formal significance to the appearance of the Doric order. EBERT,

29 (terminology);

CH. H6cker,

Architektur als

Metapher. Uberlegungen zur Bedeutung des dorischen Ringhallentempels, in: Hephaistos 14, 1996, 53-55 with

K-L.E.

n. 31; T.N. Howe, The Invention of the Doric Order, 1985; D. MERTENS, Der Tempel von Segesta und die dori-

sche Tempelbaukunst des griechischen Westens in klassi-

Triginta tyranni. The fictitious author Trebellius Pollio uses the term triginta tyranni (TT) in the > Historia Augusta to refer to 32 usurpers from all parts of the empire supposedly in the period of the emperors > Va-

scher Zeit, 1984 (Index s. v. T.); W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 218 s. v.

Triglyphe.

C.HO,

921

922

Trigon. Roman ball game, recorded for the Imperial period; it was played on the Field of Mars (Hor. Sat.

shorter in comparison to the former. The shorter > Aramaic text written in the Achaeminid lingua franca contains the consent of the > satrap. b) Lat.-Greek-Punic on Sardinia at the city of Santuiaci (CIL X 7856, rst cent. BC). The salariorum (‘salted fish merchants’) soc(iorum) s(ervus) Cleon donated an altar to > Asclepius (Punic Esmun). The Punic version is the only one [3] to state the reason for the donation and the date of the year after the > Sufetes. The Lat. version represents the language of political power while Greek was the lingua franca. c) Egyptian-Lat.-Greek at the Isis Temple on the island of + Philae (cf. [1] and [6. esp. 131-142]; CIL III 141475, 29 BC). In the Greek and Lat. versions, C. ~ Cornelius [II 18] Gallus, the first praefectus Aegypti, thanks the god Nilus for a victory in Upper Nubia. Further historical details are listed, e.g. the names of the captured cities. The Greek text uses the language of the Ptolemaic administration, while the badly destroyed hieroglyphic text is modelled after traditional Egyptian phrases. It fails to mention Gallus but praises Caesar

1,6,126) and in baths (Petron. 27,1-3). Three players (Mart. 7,72,9) were needed for trigon; they positioned

themselves in a triangle and played one or more small balls between themselves, either catching them (Mart.

12,82,4) or hitting them with both hands so that they were passed back to the thrower or to the third player (Mart. 14,46,1), sometimes with such violence that the

palms

of the hands became warm (Mart. 4,19,5; 12,82,3). There is a satirically exaggerated description of trigon in Petron. Sat. 27,3. J. VATERLEIN,

Roma

Ludens.

Kinder

und

Erwachsene

beim Spiel im antiken Rom (Heuremata 5), 1976, 40 f. RH.

Trihemiobolion

(toeimwmdodtov; — tribémidbolion).

Greek coins with the value of 11/2 oboloi (+ Obolés) =

‘/4-> drachme [1] (cf. Aristoph. fr. 48) in Athens in the 5th cent. BC. Coins of 1.08 g with two owls and an

TRILINGUAL INSCRIPTIONS

olive branch between them, or a frontal view of an owl

(Octavianus). Here, the Lat. version has replaced the

with open wings. Tribémidbolia with value indicators

demotic one otherwise common in Egypt (~ Demotic).

TPIH in Corinth and Leucas, TPI in Cranii, T in Sicyon (all 5th cent. BC), and three Es (for 3 (b)emibolia) in

d) Hebraic-Greek-Lat., transmitted in literature only (Jo in 19,19 f.): Inoots 6 Na€weatocs 6 Baotkets tov ‘Tovdatov. e) Lat.-Greek- > Palmyrenic, on the monument of a family tomb (ret cent. AD in Palmyra, cf. [2; 8]). The reason for the brief Latin text at the beginning was probably the fact that Rome had gained immediate power over — Palmyra. The longest text is in the city’s Semitic language. f) Pahlavi (= Middle-Persian)-Parthic-Greek in — Naqs-e Rostam: The victory of Partian King > Sapor {1] [in AD 253 over Roman Emperor P. Licinius > Valerianus [2] in Barbalissus (cf. [5; 10. 206; 311 f.]). The inscription on the > Rosetta Stone (196 BC) is not a true TI: Egyptian hieroglyphs-Egyptian-Demotic script-Greek (because > Demotic is a late form of Egyp-

Heraea and Tegea (late sth—4th cents. BC). Gold tribemiobolia of 0.45-0.60g were minted in Corinth around4o6 BC. W.SCHWABACHER, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 142 f.

DLK.

Trilingual inscriptions I. GENERAL II. TRILINGUAL INSCRIPTIONS WITH GREEK AND LATIN TEXT III. OTHER TRILINGUAL INSCRIPTIONS

I. GENERAL Inscriptions in three languages ona single object that refer to the same facts exist in Antiquity, albeit rather rarely on the whole, ordered by official as well as private sponsors. The different versions were usually tailored to the cultural requirements and interests of the respective audiences so that their messages (and length) are not always completely congruous (cf. [4]). Most of the trilingual inscriptions (TI) originated in the east. They reflect the multi-lingual character of the various regions, esp. the role of the Achaemenid, Greek-Hellenistic and Roman hierarchies in these areas. II. TRILINGUAL INSCRIPTIONS WITH GREEK AND LATIN TEXT Examples (in chronological order): a) Lycian-GreekAramaic. (cf. [7]): The stele, erected in 358 or 337 BC, was located in the sanctuary of Leto in Lycia (south of + Xanthus). It records the decision by the citizens and the perioikoi of Xanthus (lyk. Arana) to establish a cult for two gods, for the ‘King of Caunus’ and for Arcesimas (lyk. ArMazuma). The Lycian version probably served as the model for the Greek which was slightly

tian).

GN.

III. OTHER TRILINGUAL INSCRIPTIONS The earliest trilingual texts from the Ancient Orient are from the archives of Hattusa (15th—13th cent. BC;

Sumerian-Akkadian-Hittite

vocabularies)

and

> Ugarit (14th-13th cent. BC; Sumerian-AkkadianUgaritic-Hurrian vocabulary). In both cases, they originated in the sphere of scholars and > scribes. Important for deciphering > cuneiform script and Egyptian > hieroglyphs were the TI of > Bisutin/Iran (an AkkadianElamite-Old Persian monumental inscription of legitimatory character, 6th cent. BC, > Darius [1] L.; furthermore, cf. [9. 24 f.] on Hdt. 4,87,1: steles of the Suez Canal and Bosporus, Akkadian-Elamite-Old PersianEgyptian or Greek; TUAT 1,609-619 and [9. 30] on owners’ inscriptions by Darius [1] I, Xerxes I and Artaxerxes [1] I on metal containers) as well as the + Rosetta Stone (s. above). — DECIPHERMENT; > Lists; > Translations

TRILINGUAL

INSCRIPTIONS

1 E. BERNAND (ed.), Les inscriptions grecques et latines de Philae, vol. 2, 1969, 35-47, Nr. 128

2 J.CANTINEAU,

Tadmorea, in: Syria 14, 1933, 174-176 (with drawing) 3 E.CuLasso GASTALpI, L’iscrizione trilingua del Museo

d’Antichita di Torino, in: Epigraphica 62, 2000, 11-28 4 J. Horn, s. v. Bilingue, T., LA 7, 1992, 2-8 (attempt at

typology)

5 Pu. Huyse,

924

923

Die dreisprachige

Inschrift

lier beginnings as a response to > Judaism’s insistence on monotheism and was influenced by the religious and philosophical debate of the Imperial Period and Late Antiquity. The Christian debates about a doctrine of the Trinity were marked by the Christianization of the Imperium Romanum and the emperors’ role in the » Church. In the early 20th cent. scholars had postulated a close connection with the triadic structures of

Sabuhrs I. an der Ka‘ba-i Zardust (SKZ), 1999 6 L.Koenen, D.B. THompson, Gallus as Triptolemos on the Tazza Farnese, in: The Bull. of the American Soc. of

ancient religion and cult practice [6; 8]; more recently,

Papyrologists 21, 1984, 111-156

7H.Merzcer etal.,

this tenet is viewed with greater reservations. The con-

La stéle trilingue du Létéon (Fouilles de Xanthos 6), 1979

nection with the philosophical discussions of the Im-

8 M. Ropinson, Une inscription trilingue de Palmyre, in:

perial Period, however,

Syria 27, 1950, 137-142 9R.ScHMiITT, Assyria grammata und ahnliche: Was wufsten die Griechen von Keil-

Therefore the emergence of a doctrine of the Trinity was sometimes related to the > Hellenization of Christianity which supposedly corrupted Christian faith.

schrift?, in: C.W. MULLER (ed.), Zum Umgang mit fremden Sprachen in der griechisch-rémischen Antike (1989), 1992,

21-35

10 J.WiESEHOFER,

Das antike Persien,

1993.

is obvious

(see below

IIL).

IJ. TRIADIC STRUCTURES IN ANCIENT RELIGION In ancient + cosmology the number three described

|.RE.

the cosmos as a whole (Aristot. Cael. 1,268a 12) thus

Trilogy (* towoyia/hé trilogia). From Hellenistic philology onwards a term for three tragedies, without the concluding > satyr play, performed during the Great -» Dionysia at Athens (cf. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 1124) [1. 80].

+ Tetralogy; > Tragedy I. 1 PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/GOULD/LEWIS.

Biz,

providing a threefold realm of the gods. Accordingly, the multitude of gods and their various functions were organized in triads (e.g. hierarchical or kinship relations) as attested in Hom. Il. 15,187—-195 (Zeus, Poseidon and Pluto as the sons of Kronos and Rhea). This suggests a tendency towards divine triads in ancient religion which Hesiod presents as a fully-developed system

(— Horae:

Hes. Theog.

901;

— Moira

[B]: ibid.

905). Divine triads were worshipped in cult. In Rome the most important triad was the Capitoline triad, Jupi-

Trimalchio see — Petronius [5]

ter-Juno-Minerva (Liv. 7,3,5), which also spread out to

Trinac(r)ia see > Thrinacie

Trinemeia (Towéwewa; Trinémeia). Attic > mesogeia deme, of the > Cecropis phyle, two bouleutai, at the source of the Cephissus [2] (Str. 9,1,24) to the northeast

of modern Kifissia in the valley of the modern Kokkinaras. An ephebe (— Ephébeia) from T. (IG IP 1028

col. III Z. 143) isan addendum to the list of the Cecropis phyle, but this does not attest to a second T. TRAILL, Attica 51, 69, 85,

112 No. 140, 122, Tab. 7.

H.LO.

Trinity I. DEFINITION

II. TRIADIC STRUCTURES

CIENT RELIGION III]. FORMULATION TIAN DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY

IN AN-

OF A CHRIS-

the provinces. Its equivalent was the triad Zeus-HeraAthena who together ruled over the entire cosmos. An example ofa divine triad as a political construct was the ‘divine family’ Serapis-Isis-Horus the > Ptolemies had created. The structure of the divine triad documented for the Temple of Bel of > Palmyra is very similar to the Capitoline triad. In the Imperial Period the monotheist tendencies of religion and philosophy brought a greater emphasis on the unity of divine triads. This was also true of + Middle Platonism with its triadic concept of Being and especially of + Neoplatonism (Plot. Enneades 5,1) which reached its height with - Proclus [2], possibly influenced by Christianity. The strict > monotheism of Judaism has no triads but uses ‘threes’ to emphasize that God is the ruler over the universe as a whole (Gn 18:2: theophany in three persons before Abraham; threefold blessing: Nm

6:24-27; the Trisa-

I. DEFINITION Trinitas (‘trinity’), translated from toudc/trids, is a new word formation of Christian Latin (earliest occur-

gion: Jes 6:3); in Christianity these threefold structures

rence: Tert. Adversus Praxean 2,4). It defines the mono-

III. FORMULATION OF A CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY A. ApostoLtic AGE B. TRINITARIAN MODELS OF

theist belief in one God in three persons as the foundation of Christian identity and doctrine. As the basis of Christian identity, the Trinity was not only a subject of intellectual debate; above all it belonged to piety and liturgical practice where the need to formulate a doctrine originated. There was no doctrine of the Trinity in the Apostolic Age; between the 2nd and 4th cents., as

Christian theory was formulated, it evolved from ear-

were interpreted as trinities.

THE 2ND AND 3RD CENTS. CONTROVERSY

C. THE ARIAN

A. APOSTOLIC AGE The concept of trinity and the development of a trinity doctrine presuppose strict monotheism. In the Apos-

925

926

tolic Age there were various attempts to formulate a unity of God and Jesus while categorically affirming monotheism (Gal 3:20; 1 Cor 8:4-6), yet the relationship was not formally defined (Mk r:9-11). Triadic formulations first occur in the context of doxology (2 Cor 13:13) and cult (the triadic baptismal formula Mt 28:19; cf. Didache 7,3).

C. THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY The so-called Arian (trinitarian) controversy was defined by a) a radicalization of the Origenist debate about the subordination of Logos/Christ under God; b) the strong involvement of the Christian masses which was reflected in popular songs and in the form of the > liturgy, etc.; c) the active intervention of emperors who considered themselves Christians, starting with -» Constantine [1], within the framework of their religious and political responsibility as — pontifices maximi. The controversy which first concerned the Greek Church only and then the entire Church had started in the 2nd decade of the 4th cent. in Alexandria [1] with a dispute between the presbyter Arius [3] and bishop Alexander about subordination. Against identification theologians (and Manichaeans, -» Mani) Arius radically emphasized the transcendence of God and defined the Son/Logos as God’s creation. In the East, Arius was supported by proponents of significantly more moderate concepts of subordination. The intervention of the emperor Constantine through the first Ecumenical (of the whole Empire) Council of + Nicaea [5] (= Synodos [II D] ; > Nicaenum) brought a break with subordinationist Logos theology. A theology prevailed that postulated one divine hypostasis (6uoo0votoc/ homooitsios) which expanded into a trinity, thereby avoiding subordinationism as a consequence of Logos theology (> Marcellus [I 4] of Ancyra; > Eustathius [5] of Antioch). > Athanasius of Alexandria was the main proponent of this theology which did not find the support of the majority in the East. After Nicaea the controversy no longer was primarily about Arius’ theology but rather a fundamental debate between one-hypostasis theology and three-hypostases theology. A second council (327) marked a change in the attitude of the emperor in favour of the proponents of subordination theology of three hypostases who were in the majority in the East. In the 3 40s, the eastern exiles Athanasius and Marcellus brought the controversy to the West. Tertullian’s [2] term una substantia was interpreted in the sense of the Eastern theology of one hypostasis. In the East the controversy intensified again when on the one hand Aétius and > Eunomius radicalized Arius’ position to the extent of a complete separation of divine hypostases, and when on the other hand Photius radicalized Marcellus’ position in the sense of identification theology of the 3rd cent. In the aftermath, what had been the position of a majority splintered off into various theological and po-

B. TRINITARIAN MODELS OF THE 2ND AND 3RD CENTS. Earlier scholars of the history of dogma had assumed that the unsuccessful construct of + Monarchianism was at the beginning of trinitarian theory. However, it is more constructive to think in terms of a variety of models that attempted to preserve monotheism. In the OT tradition Jewish Christians considered Jesus a + prophet or chosen by God (‘Pseudo-Clementine’ Homilies 3,21,1; cf. > Clemens [1]); in the (no longer Jewish-) Christian context of the 2nd cent., Theodotus ‘the Tanner’ reformulated this concept (so-called adoptionist or dynamic — Monarchianism). More widespread was probably the so-called modalist Monarchianism (+ Modalism) of > Praxeas or > Sabellius who identified God with Jesus (identification theology; called monarchiani by Tertullianus [2]). A logical next step was Patripassianism (pater passus est, ‘the Father suffered’) which was irreconcilable with the apathy axiom of ancient theology. The debate with Judaism about monotheism and its radical questioning by Gnostic circles (+ Gnostics) and + Marcion prompted summaries of the Christian belief in God the Father, the Son and the Spirit in the form of tripartite, supposedly apostolic, regulae fidei (‘rules of faith’; Iren. Adversus haereses 1,10). After the middle of the 2nd cent., the concept of > logos [1] of Imperial-Period philosophical discourse (— Philo [I12]) was instrumental in systematically formulating pre-existence and trinitarian doctrines. One of the consequences was

subordinationism

(Christ

as the second

God)

(+ Iustinus [6]). Against Praxeas, Tertullian formulated the unity of Father, Son and Holy Spirit as one substance in three subordinate persons. By applying Middle Platonist speculation about - hypostases [2], > Origenes [2] conceived an influential doctrine of the Trinity for the East. With his doctrine of God’s ‘eternal generation’ of Logos, Origen wanted to moderate subordination, a consequence of

the Logos doctrine which he could not abandon because he relied on the system of hypostases of Middle Platonist cosmology. Thus Origen was able to insist on a strictly separate existence of the three divine hypostases as well as on their unity. Eventually, these ambiguities were responsible for the Arian controversy (> Arianism). Until the beginning of the 4th cent. subordinationist tendencies (+ Dionysius [VII 52] of Alexandria) dominated the Origen reception. The controversies surrounding the bishop of Antioch, > Paulus [1] of Samosata, arose from a dispute between Logos theology and another theology that denied the pre-existence and divinity of Jesus.

litical groups (Homoousians, Homoeans).

TRINITY

Starting in

the 360s, a theological compromise between the Nicene emphasis on the unity of God and a theology of three hypostases was reached (Council of Alexandria 362). The Cappadocian theologians > Basilius [1] of Caesarea, > Gregorius [I 2] of Nyssa and > Gregorius [I 3] of Nazianzus formulated the so-called neo-Nicene trinitarian doctrine (adopted independently by > Ambrosius for the West). Whereas before, the terms ovtota/

ousia and bxdotacic/hypostasis had been considered

TRINITY

927

928

synonymous, in the Cappadocians’ definition ousia referred to the unity of God, and hypostasis to the Trinity

daily pay for sailors (Thuc. 8,45,2; Xen. Hell. 1,5,7).

(uia ovoia — toeic broothoec/mia ousia — treis hypo-

stdseis: ‘one ousia — three hypostases’). Thereby they could avoid the problem of subordination of the divine hypostases. In 381 and 382, at the Councils of Constantinople and Aquileia, their doctrine was declared orthodoxy and confirmed by the emperor + Theodosius [2] (Cod. Theod. 16,1,3). Thereafter, proponents of subordinationist theology, e.g. among Christian Germanic peoples, were considered heretics (Germanic Arianism). Continuing the ideas of Ambrosius, > Augustinus, who defined the divine hypostases/persons as relations, gave the doctrine of the Trinity the form that became definitive in the West. + Arianism; — Christianity (with map); — Church; + Heresy; -— Hypostasis [2]; — Monarchianism;

+ Monotheism; > Polytheism; > Theology; > THEOLOGY AND THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 1 H.Beck, Triadische Gétter-Ordnungen: klassisch antiker und neuplatonischer Ansatz, in: Theologie und Philosophie 67, 1992, 230-245

2F.Courtn, T. (Hand-

buch der Dogmengeschichte) Il ra, 1988

3 F.P. Hacer,

s.v. Trias; Triaden, HWdPh ro, 1998, 14709f. 4 C.MarRKSCHIES, Alta Trinita Beata, 2000 5 R. MEHRLEIN, s.v. Drei, RAC 4, 269-310 6E.NorpDEN, Agnostos Theos, 1913 (repr. 1996) 7 C.ANDRESEN et al., Die Lehrentwicklung im Rahmen der Katholizitat, (Handbuch der Dogmen- und Theologiegeschichte 1),*1999 8 H.USENER, Dreiheit, in: RhM N. F. 58, 1903, I-47; 161-208; 321-364. H.BR.

Trinovantes. Celtic people, settled in the region of modern Essex in the late Iron Age. In the middle of the rst cent. BC they were under pressure from the neighbouring > Catuvellauni (Caes. Gall. 5,20) and for some time were dependent on them. Under their king > Cunobellinus (c. 10-40 AD) they were again independent and dominant in southern Britain. Their largest oppidum was > Camulodunum. -» Britannia (with map) R. Dunnett, The T., 1975; S.S. FRERE, Britannia, +1987.

M.TO.

Trio. Roman cognomen, describing the constellations of Ursa Major and Ursa Minor. The sole known bearer is the > triumvir [4] monetalis in 13.6 BC, Q. Lucretius T. (RRC 239). KAJANTO, Cognomina, 338.

K.-L.E.

Triobolon (teumBodovw/tridbolon; Poll. 9,62). Coin with the value of 3 oboloi (+ Obol6s) = '/:> drachme [1] = "/,-» stater, common in almost all Greek coinage systems. In Athens approximately 2.18 g of silver, the daily allowance for attendance at the People’s Assembly and the pay for judges (Aristoph. Eccl. 293; 308; Aristoph. Equ. 51; 800), in the > Peloponnesian War the

Triobola with value marks: 3 acorns in Mantinea, T in Sicyon. Gold triobola are mentioned in the Eleusis temple inventories (329/8 BC; IG II* 1672 Z. 300) and were minted in Carthage and in the kingdom of the Ptolemies in the 3rd cent. BC. Bronze triobola with indication of the value were minted by Samothrace in the 3rd cent. BC. DLK. Triocala

(ti Toioxaha/ta

Tridkala,

Latin

Triocala).

Sicanian (> Sicani) inland city (Philistus FGrH 556 F 66: Toixahov/ Trikalon or Toixado/Trikala; Prol. 3,4,14: Toloxdra/ Triokla) and strategically favourably situated fortress (Diod. Sic. 36,7,3 with etymological derivation of the place name) in the west of — Sicilia (Cic. Verr. 2,5,10), presumably near modern Caltabellotta (949 m elevation; archaeological finds from a great variety of periods, hardly studied). In the second of the > Punic Wars the city was allied with + Carthage (Sil. 14,270,

contra:

[1.167])

and in the second

of the — Slave

Revolts, after the leader of the slaves, Salvius

— Try-

phon [2], had expanded it into a fortress (city wall, agora, palace: Diod. Sic. loc.cit.) in 104 BC, it became an important base for the slave movement (cf. Cic. Verr. 2,5,10). IT. was besieged, in vain, by the propraetor L. Licinius [I 25] Lucullus in 103 BC (Diod. 36,8,5); and his successor C. Servilius {I 2] was not able to conquer T. either (Diod. 36,8,5; 36,9,1). The fortress may not have fallen until ro1/o BC ina battle with the consul or proconsul M.’ Aquillius [I 4] (Diod. 36,10,1); it was

destroyed (Sil. loc.cit.). In the Roman province the territory of T. was reckoned to be the lowest class of community (among the stipendiarit in Plin. HN 3,91; > Sicilia VI. E.). In Late Antiquity the city regained a certain amount of significance and became a see (cf. Greg. M. Epist. 5,12 from November in AD 594). 1K. ZIEGLER, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 166-168. E. Manni, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica,

1981, 238 f.; V.GrusTOLIsI1, Camico, Triocala, Caltabellotta, 1981; BT'CGI 4, 269 f. W.SA.

Triopas (Tovonas/Tridpas, also Teiow/Triops). Mythical figure with no clear characteristic personality, appearing in several genealogies and several regions, which can no longer be brought into consistency even as early as Diod. Sic. 5,61,3. In e.g. Apollod. 1,53 his parents are Poseidon and -> Canace (Thessalian cycle of legends). Phorbas and Euboea are also named as parents, and T. is therefore located at Argos (schol. Eur. Or. 932; cf. Aug. Civ. 18,8). He also appears as a son of Helios or Rhodos, the eponym of the island (Diod. 5,56,5; schol. Pind. Ol. 7,131). Furthermore, he is the

eponym of the Cape of > Triopium in Caria. His cult is in closely connected with that of Demeter; Callimachus [3] names him as her beloved (H. 6,31). SV.RA.

930

929

Triopium (Tevomov; Tridpion). Promontory at the southwest extremity of Asia Minor (Hdt. 4,38; 7,153; Scyl. 99; Plin. HN 5,104), the Western Cape (modern Deveboynu) and in a wider sense the Cnidus (modern Resadiye) peninsula. The place name, derived from the eponymous founder -> Triopas (Diod. 5,57,6; 5,61,2), can rather be explained by its geographical shape and location (‘three faces’). The cape of T. was frequently of significance to naval strategy in the Aegean (Plut. Cimon 12,2; Thuc. 8,35; 8,60; Arr. Anab. 2,5,7). The Triopian sanctuary of the Dorian Pentapolis in the territory of Cnidus (Hdt. 1,174) was also named ‘T.’ after the locality. It may be that this T., venue of the agon of Apollo Triopios (Hdt. 1,144; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,25,4), is to be found not at the temple of Apollo Karneios in (New) Cnidus (modern Tekir) or at the ruin site of Kumyer above the Bay of Palamutbikii to the west of (Old) Cnidus (Datga-Burgaz), but 12 km to the east at Emecik. Votive statues (7th—6th cents. BC) presumably belong to a predecessor of the Apollo sanctuary there (Doric peripteros, first half of the 3rd cent. BC). The agon, epigraphically called Dorieia (Syll.3 1065; 1067), received donations as late as from Ptolemaeus [3] II (Theoc. Epigr. 17,68 f. schol.). D.Berces, N. Tuna, Ein Heiligtum bei Alt-Knidos, in: AA 1990, 19-35; Ead., Kult-, Wettkampf- und politische Ver-

sammlungsstatte. Das T.-Bundesheiligtum der dorischen Pentapolis, in: Ant. Welt 32, 2001, 155-166; Alt-Knidos und Neu-Knidos, in: MDAI(Ist)

D. BERGES, 44, 1994,

5-16, esp. 12, n. 24; D. MULLER, Topographischer Bildkommentar zu den Historien Herodots: Kleinasien, 1997, 390-395. HKA.

Triparadisus (Toitaoddeoog tig &vo Dueiac/Tripara-

deisos tés ano Syrias, literally ‘in Upper Syria’, Diod. Sic. 18,39,1; 19,12,2). Ancient city in northern Syria; to date there has been no success in identifying it unambiguously. It is presumed that it can be identified with Paradisus on the upper - Orontes [7] (Jusiye? cf. [z. 112]). It was in T. that the > Diadochi agreed on a redistribution of Alexander’s empire after the death of —» Perdiccas [4] in 321 BC. 1 R.Dussaup, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et médiévale (Bibliotheque Archéologique et Historique 4), 1927.

E.O.

Triphiodorus (ToipiodmeodTriphiddoros, from the theonym Triphys, Graecized as T.; MSS and Byzantine sources: Tryphiddoros). Greek epic poet, 2nd half of 3rd cent. AD (only biographical testimony: Suda s. v. T.), Egyptian by name, probably from Panopolis [1. 4-7]. Author of works including (cf. [1. 15]) the epic Maoabaviaxd (Marathoniaka, ‘Marathonic Histories’ {[x. rx f.]), the mythical epic Hippoddameia and a lipogrammatic (i.e. written with the constraint of the regular omission of selected letters) Odyssey (Odvooeta Aetnoyodppatoc Odysseia leipogrammatos, cf. + Nestor [3] of Laranda). T. is identical with the grammarian T.,

TRIPHIODORUS

to whom the Suda ascribes a ‘Paraphrase of the Homeric similes’. ;

All that survives is the short epic Iliou hdlosis (Thou GAwots, ‘The Capture of Ilium’, 691 vv.). T. was not an imitator but a model for - Nonnus (cf. POxy 2946 with vv. 391-402; 3rd or early 4th cents. AD). The poem is (unlike > Quintus [3] of Smyrna’s Posthomerica) not a continuation of Homer. The prologue (vv. 1-56) is followed by an > ékphrasis [16] of the Wooden Horse. The poem then depicts the course of the last three days of the city of Troy. rst day (vv. 108-23 4): the decision to bring the Horse into the city; 2nd day (vv. 235-505): its entry into the city; the prophecy of Cassandra; the concluding feast. During the night (vv. 506663), the Trojans are massacred. 3rd day (vv. 668-691): epilogue on the long war: burning of the city and departure of the Achaeans. Fire is a recurrent image, from the fire in the Greek camp (vv. 230-234) via the fire seen by Cassandra in her prophetic vision (vv. 443) etc., up to the concluding conflagration which consumes everything (vv. 680 ff.). The theme of the work is so commonplace in Graeco-Roman

literature

(e.g.

— Epic

cycle,

Arctinus,

Lesches, > Stesichorus, > Peisander [1o]) that no par-

ticular source for T. can be discerned. T. borrows from the tragedians, from — Callimachus [3], Lycophron, -» Apollonius [2] Rhodius and the Anthologia Palatina. The issue of whether T. made use of Virgil’s Aeneis (bks. 2 and 6) is highly controversial (reliance: [7; 10; 11], contra: [3; 13]; balanced view [9]). T. certainly knew Virgil (cf. [8; 9]), but transforms Aeneas’ narrative into the third person in accordance with traditional epic technique, and presents a standpoint which is proGreek by comparison to Virgil’s. Other structural models for the work were probably also the rhetorical exercises on the theme of the ‘taking’ of cities (e.g. Theon, Progymnasmata 62-63,1-10). At all events, rhetoric has an influence on the style of T. (catalogues, descriptions, plays on etymology), which is rather baroque asa whole (cf. [9]), preferring contrasts and strong accents, with a language rich in pathetic details and acoustic effects (homoioteleuta, alliterations). Ep.: 1U.DuBreLzic, 1996 (fundamental; with comm. and German transl.) 2 B.GERLAUD, 1982 (with French transl.) 3 F.J. CUARTERO, 1988 (with Catalan transl.; Rev.: U.DuBteLzic, in: Gnomon 64, 1992, 493-499) 4E.Livrea, 1982 5 A.W. Marr, 1928 (with Oppianus, Colluthus).

Lir.:

6 A.CAMERON, Claudian. Poetry and Propaganda

at the Court of Honorius, 1970, 478-482

7 E.CESAREO,

Trifiodoro e l’Iliupersis di Vergilio, in: SIFC N. S. 6, 1928,

231-300

8 G.D’Ippo.ito, Trifiodoro e Virgilio, 1976

9Id., s. v. Trifiodoro, EV 5, 1990, 268-271

(with lit.)

10 G. FUNAIOLT, Virgilio e Trifiodoro, in: RhM 88, 1939, 1-7 (=id., Studi di letteratura antica, vol. 2, 1947, 193200) 11 R.KEYDELL, s.v. T., RE 7 A, 178-181

12 $.Koster,

Antike

Epostheorien,

1970,

156-158

13 P. Leong, La ‘Presa di Troia’ di Trifiodoro, in: Vichiana 5, 1968, 59-108.

S.FO.

TRIPHYLIA

931

932

Triphylia (Toupvdia/Triphylia). Territory in the western Peloponnesus, north of the Alpheius [1]; south of the ~» Neda, bounded on the east by the highlands of Arca-

Paus. 5,6,1). With the winter campaign of -> Philippus [7] V, T. came under Macedonian rule in 219/8 and was permanently merged with Elis by the Romans in

dia (~ Arcadians, Arcadia). The fertile hill country, crossed by rivers, with its flat, bayless coast, is divided

146 BC (Str. 8,3,11-29). -» Peloponnesus

by the mountain range, today again known as Lapithus, stretching from west to east. The southern part with the Minthe [1] is characterized by extensive sand dunes (cf. ‘sandy Pylos’ in Hom. Il. 2,77), while there are numerous lagoons in the northern coastal section. The name T. (‘three tribes’), for which there is no conclusive ancient explanation, probably comes from a time in which tribal communities, and not autonomous cities, influenced the political landscape of the territory. T. was already heavily settled beginning in the Early Helladic (esp. on the coast) and had a Mycenaean princely seat at the modern Kakovatos (palace, three beehive tombs; +> Pylos). Three population groups lived in T.: the possibly pre-Greek + Caucones [1] (Str. 8,3,3; 8,3,30) in the area of > Lepreum, the Arcadian Paroreatae (Str. 8,3,18) at +Samicum and the probably Ionian + Minyae (Hdt. 1,146,4), who founded most of the Triphylian cities and had their tribal cult in the sanctuary of Poseidon in Samicum, originally established by — Macistum (Str. 8,3,13). In the historical period, this

sanctuary formed the centre of an amphictyony (> amphiktyonia) of originally six cities, later all Triphylians. While of the places named by Hom. Il. 2,591 ff. only Pylos [1], Aipy and Arene are to be found in T., the Triphylian cities Lepreum, Pyrgi [2], Macistum, Epitalium, — Phrixa, Epione, Bolax, Nudium, Stylangium, — Scillus, + Typaneae and Hypana, as well as Samicum, are known from the historical era (Hdt. 4,148; Pol. 4,77,9; 4,80,13; Str. 8,3,11-16); among these places, Lepreum earned an exceptional political position due to its size. Around 570 BC, the north of T. was annexed by + Elis [2] (Paus. 5,6,11; 6,22,4), while in the south + Lepreum extended its territory after 459 BC, with Elean and Spartan help, and came into conflict with the Arcadians (Thuc. 5,31,2). In general, T. did not forma

political unit in this period; thus, Macistum and Lepreum are said to have been on different sides in the 2nd — Messenian War (Paus. 4,15,7 f.; Antiochus FGrH 555 F9), and Lepreum was the only place in T. to have troops at the Battle of —» Plataeae (> Persian Wars; Hdt. 9,28). After Lepreum dissolved its alliance

with Sparta and joined Elis in the Spartan-Elean War (402-400 BC), Lepreum lost its territories. The politics ofT. were generally determined by hostility toward Elis and solidarity with Sparta, on whose side T. participated in the battle on the > Nemea [2] (1) in 394 (Xen. Hell. 4,2,16) and (at least Lepreum) in the campaign of Agesilaus [2] against — Mantinea in 370 (Xen.

Hell. 6,5,11).

T. first joined the Arcadian

League

(— Arcadians, Arcadia; with Lepreum as main town) in 269.BG (Xen) Hell 1.26% Pausi 565537) 10.955)

Around 245, Elis conquered T. with Aetolian help and developed Samicum into a fortress (Pol. 4,77,7 ff.;

T.H. Nrexsen, T., in: Copenhagen Polis Centre Papers 4, 1997, 129-162; K.TAUSEND, Amphiktyonie und Symmachie, 1992, 19-21; F. KIECHLE, Pylos und der pylische Raum in der antiken Tradition, in: Historia 9, 1960, 21-

45.

SA.T.

Tripod (toinovc/tripous, ‘tripod’). Over the course of

two millennia, the ancient term for ‘tripod’ embraced various functions and meanings: household implements, grave goods, modest or lavish votive objects, magnificent memorials to victories in war, sport or lyric

competition, and the sacred symbol for the expression of divine knowledge and the divine will (the tripod at +> Delphi). The predominant ancient use of the term is to denote what is now called the tripod cauldron, fixed to its legs with rivets, as opposed to the so-called staff tripod, set loosely on a stand [1; 2; 3; 4]. The written sources give as practical uses cooking, the preparation of hot water for bathing (Hom. Il. 18,344) [5] and the mixing of drinks at the banquet (Ath. 2,37e). The distinction between tripous apyros (‘not for the fire’) and tripous empyribétés (‘designed for the fire’) is purely practical; both could be given as gifts or consecrated. In Homer, tripod cauldrons are seen as symbols of the heroic age, were the proud possessions of princes and prestigious gifts, just as we know them from Cretan and Mycenaean burials of the 15th— 13th cents. BC, from the bathing areas of the palaces of that time, and from inventories on clay tablets (— Linear B) [6; 7; 8]. In the geometrical period from

the 9th cent. BC onwards, tripods of every shape and size became the quintessential votive offering with which anyone could show his piety in the sanctuaries of many divinities (cf. Theopompus on Delphi: FGrH II B r15 F 193; > Votive offerings). As well as Olympia and Delphi, locations of finds include in particular Dodona, the Ptoon at Thebes, Athens, Sunium, Kalapodi in Phocis, Ithaca, Isthmia, Bassae, Amyclaeon, Ithome, Cretan

sanctuaries, Delos and Samos. No comparable objects have been found in Asia Minor or Western Greece. Functions of the tripous ranged from plain utility to impractical display pieces. The term also applied (literally and metaphorically, and sometimes in a facetious sense) to utensils and figures standing on three feet. Instances range from the miniature to the monumental. The most modest tripods comprise pieces of metal the size of a coin, crudely cut out and bent into shape; the

largest are structures double human-size, decorated in many different ways and employing a great variety of construction methods, so as to invite being described as metal architecture. Depending on purpose and size, the preferred material was bronze, with terracotta and iron also being used for cooking utensils and votive objects. Even the use of wood is even attested in the written

934

315)

sources (e.g. Ath. 5,210c), and may be inferred from the

remains of metal facings. After about 700 BC, the use of tripods in sanctuaries became less common, but they continued to play a significant role in later centuries (cf. Bacchyl. 3,17ff. on the victory tripods of his period in the temple precinct at Delphi [9; r0]). Probably as ancient as their function as votive offerings is the role of tripods as trophies for the victors of sporting and artistic competitions at heroic funeral feasts (Hom. II. 23,702) or in sanctuaries; these

were usually afterwards displayed in a sanctuary. Vase painters portrayed the competitions in association with these trophies [11] (> Sports festivals; > Artistic competitions). The legendary contest between Homer and Hesiod is associated with such a victor’s trophy. The victory tripods won at lyric contests were a prominent element in the cityscape of Athens, and were magnificently displayed on the ‘Street of Tripods’ around the Acropolis [12].

The tripod was particularly significant as the seat of the > Pythia [1], the seer at Delphi, where it was a symbol of divine inspiration; from it, the god (> Apollo) had the Pythia speak as it were ex cathedra. It is unclear why such a vessel should have become a seat for the Pythia [13]. The struggle in which > Heracles [1] engages with his divine half-brother Apollo for possession of the tripod is a frequent subject in Greek art. In Roman art, the tripod played an important role as a symbol peculiar to the cult of Apollo or as an emblem of sacred places in the sense of the romance of Greece. It acquired political significance as the symbol of the state divinity closest to the imperial house, Palatine Apollo [14]. + Competitions, artistic; —> Delphi; — Olympia; ~ Oracles; -» Pythia [1];

Sports festivals; > Votive

offerings 1 H.Marrnaus, Metallgefafe und Gefafuntersatze der Bronzezeit, der geometrischen und archaischen Periode auf Cypern, 1985, 299-340, nos. 507; 677-704, pls. 62 f.; 91-100 =.2Id., Bronzene StabdreifiiSe in Cypern und Griechenland, 1987 3 H.-V. HERRMANN, Die Kessel der orientalisierenden Zeit, vol. 2: Kesselprotomen und StabdreifiiSe (OIF 11), 1979 4 F.JuRGeErT, Die etruskischen und italischen Bronzen ... im Badischen Landesmuseum Karlsruhe, 1999,n0.416 5 K.MAVRIGIANNAKI, Oi mwanies Tio CfloGs Ta TOU Gvaxtogov THs IIvAov xai tO TOOPANLG TOV TOUTOSIXOV hePytwv, in: Hemoayuéva tot A’ dieNvotc Kontoroyixod ovvedoiov, 1976, vol. 1, 1980, 320-340 6F, VANDENABEELE, J.P.Oxivier, Les idéo-

grammes archéologiques du linéaire B, 1979, 225-232, pl. 121 7 H.Martnius, Die BronzegefafSe der kretischmykenischen

Kultur,

rot, pls. 6-12

1980,

roo-118,

nos.

35-37;

41-

8 A.A. ONASSOGLOU, ‘H oixeia, tot

TAPOV TOV TOLTOSwv Otic Mvxyvns,

1995

9 P.AMANDRY,

Trépieds de Delphes et du Peloponnese, in: BCH 111, 1987, 79-131 10M.Maass, Das antike Delphi, 1993, 1r9t

11 A.SaKowsk1, Darstellungen von Dreifufkesseln

in der griechischen Kunst bis zum Beginn der klassischen Zeit, 1997 12 P.AMaANDry, Trépieds d’Athénes, in: BCH roo, 1976, 15-93

13 Id., Siéges myceniens tripo-

des et trépied pythique, in: Bid “Em. FS G. E. Mylonas, vol. x, 1986, 167-184 14 P.ZANKER, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder, 1987, ills. 69; 70; 99b; 193.

TRIPOLIS

K. SCHWENDEMANN, Der Dreifuf, in: JDAI 36, 1921, 98185; E. ReIscn, s. v. DreifuS, RE 5, 1569-1696; C. RoL-

LEY, Les trépieds a cuve clouée (FdD 5), 1977; M. Maass, Die geometrischen DreifiifSe in Olympia (OIF 10), 1978; Id., Die geometrischen Dreifiif%e von Olympia, in: AK 24, 1981, 6-20, pls. 1-3. MLMA.

Tripodiscus (Toinodioxoc; Tripodiskos). One of five villages which developed into Megara [2]; the founder of T. was considered to be Coroebus [1] (Paus. 1,43,8 with an explanation of the place name; cf. Callim. Fr. 31; Plut. Mor. 295b; Steph. Byz. s. v. T.). T. is to be found in the foothills of the Gerania and on a strategically important route to > Delphi (Thuc. 4,70,1 f.), about 7 km to the nortliwest of Megara. In T., Apollo was worshipped, and in his honour a festival was probably instituted in Megara. The comedy writer > Susarion (Susarion, fr. 2) was from T. K.J.RicsBy, Megara and Tripodiscus, in: GRBS 28, 1987,

93-102.

KF.

Tripolis (Toimohtc/Tripolis; literally, ‘triple city’). [1] The three cities of > Azorus, + Doliche and > Pythium [2] in the small valley south of the Titarus and

west of the Olympus [1] were referred to as the ‘Perrhaebic T.’ The locations of the cities are attested archaeologically, some in inscriptions as well. Up to the 3rd cent. BC, the T, belonged to the Macedonian Elimiotis, then to the alliance of the > Perrhaebi and therefore to Thessalia. Literary documentation ofT. exists only for the 3rd Macedonian War in 171 BC (Liv. 42,5 3,65 42,67,7). G. Lucas, La T. de Perrhébie et ses confins, in: I. BLUM et

al. (eds.), Topographie antique et géographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 63-137; E.KirsTEN, s. v. T. (8), RE7 A, 207-209. HE.KR.

[2] Group of three cities in Messana [2]; Steph. Byz. s. v. T. is the only source, where, however, it may have been confused with three unnamed cities in > Laconica. I. PIKOULAS, ‘H votia Meyadomoditixyn yea, 1988, 240.

[3] Name of three cities in + Arcadia, probably on the upper Ladon [2]: Nonacris, Dipoena and Callia (Paus. 8,27,4). Since Paus. loc. cit. refers to them after > Teut-

his, sumed

Methydrium und > Theisoa [1], they are preto be located north of the latter in the an-

cient complex of Visici (Galatas), Valtesiniko and Ker-

pini in the mountains of modern Langadia south of the Ladon (cf. the sanctuary of Amigdalia west of Cerpini). N. PAPACHATZIS, Tlavoaviou “EAAG5o¢ Meoujynoc, vol. 4, 1980, 292; F. Fe_ren, Arkadien, in: Antike Welt, SonderNr. 1987; 27 f. SAT.

[4] City in the south-eastern border region of — Lydia and Caria (> Cares; Ptol. 5,2,18; Steph. Byz.s. v. T.) in

the valley of the upper Maeander [2], in a rocky location (Or. Sib. 5,321)

near

modern

Yenice

(east of

TRIPOLIS

Buldan). In the Roman Period, T. belonged to the conventus of > Sardis (Plin. HN 5,111), in Late Antiquity,

to the province of Lydia (Hierocles, Synekdemos 669,4). Based on coins, the city was not named T. until the Period of Augustus, before that, it was called Apollonia. The question whether T. was a Pergamene, Seleucid or an old Ionic colony is therefore contested, as is the case for Apollonia [6]. The city enjoyed its peak in the Imperial Period (coins). The main deity was > Leto. C.Foss,

936

do)p}

Byzantine

and

Turkish

Sardis,

1976,

80 f.;

Cu. Hasicut, New Evidence on the Province of Asia, in:

JRS 65, 1975, 83 f.; L.Ropert, La ville d’Apollonia et Mardonios (1983), in: Id., Documents d’Asie Mineure, 1987, 342-345.

H.KA.

[5] City on the Phoenician coast c. 65 km north of Beirut, modern al-Mina, suburb of Tarabulus a8-Sam. The

Phoenician name tarpol, ‘virgin soil,’ was folk-etymologically re-interpreted as ‘triple city’: the supposed founding through > Tyrus, > Sidon, > Aradus [1] and the separation into three fortified parts (Diod. Sic. 16,41,1; Str. 16,2,13-16, etc.). According to Scyl. 104 and Diod. Sic., T. served as the gathering place of the Phoenician fleet. Here, the revolt against > Artaxerxes [3] Ochus was decided in 351. After the battle of + Issus, 4,000 Greeks from Darius’ [3] army fled through T. to Cyprus and Egypt (Arr. Anab. 2,13,2; Curt. 4,1,27; Diod. Sic. 17,48,2). T. was home to a temple of Isis Myrionymos as (Artemis) Orthosia. After a period of decline, T. did not regain importance until the Middle Ages (crusaders’ fortress). N.JrpejiAn, Tripoli through the Ages, 1980; J. Evayt, T.

et Sarepta a l’€poque perse, in: Transeuphraténe 2, 1990, 59-71. W.R.

grain cultivation by Peisistratus [4]. Shortly thereafter, he was portrayed as a youth, and was given a winged chariot with snakes [3.30-66]. T. was already famous as the founder of agriculture outside of Attica by the early s5thcent. (Soph. Triptolemos F 596-6174), and his dispatch, which supported Athens’ political claims, was a popular theme on Attic vases [4; 5]. T.’s connection with grain probably explains his popularity in grainproducing Sicily (Firm. Mat. De errore 7,4; [5. no. 18f.|). Later, perhaps in Orphic circles (+ ORPHISM),

he was further backdated in mythology as the son of Gé (+ Gaia) and -» Uranus (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 53). After Sophocles, in any case, but before Aristophanes’ Frogs, an Orphic poem thoroughly revised the Eleusinian myth with an obvious Sophistic influence, so that it was now > Demeter who gave mankind grain through T. and his brother > Eubuleus (cf. [2]) — an accentuation of the Eleusinian and Athenian position. Another consequence of this Orphic influence was that T. became one of the judges of the Underworld in the 4th cent. (Plat. Ap. 41a; [2.122f.; 5. no. 71f.]).

T.’s relation to grain largely replaced his connection with the Mysteries (~ Mysteria), which is clearly older. He was the first of the Eleusinian nobles to whom Demeter taught her Mysteries, according to H. Hom. 2,153-156 and 473-479. He was also thought to have initiated > Heracles [1] and the > Dioscuri (Xen. Hell. 653363 cE 5-noOn 5 55 236; £39): T. remained popular in Hellenistic and Roman times. He was associated with > Osiris (Diod. Sic. 1,18) and served on cameos of Claudius [III r] (cf. [s. no. 39f.]) and bronze medallions of [1] Pius and Faustina {2] (cf. [5. nos. 7, 25, 45, 70]) as a symbol of the Golden Age, which was to be expected under their rule. 1 M. PETERS, Afjvoc aus ..., in: Die Sprache 33, 1987, r14f. 2 F.Grar, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens in

Tripolitana see > Africa 3

vorhellenistischer Zeit, 1974

3 T. HAYASHI, Bedeutung

und Wandel des T.-Bildes vom 6.—4. Jahrhundert. v. Chr.,

Tripontium. Station on the > Via Appia, where a road branches off to > Setia, about 58 km from Rome in the Pomptinae Paludes (- Ager Pomptinus) outside Forum Appii (modern Faiti), modern Torre Tre Ponti. A threearch Roman bridge still crosses the Nymphaeus (modern Ninfa) today; the > Decennovium to -> Tarracina

1992

4A.RAUBITSCHEK,

229-238 G.ScHWaRz,

The School of Hellas, r991,

5 G.SCHWARZ, s.v. T., LIMC 8.1, 56-68. T., 1987;

B.SMARCzYK,

Untersuchungen

zur Religionspolitik und politische Propaganda Athens im Delisch-Attischen Seebund, 1990, 167-298; K. CLINTON, Myth and Cult, 1992, 40-47. |B.

began there. V.GALLIAZZO, I ponti romani, 1994, 86, No. 131.

GU.

Triptolemus (TowttoAenoc; Triptolemos). The paradigmatic mythological representative of > Eleusis [1]. The etymology of the name is dubious [1]. T.’s genealogy is transmitted in various versions, which may indicate that he is not a long-established figure. His connection to the royal Eleusinian family (Apollod. 1,29f.) may be old. In any case, he was claimed by > Argos [II 1] after the mid sth cent. BC (Paus. 1,14,2; [2.158f.]). Around

530 BC, Athenian vases depict him as a bearded figure in a rustic chariot, adorned with a garland and sheaf,

perhaps indicating a connection with the promotion of

Triptolemus Painter. Attic Red Figure vase painter, active c. 490-470 BC. He painted extremely varied shapes of pot. He began, beside -» Duris [2], in the workshop of - Euphronius [2]. Later he worked with Brygus (> Brygus Painter) and Hieron, as well as with Python (> Potters), Duris’ bowl-potter. On a rhyton he worked with the potter Charinus (Richmond, Virginia Mus.)

[x]. His stylistic development underwent an archaizing phase and ended in second-rate bow] pictures. His pictorial language is rich: in his Apatouria Procession (Paris, LV G 138) and in his name-giving ‘Departure of Triptolemus’ (Paris, LV G 187) or the Theban scenes on the Berlin Skyphos (Berlin, SM 1970.9) [2]. In addition there are pictures which are simple and touching.

CEM

938

TRIREME

1 J.R. Guy, A Ram’s-head Rhyton Find by Charinos, in: Arts in Virginia 21, 1981, 2-15 2E.R. Knauer, Ein

troop transports and supply ships (as in the Sicilian expedition of 415 BC: Thuc. 6,30ff.; 6,43 f.; > Pelopon-

Skyphos des T. (125. BWPr), 1973.

nesian War).

BEAZLEY, ARV’, 360-367; 1648; 1708; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 364 f.; 512; BEAzLEy, Addenda’, 222 f.; E.R. KNAUER, Two Cups by the T., in: AA 1996, 221-246; R.T. Neer, CVA Getty Mus. 7, 1997 (with older litera-

In Greece, triremes were supposed to have first been built by the Corinthians (Thuc. 1,13,2). Yet their origin has not yet been clarified. According to Herodotus [1], they were already used under the Egyptian pharaoh Necho [2] (610-595 BC) (Hdt. 2,159,1). The Persians were able to ready 200 triremes for a campaign against Naxos just before the > Ionian Revolt (Hdt. 5,32). The trireme was therefore assumed to have originated in the Eastern Mediterranean area, from Phoenicia or Egypt. Beginning in the late 6th cent. BC, The older type of ship, the — pentekonter (mevtmxovtegos ‘with fifty oars’), was increasingly supplanted by the trireme in Greece. Polycrates [1], who initially had a fleet of 100 pentekonters at his disposition, was able to send a contingent of 40 triremes for the Egyptian campaign of

ture).

A.L.-H.

Tripudium. In the auspicia ex tripudiis interpretations were made of the feeding behaviour of hens (Cic. Div. 1,273 1,773 2571-73). If feed fell to the ground when they were eating it was interpreted as a positive sign, if the birds hung back, cried out or turned away from the food as a negative one. + Augures; > Divination J. Linpersk1, The Augura! Law, in: ANRW II 16.3, 1986, 2146-2312, esp. 2174.

ANV.S.

Cambyses [2] II in 525 BC (Hdt. 3,39,3; 3,44,2). At Athens, > Themistocles was the first to build triremes

Trireme (toujonc/triérés; Lat. trieris, triremis;from tri‘three’ and Gr. eretmon, Lat. remus ‘oar’). I. HisTORY OF THE TRIREME

II. ON

RECONSTRUCTING THE TRIREME I. HisTORY OF THE TRIREME From the battle off Salamis [1] (480 BC) to the Hel-

lenistic age, the trireme of the Classical period was the most battle-worthy warship of the eastern Mediterranean region. It was developed from the elongated boats of the archaic period, which possessed one or two banks of oars on both sides and were used in > Naval warfare. The tactical goal in naval battles was to sink enemy ships by ramming them with a ram bow, or damaging them to such an extent that they could no longer be used. This tactic, first attested in the sea battle of Alalia/ Aleria (c. 540 BC) (Hdt. 1,166,2), required ships

that were extremely manoeuvrable and could build up considerable speed and striking force over short distances. Ships could not be lengthened indefinitely in order to increase the number of oarsmen, since if they were too long they were not sufficiently manoeuvrable. A third bank of oarsmen was therefore added to the two banks of oars on both sides. In the 5th cent. BC, the lower two banks each sat 27 rowers, and the top one 31 (thranitai ‘deck rowers’). In total, the oarsmen were

thus 170 strong. Triremes could

achieve

in 483/2 BC, which were to be used against Aegina (Hdt. 7,144; Thuc. 1,14). Athens had a war fleet of 300 triremes by the beginning of the > Peloponnesian War (Thuc. 2,13), while during the Sicilian expedition the contingent of the Athenian fleet consisted of 100 triremes (Thuc. 6,43). ART. Il. ON RECONSTRUCTING THE TRIREME The reconstitution of the trireme has long been long a controversial research topic. It was unclear how the name trireme was to be applied to the banks of oars, and how the oarsmen were arranged on the ship. One must start out from the following matters of fact: Vase paintings from the late 6th and early 5th cents. indisputably show ships with two banks of oars arranged in alternation. The basic principle of a trireme, that of arranging oarsmen in several rows, is therefore amply attested. In addition, it emerges from a remark by Thucydides that each oarsman pulled one oar (Thuc. 2,93,2). Also important for the question are the appellations dixeotoV/dikrotoi and wovoxeoto/monokrotoi (with two or one bank of oars) for ships that were not fully manned (Xen. Hell. 2,1,28).

In general, the view has prevailed that one must suppose three banks of oars on top of one another on each side of the trireme. A ship of this type was built in 1986, and put to the test in practice with success. The oarsman

quite high speeds (Xen.

of the topmost bank were called thranitai, those of the

An. 6,4,2; Thuc. 3,49,2 ff.), and under favourable wind

middle row zygioi, and those of the lowest row thalamiot. The oars were of approximately the same length for all, but those of the thranitai rested on outriggers. The thranitai certainly had the hardest job rowing, and they received a pay supplement from the trierarchs in 415 BC (Thuc. 6,31,3). A crew had to receive intensive training in order to use a trireme efficiently (Hdt. 6,11 f.; Thuc. 1,142,5-9; 2,89,2-9; 3,115,4; cf. Plut. Pericles 11,4). > Epibatai; » Naval warfare; > Navies; > Rowing; ~ Trierarchia

conditions they could also bear sails, for which purpose they were equipped with a mast and a large squarerigger. Their sails were stored on land when no long voyages were planned (Thuc. 7,24,2; Xen. Hell. 2,1,29). Triremes were always rowed in tactical manoeuvres and naval battles, and they had few soldiers (émiBcta/epibdtai) aboard in addition to the oars-

men, in order not to hinder the ship’s speed. In these circumstances, larger naval formations usually consisted, in addition to triremes, of additional warships,

939

940

1 L.Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World, 1971 2C.M. Harrison, Triremes at Rest, in: JHS 119,

Tritea (Towtéa/Tritéa; Toiteva/Triteia). Town in the east of western Locris (-» Locri [1]; Thuc. 3,101,2; Steph.

1999,168-171 3 O.H6OcKMaNN, Antike Seefahrt, 1985 4J.S. Morrison, J.F.Coares, The Athenian Trireme, 1986 5 J.S. Morrison, R.T. WILLIAMS, Greek Oared Ships 900-322 B.C.,1968 6A.F. TiLtey, Three Men to

Byz. s.v. Toiteva; SEG 25, 590), probably at modern Pendeoria near Galaxidi, with remains of a ring wall. A breed of hunting dog was named after T. (Hesych. s.v. Toitic yevnev). There are frequent mentions of inhabitants of T. in inscriptions at > Delphi.

TRIREME

a Room, in: Antiquity 66, 1992, 599-610

7H.T. WaL-

LINGA, Ships and Seapower before the Great Persian War, 1993. H.SCHN.

L. Lérat, Les Locriens de l’ouest, vol. 1, 1952, 51 f., 145149, 211; vol. 2, 1952, passim;J.BoUSQUET, C. VATIN, La Convention

Trismegistus see > Hermes; > Thot

Chaleion-T.,

in:

BCH

92,

1968,

29-36;

G.SZEMLER, in: E. W. Kase etal. (eds.), The Great Isthmus Corridor Route, vol. 1, 1991, 92 f. G.D.R.

Tritaea (Tottaic/Tritaia, in literature also Toiteva/ Triteia). City in western Achaea (> Achaei, with map; PaviswGsn2souvsi7,22.6—9- Pliny FIN aaoen(Ere, Att.

6,2,3) opposite the northwestern slopes of the Erymanthus [1] mountains on the Vunduchla plain, which is bounded in the east and west by two tributaries of the -» Peirus [1. 9 f.], near modern Agia Marina, with nu-

Tritetartemorion (toitetaotnOoLov/tritetartemorion, also tritartemorion, tritemorion). Silver coin with the value of 3 tetartemoria, 3/4 > obolds (Poll. 9,65), with 3 crescent moons in 4th-cent.-BC Athens and 3 Ts in Thurii, Delphi, Argos, Elis, Mantinea, Cranium, and Pale.

DLK.

merous ancient remains (Str. 8,3,10; 8,7,4). T. was one

of the twelve ancient cities of Achaea ({2. 129-134]; Hidt-aa,rdsse bol) 2e4n, Sande 2i47.02)) and anesthe -» Social Wars [2] suffered plundering raids by the — Aetoli (Pol. 4,6,9; 4,59,1 ff; 4,60,4 ff; 5,95,6). In 192 BC the city supplied Rome with a contingent of troops (MorRETTI no. 60). In the Roman Imperial period, T. was part of the territory of the Roman colony of — Patrae (Paus. 7,22,6). 1 P. NERANTZULES,

uvypeta, vol. 1,1938

“Ayai@vy Amdexamdhews

toeimia xa

2A.D. Rizaxis, La politeia dans

Triton (Toitwv/Triton, Latin Triton).

[1] Sea deity with the upper body of a human and the tail of a fish, sometimes alsc as an ichthyocentaur with the forelegs of a horse (Tzetz. Lycophr. 34; 886), son of + Poseidon and > Amphitrite (Hes. Theog. 930-933), who stirs up the waters with his conch shell and calms them again (Verg. Aen. 10,209-212; Ov. Met. 1,330342). Like the related sea gods + Glaucus [1], > Halios geron, — Nereus, > Phorcys [1] and — Proteus, T. in

particular is a figure of literature and pictorial art; a cult

les cités de la confedération achéenne, in: Tyche 5, 1990,

function is attested only for > Tanagra (Paus. 9,20,4)

109-134.

Ven

and Libya (Hdt. 4,188). In the myth of the > Argonauts T. appears as the lord of the Tritonian lake in Libya,

Tritagonistes (teitaywviotng; tritagonistes). The third

shows them the way out and in the guise of > Eurypylus {4] gives > Euphemus a clod of earth which becomes + Thera, the mother island of Cyrene, (Hdt. 4,179; Pind. P. 4,13-56; Apoll. Rhod. 4,1537-1622; 1731-

actor in a tragedic — tetralogy, introduced by Sophocles [r]. In the competition for best performer (at the > Dionysia from 449 BC onwards) only the > protagonistes would take part. He would take the main role and possibly also powerful single-actor scenes, the two lesser actors (particularly the tritagonistes) would master a large number of different male and female roles; this would require linguistic and performing expression of great variety. In Soph. OC two performers (~ Oedipus and - Antigone [3]) remained permanently on the stage; all additional parts had to be played by the tritagonistes. The term tritagonistes is often encountered in Demosthenes [2] (Or. 18,129 and 267; 19,247), who always uses it disparagingly (‘third class’) for Aeschines [2], who appeared as a tritagonistes in his youth, e.g. in the retinue of > Theodorus [7]. ~» Deuteragonistes; » Hypocrites; —» Protagonistes;

+ Tragedy

tling opponent and as -> Theseus’ guide to the seabed. In the marine thiasos, several Tritones appear in the

retinue of Poseidon or Aphrodite forming a popular element as the mounds of the

> Nereids (in literature first in Mosch, 2122-124; cf. the Scopas group in Plin. HN. 36,26); even female counterparts of T. occur. The T. motif is taken up again in Baroque fountain architecture (BERNINIS T. fountains in the Piazza Barberini in Rome). N.IcARD-GIANOLIO, s. v. T., LIMC 8.1, 68-73; s. v. Tri-

PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/GOULD/LEWIS, 132-135; H. WANKEL, Demosthenes. Rede fiir Ktesiphon tuber den Kranz (comm.), 1976, 699 f.; 891 f.

1764; Lycophr. 886-894; euhemeristic interpretation

in Diod. Sic. 4,56,6). > Misenus [1] challenges T. to a musical competition and is thrown into the sea by him (Verg. Aen. 6,162-174). T., instead of Nereus, is recorded only iconographically as > Heracles’ [1] wres-

tones, 73-85; G. CAMPOREALLE, s. v. Tritones (in Etruria),

ebd., 85-90.

ALA.

HBL.

[2] Various lakes in northern Africa bear this name which is presumably traceable to Cyrenaean Greeks: (rt) Apoll. Rhod. 4,1391 calls a lake in > Cyrenaica Toitwvis Atuvn/Tritonis limne;

941

942 (2) Str. 17,3,20 locates the city of Berenice [8] (Cyre-

naica) near a Aiwvy tic Towtmvudc/limneé tis Tritonids;

(3) Tab. Peut. 8,4 has the River Lethon (modern Bu Shatin) flowing into a Lake T. not far from Berenice [8]

[1. 386-389]; (4) Mela 1,36 looks for the ingens palus (‘monstrous named Tritonis super (‘above’) of the + Syrtis Minor. Plin. HN 5,28 similarly states: beyond the Arae [2] Philaenorum and this side of the Syrtis

swamp-lake’)

Minor;

(5) Herodotus is not aware of any lake of this name in Cyrenaica, but he mentions (4,178-187) the large Lake Tritonis, in the middle of which was the island of Phla: perhaps the Syrtis Minor and the island of Djerba

[2. 448 f.]; (6) Ps.-Scyl. rro and Ptol. 4,3,19 place Lake T. in southern Tunisia and apparently see it in what is now the Shott el-Djerid; (7) Diod. 3,53,4 has the lake migrating to western Africa, near the > Oceanus; and, finally, (8) Tab. Peut. 8,4-9,1 has the > Nile — corresponding to the ancient idea of its source being in western Africa — flowing from a lacus Tritonum eastwards to Egypt. 1 A.LARONDE, Cyréne et la Libye hellénistique, 1987 2 S. GsELL, Histoire ancienne de |’Afrique du Nord, vol. 1, 41924.

J.DeEsaNnceEs

(ed.), Pline

Ancien.

Histoire

Naturelle

(Livre 5, 1-46), 1980, 270-272 (with French transl. and comm.); F.WINDBERG, s. v. T. (5), RE7 A, 305-323. W.HU.

Tritopatores

(Toitondatoges/Tritopatores, also Toitonatoeic/Tritopatreis). The cultically worshipped ancestors — usually as a collective, but also individually (Toitomatwe/Tritopator: IDélos 1,66) — of a particular social group. Cults of the T. of a — polis, of demes (+ démos [2]), > phratriai or géné (> Family, IV. A. 3.) are recorded in Attica and on Attic-influenced > Delos, in Selinus [4], > Troezen and > Cyrene. Several local inscriptional texts, primarily including a lex sacra from Selinus, give information about their cultic status. Philochorus (FGrH 328 F 182) interprets T. as the ‘firstborn’ and — after Gé (-» Gaia) and Helios — the third matéoec/patéres (‘fathers’) of humankind. Other literary sources emphasize their role in reproduction and the continued existence of social associations worshipping them (Phanodemos FGrH 325 F 6; cf. Demon 327 F 2; Orph. Fr. 318). + Theoi Patrioi M.H. Jameson et al., A Lex Sacra from Selinous, 1993,

29-37; 107-114 (bibliography); S.I. JoHNsTON, Restless Dead, 1999, 50-58.

Trittyes

(toittwec/trittyes,

AN.BE.

sing.

torttic/trittys,

‘a

third’). At Athens, name for the subdivisions both of the

four ancient phylai (-> Phyle [1]) and of the ten new

TRITTYES

phylat of Cleisthenes [2]. Little is known of the twelve old trittyes. An ancient identification with the phatriai (> Phratria; [Aristot.] Ath. pol. Fr. 3 KENYON = Fr. 2 CHAMBERS) seems to be incorrect. The trittyes may have comprised four naukrariai (> Naukraria, naukraros) each, but this is not attested. One of the trittyes was called Leukotainioi (‘white-ribboned’). In the territorial organization of Attica inaugurated by Cleisthenes [2], each of the ten phylai (cf. > Attica, with the map of ‘Attic phylai’) consisted of one trittys each from the three regions of > Asty (‘city’), > paralia (‘coast’), and mesogeios (‘midland’) (cf. [Aristot.] Ath.

pol. 21,3f.). Each of the approximately 30 trittyes was granted one or more démoi (> Demos [2]), which were

not always contiguous. Since the division into phylai was the basis for a large part of the city’s organization, they will have had approximately the same population when they were introduced, despite the unequal number of démoi. The number of members of a trittys, by contrast, must have been unequal, if we assume, with most scholars, following the Aristotelian Athénaion politeia, that each trittys is to be located completely in one of the three regions. The arrangement of the trittyes in 4th-cent. lists provided some scholars with arguments for assuming that the trittyes were of the same size; if so, however, they cannot have been situated entirely within one region (cf. [2-7]). In the first instance, the trittyes had the function of uniting démoi from various parts of Attica in a single tribe. The lack of relevant information in the tradition allows the conclusion that the trittyes did not become active corporations to the same extent as phylai and démoi. They did, however, play some role in the organization of the navy (cf. Demosth. Or. 14,22f.) and perhaps in that of the army as well. In the 5th cent. BC, each of the original 30 dikastai kata demous (‘deme judges’, [Aristot.] Ath. pol. 26,3; > Tettarakonta) may have been assigned to one trittys; and committees with 30 members, such as the 5th-cent. — /ogistai (cf. ML 58 =IG13 52 A 8), may have comprised one member from each trittys. At the head of the trittyes were trittyarchoi, who, as can be proved for the early 3th cent. BC (cf. IG II 2 641,31f.), shared in the costs of inscriptions on stélai (> Stele III.).

The trittyes may also have played some part in the organization of labour of the > boulé. The president of the » prytaneis, who changed daily and was active day and night, carried out his duties with a trittys ton prytaneon ({Aristot.] Ath. pol. 44,1) whom he appointed. This may have meant one third (approximately) of the 50 prytaneis, or else may have referred to those of the prytaneis who belonged to the same trittys (even if the trittyes were not of the same size).

Outside Athens, trittyes are attested on Ceos, which was organized federally, and on Delos (cf. [8.203f.; 211f.]. For Corinth, abbreviations used in inscriptions point to trittyes of a phylé, but their special nomenclature cannot be proved (cf. [8.98-110; 9.413-4193 10}). + Attica (with map); > Demos [2]; > Cleisthenes [2]; -» Mesogeia; > Phyle [1]

TRIUMPH, TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION |

\\ 1

943

944

4 4

Campus Martius.

Fagutal

, aC

Sf”

J

( Velabrum

//

/

// Aventinus

Pompa triumphalis: route of the triumphal procession through Rome Peer r

Route (in the direction of the arrows)

Urban area in the Late Republic

Urban area at the time of Vespasian (AD 69 — 79) |

Important triumphal monument of the Imperial Period

945

946

TRIUMPH,

TRIUMPHAL

PROCESSION

Course of the triumph: Overnight stay of the general/the soldiers: Villa Publica (in the southern part of the Campus Martius); localization not ascertained /Campus Martius (to the north of the area on the map) Assembly of the participants: Campus Martius Negotiations with the Senate: Templum Apollinis Sosiani (5), later Templum Bellonae (6) Porticus Octaviae (4) (for the triumph of Vespasian and Titus AD 71) Course of the pompa triumphalis:

Porta Triumphalis (not localizable) Forum Holitorium (11) Forum Boarium (17) Circus Maximus (25)

Tullianum (D): state prison above the Forum Romanum, part of the Carcer Mamertinus Capitolium: Aedes lovis Optimi Maximi (1)

Important triumphal monuments of the Imperial Period:

Porta Triumphalis (not localizable) Arcus Augusti (B) (29 BC, localization not certain) Arcus Tiberii (C) (AD 16) Arcus Titi at the Circus Maximus (A) (AD 81)

Arcus Titi (47) (after AD 81)

Arcus Septimii Severi (59) (AD 203) Arcus Constantini (30) (AD 315/316) The numbers refer to map 2. Roma: Ancient city centre (BNP 12, 713f.). Buildings and monuments designated with capital letters do not feature on the map.

1 W.S. Fercuson, The Athenian Law Code and the Old Attic Trittyes, in: Classical Studies Presented to E. Capps, 1937, 144-158 2M.H. Hansen, Asty, Mesogeios and Paralia: In Defence of Ath. Pol. 21,4, in: CeM 41, 1990, 51-54. 3D.M. Lewis, Review of [4], in: Gnomon 55,

1983, 431-436 4 P.SrewerT, Die Trittyen Attikas und die Heeresreform des Kleisthenes, 1982 5 G.R. STANTON, The Trittyes of Kleisthenes, in: Chiron 24, 1994, 161-207 6 TIRAILL, Attica 7 J.S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986 8N.F. Jones, Public Organization in Ancient Greece,1987 9 B.SALMON, Wealthy Corinth, 1984

10 R.S. SrroupD, Tribal Boundary Markers from Corinth, in: California Studies in Classical Antiquity 1, 1968, 233242

11H.LOHMANN, Atene, 1993.

Triturrita. Late Roman

> villa (Rut. Nam.

PLR.

1,531;

+ Portus [7] Pisanus) on the coast of the Mare Tyr-

rhenum at modern Livorno.

G.U.

Triumph, Triumphal procession. Ritual marking the end of a campaign of warfare. At the same time it constituted the army’s rite of entry into the city and the highest attainable honour for the general. I. NAME AND ORIGINS II. TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION III]. DEVELOPMENT I. NAME AND ORIGINS The Latin triumphus is derived from the interjection io triump(h)e, which had formed from the Greek cry OovauBe/thriambe in the cult of + Dionysus (Varro, Ling. 6,68; Serv. Aen. 10,775) and was originally a plea for the manifestation of the god, comparable to the fivefold triumpe in the cult song of the > Arvales fratres [8. 38-55; 7. 223]. The supposed origin of the triumph in a festival of the New Year and of enthronement, brought by the Etruscans (-» Etrusci) from Asia Minor

to Italy, where it split into a New Year’s festival and a

ritual of victory and was as such transmitted to Rome [8. 284-303], has lost credibility with the gathering doubt as to the Etruscans’ eastern origins. Moreover, the Roman tradition does not attribute the entire ritual to the Etruscans, but only details of the dress and accoutrements of the triumphator (purple robes, triumphal chariot, golden crown: corona etrusca, ivory sceptre; sources in [8. 58-62, 72-84]). The Roman triumph probably has its origins in an old Latin ritual [1. esp. 58-62] which led the military victor (on foot) to the + Capitolium (cf. the triumph of Romulus: Plut. Romulus 16,5-8), and which was increasingly furnished with Etruscan insignia in the 6th cent. as the power of the Etruscan kings was consolidated (Servius > Tullius [I 4]; > Tarquinius [12] Superbus; — rex [1]). The great temple of > Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (on the Capitoline) in which the triumphal insignia were kept, and the visualization of the god in a statue, mark the logical conclusion of the triumph’s development too. The interassimilation of kingly, triumphal and Jovian regalia reflects the interdependency of the divine and human spheres used by the Etruscan kings to stabilize their rule [6. 124-131]. The triumphal ritual, linked to Jupiter, survived the expulsion of the kings and was politically neutralized by its association with a senatorial decree, but it nonetheless remained a reli-

gious/political problem (Liv. 5,23,5; Plut. Camillus 7). Il. TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION The conditions for the granting of a triumphal procession (TP) were a victory in a bellum iustum (‘just war’, Liv. 38,47,5; Gell. NA 5,6,21; victories in wars

against slaves or civil wars did not count), possession of full > imperium (usually by dictators, consuls or praetors, but not commanders of lower rank; v. also ~ tribunus [5] mil. cons. pot.), a certain number of en-

TRIUMPH, TRIUMPHAL PROCESSION

947

948

emies killed (5,000 according to Val. Max. 2,8,1; merely

+ Augustus on, the triumph became the sole privilege of the Emperor or his family (— Tiberius [1], > Ger-

routing the enemy did the Senate. The Senate the > pomerium with inthe Temple of Apollo

not suffice) and the approval of conducted negotiations outside the general (> imperator; either or that of Bellona, cf. map, nos. 5

and 6), who would have lost his imperium had he ente-

red the city. By its agreement, the Senate (> senatus) also guaranteed the funds for the TP. If it refused or wished only to grant an > ovatio, the general could hold an equivalent TP at his own expense on the Albanus mons (inmonte Albano; attested from 23 1 BC: Liv. 42,21, 6 f.5

cf. Plut. Marcellus 22,1-4), or occasionally in Rome (Liv. 10,37,6-12; Val. Max. 5,4,6).

The general and his army spent the night before the

manicus [2], > Titus [3]). In Late Antiquity, triumphs were held (albeit in altered form) after civil wars, too (312: Constantine ( Constantinus [1]); 357: > Constantius [2] II.; 389: > Theodosius [2] I). The last tri-

umph of a Roman general (> Cornelius [I 7] Balbus) was in 19 BC. With that also ended the (partly fictionalized) list of triumphs beginning with Romulus (fasti triumphales; CIL I* 43-50; > Fasti D.; [4. 5 5—-61]). The costume lived on in the regalia of the magistrate giving the games (— /wdi [II B]; [8. 94-115, 25 5-270]) and in the imperial regalia. On triumphal symbolism in the Middle Ages and the modern period, s. [4. 134-140].

TP on the Field of Mars (+ Campus Martius; at first,

+ Imperator;

the entire army was withdrawn from the battlefield for this purpose, but as Rome expanded, only part of it attended [7. 225 f.]). In the morning, the procession (pompa triumphalis) formed up there. First were carts and barrows (fercula) bearing > war booty (on works of art [4. 109-118]), prisoners of war and images of deeds of war (— Triumphal paintings). Then came the magistrates and senators accompanying the triumphator, who stood in regalia resembling that of Jupiter, wearing a laurel crown, on the high-wheeled currus triumphalis (‘triumphal chariot’). A public slave, holding over him a golden crown of oak leaves, kept repeating the formula, “remember yourself to be a man” (memento te hominem esse, Tert. Apol. 33,4). Bringing up the rear were soldiers bedecked with laurels and singing irrisory songs about their general, often obscene

> Triumphal arches; > Triumphal paintings; UMPHAL ARCH

in content (> Fescennini versus; [7. 231] supposes a special carmen triumphale). The route, some 4 km long,

led through the > Porta triumphalis (location by the temple of the Mater Matuta and Fortuna: Mart. 8,65— 77, [2. 363-414]; on the religious significance of the procession through here [7. 228 f.]) via the Forum Boarium (map no. 17) to the > Circus Maximus (dating from the Etruscan period, map no. 25), then along the Palatine to the > Forum [III 8] Romanum. After the killing in the > Tullianum (map D) of the enemy leader, who was brought in the procession (+ Iugurtha; > Vercingetorix), the TP ended with the restoration of the crown to Jupiter, the making of sacrifices and the holding of a banquet for high-ranking Romans (most substantial description in Jos. Bl 7,3-7; on the organizational problems [4. 65—-84]). The festivities of the triumph also included donations of money to the soldiers and festival games, sometimes lasting several days, for the urban Roman population.

> Procession; + Roma

III. (with maps);

> Tri-

1 L. BONFANTE WARREN, Roman Triumphs and Etruscan Kings: The Changing Face of the T., in: JRS 60, 1970, 49-96 2F.CoarELLI, I] Foro Boario, 1988 3 M.JEHNE, Der Staat des Dictators Caesar, 1987 4 E.KUnz., Der romische T., 1988 5 M.LEMossez, Les

éléments techniques de |’ancien triomphe romain et le probléme de son origine, in: ANRW I 2, 1972, 442-453 6 B.Linkxe, Von der Verwandtschaft zum Staat, 1995, 124-135 7 J.RUPKE, Domi militiae, 1990, 223-234 8 H.S. VERSNEL, Triumphus, 1970. W.ED.

Triumphal arches I. NOMENCLATURE

AND DEFINITION II. FUNCTION AND LOCATION II]. TYPOLOGY CONSTRUCTION

AND

I. NOMENCLATURE AND DEFINITION Roman triumphal arches (TA) as a free-standing monument were originally called > fornix. Around the

beginning of the Common Era the word ianus came into use, followed with increasing regularity by arcus. The term arcus triumphalis came into use in the 3rd cent. AD, leading in the early roth cent. to the problematic modern concept of ‘triumphal arches’. This refers to an imposing arch structure, generally free-standing, but sometimes also to an arch that spans a roadway and connects two buildings that were originally separate from it (such as, for example, the Arch of Augustus in the > Forum [III 8] Romanum, which was built as an annex to the temple of Divus lulius, or the arches in the

forum of + Pompeii). TA may well be the most impressive embodiment of ancient monumental architecture, a

showy type of construction that faces the observer but remains irrelevant in its structural content, a construc-

Ill. DEVELOPMENT

From the 2nd cent. BC, the religious character of the triumph increasingly gave way to the political (cf. e.g. Liv. 34,52,2-12; Diod. Sic. 31,7,9-12). Pompey (+ Pompeius [I 3]) won himself a triumph (Plut. Pompeius 14) without having been in possession of the full imperium, and + Caesar only permitted triumph under his own auspices (sub auspiciis suis: [3. 63—67]). From

tion that was used accordingly, to present a certain overall image and ideology. This type is not found in ancient Greek architecture. Il. FUNCTION AND LOCATION

The basic idea of TA goes back to the Porta Triumphalis, which was located at the southern end of the Field of Mars (~ Campus Martius) in Rome, an arched

949

950

eo

TRIUMPHAL ARCHES

|

——— SSS

===

SSS

=

—— =i

‘

=

wT ‘

es

=e

|

— Se

eS eS eS

=

— ee

:

i

=

uy

— Se

i s

ee

|

i

1

Vi

“es

=

if

Vi

Rome, Forum Romanum: Arch of Titus (after AD 81; elevation).

gate erected in the Republican era through which victorious military commanders (> imperator), who had been awarded the honour of a -> triumph by the senate (— senatus), marched into the city. However, the motif of a triumphal march was the exception; of all the freestanding TA that have been preserved, it appears that the only one that was used in this way was the Arch of Titus in the Forum

Romanum.

Instead, most TA are

monuments built in an individual’s honour, and intend-

ed to preserve that person’s memory for posterity; sui generis, the moment of triumph was reflected only in the arches found in the city of Rome (the only site where triumph was celebrated), as well as in the TA’s function as a base on which an image was displayed; it often served as the pedestal for a statute of a military commander (generally the emperor depicted in a > qua-

driga) (cf. Plin. HN 34,27). There is disagreement about the extent to which the motif of the gate or the opening of the arch (/ustrum) is associated with sacral or religious factors (association with the cult of the dead/-> Dead, cult of the; a metaphorical passageway reflecting the apotheosis of the mortal being honoured, +» Deification). Outside of Rome, the TA of the Imperial era were always a monument built in response to a decision of the Senate; in the provincial cities of the Imperium Romanum, from the beginning of the Common Era, they were also erected at the instigation and expense of the local government and presented to the Emperor, although he could also initiate such a project. At least in the case of early TA, and until the end of the rst cent. AD, this was regularly documented by means of a large

TRIUMPHAL

ARCHES

25%

951

Rome, Forum Romanum: Arch of Septimius Severus (AD 203; elevation).

and readily visible inscription (e.g. the Arch of Titus in Rome). By contrast, the few TA constructed during the Roman Republic, most of them relatively small and without exception mentioned in literature, were dedications by successful military commanders and built at their instigation and expense. Military successes were only one of several reasons for the emperor to be honoured with a TA; special benefactions carried out by a regent might also lead to such an honour (the Arch of Trajan in - Beneventum, erected to commemorate

a

road construction project), as might the honourable assumption of power or the death of the regent. It was unusual during the Roman Imperial era, although not unknown, for high officials or wealthy citizens to be honoured by the construction of a TA (Ephesus, Patara, Pola, Verona). In the cities, TA were always erected in prominent and highly visible locations. In Rome the preferred sites were in the vicinity of main streets or the major forums and squares (Field of Mars), as well as near shrines; in the provincial cities they were usually found in the centre of the town or on main streets or thoroughfares. During Late Antiquity, TA might also be constructed at

the command of the Emperor himself, becoming part of his private representation, albeit intended for public view (e.g. the Arch of Galerius in — Thessalonica, which was built after AD 293 as part of an extensive palace complex). Ill. TYPOLOGY AND CONSTRUCTION In their basic form, TA with a rectangular layout

consist of two barrel vaulted piers with a passageway in the transverse axis, above which there is a parapet (a raised structure above the cornice) as a base for a statue —an initially eclectic mixture of forms exhibiting a heterogeneity that is still evident in early examples (-> Ariminum/Rimini), but as time went by there was greater

uniformity because of a fagade that was superimposed on the entire structure; this process also resulted in a relief-covered architectural framework with framed or empty areas where pictorial decorations might be added. There are essentially two main types of TA: those with a single arched opening (e.g. Rome: Arch of Titus) and those with three openings (e.g. Rome: Arch of Septimius Severus; Arch of Constantine); the less elaborate

953

954

arch with one opening is more common. Either type may be expanded by adding a passageway through the longitudinal axis; in that case the former is supported by four pillars, the latter by eight. The core of a TA normally consisted of poured masonry, travertine or a brick structure that was covered with more costly materials (usually > Marble); pictorial and architectural reliefs were fixed to the core with dowels. At first pictorial reliefs were only small in extent and largely limited to the passageway (Arch of Titus in Rome), but beginning in the early 2nd cent. AD they develop into entire series of programmatic images covering the arch on every viewable side (+ Beneventum, Arch of Trajan;

depiction of history, made as authentic and at the same time as propaganda-effective as possible, was intended to impress the onlooker, to increase the individual fame of the triumphator and therefore also ultimately to justify the triumphal procession. On the artistic quality of TP no statement can be made, but Roman painters were already familiar with the achievements of Greek — painting, and in this case also Hellenistic battle pictures or topographical subjects (+ Demetrius [46]), some of which had been taken to Rome as booty. A distinctive feature of the genre was presumably the mixing of different viewpoints (— Perspective): individual picture elements were represented either from a bird’s eye view (scenery, buildings) or from ‘normal’ eye height (figures) (cf. fresco of a riot in the theatre at Pompeii: Naples, MN). Sometimes it was possible to obtain the services of Greek artists, as is reported on the occasion of the triumph of > Aemilius [1 32] Paullus (cf. Plin. HN 35,135: Metrodorus). The adoption of a pictorial language in line with Hellenistic tradition also explains the change, which can be inferred from the sources, to elevated pathos, e.g. by the psychologizing portrayal of the fate of the defeated, aimed primarily at the emotions of the onlooker (e.g. App. Mithr. 117; App.B Civ. 2,101; Cass. Dio

Rome, Arch of Constantine, including > spolia). + Gates; porches; > Propaganda; — Relief; > Rulers;

+ Triumph, ARCH

Triumphal

procession;

> TRIUMPHAL

G.Branps, H.Hernricu, Der Bogen von Aquinum, in: AA 1991, 561-609; R. BRILLIANT, The Arch of Septimius Severus in the Roman Forum, 1967; H.KAHLER, s. v.

Thriumphbogen, RE 7 A, 373-493 (seminal); I.KADER, Propylon und Bogentor, 1996; F.S. KLEINER, The Study of Roman Triumphal and Honorary Arches 50 Years after Kahler, in: Journal of Roman Archaeology 2, 1985, 195206; Id., The Arch of Nero in Rome, 1985; E.KUNZL, Der romische Triumph, 1988; A.KUpPER-BOHM, Die rémischen Bogenmonumente der Gallia Narbonensis in ihrem urbanen Kontext, 1996; H.P. Lausscuer, Der Reliefschmuck des Galeriusbogens in Thessaloniki, 1975; G.A. MANSUELLI, Fornix e Arcus. Note di terminologia, in: Id. (ed.), Studi sull’Arco Onorario Romano, 1979, 15-193; S.pE Maria, Gli archi onorari di Roma e dell’Italia romana, 1988; M.PALLOTTINO, s. v. arco onorario e tri-

onfale, EAA 1, 1958, 588-599 (repr. 1965); P. PENSABENE et al., Arco di Constantino,

Porta Triumphalis, 1933,

187-195;

1999; H.PEtTrikoviTs, Die

in: Osterreichische Jahreshefte

M.PFANNER,

Der

Titusbogen,

28,

1983;

M.RoEHMER, Der Bogen als Staatsmonument, 1997; G. WESTFEHLING, Triumphbogen im rg. und 20. Jahrhundert, 1977.

CHO.

TRIUMVIRATE

51,21,8). With the transition to the Principate, however, the style of representation in TP altered: no longer were singly portrayed achievements of individuals or the suffering of the enemy in the foreground, rather, new all-purpose pictorial formulas had to be found for abstract and comprehensive values to comply with political propaganda. Resonances of TP can be found in the early modern adaptations of a very detailed and historically accurate cycle by A. MANTEGNA (1431-1506), begun in about 1486, of nine canvases with the title ‘The Triumph of Caesar’ in Hampton Court Palace. + PAINTINGS

ON

HiIsToRICAL

SuBJECTS;

— Painting;

+ Propaganda; > Triumph

Triumphal paintings. A typically Roman genre, common from the middle of the 3rd cent. BC until the Imperial period, today entirely lost and recorded only in written sources. During the triumphal procession (+ Triumph) of a victorious general, panel paintings or canvas banners were carried past the crowds and were afterwards publicly exhibited (e.g. Plin. HN 3 5,22-28;

1 F.G. ANDERSEN, Roman Figural Painting in the Hellenistic

Age,

in:

Acta

Hyperborea

5,

1993,

179-190

2 T. HOiscuHER, R6mische Bildsprache als semantisches System, in: AHAW 12, 1987, esp. 29-33, passim 3P.]J. Ho.ipay, Roman Triumphal Paintings, in: The Art Bull.

79,1997, 130-147 1988

4E.KUNZL, Der romische Triumph,

5R.LiNG, Roman Painting, 1991, 10 f.

N.H.

Pol. 6,15,8; Jos. BI 7,3-7; other sources in [4]). Rudi-

Triumvirate

ments of the content, appearance and intended effect of such pictures can be reconstructed from literary sources and Roman historical + reliefs. According to these, in the Republican period they were veduta-like representations of decisive battles and actions in a scenic ambience, the conquest of enemy settlements or surrender negotiations. The victorious protagonists, topographical and geographical details and peculiarities of flora and fauna were presumably explained by annotations. The freschi in the tomb of Q. Fabius on the Esquiline (Rome, MC) are sometimes associated with TP. The

three men’). Non-titular appellation (e.g. in Suet. Aug. 27,1; Vell. Pat. 2,86,2) for the special power which + Aemilius [I 12] Lepidus, > Antonius [I 9] and > Octavianus agreed to at Bononia for themselves and which was granted to them, initially for five years, in November 43 BC by plebiscite (lex Titia; see > tresviri [3]). Echoing this, modern scholarship also calls the informal ‘group of three’ of -» Caesar, > Pompeius [I 3] and > Licinius [I rr] Crassus (end of 60 BC) a triumvirate, though it lacked any legal basis (so-called first tri-

(Latin triumviratus, literally ‘alliance of

umvirate; in Suet. Caes. 19,2: societas, ‘society’; in App.

TRIUMVIRATE

955

B Civ. 2,33: trikdranos = ‘three-headed monster’; cf. Cic. Att. 2,9,2). The agreement to allow nothing to happen in the state ‘which was contrary to the wishes of any of the three’ (Suet. Caes. 19,2), strengthened by the marriage of Pompey and Caesar’s daughter — Iulia [5], resulted in Caesar’s consulate (59), which fulfilled all of the political and economic interests of the triumvirate. The alliance, based purely on expedience, soon loosened, but was able to be strengthened again by Caesar in 56 (‘Conference of Luca’: Suet. Caes. 24,1; Plut. Caes. 21,5; but cf. Cic. Fam. 1,9,9); however, it collapsed after the deaths of Iulia (54) and Crassus (53). M.GELZER,

Pompeius,

*1959

(repr.

1984),

114-130;

G.R. STANTON, B.A. MARSHALL, The Coalition between Pompeius and Crassus, in: Historia 25, 1975, 205-219.

WED. Trivia see > Biviae; > Hecate

Trivicum. Township, developed out of three vici (cf. place name), of the > Hirpini in Apulia ( Apuli), possibly modern Trevico (formerly Vico) or modern La Civita 7 km to the east. A > villa near T. (possibly at modern Scampitella) was used as a > mansio by > Horatius [7] on his journey to Brundisium in 37 BC (Hor. Satan se7.omte)s G.Cotucci Pescatort, Evidenze archeologiche in Irpinia, in: G. D’HEnrRy et al., La Romanisation du Samnium (Colloque

Neapel

1988),

1991,

85-122,

here

A.Russt, s.v. Apulia, Enciclopedia Oraziana 398-402.

ros f.;

1, 1996, G.U.

Troad (Toewdc/Tro(i)ds, gen. -ddos, fem. adj. ‘Trojan’, sc. gé ‘land’), territory in the northwest of Asia Minor. It covered the region of the present-day Biga Peninsula (Biga Yarimadasi). Its boundaries and nomenclature fluctuated in antiquity. The confused ancient testimonies on its frontiers are well summarized in [1. 526531]. In general, reliance is mostly placed on Strabo (12,4,6; 13,1,1-4), who essentially refers to Homer (+ Homerus [r]): the T. was bounded to the north, west and south by the sea, and to the east by the > Aesepus and the Gulf of - Adramyttium. According to Steph. Byz. (s. v. T.), the T. was also called Teucris, Dardania or Xanthe. The name T. derives from the Homeric Trées, the inhabitants of Ilium and its environs (> Troy). These appear to have been of Thracian and Phrygian origin [2. 6 ff.]. No remains of a distinct language of the Troes survive. The T. was dominated by mount — Ida [2], the summit of which is visible from almost everywhere in the T. All the major rivers (> Scamander, Aesepus, > Granicus, -» Satnioeis, > Simois)

rise in this mountain range. Settlement of the T. dates back to the Neolithic period. There are clear traces of early Bronze Age settlement not only in the plain of the lower Scamander including > Troy, but also in the valley of the upper Scamander [3. 358 ff.]. According to Str. 13,1,40 ff. it was probably the > Leleges and — Cares who settled and

956 ruled in the T., but there were also -> Phryges, + Thraci, Lydians (+ Lydia) and Mysians (+ Mysia) there. Hittite influence is evident in the T. from the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC in association with the Luwian states of western Asia Minor ([4. 178-183]; cf. » Hattusa II, -» Asia Minor [III C 1 d]), before the Greeks (-» Achaeans) gradually gained the ascendancy, esp. in the coastal cities. Lydian rule in the T. is attested up to 547 BC, when the Persian Cyrus [2] defeated > Croesus. The T. was then assigned to the 3rd Persian satrapy (— satrap) (Hdt. 3,90), to which Adramyttium and the plain of > Thebe [2] also belonged. More than 90 localities are known by name from the beginnings of the Greek settlement [1. 528-530], but scarcely half have been securely located. The history of post-Bronze Age antiquity and of scholarship on the subject have been decisively shaped by Homer and the memory of Troy or Ilium. Hellenization is evident in the T. from as early as the late 8th cent. BC, not only in coastal cities such as Troy,

but also in settlements in the interior. Aeolian settlement policy, directed from - Lesbos, played a part here, but so did Milesian colonization (+ Colonization,

with surveys). The Athenians were already arriving under Lydian rule and established themselves at + Sigeum with the tyrants — Peisistratus [4] and ~» Hippias [1] (Thuc. 6,59; [5. 187 f.]). The encounters between the Greeks settling the coastal cities and the Scamander Valley and the Persians would determine the history of the T. over subsequent centuries. Most cities belonged to the > Delian League (list: [1. 537 f.]). After the + Peloponnesian War, there were conflicts between the Persians and indigenous dynasts set up or tolerated by the Spartans; these were only ended by -» Alexander [II 4] the Great (importantly: [6. 125 ff.]). During the Hellenistic period, the > Seleucids and Attalids (— Attalus, with stermma) ruled over much of the T. It was nominally divided into three parts by the Peace of + Apamea [2] in 188 BC (- Antiochus

[5]): » Alexandria [2] Troas, Ilium and the Pergamene possessions (+ Pergamum) — a form of organization which was retained in its essential outline even after the Pergamene bequest of 133 BC. In 129 BC, the T. became part of the Roman province of > Asia [2]. From at least the foundation of the Roman coloniae at + Parium and Alexandria Troas by the Julii, and into late antiquity, the T. was the most important European portal to the Near East alongside Byzantium/Constantinople. It became part of the diocese Asiana under Diocletian (> Diocletianus), divided into the province of Hellespontus in the north, under a praeses, and the region south of the Ida [2], which remained in the province of Asia under a proconsul. 1 W.RuGE,

s.v. T., RE 7A, 525-584

Geschichte der Troas, 1877.

1973

2 E. MEYER,

3 J.M. Cook, The Troad,

4A.GoeTzeE, Kleinasien (Kultur-Geschichte des

Alten Orients, HdbA 3,1), 1957.

5 W. Lear, Strabo on

the Troad, 1923 6B. TENGER, Die Troas zwischen Konigsfrieden und Ankunft Alexanders (Asia Minor Stud.

22), 1996.

E.SCH.

O57,

958

Trochilos (teoyitoc; trochilos). Cavetto moulding, a concavely curved element in a Classical Attic/Ionic column base separating the upper and lower convex shaped tori (> Torus); also current in Archaic/Ionic architecture as a formative element of representational column bases (> Column II. B.3. with ill.). The contours of the trochiloi of the column bases in the archaic Temple of Hera on > Samos [3], turned on a lathe and of remarkably varied shape, are famous.

Troesmis (Teoouns/Trosmés). Roman legionary camp and civilian city (Ov. Pont. 4,9,79; Tab. Peut. 8,3; Not. Dign. Or. 39,23; 39,31; Geogr. Rav. 4,5,19; Procop. Aed. 4,11) in Moesia Inferior (Scythia Minor; + Moesi), modern Iglita (in the municipality of Turcoaia in the Romanian county of Tulcea). The > Getae were the original settlers; the Romans advanced into the region in 29/27 BC and fortified their position c. AD 15. Before AD 112 the legio V Macedonica was deployed by > Oescus [2] to take over military protection of T. and its surroundings. After AD 180 the legio I Italica and the legio XI Claudia were stationed in T. In late Antiquity the milites Secundi Constantini and legio II Herculia are mentioned as garrisons. Testimonies of magistrates (ordo municipii, decuriones, duoviri, aedi-

EBERT, 26 (terminology and etymology);

Cu. H6cKER,

Sekos, Dipteros, Hypaithros, in: R. ROLLE, K.SCHMIDT (eds.), Archaologische Studien in Kontaktzonen der antiken Welt. Festschrift H. G. Niemeyer, 1998, 147-163;

B. WESENBERG, Kapitelle und Basen (suppl. 32 BJ), 1971. C.HO.

TROEZEN

les, quaestores, augures, sacerdotes provinciae) are evi-

Trocmi (TedxwoW/Trékmoi, Latin Trocmi). Celtic tribe,

dence of the existence of canabae (> Logistics III.) and

which, together with the — Tolistobogii and led by

a — municipium developing later. In the 4th cent. and under Iustinianus [1] lit was necessary to carry out new fortification work. Remains of buildings, an aqueduct, a city wall, a Christian basilica, pottery, tiles/bricks, inscriptions, coins and villae survive in surrounding area.

~+ Lutarius, passed through Thracia ( Thracians) in 279/8 BC into the territory of > Byzantium; they were recruited by > Nicomedes [2] I as allies [1.236-264].

The east Galatian region around central and lower > Cappadocia which was won over to support the Pontic kings (probably 274/3 BC) became the home of the T. It was divided into four tribal principalities (tetrarchies with centres of power in > Tavium, — Podanala, Eccobriga, Ceritkale). In 189 BC, the T., together with the > Tectosages and other allies of > Antiochus [5] Ill were defeated by Cn. Manlius [I 24] Vulso at Mount Magaba. Following Mithridates’ [6] VI massacre among the tetrarch aristocracy in 86 BC, the T. were led by only one tetrarch (— tetrarchés III.). > Brogitarus was confirmed as such by Pompeius [I 3] in 65/4 BC and was given the Pontic border region (Alaca basin) with the fortress of >» Mithridatium (Str. 12,5,2). In 58 BC, by means of a law against large payments of gold, Clodius [I 4], as the people’s tribune, had the title of king and the power in the priest-state of > Pessinus handed over to Brogitarus. -» Deiotarus ousted the latter in 56 BC (Cic. Dom. 129; Cic. Sest. 56; Har. resp. 28f.). Brogitarus disappeared after the beginning of 55 BC (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,9); Deiotarus assumed sovereignty over the T., which on Caesar’s orders he had to surrender to > Mithridates [8] of Pergamum in 47 BC (Bell.

Alex. 78,3), but seized again after Caesar’s death. After the kingdom of Amyntas [9], the last tetrarch of all the Galatae, became the Roman province of Galatia (25/4 BC), the T.’s territory was established in 21/o BC as the

autonomous polis offavium. > Celts III. (with map); > Galatia 1 K.StrroBEL, Die Galater, vol. 1, 1996.

W.RuGeE, s.v. T., RE 13 A, 655-658; K.STROBEL, Tavium, in: MDAI(Ist) 50, 2000, 215-265; Id., Galatica I,

in: Orbis Terrarum 3, 1997, 131-153; Id., Die Staatenbildung bei den kleinasiatischen Galatern, in: H. BLuM et al. (eds.), Briickenland Anatolien?, 2002.

K.ST.

A. Betz, s. v. T., in: RE7 A, 591-596; TIR L 35 Bukarest, 1969, 73 f.; A.DoruTIu-BoILA (ed.), Inscriptiones Scy-

thiae Minoris 5, 1980, 154-236; I. MICLEA, R. FLORESCU, Daco-romanii, vol. 2, 1986, 141 f. (with map); A.SuCEVEANU, A. BARNEA, La Dobroudja romaine, 1991, 49-51; 94; 123; 184 f.; M. ZAHARIADE, Moesia Secunda, Scythia

si Notitia dignitatum, 1988, 61-64; 128-131 tography).

(aerial phoJ.BU.

Troezen (Toeoitjv/Troizen only since the 2nd cent. BC and literary; originally Too¢av/Trozan, Ionic Tootnv/ Trozén; Lat. Troezen, Troezene, Troezena).

I. LOCATION AND HISTORY INGS

II. SURVIVING BUILD-

I. LOCATION AND HISTORY Town on the north coast of the > Argolid near present-day T. (formerly Damala) on the northern slope of the Anderes mountain range (present-day Phorbantion). The region of T. encompassed the entire eastern headland of the peninsula. In the 6th cent. BC the island of -» Hydrea was also part of T., as was - Calaurea until the 4th cent. BC and then again in the Roman Imperial period. Traces of settlements begin during the Geometric period in the town and during the Early Helladic period in its territory [1.29f.; 2.45, 67, 74]. Cultic links connected T. with Boeotia and especially Attica. T. was regarded as the birth place of > Theseus. T. was founded by the -> Dorieis who probably came from > Argos [II 1] (cf. the Catalogue of Ships, Hom. Il. 2,561). » Halicarnassus and Sybaris [4] were considered to be Troezenian settlements (Aristot. Pol. 1303a 29). In 480 BC, the town took part in the war against the Persians (> Persian Wars [r]) at the battles of Artemisium [1], > Plataeae and — Mycale (Hdt. SuIngeOh

da Ou

8545 Gea 1.33 9s LO2,219,105) and accept-

TROEZEN

959

960

ed the women and children who were evacuated from

Troezen

Athens (Hdt. 8,41,1; Plut. Themistocles 10,3; Paus. 2,31,7; cf. the mention of T. on the Serpent Column in

~ Troezen in 1959 ([{15 2]; translation in [3. 20 f.]) with

Delphi: Syll.3 31). As one of Athens’ enemies, T.was even occupied by the Athenians from the middle of the 5th cent. BC (Thuc. 1,115,1; 4,21,3; And. 3,3). T. was part of Sparta from 445 BC and remained so even after the battle of > Leuctra in 371 BC. After the battle of -» Chaeronea in 338 BC Athenogenes set up a tyrannis (Hyp. or. 5; [9. 308]). T. was involved in the > Lamian War

against Antipater

[1] (Paus.

1,25,4;

Diod.

Sic.

18,11,2). From 303 BC T. was under the rule of Deme-

trius [2] and Antigonus [2]; after 243 BC the town was in the Achaean League (> Achaeans) and was temporarily annexed by -» Cleomenes [6] III. Around 196 BC T. formed an alliance with Rome (IG IV 791). In the Imperial period the town attained a significant degree of affluence (Str. 8,6,3; 8,6,14; Paus. 2,30,5-34,6; 6. 207-241]; IGIV 796; 798).

Inscription.

An inscription discovered

in

the text of a decree of the Athenian People’s Assembly proposed by > Themistocles (the ‘Decree of Themistocles’), which decreed the evacuation of the inhabitants of Attica to Salamis and the repatriation of exiles before the naval battle of Cape Artemisium (-> Persian Wars) in 480 BC; in its present form, it can be dated to the 3rd cent. BC [4. 2; 2. 48]. Its authenticity was soon

doubted and the TI was seen by [4] as a 4th-cent. copy without documentary value of a reconstruction based on Herodotus, containing numerous parallels with ‘documents’ from the pre-Periclean period, invented for political reasons after the middle of the 4th cent., which

make this conclusion very plausible [4. 20-26]. More recent publications again incline towards regarding the Tl as a decree with a core of authenticity (e.g. [5. 541 f., 5583 6. 57]), without taking into consideration the fact that the term for political freedom used in the TI (1. 15: édev0eoia, eleutheria) may not have come into use until

Il. SURVIVING BUILDINGS The Hellenistic town wall is extant (separating the acropolis from the lower town). An area around 600 m to the west of T. has been investigated by archaeologists: the sacred area of Hippolytus [1] (cf. [3; 4.287302; 5]) with a temple of 32x 17.5 m (probably from the end of the 4th cent.), the Asklepieion (— Asclepius) with a small temple of 6x9 m and several neighbouring buildings, mainly a peristyle building, 3 1x31 m in area,

nowadays interpreted as a spacious hestiatorion (reception room for victors of competitions and envoys attending festivals) and not as an incubation house (-> incubation). In this spot the earliest evidence for the cult dates back to the Geometric period, the Asklepieion was constructed in the 4th cent BC. A Hellenistic necropolis and tombs from the Christian period have also survived in the northeast of the ancient town; the minting of coins is documented until the time of Philippus [II 2] Arabs (middle of the 3rd cent. AD). Inscription: IG IV 748-838; 1610; [7]. Coins: HN 443 f. ~ Troezen inscription 1R.HopeE

Simpson,

Mycenaean

Greece,

1981

2 A.Fo.ey, The Argolid 800-600 B.C., 1988 3P.E. LEGRAND, Fouilles de Trézéne, in: BCH 21, 1897, 543551 4Ders., Antiquités de Trezéne, in: BCH 29, 1905,

269-315

5H.KNELL, T., Tempel des Hippolytos (?), in:

AA 1978, 397-406; 675 f.

after the Persian Wars (> Freedom L. A.). 1 M.H. Jameson, A Decree of Themistokles from Troizen, in: Hesperia 29, 1960, 198-223 2 MLno. 23 (with comm.) 3K.BRODERSEN et al., Historische griechische Inschriften in Ubersetzung, vol. 1, 1992

4 Cu. HaBicut, Falsche Urkunden zur Geschichte Athens im Zeitalter der Perserkriege, in: Hermes 89, 1961, I-35 5 N.G. L. Hammonp, in: CAH 4, *1988, 6 K.-W. WELWEI, Das klassische Athen, 1999.

518-590 W.ED.

Trogilium (Towyittov; Trogilion). A craggy coastal promontory, some 5 km long, a western foothill of the — Mycale mountains facing > Samos [3], modern Dip Burun

(Ptol.

5,2,8: Towyytktov

Gxoov;

Str.

14,1,12:

Towyidtoc &xea; Steph. Byz. s. v. TowyiAoc: Towyiitov;

Plin. HN 5,113: ora Trogilia) with the offshore Trogiliae islands (ibid. 5,13 5): Psilium, Argennum, and Sandalium (modern Sandal adasi). Tu. WIEGAND, Priene, 1904, 20.

Trogilos (Towyikoc; Trogilos). Coastal strip near - Syracusae (Thuc. 6,99,1; 7,2,43; Liv. 25,23,10: portus Trogilorum; Sil. Pun. 14,259), identical with either (1) the

t km long Cape Mazzarona with its many caves on the eastern edge of Epipolae (between the coast of Cappuc-

6 C.CALAME, Poétique des

cini and the Scoglio Due Fratelli [x. 827]) or (2) the

mythes dans la Gréce antique, 2000 +7 P.E. LEGRAND, Inscriptions de Trézéne, in: BCH 17, 1893, 84-121 8 N.RoBERTSON, The Decree of Themistocles in Its Contemporary Setting, in: Phoenix 36, 1982, 1-44

coast on the northeastern edge of Epipolae (near Cape Santa Panagia [2. 28 f.; 3. 61 f.]).

9 H. Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, vol. 1, 1967. M.H. Jameson et. al., A Greek Countryside, 1994; Kir-

STEN/KRAIKER,

308-312; D.HENNIG, s. v. T., LAUFFER,

Griechenland, 693 f.; G.NAPOLITANO, s.v. Trezene, EAA? (1997), 847 f.; N.PHARAKLAS, Tooityvia, Kadavoeva, Mé0ava (Ancient Greek Cities 10), 1972; G. WEL-

TER, T. und Kalaureia, 1941.

alle

1 H.P. DROGEMULLER,s. v. Syrakusai, RE Suppl. 13, 815— 836; 2 L.PoLacco, R. Miriso1a, Tucidide: la spedizione ateniese contro Siracusa,

1998;

3 E. MANNI, Geografia

fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 198r.

GLF.

Trogodytae (Towyodttal/Trogodytai). Hdt. 4,183 introduces a people in the south of Libya as T. Aithiopes. The incorrect form Troglodytai developed out of trogle (‘cave’) and dynai (‘dive/plunge into’); already Aristotle (Hist. an. 597a 9) describes the > Pygmies as

961

962

‘cave-dwellers’ using the expression tréglodytai. The correct but etymologically still unclear form T. is found again in Plin. HN 37,107. Nevertheless, T. continues to refer mostly to cave-dwellers, whether in Moesia, in the Caucasus (Str. 7,5,12 and r1,5,7) or elsewhere. The ‘original’ Aethiopian T. presented by Herodotus (identified by [1] as a tribe of the ‘Tibboos’) are described in greater detail by Artemidorus as nomads with communal women and children (in Str. 16,4,17).

Troilus (Towtioc/Troilos, Lat. Troilus). [1] Son of > Priamus (or > Apollo) and — Hecabe (Hom. Il. 24,257; Apollod. 3,151). The sparse early textual records yield only that T. — referred to by the

1 W.W. How, J. Wetts,

A Commentary on Herodotus,

vol. 1, 1912, 362.

SV.RA.

Troiae lusus (the so-called ‘Game of Troy’; also re-

ferred to as lusus puerorum equestris, Troicus lusus, Troiae decursio or simply Troia). An Ancient Italian battle game on horseback for boys and adolescents. Etymologically derived from Lat. amptruare or truare (‘hopping while dancing’, cf. [1] s. v. amtruo). The origin and development of the Troiae lusus (TL) is contested by scholars. The main source for the mythological origin is Verg. Aen. 5,548-603 in connection with the story of the founding of Rome, a version which is not tenable in view of the innovation of the TL esp. under — Augustus. An Italic origin is beyond doubt, even though too much might have been made of an image of riders and a labyrinth-like drawing (with the caption of truia) on an Italic vase found in Tragliatella (near Fumincino; 8th cent. BC) interpreted as an indication of the mythological origin of the games in > Troy [2].

The earliest written record originated in the Period of Sulla. Under Augustus, the games were strongly revived but were no longer played after 2 BC due to an accident. Caligula re-introduced them, and after that they are attested up to the late 2nd cent. AD. Originally, the games had a cultic meaning, but they increasingly gained political significance in the context of reforms intended to strengthen the equestrian class, among other things. The games were played by 6- to 17-year-old sons of noble and respected families as well as by all the Tulian and Claudian princes. The way the games were played can be reconstructed based on Verg. loc. cit.: The — turmae rode ahead in pairs. At the command of the leader (magister), they swerved apart to the left and the right and then charged at each other with their lances poised for attack. This was repeated several times in various formations, until at the end, the riders again arranged themselves in pairs. At first, the TL took place on a specific day, later at various occasions: at the big games (-> ludi), > triumphs or temple consecrations. 1 WaLDE-HoFMAnNN, vol.3

2 Latre, 116 with n. 1.

E. Norpen, KS, 1966, 373 f. (with sources); Lusus Troiae, thesis, Cologne 1990.

H. Fucus, AVS.

TROPA

epithet hippochdarmes (‘horse fighter’ or ‘chariot fighter’, Hom. Il. 24,257, on this [1. 292]) — was killed by ~ Achilles [1], an event which according to Proclus (45 KULLMANN, [1. 291-293]) had been presented earlier

in the > Kypria. The many visual representations from the Archaic Period indicate that the story of T. was well known and popular from early on [2. 94]: T. accompanies his sister > Polyxene (who in the myth of T. appears only in the visual arts, not in the literary sources [3. 73]) to fetch water; on the way from the city, T. ends up in the ambush of Achilles, who chases him when he flees to the sanctuary of Thymbraean Apollo and kills him at the altar (Apollod. epit. 3,32; schol. Lycoph. 307). The lost Troilos by Sophocles [1] is claimed to have focused on the ambush and death of T. through Achilles (schol. Hom. 24,257a Erpse; IrGF 4 F 618635). An erotic theme of Achilles’s love for T. is also found in the literary sources (schol. Lycoph. 307; Serv. Aen. 1,474). In another version, T. is presented as a warrior and his death as occurring in battle (Verg. Aen. 1,474-478). In Plaut. Bacch. 953-955, the death of T. is named as one of the three causes for the fall of > Troy. The romance between T. and Chryseis described in J. CHAUCER’S Troilus and Criseyde and in W. SHAKESPEARE’S Troilus and Cressida is a medieval invention. 1 W.KuLimann, Die Quellen der Ilias, 1960, 291-293 2 A. KossatTz-DEICHMANN, s.v. T., LIMC 8.1, 91-94 3 Ead., s. v. Achilleus, LIMC 1.1, esp. 72-95. A. Lesky, s. v. T. (2), RE 7 A, 602-615.

SU.EL.

[2] T. from Side. Sophist of the 4th—5th cents. AD (biographical information in Socr. 7,1,3; 7,27,1). He led a

rhetoric school in Constantinopolis (students: Ablabius, Silvanus, Eusebius Scholasticus; cf. Socr. 7,12,10; 37,1; 6,6,36; perhaps even Socrates [9] himself) and

was the friend and advisor of the praetorian praefect » Anthemius [1] (408-414), correspondent of + Synesius [1] of Cyrene. According to the Suda s. v., T. was the author of Political Discussions (AOyou moMtnol; l6goi politikot) and of a collection of letters (7 bks.). An Introduction into Rhetoric has been transmitted for higher schools: it uses rhetorical categories and definitions of various philosophical schools and contains an abridged history of rhetoric. 1H.RasBe

(ed.), Prolegomenon

XXXIX-XLIT RE7 A, 615 f.

sylloge,

1931,

44-58;

2 W.Enssiirr, W.KRo.t1, s. v. T. (3), S.FO.

Trojan War see — Troy III Tropa (toda; tropa). Greek children’s games with astragaloi (> Astragalos [2]), nuts, etc. (Poll. 9,103;

schol. Pl. Ly. 206e); in consisted in throwing one’s own astragalos (or nut, etc.) in such a way that it moved

963

964

one’s opponent’s astragalos from its position. In a variant of the game one had to try to drop an astragalos into a small pit in the ground. Tropa was probably also played by young Romans (Mart. 4,14,9). Connected with the game of tropa is — Polyclitus’ [1] group, known only from literature, known as the ‘Boys Playing at Knucklebones’ (Plin. HN 34,55). In Greek art the game of tropa is only rarely depicted. ~» Games of dexterity

occasion for the construction (e.g. Paus. 5,27,11). The place where it was erected was sacred, consecrated to the gods of war, and was regarded as inviolable; it was also a place for sacrifices. After naval battles, the tropaia were built from captured parts of the ships on the coast as close as possible to the place of battle (Thuc. 2,92). The tropaion erected after the battle of + Marathon is regarded as the oldest one (Pl. Menex. 240d). Along with wooden tropaia, longer-lasting ones were erected from stone or ore (Paus. 5,27,11 and 8,10,5; Str. 4,1,11). Representations in Greek art can be found, for instance, on the frieze of the Nike temple (~ Athenaea [1] II.1.) and on the heroon of Golbasi-Trysa

TROPA

K. BerGer, Griechische und italische Antiken der Samm-

lung Niessen, in: K6élner Jahrbuch der Vor- und Frihgeschichte 28, 1995, 30 f., no. 24.

R.H.

(Vienna, KM.). The motif of > Nike (II.) with tropaia

Tropaea Augusti (Tropaeum Alpium). Large monument to > Augustus’ subjugation of the whole Alpine region, in modern La Turbie on a 486 meire-high outcrop dominating Monte Carlo on the Roman coastal road to Gaul on the Italian border (CIL V 2,7817; Ptol. 3,1,2). Rising on a high rectangular plinth with sides about 32.5 m long a circular building, encircled by columns with a triglyph frieze, is topped by a staircaselike stepped conical roof with a statue of Augustus on a special plinth as a crowning finish. In all the monument is 49.5 m tall; rebuilt in the Middle Ages as a fortress, today it has largely been restored (with a museum). On the plinth, flanked by two tropaea (- Tropaion), there is a votive inscription by the Senate of 7/6 BC with a list from east to west of all the Alpine tribes subjugated in wars. The text of the inscription: Plin. HN 3,136 ff. (with transposition of two names); almost 170 small

and minute fragments survive, which for the most part have been inserted into the monument.

became a popular topic in Greek art (e.g. coins, vase paintings); she carries it or is erecting it (e.g. the Nike Balustrade on the Athenian

Acropolis). Occasionally,

tropaia were placed in sanctuaries (Paus. 5,27,7) or in cities (Cass. Dio 52,35,6).

The Greek custom of erecting tropaia was adopted by the Persians, Celts (Ael. VH 12,23) and Romans, the latter first in 121 BC in Gallia (Str. 4,1,11). In Roman

art, the motif of a tree stump with weapons is often expanded by male and female prisoners of war who sit, kneel or stand next to the tropaion. tropaia were carried ona bier (ferculum) in the > triumph. A preferred place of representation were the historical reliefs on Roman victory monuments (— Adamclisi), on triumphal and honorary arches (e.g. at» Glanum and Carpentras and the Arches of Severus and Constantine in Rome), and on artwork produced at the court (Gemma Augustea). A special form of weapon monument are the captured prows or > rostrae on the > Forum [III 8].

H.Puiuiep, s.v. T.A., RE 7 A, 661 f.; E. MEYER, s. v.

K. WoELCKE,

T. A., RE Suppl. 11, 1269; TH. Casimir, Le Trophée

1911,

d’Auguste a La Turbie, 1932; A. BLANCHET, Carte archéologique de la Gaule Romaine, vol. 1, 1931, 4 ff., no. 14; J. FormicE, Le Trophée des Alpes (Gallia Suppl. 2), 1949;

H.V. HERRMANN, Olympia. Heiligtum und Wettkampf-

N. LamBoctia, Le trophée d’Auguste a la Turbie, 41976; L. Manino, Elementi italici nell’architettura del trofeo di Augusto alla Turbie, in: Riv. di Studi Liguri 49, 1983,

Beitrage zur Geschichte des T., in: BJ 120,

127-235; CH. PICARD, Les trophées romains, 1957;

statte, 1972, 107-112; E.KUNZL, Der rémische Triumph,

1988, 76; 123; 128; 132; A.BaLit, Trophaeum navale. Observaciones sobre un mosaico de la Vega Baja de Toledo, in: Toledo y Carpetania en la edad antigua (Simposio 1986), 1990, 191-200.

RH.

28-36. ON THT INSCRIPTION: E. Howa.p, E. MEYER, Die romi-

sche Schweiz, 1940, 70 f.; 80 ff.; J.ForMIGE, Documents commentes, in: Gallia 13, 1955, 101-108.

E.MEY,

Tropaion. Originally, the tropaion (tedmatov/ tropaion; Lat. tropaeum) was a sign erected by the victorious army at the place on the battlefield where the adversary turned to flee (from Greek toémew/trépein, ‘to turn around’). In the language use of later Antiquity, it referred to victory monuments in general, such as the > Tropaea Augusti (cf. e.g. Tac. Ann. 15,18). The term tropaion has been common since the 5th cent. BC (Batr. 159; Aesch. Sept. 277). The tropaion consisted of a tree stump or post, sometimes with crosspieces (cf. Diod. Sic. 13,24,5) on which the captured weapons (helmets, shields, armour, swords) were hung and an inscription which told of the

Troparion (teondgiov/tropdrion, from tedxo¢/trépos in the sense of ‘mode, note’). Originally a short strophe in free-rhythm Byzantine prose with the character of a prayer and a melody resembling — psalmody. The troparion was present at the beginning of Byzantine hymnography (-» Hymnos IV.) and was initially sung in antiphony to every verse of a psalm. From the sth cent. it was expanded and integrated into the ending of psalms (between the 3—6 last verses). It also found entry into the + kontakion and the > kanon [2]. For the most part transmitted anonymously, the troparion experienced a unified liturgical tradition only from the 1xrth/12th cent. (+ Sophronius ofJerusalem): the troparion is used primarily in the Christmas period (including Epiphany) and in Holy Week. E. WeELLESZ, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, *1961, 171-197; O.STRUNK, Tropus and T., 1977, 268-276.

K.SA.

965 Tropes (todxov/tropoi; singular tedmoc/tropos, rhetorical term, literally ‘turn’, from teéxeo0avtrépesthai, ‘to turn’; the original technical term was metaphord, which later acquired its more preicse meaning: Aristot. Poet. 21,7,1457b; Latin verbum translatum: Quint. Inst. 8,3,24, translatio or tropus [1. 205-208]). In — rhetoric, tropes have their place in the category of > elocutio/— ornatus in verbis singulis: in contrast to + figures, which have their effect on the surface of the text, e.g. in the word order, tropes are phrases used ina figurative, metaphorical sense. Yet the boundary between tropes and figures of thought (— Figures D. IL), for instance in the case of > irony, is difficult and debatable. Even though a connection is made between tropes and immutatio (‘exchange, substitution’; Cic. Brut. 17,69), tropes are not simply a substitution for a particular word. Rather, they are a matter of a particular ‘relationship between the replacing word and the replaced one’ [1.209], because the replaced word (verbum propium, which can be any part of speech) does not entirely disappear but remains preserved in the basic meaning of the trope. By means of this deviation from the standard meaning of a word, which can be understood only from the context, an extension of meaning can be effected (Quint. Inst. 8,6,1). Tropes are a part of every type and level of language, including colloquial speech. After an influential discussion in Aristotle (Poet. 1457b), great importance was given to tropes in both rhetoric and philosophy. The tradition of recognizing three forms of relation between the trope and the verbum proprium (similitudo, ‘similarity’; vicinitas, ‘vicinity’; contrarium, ‘opposite’) goes back to the Stoics. In all systematic descriptions of rhetoric (Quint. Inst. 8) and specialist studies, the various deviations from the proprium modified in linguistic creativity are indicated in catalogues of tropes [2. 47]. Yet as early as Quintilian (Inst. 8,6,1) is it pointed out that the number and nature of tropes is disputed among both grammarians and philosophers (Tryphon, Peri trop6n rg9x ff. mentions 14, Isid. Orig. 1,37,1, but cf. 13). Most frequently mentioned are metonymy, synecdoche, antonomasia, emphasis, catachresis, litotes, > irony, euphemism, hyperbole, and adynaton, with - metaphor, the trope par excellence, being given the greatest attention. The primary functions of tropes are elucidation, alienation, poetization and linguistic variation, which are to prevent the public becoming bored (Isid. Orig. 1,37,1-2). Their role in spreading the linguistic and intellectual capacity for expression and thought should not be underestimated. Out of a ‘need for terms’ [4. § 553] a trope can even become a verbum proprium (catachresis). Since tropes demand intense mental cooperation from the audience, they conversely require from the author of a text a careful estimation of the capacity of its recipients. Otherwise the effect of tropes is lost through obscurity (-» Obscuritas) or even ridiculousness. ~ Metaphor; > Rhetoric

966

TROPHONIUS

1 W.Groppeck, Reden iiber Rhetorik, 1995, 205-283 2 K.-H. Gorrert, Einfiihrung in die Rhetorik, *1994

3 M. LanpFEsTER, Einfiihrung in die Stilistik der griechischen und lateinischen Literatursprachen, 1997, 88-96 4 LAUSBERG, §§ 552-598.

CW.

Trophonius

(Teodmvioc/Trophonios, or Toepdvioc/ Trephonios). Hero of the Boeotian > Lebadia, stepson or brother of Agamedes (Paus. 9,37,5; schol. Aristoph. Nub. 508). The following are mentioned as parents: Apollo and Epicaste (Paus. loc. cit.; schol. Aristoph. loc. cit.), Zeus and — Iocaste (schol. Aristoph. loc. cit.), Valens/— Ischys and Coronis [1] (Cic. Nat. D. 3,56), Erigonus (Hom. h. 3,296 f.; Paus. 9,37,4 f., etc.). Children: > Alcander [1] and Hercyra. In the myth, T. and Agamedes are the famous builders of Delphi’s first temple of Apollo (Hom. h. 3,295297; Pind. Fr. 2 f., etc.), and of the temple of Poseidon Hippios in Mantinia (Paus. 8,10,2), of the thalamos of -» Alcmene in Thebai [2] (Paus. 9,11,1) and of the treasuries of > Hyrieus in Hyria (Paus. 9,37,5) and of

~» Augias in Elis. There, they built a stone into the treasure house in such a way as to enable them to secretly remove it later and to steal the treasure. When Agamedes is caught in a trap set up by Augias, T. kills the former, cuts off his head and takes it with him so that he cannot be found out as the accomplice. He flees until he is finally swallowed up by the earth near Lebadia (Paus. 8,37,4-7; cf. schol. Aristoph. loc. cit.; the story is obviously a doublette to the novella about the treasure of + Rhampsinitus in Hdt. 2,121 f.). There, at the entrance to the Underworld (Lucian. Necyomantia 22), an oracle came into existence at that time (aetiology: Panisnos4 ona ts). Historically, the > oracle (III.) of T. is attested from the 6th cent. BC on (Croesus: Hdt. 1,46); it is claimed to have been consulted later by Epaminondas, Philippus [4] IL, Aemilius [I 32] Paullus (Liv. 45,27,8) and others, and to have existed into the Christian Period (IG VII 3426; [1; 2]). Whoever wanted to consult it had to undergo a complicated sequence of rites before gaining permission for the descent (+ katabasis) and the consecration (> myésis). Finally, the interpretation was conducted in correspondence to the question that was asked (cf. Eur. lon 300; 394; Paus. 9,39,5-143; Cratinus PCG 4 frr. 233-245; Men. PCG 6.2 frr. 3 51-354; Max. Tyr. 8,2; Str. 9,2,38, etc.). In Greek comedy, the oracle of T. was mocked because of the luxurious life of the priests and the complicated rites (Cratinus; Men. l.c.; Alexis PCG 2 fr. 238-240; [3]; Caphisodorus PCG 4 fr. 3-6; Aristoph. Nub. 507-509). Dicaearchus wrote about the oracle of T. (frr. 13-22 WEHRLI). As the ‘nourishing one’ (Greek Tood-/Toed-), T. is obviously a > chthonic deity. It is often claimed (e.g. in Cic. Nat. D. 3,22,56) that he was originally identical with — Asclepius, but that is improbabe [4]. -» Oracle 1 MULLER, 520-523 3 W.G.

Arnott

2 SCHACHTER 3, 66-89; 109-119

(ed.), Alexis: The Fragments.

mentary, 1996, 669-676

A Com-

4 FARNELL, GHC, 245 f.

TROPHONIUS

H.D. Berz, The Problem of Apocalyptic Genre in Greek and Hellenistic Literature. The Case of the Oracle of Trophonius, in: Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East (Proc. of the International Colloquium on Apocalypticism), 1979, 577-597; P. uND M. BONNECHERE, T. a Lebadé. Histoire d’un oracle, in: Les études classiques 57, 1989, 289-302;

P. BONNECHERE,

La scéne

dimitation des Nuées d’Aristophane et T. in: REG rrr, 1998, 436-480; R.J. CLark, T. The Manner of His Relevation, in: TAPhA 99, 1968, 63-75; Nitsson, GGR 2, 450; G.RADKE, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 678-695; A. SCHACHTER,

A Consultation of T. (IG VII 4136), in: AJPh 105, 1984, 258-270; F. WigsELER, Das Orakel des T. (Programm des

Arch. Inst. Gottingen), 1848.

Tropos, Tropus see

968

967

L.K.

et aquis fovenda committunt). This view is adopted by Isidore (Orig. 12,6,6) when deriving their name from

their variegation (varii et varietate) and by Hrabanus Maurus (De universo 8,5, PL 111,237) from him. In accordance with a proverb, Alexander Neckam (De naturis rerum 2,39 [1.152]) prefers the flesh of the

head alone of a capito, a sea fish, to that of a whole truta. Thomas of Cantimpré 7,84 [2. 273] characterizes

the truita, recognizable by the yellow-red spots on its back, as an excellent edible white-water fish which surpasses even the similar salmon in flavour, but only from July until November. In winter its flesh is white and is supposed to taste less good. 1TH.

(ed.), Alexander Neckam, De naturis 2 H. Bose (ed.), Thomas CanC.HU. timpratensis, Liber de natura rerum, 1973.

> Figures; > Style, stylistic fig-

Wricut

rerum, 1863, repr. 1967

ures; > Tropes; > Figures, theory of Tros (Toc; Tros).

[1] Eponymous king of the Trojans; grandson of > Dardanus [1], great-grandfather of > Priamus and > Anchises (family tree: Hom. Il. 20,215-240; Apollod. 3,138-153; — Dardanidae). Owner of miraculous horses, given him by Zeus as recompense for his abducted son + Ganymedes [1] (Hom. Il. 5,265-267). [2] Trojan, son of > Alastor, in vain asks Achilles to spare his life (Hom. Il. 20,463-472). P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988,

Nr. 320 f.

MA.ST.

Trotilum (TowtiAov; Trotilon). Greek colony on the eastern coast of -> Sicilia (Thuc. 6,4,1), probably to be located at modern Bracoli, about 6 km to the north of

modern Augusta. Founded by > Lamis from Megara, but soon abandoned in favour of ~ Leontini or ~» Thapsus [1]. BTCGI 4, 200-204; U.Spico, Ricerche e ritrovamenti a Brucoli, in: Kokalos 30-31, 1984-85, 866-868. — K.MEI.

‘Troy I. History Il. ARCHAEOLOGY THE TROJAN CYCLE

I]. MYTHOLOGY:

I. History A. NAME

B. HOMERIC

OF THELOCALIZATION

TRADITION

AND

HISTORY

C. THEHISTORICALILIUM

A. NAME In Homer (~ Homerus [1]), the forms ) Tooin/Troié and f "Ito¢/Tlios (for Ilion/Ilium see below I. C.) appear alongside one another. Therefore, there has been discussion of a ‘double name’ for the settlement, for which

the two terms mOdc (— polis) and totv (> asty) are used. Semasiological studies have now demonstrated that polis and dsty are distinguished in the epic as ‘fortified citadel’ mound and ‘civilian lower city’, a differ-

entiation which could go back to the later Bronze Age [1]. Those who believe that a tendency toward ‘synonymous’ usage can be demonstrated, fail to recognize that synonyms in the proper sense (as different ‘names’ for the same ‘thing’) do not exist; the semantic fields of

Troucillus. C. Valerius T. was a respected man from the

related terms can partially overlap, but cannot coincide

province of Gaul, who had the confidence of Caesar, who sent him as his interpreter to -» Diviciacus [2] in 58

[2].

BC (Caes. Gall. 1,19,3). Identifying him with C. Vale-

(Troié) and 106 times ([lios) — [3. 127 f., 318 with n.

rius Procillus, son of C. Valerius Caburus, the chieftain

156] sees “naming variants for the same thing ... without factual difference”, which were used alongside one another only for reasons of metre. From this onomasiological premise, [4. 83-94] passes on to a semasiological study of the individual epithets and recognizes “completely different aspects of T. and Iios”, although these are only rarely used in a context-specific way. He distinguishes primarily the metric, not the semantic, qualities of the epithets, although a clearly recognizable, differing physiognomy emerges here: T. is, among other things, ‘fertile’, ‘spacious’, Ilios, among other things ‘sacred’, ‘windy’, ‘steep’; it is described as pdlis or ptoliethron, as in Troiés hierdn ptoliethron (Hom. Od. 1,2). The epithet ‘well-walled’ (euteicheos) appears with both name forms; it identifies the area in which the

of the Helvii, and brother of Donnotaurus, is debatable. The latter and M. Mettius [I 1] were sent as Caesar’s negotiators to the camp of > Ariovistus, but were taken prisoner and freed by Caesar personally (Caes. Gall.

TFA SA sey

SN)

+ Helvii EVANS, 380-382.

W.SP.

Trout. These predatorily living fresh-water fish (Salmo trutta L.) were first mentioned by Ambr. Exam. 5,3,7 as ‘quite large variegated fish, called trout’ (varii maiores, quos vocant troctas; v.l. tructas), that commit their eggs

to the water to develop by themselves (ova generant ...

In the place names recorded in the Iliad — 49 times

969

970

concepts overlap. The inhabitants are exclusively called Todec/Troes, never Ilieis; the phrases polis Troon with the individual attributes such as polis eurydgyia (’widestreeted city’) or Troes hippddamoi (‘horse-taming Trojans’) narrow down the wider meaning of Troéeé as ‘territory, realm of the Trojans’ to ‘capital of the Trojans’, in which cases it can partially overlap with that of Ilios. Thus, a careful study of the semantic fields should not concentrate just on the attributes. The specific use of prepositions can clarify the differing core physiognomy of the two name forms: -> Thersites, the ugliest man who had come ‘beneath (the walls of) Ilios’ (ba "I\tov), berates Agamemnon that he is greedy for the gold

the ancient W-sound F (> Digamma), which is to be assumed as the initial sound of [lios: a ‘Wilias antehomerica’ a (‘pre-Homeric Iliad’) cannot be certainly deduced from the name forms alone, although they could undoubtedly be of pre-Homeric and pre-Greek origin

which a Trojan should bring him ‘out of Ilios’ (@€ IAtov),

therefore the army should leave him alone in ‘Troy’ (évi Toon; Hom. Il. 2,216-237). The character of Ilios as

the besieged city in the territory of ‘Troy’ here becomes clear. The conclusion derived by [5. 809] from the word formation that T. means “in Homer especially the country of T.” should therefore also not be abandoned from a semasiological view. “IAtoc iot/Ilios hire (‘sacred Ilios’) as a fortified, urban cult centre, on the other hand, appears in Hom. Il. 20,216 f. as a specific new foundation in the plain, and the eponymous founder hero Ilus [1] appears both in the genealogy of the Trojan kings and as eldest of the people (démogéron) and occupant of the tomb of Ilus outside the city. At least for the Greeks of the 8th cent. BC, there was thus an organic coexistence of T. as the country and settlement centre of the Trojans and Ilios as the urban centre, comparable to the relationship between Lacedaemon/Lacedaemoni and — Sparta. Whether there are Bronze Age or even pre-Greek traditions hidden behind the cores of the names which were subjected to a mythic harmonization, systemization and embellishment (succession and coexistence of Ddrdanos/Dardanié, Trés/Troes/Troia, [los/Ilios) is

connected with the question of the history of the > epic. Despite the sceptism represented by [5. 810] as regards the assumption of a reliable, old and independent transmission for Homeric names outside the epics, new finds and new interpretations of Mycenaean -> Linear B inscriptions and Hittite texts (> Hittite) in recent years

have reopened the discussion. For [lios and, with less certainty, also for T., the equation with the (geographically different) realms > “Wilusa” and “Taruwisa” of the Hittite sources is considered as proven by [3. 95— 128], based on the work of [6], despite linguistic incongruities. The still speculative character of this combination and the more recent dissents are referred to by [7. 658]. Caution regarding the current approaches to

reconstruct pre-Homeric names, phrases and verses from Homeric language and metre [8. 230] may also be advisable for the time being. Whether the text form handed down to us in this way can lead to “what Homer said and wrote in this place is uncertain” [3. 365, n. 159]. This is also true for the question of the time of the disappearance from language and writing of

TROY

[9]. B. HOMERIC TRADITION AND HISTORY OF THE

LOCALIZATION T. scholarship has always been in danger of falling into a euphoria of identification: place, name and event each have different relationships to historicity. Citing [ro], [3. 117 f.] rightly points out ‘the difference between the reality of the place’ and ‘reality of the action’; but even if we follow him in accepting the identification of the Homeric ‘Wilios’ and the Hittite > ‘Wilusa’, the Turkish Hisarlik still does not provide us with a ‘real historical place’, let alone a ‘place of action’: names and events can be translocated and chronologically shifted in the historical or mythological traditions. The place, as such, is only geographic, its name in a specific period can be historical and ideally people and events can be historically connected with this name. Even when the identity is certain, archaeological and historical reality need not be in agreement: this was already seen by Thucydides (1,10,2) when he indicated that the ruins of

Sparta and Athens would leave future generations with a false image of the former real significance of the two cities. In the frequently discussed question of the historicity of the Trojan War, the scepticism of the 1960s (cf. along with [10] above all [11]) is currently being replaced by a certain confidence under the effect of the new excavations combined with the extra-Homeric written sources: “The probability that an historical event... could be behind the T./Wilios story..., has gradually grown stronger. The abundance of evidence... is today almost overwhelming” [3. 341]. Following this, the “T. story’ reconstructed from the Iliad and Odyssey as well as later sources and the information contained therein are not Homer’s invention, but rather come from the period when T.” was alive” [3. 297]. The “story conceived” in the 13thcent. BC would then have been handed down via the medium of hexameter lyric poetry (> Aoidoi, > Rhapsodes) through the > Dark Ages [1] to Homer. However, what here is ‘poetry’ and what is ‘history’ (for example, in the Catalogue of Ships in the Iliad, 2,484-785, for which an extensive invocation of the Muses) claims particular authenticity remains — as the dating itself — disputed [7. 662 f.]. Above all, the question of the political-economic significance and the scope and urban character of an historical T. has produced discussion [12]. Here, too, the harmonizing identification of excavation finds, Homeric information and Near Eastern city models can harbour risks, it does not do justice to the individual character of this settlement at the point of contact between Orient and Occident [13].

TROY

971

As regards the initial assumptions for all archaeological research, identifying : the precise location, Homer provides sufficient material details for the broader territory between Olympus [13] and Ida [2] (cf. [14; 15]). However, the topography of the city itself and the surrounding plain have been o strongly adapted to the epic’s action [16] that the question ubi Troia fuit (where once was T.; cf. Verg. Aen. 3,11) has incited controversy again and again since Antiquity: for the inhabitants of

972

country is called Trdids (> Troas) or Ilids, but is divided

the historical Ilium from the 8th cent. onwards, it was

into individual cities inhabited by Aeolians (Hdt. 5,26; 5,94) — probably dating from the 8th cent. [19. 567569] — and the new excavations in T., during which, among other things, an Aeolic capital was found (see + Column),also record strong religious activity in the Archaic era, although the central structures of the citadel, which were carried off in the Hellenistic era, remain unknown to us. In 480 BC, Xerxes visited the ‘pergamos of Priamus’

an established fact that they were continuing the epic

(Hdt. 7,43); in 411, the Spartan Mindarus (Xen. Hell.

tradition, not least in the cult of

-» Athena Ilias, who

was revered by all visitors since Xerxes and Alexander [4]. Learned inhabitants of competing neighbouring cities (such as Hestiaea of Alexandria [2] Troas and Demetrius [3 4] of Scepsis) disputed the identification of the ‘present Ilium’ with the T. of the Heroic Age, and these Hellenistic theories transmitted by Str. 13,1,2427 [17. 136-144] have influenced modern scholarship. Imprecise topographical information appeared as early as the Roman era (cf. Verg. Aen. 10,60 ff. and Luc. 9,961 ff.), and in the Middle Ages and early modern era, it is often questioned whether T. was possibly identified with the ruins of Alexandria Troas or Cyzicus. The city of Ilium was first scientifically located precisely at Hisarlik at the end of the 18th cent. with the help of inscription and coin finds [18. 92-94]; the place name Novum Ilium is not ancient, but rather a modern creation of the scholars who sought T. in other places, following Strabo, e.g. on the Balli Dagi. In 1865, F.CALVERT began excavating in the eastern part of Hisarlik, which he had acquired, but it was H. SCHLIEMANN’s deep excavations of 1871-73 which demonstrated the identity and continuity of Bronze Age fortress and Greek city, thus justifying the claims of the Ilieis. C. THE HISTORICAL ILIUM The possibly prehistoric name in Homer is always in the feminine form “Ioc/Ilios apart from once in the neutral form Ilion ("Ihov ain’ [Hom. Il. 15,71]); this

1,4) and, in 334 BC, Alexander

[4] the Great (Arr.

Anab. 1,11,7—12,1) sacrificed to Athena Ilias. Execut-

ing Alexander’s plans, Lysimachus [2] began the reconstruction of the temple and city, which gained new significance as the centre of the cult community (panegyris) of Ilian Athena. It was important for the business of every traveller to propitiate the deity of the country, for the commanders of a campaign it was critical to gain her support: this recipe was followed by Antiochus [5] the Great in 192 BC prior to beginning his war against Rome (Liv. 35,43). The Romans also gave reverence to the goddess, thus in 190, the praetor C. Livius [I rr] Salinator and in 189 BC, the consul L.

Cornelius [172] Scipio 37,9537 and 38,39). The sia [3] in 190 BC gave mythic homeland of the

with

his entire

army

(Liv.

defeat of Antiochus at Magne-

new impetus to Ilium as the Romans (cf. + Aeneas, > Iu-

lus). This was demonstrated in the reconstruction of

two temples (remains in the sanctuary of the lower city) and in the issuance of an ostentatious major silver coinage [z1. T 36-T ro2].

After the destruction ofT. by Flavius [I 6] Fimbria in 85 BC (Aug. Civ. 3,7), only the favour of the Tulii + Caesar and

+ Augustus, who

traced their lineage

back to Aeneas, brought about the extensive reconstruction of the city. In AD 324, it had the chance of rising to the imperial capital under Constantinus [1] the Great, but after the decision in favour of Constantino-

ple, it fell back to the status of a humble provincial city and bishopric, which lived off of its ancient mythic fame

latter form, however, is the only one used in the later

[23].

Greek and Roman period (Latin Ilium). Written information about the early period of the Greek settlement goes back into the 8th cent. BC, i.e. into the Homeric

+ Asty; > Epic; > Homeric language; -» Homerus [1]; > Polis; > Town, city

era, and is connected with the cult of Athena Ilias. No-

ble girls from Locris [1] were apparently already being sent to this chief goddess of the country as temple slaves before 700 BC [19]. A traditional sacrificial practice recorded by inscriptions and coin images [20. No. 32, Z. 28 f.; 21. T 81, T 198], according to which an ox hung on a tree or column was ritually slaughtered, appears to stretch back to the 2nd millennium [19. 563566]. The conflicting roles of > Athena in the Iliad —as an opponent of T. on the battlefield, but a patron goddess in the city — points to a syncretism of a native Anatolian citadel protectress with a Greek warrior goddess, a syncretism which also led to the various myths about the theft of the > Palladion [22]. In Herodotus, the

1 J.WEILHARTNER, Ober- und Unterstadt von Troia im archaologischen Befund und in den homerischen Epen, in: Studia Troica 10, 2000, 199-210 =.2: D.MANNSPERGER, Physis bei Platon, 1969, 24-27 3 J. Laracz, Troia und Homer, 2001 4E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe,

1997

5 E.Meikr,

s.v. T., RE Suppl.

14, 809-817

6 F.STarkk, T. im Kontext des historisch-politischen und

sprachlichen Umfeldes Kleinasiens im 2.Jt., in: Studia Troica 7, 1997, 447-487

7 W.KULLMANN, Review of

[3], in: Gnomon 73, 2001, 648-663 8 M.WestT, The East Face of Helicon..., 1997 9 H.voN Kamptz, Homerische Personennamen, 1982 10 F.Hampt, Die Ilias ist

kein Geschichtsbuch, in: Serta Philologica Oenipontana 7/8, 1962, 37-63 11 R.HACHMANN, Hissarlik und das Troia Homers, in: K. Bitrex et al. (eds.), Vorderasiatische

Archaologie. Festschrift A. Moortgat, 1964, 95-112 12 F.Koxs, Ein neuer Troia-Mythos? Traum und Wirk-

974

973 lichkeit auf dem Grabungshiigel von Hisarlik, in: H.-J. Beur et al. (eds.), Troia — Traum und Wirklichkeit. Ein Mythos in Geschichte und Rezeption (Proceedings of the

Symposion in the Braunschweigisches Landes-Museum, 8/9 June 2001), 2002, 8-40

13 D. MANNSPERGER, Das

Gold Troias und die griechische Goldpragung im Bereich der Meerengen, in: I.GAMER-WALLERT (ed.), Troia, 1992,

124-151

14J.V. Luce, Celebrating Homer’s Landsca-

pes, 1998 15 B. MANNSPERGER, Landschaft, Tier- und Pflanzenwelt in der Ilias, in: Troia; Traum und Wirklich-

keit

(companion

to the exhibition

at Stuttgart

etc.

2001/2), 2001, 319-322 16 Ead., Das Stadtbild von Troia in der Ilias ..., in: see [15], 81-87 17 W.Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923 18 J.M. Cook, The Troad..., 1973 19 A. BRUCKNER, Geschichte von Troja und Ilion, in: W. DORPFELD (ed.), Troja und Ilion, 1902, 549-593 20 P. Friscn, Die Inschriften von Ilion, 1975 21 A. BELLINGER, Troy. The Coins (Troy, Suppl. 2), 1961 22 N. MarinaTos, The Palladion across a Culture Barri-

er? Mycenaean and Greek, in: $. BOHM, K.-V. VON EIcKSTEDT (eds.), IOAKH, FestschiftJ.Schafer, 2001, 107-113 23 D. MANNSPERGER, Mythen, Machtpolitik und Miinzpropaganda ..., in: see [15], 103-107. D.MAN.

II. ARCHAEOLOGY A. EXCAVATION HISTORY B. TroyI-III C. Troy IV-V D. Troy VI-VIIsp_ E. GREEK, ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ERAS (TROY VIII-X)

A. EXCAVATION HISTORY

The 15 m high settlement hill of Hisarlik lies at the south west entrance to the Hellespont. This strategically favourable position was the reason for the permanent settlement of the place. The hill is divided into the periods Troy I-X. The prehistoric layers can be integrated into seven ‘settlement complexes’ with over 50 construction phases (Troy I-VII = Early Bronze Age to Early Iron Age). Above this is the city Ilium from Greek (Troy VIII) and Roman (Troy IX) Antiquity, and finally the settlement of the Byzantine era (Troy X). After preliminary work by F.CALVERT, H.SCHLIEMANN led seven excavation campaigns between 1871 and 1890. He considered Troy II to be the T. of the Iliad and found the legendary ‘treasure of” > Priamus’” in the layer of the this period. After SCHLIEMANN’s death, W.DO6rPFELD continued the excavations of 1893/94 and discovered the impressive fortification wall of Troy VI. He then identified this period as “Homeric T.” In 1932-1938, a team from the University of Cincinnati (USA) under C. W. BLEGEN excavated and divided the sequence into 46 construction phases. BLEGEN considered Troy Vila to be the city of the Trojan War. In 1988, after a fifty-year break, excavations in T. began again under M. KORFMANN. B. Troy I-III Troy I-III is described as the maritime T. culture (c. 3000-2100 BC). Troy I (c. 2920-2350 BC, Early Bronze Age II) includes a total of 14 construction phases and, despite the village structure, already had a perimeter wall of quarried stones, which was rebuilt

TROY

and strengthened many times. A line of adjoining long houses was found in the ‘Schliemann trench’, one of which (no. 102) can be described as an early > megaron due to its size and design. The brown-black pottery, partially decorated with white incrusted scoring decoration, is exclusively hand-formed. Troy II (c. 25502250 BC = Early Bronze Age II; see plan below) indicates the citadel complex, apparently belonging to a ruling class with supra-regional contacts. The c. 330 m long defensive wall, made of clay bricks resting on a partly 6 m high, banked stone foundation, encloses the barely 9000 m* citadel. Impressive megaron buildings within the citadel probably served as cult and assembly buildings. Three major fires (including treasure finds) have been demonstrated over the course of some eight construction phases. Artefacts record trade relationships over long distances. > Tin, which was abundantly used in T., must have been imported from far away (central Asia?). The potter’s wheel was introduced to T. in this period (mostly yellow-reddish pottery). South of the citadel was a lower city, estimated at 90,000 m’, which was surrounded by a monumental wooden bastion (see ‘palisade’, plan below). Troy III (c. 2250-2100 BC = Early Bronze Age II): Construction in the inner area of the citadel became closer and more fragmented. A rapid series of at least four construction phases, one of which ended in a major fire, suggests increasingly difficult living conditions. The range of finds varies only slightly from that of Troy II. C. Troy IV-V Troy IV and V, Anatolian T. culture (c. 2100-1700 BC = Early Bronze Age III/beginning of the Middle Bronze Age): The settlement within the citadel hill slowly spread out to approximately 18,000 m*. Seven subsequent construction phases have been determined for Troy IV, and Troy V can also be divided into several phases. With Troy IV, the economic conditions change, and the material culture shows increased influences from inner Anatolia: cupola ovens are found inside adjoining houses (Anatolian settlement plan), signalling changed cooking and thus also eating habits. D. Troy VI-VIIs ‘Trojan high culture’ (c. 1700-1200 BC; see both plans): Troy VI (c. 1700-1300 BC = Middle/Late Bronze Age, ostensibly Homer’s T. or (W)Ilios or Taruwisa or Wilusa): T. can now be described as a capital and trading city. A massive citadel was built on the settlement hill without consideration for older structures. A sloped stone wall with towers and bastions and a vertical superstructure of clay bricks over rom in height enclosed a territory of approximately 200 X 300 m. Together with the lower city, which had a defensive ditch dug into the rock in front of it to ward off chariot attacks, the protected area enclosed c. 270 000 m*. No later than the 3rd quarter of the 3rd cent. BC, the hill centre of Troy VI was completely destroyed by the construction of the Hellenistic-Roman

TROY

975

976

Troy: Citadel Troy VI (c, 1700-1300 BC); confirmed/conjectured Troy Vila (¢.1300-early 12th cent. BC); confirmed/conjectured

Troy Vilb (c, 1200-1000 BC); confirmed/conjectured

Centre of the mound destroyed/levelled in Troy VIII

58 60 il

50

100

150m

¢

’

we

Sanctuary

Os

| (Troy VINI/IX)

AS 5

=f SS det

V

vZ LE) pe

2 ouleuteron

Troy VI ditch

(confirmed)

Troy VI ditch (conjectured course)

Hellenistic-Roman

ie.

]

street grid

Tt

yy

X=10300

ie] Aegean Sea ———

Predominant winds at

!

SA Troy VI ditch (confirmed)

ta

|

Canakkale

Troy VI ditch (confirmed)

Ss lower?na gf"750 Cemete — ates

i

2

(Troy Vi) == ~--4

Om,

ree

jan ditches

;

c— ‘rm

© 5 of>

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Canakkald,

**

Co.

ee ae Py

.

Hellenistic-Roman

=

city wall Autumn

OTe

978

temple of Athena, so that we know nothing of the palace suspected to have been here. The north-western quarter of the lower city has been extensively excavated and a great number of building remains from this period have been found in other parts as well, so that one may assume a relatively dense development for the whole of this area. Remains of cemeteries with cremations and skeletal burials were found outside the chariot ditch. A similar cemetery in Besik Bay (c. 8 km south west of Hisarlik) was apparently abandoned toward the end of Troy VI after an earthquake disaster. An artificial spring cave in use from the 3rd millennium BC continued to be used. This and other excavation results do not contradict the equation of the location with the Hittite vassal city Wilusa. Therefore, the term “high culture” is at least debatable. Troy VIla (c. 1300 to the beginning of the 12th cent. BC = Late Bronze Age, presumably Homer’s T. or (W)llios or Taruwisa or Wilusa): the heavily destroyed city was apparently rebuilt by the old population group which densely settled the former citadel area. The old building ruins and especially the fortifications continued to be used. Construction became more dense inside and outside of the citadel. The city was destroyed again after approximately roo years, but this time in an apparently lost war.

Roman Ilion/Ilium, Troy IX (85 BC to c. AD 500): under Augustus, the Athena temple was rebuilt and additional repair work was performed in the city. A new odeion was built under Hadrian and rebuilt under Caracalla. Ilium was developed in this way through patronage into the 3rd cent. AD. Prestigious public buildings arose in the citadel area. The lower city, with its antiquated insula system, was renovated. The increasingly insignificant civic population came to an end around AD 500 through at least two earthquakes. Byzantine Ilium, Troy X (primarily 13th and 14th cents. AD): Ilium was a bishop’s see beginning in the middle of the 4th cent. AD. After the destruction through earthquakes around AD 500, the location was only resettled in the period beginning c. AD 1300, especially in the area of the Graeco-Roman sanctuary; the intensity of the habitation can be indirectly demonstrated by numerous graves in various places in the former territory of the city. At the end of the 14th cent. AD, settlement of the place finally came to a complete end. Part of the - Troas was declared a historical national park in 1996; in 1998, the ruins of T. were added to the list of UN World Heritage Sites.

Trojan culture with influence from the Balkans, Troy VIlb (c. 1200 to c. r000 BC = Early Iron Age): old traditions were continued and new elements were introduced in the phases of Troy VIIb (1-3). Besides the turned ceramics, hand-formed pottery also reappears in remarkable amounts, known in the same type from the Balkan region. The small-scale construction is concentrated in the area inside and immediately outside of the citadel. In Troy VIIb2, the lower sections of the wall were covered by vertical, irregular stone plates (orthostats). The remains of at least one more phase (VIIb3)

have been demonstrated. This was followed by a period of extremely limited settlement with only very little construction. It is possible that there were activities only in connection with a sanctuary. E. GREEK, ROMAN

VIII-X)

AND BYZANTINE

TROY

+ Troas; > Wilusa; > Troy H.SCHLIEMANN, Trojanische Alterthiimer. Bericht uber die Ausgrabungen in Troja, 1874; Id., Bericht uber die Ausgrabungen in Troja in den Jahren 1871 bis 1873, 1990; Ed., Ilios. Stadt und Land der Trojaner. Forschun-

gen und Entdeckungen in der Troas und besonders auf der Baustelle von Troja, 1881; Id., Troja. Ergebnisse meiner neuesten Ausgrabungen auf der Baustelle von Troja, in den Heldengrabern, Bunarbaschi und anderen Orten der Troas im J. 1882, 1884; Id., Bericht iber die Ausgrabungen in Troja im Jahre 1890, 1891; W.DORPFELD, Troja 1893. Bericht iiber die im Jahre 1893 in Troja veranstalteten Grabungen, 1894; Id., Die Ausgrabungen in Troja 1894, in: Athener Mitteilungen 19, 1894, 380-394; Id., Troja und Ilion. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen in den vorhistorischen und historischen Schichten von Ilion 1870— 1894, 1902; C. W. BLEGEN u. a., Troy I. General Introduction. The First and Second Settlements, 1950; Id. et al., Troy IL. The Third, Fourth and Fifth Settlements, 1951; Id.

et al., Troy III. The Sixth Settlement, 1953; Id. et al., Troy ERAS (TROY

Greek Ilion, Troy VIII (c. 700-85 BC = Archaic era to Hellenistic era; see plan below): The oldest buildings ofa sanctuary first arose after 700 BC, but votive offerings show that the location had already been considered sacred for some decades prior. After a phase of poverty in the Classical era (5th/4th cent.), the specific veneration of the ‘sacred city of Ilion’ as the (alleged) location of the Trojan War followed in the 3rd cent. BC, with a temple of Athena on the citadel hill and another sanctuary with temples. Ilion became the religious and political centre of the region as part of a league of cities. At the end of the 3rd cent. BC, a c. 3.5 km long city wall was erected around the lower city, which was methodically laid out with right-angled streets. In 85 BC, Flavius [I 6] Fimbria destroyed the sacred city.

IV. Settlements VIIa, VIIb and VIII, 1958; J.LAWRENCE

ANGEL, Troy. The Human Remains (Troy Suppl. 1), 1951; A.BELLINGER,

Troy. The Coins

(Troy Suppl. 2), 1961;

D.Burr THompson, Troy. The Terracotta Figurines of the Hellenistic Period (Troy Suppl. 3), 1963; G. Rapp JR., J.A. Girrorp, Troy. The Archaeological Geology (Troy Suppl. 4), 1982; F.W. Goernert, H. ScHLerr, Der Athen-

atempel von Ilion, 1962; yearly reports on the new international excavations at T. (since 1988) in the series Studia Troica, now published: vol. 1, 1991 to vol. 17, 2007; with

suppl.: ‘Studia Troica Monographien’; T.: Traum und Wirklichkeit (multi-author vol. accompanying the exhibition in Stuttgart etc., 2001/2), 2001.

M.KO.

980

TROY

Il]. MYTHOLOGY: THE TROJAN CYCLE A. MytTH B.CHRONOLOGY C. THE TROY LEGEND IN LITERATURE AND HISTORY

A. MyTH The Trojan Cycle (= TC) is comprised of the events from the birth of > Helena [1] to the Trojan War (= TW; primary source: Homer’s Iliad) to the return of ~» Odysseus to Ithaca (primary source: Homer’s Odyssey), i.e. a period of approximately 40 years. At the wedding of > Peleus and + Thetis, there emerges a beauty contest between -» Hera, —» Athena and + Aphrodite, which -> Paris, the son of the Trojan king > Priamus, decides in favour of Aphrodite, because she promises him marriage to Helena. Paris travels to Sparta and abducts Helena, who is living there as the wife of > Menelaus [1]. Since diplomatic attempts to recover Helena fail, » Agamemnon, the brother of Menelaus, gathers an enormous force for a siege of T. Among those joining the military operation with their own fleets are > Achilles [1], > Ajax [1], > Diomedes [1], > Nestor [1] and Odysseus. Only after some delays (cf. + Iphigenia) are the Greeks able to land outside of fle

A siege begins which lasts for several years, because the Greeks are not able to cut the city off from its allies in Asia Minor. In addition, discord among the gods prevents quick success. When Achilles withdraws from combat out of wrath over having to relinquish > Briseis to Agamemnon, the Greeks encounter serious difficulties. His renewed involvement after the death of — Patroclus [1] brings about the turning point. He kills + Hector, the leader of the Trojans, in single combat. The Amazons under > Penthesilea and the Ethiopian king > Memnon [1] now come to the aid of the Trojans, but both are defeated by Achilles. Apollo himself — through the archery of Paris — finally kills Achilles. Before they are able to capture the city, the Greeks have to bring > Neoptolemus [1] from Scyros and > Philoctetes with the bow of Heracles [1] from Lemnos, and steal the > Palladion from T. They are finally able to capture T. after ten years of siege through the ruse of the wooden horse built by > Epius [1]. After brutally destroying the city, the Greeks set out for home, which ~» Odysseus is the last to reach after long wandering. The war is triggered by the plan of Zeus to free the earth of overpopulation and to punish people for their lack of piety (Cypria F 1 EpGF). As a result of this and the war for -> Thebes [2], the Heroic Age, the fourth epoch in the ages of the world, is brought to an end (Hes. Op. 156-173;

> Period, Era).

In mythology, the first king in the > Troas is -» Teucer [1], who marries his daughter to > Dardanus [1], who thus becomes the progenitor of the Trojan royal house (for the genealogy Dardanidae). The founding of the city Ilium/T. goes back to the son of Tros, > Ilus [1]. For the latter’s son

> Laomedon [1], > Pos-

eidon and > Apollo (later also > Aeacus) erect the city walls of T. Because they are denied their pay, Poseidon

sends a monster, which Heracles [1] defeats on behalf of

Laomedon. When Laomedon also cheats him of the promised reward, Heracles destroys T. Rule passes to Laomedon’s son Priamus, who rebuilds the city. B. CHRONOLOGY Some participants in the actual, i.e. second, cam-

paign against T. allow the events of the TC to be arranged chronologically relative to other legends: -> Tlepolemus [1] is the son of Heracles [1]; Diomedes and > Sthenelus [4] belong to the Epigoni, who had previously captured Thebes [2] (cf. + Epigoni [2]; Hom. Il. 4,372-410); Peleus, the father of Achilles, took part in the voyage of the Argonauts. In Antiquity as well, there was also no lack of attempts to determine the period of the TW, the historicity of which was not doubted, using genealogies of heroes and rulers (cf. Hecat. FGrH x F 1-35; Hdt. 7,171,1). Efforts were repeatedly made to calculate back from outstanding historical events to arrive at a precise date for the destruction of T. Herodotus placed it approximately 800 years before his own

time, i.e. around 1250 BC (Hdt. 2,145). The ~» Marmor Parium assumes 1209/8, while the dating to 1184/3 gradually became established (Eratosth. FGrH 241 F 1; Apollod. FGrH 244 F 61; [3]).

C. THE TROY LEGEND IN LITERATURE AND HISTORY The Trojan Cycle or its individual episodes spread over and over again to every genre in Greek literature. The Trojan Waro epics Iliad and Odyssey, each of which is dedicated to a part of the Trojan Cycle (> Homerus [1]), are prominent. The remaining events up to the death of Odysseus were later depicted in other (largely lost) epics, in mythical-chronological order (> Epic cycle). They, in turn, served as material for Attic tragedies, which placed individual episodes on the stage (e.g. Aesch. Achilles and Ajax trilogy; Aesch. Philoctetes; Soph. Aj.; Soph. Phil.; Eur. Hec.; Eur. Hel.; Eur. Tro.). Choral lyrics also took up the Trojan Cycle (Stesich. Iliupersis, Nostoi, Helena). Beginning in the 5th cent. BC, the Trojan War, the first joint venture of

the Greeks, was also seen as a historical paradigm for the conflict between Asia and Europe or between Persians and Greeks (Eur. IA. 1368-1401; Hdt. 1,3-5; Thuc. 1,3; Isoc. Or. 12,42; 80). For Xerxes and Alexander [4] the Great as well, the Trojan War marked an important event in Greek history, which is why they visited T. on their campaigns (Hdt. 7,43; Arr. Anab. 1,1I,3—I,12,2).

In Rome, the Trojan Cycle had a significant literary impact, stretching from the Odyssia of Livius [III x] Andronicus and republican tragedy (e.g. Naevius: Equos Troianus; Accius: Achilles, Armorum iudicium)

to Dares

[3] and Dracontius [3]. Furthermore, the Trojan Cycle was of considerable significance for Roman historical philosophy: Rome was seen as T. reborn according to divine plan, its founding made possible by the landing of the Trojans, led by > Aeneas [r],

981

982

in Latium. Leading families of Rome saw themselves as the descendants of Trojans, the gens Iulia claimed Aeneas as their first ancestor. These ideas found their most powerful form in the Aeneid of > Vergilius. In the Middle Ages and into the modern era, noble families and cities, as well as whole peoples such as the Franks or Turks, claimed descent from Aeneas and other Trojans [x]. Accordingly, the Trojan Cycle continued to live prominently in the vernacular literature of the Middle

concluded (2,113-120) that Helen (> Helena [1]) was

Ages (e.g. Benoit de St. Maure, Roman de Troie, around 1165; Herbort von Fritzlar, Liet von Troye, around 1195; Konrad von Wirzburg, Trojanerkrieg, around

1285; [2]). + Dares [3]; > Dictys Cretensis; > Epic cycle; > Homerus [1]; — Ilias parva; — Ilias Latina; > Iliupersis;

+ Troy, romance of 1 M.Borcorte, Europas Geschichte und Troia. Der Mythos im Mittelalter, in: [6], 190-203. 2H.BRUNNER (ed.), Die deutsche Troia-Literatur des Mittelalters und der Friihen Neuzeit, 1990 3 H.Cancik, Der Trojanische

Krieg. Seine Bedeutung fiir das Geschichtsbild der Griechen und Romer, in: [6], 174-179 4D.HEeERTEL, Troia, 2001 5 J.Laracz, Troiaund Homer, 2001 67. Traum und Wirklichkeit ( (multi-author vol. accompanying the exhibition in Stuttgart etc., 2001/2), 2001. E.BetrHe, Der troische Epenkreis, *1929 (Ndr. 1966); M.Davies, The Epic Cycle, 1989; PRELLER/ROBERT, Bd.

AGM.

J.STE.

Troy, romance of I. CONCEPT AND CHARACTERISTICS works

III. RECEPTION

II. ANCIENT

DURING THE MIDDLE

AGES AFTER

I. CONCEPT AND CHARACTERISTICS The term romance of Troy is here used to refer to a number of ancient prose texts predating the Trojan epics of the Middle Ages, particularly the tales of -» Dictys Cretensis and > Dares [3] Phrygius, which were composed in Late Antiquity. To be sure, the ambition of these and similar works was certainly not to be a romance or novel (-» Novel); whether in a playful or serious manner, they claim to tell the truth about the Trojan War. In that effort, they sometimes substantially contradict the poets, specifically -- Homerus [1]; on occasion, however, they more or less confirm what the poets have to say. For example, they confirm the names and numbers contained in the so-called ‘Catalogue of Ships’ (in the 2nd book of the ‘Iliad’); when later writers

appear to deviate from that text, it is generally because the text is corrupt. Characteristic of such quasi-historical texts is their ‘rationality’, which brooks no inconsistencies and, above all, refuses to accept the supernatural. Most of all, any mention of personal intervention by the gods is eliminated from the old tales. The first writer seen to correct the Homeric accounts of Troy, whether through simple reasoning and invention or by reconciling them with other stories that had been handed down, was Herodotus, who, for example,

TROY, ROMANCE

OF

never in Troy, but was residing in Egypt during the war. There were basically no limits to the arbitrary corrections that were made. They might go so far as to assert that the Trojan War ended not with the conquest of Troy, but with a peace treaty (Dion Chrys. or. 11). In general, however, changes were limited to accentuating different elements and introducing new motifs. For example, — Palamedes [1], of whom the ‘Iliad’ and ‘Odyssey’ make no mention, regains his role — which is evident in the > Kypria and in tragedy — and takes on even greater significance (especially in Dares [3]). Troilus [1], once of little importance as a warrior, is made into a great Trojan hero. The motif of an Achilles falling in love with Polyxena is an invention by an anonymous author, which proved to be influential. Il. ANCIENT WORKS The series of more or less complete accounts appears to have begun in the 3rd cent. BC with the “Trojan History’ (Troika) of + Dionysius [13] Skytobrachion, of which only the title has been preserved. A little more is known of > Hegesianax of Alexandria (Troy), who, under the name Cephalion (or Cephalon) of Gergis, also published a work called Troika in the 2nd cent. BC, which was cited roo years later as a serious historical source (Athen. 9,593d-e; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,49,1 and 1,72,1). The first work on this subject to survive is

the aforementioned “Trojan Speech’ (Troikos logos) by Dion [13] Chrysostomus (or. 11). From this period, excerpts have also been preserved of the New History (Kaine historia) of + Ptolemaeus [64] Chennus; Antipater of Acanthus (FGrH 56), whom he names as his source, was probably his own invention. Antipater was alleged to have attested to the existence of a pre-Homeric Dares: It was no doubt this > Dares [3] that was meant by the author from Late Antiquity who fabricated the story of the ‘Phrygian Dares’ (FGrH 51). The Greek original of > Dictys Cretensis may be from the 2nd cent. It was in the early 3rd cent. that — Philostratus [5] wrote his dialogue Héroikds, which tells of the events of the Trojan War through the eyes of > Protesilaus, who was revered as a hero. A work by a certain (probably late) Sisyphus of Cos (FGRH 50) is mentioned by +> Iohannes [18] Malalas as a source for his Chronographia. This Sisyphus is said to have taken part in the Trojan War as a companion of Teucer [2]. The Suda s. v. Korinnos tells of a Trojan of this name who allegedly was the first to describe the battle of Ilion.

IIL. RECEPTION DURING THE MIDDLE AGES

AFTER The ancient ‘Romance of Troy’, particularly that of Dares, was incorporated into the history and poetry, both Latin and vernacular, of the Middle Ages. The great interest in the subject of Troy stemmed not least

from a desire to establish a dynastic and ethnic identity; it allowed one, like the Romans, to trace one’s history

back to Trojan immigrants — this was done esp. by the

TROY, ROMANCE OF

983

984

Franks, as first shown in the » Fredegar Chronicle (7th

(modern Centesimo), ad Aquas (modern Acquasanta

cent.). The highest levels of literary achievement are linked with the names of Benoit DE SAINTE-MAURE

Terme),

(Roman de Troie, about 1160) and lIoseph Iscanus (Daretis Frigii Ylias, 1190). However, only Benoit’s

epic was widely disseminated, for example through the works about Konrad Guido 1287),

of Herbort vON FriITZLAR (‘Liet von Troye’, 1195), Albert von SrapeE (‘Troilus’, 1249), von WURzBURG (“Trojanerkrieg’, 1281-1287), DE CoLumNis (Historia destructionis Troiae, Boccaccio (Il Filostrato, about 1335) and

CHAUCER (Troilus and Criseyde, about 1385). Certain motifs from Dictys and Dares continued to play a role in poetry and mythography until the roth cent.; examples include

SCHILLER’S

ballad

Gustav SCHWAB’s ‘Schénste Altertums’ (1838-18 40). — Novel; > Troy II.

‘Kassandra’

Sagen

(1802)

and

zung, Kommentar und interpretationen zum Heroikos des Flavios Philostratos, 1999; H. BRUNNER (ed.), Die deutsche Trojaliteratur des Mittelalters und der frihen Neuzeit, 1990; PH. CONTAMINE, s. v. Trojanerabstammung (of the Franks), LMA 8, 1997, 1041; U. DuBIELzIG et al.,

LMA

Ascoli) and, navigable

Truffles see

> Mushrooms

Trump(i)lini. Alpine people in the modern Val Trompia (regional name Trumplia: CIL Il 7452); subjugated in 16 BC by P. Silius [II 7] (Plin. HN

3,136) and as-

signed to the municipium of - Brixia. The T. are mentioned in an inscription at the Sebasteion in Aphrodisias [x] (AE

1982,

8920).

A princeps

and a praefectus

cohortis Trumplinorum (CIL V 4910) attest to recruiting from the tribe by the Roman army. H.GR. Truth (d)Seva/aletheia; Latin veritas). I. PHiLosopHy II. CHRISTIANITY

NER, N.R. Wotr (eds.), Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter und in der friihen Neuzeit, 1993, 177-208; A. BESCHORNER, Helden und Heroen, Homer und Caracalla. Uberset-

Trojadichtung,

(modern

des klassischen

K. ALFEN et al., Entstehungssituation und Publikum der deutschen Trojaliteratur des 12. bis 16. Jh., in: H. BRUN-

s.v.

- Asculum

only in this area, into the sea near > Truentum to the south of modern San Bendetto. GU

8,

1997,

1034-1041;

TH. GARTNER, Klassische Vorbilder mittelalterlicher Trojaepen, 1999; N. HoLzperG, Der antike Roman, *2001;

M.-R. JunG, La légende de Troie en France au moyen age, 1996; K.C. Kina, Achilles Amator, in: Viator 16, 1985,

21-64; S. MERKLE, Die Ephemeris belli Troiani des Diktys von Kreta, 1989; F.Patzic, Das Trojabuch des Sisyphos von Kos, in: ByzZ 12, 1903, 231-257; J. STOHLMANN (ed.), Anonymi Historia Troyana Daretis Frigii, 1968;

K. UsENER, Dictys und Dares tiber den Troischen Krieg, in: Eranos 92, 1994, 102-120. J.D.

I. PHILOSOPHY It was in a didactic poem by > Parmenides (about 500 BC) that aletheia was first elevated from an element of colloquial language to a central philosophical term. In that poem, the goddess teaches the poet to distinguish the truth (GAnOein/alethere) from the mere illusion

of human opinions (80€a/doxai) (28 B 1 and 8 DK). Only that which is (or ‘being’) is true, for what is not can be neither thought nor expressed (28 B 2, 3 and 8 DK); and that which is (being) is a single entity. Parmenides left for the philosophers who followed him the problem of falsehood: A false statement would involve thinking that which is not, which is impossible, thus seemingly eliminating the basis for any false statement. As the > Sophists turned philosophical attention to human beings, the homo mensura doctrine of > Protagoras[1] (“Man is the measure of all things: of the things which are, that they are, and of the things which are not, that they are not”, 80 B 1 DK and PI. Tht. 152a,

5th cent. BC) brought with it a wide-ranging reorientation, also with respect to the understanding of truth: “whatever a man thinks at any time is the truth for him”

Trozella see > Nestoris Truentum. Port of the > Praetuttii in Picenum (-> Pi-

centes) on the right bank of the > Truentus at its mouth on the Adriatic (> Ionios Kolpos; Plin. HN 3,110; Cic. Att. 8,12b,1: Castrum Truentinum; cf. Ptol. 3,1,21) to

the south of modern San Benedetto del Tronto. At T. the + Via Salaria and the Adriatic coast road joined [1]. Archaeological remains: 3rd cent. BC — 7th cent. AD. 1 MILLER, 215. V.GALIg, Castrum Truentum e Turris ad Truntum, 1984;

A.R. Starra, Citta romane dell’Abruzzo adriatico, in: Journal of Ancient Topography 8, 1998, 33-42. GU.

Truentus (Truentinus). River in Picenum (-> Picentes),

modern Tronto. It rises in the > Appenninus (on mons Fiscellus, modern Gran Sasso), flows parallel to the ~> via Salaria past Badies (not located), ad Martis (not

located), Surpicanum

(not located), ad Centesimum

(ta Get Soxodvta ... TH Soxodvtt eivar GANOA / ta aei dokounta ... toi dokounti einai aléthé, P|. Tht. 158e).

> Plato took up the key feature of Protagoras’ doctrine when he developed the Socratic search for definitions, as expressed in the ‘What is X?’ question, into the search for ideas as constituting true reality (— Socrates[2]; > Ideas, theory of). Platonic ideas are, as it were,

Parmenides’ ‘that which is’ in multiplication — in keeping with Plato’s emphasis on the ‘is’ of predication (‘is X’) and its many senses, as opposed to the ‘is’ of exist-

ence, which had been Parmenides’ starting point. In the sun parable of the Republic, the idea of the good lends ‘truth’ (Gn Gevo/aletheia) and ‘being’ or ‘that which is’ (to dv/to On; Plat. Resp. 508d) to other ideas: it is through their affiliation with the cosmos of ideas as governed by the idea of the good that all the other ideas are what they are, and possess the truth-grounding character of being the objects of real insight.

985

986

In the Theaetetus and Sophistes, Plato analyzes the problem of false statements. A true proposition is this: to say of something which is that it is, and to say of something which is not, that it is not (PI. Soph. 261rd263d). Yet it was Aristotle (+ Aristoteles[6]) who first eliminated the main obstacle to understanding negative existential statements: the mistaken identification of the sense and the reference of an expression (cf. Aristot. An. Post.), and hence the identification of ‘speaking of nothing’ with ‘saying nothing’. Instead, Aristotle explained the truth of a negative existential statement ‘a is not’ with the truth of all negative predications ‘a is not F’ (cf. Aristot. Cat. 13b 16-33). This solution is still found in modern logic, in the so-called ontology of the Polish school of logic (S$. LESNIEWSKI), as well as the

works of W. V. O. Quine [1; 2]. Aristotle’s most general explanation of true statements is this: “To say of what is that it is, and of what is not that it is not, is true” (Aristot. Metaph. rorrb 27). Compared with Scholastic formulations (Thomas Aquinas, Disputatio de veritate, quaestio 1, articulus 3), which explain truth, for instance, as correspondence to things, the Aristotelian

formula has remained a model of clarity, which has been taken up in modern semantics [3]. Among the ways in which ‘is’ and ‘being’ are used, Aristotle also underscores the ‘veritative’ use. This yields ‘that which is in the sense of that which is true’ (Ov ws ahndés / On hos aléthés, Aristot. Metaph. 1o17a 31-35, 1026a 34 f.), which is not a quality of objects, but is found in understanding (éiavo.d/didnoia) (ibid. 1027b 25 ff.). For Aristotle, that which is as the true consists in what is today termed ‘propositions’ (in the non-linguistic sense). In Thomas Aquinas (De ente et

essentia, ch. 1; Summa theologiae Ja quaestio 48 articulus 2 ad 2), it then became that which exists at all; this

expansion has been introduced to modern philosophy through F. BRENTANO [4; 5]. In Hellenism, the focus in questions about truth shifted to the criterion of truth [6; 7]. ~» Logic; > Ontology 1 C. Leyewski,

Zu Lesniewskis

Ontologie, in: Ratio 2,

1958, 50-78 2W.V.O. Quine, Froma Logical Point of View, *1961, 165 f. 3A.TARsK1, The semantic conception of truth and the foundations of semantic, in: Id., Logic, Semantics, Metamathematics, tr. J.H. Woodger, 1956 and *1983 4 F.BRENTANO, Von der mannigfachen Bedeutung des Seienden nach Aristoteles 1862,37 5 Id., Wahrheit und Evidenz, 1930, 30, 48 6 G. STRIKER, Koitnyovov tig GAnetacg (Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften Gottingen, 1974.2), in: Ead., Essays on Hellenistic Epistemology and Ethics, 1996, 22-76 7 Ead., Epicurus on the Truth of Sense Impressions, in: see

[6], 77-91. N. Denver, Language, Thought and Falsehood in Ancient Greek Philosophy, 1991; M.FrEDE, Plato’s Sophist on False Statements, in: R.Kraut (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Plato 1992, 397-424; M. HeipeGerr, Platon: Sophistes, 1992; R. HERBERTZ, Das Wahrheitspro-

blem in der griechischen Philosophie, 1913; CH. H. KAHN, The Verb ‘Be’ in Ancient Greek, 1973, 184-194; 33 1-370; F.M. Leat Carretero, Der aristotelische Wahrheitsbe-

TRUTINA

griff und die Aufgabe der Semantik, Diss. K6In 1983; J.-P. Levert, Le vrai et le faux dans la pensée greque archaique, 1976; W. LUTHER, ‘Wahrheit’ und ‘Liige’ im altesten Griechentum, 1935; Id., ‘Wahrheit’, Licht und Erkenntnis in der griechischen Philosophie bis Demokrit, 1966; B.SNELL, Die Entwicklung des Wahrheitbegriffs bei den Griechen, in: Id., Der Weg zum Denken und zur Wahrheit, 1978, 91-104; J.Szair, Platons Begriff der Wahrheit, *1998; E. TUGENDHAT, Der Wahrheitbegriff bei Aristote-

les, in: Id., Philosophische Aufsatze, 1992, 251-260; C.J. F. Wituiams, What is Truth?, 1976; P. WILPERT, Zum aristotelischen Wahrheitsbegriff, in: Philosophisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft 53, 1940, 3-16. W.SA.

II]. CHRISTIANITY In the NT, the term ‘truth’ (6A*@eva/aletheia; veritas)

is used to elicit deeper theological significance from the events surrounding — Jesus of Nazareth. In accordance with its usual Greek sense, particularly in the Synoptics (Mark, Matthew, Luke), the word means the ‘correctness’ of a state of affairs (in contrast to wetdoc/pseudos, ‘lie’), and relatedly, ‘honesty’ or ‘veracity’ in the ethical sense. > Paulus [II 2] (like the > Septuagint) borrows the meanings ‘reliability’, ‘faithfulness’, ‘constancy’ (in the existential sense — the opposite of ‘disappointment’) from the Hebrew ?“met (particularly in Rom 3:3-7). In this sense, the OT(Gn 32:11; 47:29; Jos 2:14; 2 Sam 2:6; 15:20 etc.) also speaks of ‘doing the truth’ (GdHOevav noreiv /alétheian poiein; cf. x Cor 13:6; 2 Cor 13:8; Gal 5:7). For Paul, then, truth is an event that claims obedience. Thus Paul can relate this concept to the Christ event (2 Cor 11:10; Gal 2:5; 2:14; 4:16) as well as to God’s revelation in the world (Rom 1:18-25). John identifies the concept of truth entirely with the Christ event and God’s revelation (Jo 1:14; 1:17; 8:32; 14:6), referring back to the etymological meaning ‘being manifest, not hidden’ (referring to God; aletheia from lanthdnein, ‘being hidden’; cf. Jo 1:18 in conjunction with Jo 14:9). With this concept of truth, John makes clear what is meant when Jesus addresses God as Father, and what was meant by the dual commandment to love in Mt 22:34-40. ‘Doing the truth’ (Jo 3:21) in John’s writings comes to mean ‘remaining in love’ (1 Jo 4:16) — the love which is God’s reality (Jo 3:16) and which he gave to humankind through his Son (1 Jo 4:7— ro). In this way John brings the Greek and Hebrew concepts of truth into synthesis. Patristics follows John in conceding truth only to God, or to the > Trinity, thus leading to the concept of eternal, everlasting truth (Aug. Soliloq. 2,2,32; Aug. Conf. 11,10; Aug. Trin. 8,38; Aug. De libero arbitrio

2,34). 1 L.B. Punret et al., s. v. Wahrheit, in: LThK3 10, 2001, 926-939 (Literature) 2 G.W. H. Lampe, A Patristic Lexicon, s. v. GAnOeua, 91996.

Trutina see - Scales

|.BU.

TRUTTEDIUS CLEMENS

987

988

Truttedius Clemens. Sex. T. C., equestrian; tribune of

Rome. Defeated by > Antiochus [9] VII in 138 or 136/35 BC, T. took his life in Apamea (1 Macc 11:3915:37; Diod. Sic. 32,9¢; 33,44; 28; 28a; Liv. Epit. 55; Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,131-134).

the second cohort of > vigiles in Rome; later procurator of Asturia et Gallaecia, afterwards of Dalmatia et Histria; perhaps in first half of the 2nd cent. AD (CIL I 2643; VI 2968; AE 1985, 374); cf. [1. 64]. 1G.ALF6Lpy,

Proy.

Hispania

superior

(AHAW

2000.

19),

H.R. BALpus, Der Helm des T., in: JNG 20, 1970, 217239; TH. FIscHER, Zu T., in: Chiron 2, 1972, 201-213;

W.E.

WILL 2, 404-407; 410 f.

Trygon (Tovywv/Trygon, ‘turtle-dove’). Nurse of > Asclepius. According to Paus. 8,25,11 her grave was at his sanctuary in Thelphusa in Arcadia. According to Arcadian legends Antolaus, son of Arcas, handed the ex-

posed Asclepius over to T. The name suggests that Asclepius was fed by a dove; according to other versions of the legend Asclepius is suckled by a goat and guarded by a dog. U.von

WiLaMowi1Tz-MoELLENDORF,

Isyllos von Epi-

dauros, in: PhU 9, 1886, 87.

GO:

A.ME.

[2] Name taken by the slave Salvius [I r] as king and leader in the 2nd - slave revolt in Sicily in 104 BC. He led the uprising in the centre of the island and unsuccessfully besieged Morgantina. Following the Hellenistic model, he then took the royal name T. After Athenion [2], the leader of the rebels in the west of the island, submitted to him, the two of them conquered Triocala, which T. lavishly developed into his residence and where he established a government, adopting Roman models. In 103, the two were defeated by the propraetor L. Licinius [I 25] Lucullus at Scirthaea, without the latter capitalizing militarily on the victory. After the natural death of T. in roz BC, Athenion became leader

of the revolt (Diod. Sic. 36,4,4-9,1).

Trypanon see -> Tools Tryphe (tev; tryphe). A specifically Ptolemaic ruler ideal (cf. the epithet Tryphon, Tryphaina), arising out of the cult of the victorious > Dionysus and his celebrations. Thryphe meant rule providing splendour and brilliance, wealth and fortune. Since it also included the

fertility of the land, it could be linked to perceptions of the activities of the > pharaoh. On the other hand, as a Greek term for — /uxus with negative connotations, thryphe was connected, e.g. under the influence of > Stoicism, with (particularly ‘oriental’) softness and effeminacy (Latin Iuxuria, effeminatio). A.PASSERINI, La t. nella storiografia ellenistica, in: SIFC IT, 1934, 34-56; J. TONDRIAU, La t., philosophie royale ptolémaique, in: REA 50, 1948, 49-54; H. HEINEN, Die T.

des Ptolemaios VIII. Euergetes II., in: Id. (ed.), Althistori-

sche Studien, FS H. Bengtson, 1983,

116-130.

W.A.

Tryphiodorus see — Triphiodorus Tryphon (Tovpwv/Tryphon). [1] Name assumed by the usurper Diodotus

from

Casiane near Apamea [3] (Str. 16,2,10). As strategos of > Demetrius [7] I, D./T. went over to the pretender to

the throne > Alexander [II 13] Balas, betrayed Antioch [1] on the Orontes to > Ptolemaeus [9] VI, occupied Apamea [3] and Chalcis, but then did not switch over to Demetrius [8] II, instead raising Alexander’s [13] son to king as > Antiochus [8] VI in 145 BC. He defeated Demetrius and allied with the - Hasmonaean Jonathan, having him murdered in 143. He conquered Phoenician cities (but not Sidon and Tyre), gained possession of Syria (without Iudaea), set Antiochus VI aside in 142 or 139 and had himself proclaimed king by the army (basileus autokrator with his own count of years independent of the era of the — Seleucids and with other peculiarities: HN 767), but was not recognized by

Lit.: > Athenion [2].

K.-LE.

[3] Important Greek grammarian, 2nd half of the rst cent. BC (Sudas. v. T.,t 1115); son of + Ammonius [3]

of Alexandria and teacher of - Habron. T. is considered the founder of dialectology and linguistic pathology [1. 22-32; 2. 150 f.] as well as a strict representative of > analogy [3. 743]. The four part criteria canon of linguistic theory (analogia, didlektos, etymologia, historia) may trace back to his works on correct language, i.e. > orthography and Hellénismés [2. 159163]. Along with other grammarians of the rst cent. BC [2. 27], T. marks the beginning of normative grammar [4. 281; 5. 32]. T. was in direct conflict with his contemporary Didymus [1] [6. 87, 92]; his works were received primarily by Dionysius [19], Apollonius [rr] Dyscolus, Herodianus [1] and Aelius Dionysius [21]. His extremely fragmentary extant work includes an -» onomastikon and more than 30 works on orthography, > prosody and pronunciation, as well as on parts of speech and dialects [3. 727-743]; longer, sometimes spurious, excerpts from six titles exist: 1) Tegi maO@v tig A€Eews (Peri pathdn tés léxeods,

‘On Modifications in Linguistic Usage’) is considered the earliest attempt to explain sound and word changes,

as well as linguistic irregularities of dialect forms [7. 25 f.5 8. 219-221]. T. worked here with the original connection between pathology and _ dialectology [2. 150 f.]. Individual explanations are based on speculative etymology [7. 25 f.]. The work shows that T. is the grammatical source of the sympatheia principle

[9. 26-33]. (2) Tleot mvevpatov (Peri pneumaton, ‘On Aspira-

tion’) was used in numerous pneumatological treatises and in the Etymologicum Magnum [ro. 249 f.]. (3) Heot todmwv (Peri tropon, ‘On Rhetorical Figures’, certainly genuine [11r]) is a compilation of 26

989

990

+ tropes, which are briefly defined and presented using a few examples. (4-6) An excerpt of a Téxyvn yoapmatimn (Téchné grammatiké, ‘Textbook on Grammar’ [12. 191-196; 13. 90-92]) handed down under T.’s name and the two treatises Ilegi uétewv (Peri métron, ‘On Metre’) and

Tlegi tot dc (Peri tot dc, ‘On the Particle tc’) [3. 730 f.] are considered spurious. ~ Analogy; > Grammarians (II.) Lit.:

1 J. WACKERNAGEL, De pathologiae veterum initiis,

Diss. Basel 1876 2 E.SIEBENBORN, Die Lehre von der Sprachrichtigkeit und ihren Kriterien, 1976 3 C. WENDEL, s. v. T. (25), RE 7 A, 726-744 4D.M.

SCHENKEVELD, Scholarship and Grammar, in: Entretiens 40, 1994, 263-306 of

Greek

Grammar,

5 V.D1 BeNEDeETTO, At the Origins in:

Glotta

68,

1990,

TSAKONIAN 1 C. WENDEL, s. v. T. (22), RE7A,726

2FGE 99-101.

M.G.A.

[6] Jew, see > Iustinus [6] Martys

[7] Greek grammarian of an undetermined period. T.’s patronymic is inconsistently handed down (Etym. Gen. Cod. As. v. davevov; Etym. Gud. 134,28 = 334,15 f. DE STEFANI; Etym. M. 247,54). Despite the possible name form Harpokration, any relation of T. to the lexicographer — Harpocration [2] remains unclear; an equation of T. with > T. [3] of Alexandria is not possible. 1 F.SusEMIHL, Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur in der Alexandrinerzeit, vol. 2, 1892, 210347 2 A. VON VELSEN (ed.), Tryphonis Grammatici Alexandrini Fragmenta, 1853 (repr. 1965),3 3 C.WENDEL,s. v. T. (27), REZAT, 744 f. ST.MA.

19-39

6 R.REITZENSTEIN, M. Terentius Varro und Johannes Mauropus von Euchaita, 1901 +7 W.Ax, Quadripertita Ratio, in: D.J. TayLor (ed.), The History of Linguistics in the Classical Period, 1987, 17-40 8 W.PFAFFEL, Wie modern war die varronische Etymologie?, in: see [7], 207—

Tryphoninus. The Roman lawyer Claudius T. (c. 200

228

discussions of controversial legal cases (Disputationes, 21 B.) and Notae (‘notes’) on the Digesta and Responsa of his teacher [1; 2].

9IJ.SLuITER, Ancient Grammar in Context, 1990

10 R. REITZENSTEIN, Geschichte der griechischen Etymologika, 1897. 11M.L. West, T., De tropis, in: CQ 15, 1965, 230-248 12 V.D1 BENEDETTO, Dionysio Trace e la techne a lui attribuita, in: ASNP 27, 1958, 169-210

13 A. Wouters, The Grammatical Papyri from GraecoRoman Egypt, 1979. Ep.:

R.SCHNEIDER,

Excerpta

Tegi ma0@v,

1895

(Peri

pathén); L.C. VALCKENAER, Ammonius, De differentia adfinium vocabulorum, 1739 (repr. 1822; Peri pneumdton); SPENGEL 3, 189-206 (Peri tropon); M.L. West, T.

De Tropts, in: CQ 15, 1965, 230-248. Fr.: A. VON VELSEN, Tryphonis Grammatici Alexandrini Fragmenta, 1853 (repr. 1965). M.B.

[4] The name of two doctors, father and soa, surgeons (Celsus 7, praef. 3; Scribonius Largus, Compositiones, index, 201 and 210; chap. 201, 203, 205, 240), who came to Rome c. AD ro. Drugs appear under their name in Celsus [7] (6,5,3), Scribonius [II 3] Largus

AD), presumably of oriental origin [3], pupil of Cervidius > Scaevola [1] (Dig. 49,17,19 pr.) and consiliarius of Septimius [II 7] Severus (Dig. 49,14,50). He wrote

1H.T. Kram, Entscheidung und Begriindung in den Kommentaren Tryphonins zu Scaevolas Responsen, 1975 2 M.Sixto, Las anotaciones de Trifonino, Bd. 1, 1989; Bd.2,1991 3D.Liess, Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997,

eG ts

T.G.

Trysa (Totoa; Trysa). City in central Lycia (> Lycii) at

modern Golbasi; a dynastic seat from the archaic period. The small settlement was extended c. 400 BC around representational buildings, e.g. a significant heroon (reliefs in Vienna, KM); inhabited until late Antiquity. T. had belonged to Cyaneae [2] as a > démos [2] (B.) since the early Hellenistic period and had a certain amount of autonomy. W.OBERLEITNER, Das Heroon von T., 1994; M. ZIMMER-

MANN,

Untersuchungen

zur historischen

Landeskunde

(Compositiones, chap. 175, 201, 203, 205, 210, 231,

Zentrallykiens, 1992, 85-92; T. MARKSTEINER, T., 2002.

240, 241) and Galen (12,843 and 13,745), with those listed by Celsus and Galen ascribed to the father. Scribonius mentions a T. as his teacher (Compositiones 175), probably the father. This connection with Scribonius has been adduced as evidence of a connection with the court of Augustus or Tiberius, as was the infor-

MA.ZL.

mation that Iulia Augusta (— Livia [2]) used a plaster

the formula for which Scribonius received from T. (Compositiones 175); however, this cannot be verified. H. DILter, s. v. T. (28), RE 7 A, 745.

A.TO.

[5] Otherwise unknown epigrammatist, probably between the late Hellenistic and beginning of the imperial era; the identification with the grammarian T. [3] 1s unlikely (cf. [1; 2]). The only extant poem relates the bizarre death of Terpes (Terpander?), who choked to

death on a fig which fell into his mouth while he was singing, probably at the > Carnea in Sparta (Anth. Pal.

9,488).

Tsakonian. Modern Greek dialect spoken in a small number of villages in the eastern Parnon mountain ridge on the east coast of the Peloponnese. It is unanimously considered the only modern Greek dialect to predominantly continue an Ancient Greek dialect, Dorian Laconic, without any effects of the Koine. In other respects, it is difficult to assign Tsakonian to any dialect groupings (splitting into East or West Greek dialects according to retention/loss of final —n, respectively; splitting into North or South Greek according to the treatment of vowels following upon the stressed syllable); its isolated geographic location makes the preservation of archaisms a priori more likely than for dialects in other areas. These archaisms include the retention of /ul (kine ‘dog’) and of/v/ (davelé, cf. Hsch. s. v. daBerdc for daA6c¢ ‘torch’), furthermore of ancient vocabulary (ante ‘bread’ < totoc/artos, common modern Greek

TSAKONIAN

991

wout/psomi). The survival of long /a/ (améra ‘day’) is specifically - Doric; Tsakonian furthermore retains several features whose existence is attested as early as Young Laconic (znd century AD), such as /s/ for /0/ (seri ‘summer’, cf. 0é00¢/théros), rhotacism (tar amér for tic hutoac/tés héméras) and assimilation of /s/ to a following voiceless stop (akk6 ‘hose’ for soxdc/askos, cf. Hsch. s. v. &xxdo/akkor). Innovative features of Tsakonian include loss of intervocalic /l/ (ga ‘milk’ for yahoa/gala), change of /¢/ to /8/ (as e.g. in Cypriot) and the formation of a periphrastic conjugation in the present tense. R. BRowNING, Medieval and Modern Greek, *1983, 119-

137;

A. CHARALAMBOPOULOS,

Pwvodoyimy Gvadvon THs

Toaxwvinns Suaréextov, 1980; A. DEBRUNNER, A. SCHERER,

Geschichte der griechischen Sprache, vol. 2, 1969, 46-48; A.T. Kostakis, S0vtopn yoouppatuat ti¢ toaxwvimys diahExtov, 1951; Id., Aetypata toaxwvixis diahéxtov, 1980; M.LEKOs, Iegi toaxwvay xai tig toaxwviars Suadextov, 1920; H.PERNOT, Introduction a l’étude du dialecte tsakonien, 1934. V.B.

Tubantes. Germanic tribe to the west of the upper Amisia [1] (modern Ems). Germanicus [2] was attacked by the T. in AD 14 (Tac. Ann. 1,51,2); T. may then have also been paraded in Germanicus’ triumphal procession (Str. 7,1,4: LouPpattoV/Soubattioi). Later than the ~» Chamavi and earlier than the > Usipetes, they settled predominantly between the Vecht and the Ijssel (Tac. Ann. 13,55,2). [hen they migrated southwards together with the Usipetes, who besieged > Mogontiacum in AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 4,37,3). According to Ptol. 2,11,23 (TowBavto/Toubantoi), they were neighbours of the ~ Chatti. Under — Gallienus, civitates on the right

992

were considered, together with the + cornicines and the ~ bucinatores, as immunes (Dig. 50,6,7). Burial stelae for tubicines provide assured depictions of the tuba (CIL III 782 = ILS 2352; CIL X 7884). On the other hand, the tubicen Sibbaeus (CIL XIII 7042) is evidently wielding a double flute (tibiae), whereas the instrument of the bucinator Aurelius Surus (AE 1976,642) appears to be a tuba; a burial stone in Cologne (CIL XII 8275 = ILS 2351) shows a tubicen with the staff of a ‘drum major’.

-» Musical instruments (VI. with ill.);

Signals

1 R. Meucct1, Lo strumento del bucinator A. Surus e il cod. Pal. Lat. 909 di Vegezio, in: BJ 187, 1987, 259-272 2 M.P. SpeipEL, Roman Army Studies, vol. 1, 1984, 123163.

LE.SCH.

Tubilustrium. Roman civic festival of the ‘cleaning of the trumpets’ (tubi or tubae), which was celebrated on

23 March and 23 May. The March date was considered as — feriae (holiday) for Mars (InscrIt 13,2,104; 123), the May date as feriae for Volcanus (InserIt 13,2, 57 and

187). The doubling of the tubilustrium in May is still unclear (but see [1. 219-221]). During these days, the trumpets were cleaned in the Atrium Sutorium and then used for cultic activities (sacra: Varro, Ling. 6,14; cf. InscrIt 13,2, 123; Fest. 480 et passim) — according to

modern interpretation for summoning the army assembly ({2] for 23 March) or in connection with calendrical rites [1. 214-219]. + Calendar; > Mars; > Volcanus 1 J.RUpKE, Kalender und Offentlichkeit, 1995 LARD.

2 ScuL-

AVS.

bank of the Rhine, including those of the T., were lost from the Roman Empire (Laterculus Veronensis 14). In

Tubusuctu (Thubuscum). City in + Mauretania Sitifensis (Plin. HN

5,21;

AD 321, Constantinus [1] I was victorious over the T.

Marc.

about

(Pan. Lat. 4,18). At that time, T. had probably been recruited as Roman auxiliary troops (Not. Dign. Or.

~ Saldae in the Oued Soummam valley, modern Tiklat.

6,10; Not. Dign. Occ. 5,28; 7,123: auxilia palatina Tubantium). Then the T. were absorbed into the ~» Franci (Ripuari).

K.SCHERLING, s. v. T., RE 7 A, 752-754.

RA.WI.

29,5,11),

Ptol. 4,2,31;

30km

8,13,12;

Amm.

to the southwest

of

Although founded as a colonia by the later Augustus for veterans of the /egio VII, T. adopted the (neo-)Punic

traditions of the surrounding area. In the late Roman period the centre of a military district (Not. Dign. Occ. 25,27; [1. 52]). In T.’s territory there was significant olive cultivation. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 8834-8921; Suppl. 3, 20648-20679; CIL XV 2,1, 2634 f.; AE 1975,

Tubero.

Roman

cognomen

(from tuber, ‘swelling’),

-» Aelius [I 12-18]. KAJANTO, Cognomina,

Tubertus.

‘swelling’),

Roman

119; 246.

cognomen

K-LE

(connected with tuber,

» Postumius [I 17].

KAJANTO, Cognomina, 246.

865; 1987, 468; [2; 3. 568; 4. ro9]. 1 C, LErELLEY, Les cites de l'Afrique romaine, vol. 1, 1979 2 J.MARCILLET-JAUBERT, Inscriptions de T., in: Bull. d’Archéologie Algerienne 1, 1962-1965, 163-170 3S.GsELL, Inscriptions inédites de |’Algérie, in: Bull. archeologique du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1897, 1898, 556-773

K.-L.E.

Tubicen (plural tubicines). Roman brass instrument player who would sound a fanfare (tuba) in cults and in the military (Varro, Ling. 5,117; Liv. 1,43,7; Veg. Mil. 2,7,8; 3,5,6). In legions and > auxilia, tubicines

4H.DE VILLEFOSSE,

Quelques inscriptions d’Algérie, in: s. [3], 1901, 106-109; 1938, 93-105.

AAAlg, sheet 7, no. 27; M.Leciay, Saturne africain (Monuments 2), 1966, 299 f.; G.MERCIER, Notes sur les

ruines et les voies antiques de |’Algérie, in: Bull. archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques (1886), 1887, 466-481, esp. 473-477.

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