Brill's New Pauly Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World (Prol-Sar) [12] 9789004142176, 9789004122598

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Wu

~~ Brill’s | the Ancient World IEncyclopedia Neatt ofP auly

ANTIQUITY

—

WWiw iis GAS Fe

UNIVERSITY

of NEW

HAMPSHIRE

LIBRARY

age fectex La PEE

Epmunpb G. MILLER

LIBRARY

FUND

Digitized by the Internet Archive In 2022 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation

https://archive.org/details/brillsnewpaulyen0012unse

Brill’s New Pauly

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 12

PROL-SAR

Brill’s New Pauly SUBJECT

EDITORS

Dr. Andreas Bendlin, Toronto

History of Religion

Prof. Dr. Johannes Niehoff, Berlin Judaism, Eastern Christianity, Byzantine Civilization

History of Civilization

Prof. Dr. Hans Jorg Nissen, Berlin Oriental Studies

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Brandle, Basle

Prof. Dr. Vivian Nutton, London

Christianity

Medicine; Tradition: Medicine

Prof. Dr. Hubert Cancik, Tubingen Executive Editor

Prof. Dr. Eckart Olshausen, Stuttgart Historical Geography

Prof. Dr. Walter Eder, Bochum Ancient History

Prof. Dr. Filippo Ranieri, Saarbriicken European Legal History

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Binder, Bochum

Prof. Dr. Paolo Eleuteri, Venice

Prof. Dr. Johannes Renger, Berlin

Textual Criticism, Palaeography and Codicology

Oriental Studies; Tradition: Ancient Orient

Dr. Karl-Ludwig Elvers, Bochum Ancient History

Prof. Dr. Volker Riedel, Jena

Prof. Dr. Bernhard Forssman, Erlangen Linguistics; Tradition: Linguistics

Prof. Dr. Jorg Riipke, Erfurt Latin Philology, Rhetoric

Prof. Dr. Fritz Graf, Columbus (Ohio)

Prof. Dr. Gottfried Schiemann, Tubingen

Religion and Mythology; Tradition: Religion

Law

PD Dr. Hans Christian Ginther, Freiburg Textual Criticism

Prof. Dr. Helmuth Schneider, Kassel

Prof. Dr. Max Haas, Basle Music; Tradition: Music Prof. Dr. Berthold Hinz, Kassel Tradition: Art and Architecture

Dr. Christoph Hocker, Zurich Archaeology Prof. Dr. Christian Hiinemérder, Hamburg Natural Sciences

Prof. Dr. Lutz Kappel, Kiel Mythology Dr. Margarita Kranz, Berlin

Tradition: Philosophy Prof. Dr. André Laks, Lille

Philosophy

Tradition: Education, Countries (II)

Executive Editor; Social and Economic History,

Military Affairs, History of Classical Scholarship Prof. Dr. Dietrich Willers, Berne

Classical Archaeology (Material Culture and History of Art) Dr. Frieder Zaminer, Berlin Music

Prof Dr. Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg Tradition: Countries (1)

ASSISTANT

EDITORS

Brigitte Egger

Jochen Derlien Susanne Fischer

Prof. Dr. Manfred Landfester, Giessen Executive Editor: Classical Tradition; Tradition:

Dietrich Frauer

History of Classical Scholarship and History of Civilization

Ingrid Hitzl

Prof. Dr. Maria Moog-Griinewald, Tiibingen Comparative Literature Prof. Dr. Dr. Glenn W. Most, Pisa

Heike Kunz Vera Sauer

Christiane Schmidt

Greek Philology Prof. Dr. Beat Naf, Zurich

Tradition: Political Theory and Politics

Dorothea Sigel Anne-Maria Wittke

(GERMAN

EDITION)

Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly Edited by Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider

English Edition Editor-in-chief Christine F. Salazar

Assistant Editors Cordula Bachmann, Jon S. Bruss, Tina Chronopoulos, Susanne E. Hakenbeck, Annette Imhausen, Kim Barkowski, Sebastiaan R. van der Mije, Michiel Op de Coul,

Antonia Ruppel, Ernest Suyver and Barbara Vetter

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 12

PROL-SAR

LEIDEN 2008

- BOSTON

© Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill Nv, Leiden, The Netherlands

ISBN (volume) 978 90 04 14217 6 ISBN (set) 978 90 04 12259 8

Koninklijke Brill Nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, roc Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and vsp.

Originally published in German as DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Copyright © J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH 1996ff./1999ff. Stuttgart/Weimar Cover design: TopicA (Antoinette Hanekuyk) Front: Delphi, temple area Spine: Tabula Peutingeriana

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood

Drive, Suite 910,

Danvers, MA 01923, USA.

Fees are subject to change.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Data structuring and typesetting: pagina GmbH, Tubingen, Germany

PRINTED

IN THE

NETHERLANDS

Table of Contents Notes to the User . List of Transliterations List of Abbreviations .

List of Illustrations and Maps List of Authors List of Translators Entries

Notes to the User Arrangement of Entries

Abbreviations

The entries are arranged alphabetically and, if applicable, placed in chronological order. In the case of alternative forms or sub-entries, cross-references will lead to the respective main entry. Composite entries can be found in more than one place (e.g. a commentariis refers to commentariis, a). Identical entries are differentiated by numbering. Identical Greek and Oriental names are arranged chronologically without consideration of people’s nicknames. Roman names are ordered alphabetically, first accord-

All abbreviations can be found in the ‘List of Abbreviations’. Collections of inscriptions, coins and papyri are listed under their sigla.

ing to the gentilicium or nomen (family name), then the cognomen (literally ‘additional name’ or nickname)

and finally the praenomen

or ‘fore-name’

(e.g. M.

Aemilius Scaurus is found under Aemilius, not Scau-

Bibliographies Most entries have bibliographies, consisting of numbered and/or alphabetically organized references. References within the text to the numbered bibliographic items are in square brackets (e.g. [ 1.5 n.23] refers to the first title of the bibliography, page 5, note 23). The abbreviations within the bibliographies follow the rules of the ‘List of Abbreviations’.

rus).

However, well-known classical authors are lemmatized

according to their conventional names in English; this group of persons is not found under the family name,

Maps

but under their cognomen (e.g. Cicero, not Tullius). In

large entries the Republic and the Imperial period are treated separately.

Texts and maps are closely linked and complementary, but some maps also treat problems outside the text. The authors of the maps are listed in the ‘List of Maps’.

Spelling of Entries

Cross-references

Greek words and names are as a rule latinized, follow-

Articles are linked through a system of cross-references with an arrow > before the entry that is being referred

ing the predominant practice of reference works in the English language, with the notable exception of technical terms. Institutions and places (cities, rivers, islands, countries etc.) often have their conventional English names (e.g. Rome not Roma). The latinized versions of Greek names and words are generally followed by the Greek and the literal transliteration in brackets, e.g. Aeschylus (Aioybdoc; Aischylos). Oriental proper names are usually spelled according to the ‘Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients’ (TAVO), but again conventional names in English are also used. In the maps, the names of cities, rivers, islands, countries etc. follow ancient spelling and are transliterated fully to allow for differences in time, e.g. both Kanmadoma. and Cappadocia can be found. The transliteration of non-Latin scripts can be found in the ‘List of Transliterations’. Latin and transliterated Greek words are italicized in the article text. However, where Greek transliterations do not follow immediately upon a word written in Greek, they will generally appear in italics, but without accents or makra.

to.

Cross-references to related entries are given at the end of an article, generally before the bibliographic notes. If reference is made to a homonymous entry, the respective number is also added. Cross-references to entries in the Classical Tradition volumes are added in small capitals. It can occur that in a cross-reference a name is spelled differently from the surrounding text: e.g., a cross-reference to Mark Antony has to be to Marcus » Antonius, as his name will be found in a list of other names containing the component ‘Antonius’.

:

Ss =

~© Fe Ve 6PVR ©

@Sotth ‘Gis ey mm fs See eae ges el wis = % | Sie

ta

oe

ie 4 Oo 6)

@ amb

+

as

Se

i eee

Ce eee)

ae 7

&

=

o

yee 1 —

=

.

—

Sere

Cas a

_

7

_

List of Transliterations Transliteration of ancient Greek alpha

Transliteration of Hebrew

a

a

x

a

au

al

=|

b

bet

aru B Y é €

au b g d e

i 7 i ) t

g d h w Z

gimel dalet he vav zayin

EL ra)

ei eu

n v

h t

khet tet

ie

vé

z(d)eta

’

y

yod

n nu i) L x r m V 1B 0) ou ou

é éu th 1 k | m n % oO oi ou

eta

> ” 0 ] fo) y 5 x ? 4 v 7]

k l m n s : p/f s q r s 5

kaf lamed mem nun samek ayin pe tsade qof resh sin shin

1

p

pi

n

t

tav

Q

r

rho

beta gamma; y before y, x, &, x: n delta epsilon

theta iota

kappa la(m)bda mu nu xi omicron

0,¢

s

sigma

T

fe

tau

v

y

upsilon

o)

ph

phi

x y w : a

ch ps te) h al

chi psi omega spiritus asper iota subscriptum (similarly y, w)

alef

Pronunciation of Turkish

Turkish uses Latin script since 1928. Pronunciation and spelling generally follow the same rules as European languages. Phonology according to G. Lewrs, Turkish Grammar, 2000. A

a

French a in avoir

In transliterated Greek the accents are retained (acute’,

B

b

grave’, and circumflex ~). Long vowels with the circumflex accent have no separate indication of vowel length (makron).

C (© D E F G G H I i J K L M

c ¢ d e f g g h 1 i j k | m

b j in jam ch in church d French é in étre f g in gate or in angular lengthens preceding vowel h in have iin cousin French i in si French j c in cat or in cure

lin list or in wool m

LIST OF TRANSLITERATIONS

N O

n oO

n French o in note

Transliteration of other languages Akkadian (Assyrian-Babylonian), Hittite and Sumerian are transliterated according to the rules of RLA and

O

6

German 6

P

Pp

Pp

R

r

r

TAVO. For Egyptian the rules of the Lexikon der Agyp-

S

S

sin sit

S Ip U

$ t u

sh in shape t u in put

U Vv

u Vv

German ti Vv

tologie are used. The transliteration of Indo-European follows Rix, HGG. The transliteration of Old Indian is after M. MAYRHOFER, Etymologisches Worterbuch des Altindoarischen, 1992ff. Avestian is done according to K. HorFMANN, B. ForssMAN, Avestische Laut- und

Y

y

y in yet

Z

Z

Zz

Flexionslehre, 1996. Old Persian follows R.G. KENT, Old Persian, *1953 (additions from K. HOFFMANN, Aufsatze zur Indoiranistik vol. 2, 1976, 622ff.); other

Iranian languages are after R. ScHmiITT, Compendium Transliteration Turkish

of Arabic,

aol eo

al b

: b

Persian,

, b

hamza, alif ba

Y

=

P

P

pe

re

t

t

t

ta’

a

t

s

s

ta’

a

-

é

€

cim

Cc

h

h

h

er

-

ee

&

ee

&

ha’

&

ste

>

d

d

d

dal

3

d

z

z

dal

) 5;

if Zz

ig Zi

r Z;

ra’ zay

5

-

Zz

Zz

ze

Bh c

s §

s §

s §

sin Sin

we

8 d

s d

§ d

sad dad

4

c

i

tC

ta’

4

z

z

z

za’

£

;

‘

‘ain

re

f

f

f

3

q

q

qk

4

as J

k |

k g |

k,g,f g,n |

kaf gaf lam

¢

m

m

m

mim

o °

n h

n h

n h

nun ha

5

w,u

Vv

Vv

waw

Ss

y,1

y

y

ya

ee

ee

:

ee

and

fa’

— qaf

Ottoman

linguarum Iranicarum, 1989, and after D.N. MACKENzig, A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary, 1990. For Armenian the rules of R. ScHmMitr, Grammatik des KlassischArmenischen, 1981, and of the Revue des études arméniennes, apply. The languages of Asia Minor are transliterated according to HbdOr. For Mycenean, Cyprian see HEuBECK and Masson; for Italic scripts and Etruscan see VETTER and ET.

List of Abbreviations 1. Special Characters => < > Vv = ® a a ii

see (cross-reference) originated from (ling.) evolved into (ling.) root born/reconstructed form (ling.) married short vowel long vowel deceased

i,u m,n Iie # tea)

fr hl

consonantal i, u vocalized m, n vocalized |, r syllable end word end transliteration phonemic representation apocryphal

2. List of General Abbreviations

Common abbreviations (e.g., etc.) are not included in

the list of general abbreviations.

col. conc. Cologne, RGM comm. Congr. contd. Copenhagen, NCG Copenhagen,

column acta concilii Cologne, R6misch Germanisches Museum commentary Congrss, Congrés, Congresso continued Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek

A. a.uic; abl. acc. aed. cur. aed. pl. Ap(p). Athens,AM_

Aulus ab urbe condita ablative accusative aedilis curulis aedilis plebi Appius Athens, Acropolis Museum

Athens,BM_

Athens, Benaki Museum

Athens,NM_ Athens, NUM b. Baltimore, WAG Basle, AM

Athens, National Museum Athens, Numismatic Museum

Basle, Antikenmuseum

Berlin, PM

Berlin, Pergamonmuseum

D., Dec.

Decimus

Berlin,SM bk(s). Bonn, RL Boston, MFA Bull. G Ge Cambridge, FM carm. Cat. cent.

Berlin, Staatliche Museen book(s) Bonn, Rheinisches Landesmuseum Boston, Museum of Fine Arts

died dative decretum, decreta dissertation edidit, editio, editor, edited (by) ediderunt epistulae falsa lectio feminine figure(s) flamen Florence, Museo Archeologico

century

d. dat. decret. diss. ed. edd. epist. tale fem. fig(s). fla. Florence, MA

ch. Cn.

chapter Gnaeus

Florence, UF

Florence, Uffizi

Cod.

Codex, Codices, Codizes

born Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery

Bulletin, Bullettino Gaius circa Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum carmen, carmina

Catalogue, Catalogo

Copenhagen, National Museum

NM

Copenhagen, ™ cos. cos. des. cos. ord. cos. suff. cur.

Copenhagen, Thorvaldsen Museum consul

consul designatus consul ordinarius

consul suffectus curator

GENERAL

XI

ABBREVIATIONS

fit Frankfurt, LH gen. Geneva,

fragment Frankfurt, Liebighaus

NT Op.

opt. genitive Geneva, Musée d’Art et d’Histoire

MAH

OT Oxford, AM p.

New Testament

Opus, Opera optative Old Testament Oxford, Ashmolean Museum

Ger.

German

Gk.

Greek

P

Papyrus

Hamburg, MKG

Hamburg, Museum fiir Kunst und Gewerbe

Publius Palermo, Museo Archeologico Nazionale

Hanover,

Hanover, Kestner-Museum

P. Palermo, MAN Paris, BN Paris, CM Paris, LV

Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale Paris, Cabinet des Médailles

KM HS ill(s). Imp. inventory no.

sesterces

Istanbul,

Istanbul, Archaeological Museum

illustration(s) Imperator

inventory number

AM itin.

itineraria

Kassel, SK Ik

Kassel, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen

Ibs, lies eat: leg. lib. ling. loc. London, BM M’. M. Madrid, PR Malibu, GM masc. Moscow, PM

MS(S)

Munich, GL Munich, SA Munich,

SM Mus. N. n.d. Naples, MAN neutr. New York, MMA no. nom. N.S.

lex line Lucius loco citato Latin leges liber, libri

linguistic(ally) locative London, British Museum

pon. max. pr(aef). praef. procos. procur. propr. Ps.-

Q.

Paris, Louvre

plate plural pontifex maximus praefatio praefectus proconsul procurator propraetor Pseudo Quintus

qu. Tt

rev. Rome, MC Rome, MN Rome, MV

Manius Marcus Madrid, Prado

Rome, VA Rome, VG Se Ser: S.V.

Malibu, Getty Museum

SC

masculinum, masculine Moscow, Pushkin Museum

quaestor recto revised Rome, Museo Capitolino Rome, Museo Nazionale Rome, Museo Vaticano Rome, Villa Albani Rome, Villa Giulia Sextus Serie, Series, Série, Seria

sub voce senatus consultum scilicet scholion, scholia Servius

sermo singular Society, Societe, Societa Spurius

manuscript(s) Munich, Glyptothek

Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlung Munich, Staatliche Miinzsammlung

page

Saint

Df. St. Peters-

St. Petersburg, Hermitage

burg, HR Museum, Musée, Museo

Stud.

Numerius

Tf

no date Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale

The Hague,

neutrum, neuter, neutral

New York, Metropolitan Museum of

Studia, Studien, Studies, Studi Titus

The Hague, Muntenkabinet

MK Thessaloniki, National Museum Thessaloniki, NM

ie Wib:

number

tit.

nominative Neue Serie, New Series, Nouvelle Série, Nuova Seria

transl. tr. mil.

Tiberius titulus translation, translated (by) tribunus militum

tr. pl.

tribunus plebis

Arts

Xi

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

tte Univ.

V.

terminus technicus Universitat, University, Université, Universita verse

és

verso

Vienna,KM vir clar. vir ill. vir spect. vol(s).

Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum vir clarissimus vir illustris vir spectabilis volume(s)

ABBREVIATIONS

ABr P. ARNDT, F. BRUCKMANN (ed.), Griechische und r6mische Portrats,

1891 - 1912; E. LippoLp

(ed.),

Text vol., 1958 ABSA Annual of the British School at Athens AC L’Antiquité Classique Acta Acta conventus neo-latini Lovaniensis, 1973

AD 3. Bibliographic Abbreviations

A&A Antike und Abendland A&R

Atene e Roma

AA Archaologischer Anzeiger AAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology AAAlg S. GsELL, Atlas archéologique de l’Algérie. Edition spéciale des cartes au 200.000 du Service Géographique de l’ Armée, ror1, repr. 1973 AAHG Anzeiger fiir die Altertumswissenschaften, publication of the Osterreichische Humanistische Gesellschaft AArch Acta archeologica AASO The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research AATun o50 E. BABELON, R. Cacnat, S. REINACH (ed.), Atlas archéologique de la Tunisie (1 : 50.000), 1893 AATun 100 R. Cacnat, A. MERLIN (ed.), Atlas archéologique de la Tunisie (1: 100.000), 1914

AAWG Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse AAWM

Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur in Mainz. Geistes- und sozialwissenschaftliche Klasse AAWW Anzeiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien. Philosophisch-historische Klasse ABAW Abhandlungen der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse Abel F.-M.ABEL,GéographiedelaPalestine2vols.,193 3-38 ABG, Archiv fiir Begriffsgeschichte: Bausteine zu einem historischen Worterbuch der Philosophie

Archaiologikon Deltion ADAIK Abhandlungen des Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts Kairo

Adam J.P. Apam, La construction romaine. Matériaux et

techniques, 1984 ADAW Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Klasse fiir Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst ADB Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie AdI Annali dell’Istituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica AE L’Année épigraphique AEA Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia AEM

Archdologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Osterreich AfO Archiv fiir Orientforschung AGD Antike Gemmen in deutschen Sammlungen 4 vols., 1968-75

AGM Archiv fiir Geschichte der Medizin Agora

The Athenian Agora. Results of the Excavations by the American School of Classical Studies of Athens, 1953 ft. AGPh

Archiv fiir Geschichte der Philosophie AGR

Akten der Gesellschaft fiir griechische und hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte AHAW Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-historische Klasse AHES Archive for History of Exact Sciences AIHS

Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences AION Annali del Seminario di Studi del Mondo Classico,

Sezione di Archeologia e Storia antica

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XIV

ABBREVIATIONS

AJ The Archaeological Journal of the Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland AJA American Journal of Archaeology AJAH American Journal of Ancient History AJBA Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology AJN American Journal of Numismatics AJPh American Journal of Philology AK Antike Kunst AKG Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte AKL G. MEISSNER (ed.), Allgemeines Kiinsterlexikon: Die

bildenden Kinstler aller Zeiten und Volker, *1991 ff. AKM

Abhandlungen fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes Albrecht M. v. ALBRECHT, Geschichte der ro6mischen Literatur, *1994

Alessio G. ALEssi1o, Lexicon etymologicum. Supplemento ai Dizionari etimologici latini e romanzi, 1976 Alexander M.C. ALEXANDER, Trials in the Late Roman Republic: 149 BC to 50 BC (Phoenix Suppl. Vol. 26), 1990 Alfoldi A. ALFOLDI, Die monarchische Reprasentation im romischen Kaiserreiche, 1970, repr. *1980 Alfoldy, FH G. ALFOLDY, Fasti Hispanienses. Senatorische Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen des romischen Reiches von Augustus bis Diokletian, 1969

Alfoldy, Konsulat G. ALFOLDy, Konsulat und Senatorenstand unter den Antoninen. Prosopographische Untersuchungen zur senatorischen Fihrungsschicht (Antiquitas 1,

27), 1977 Alfoldy, RG G. ALFOLDY, Die rémische wahlte Beitrage, 1986

Gesellschaft.

Ausge-

Alféldy, RH

G. ALFOLDY, R6émische Heeresgeschichte, 1987

Alfoldy, RS G. ALFOLDY, Rémische Sozialgeschichte, +1984

ALLG Archiv fiir lateinische Lexikographie und Grammatik Altaner B. ALTANER, Patrologie. Leben, Schriften und Lehre der Kirchenvater, ?1980

AMI Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran Amyx, Addenda C.W. Neerr, Addenda et Corrigenda to D.A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting, 1991

Amyx, CVP

D.A. Amyx, Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period 3 vols., 1988 Anadolu Anadolu (Anatolia)

Anatolica Anatolica AncSoc Ancient Society Anderson J.G. ANDERSON, A Journey of Exploration in Pontus (Studia pontica 1), 1903 Anderson Cumont/Grégoire J.G. ANDERSON, F. CuMONT, H. GREGOIRE, Recueil

des inscriptions grecques et latines du Pont et del’ Arménie (Studia pontica 3), 1910 André, botan. J. ANDRE, Lexique des termes de botanique en latin, 1956

André, oiseaux J. ANDRE, Les noms d’oiseaux en latin, 1967

André, plantes J. ANDRE, Les noms de plantes dans la Rome antique, 1985

Andrews K. ANpDREws, The Castles of Morea, 1953

ANET J.B. PRitcHARD, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, *1969, repr. 1992 AnnSAAt

Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene ANRW H. TEMporIni, W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Nie-

dergang der romischen Welt, 1972 ff. ANSMusN Museum Notes. American Numismatic Society AntAfr Antiquités africaines AntChr Antike und Christentum AntPI Antike Plastik AO Der Alte Orient AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament APF Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete

APh L’Année philologique Arangio-Ruiz V. ARANGIO-Rulz, Storia del diritto romano, °1953

XV

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

Arcadia Arcadia. Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Literaturwissenschaft ArchCl Archeologia Classica ArchE Archaiologike ephemeris ArcheologijaSof Archeologija. Organ na Archeologiceskija institut i muzej pri B’lgarskata akademija na naukite ArchHom Archaeologia Homerica, 1967ff. ArtAntMod Arte antica e moderna ARW Archiv fiir Religionswissenschaft AS Anatolian Studies ASAA Annuario della Scuola Archeologica di Atene e delle Missioni italiane in Oriente ASL Archiv fir das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen ASNP

Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia ASpr Die Alten Sprachen ASR

B. ANDREAE

(ed.), Die antiken

Sarkophagreliefs,

1952 ff. Athenaeum Athenaeum AIL B.D. Meritt, H.T. WapE-GERy, M.F. McGREcOoR,

Athenian Tribute Lists 4 vols., 1939-53

BaF

Baghdader Forschungen Bagnall R.S. BAGNALL et al., Consuls of the Later Roman

Empire (Philological Monographs of the American Philological Association 36), 1987 BalkE Balkansko ezikoznanie BalkSt Balkan Studies BaM

Baghdader Mitteilungen Bardenhewer, GAL O. BARDENHEWER, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, Vols. 1--2, *1913 f.; Vols. 3-5, 1912-32;

repr. Vols. 1-5, 1962 Bardenhewer, Patr.

O. BARDENHEWER, Patrologie, >1910 Bardon H. Barpon, La littérature latine inconnue 2 vols., 1952-56 Baron

W. Baron (ed.), Beitrage zur Methode der Wissenschaftsgeschichte, 1967

BASO Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bauer/Aland W. Bauer, K. ALAND

(ed.), Griechisch-deutsches Worterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testamentes und der frithchristlichen Literatur, °1988 Baumann, LRRP R.A. BAUMAN, Lawyers in Roman Republican Politics. A study of the Roman Jurists in their Political Setting, 316-82 BC (Minchener Beitrage zur Papyrusforschung und antiken Rechtsgeschichte), 1983 Baumann, LRTP R.A. BauMAN, Lawyers in Roman Transitional Poli-

AU Der altsprachliche Unterricht Aulock H.v. Autock, Miunzen und Stadte (MDAI(Ist) Suppl. 8) 2 vols., 1977-79 Austin

ABBREVIATIONS

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ABBREVIATIONS

Schonfeld M. SCHONFELD, Wo6rterbuch der altgermanischen Personen- und Voélkernamen (Germanische Bibliothek Abt. 1, Reihe 4, 2), r911, repr. *1965)

Scholiall H. Ersse (ed.), Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem (Scholia vetera) 7 vols., 1969-88

SChr Sources Chrétiennes, 1942 ff. Schrotter F. v. SCHROTTER (ed.), W6rterbuch der Miinzkunde, *1970

Sezgin F. Sezcin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, Vo!.3: Medizin, Pharmazie, Zoologie, Tierheilkunde bis ca. 430 H., 1970 SGAW

Sitzungsberichte der Gottinger Akademie der Wissenschaften SGDI H. Cotui7z et al. (ed.), Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt-Inschriften 4 vols., 1884-1915 SGLG K. Avpers, H. Ersse, A. KLEINLOGEL (ed.), Samm-

lung griechischer und lateinischer Grammatiker 7

Schiirer E. SCHURER, G. VERMES, The history of the Jewish

people in the age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C. — A.D.

vols., 1974-88

SH H. Ltoyp-Jones, P. Parsons (ed.), Supplementum

135) 3 vols., 1973-87 Schulten, Landeskunde

A. SCHULTEN, Iberische Landeskunde. Geographie des antiken Spanien 2 vols., 195 5-57 (translation of the Spanish edition of 1952) Schulz

Hellenisticum, 1983

SHAW Sitzungsberichte Wissenschaften Sherk

F. ScHuLz, Geschichte der romischen Rechtswissen-

schaft, 1961, repr. 1975 Schulze W. ScHuLzeE, Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen, 1904 Schwyzer, Dial. E. SCcHWYZER (ed.), Dialectorum Graecarum exempla epigraphica potiora, *1923 Schwyzer, Gramm. E. ScHwyZeErR, Griechische Grammatik, Vol. 1: Allgemeiner Teil. Lautlehre Wortbildung, Flexion (HdbA II 1, 1), 1939 Schwyzer/Debrunner E. ScHwyZER, A. DEBRUNNER, Griechische Grammatik, Vol. 2: Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik (HdbA II 1,2), 1950; D. J. GEorGacAS, Register zu beiden Banden, 1953; F. Rapt, S. Rant, Stellenregister, 1971

Scullard H. H. ScuLiarb, Festivals and Ceremonies of the

Roman Republic, 1981 SDAW Sitzungsberichte der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin SDHI Studia et documenta historiae et iuris SE Studi Etruschi Seeck O. SEECK, Regesten der Kaiser und Papste fiir die Jahre 311 bis 470 n. Chr. Vorarbeiten zu einer Prosopographie der christlichen Kaiserzeit, 1919, repr. 1964

SEG Supplementum epigraphicum Graecum, 1923 ff. Seltman C. SELTMAN, Greek Coins. A History of Metallic Currency and Coinage down to the Fall of the Hellenistic Kingdoms, *1905

R.K. SHERK,

der Heidelberger

Roman

Documents

Akademie

der

from the Greek

East: Senatus Consulta and Epistulae to the Age of Augustus, 1969 SicA Sicilia archeologica SIFG

Studi italiani di filologia classica SiH

Studies in the Humanities Simon, GG E. Simon, Die Gotter der Griechen, #1992 Simon, GR

E. Simon, 1 Die Gotter der ROmer, 1990

SLG D. Pace (ed.), Supplementum lyricis graecis, 1974

SM Schweizer Minzblatter SMEA

Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici Smith W.D. SmitH, The Hippocratic tradition (Cornell publications in the history of science), 1979 SMSR

Studi e materiali di storia delle religioni SMV

Studi mediolatini e volgari SNG

Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum SNR

Schweizerische Numismatische Rundschau Solin/Salomies H. Soxin, O. SALoMIEs, Repertorium nominum gentilium et cognominum Latinorum (Alpha Omega: Reihe A 80), *1994 Sommer F. Sommer, Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre. Eine Einfithrung in das sprachwissenschaftliche Studium des Latein (Indogermanische Bibliothek 1, 1, 3, 1), 319%4

XXXVII

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

Soustal, Nikopolis P. SoustaL, Nikopolis

und Kephallenia

(Denk-

schriften der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philo-

sophisch-Historische Klasse I 50; TIB 3), 1981 Soustal, Thrakien P. SoustaL, Thrakien. Thrake, Rodope und Haimimontos (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 221; TIB 6), r991 Sovoronos J.N. Sovoronos, Das Athener Nationalmuseum 3 vols., 1908-37 Spec. Speculum Spengel L. SPENGEL, (ed.), Rhetores Graeci 3 vols., 1853-56, repr. 1966

SPrAW Sitzungsberichte der Preufsischen Wissenschaften SSAC Studi storici per l’antichita classica SSR

Akademie

der

liquiae 4 vols., 1990 Staden H. v. STADEN, Herophilus, The Art of Medicine in Early Alexandria, 1989 Stein, Prafekten A. STEIN, Die Prafekten von Agypten in der rémischen Kaiserzeit (Dissertationes Bernenses Series 1, 1), 1950

Stein, Spatrom.R. E. Stein, Geschichte des spatromischen Reiches, Vol. 1, 1928; French version, 1959; Vol. 2, French

Greek

sculpture. An exploration

2

Vorderen Orients, Beihefte, Teil B: Geschichte, 1969

oh, TeherF Teheraner Forschungen

TGF A. NAucx (ed.), Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta,

*1889, 2nd repr. 1983 ThGL H. STEPHANUS, C. B. Hase, W. uND L. DINDORE et al. (ed.), Thesaurus graecae linguae, 1831 ff., repr.

ThIL Thesaurus linguae Latinae, 1900 ff. ThIL, Onom. Thesaurus linguae Latinae, Supplementum onoma-

Studi Medievali Strong/Brown D. Stronc, D. BROWN (ed.), Roman Crafts, 1976

Stv Die Staatsvertrage des Altertums, Vol. 2: H. BENGTSON, R. WERNER (ed.), Die Vertrage der griechisch-

romischen Welt von 700 bis 338, *1975; Vol. 3: H.H. Scumitr (ed.), Die Vertrage der griechisch-romischen Welt 338 bis 200 v. Chr., 1969 SVF J. v. ARNIM (ed.), Stoicorum veterum fragmenta 3 vols., 1903-05; Index: 1924, repr. 1964 Syll.* W. DirTENBERGER, Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum 3 vols., *1898—1909 Syll.3 GAERTRINGEN

et al. (ed.), Sylloge

inscriptionum Graecarum 4 vols., }1915-24, repr. 1960

TAVO H. BRUNNER, W. ROLLIG (ed.), Tubinger Atlas des

1954

only, 1949

F. HILLER VON

Syme, AA R. SyME, The Augustan Aristocracy, 1986 Syme, RP E. BADIAN (Vols. 1,2), A.R. BIRLEY (Vols. 3-7) (ed.) R. SyME, Roman Papers 7 vols., 1979-91 Syme, RR K. Syme, The Roman Revolution, 1939 Syme, Tacitus R. Syme, Tacitus 2 vols., 1958 Symposion Symposion, Akten der Gesellschaft fiir Griechische und Hellenistische Rechtsgeschichte Syria Syria. Revue d’art oriental et d’archéologie TAM Tituli Asiae minoris, 1901 ff. TAPhA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association Taubenschlag R. TAUBENSCHLAG, The law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the light of the Papyri: 332 B. C. - 640 A. D.,

*1955

G. GIANNANTONI (ed.), Socratis et Socraticorum Re-

Stewart A. STEWART, vols., 1990 StM

ABBREVIATIONS

sticon. Nomina propria Latina, Vol. 2 (C— Cyzistra), 1907-1913; Vol. 3 (D — Donusa), 1918-1923

ThLZ Theologische Literaturzeitung Monatsschrift fiir das gesamte Gebiet der Theologie und Religionswissenschaft Thomasson B.E. THOMASSON, Laterculi Praesidum 3 vols. in 5 parts, 1972-1990 Thumb/Kieckers A. THums, E. Kieckers, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte (Indogermanische Bibliothek 1, 1, r), *1932

Thumb/Scherer A. THump, A. SCHERER, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte (Indogermanische Bibliothek, 1, 1, 2),

“1959 ThWAT G.J. BoTreRWECK, H.-J. Fasry (ed.), Theologisches Worterbuch zum Alten Testament, 1973 ff.

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

Trendall, Paestum

ThWB

G. KitTet, G. Frrepricu (ed.), Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament r1 vols., 1933-79, repr. 1990 AUIS H. Huncer

XXXVIII

ABBREVIATIONS

(ed.). Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7 vols.,

1976-1990 Timm

S. Timm, Das christlich-koptische Agypten in arabischer Zeit. Eine Sammlung christlicher Statten in Agypten in arabischer Zeit, unter AusschlufS von Alexandria, Kairo, des Apa-Mena-Klosters (Der Abu Mina), des Sketis (Wadi n-Natrun) und der Si-

nai-Region (TAVO 41) 6 parts, 1984-92

A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Paestum, 1987

Trendall/Cambitoglou A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Apulia 2 vols., 1978-82 TRF O. RrpBeck (ed.), Tragicorum Romanorum Fragmenta, *1871, repr. 1962

TRG Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis TrGF B. SNELL, R. KANNICHT, S. RApT (ed.), Tragicorum graecorum fragmenta, Vol. 1, *1986; Vols. 2-4,

TIR

1977-85

Tabula Imperii Romani, 1934 ff.

Trombley F.R. TROMBLEY, Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370-529 (Religions in the Graeco-Roman

TIR/IP Y. Tsarrir, L. Dit SEGNI, J. GREEN, Tabula Imperii

Romani. Iudaea — Palaestina. Eretz Israel in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, 1994 Tod M.N. Top (ed.), A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century BC, Vol. 1: *1951, repr. 1985; Vol. 2: *1950 Tovar A. Tovar, Iberische Landeskunde 2: Die Vélker und Stadte des antiken Hispanien, Vol. 1 Baetica, 1974; Vol. 2: Lusitanien, 1976; Vol. 3: Tarraconensis, 1989

Toynbee, Hannibal A.J. TOYNBEE, Hannibal’s legacy. The Hannibalic war’s effects on Roman life 2 vols., 1965 Toynbee, Tierwelt J.M.C. ToynBEE, Tierwelt der Antike, 1983 TPhS Transactions of the Philological Society Oxford Traill, Attica

J. S. TRatLi, The Political Organization of Attica,

1975 Traill, PAA J. S. TRAILL, Persons of Ancient Athens, 1994 ff. Travlos, Athen

J. Travios, ken Athen, Travlos, Attika J. Travios, ken Attika,

Bildlexikon zur Topographie des anti1971

Bildlexikon zur Topographie des anti1988

TRE

G. Krause, G. MULLER (ed.), Theologische Realenzyklopadie, 1977 ff. (1st installment 1976)

Treggiari S. TReGGiIARI, Roman Marriage. [usti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian, 1991 Treitinger O. TREITINGER, Die Ostromische Kaiser- und Reich-

sidee nach ihrer Gestaltung im héfischen Zeremoniell, 1938, repr. 1969 Trendall, Lucania

A.D. TRENDALL, The Red-figured Vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily, 1967

World 115) 2 vols., 1993 f.

TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur TUAT O. Katser

(ed.), Texte aus der Umwelt

des Alten

Testaments, 1985 ff. (rst installment 1982)

TiirkAD Turk arkeoloji dergisi Ullmann M. ULLMANN, Die Medizin im Islam, 1970

UPZ U. WitckeEn (ed.), Urkunden der Ptolemderzeit (AItere Funde) 2 vols., 1927-57

v. Haehling R. v. HAEHLING, Die Religionszugeho6rigkeit der hohen Amtstrager des Romischen Reiches seit Constantins I. Alleinherrschaft bis zum Ende der Theodosianischen Dynastie (324-450 bzw. 455 n. Chr.) (Antiquitas 3, 23), 1978 VDI Vestnik Drevnej Istorii

Ventris/Chadwick M. VENTRIS, J. CHADWICK, Documents in Mycenean Greek, *1973 Vetter E. VeTrer, Handbuch der italischen Dialekte, 1953 VIR Vocabularium iurisprudentiae Romanae 5 vols., 1903-39 VisRel Visible Religion

Vittinghoff FP. VITTINGHOFF (ed.), Europaische Wirtschafts- und

Sozialgeschichte in der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1990 VL W. STAMMLER,

K. Lancoscn,

K. RuH et al. (ed.),

Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserslexikon, *1978 ff. Vogel-Weidemann U. VoGEL-WEIDEMANN, Die Statthalter von Africa

XXXIX

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

und Asia in den Jahren 14-68 n.Chr. Eine Untersuchung zum Verhaltnis von Princeps und Senat (Anti-

Wieacker, PGN F. WIEACKER,

quitas I, 31), 1982

Vetus Testamentum. Quarterly Published by the International Organization of Old Testament Scholars Wacher R. WacHERr (ed.), The Roman World 2 vols., 1987 Walde/Hofmann A. WALDE, J.B. HOFMANN, Lateinisches etymologisches Worterbuch 3 vols., 3193 8-56 Walde/Pokorny A. WALDE, J. Pokorny (ed.), Vergleichendes Wo6rterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen 3 vols., 1927-32, repr. 1973 Walz

Wieacker, RRG F. WikACKER, Romische Rechtsgeschichte, Vol. 1, 1988

Wilamowitz U. v. WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDOREFF, Der Glaube der Hellenen 2 vols., *1955, repr. 1994 Will E. WILL, Histoire politique du monde hellénistique (323-30 av. J. C.) 2 vols., *1979-82 Winter R. KeEkuLeé (ed.), Die antiken Terrakotten, III 1, 2: F.

WinTER, 1903

WbMyth H.W. Haussic (ed.), Worterbuch der Mythologie,

der figirlichen Terrakotten,

Wiurzburger Jahrbicher fiir die Altertumswissenschaft WMT

L.I. Conrab et al., The Western medical tradition. 800 BC to A.D. 1800, 1995

Teil 1: Die alten Kulturvolker, 1965 ff.

Weber W. WeBeER, Biographisches Lexikon zur Geschichtswissenschaft in Deutschland, Osterreich und der Schweiz, *1987 Wehrli, Erbe F. WEHRLI (ed.), Das Erbe der Antike, 1963 Wehrli, Schule

Die Typen

WIA

C. Watz (ed.), Rhetores Graeci 9 vols., 1832-36, repr. 1968

WO Die Welt des Orients. Wissenschaftliche Beitrage zur Kunde des Morgenlandes Wolff H.J. Woxtrr, Das Recht der griechischen Papyri Agyptens in der Zeit der Ptolemaeer und des Prinzipats (Rechtsgeschichte des Altertums Part 5; HbdA

F. WeuRLI (ed.), Die Schule des Aristoteles ro vols.,

10, 5), 1978

Ws

1967-69; 2 Suppl. Vols.: 1974-78

Welles C.B. WELLES, Royal Correspondence in the Hellenistic Period: A Study in Greek Epigraphy, 1934 Wenger L. WENGER, Die Quellen des rémischen Rechts (Denkschriften der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse

2), 1953 Wernicke

Wiener Studien, Zeitschrift fiir klassische Philologie und Patristik WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament WVDOG Wissenschaftliche Ver6ffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft WZKM

Wiener Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes

I. Wernicke, Die Kelten in Italien. Die Einwande-

zu den

YCIS

Yale Classical Studies

Etruskern (Diss.), 1989 = (Palingenesia), 1991

Whatmough J. WHatmouGi, The dialects of Ancient Gaul. Prolegomena and records of the dialects 5 vols., 194951, repr. in 1 vol., 1970

White, Farming K.D. WuitE, Roman Farming, 1970

White, Technology K.D. Wuire, Greek and Roman Technology, 1983, repr. 1986

Whitehead D. WHITEHEAD, The demes of Attica, 1986 Whittaker C.R. WHITTAKER (ed.), Pastoral Economies in Clas-

sical Antiquity, 1988 Wide S. Wipe, Lakonische Kulte, 1893

Privatrechtsgeschichte der Neuzeit,

*1967

VT

rung und die frihen Handelsbeziehungen

ABBREVIATIONS

ZA

Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie Archaologie

und Vorderasiatische

ZAS

Zeitschrift fiir 4gyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde ZATW Zeitschrift fiir die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zazoff, AG P. ZazorF, Die antiken Gemmen, 1983 Zazoff, GuG P. Zazorr, H. ZAazorr, Gemmensammler

Gemmenforscher.

Von einer noblen

Passion

und

zur

Wissenschaft, 1983 ZDMG

Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft

BIBLIOGRAPHIC

XL

ABBREVIATIONS

ZDP Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie Zeller E. ZELLER, Die Philosophie der Griechen in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung 4 vols., 1844-52, repr.

Aesop. Aet.

Aeth. Alc. Alc. Avit.

Alex. Aphr.

1963

Zeller/Mondolfo E. ZELLER, R. MONDOLFO, La filosofia dei Greci nel suo sviluppo storico, Vol. 3, 1961

ZEN Zeitschrift fiir Numismatik Zgusta

L. Zcusva, Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen, 1984 Zimmer G. ZIMMER, ROmische Berufsdarstellungen, 1982 ZKG, Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte ZNTW Zeitschrift fiir die Neutestamentfiche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alteren Kirche ZpalV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins ZPE Zeitschrift fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik ZKG Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fiir Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung ZRGG Zeitschrift fiir Religions- und Geistesgeschichte ZVRW Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft ZENS Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Sprachforschung

Alci. Alcm. Alex. Polyh. Am

Amos

Ambr. Epist.

Ambrosius, Epistulae De excessu Fratris (Satyri) De obitu Theodosii

Be, Sat. Obit. Theod.

Obit. Valent. Off. Paenit.

Amm. Marc. Anac.

Anaxag. Anaximand. Anaximen.

And. Anecd. Bekk. Anecd. Par. Anon. De rebus bell. Anth. Gr. Anth. Lat.

Antiph. Antisth. Ape

Celt. Hann.

Abd

Abdias

Acc.

Accius

Hisp. Ill.

Ach. Tat. Act. Arv. Act. lud. saec.

Achilles Tatius Acta fratrum Arvalium Acta ludorum saecularium

It: Lib. Mac.

Acts Ael. Ep.

Acts of the Apostles Aelianus, Epistulae

Mith.

NA VH Aen. Tact.

De natura animalium Varia historia Aeneas Tacticus

Reg. Sam. Sic.

Aesch. Ag. Cho.

Aeschylus, Agamemnon Choephori

Syr. App. Verg.

Eum. Pers.

PV

Sept. Supp. Aeschin. In Ctes. Leg. In Tim.

Eumenides Persae Prometheus

Septem adversus Thebas Supplices Aeschines, In Ctesiphontem De falsa legatione In Timarchum

De obitu Valentiniani (iunioris)

De officiis ministrorum De paenitentia Ammianus Marcellinus Anacreon Anaxagoras Anaximander Anaximenes Andocides Anecdota Graeca ed. I. Bekker Anecdota Graeca ed. J.A. Cramer Anonymus de rebus bellicis (Ireland 1984)

Anthologia Graeca Anthologia Latina (Riese *1894/1906)

Anth. Pal. Anth. Plan.

Apoll. Rhod. Apollod. App. B Civ. 4. Ancient Authors and Titles of Works

Aesopus Aetius Aetheriae peregrinatio Alcaeus Alcimus Ecdicius Avitus Alexander of Aphrodisias Alciphron Alcman Atexander Polyhistor

Num.

Apul. Apol. Flor. Met. Arat.

Archil. Archim. Archyt.

Anthologia Palatina Anthologia Planudea Antiphon Antisthenes Apocalypse Apollonius Rhodius Apollodorus, Library

Appianus, Bella civilia Celtica Hannibalica Iberica Illyrica Italica Libyea Macedonica Mithridatius Numidica Regia Samnitica Sicula Syriaca Appendix Vergiliana Apuleius, Apologia Florida Metamorphoses Aratus Archilochus Archimedes Archytas

XLI

ANCIENT

Arist. Quint. Aristaen. Aristid. Aristob.

Aristoph. Ach. Ay.

Eccl. Equ. Lys. Nub. Pax Plut. Ran.

Aristides Quintilianus Aristaenetus Aelius Aristides Aristoboulus Aristophanes, Acharnenses Aves Ecclesiazusae Equites Lysistrata Nubes Pax

Thesm. Vesp. Aristot. An.

Plutus Ranae Thesmophoriazusae Vespae

Aristotle, De anima (Bekker 183 1-

7°) An. post. An. pr.

Ath. pol. Aud. Cael. (Ate Col. Div.

Eth. Eth. Gen. Gen.

Eud. Nic. an. corr.

Hist. an.

Mag. mor.

Metaph. Mete. Mir. Mot. an.

Mund. Oec. Part. an.

Phen. Ph. Poet. Pol. Pr

Rh. Rh. Al. Sens. Somn.

Soph. el. Spir. Top.

Analytica posteriora Analytica priora Athenaion Politeia De audibilibus De caelo Categoriae De coloribus De divinatione Ethica Eudemia Ethica Nicomachea De generatione animalium De generatione et corruptione

Historia animalium Magna moralia Metaphysica Meteorologica Mirabilia De motu animalium De mundo Oeconomica De partibus animalium Physiognomica Physica Poetica Politica Problemata Rhetorica Rhetorica ad Alexandrum De sensu De somno et vigilia Sophistici elenchi De spiritu Topica

Aristox. Harm.

Aristoxenus, Harmonica

Arnob. Arr. Anab. Cyn. Ind.

Arnobius, Adversus nationes Arrianus, Anabasis Cynegeticus

Peripl. p. eux. Succ Tact:

Indica Periplus ponti Euxini Historia successorum Alexandri Tactica

Artem.

Ascon. Athan. ad Const.

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

OF WORKS

Artemidorus Asconius (Stangl Vol. 2, 1912)

Athanasius, Apologia ad Constantium

Fuga

Apologia contra Arianos Apologia de fuga sua

Hist. Ar.

Historia Arianorum ad mona-

c. Ar.

Ath.

Aug. Civ. Conf. Doctr. christ. Epist.

chos Athenaeus (Casaubon 1597) (List

of books, pages, letters) Augustinus, De civitate dei Confessiones De doctrina christiana

Epistulae

Retract. Serm.

Retractationes Sermones

Solilog.

Soliloquia

Trin. Aur. Vict. Auson. Mos.

Aurelius Victor

Urb. Avell. Avien. Babr.

De trinitate Ausonius, Mosella (Peiper 1976) Ordo nobilium urbium

Collectio Avellana Avienus Babrius

Bacchyl.

Bacchylides

Bar Bas.

Baruch Basilicorum libri LX (Heimbach) Basilius

Basil. Batr.

Bell. Afr. Bell. Alex. Bell. Hisp. Boeth.

Batrachomyomachia Bellum Africum Bellum Alexandrinum

Bellum Hispaniense

Gaes, B Civ. B Gall.

Boethius Caesar, De bello civili De bello Gallico

Callim. Epigr. ffs ee Galpy cl:

Callimachus, Epigrammata Fragmentum (Pfeiffer) Hymni Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogae

Cass. Dio Cassian.

Cassius Dio Iohannes Cassianus Cassiodorus, Institutiones Varlae Cato, De agri cultura Origines (HRR)

Cassiod. Inst. Var.

Cato Agr. Orig. Catull. Celsus, Med. Celsus, Dig.

Catullus, Carmina Cornelius Celsus, De medicina

Censorinus, DN

Juventius Celsus, Digesta Censorinus, De die natali

Chalcid. Charisius,

Chalcidius Charisius, Ars grammatica (Bar-

Gramm. mchr. 2) Chr

wick 1964) Chronicle

Chron. pasch. Chron. min.

Chronicon paschale

Cic. Acad. 1 Acad. 2

Chronica minora Cicero, Academicorum posteriorum liber 1

Lucullus sive Academicorum priorum liber 2

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

XLII

OF WORKS

Ad Q. Fr.

Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem

Tusc.

Arat.

Aratea (Soubiran 1972)

Vatin.

Arch. Att. Balb.

Pro Archia poeta Epistulae ad Atticum

Metre te 2

Brut. Caecin.

Brutus Pro A. Caecina Pro M. Caelio In Catilinam Cato maior de senectute Pro A. Cluentio De oratore Pro rege Deiotaro De divinatione

Cael. Cat: Cato Clu. De or. Deiot. Div. Div. Caec. Dom. Fam. Fat. Fin.

Pro L. Balbo

Tusculanae disputationes In P. Vatinium testem interrogatio

Claud. Carm.

Rapt. Pros. Clem. Al. Cod. Greg. Cod. Herm. Cod. lust. Cod. Theod. Col Coll.

In Verrem actio prima, secunda Claudius Claudianus, Carmina (Hall 1985) De raptu Proserpinae

Clemens Alexandrinus Codex Gregorianus Codex Hermogenianus Corpus Iuris Civilis, Codex Iustinianus (Krueger 1900) Codex Theodosianus Letter to the Colossians Mosaicarum et Romanarum legum collatio Columella Commodianus Consultatio veteris cuiusdam iurisconsulti Constitutio Sirmondiana Letters to the Corinthians Corippus

Flac.

Divinatio in Q. Caecilium De domo sua Epistulae ad familiares De fato De finibus bonorum et malorum Pro L. Valerio Flacco

Font.

Pro M. Fonteio

Har. resp.

De haruspicum responso

Const. meonm 2 Cor

Inv.

De inventione

Coripp.

Lael. eg. Leg. agr. Lig. Leg. Man.

Laelius de amicitia

Curt.

Curtius Rufus, Historiae Alexandri Magni

Cypr.

Democr.

Cyprianus Daniel Demades Democritus

Dem. Or.

Demosthenes, Orationes

Dig.

Diod. Sic. Diog. Laert.

Corpus luris Civilis, Digesta (Mommsen 1905, author presented where applicable) Dinarchus Diodorus Siculus Diogenes Laertius

Diom.

Diomedes, Ars grammatica

Dion. Chrys.

Dion Chrysostomus Dionysius Halicarnasseus, Antiquitates Romanae De compositione verborum Ars rhetorica Dionysius Periegeta Dionysius Thrax Diels /Kranz (preceded by fragment number) Donatus grammaticus Dracontius Deuteronomy = 5. Moses Edictum perpetuum in Dig. Etymologicum magnum Empedocles Ennius, Annales (Skutsch 1985) Saturae (Vahlen *1928) Fragmenta scaenica (Vahlen

Marcell. Mil. Mur. Nat. D. Off.

De legibus De lege agraria Pro Q. Ligario Pro lege Manilia (de imperio Cn. Pompei) Pro M. Marcello Pro T. Annio Milone

Opt. gen. Orat:

Orator

P. Red. Quir.

Oratio post reditum ad Quirites Oratio post reditum in senatu Paradoxa

Phil.

Partitiones oratoriae In M. Antonium orationes Phi-

Philo.

lippicae Libri philosophici

Part. or.

Pis.

Plane. Prov. cons.

Q. Rose. Quinct.

Rab. perd. Rab. Post. Rep. Rosc. Am. Scaur. Sest. Sull. Tim. Top. Tull.

Dan

Demad.

Pro L. Murena

De natura deorum De officiis De optimo genere oratorum

P. Red. Sen. Parad.

Colum. Comm. Cons.

In L. Pisonem Pro Cn. Plancio

De provinciis consularibus Pro Q. Roscio comoedo Pro P. Quinctio Pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo Pro C. Rabirio Postumo De re publica Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino

Pro M. Aemilio Scauro Pro P. Sestio

Pro P. Sulla

Din.

Dion. Hal. Ant.

Comp.

Rhet. Dionys. Per. Dion. Thrax DK Donat. Drac: Dt

Edict. praet. dig. EM Emp. Enn. Ann. Sat. Scaen.

Timaeus

Topica Pro M. Tullio

*1928)

Ennod.

Eph

Ennodius Letter to the Ephesians

XLII

Ephor. Epict. Eratosth. Esr

Est Et. Gen.

Et. Gud. Euc.

Eunap. VS Eur. Alc. Andr. Bacch. Beller. Grice El. Elec: Hel. Heracl. HF

Hipp. Hyps. Ion

IA Ine Med. Or.

Phoen. Rhes. Supp. bitsy. Euseb. Chron. Dem. evang. Hist. eccl. On.

Praep. evang. Eust. Eutr. Ev. Ver. Ex Ez Fast. Fest. Firm. Mat.

Flor. Epit. Florent. Frontin. Aq. Sit Fulg. Fulg. Rusp. Gai. Inst. Gal Gal. Gell. NA Geogr. Rav

ANCIENT

Ephorus of Cyme (FGrH 70) Epictetus Eratosthenes Esra Esther Etymologicum genuinum Etymologicum Gudianum Euclides, Elementa Eunapius, Vitae sophistarum Euripides, Alcestis Andromache Bacchae Bellerophon Cyclops Electra Hecuba Helena Heraclidae Hercules Furens Hippolytus Hypsipyle Ion Iphigenia Aulidensis Iphigenia Taurica Medea Orestes Phoenissae Rhesus Supplices Troades Eusebius Chronicon Demonstratio Evangelica Historia Ecclesiastica Onomasticon (Klostermann

1904) Praeparatio Evangelica Eustathius Eutropius

Evangelium Veritatis Exodus = 2. Moses Ezechiel Fasti Festus (Lindsay 1913) Firmicus Maternus Florus, Epitoma de Tito Livio Florentinus Frontinus, De aquae ductu urbis Romae Strategemata Fulgentius Afer Fulgentius Ruspensis

Gp. Gn Gorg.

Greg. M. Dial. Epist. Past. Greg. Naz. Epist. Or. Greg. Nyss. Greg. Tur. Franc. Mart. Vit. patr.

AUTHORS

AND

raculis patrum Italicorum) Epistulae Regula pastoralis Gregorius Nazianzenus, Epistulae Orationes Gregorius Nyssenus Gregorius of Tours, Historia Fran-

corum De virtutibus Martini De vita patrum

Habakkuk

Hagg

Haggai Harpocration

Hdt. Hebr Hegesipp. Hecat. Hell. Oxy. Hen Heph.

OF WORKS

Geoponica Genesis = 1. Moses Gorgias Gregorius Magnus, Dialogi (de mi-

Hab Harpocr.

TITLES

Herodotus Letter to the Hebrews Hegesippus (= Flavius Josephus) Hecataeus

Hellennica Oxyrhynchia Henoch Hephaestio grammaticus (Alexandrinus)

Heracl. Heraclid. Pont. Heres ©! Herm.

Herm. Mand. Sim. Vis.

Hermog. Hdn. Wess Gar:

Op. Sc:

Theog. Hil. Hippoc. H. Hom. Hom. Il. Od. Hor. Ars P.

Heraclitus Heraclides Ponticus Hercules Oetaeus Hermes Trismegistus Hermas, Mandata

Similitudines Visiones Hermogenes

Herodianus Hesiodus, Catalogus feminarum (Merkelbach /West 1967) Opera et dies Scutum (Merkelbach /West1967) Theogonia Hilarius Hippocrates Hymni Homerici Homerus, Ilias Odyssea Horatius, Ars poetica

Carm. Carm. saec.

Carmina Carmen saeculare

Epist.

Epistulae Epodi

Epod.

Gaius, Institutiones

Sat, Hos

Satirae (sermones) Hosea

Letter to the Galatians Galenus

Hsch. Hyg. Astr.

Hesychius Hyginus, Astronomica (Le Boeuffle

Fab. Hyp.

Fabulae Hypereides Iamblichus, De mysteriis

1983)

Gellius, Noctes Atticae

Geographus Ravennas (Schnetz

1940)

Jambl. Myst.

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

Protr.

VP lav.

Inst. Iust.

AND

TITLES

XLIV

OF WORKS

Protrepticus in philosophiam De vita Pythagorica lavolenus Priscus Corpus Juris Civilis, Institutiones

Lactant. Div. Ira

De mort. pers. Opif.

(Krueger 1905)

Ioh. Chrys. Epist. VOM:

Toh. Mal. lord. Get.

Iohannes Chrysostomus, Epistulae Homiliae in ... Iohannes Malalas, Chronographia lordanes, De origine actibusque Getarum

Lam Lex Irnit.

Lex Malac. Lex Rubr.

Lex Salpens.

Iren.

Irenaeus (Rousseau/Doutreleau 1965-82)

Lex Urson.

Is

Isaiah

Isid. Nat. Orig.

Isidorus, De natura rerum

Lex Visig. Lex XII tab.

Isoc. Or.

Isocrates, Orationes Itinerarium, Antonini

It. Ant. Aug. Burd. Plac. Tul. Vict. Rhet. luvenc.

Jac

Jdg Jdt Jer Jer. Chron. Comm. in Ez.

Ep: On.

Origines

Augusti Burdigalense vel Hierosolymita-

num Placentini C. Julius Victor, Ars rhetorica luvencus, Evangelia (Huemer 1891)

Letter of James Judges Judith Jeremiah Jerome, Chronicon Commentaria in Ezechielem (PL

25) Epistulae

Symp. Just. Epit.

Justin. Apol. Dial. Juv. 1 Kg, 2 Kg

KH KN

Lib. Ep. Or, Liv. Per.

Lk Ewe;

Lucian. Alex. Anach. Cal.

Catapl. Demon.

Dial. D. Dial. meret. Dial. mort. Her. Hermot. Hist. conscr.

Onomasticon (Klostermann

1904) Vir. ill. 1-3 Jo Jo Jon Jos. Ant. Iud. BI

De viris illustribus rst — 3rd letters of John John Jona

Josephus, Antiquitates ludaicae Bellum Iudaicum Contra Apionem De sua vita Joshua Letter of Judas Julianus, Epistulae In Galilaeos Misopogon Orationes Symposium Justinus, Epitoma historiarum Philippicarum Justinus Martyr, Apologia Dialogus cum Tryphone Juvenalis, Saturae I, 2 Kings Khania (place where Linear B tables were discovered) Knossos (place where Linear B tables were discovered)

Lactantius, Divinae institutiones

inst.

Ind. lupp. trag. Luct. Macr. Nigr. Philops. Pseudol. Salt. Somn. Symp. Syr. D. Trag. Ver. hist. Vit. auct. Lucil. Luer. Lv

LXX Lycoph. Lycurg. Lydus, Mag. Mens. Lys. M. Aur. Macrob. Sat.

De ira dei De mortibus persecutorum De opificio dei Lamentations Lex Irnitana Lex municipii Malacitani Lex Rubria de Gallia cisalpina Lex municipii Salpensani Lex coloniae luliae Genetivae Ursonensis Leges Visigothorum Lex duodecim tabularum Libanius, Epistulae Orationes Livius, Ab urbe condita Periochae Luke Lucanus, Bellum civile Lucianus, Alexander Anacharsis Calumniae non temere credendum Cataplus Demonax Dialogi deorum Dialogi meretricium Dialogi mortuorum Herodotus Hermotimus Quomodo historia conscribenda sit Adversus indoctum luppiter tragoedus De luctu Macrobii Nigrinus Philopseudes Pseudologista De saltatione Somnium Symposium De Syria dea Tragodopodagra Verae historiae, 1, 2

Vitarum auctio Lucilius, Saturae (Marx 1904) Lucretius, De rerum natura

Leviticus = 3. Moses Septuaginta Lycophron Lycurgus

Lydus, De magistratibus De mensibus Lysias Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus Macrobius, Saturnalia

XLV In Somn.

t Macc, 2 Macc

Mal Manil.

ANCIENT

Commentarii in Ciceronis som-

nium Scipionis Maccabees Malachi Manilius, Astronomica (Goold

1985) Mar. Vict. Mart.

Mart. Cap. Max. Tyr. Mela

Melanipp. Men. Dys. Epit. fr. Pk. Sam.

Mi Mimn. Min. Fel.

Marius Victorinus

Martialis Martianus Capella Maximus Tyrius (Trapp 1994) Pomponius Mela Melanippides Menander, Dyskolos Epitrepontes

Perikeiromene Samia Micha Mimnermus

Non.

Nonius Marcellus (L. Mueller

Nonnus Dion. Not. Dign. Occ. Not. Dign. Or. Not. Episc. Nov.

Nonnus, Dionysiaca

Neh Nemes.

Nep. Att. Hann. Nic. Alex. Ther. Nicom.

Fast.

Ib. Medic. Met. Pont. Rem. am. dia.

P Abinn.

Obseq.

Notitia dignitatum et episcoporum

Corpus luris Civilis, Leges Novellae (Schoell/Kroll 1904) Julius Obsequens, Prodigia (Rossbach 1910)

Opp. Hal. Cyn. Or. Sib. Orib. Orig. OrMan Oros. Orph. A. fits il

Oppianus, Halieutica Cynegetica Oracula Sibyllina Oribasius Origenes

Prayer to Manasseh Orosius Orpheus, Argonautica

TITLES

OF WORKS

Ovidius, Amores Ars amatoria Epistulae (Heroides) Fasti

Ibis Medicamina faciei femineae Metamorphoses Epistulae ex Ponto Remedia amoris Tristia Papyrus editions according to E.G. TURNER, Greek Papyri. An Introduction, 159-178 Papyrus editions according to H.1. BELL et al. (ed.), The Abinnaeus Archive papers of a Roman officer in the reign of Constantius II, 1962

Papyrus editions according to V. Martin, R. Kasse1 et al. (ed.),

P CZ

Papyrus editions according to C.C. EpGar (ed.), Zenon Papyri

Papyrus Bodmer 195 4ff.

P Lond.

(Catalogue général des Antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire) 4 vols., 192 5ff. Papyrus editions according to Papyri aus Herculaneum Papyrus editions according to F.G.

P Mich

KENYON et al. (ed.), Greek Papyri in the British Museum 7 vols., 1893-1974 Papyrus editions according to C.C.

P Hercul.

Epaar, A.E.R. Boak, J.G. WIN-

P Oxy.

1888) Notitia dignitatum occidentis Notitia dignitatum orientis

AND

P Bodmer

Minucius Felix, Octavius (Kytzler 1982,°1992)

Nm

Nah

Epist.

Fragmentum (K6rte)

Mark Herennius Modestinus Moschus Matthew Mycenae (place where Linear B tables were discovered) Naevius (carmina according to FPL) Nahum Nehemia Nemesianus Cornelius Nepos, Atticus Hannibal Nicander, Alexipharmaca Theriaca Nicomachus Numbers = 4. Moses

Naev.

Ov. Am. Ars am.

AUTHORS

Pall. Agric. Laus. Pan. Lat.

Papin. Paroemiogr. Pass. mart.

Paul. Fest. Paul. Nol. Paulus, Sent. Paus.

Pelag. Peripl. m. eux. Peripl. m.m. Peripl. m.r. Pers.

Fragmentum (Kern)

t Petr, 2 Petr

Hymni

Petron. Sat.

TER et al. (ed.), Papyri in the University of Michigan Collection 13 vols., 1931-1977 Papyrus editions according to B.P. GRENFELL, A.S. HunT et al. (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 1898 ff. Palladius, Opus agriculturae Historia Lausiaca Panegyrici Latini Aemilius Papinianus Paroemiographi Graeci Passiones martyrum Paulus Diaconus, Epitoma Festi Paulinus Nolanus Julius Paulus, Sententiae Pausanias

Pelagius Periplus maris Euxini Periplus maris magni Periplus maris rubri Persius, Saturae Letters of Peter Petronius, Satyrica (Miiller r96r)

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

AND

TITLES

Phaedr.

Phaedrus, Fabulae (Guaglianone

Phil

1969) Letter to the Philippians

Phil.

Philarg. Verg. ecl. Philod. Philostr. VA Imag. VS

Phlp. Phm Phot. Phryn. Pind. fr. Isthm. Nem.

Ol. Pae.

Pyth. Pl. Alc. 1 Alc. 2 Ap. Ax.

XLVI

OF WORKS

Philo Philargyrius grammaticus, Explanatio in eclogas Vergilii Philodemus Philostratus, Vita Apollonii Imagines Vitae sophistarum Philoponus Letter to Philemon Photius (Bekker 1824) Phrynichus Pindar, Fragments (Snell/Maehler) Isthmian Odes Nemean Odes Olympian Odes Paeanes Pythian Odes Plato, Alcibiades 1 (Stephanus)

Thg. Tht.

Ti. Plaut. Amph. Asin. Aul. Bacch. Capt. Cas, Cist. Cure.

Epid. Men. Merc.

Mil. Mostell. Poen.

Pseud. Rud. Stich.

Def. Demod. Epin. Ep.

Alcibiades 2 Apologia Axiochus Charmides Clitopho Cratylus Crito Critias Definitiones Demodocus Epinomis Epistulae

Erast.

Erastae

De E

Eryx. Euthd.

Eryxias

De Pyth. or.

Euthydemus Euthyphro Gorgias Hipparchus Hippias maior Hippias minor Ion Laches

De sera Des. et Os.

Chrm.

Clit. Grate Crit. Crit

Euthphr. Grg. Hipparch. Hp. mai.

Hp. mi. Ion ai. Leg. Ly. Men. Min. Menex. Prm. Phd.

Phdr. Phlb. Pit. Picts Resp. Sis.

Soph. Symp.

Trin.

Truc. Vid. Plin. HN

Plin. Ep. Pan.

Plot. Plut. Amat.

Theages Theaetetus Timaeus Plautus, Amphitruo (fr.according to Leo 1895 f.) Asinaria Aulularia Bacchides Captivi Casina Cistellaria Curculio Epidicus Menaechmi Mercator Miles gloriosus Mostellaria Poenulus Pseudolus Rudens Stichus Trinummus Truculentus Vidularia Plinius maior, Naturalis historia

Plinius minor, Epistulae Panegyricus Plotinus Plutarchus, Vitae parallelae (with the respective name) Amatorius (chapter and page numbers)

De def. or.

Mor.

De defectu oraculorum De E apud Delphos De Pythiae oraculis De sera numinis vindicta De Iside et Osiride (with chapter and page numbers) Moralia (apart from the separately mentioned works; with p. numbers)

Quaest.

Quaestiones Graecae (with

Graec.

chapter numbers)

Leges

Quaest. Rom.

Quaestiones Romanae (with ch.

Lysis Menon Minos

Symp.

Menexenus

Parmenides Phaedo Phaedrus Philebus Politicus Protagoras

Res publica Sisyphus Sophista Symposium

Pol. Pol. Silv. Poll.

Polyaenus, Strat. Polye. Pompon. Pomp. Trog. Porph. Porph. Hor. comm. Posidon.

numbers) Quaestiones convivales (book, chapter, page number) Polybius Polemius Silvius Pollux Polyaenus, Strategemata Polycarpus, Letter Sextus Pomponius Pompeius Trogus Porphyrius Porphyrio, Commentum in Horatii carmina Posidonius

XLVIL

Priap. Prisc.

Prob. Procop. Aed. Goth. Pers.

Vand. Arc.

Procl. Prop. Prosp. Prov

Prudent. Ps (Pss) Ps.-Acro Ps.-Aristot. Lin. insec.

Mech. Ps.-Sall. In Tull. Rep. Ptol. Alm. Geog. Harm.

‘Tete:

PY

4 Q Flor 4 Q Patr 1 Q pHab

4 Q pNah 4 Q test 1 QH 1 QM mos t QSa t QSb Quint. Decl. Inst. Quint. Smyrn. R. Gest. div. Aug. Rhet. Her. Rom

Rt Rufin. Rut. Namat.

S. Sol. Sext. Emp. Sach Sall. Catil. Hist.

lug. Salv. Gub. 1 Sam, 2 Sam

ANCIENT

Priapea Priscianus

Schol. (before an author’s

Pseudo-Probian writings Procopius, De aedificiis Bellum Gothicum Bellum Persicum Bellum Vandalicum

AND

TITLES

OF WORKS

Scholia to the author in question

name)

Scyl. Scymn. Sedul. Sen. Controv. Suas.

Historia arcana

Proclus Propertius, Elegiae Prosper Tiro Proverbs Prudentius Psalm(s) Ps.-Acro in Horatium Pseudo-Aristotle, De lineis insecabilibus Mechanica Pseudo-Sallustius, In M.Tullium Ciceronem invectiva

Epistulae ad Caesarem re publica Ptolemy, Almagest Geographia Harmonica Tetrabiblos Pylos (place where Linear were discovered) Florilegium, Cave 4 Patriarch’s blessing, Cave Habakuk-Midrash, Cave Nahum-Midrash, Cave 4 Testimonia, Cave 4 Songs of Praise, Cave 1 War list, Cave 1 Communal rule, Cave 1 Community rule, Cave 1 Blessings, Cave 1

AUTHORS

senem de

Sen. Ag.

Apocol. Ben.

Clem. Dial. Ep. Herc. f. Med. Q Nat. Oed. Phaedr. Phoen.

Thy. Tranq. Tro. Serv. auct. Serv. Aen.

B tablets

Fel. Georg.

4

Sext. Emp.

1

SHA Ael. Alb. Alex. Sev. Aur.

Aurel. Avid. Cass. Car

Quintilianus, Declamationes minores (Shackleton Bailey 1989) Institutio oratoria

Garac:

Quintus Smyrnaeus Res gestae divi Augusti

Diad. Did. Tul. Gall. Gord. Hadr.

Rhetorica ad C. Herennium Letter to the Romans Ruth Tyrannius Rufinus Rutilius Claudius Namatianus, De reditu suo Song of Solomon Sextus Empiricus Sacharia Sallustius, De coniuratione Catilinae Historiae De bello Iugurthino Salvianus, De gubernatione dei Samuel

Clod. Comm.

Heliogab. Max. Balb. Opil. Pert, Pesc. Nig. Pius

Quadr. tyr. Sev. lac,

Tyr. Trig. Valer.

Sid. Apoll.Carm. Epist.

Scylax, Periplus Scymnus, Periegesis Sedulius Seneca maior, Controversiae

Suasoriae Seneca minor, Agamemno Divi Claudii apocolocyntosis De beneficiis De clementia (Hosius *1914) Dialogi Epistulae morales ad Lucilium Hercules furens Medea Naturales quaestiones Oedipus Phaedra Phoenissae Thyestes De tranquillitate animi Troades Servius auctus Danielis Servius, Commentarius in Vergilii Aeneida Commentarius in Vergilti eclogas Commentarius in Vergilii georgica Sextus Empiricus Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Aelius Clodius Albinus Alexander Severus M. Aurelius Aurelianus Avidius Cassius Carus et Carinus et Numerianus Antoninus Caracalla Claudius Commodus Diadumenus Antoninus Didius Tulianus Gallieni duo Gordiani tres Hadrianus Heliogabalus Maximus et Balbus Opilius Macrinus Helvius Pertinax Pescennius Niger Antoninus Pius Quadraginta tyranni Severus Tacitus Triginta Tyranni Valeriani duo Apollinaris Sidonius, Carmina Epistulae

ANCIENT

AUTHORS

Sil. Pun. Simon.

Simpl. Sir Soer.

Sol. Solin.

Soph. Aj. Ant.

El. Ichn. Ge Or Phil. Trach.

Sor. Gyn. Sozom. Hist. eccl. Stat. Achil. Silv. Theb.

Steph. Byz. Stesich. Stob. Str.

Suda Suet. Aug.

AND

TITLES

XLVI

OF WORKS

Silius Italicus, Punica Simonides

‘ile

Thebes (place where Linear B tables

Simplicius Jesus Sirach

Them. Or. Theoc. Epigr. Id. Theod. Epist. Gr. aff. Cur. Hist. eccl. Theopomp. Theophr. Caus.

Themistius, Orationes

Socrates, Historia ecclesiastica Solon Solinus

Sophocles, Ajax Antigone Electra Ichneutae

Oedipus Coloneus Oedipus Tyrannus Philoctetes Trachiniae Soranus, Gynaecia Sozomenus, Historia ecclesiastica

Statius, Achilleis Silvae Thebais Stephanus Byzantius Stesichorus Stobaeus Strabo (books, chapters) Suda = Suidas Suetonius, Divus Augustus ([hm

1907)

were discovered)

Hist. pl. t Thess, 2 Thess Thgn. Thuc. TH Tib. t Jim 2 fim Tit

Theocritus Epigrammata Idyllia Theodoretus, Epistulae Graecarum affectionum curatio Historia ecclesiastica Theopompus Theophrastus, De causis plantarum Characteres Historia plantarum Letters to the Thessalonians Theognis Thucydides Tiryns (place where Linear B tablets were discovered) Tibullus, Elegiae Letters to Timothy

Tob Tzetz. Anteh. Chil. Posth.

Letter to Titus Tobit Tzetzes, Antehomerica Chiliades Posthomerica

Ulp.

Ulpianus (Ulpiani regulae)

Val. FI. Val. Max.

Valerius Flaccus, Argonautica Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia

Calig. Claud.

Caligula Divus Claudius

Dom. Gram.

Domitianus De grammaticis (Kaster 1995)

Varro Ling. Rust. Sat. Men.

Varro, De lingua Latina Res rusticae

Tul. Tib. ‘ite: Vesp.

Divus Iulius Divus Tiberius

Vat.

Divus Titus

Veg. Mil.

Fragmenta Vaticana Vegetius, Epitoma rei militaris

Divus Vespasianus Vitellius

Vell. Pat.

Vit.

Sulp. Sev. Symmachus, Ep. Or.

Relat. Synes. epist. Sync. Tab. Peut.

Tac. Agr. Ann.

Dial. Germ. Hist. Ter. Maur.

Ter. Ad. An. Eun. Haut. Hec; Phorm.

Tert. Apol. Ad nat.

Sulpicius Severus Symmachus, Epistulae Orationes

Relationes Synesius, Epistulae Syncellus Tabula Peutingeriana Tacitus, Agricola Annales

Dialogus de oratoribus Germania Historiae Terentianus Maurus Terentius, Adelphoe Andria Eunuchus H(e)autontimorumenos

Hecyra

Phormio Tertullianus, Apologeticum Ad nationes (Borleffs 1954)

Ven. Fort.

Verg. Aen. Catal. Ecl. G. Vir. ill. Vitr. De arch. Vulg. Wisd

Xen. Ages. An. Ap.

Ath. pol. Cyn. Cyr. Eq. Eq. mag. Hell. Hier. ace Mem.

Saturae Menippeae (Astbury 1985)

Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae Venantius Fortunatus

Vergilius, Aeneis Catalepton Eclogae Georgica De viris illustribus Vitruvius, De architectura

Vulgate Wisdom Xenophon, Agesilaus Anabasis Apologia Athenaion politeia Cynegeticus Cyropaedia De equitandi ratione De equitum magistro Hellenica Hiero

Respublica Lacedaemoniorum Memorabilia

XLIX ec:

Symp.

ANCIENT

Oeconomicus Symposium

Xenoph.

De vectigalibus Xenophanes

Zen.

Zeno

Zenob.

Zenobius

Vect.

AUTHORS

Zenod.

Zenodotus

Zeph

Zephania

Zon. Zos.

Zonaras Zosimus

AND

TITLES

OF WORKS

_

,

fli iys

>

idesagf thhateictfeaT

'

Elica ae teri

3 ee Telsfi,iiicra

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Mies

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List of Illustrations and Maps Illustrations are found in the corresponding entries. ND means redrawing following the instructions of the author or after the listed materials. RP means reproduction with minor changes.

Pyrenean peninsula Archaeological sites and finds of the Iberian culture (7th—1st cents. BC) ND: M. BLeIcu

Some of the maps serve to visualize the subject matter and to complement the articles. In such cases, there will be a reference to the corresponding entry. Only literature that was used exclusively for the maps is listed.

Pyrrhus Pyrrhus of Epirus — Family and dynastic relations ND after an original by L.-M. GUNTHER

Proto-Corinthian vases Vessel forms in Proto-Corinthian pottery ND after: D. A. AMyx, Corinthian Vase Painting of the Archaic Period, 1988, plate 3, rc J. BoarpMaN, Early Greek Vase Painting, 1998, fig. 168, fig. 181 C, NEEFT, Protocorinthian Subgeometric Aryballoi, 1987, 33, fig. 4.

Quadrantal The Roman measures of volume and their relationships ND after an original by H. SCHNEIDER Qumran Khirbat Qumran (c. 100 BC — AD 68) ND: A. LANGE Raeti, Raetia

Provincial development in Raetia (1st cent. BC — 3rd Psalmody Fig. 1 Excerpts from ‘Old Roman’ graduals Fig. 2 Excerpts from ‘Old Roman’ offertories Fig. 3 Hypothetical assumption of identical factors in the production scheme of some ‘Old Roman’ graduals ND after an original by M. Haas

cent. AD) ND: F. SCHON/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN Ravenna

Ravenna, Caesarea, Classis: urban development (1st cent. BC — late 6th cent. AD) and early Christian sacred and profane buildings (5th—8th cents. AD) ND: EpiroriaL TEAM TUBINGEN

Pseudodipteros Pseudodipteros: Magnesia [2] on the Maeander, Temple of Artemis Leukophryene, 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC (schematic ground-plan). ND

after: C. HUMANN,

Magnesia

am Maeander,

1904, 43, fig. 30. Ptolemaeus

The dynasty of the Ptolemies

Reaping machines Vallus (Trier, Rheinisches Landesmuseum). Drawing after a relief. ND after: K.D. Wuire, Agricultural Implements of the Roman World, 1967, 157, fig. 118. Carpentum (reconstruction). ND after: K.D. Wuire, Agricultural Implements of the Roman World, 1967, 157, fig. 119.

ND: W. Eper (after HOLBL). Punic Wars

The First Punic War (264-241 BC)

Regio, regiones The Italian regions at the time of Augustus ND: Ep1roriAt TEAM TUBINGEN

ND: W. EpeR/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

The Second Punic War (218-201 BC) ND: W. EpER/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN Pylos [2]

Pylos, ‘Palace of Nestor’ ND after: K.P. Konroriis, Die mykenische Kultur. Mykene, Tiryns, Pylos, 1974, 73.

Regnum Bosporanum

The economic area of the northern Black Sea region in Hellenistic times ND: I. vON BREDOW/W. EDER/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN (after : TAVO B V 5, author: H. Waldmann,

© Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag Wiesbaden). The Bosporan Kingdom, 5th cent. BC — 1st cent. AD ND: I. von BREDOW/W. EDER/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN (after : TAVO B V 3, author: H. Waldmann, © Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag Wiesbaden).

LIST OF

ILLUSTRATIONS

AND

LI

MAPS

Rhetoric The system of ancient rhetoric ND after: H.HOMMEL, K. ZIEGLER, s.v. Rhetoric, KIP 4, 1411-1414

Sacrifice Roman sacrificial implements ND after: A.V. SrEBERT, Instrumenta Sacra. Unter-

suchungen zu romischen Opfer-, Kult- und Priestergeraten, 1999

Roads Viae publicae in Roman Italy ND: M. RATHMANN Imperial roads in Roman Britain ND: M. RATHMANN Imperial roads in Roman Gaul ND: M. RATHMANN Roman imperial roads in the Iberian Peninsula ND: M. RATHMANN Imperial roads in Roman North Africa ND: M. RATHMANN Imperial roads in Roman Asia Minor ND: M. RATHMANN Roman imperial roads in the Balkan area ND: M. RATHMANN Roads and bridges, construction of Construction of Roman roads ND after: M.I. Fintey, Atlas der Klassischen Archeologie, 1979, 15; CH. SCARRE (ed.), Weltatlas der Archeologie, 1988 (repr. 1996), 178; CH. H6CKER, Antikes Rom, 1997, 103, fig. 147. Rome

The development of the Imperium Romanum (3rd cent. BC — 2nd cent. AD) ND: W. Eper/EpITroriaL TEAM TUBINGEN The provinces of the Imperium Romanum (1st—2znd cents. AD)

ND: W. Eper/EpIToRIAL TEAM TUBINGEN 1. Rome: The major monuments ND: EpiroriaL TEAM TUBINGEN 2. Rome: Ancient city centre ND: M. HEINZELMANN 3. Rome: The tribus (from the 6th cent. BC) and the Augustan regions ND: M. HEINZELMANN

4. Rome: The aqueducts and arterial roads ND: M. HEINZELMANN Runes

Runes: the older futhark ND after: K. DUwex, Runenkunde, *1983, 2.

Samarra Samarra (up to c. AD 850) ND: Th. Leisten (after: A Northedge, TAVO B VII

14-4. © Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag Wiesbaden). Samos

Samos. The Heraion in the Archaic period. Samos. The Heraion from the Classical to the Late Roman periods. ND after: H. Kyrieveis, Fuhrer durch das Heraion von Samos, 1981, fig. 100.

Samothrace Samothrace. Sanctuary of the ‘Great Gods’ in the rst cent. AD. ND after: K. LEHMANN, Samothrace, A guide to the

Excavations and the Museum, 1975, plan IIL.

Sanctuary The sanctuary of Hercules at Ostia at the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD (with ancient terminology for the temple and subsidiary rooms) ND:

U.EGELHAAF-GAISER/M.HAASE

(after:

R.

Mak, El santuario de Hércules y la urbanistica de Ostia, in: Archivo espanol de archeologia 63, 1990, 157, fig. 6) Sardinia et Corsica

The Roman

province(s) of Sardinia and Corsica

(2nd half of the 3rd cent. BC — 2nd/3rd cents. AD) ND: EpiroriAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Sardis Sardis, layout plan ND:

EpiroriAL

TEAM

TUBINGEN

(after: G.M.A.

HANFMANN, Sardis from Prehistoric to Roman Ti-

mes, 1983: Master Urban Plan, with supplements after: C.H. GREENEWALT Jr., M.I. RAUTMAN, The Sardis Campaigns of 1996, 1997 and 1998, in: AJA 104, 2000, 644).

Sardis and vicinity ND: EpirortaL TEAM TUBINGEN

List of Authors Albiani, Maria Grazia, Bologna Ambuhl, Annemarie, Groningen

Ameling, Walter, Jena Andreau, Jean, Paris Antoni, Silke, Kiel Assmann, Jan, Heidelberg Aubenque, Pierre, Paris Auffarth, Christoph, Bremen Badian, Ernst, Cambridge, MA Barcelo, Pedro, Potsdam

Bartels, Jens, Bonn Baumbach, Manuel, Ziirich Beck, Hans, Cologne Becker, Andrea, Berlin Berger, Albrecht, Munich Berschin, Walter, Heidelberg Binder, Carsten, Kiel Birley, A.R., Diisseldorf

Blech, Michael, Madrid Bleckmann, Bruno, Bern

Bloch, René, Berne Bloedhorn, Hanswulf, Jerusalem Bock, Barbara, Berlin Bonfante, Larissa, New York

Borm, Henning, Kiel Bowie, Ewen, Oxford

Brandt, Hartwin, Bamberg Braund, Susanna, New Haven

von Bredow, Iris, Stuttgart Bremmer, Jan N., Groningen Brentjes, Burchard, Berlin Bringmann, Klaus, Frankfurt/Main Brisson, Luc, Paris Brock, Sebastian P., Oxford Burian, Jan, Prague Cabanes, Pierre, Clermont-Ferrand

Campbell, J. Brian, Belfast Camporeale, Giovannangelo, Florence Cancik-Kirschbaum, Eva, Berlin Cobet, Justus, Essen

Colpe, Carsten, Berlin

Dihle, Albrecht, Cologne Dingel, Joachim, Hamburg DNP-Gruppe Kiel, Kiel Docter, Roald Frithjof, Gent Donadi, Francesco, Padova Dorandi, Tiziano, Paris Doubordieu, Annie, Paris Drougou, Stella, Thessaloniki Duchesne-Guillemin, Jacques, Liittich Ebner, Constanze, Innsbruck Eck, Werner, Cologne Eder, Walter, Berlin

Ego, Beate, Osnabriick Eiben, Susanne, Kiel Eigler, Ulrich, Zurich Eleuteri, Paolo, Venice Elm, Dorothee, Erfurt Elvers, Karl-Ludwig, Bochum Engels, Johannes, Cologne Errington, Robert Malcolm, Marburg/Lahn Euskirchen, Marion, Bonn Fell, Martin, Miinster Fellmeth, Ulrich, Stuttgart Ferrer Maestro, Juan José, Castellon Folkerts, Menso, Munich Forgo, Nikolaus, Vienna Fornaro, Sotera, Sassari

Frank, Karl Suso, Freiburg Franke, Thomas, Bochum Frateantonio, Christa, GiefsSen-Erfurt Frede, Michael, Oxford Freitag, Klaus, Minster Frohlich, Roland, Tubingen Fundling, Jorg, Bonn Funke, Peter, Minster Fusillo, Massimo, L’Aquila Galsterer, Hartmut, Bonn Gamauf, Richard, Vienna Gargini, Michela, Pisa

Gartner, Hans Armin, Heidelberg

Courtney, Edward, Charlottesville, VA

Gatti, Paolo, Triento Gauly, Bardo Maria, Kiel

Damschen, Gregor, Halle/Saale Danoff, Christo, Sofia

Gehrke, Hans-Joachim, Freiburg Giaro, Tomasz, Frankfurt/Main

De Francesco, Giuliana, Genova de Libero, Loretana, Hamburg

Giovannini, Adalberto, Geneva Gonnella, Julia, Berlin Gorgemanns, Herwig, Heidelberg Gottschalk, Hans, Leeds Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile, Antony Graf, Fritz, Columbus, Ohio

De Robertis, Teresa, Florence Decker, Wolfgang, Cologne Deines, Roland, Herrenberg Demarolle, Jeanne-Marie, Nancy Dietrich, Albert, Gottingen

Grafsl, Herbert, Salzburg

A.DIL. Ta. DNP-G.K. R.D. F.D. TD. A.DU. S.DR. DAG: C.E. W.E. W.ED. B.E. SU. EL. U.E. PE. D.E. KeEe. ia MA.ER.

LIST

OF

LIV

AUTHORS

Grof +, Walter Hatto, Hamburg W.H.GR. Grofs-Albenhausen, Kirsten, Frankfurt/Main K.G.-A.

Kippers, Jochem, Dusseldorf Lafond, Yves, Bochum

Gruber, Joachim, Munich Gulletta, Maria Ida, Pisa

Lakmann, Marie-Luise, Munster Lange, Armin, Vienna

Gunther, Linda-Marie, Bochum

Giinther, Matthias, Bielefeld Gutsfeld, Andreas, Minster

J.GR. M.1I.G. L.-M.G.

M.GU. A.G.

Haas, Max, Basle

MA.HA.

Haas, Volkert, Berlin Haase, Mareile, Toronto, ON Haebler, Claus, Miinster

WE ale M. HAA. G.H.

Hagg, Robin, Goteborg Harder, Ruth Elisabeth, Ziirich

Harmon, Roger, Basle Hartmann, Elke, Berlin

Hausleiter, Arnulf, Berlin Heck, Eberhard, Tubingen Heimgartner, Martin, Halle

Heinze, Theodor, Geneva Heinzelmann, Michael, Rome

Hengstl, Joachim, Marburg/Lahn Heucke, Clemens, Munich Hiesel, Gerhard, Freiburg Hild, Friedrich, Vienna Hocker, Christoph, Ziirich Hoesch, Nicola, Munich Hoffmann, Lars, Mainz Hollender, Elisabeth, Cologne Holzhausen, Jens, Bamberg Honle, Augusta, Rottweil Hubner, Wolfgang, Minster Huinemorder, Christian, Hamburg Hurschmann, Rolf, Hamburg Hufs, Werner, Munich Jansen-Winkeln, Karl, Berlin Jerchower, Seth, Philadelphia, PA Johannsen, Nina, Kiel Johne, Klaus-Peter, Berlin Jongman, Willem, Groningen Junk, Tim, Kiel Kahl, Jochem, Minster Kaletsch, Hans, Regensburg Kappel, Lutz, Kiel Karttunen, Klaus, Helsinki Kaster, Robert A., Princeton Kessler, Karlheinz, Emskirchen Kierdorf, Wilhelm, Cologne

Kléckener, Martin, Fribourg Klose, Dietrich, Munich Knell, Heiner, Darmstadt

Kockert, Matthias, Berlin Kohler, Christoph, Bad Krozingen Konen, Heinrich, Regensburg Kramolisch, Herwig, Eppelheim Krause, Jens-Uwe, Munich Krauter, Stefan, Tibingen Kuhnen, Hans-Peter, Trier

Kiilzer, Andreas, Vienna

R.HA. R.HA. RO.HA. E.HA.

AR.HA. E. HE. M. HE.

diak MI.H.

JO.HE. C. HEU.

Goel. alek C-HO. N.H. (lak Ee j210; A.HO. W.H. Gru: RoE. W.HU. K.J.-W. Sale NL JO. Ke el. W.4J. MSIE J.KA. H.KA. Like K.K. R.A.K.

Latacz, Joachim, Basle Leisten, Thomas, Princeton, NJ Leppin, Hartmut, Frankfurt/Main Lesky, Michael, Tiibingen Letsch-Brunner, Silvia, Ziirich von Lieven, Alexandra, Berlin

Linderski, Jerzy, Chapel Hill, NC Liwak, Ridiger, Berlin

Lohmann, Hans, Bochum

Lohwasser, Angelika, Berlin Lombardo, Mario, Lecce Liitkenhaus, Werner, Marl Mali, Franz, Fribourg Manthe, Ulrich, Passau Markschies, Christoph, Berlin Martini, Wolfram, GiefSen

Matthaios, Stephanos, Nikosia May, Gerhard, Mainz Mehl, Andreas, Halle/Saale Meier, Mischa, Tubingen Meiser, Gerhard, Halle/Saale

Meissel, Franz-Stefan, Vienna Meister, Klaus, Berlin

Meloni, Piero, Cagliari Michel, Simone, Hamburg Miller, Martin, Berlin Mommsen, Heide, Stuttgart Morciano, Maria Milvia, Florence

Muggia, Anna, Pavia Miller, Christian, Bochum Muller, Hans-Peter, Miinster

Miller, Walter W., Marburg/Lahn Miller-Kessler, Christa, Emskirchen

Nadig, Peter C., Duisburg Najock, Dietmar, Berlin Narcy, Michel, Paris

Nesselrath, Heinz-Ginther, Gottingen Neudecker, Richard, Rome Neumann, Hans, Berlin Niehoff, Johannes, Berlin

Niemeyer +, Hans Georg, Hamburg

K.KE. W.K.

Nissen, Hans Jérg, Berlin Niinlist, René, Providence, RI

M.KLO.

Nunn, Astrid, Frankfurt/Main Nutton, Vivian, London

Disks H.KN.

M.K. GKO, H.KON. HEAR: igks STeKRe lal ASO

A.KU.

Oakley, John H., Williamsburg, VA Oelsner, Joachim, Leipzig

Oepen, Alexis, Madrid

Oettinger, Norbert, Augsburg Olshausen, Eckart, Stuttgart

Onken, Bjérn, Kassel Oswald, Renate, Graz

Paulus, Christoph Georg, Berlin Peter, Ulrike, Berlin

ews Nile M.-L. L. AR.L. ele i Te, Ey. MI.LE. S.L.-B. A.v.L.

fe Re H:L@: A.LO. M.L. WE. LU. F.MA. U.M. C.M. W.MA. ST. MA. GE. MA. A. ME. M. MEI. GE. ME. F. ME. K. MEI. P.M. S. MI. H.M. M.M.MO. A. MU. C. MU. H.-P. M. W.W.M. GK P.N. D.N. MI. NA. H.-G. NE. R.N. H.N. Jo H.G.N. H.J.N. RE.LN. A.NU. V.N. ioe JEOR: A.O. N.O. ESO; BJ.O. ROS. GaRA; WP:

LV

Phillips, C. Robert III., Bethlehem, PA

Pingel, Volker, Bochum Plath, Robert, Erlangen Plontke-Lining, Annegret, Jena Plotke, Seraina, Basle Podella, Thomas, Libeck Pollmann, Karla, St. Andrews Portmann, Werner, Berlin Prayon, Friedhelm, Tubingen Price, Simon R.F., Oxford Quack, Joachim, Berlin Rathmann, Michael, Bonn von Reden, Sitta, Bristol Renaud, Fran¢ois, Moncton, NB

LIST OF AUTHORS

Speyer, Wolfgang, Salzburg Stein-Holkeskamp, Elke, Cologne Steinbauer, Dieter, Regensburg Steinhart, Matthias, Freiburg Stenger, Jan, Kiel Strauch, Daniel, Berlin Streck, Michael P., Munich

Rives, James B., Toronto, ON

Strobel, Karl, Klagenfurt Stumpf, Gerd, Munich Takacs, Sarolta A., Cambridge, MA Temporini — Grafin Vitzthum +, Hildegard, Tubingen Thomsen, Andreas, Tiibingen Thur, Gerhard, Graz Thurmann, Stephanie, Kiel Thiry, Gunther E., Salzburg Tinnefeld, Franz, Munich Todd, Malcolm, Exeter

Robbins, Emmet, Toronto, ON

Toral-Niehoff, Isabel, Freiburg

Rollig, Wolfgang, Tubingen

Tropper, Joseph, Berlin Tsochos, Charalampos, Erfurt Uggeri, Giovanni, Florence von Ungern-Sternberg, Jiirgen, Basle Untermann, Jiirgen, Pulheim Vanotti, Gabriella, Novara Vegh, Zoltan, Salzburg Volkl, Artur, Innsbruck Wachter, Rudolf, Heidelberg Wagner-Holzhausen {, Ulrike, Erlangen Walde, Christine, Mainz Waldherr, Gerhard H., Regensburg Waldner, Katharina, Erfurt Walser +, Gerold, Basle Wandrey, Irina, Berlin Wardle, David, Kapstadt Warland, Rainer, Freiburg Weber, Gregor, Erfurt Weeber, Karl-Wilhelm, Wuppertal WeilfSenberger, Michael, Greifswald

Renger, Johannes, Berlin Rhodes, Peter J., Durham Riedweg, Christoph, Ziirich

Romer, Malte, Berlin

Ruffing, Kai, Marburg/Lahn Rupke, Jorg, Erfurt Rutherford, Ian C., Reading Sartori, Antonio, Milan Savvidis, Kyriakos, Bochum

Sayar, Mustafa H., Cologne Schanbacher, Dietmar, Dresden Scheibler, Ingeborg, Krefeld Scherf, Johannes, Tubingen Schiemann, Gottfried, Tubingen Schlapbach, Karin, Ziirich Schmidt, Peter Lebrecht, Konstanz Schmitt, Tassilo, Bielefeld Schmitz, Winfried, Bielefeld Schmitzer, Ulrich, Berlin Schneider, Helmuth, Kassel

Schon, Franz, Regensburg Sch6nig, Hanne, Halle/Saale Schottky, Martin, Pretzfeld

Schulzki, Heinz-Joachim, Freudenstadt Schwarz +, Franz Ferdinand, Graz Schwertheim, Elmar, Minster

Sehlmeyer, Markus, Rostock Seidlmayer, Stephan Johannes, Berlin Senff, Reinhard, Bochum Siebert, Anne Viola, Hannover Simon, Dietrich, Jena Simons, Roswitha, Diisseldorf Smolak, Kurt, Vienna

Sonnabend, Holger, Stuttgart

Wesener, Gunter, Graz Wick, Peter, Basle

WO.SP. E.S.-H. DES Tp MESiIE Nas UE ID). Ss M.S.

Kesie GESS: S.TA. H.T.-V. ATS Gal: See Geli Bele M.TO. I. T.-N. JolR: Xoo G.U. J.v.U.-S. jaws G. VA. Laie A.VO. R. WA. U.WA. Gaiw: G.H.W. K. WA. G.W. I. WA. D. WAR. RA. WA. GR. WE. K.-W. WEE. M.W. GU. WE. P. WI.

Wiegels, Rainer, Osnabriick Wiesehofer, Josef, Kiel Will, Wolfgang, Bonn

RA. WI. J. W. W.W.

Willers, Dietrich, Bern Woolf, Greg, Oxford Zahrnt, Michael, Kiel Zaminer, Frieder, Berlin

DI. WI. G. WO. M.Z. ESZ.

Zangenberg, Jiirgen, Yale

eZe

Ziegler +, Konrat, Gottingen

KZ

Zimmermann, Bernhard, Freiburg

pee

List of Translators Annette Bridges Simon Buck Rolf Bueskens Michael Chase Annette Corkhill

Dorothy Duncan Karoline Kraus David Levinson Michael P. Osmann Charlotte Pattenden Dieter Prankel David Richardson Barbara Schmidt-Runkel Maria Schoenhammer Duncan A. Smart Barbara Souter Diana Theohari Suzanne Walters

P

Prolaqueum. Statio in the valley of the upper Flusor (modern Potenza) on the road from -> Nuceria [3] to

+> Ancona (It. Ant. 312,2: Prolaque; cf. CIL IX 5642), present-day Pioraco. V. GALI£, Strade ed insediamenti romano-medievali tra il

Potenza ed il Chienti lungo il litorale, in: Studi Maceratesi 16, 1980, 3-78.

M.M.MO.

Prolepsis (xeddnyi/prolépsis, ‘anticipation’; Latin anticipatio or praeceptio). Originally a technical term of forensic oratory (Quint. Inst. 4,1,49) denoting an addressing and rebuttal of opposing arguments before they have actually been formulated, the prolepsis as a rhetorical figure of syntactic inversion designates the anticipation of a nominal sentence constituent. A distinction is drawn between adjectival and substantival prolepsis: In adjectival prolepsis, the adjective attaches to a substantive an intention or consequence which only becomes apparent from the verbal content of the predicate (cf. Liv. 2,6,7: ille est vir, inquit, qui nos extorres expulit patri: “He is the man”, he said, “who drove us homeless from our country!”). In substantival prolepsis, the subject of a subordinate clause is usually detached and inserted as an object of the superordinate clause (cf. Hdt. 3,68,2: Otavys no@tos brOntEvev TOV ucayov, @> odx ein 6 Kigov Tyéedic: “Otanes was the

first to harbour suspicion of the magus, that he was not Smerdis, son of Cyrus”.). -» Style, stylistic figures; > Syntax LAUSBERG, 425; KUHNER/GERTH 2, 577—5 80; SCHWYZER/

DEBRUNNER,

Sachregister (index rerum) s.v. Prolepsis.;

HOFMANN/SZANTYR, Sachregister (index rerum) s.v. Pro-

lepsis.

RP,

CONTINUATION

4,1,3; Aug. Civ. 3,17). Although reservations against the arming of the unpropertied were widespread in Antiquity (Val. Max. 2,3,1; Gell. NA 16,10,r1), in 107 BC Marius [I 1] recruited proletarii in quite large numbers for the war with Iugurtha (Sall. Iug. 86,1-3; Plut. Marius 9,1). Proletarii by no means formed a predominant part of the army in the late Republic, however. +> Plebs 1H. Arcner, Gedanken zur sogenannten Heeresreform des Marius, in: F. Hampt, I. WEILER (ed.), Kritische und vergleichende Studien zur Alten Geschichte und Universalgeschichte, 1974, 11-23. 2G. ALFOLDY, ROmische Sozialgeschichte, 31984

3 P.A. Brunt, The Army and

the Land in the Roman Revolution, in: Id., The Fall of the Roman Republic, 1988, 240-280 4 E. GaBpa, Republican Rome, the Army and the Allies,1976 5 Y.SHOCHAT, Recruitment and the Programme of Tiberius Gracchus, 1980 (review: Gnomon 54, 1982, 471-473). Jv.U-S.

Prologue (6 me6i0yod/ho prélogos, Lat. prologus, prologium). A. ConcEePT B. GREEK TRAGEDY EDY D. ROMAN DRAMA

C. GREEK COM-

A. CONCEPT In his list of the individual elements (uéon/mére) of ~ tragedy in the ‘Poetics’, Aristotle defines the prologue as a complete section of a tragedy preceding the chorus’ ~ pdrodos (Aristot. Poet. 13,1452b 22f.) [9. 471f.]. However, the term prologos was already in

use in the technical sense before Aristotle: in ‘The Frogs’, Aristophanes subtitles the prologue the ‘first part of a tragedy’ (Aristoph. Ran. 1120: t6 medtov tijs toaywdiac

péeoc/tO

proton

tés

tragdidias

meéros),

contrast between proletarius and -» adsiduus is encountered as early as in the Twelve Tables (Gell. NA

which, however, can have referred only to the opening verse or to the introductory > rbésis [2. 33 1]. Structural analysis of Greek tragedy has made clear that a strict division of the individual sections according to the Aristotelian elements does not do justice to the development of the plot and dynamic structure (ovotaois tOv moayuatwv/systasis tn pragmaton) of the plays. This applies in particular to the two elements, prologos and

16,10,5); the word proletarii is still attested in some

parodos, which often form a conceptual whole, and

Proletarii. The Latin word proletarii, derived from proles (‘descendant’), describes people without property, who mattered only for their progeny (Cic. Rep. 2,40), i.e. were liable neither to military service nor to taxation. Cato [1] Censorius says clearly: expedito pauperem plebeium atque proletarium (fr. 152 Orr). The

2nd-cent. BC authors and finally in Varro (De vita Populi Romani, fr.9), and was then no longer in everyday use, as a discussion in Gellius (Gell. NA 16,10, 1ff.) clearly shows. Capite censi (Gell. NA 16,10,10 distinguishes, however) occurs as a practically synonymous term for the last > centuria in the ‘Servian system of centuries’; correspondingly the proletarii were not included in the > census lists of those liable to military service. However, in situations of particular emergency they could be called up — and armed by the Republic for war service, as is first recorded by Ennius for the war with Pyrrhus [3] at the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC (Enn. Ann. 170-172; Cass. Hemina fr. 2t HRR; Oros.

which

should

be brought together under the term

‘introduction’ [6]. However, what follows will be a con-

sideration of the prologue in the strict Aristotelian sense. On the prologue in other genres, see > prooemium. B. GREEK TRAGEDY The dramatic function of the prologue consists in laying out the essential background to a play (myth, characters, location, time, prehistory) [7]. The ‘inven-

tor’ of the prologue was said to be > Thespis (IrGF I 1 T 6), and there is evidence of a prologue in > Phrynichus [1], in the messenger speech by the eunuch on the

3

4

Persian defeat (Hypothesis Aesch. Pers.). All surviving tragedies (except Aeschylus’ ‘Persians’ and ‘Suppliants’, and the ‘Rhesus’ attributed to Euripides) contain a prologue. Prologues encompass up to three scenes, marked by entrances and exits. » Aeschylus [1] and > Sophocles wrote prologues of one scene (Aesch. Ag., Cho.,

edies of > Plautus [1. r9off.]. Sometimes, the names of the author and title of the Greek original are given and reference is made to the storyline leading up to the play. As in the comedies of Menander, an expository monologue sometimes follows a scene of dialogue (Cist., Mil.). The speaker of the prologue (prologus) can be a

PV; Soph. Ant., El., Phil.) or of three (Aesch. Eum.,

character from the play (Amph., Cist., Merc., Mil.), a

Sept.; Soph. Aj., Trach., OT, OC). In + Euripides [1],

prologue deity (Aul., Cas., Cist, Rud.; in Trinummus as dialogue, in the Cistellaria a double exposition: 120ff. Lena, 149ff. Auxilium) or a prologus introduced espe-

PROLOGUE

all three species are found, with a preponderance of the two-scene form [8]. A ‘speaker of the prologue’ (moohoyilwv/prologizon) could be a character subsequently taking part in the action or someone appearing only as the prologue speaker (Aesch. Ag.: watchman; Aesch. Eum.: Pythia), the latter is particularly the case with the Euripidean prologue deities (Eur. Alc.: Apollo, Eur. Hipp.: Aphrodite, Eur. lon: Hermes, Eur. Bacch.: Dionysus). In his surviv-

ing works, Sophocles always begins with dialogue, whereas Euripides prefers the introductory speech, sometimes detached from the action itself. The metre used is generally the iambic trimetre, sometimes with lyric insertions (Eur. Hipp. 5 8ff.; Eur. lon 82ff.). C. GREEK COMEDY In the surviving comedies of > Aristophanes [3], the comic idea which will determine the action is developed in the prologue, which never comprises fewer than 240 verses, from the protagonist’s criticism of circumstances in the city [5]. As the poet must capture the attention of the public from the start, prologues are extremely rich in comic conceits (e.g., the celestial ride of Trygaeus in ‘Peace’ 82ff.) and characterized by a rapid succession of events. The information necessary for understanding the plot is provided either in an expository monologue (Ach., Nub.) or later (Equ. 4off.; Vesp. 54ff.; Pax soff.; Av. 30ff.). In the latter case, the spectator is at first confronted with a scenic riddle (cf. Pax

43ff.), which is solved only in retrospect. As in tragedy, the prologue could be lightened by the introduction of lyric verse (prologue chorus in Ran. 2o09ff., > monody of Tereus in Av. 209ff.). > Menander [4] adhered closely to the example of Euripides in his prologue technique. An expository monologue informed the audience of the situation— unknown to the dramatis personae — which would lead to the > anagnorisis (‘recognition’) and a happy ending. This monologue either began the play (Dys., Sam.) or followed a dramatic scene (Aspis 1ooff.), and was sometimes spoken by deities. D. ROMAN DRAMA Nothing definite can be said on the function of the prologue in Roman tragedy of the Republican Period given its state of preservation. Comparison of the introductory verses of the ‘Medea’ by > Ennius and Euripides, respectively, shows that the Roman poet adopted the Greek original as closely as possible but introduced some mythological or etymological glosses. There are 15 prologues, ranging from 2 to 152 verses, in the com-

cially for that purpose (Asin., Capt., Cas., Men., Poen., Pseud., Truc., Vid.). Unlike Plautus, Terence (~ Teren-

tius [II] 1] Afer) [4. 265f.] always prefixed his plays with a prologue independent of the action, presented by a special prologue speaker and dealing with literary issues and literary polemics. » Seneca deploys prologues primarily as a means of creating atmosphere. Presented here are not so much myth, location, time or characters, but rather the ambience determining the dramatic event. There are prologues spoken by gods (Herc. f.), by characters from the play (Tro., Med., Oed.) and by creatures of the underworld (shades of Tantalus and Thyestes in Thy. and Ag.). Phaedra presents a special case: the worlds of the two protagonists are presented in two scenes (1-84 hunting song of Hippolytus; 85ff. Phaedra’s nurse). 1 J. BLANsporRF, Plautus, in: E. LEFEVRE (ed.), Das romische Drama, 1978, 135-222 2K.J. Dover (ed.), Aristophanes, Frogs, 1993 (with comm.) 3N. HOLZBERG, Menander. Untersuchungen zur dramatischen Technik,

1974

4H. JUHNKE, Terenz, in: E. LEFEvRE (ed.), Das

romische Drama, 1978, 223-307 5 K.-D. Kocu, Kritische Idee und komisches Thema, *1968 6 W. NESTLE,

Die Struktur des Eingangs in der attischen Tragédie, 1930 (repr. 1967)

7M. Prister, Das Drama,

1977, 67-148

8 H.W. ScumiptT, Die Struktur des Eingangs in der griechischen Tragédie, in: W. JENs (ed.), die Bauformen der griechischen Tragédie, 1971, 1-46 9 O. TAPLIN, The Stagecraft of Aeschylus, 1977. B.Z.

Promachus and Echephron (loduayod/Promachos: "Exémowv/Echéphron). Sons of > Heracles [1] and Psophis, the daughter of the Sicanian king + Eryx [2]; Heracles left Psophis and the twin brothers P. and E. in the care of his friend Lycortas in Phegia. P. and E. were said to have renamed Phegia > Psophis after their mother, and are mentioned as founders of the temple of Aphrodite Erycina (Paus. 8,24,1f.; Steph. Byz. s. v. ®yyeia). According to Paus. 8,24,6f., they had their own hero sanctuaries. SU.EL Promagistratus see -» Magistratus (C.4.); > Proconsul; > Propraetor Promanteia

(meouavteia/promanteia).

Privilege, first

awarded in recognition of special merits in the 5th cent. BC by > Delphi to cities (Plut. Pericles 21,2), and from

the early 4th cent. also to individuals (Syll.3 155; FdD 3,4,9), conveying precedence when questioning the oracle of Apollo (cf. Hdt. 1,54 on the — probably un-

5

6

historical — promanteia of > Croesus). From the 4th cent. on, the promanteia was often awarded along with other political privileges, esp. the > proxenia (inscriptions from the sth to rst cents. BC, e.g., in FdD 3,1-6). The promanteia of Delphi attests both to the considerable congestion which sometimes prevailed around the oracle and its political importance into the Hellenistic Age. There is also evidence of promanteia at > Didyma and Corope (Thessaly).

~» Apollo; > Oracles K. Latre, s.v. Promanteia, RE Suppl. 9, 1237-1239; G. Roux, Une querelle de préséance a Delphes: Les promanties des Tarentins et des Thouriens, in: ZPE 80, 1990,

23-29.

CF.

PROMETHEUS

1,30,2; Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 135). A torch race mod-

elled on that of the P. was introduced or reorganised at the Hephaistia (+ Hephaestus II) in 421/20 BC (IG 82,32-35). Each phyle entered a team and a gymnasiarch (Isaeus 7,36) for the music agon of the men’s and boys’ choirs (IG II* 1138; Ps.-Xen. Ath. Pol. 3,4); their performance costs are given as 12 minai (Lys. 21,3). DEUBNER, 211f.; L. ECKHART, s. v. Prometheus, RE 23.1, 654¢. JO.s.

Prometheus (Mooundevs/Promeétheus). A. ETYMOLOGY B. GENEALOGY ERARY ADAPTATIONS E. CuLtT

NOGRAPHY

Promantis

(moQdpavtc/prémantis).

Greek

term

Lucian, Bis accusatus 1).

~ Prophets 2B. GLApI-

GOW, s. v. Intoxikation, rituelle, HrwG 3, 298-301.

CF.

Promathidas (Moopa0idac; Promathidas). Greek local historian from Heraclea [7] on the Pontus. As a source for > Apollonius [2] of Rhodes (cf. FGrH 430 T 1) he can be dated before c. 250 BC; he was also probably used by Nymphis and » Memnon [5]. Some fragments of his work Heraclea, about the mythical era, survive. FGrH 430 with comm.; P. Destpert1, Studi di storiografia eracleota, in: Studi Classici e Orientali 16, 1967, 366-416.

K.MEL.

Promea.

Modern

Priim

(Rhineland-Palatinate),

a

water-abundant tributary of the Sauer (- Sura), which

it joins below Echternach; mentioned by Auson. Mos. 354 together with the Nims. The areas the P. flows through were densely populated in Roman times. J. SremnHAuSEN,

Archaologische

Siedlungskunde

des

Trierer Landes, 1936, 324f.; P. GOESSLER, s. v. P., RE 23,

650f.

G. RECEPTION

for

women or men who spoke > oracles on behalf of gods. At + Delphi (cf. > Apollo), the word prémantis was often used as a synonym for the > Pythia [1] (e.g. Hdt. 7,141; Paus. 3,4,3ff.). In literary sources, the term is also used for prophetic figures of other oracles, e.g. in Patara/Lycia (Hdt. 1,182) and by Lake Copais/Thebes (Hdt. 8,135). No specific forms of > divination can be associated with the term promantis [1. 22.4ff.]; however, on various occasions literary reports refer to trance-like states in which the promantis utters the oracle, sometimes in hexameters as a sign of divine inspiration (Paus. 10,33,11: oracle of Dionysus at Amphyclea/Phocis;

1 J. FoNTENROSE, The Delphic Oracle, 1978

C. MyTH D. LITF. ANCIENT Ico-

RA.WI.

Prometheia (Ioopew/Prometheia). Attic festival of unknown date in honour of > Prometheus, at which

there were torch races from his altar in the > Academy through the Kerameikos to an unrecorded finish (Paus.

A. ETYMOLOGY The name P. is proper Greek and means something like ‘forethinker’ (from me6- and pyO-/uad-, derived from Indogermanic *mendh-/*men-, ‘to think’). B. GENEALOGY

The Titan > Iapetus is generally regarded as P.’ father and the Oceanid > Clymene [1] (Hes. Theog. 507) or > Gaia/— Themis (Aesch. PV 3) is his mother. Occasionally, the Giant - Eurymedon [1] and — Hera (Euphorion fr. 134 MEINEKE) or > Uranus and Clymene (Theon, schol. Arat. 254) are mentioned as his parents. P.’s brothers are Menoetius, > Atlas [2] and Epimetheus (Hes. Theog. 509-5 12), as well as the Aetolian Dryas (Hyg. Fab. 137) and the Arcadian - Buphagus (Paus. 8,14,6). P. has a son, > Deucalion (Apoll.

Rhod. 3,1085); a possible daughter, Protogeneia, is mentioned once (scholium Pind. Ol. 9,64). Various wives are listed: Clymene (schol. Hom. Od. 10,2), Asia (Hdt. 4,45), > Hesione [1] (Aesch. PV 560), Celaeno (Tzetz. ad Lykophr. 132), Axiothea (Tzetz. ad Lykophr. 1283), > Pandora (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 3,1086), Pryneia (schol. Hom. Od. 10,2) and > Pyrrha [1] (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 3,1086). The latter is said to have borne P. a son, Hellen, who would therefore have been the half-

brother of Deucalion and not, as is usually said, his son. CC. MytH According to Hesiod, the Greek method of ritual sacrifice (-» sacrifice III) goes back to P.’ deception of Zeus (Hes. Theog. 507-616; Hes. Op. 42-105). In

Greek sacrifice, the bones and worthless parts of the sacrificial animal were offered up to the gods, while the useful parts (meat) were given to the people present. In order to put » Zeus to the test, P. divided the sacrificial animal into two piles, the larger pile being made up of bones and worthless material on the inside and fat on the outside. Zeus recognised the deception and knowingly chose the larger but inedible pile. As a punishment, he denied mankind > fire. Thereupon P. stole fire from the gods and took it to the humans in a > narthex stem (Hes. Op. 50-52; Apollod. 1,45), because he was the protector and, according to some sources, creator of

PROMETHEUS

humans, also of animals (PI. Prt. 320e; Apollod. 1,45; Paus. 10,4,3; Ael. NA 1,53).

As a punishment Zeus has -» Hephaestus and + Athena create - Pandora (Hes. Theog. 570-577). He sends her with a vessel containing all the miseries which afflict mankind (such as illness and death) to Epi-

metheus, who accepted her from the gods against P.’ advice. After the container is opened, all the previously unknown sufferings spread over mankind. At the behest of Zeus, P. is chained to a mountain in the Caucasus by Hephaestus in retribution for his high-handed actions (Hes. Theog. 521-523; Apoll. Rhod. 2,1247). Every day, an eagle seeks him out and eats his liver, which then re-grows (Hes. Theog. 521-525; Apollod. 1,45). P. is only delivered from his sufferings and freed when - Hercules [1] kills the eagle (Paus. 5,11,6; Apollod. 2,119). In gratitude P. showed him a way to obtain

the apples of the Hesperides

8

i

(Apollod.

2,120;

Str.

4,1,7). Later on, P. exchanges his own mortality for the

immortality of > Chiron, whose life is spent in agony owing to an injury and who longs for death (Apollod. 2,85). Hephaestus or P. are alternately mentioned as

attendants at the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus (Eur. lon 455; Apollod. 1,20). The closeness of P. to Hephaestus is also evident in a shared altar in the Athenian Academy (schol. Soph. OC 56).

-+ Plato’s P. is nota recalcitrant rebel, but a helper of men in the gods’ service. Protagoras relates for example (Pl. Prt. 320c—3 22a) [4.172-180, especially 177f.] that P. stole fire and the faculty of reason from — Athena and -» Hephaestus because the gods had instructed him to bestow qualities on all forms of life created by them, but Epimetheus had left no defining attributes for man. Fire and the faculty of reason (the art of politics is specifically excluded) are also associated in Pl. Phlb. r6c, although here P. brings these as gifts of the gods to man (not by theft). In Pl. Plt. 274, P. even appears to be the rightful owner of fire. In the concluding myth of Pl. Grg. 523d P. also carries out an order from Zeus regarding humans: he takes from them the foreknowledge of their deaths in order to improve their morality. + Lucian portrays P. as someone who defends himself wittily and eloquently. In the satirical dialogue Prometheus he refutes the three well known charges (sacrificial deception: chapter 7, creation of human beings: 11, stealing of fire: 18) in front of Hephaestus and Hermes. He embellishes his apologia with comic-ironic arguments and quotations from Homer and Hesiod. Hermes describes him as a ‘true sophist’, a role he also plays in his argument with Zeus in Lucian’s first Dialogue of the gods. E. CuLr

this shifts P.’ lineage and makes him belong to the same

In the Athenian Academy (FGrH 244 F 147 and 336 F 4; Soph. OC 54-56, ~ Academy) there was an altar dedicated to P. This was the starting place for the torchraces of the + Prométheia (Paus. 1,30,2), and probalby later of the Hephaestia (since 421/20 BC) and the ~ Panathenaia as well. The purpose of the race of the three gymnasiarchs (Isaios 7,36) and the date of the festival are unknown, but the route led through the ~» Kerameikos, the craftsmens’ quarters (especially the smiths and potters), whose patron P. (or Promeéthos) was. A ritual renewal of fire may have been at the heart of the cultic races. It was said that a tomb of P. was worshipped in the Locrian city of Opus [1] (Pind. Ol. 9;

generation as > Cronos, the father of Zeus. His greater

Paus. 2,19,8), a statue in Panopeus (Paus. 10,4,4), and

age elevates his status in comparison with the young ruler Zeus. Through his mother he possesses prophetic powers and knows of Themis’ prediction (cf. Pind. I. 8,27), according to which Zeus will be overthrown by his own son by -> Thetis. In this constellation lies the tension between P. and Zeus that drives the drama: in spite of P.’s earlier loyalty to Zeus demonstrated in the battle of the Titans (Aesch. PV 216-225), the young ruler punishes him for the theft of fire, which he com-

that a P. and his son founded mysteries in Thebes (Paus.

D. LITERARY ADAPTATIONS Hesiod (Theog. 507-616; Op. 42-105) portrays P. as a cunning and devious character. In his > hybris he

repeatedly tries to match himself with Zeus (deception with the sacrifice and stealing of fire), but constantly loses. In the end, he himself is responsible (through his scandalous actions) for the catastrophes (represented by Pandora) that fall on mankind whom he purports to defend. The leading thought of Aeschylus’ tragedy Prometheus Bound (for the question of its authenticity see > Aeschylus B 5) substantially deviates from Hesiod’s version: Aeschylus makes P. the son of Gaia/Themis;

mitted for the good of mankind.

On the other hand,

Zeus needs him for his knowledge about his own overthrow, which has been prophesied. P., however, withholds this knowledge and uses it as a pawn. In contrast to Hesiod, Aeschylus omits the deception with the sacrifice and portrays P. not as a hybristic evil-doer, but as benefactor, friend of man, and bringer of civilisation (Aesch. PV 442-506 et alia), who, like lo, becomes a

victim of Zeus’ arbitrary rule [1.1-21; 2.657--664; 666— 681; 3.134-147].

9525,6) [2.654-657]. F. ANCIENT ICONOGRAPHY P.’ punishment is one of the main motifs of the iconography of the myth of P. It is also frequently found in the Etruscan and Roman world. It can be found on the earliest illustrations dating from the middle of the 7th cent. BC (e.g. a Spartan ivory relief, Athens, NM 15354). P. is usually depicted naked and bearded, kneeling or sitting, with his arms tied behind his back

and an eagle flying above him, eating his liver. Representations of P.’ liberation by Heracles (frequently with other gods attendant) are found from the end of the 7th cent. BC (e.g. a proto-Attic scyphus, Athens, NM 16384). While P. handing over the fire to satyrs is a popular motif of Attic red-figured vase painting from the 2nd half of the 5th cent. BC, there is only one certain

9

Io

depiction of the fire being stolen and handed over to man (c. AD 220: sarcophagus, Paris, LV Ma 355). Rep-

resentations of P. as creator of man — frequently in conjunction with the goddess Minerva — are not found before the Hellenistic period. This motif continues into the 3rd cent. AD [5]. G. RECEPTION The Renaissance rediscovered P. and viewed him as the creative artist par excellence (Boccaccio, Genealogia Deorum, 1373). In the following centuries, P. became a symbol of the scientific and technological progress of man in the struggle against divine or ecclesiastical barriers (G. BRUNO, Cabala del cavallo Pegaseo, 1585; CALDERON, La Estatua de Prometeo, 1679; F. Bacon, De sapientia veterum, 1691). However, in this

PROMUNTURIUM,

PROMONTORIUM

4C.C.W. TayLor, Protagoras/Plato,*1991 5 J.-R. GisLER, s. v. P., LIMC 7.1, 531-553 6 E. LAMMERT, Die Entfesselung des P., in: W. WUNDERLICH (ed.), Literarische Symbolfiguren, 1989, 17-36 7B. VAUPEL, P. im Kreuzfeuer der Ideologien, in: E. PANKow, G. PETERS (ed.), P. Mythos der Kultur, 1999, 161-176 8 K. Marx,

F. ENGELS, Werke. Supplementary volume 1, 1968

9F.

NieTzscHeE, Samtliche Werke (Kritische Studienausgabe in 15 vols), vol. 1, 1980 10 P. Piz, ‘Arischer’ Frevel und ‘semitische’ Siinde, in: E. PANKOw (see [7]), 145-160

11 A. Hitter, Mein Kampf. Jubilaumsausgabe, 1939 12 R. Trousson, Le theme de Prométhée dans la littérature européenne, vol. 2, 1964. DNP-G.K.

figure into P., the man of action and Epimetheus, the

Promona (Ilewpova; Promona). City in Dalmatia (App. Ill. 34; 72-77; Str. 7,5,5: Modmpova/Promona; Tab. Peut. 6,1; Geogr. Rav. 211; CIL II 149697: pagani Promonenses), near modern Tepljuh, about 40 km to the northwest of Sibenik on the road to Knin, at the foot of Mount Promina (1148 m). The Dalmatae and other Illyrii conquered the Liburnian fortress of P. in 51 BC. Caesar intervened to return P. to the > Liburni but in vain. In 34 BC Agrippa [1] and the future Augustus ultimately took P. from the Dalmatae under their indigenous leader Versus. Auxiliary troops (> Auxilia) were stationed in the fortress of P. (cohors I Lucensium at the beginning of the Imperial Period, cohors I milliaria Delmatarum under the Severans)and there was a legionary camp in nearby > Burnum. Inscriptions: CIL III 6419;

dreamer [6. 21-24].

14969°.

role he was increasingly criticized in the view of the flawed developments of modern civilisation (J.J.RousSEAU, Discours

sur les sciences et les arts, 1750; M.

SHELLEY, Frankenstein,

1818). The Enlightenment in-

voked P. in his revolt against Zeus (VOLTAIRE, Pandore, 1740) as the god-like creator (SHAFTESBURY, Soliloquy,

1710). The young GOETHE conforms to this tradition when he views P. as the symbolic figure of the Modern period: a freely creative artist-citizen who rejects the authorities’ paternalism (drama fragment, 1773; ode, 1774). In his later play Pandora (1808) he divides this

In Romanticism, P. was revered as the forefather of

the proud man who knows his worth (e.g. BYRON, 1816; P. SHELLEY, Prometheus Unbound, 1820). Christians

invoked him as the predecessor of Christ (E. QUINET, 1838), atheists as opponent of a Christian God equated with Zeus (F. v. SALLET, 1835; L. MENARD, 1843). The

Promethean theme was very popular around the turn of the twentieth century and was reinterpreted satirically or as a criticism of society (A. GipE, Le Prométhée mal enchainé, 1899: P. leaves his rock and promenades along a Parisian boulevard; C. SprrreLer, P. und Epimetheus, 1880; P. der Dulder, 1924: P. as self-absorbed recluse in the mountains).

The ideologies of the 19th and zoth centuries also made use of P. as a symbolic figure [7]. To K. Marx he was ‘the most prominent saint and martyr in the philosophical calendar’[8. 263]. To F. Nierzscue the P. legend was

‘an original possession of the entire Aryan

nation’ [9. 68f.; ro]. A. HirLer mythicised the ‘Aryan’ as the ‘P. of mankind’ [11. 285]. Hence, numerous depictions of P. are found in the visual arts of National Socialism (statues of P. by A. BREKER in 1934 and 1937). Recent interpretations of P. stress anew the rebellious, Promethean man (C. ORFF, opera Prometheus, 1968; H. MULLER, Prometheus, 1969; H.M. ENZENSBERGER, Der kurze Sommer der Anarchie,

1972) [12]. 1 M. GrirriTH (ed.), Aeschylus. Prometheus Bound, 1983

2 W. Kraus, L. Eckuart, s. v. P., RE 23.1, 653-730 3 A. Lesxy, Die tragische Dichtung der Hellenen, +1972

J.J. Wiikes, Dalmatia, 1969; G. VeITH, Die Feldziige des C. Iulius Caesar Octavianus in Illyrien ..., 1914; M. SASEL

Kos, Appian and Dio on the Illyrian War of Octavian, in: Ziva antika 47, 1997, 187-198; Id., Caesar, Illyricum and the Hinterland of Aquileia, in: G. Urso (ed.), L’ultimo Cesar, 2000, 277-304. PICA.

Promotus. Flavius P., possibly comes Africae before AD 386, magister militum 386-391; defeated the +» Greuthungi in the lower reaches of the Danube as magister peditum per Thracias in 386; magister equi-

tum 388-391. P. led the cavalry against Magnus » Maximus [II 7] in 388, became consul in 389 and extricated > Theodosius I [JI 2] from a difficult military position in 391. A fierce conflict with > Rufinus [II 3] led to fighting in the + consistorium and, in 3.91, probably also to P.’ death in Thrace in an ambush allegedly instigated by Rufinus. His two sons were brought up with Theodosius’ children. PLRE 1, 750-751. —K.G--A. (‘promontory’, Promunturium, Promontorium ‘cape’). {1] Promontorium Cantium (t6 Kavttov). Headland in

the far south-east of Britannia, opposite the mouth of the Rhine; a landmark for seamen and geographers, modern South Foreland/Kent (cf. Caes. B Gall. 5,13,1; is

22a

DIOdmSicw

ssa 0yah Sti 4.38459.330 SnD)-

Cantium probably means ‘corner’ in Celtic [1]. The exposed location in the far south-east of the island gave its name to the > Cantiaci, and the name was also applied

PROMUNTURIUM,

PROMONTORIUM

to the kingdom of Kent, which arose here in the 6th cent.

A. Detsicas, The Cantiaci, 1983.

M.TO.

[2] Promunturium Hesperium. Promontory on the west coast of Africa, said to be opposite the > insulae GorMela

3,99; Plin. HN

6,197;

6,199;

6,201; Sol. 56,10; Mart. Cap. 6,702 (Hesperu ceras);

Plin. HN 5,10 (promunturium Hesperu); Ptol. 4,6,7 (Eontoeov or “Eomeoiov xéoacs). Identification with

Cape Verde is doubtful. The Hespérou kéras mentioned in Hanno [1], Periplus 14 (GGM I 10) — which is a kolpos (‘bay’), not an akroterion (‘promontory’) — has nothing to do with the P. Hesperium, unless it is assumed that later authors misunderstood Hanno. S. GseELL,

Histoire

ancienne

de |’Afrique

du

31921, 496, 504.

Nord

Pronaos see -> Temple Pronni (Mo@vvoi; Prénnoi). One of the four cities on

1 A.L.F. River, C. SmirH, The Place-Names of Roman Britain, 1979, 300.

gades. Sources:

IZ

EE

I,

W.HU.,

~» Cephallenia, in the south east of the island ona rocky eminence to the south of the present-day village of Poros. In 375 BC, P. joined the second -> Athenian League (StV 257); it was besieged in vain by Philip V (> Philippus [I 7]) in 218 BC during the > Social Wars [2] (Pol. 5,3,4). The area has been intensively investigated by archaeologists since the discovery of a rich princely grave of the Mycenaean Period near P. [1. 217; 2]. Epigraphical evidence: [1. 219-225]; coins: BMC Peloponnesus 89; RPC 272. 1 D. Srraucn, Aus der Arbeit am Inschriften-Corpus der Ionischen Inseln, in: Chiron 27, 1997, 209-254

2 Ar-

chaeological Reports 45, 1998/1999, 43f.

DS.

Pronoe (Iloovon; Pronoé).

[1] One of the > Nereids, according to Hes. Theog. 261.

([3] Promunturium Lacinium. Cape on the east coast of Bruttium (> Bruttii), «11 km south-east of Croton, modern Capo Colonna. There was a sanctuary of Hera here (Str. 6,1,11: TO Aaxiviov “Hoeac teoov; Liv. 24,3,33

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,51; Diod. Sic. 4,24,7; cf. the

reference of the present-day place name to its columnar

PRELLER/ROBERT I, 556.

[2] Soothsaying Lycian naiad. After telling ~ Caunus [1] of the death of his sister > Byblis, P. takes him as her husband and transfers her realm to him. Their son is Aegialus (Conon FGrH 26 F 1,2). NLJO.

architecture), an extra-urban sanctuary with a cultic

connection to seafaring. Although the archaeological traces do not go back further than the 7th cent. BC, the origin of the sanctuary was probably related to the voyages of > Heracles [1] (Serv. Aen. 3,552), so it must be dated earlier. The cult of Juno Lacinia shows connections to shepherd life. Hannibal [4] had a bronze pillar erected here in 205 BC, with a Punic-Greek bilingual

Pronomus (Ile6vouoc/Prénomos). The most outstand-

inscription on it (Pol. 3,33,18; Liv. 28,46,16). Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia 1983), 1986, 315-

depicts P. playing (interpretation of the painting is debated [1. 186-187; 2]). As late as 369 BC, his melodies were played to accompany the building of Messene

328; R. SpADEA, II tesoro di Hera, in: BA 88, 1994, 1-345

(Raliseas27. 7).

G. Mappoyt, I culti di Crotone, in: Crotone (Atti del 23.

M. GIANGIULIO, Tra mare e terra. L’orizonte religioso del paesaggio

costiero,

in: F. PRONTERA

(ed.), La Magna

Grecia e il mare, 1996, 255f.; R. SpADEA, I santuari di Hera a Crotone, in: J. DE LA GENIERE (ed.), Hera. Images,

espaces, cultes. Actes du Colloque International de Lille 1993, 1997, 235-259; BI'CGI 4, 409-419. A.MU.

[4] Promunturium Pyrenaei. Name of the two farthest

capes in the east and west of the -» Pyrene [2] (Pyrenees).

(1) The eastern cape (Plin. HN 3,30; 4,110; 118; Liv. 26,19,11; Mela 2,84; Avien. 472: Pyrenae iugum; 565:

ing of the Theban auletes (Anth. Plan. 16,28), aulos teacher of Alcibiades [3] (Ath. 4,184d). Was the first to

play several keys on one and the same aulos (Paus. 9,12,5; cf. Ath.

14,631e). His facial expression and

body movement

heightened the effectiveness of his

playing (Paus. 9,12,6). A vase painting from c. 400 BC

1 PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/GOULD/LEWIS

2 C. CALAME,

Quand regarder, c’est énoncer: le vase de P. et le masque, in: Cahiers d’Archéologie Romande 36, 1987, 79-88.

RO.HA. Pronomus Painter. One of the most significant Attic Red Figure vase painters of the late 5th century BC. The painter’s name is chosen after a contemporary Theban musician, » Pronomus, who is depicted on one of the PP’s main works, the Naples Krater, Naples, MAN

Pyrenaeum iugum; 533: Pyrenae vertex) is identical with modern Cap Béar, where there was a temple of Venus (Str. 4,1,3; Plin. HN 3,22). (2) The western cape (Plin. HN 3,30; 37,37; Avien.

3240. Together with the > Talus Painter and the Suessula Painter, the PP was a leading vase painter of his generation, which was successor to the — Meidias Painter, the greatest Athenian vase painter of the period around 420 BC. In the main, he painted large-scale pot-

158:

or

tery (krateres, pelikai, hydriai, etc.). He took his picto-

axeotHELov IIveyvys) is identical with modern Cabo Higuer near Oyarzun on the + Oceanus, where there was also a temple of Venus. Numerous pits in this area attest to ancient silver and copper mining.

rial themes from the theatre or from contemporary products of great art, primarily of wall painting. Favourite myths for his vase pictures are the > gigantomachy, the clashes between the gods, as well as the Dionysian world, in this continuing the themes of the Parthenon

Veneris

iugum;

Ptol.

2,6,10;

2,7,2:

t&xoov

R. Grosse, s. v. P. Pyrenaei, RE 24, 12f.; SCHULTEN, Lan-

deskunde 1, 172-184.

PB.

13

14

sculptures; there are also thematic parallels in the contemporary Attic theatre of e.g. Euripides. Diversity of materials and decoration by applying gold or a white pigment are characteristic of the figures, which are also enriched with brushstrokes of varying thickness. The compositions consist of many figures arranged on different levels, resulting in an impression of spaciousness, a characteristic suggestive of large-scale painting. Around the PP there formed a relatively large circle of less significant vase painters who adopted his techniques.

European *[bér6] ‘I carry’ > Ancient Greek [p'érd] > Modern Greek [féro]). (2) If its orthography fluctuates; this mostly indicates archaizing spelling, a tendency which must always be reckoned with except at the beginning of a language’s written tradition; for example, in the so-called — senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus (CIL I* 581, 186 BC), the modern spelling ¢ae> in aedem reveals the spelling in haice, aiquom, tabel(l)ai and therefore the entire document to be archaizing. (3) If its language deviates in dialect or sociolect from the otherwise predominant (and usually better known) written language forms; in that case, possible standardizing influences present us with particularly large problems (e.g. vernacular on Attic vases or Pompeian walls). Then, we call upon our general knowledge of the pronunciation of the language under consideration. That general knowledge results (1) from observation of the > metre: for example, Homeric téxvov, mated¢ with long, but in classical Attic with short first syllable (e.g. Hom. Il. 1,362; 396; Aristoph. Lys. 7,889); despite a short vowel, a long first syllable in Latin maius, peius

BEAZLEY,

ARV*

1335-1338;

48o0f.; BEazLEy, Addenda*

schen Vasen, *1981,

BrazLey,

Paralipomena

182; E. Stmon, Die griechi-

153-157,

pl. 228f., 232, 2333 J.

BOARDMAN, Athenian Red Figure Vases. The Classical Pe-

riod, 1989, 167f., ills. 323, 326-238; M. ROBERTSON, The Art of Vase Painting in Classical Athens, 1992, 25 5f., ills. 260, 263 et passim. S.DR.

Pronuba. Epiclesis of > Juno (Verg. Aen. 4,166), referring to her identity as goddess of wedding (cf. Juno luga); Juno P. was called upon when reading auspices and at the actual espousal. LK.

Pronunciation. How can the original pronunciation of a document written in a ‘dead’ language be determined? Descriptions of the positions of lips and tongue, the oral aperture, activity of the vocal cords etc. are largely missing for the individual sounds of the ancient languages of Europe (see e.g. the late information in Ter. Maur.); still, the technical terms recorded in Plato (Crat. 393¢, 424c: dwvyjevta, Gdwva, apOoyya) suggest phonetic study. Pliny the Elder (according to Prisc. 2,29,8ff.) distinguished three allophones (— Phonetics and Phonology) of Latin /I/: an exilis (probably palatalized) in the geminate (e.g. ille), a plena (according to others pinguis, probably velar) in the final sound of a syllable (sol, silva, as in English) and after consonants (cldrus) as well as a media in the remaining positions (e.g. lectus, paulum). Apart from such rare cases, we are dependent on the reasoning of modern linguistics. Yet the > alphabetical script limits our endeavours as it differentiates almost only phonemes, i.e. sounds as variables relative to other sounds (e.g. /r/ in contrast to /I/ in verum : velum), but not allophones as determined by their linguistic environment (e.g. the three Latin []], or [n] for /n/ in incertus as opposed to [n|] in integer), unless these are also used concurrently as phonemes (e.g. [m] variant for /n/ in impius, but /m/ phoneme in mox : nox). Therefore, information such as Varro Ling. 5,97 hircus, quod Sabini fircus; quod illic fedus, in Latio rure hedus, qui in urbe ut in multis ‘A ’addito haedus does not tell us if the Sabine [f] in fircus sounded the same as the Latin [f] in fero and the rural Latin é in hédus the same as the Latin é in verum. For the document whose pronunciation we want to determine, we must first clarify: (1) From which period it comes; as is well known, pronunciation, even of words which remain intact, can change (cf. Proto-Indo-

PRONUNCIATION

(e.g. Verg. Aen. 7,386; Ov. Pont. 1,3,37), thus [maiius peiius]; two short syllables in Latin cito, bene, tibi,

homo, cave, amo, and even novos — thus already Plaut. Truc. 244 — through so-called ‘iambic shortening’. (2) From special spellings: e.g. vowel lengthening in paastores, Maarco, Maaoxtoc, veixsit, viximus (so-called ‘i longa’), cunctarum (so-called ‘apex’), etc. (3) From secondary transmissions and loan words: e.g. Greek Ktxéewv, Kaioag as a reflection of the prevailing Latin pronunciation of /k/ and/ai/ respectively at the time of the two politicians (even if, at the time, one undoubtedly said/késar/ in Latio rure, see Varro above); the transcription Prune for a Greek woman named ®giivn as late as the rst cent. BC (CIL I’ 2273), indicating that the pronunciation of the Greek was still not equivalent to the Latin [f]. (4) From conclusions within the language: for example, short [e] in Falerii (Liv. 5,27,4), because

-er- must go back to the older -is-, still preserved in Falis-ci (Liv. 5,27,1); long [a] in actus, but short in aptus

in the face of adactus without, but adeptus with weakening of a (short) vowel in a medial syllable; short [i] in

Latin strictus by reason of the Italian stretto, French étroit, but long in scriptus by reason of scritto, écrit; identical pronunciation of the Latin -és and -éns in view of the different spellings of the same suffix in quotiens: quinquies. (5) From historical linguistic comparison (> Language families), e.g. for the question of whether a diphthong is true or spurious (e.g. in Hom. Il. 7,94f. uetéeume veixer OverdiCwv ‘addressed them in scorn and reproach’). (6) From factual reasoning: for example, the final word Fowxetais of the Locrian law regarding the colonization of Naupactus (IG IX* 1,718, c. 500-475 BC; ML, No. 20) should be read as Fouxétatc, not Fouxétaic, because settlers are meant, not house slaves (long [e] could not be expressed in the local alphabet). A few additional indicators for the pronunciation of Greek (Hom. = Homer, Att. = Classical Attic, Koi. =

1eS

16

Hellenistic Koine, IE. = Imperial era): long vowels and syllables are (as in Latin) approximately twice as long as short ones (even when unaccented), while a syllable is only short when it contains a short vowel and the consonants preceding the next vowel are all part of that vowel’s syllable (Att. ma-tedc as opposed to Hom. sat00c, see above); in the IE, the distinction between long and short vowels (but not long and short syllables) disappears. As in Latin, -» accents are expressed more

acquitted in the final verdict. Otherwise, he was sentenced to pay a sum arrived at by the judge.

through raised, rather than increased, tone. On the

I. CONCEPT Greek moooiuov/prooimion, (tragedy:) pooipiov/ phroimion, Latin prooemium, prohoemium: 1) hymn

PRONUNCIATION

vowels (for the first three, the quantity cannot be seen from the script): «as [a]; vas [i]; v as [u], beginning with Att. as [tu]; ¢ as [€]; 7Hom. as [é], Att. and Koi. é, IE [i]; 0 as [6]; w as 0. Diphthongs: at as [ai], IE like e; av as [aul], IE like 0; Hom. so-called ‘true’ et as [ei], ‘false’ eu (i.e. arising through contraction of [e+e] or compensatory lengthening) as [é], Att. all as [é], from the Koi. as [1]; Hom. ‘true’ ov as [ou], ‘false’ ov as [6], Att. all as [9], from the Koi. as 0; ev as [eu]; ot as [oi], from the IE like v. Before vowels, the second component of a diphthong is lengthened, so that a long syllable develops: for example, téAetoc [téleiios] (Aeschyl. Ag. 1432, Supp. 739), along with shortened tédeog (Supp. 525). Long diphthongs At, nt, wt (or &, 4, @) without [i] from the Koi. Stops: x t x as in French; f 6 y as in German, spirantized in the IE (except y before y x y&, there [n]); > 0x aspirated as in English p t k, spirantized in the IE as in English f, th, German ch (probably as in modern Greek: ich-sound before front vowels, ach-sound before back vowels and consonants). Continuants tv do as in German; 0 ¢ voiceless; spiritus asper (*) generally silent from the IE onwards, early especially in Eastern Greek. Combinations: & is [ks], y [ps], ¢ (always voiced) in initial sounds [dz], in medial position possibly also [zd zdz zz];

M. Kaser, K. Hackt, Das rémische Zivilprozefrecht,

*1996, 273, 338.

CPA.

Prooemium I. CONCEPT

Il. GREEK

LITERATURE

III. ROMAN

LITERATURE.

to the gods (as an opening), 2) introductory section of a

poem, 3) beginning of a speech, 4) introduction. As was already realized in Antiquity [8. 19], prooimion is etymologically related to oiwn (oime, ‘song’, ‘story’, Hom. Od. 8,74; 8,481; 22,347) and oipoc (oimos,

‘stripe’, Hom.

Il. 11,24;

‘path’ = ‘song’, H.

Hom. 4,451 [4. s. v. otun]).

Il. GREEK LITERATURE 1) In Greek poetry, the so-called Homeric Hymns to gods, hexametric and of varying lengths [1. ro], are known as prooimia; they were recited by > rhapsodes before their performance of epic poetry (Thuc. 3,104; + Hymn, I B). Socrates composed a prooimion to Apollo (Pl. Phd. 60d).

2) Terpander wrote (Plut. Mor. 1132d) prooimia as the first part of the citharodic + ndmos [3]. Of a similar kind were the introductory sections of lyric poems, often containing hymnic

invocations

of deities; thus

Pindar refers to the splendid beginning of Pind. Pyth. 1,1-28 as its prooimion [1o. 57f.]. Aristot. Rh. r415a

(so-called

16-18 considers the beginning of epic poems an example of the function of the rhetorical prooimion (see

‘geminates’) lengthen the syllable of a preceding short vowel.

below) as these offer, besides the invocation of the > Muse, a thematic announcement of the what is to

-» Alphabet; > Accent; > Metre; Phonetics and Pho-

follow (as in the didactic poems esp. of Hesiod and Parmenides [3. 18]). 3) In Greek prose, Pl. Leg. 722¢ 6-723b 6 demands that political laws must be preceded by a prooimion with the same impact as the prooimia of speeches so the law would be accepted ‘with good will’ (evuev@c; eume-

&, wy and C as well as the long consonants

nology; M. LeyEUNE, Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien, 1972; M. LEUMANN, Lateinische Laut- und Formenlehre, 1977; W.S. ALLEN, Vox Latina, 1978; Id., Vox Graeca, 1987. R.WA.

nos) and thus be internalized more effectively; here, the

Pronuntiatio [1] (rhetoric) v. > Actio [1]

[2] (legal). Literally ‘declaration’, pronuntiatio in Roman law meant any ruling made by the judge on the matter at issue (e.g. Dig. 42,1,1). The narrower sense

arose from the peculiarity of Roman procedural law in strictly permitting only a > condemnatio pecuniaria (‘pecuniary condemnation’, i.e. sentence to payment of a monetary sum). Notwithstanding this, there were particular actions which could be aimed at a non-monetary resolution, so-called actiones arbitrariae (v. > actio [2]). In order to achieve such a resolution, the respondent was called upon to fulfil the demand by the pronuntiatio, which thus constituted a kind of interim verdict. If the respondent acceded to this demand, he was

prooimion serves to persuade an unphilosophical majority [6. 38-70]. Apparently the prooimion had become the object of rhetorical theory since the time of Corax [3.19] (cf. Isoc. Or. 4,13). For Aristot. Rh. 1414b 19-1416a 3, the prooimion is “the beginning of the speech, as the -> prologue is of the poem and the prelude of the flute-music; ... as it were preparing the way for what follows” (68o0mo0inou/hodopoiesis, ‘making of the way’, metaphor of the path; cf. esp. r415a 2225). The proomion was also supposed to influence the listener to be ‘well-disposed’ (etvouc/einous; ibid. 1415a 34-36; likewise Anaximenes 29,1-7). In later rhetorical theory (Hermog. De inventione 1; Apsines Rhetor 1,1-39), these functions of the prooimion re-

mained a fixed part of speeches [8. 21-23]. Stockpiled

LT

18

collections of prooimia are attributed to Attic orators, esp. ~ Demosthenes [2] B. [8. 24]. Some elements of these rhetorical prooimia can still be found in Byzantine literature [9]. The historical prooimia of > Hecataeus [3] of Miletus, Herodotus, Thucydides, Ephorus, Diodorus Siculus (prefacing every book individually) and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,1-8 (fully developed) also belong to this type of rhetorical prooimia; they introduce the author, his purposes and methods, the importance of his subject matter and the attempt to be unbiased. In later times, Lucian Hist. conser. 52-54 (> Lu-

3]) employs the prooemium and the excursuses to create an interpretative continuum expressing his critical view of Rome. Livy (— Livius [III 2]) is closer to tradition [13]; the Latin word praefatio is recorded as a designation of his introductory section — a term which Quint. (Inst. 4,1,74) uses only for the introduction to a subsection. Internal prooemia serve to divide Livy’s colossal work. In his prooemia to Agr., Hist. and Ann., Tacitus expresses the fear that the veritas (reliability) of historical accounts is threatened by the want of libertas (> Freedom I.B.) at Rome. 4) Cicero (see > Cicero II.D.2.-3.) requires a tight organic connection of the principium of a speech with what follows, contrasting this with the prooemia of the citharodes as something ‘attached’ (affictum; Cic. De or. 2,325) [7. 30f.]. The prooemium to De oratore is closely connected with the following sections, while the prooemia to his later, philosophical works are highly independent. Cicero composed a Volumen prohoemiorum, a book of interchangeable prooemia (he used the

cianus

[1]) demanded

that the historical prooimion

should attract the listeners’ attention and arouse curiosity. 4) From the Byzantine period, prooimion is used to denote Eustathius’ comprehensive introduction to his Pindar commentary [9]. III. ROMAN

LITERATURE

1) In Roman literature, the term prooemium is never

used in the sense of a hymn to the gods (see above, I). 2) In Roman poetry, the prooemia of epic and didactic poems are related to their Greek models (see above, I 2), but sometimes show divergences: in the prooemium to Ennius’ Annales, the dedication to the Muses is taken

from Hesiod’s Theogony and Callimachus’ Aitia, but is preceded by the dream of the metempsychosis of Homer [15. 46-113]. Lucretius’ prooemia are subdivided into hymn-like outer prooemia and briefer inner ones [5. 8-10; 14. 98]: they show a bipartite structure: after remarks about the importance of Epicurus, there are references to what follows; a hymn to Venus (1-49) introduces the prooemium of the first book. In Virgil’s Georgics, the prooemium to the first book contains invocations of gods (and of Augustus) alongside presentations of the subject matter of the four books while the prooemium to the third book presents a poetic programme in the Hellenistic tradition [15. 172-176; 2]. A close parallel is Ovid’s prooemium addressing Germanicus (Ov. Fast. 1,1-26; [11. 2446]). Like the prooimia of Greek epic, the prooemium of Virgil’s Aeneid presents an invocation of the Muses as well as the divine motivation

for the events.

Lucan

initially (1,1-32)

avoids all mention of the divine in his prooemium, but not in his subsequent praise of Nero (1,33-66). 3) In the prose of rhetorical theory (Rhet. Her. 1,6; Cic. Inv. 1,20-26; De or. 2,315-325), the loan-word prooemium was replaced by the Latin terms -> exordium, initium orationis and principium (‘beginning’, ‘introduction of the speech’, ‘commencement’), while

the Aristotelean objectives of inducing goodwill, anticipation and openness in the listener at the beginning of the speech (> captatio benevolentiae) continue to apply [7. 29-30]. Quintilian (Inst. 4,1,1-5) sticks to the term prooemium and discusses its possible derivation from oime and oimos. The Roman historians followed the Greek tradition to varying extents. The author of [Caes.] B Gall. 8 (cf. +> Hirtius) justifies his insertion; Sallust (> Sallustius [I]

PROPAGANDA

same prooemium twice, Cic. Att. 16,6,4); in these intro-

ductions, he wrote generally of philosophy and its significance. ~ Epic; > Historiography II.-III.; > Hymn; > Rhapsodes; > Rhetoric 1R. BOuHME,

Das Prooimion,

1937

2 G.B.

Proems in the Middle, in: YCIS 29, 1992, 147-159

COnreE,

3M.

CosTANTINI, J. LALLoT, Le meooiwoyv est-il un proéme?,

in: M. CosTANnTINI et al. (eds.), Le texte et ses représentations, 1987, 13-27.

4FRisk

5M. Gate, Lucretius

4,1-25 and the Proems of the De rerum natura, in: PCPhS 40,1994,1-17. 6H. GORGEMANNS, Beitrage zur Interpretation von Platons Nomoi, 1960 7 CH. GUITTARD, Note sur prooemium en latin, in: s. [3], 29-35 8H. Huncer, Prooimion, 1964 9A. KAMBYLIS (ed.), Eustathios von Thessalonike, Prooimion zum Pindarkommentar,1991

100O.KoLLMANN,

Das Prooimion der ersten

pythischen Ode Pindars, 1989 Proémium, LAW

2445f.

11 J. KROYMANN, s. v.

12 A. Lenz, Das Proém des

friihen griechischen Epos, 1980

13 J. MOLes, Livy’s

Preface, in: PCPhS 39, 1993, 141-168

14K. Srer, Reli-

gion und Philosophie im ersten Pro6mium des Lukrez, in: A&A 44, 1998, 97-106 15 W. SUERBAUM, Untersuchungen zur Selbstdarstellung alterer romischer Dichter, 1968.

H.A.G.

Propaganda. Propaganda is first recorded as a fixed term in the context of the foundation of the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide under Pope Gregory XV in 1622 for the propagation of the Christian faith. The Latin propagare, however, based on an agricultural context underlying various word formations from propag- ‘propagate, breed’, refers to a spatial and temporal spread, while it is generally persuasio/persuadere which seems to come closest to the modern term ‘propaganda’. Its application to Antiquity is fairly problematic (on recent scholarship see [9. 168ff.]), as can be seen from the plethora of modern definitions, ranging from overt or covert (or even manipulative) influencing of

public opinion and behaviour by a central organ of

19

20

political identity formation to any form of advertisement of one’s own case (the entire spectrum in [113 12; 13. 3-27]). It may be helpful to differentiate aspects of propaganda (agitative or integrative; inward or outward; horizontal or vertical) [5]. As vehicles of propaganda in Antiquity, historiographical works, myths in various poetic genres, political pamphlets and speeches, rumours, inscriptions (titulars, graffiti), buildings, vases, paintings and portraits, festivals, processions, donations and, owing to the necessity of their use and their great number, especially coins ([9]; [6] balanced, [2] sceptical) were used. Since modern techniques of propaganda were lacking and

and his followers were associated with the first portrait of a living Roman on coins of the city of Rome [18]. The power of -> rhetoric in the daily political struggles can

PROPAGANDA

socio-historical circumstances

were

different (e.g. as

regards opinion forming), we can hardly speak of a propaganda machinery (thus e.g. [4; 9. 168, note ro}; otherwise [16; 19. 13]). Detailed information on the initiators and the target groups of propaganda, let alone its impact, is rarely available (but cf. [14]). The same applies to the respective levels of literacy [7. 175-284] and to the understanding of symbolic imagery. A strictly intentional interpretation of, for instance, Augustan poetry or imperial buildings can hardly be reconciled with the ancient sources with their sometimes ostentatious character emphasizing self-representation. In Greece, there were attempts at ‘opinion-making’ in all epochs. Among these were the various proclamations of the > freedom of the Greeks — starting from the war against the Persians (+ Persian Wars [1] E; > Bar-

barians) or the Spartan initiative early in the 4th cent. BC up to the Hellenistic kings (on the Roman reception {15])—and the agitation between Demosthenes and Isocrates concerning Athenian policy towards > Philippus {I 4]. The Spartan > agdge or the various Athenian festivals (> Panathenaea) may have had an integrative effect, although they also left a lasting impression on the members of the Delian League (further aspects in [10]). The tragedies and comedies performed at Athens had a similar effect, transforming myths [1] and bringing in current affairs; it is certainly not possible, though, to expect state control in this case. A new dimension was added when -> Callisthenes [1], court historiographer of Alexander [4] the Great, was commissioned with recording the royal view of events for presentation before the Greek public. Strikingly, no successor was appointed after his execution although an analogous tradition soon developed at the courts in subsequent years (evidence in [8]). Prominent examples are also available for Rome. In the 3rd cent. BC, the connection between the certainly older legends of > Aeneas [1] and >» + Romulus was also part of the intellectual debates with the Greek cities of Lower Italy and Sicily [3. r49f.]. At the end of the Republic, the > tresviri monetales, esp. those from aspiring gentes, could draw attention to themselves and their (fabricated) family histories with the help of symbols and coin legends, a possibility which, however, was far from being exploited by all [3. 17ff.]. > Caesar

be seen from — Cicero’s Philippicae, which (like Caesar’s » Commentarii on his campaigns in Gaul) were

intended to justify the procedure. It must remain uncertain to what extent the publication of the acta urbis ( Acta 3.), enforced by Caesar in 59 BC, later served the process of influence [17]. As far as the sources can tell, the numerous pamphlets by means of which M. » Antonius [II] [I 9] and > Augustus agitated against each other are a unique phenomenon [3; 4]. The latter realized his restoration of the res publica with the help of a great number of media; some of his initiatives (such as the Res Gestae) were not continued. There was no historiographical production at the court, especially not from a senatorial pen (perhaps with the exception of - Nicolaus [3] of Damascus). Numerous graffiti from > Pompeii referring to candidates for local elections

are

also

relevant;

however,

this

was

no

—> ADVERTIZING in terms of election posters but rather a reference to social status or a declaration of support [peste 1J.N. BREMMER, Myth as Propaganda, in: ZPE 117, 1997,9-17. 2M.H.CRAwrForpb, Roman Imperial Coin Types and the Formation of Public Opinion, in: C.N.L. BROOKE

et al. (eds.), Studies

in Numismatic

Method,

1983,47-64 3J.DEROsEEvANs, The Art of Persuasion. Political Propaganda from Aeneas to Brutus, 1992 4 F. DUuUNAND, Féte, tradition, propagande, in: J. VERCOUTTER (ed.), Livre du centenaire

1880-1980 de |’Institut frangais

d’archéologie orientale du Caire, 1980, 287-301 SJ. ELLUL, Propagandes, 1962 6 C. HowGeEco, Ancient History from Coins, 1995, 62-87. 7 W.V. Harris, Ancient Literacy, 1989 8 B. MEISSNER, Historiker zwi-

schen Polis und Kénigshof, 1992

9H.W.

Ritrer, Zur

Beurteilung der Caesarischen und Augusteischen Miinzpropaganda, in: K. Curist, E. GABBA (eds.), ROmische Geschichte und Zeitgeschichte in der deutschen und italienischen

Altertumswissenschaft

wahrend

des

rg.

und

20. Jahrhunderts, vol. 1, 1989, 165-182 10B. SMArRczyk, Untersuchung zur Religionspolitik und politischen Propaganda Athens im Delisch-Attischen Seebund, 1990 11M. Sornp1 (ed.), Propaganda e persuasione occulta nell’antichita, 1974 12 Ead. (ed.), Storiografia e propaganda,1975 13 Ead. (ed.), Icanali della propaganda nel mondo

antico, 1976

14 J. Szipat, Zur Wirkung und

Aufnahme der Miinzpropaganda (Iul. Misop. 355d), in: MH 38, 1981, 22-33 15 J.].WALSH, Flamininus and the Propaganda of Liberation, in: Historia 45, 1996, 344-363 16 G. Weer, Dichtung und héfische Gesellschaft, 1993 17 P. Wuire, Julius Caesar and the Publication of Acta in Late Republican Rome, in: Chiron 27, 1997, 73-84 18 Z. YAVETZ, Julius Caesar and His Public Image, 1983, 214-227; 252-255 19P. ZANKER, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder, 1987. GR.WE.

Propemptikon (mooneuntimoy, sc. wéroc/mélos, Goua/ aisma). A poem that wishes a departing friend or relative all the best for a prosperous trip overseas (et\ho1c/ euploia). in Late Antiquity there was also the TooMEUMTIMOG AOYOS (propemptikos logos), a speech

21

22.

written in prose whose topoi were stipulated by the rhetors and listed (e.g. Menander Rhetor 3,395—99 SPENGEL); these included the prayer for a safe journey and return, the dangers of sea travel, praise of the destination, lamentation because of abandonment by the departing friend and a plea to him not to go. However we should not read this later systematization into earlier poetry. The first examples are Sappho fr. 5 Vorct, Thgn. 691-692; cf. in the Attic tragedy Eur. IT 1123-1136 and Eur. Hel. 1451-1511. Testimonials in Hellenistic poetry are Callim. fr. 196,400, Theoc. 7,52-89, Dioscorides Anth. Pal. 12,171, Meleager Anth. Pal. 12,52, possibly + Erinna 404 SH. From Roman poetry, the propemptikon of — Helvius [I 3] Cinna to Asinius Pollio is not extant but the comm. of + Hyginus pertaining to it has been preserved. Passed down to us e.g. are Hor. Carm. 1,3; 3,27 as well as Prop. 1,8 and Stat. Silv. 3,2 (its title in the MSS is the earliest evidence of propemptikon to describe a poem). Examples from prose are to be found among the speeches by > Himerius (Or. 10; 12; 15; 36 COLONNA). Hor. Epod. 10 is the reverse of a propemptikon as it wishes shipwreck upon Maevius (cf. Hipponax *115 IEG). The trio Soave sia il vento in MOzartT’s opera Cosi fan tutte is a fine example of a modern propemptikon.

collection of elegies (— Elegy), which P. published under the title of Monobiblos (before 28 BC, because the dedication of the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine is only acknowledged in 2,31). Through their success, P. gained access to the circle around > Maecenas [2], the addressee of the introductory poem of the second book (published after 26 BC because of the reference in 2,34,91 to > Cornelius [II 18] Gallus’ suicide). Book 3 (published after 23 BC, because the death of Augustus’ nephew ~ Claudius [II 42] Marcellus is lamented in 3,18) concludes with a group of poems (3,22-24) some of whose motifs strikingly refer back to 1,1 — thus indicating that P. reworked the initially separately published books 1-3 to combine them into a complete edi-

F. Carrns, Generic Composition in Greek and Roman Poetry, 1972; R. KANNICHT, Euripides Helena, vol. 2, 1969, 374f. (comm.); D.A. RussELL, N.G. WILSON (eds.), Menander Rhetor, 1981 (with Engl. transl. and comm.).

E.R.

- Propertius {1] P., Sextus. Roman elegiac poet. I. BroGrapHy II. IDEAS AND DEVELOPMENT INP.’ POEMS III. LITERARY FORMS IV. RECEPTION

I. BloGRAPHY P. was born around the middle of the rst cent. BC in the Umbrian town of - Asisium (modern Assisi) (Lachmann inferred the name of his place of birth by conjecture from Prop. 4,1,125; it is confirmed by numerous inscriptions of the Propertii family found in the area). Notable events in his youth include the early death of his father (4,1,127f.), the Perusine War (1,21f.; 2,1,293 + Perusia) as well as the seizure of a large part of the family’s property in the course of the land confiscations of 40 BC (4,1,129f.) by Octavian, the future > Augustus. From the vague reference that “soon after” (4,1,131) he put on the adult toga (this happened generally between the ages of r5 and 18) his approximate date of birth can be inferred. As an adolescent, he went to Rome to be trained in rhetoric, as was common practice for young men of his social background; however, his inclination towards poetry prevented him from pursuing a career in law or politics (4,1,133f.). At the centre of P.’ poetry are his encounters with Cynthia (according to Apul. Apol. ro, her real name was Hostia). His love for her is the main topic of his first

PROPERTIUS

tion. In Book 4 (published after 16 BC, because 4,11,65

refers to the consulate of P. Cornelius Scipio who had been consul of that year), P. turned towards the depiction of the mythological origins of some Roman festivals and locations. Nothing is known about his life after that. The reference to a descendant by Pliny (— Plinius [2]) the Younger (Epist. 6,15; 9,22) suggests that he was married and had children. Because in his Ars amatoria ~ Ovidius incorporated him in the catalogue of poets whom an educated young woman should have read (Oy. Ars 3,333) — according to ancient convention, this would only include those already deceased — it is likely that P. died before AD 1.

II. IDEAS AND DEVELOPMENT IN P.” POEMS P. initially justified his relationship of erotic dependence (servitium amoris) with Cynthia by idealizing it as

a life-long bond of mutual loyalty, following > Catullus’ [x] example. However, as Cynthia was neither able nor willing to live up to this ideal, he gradually began to distance himself from her, and his notion of ideal love transformed back into the more conventional notion of faithful marital love (3,12; 3,22,39-423 4,3; especially 4,11). His love also prevented him from all active involvement in politics. But then Maecenas urged him to deal poetically with Roman topics such as history and the feats of Octavian » Augustus. P. refused at first, claiming insufficient talent for such a task (2,1; 3,1; 3,3); nonetheless, he then celebrated Augustus’ intend-

ed ventures (his planned campaign against the Parthians), without, however, leaving the sphere of love poetry (2,10; 3,4). His objections to the new political

regime, though, gradually lessened; the clearest evi-

dence of this is in his successive treatment of the topic of Actium

(2,15,41-44;

2,16,37-423;

3,11,69-723;

4,6).

The aetiological poems in Book 4 finally document his patriotic commitment. Initially, P. proclaimed his poetry to be only a side effect of his love: Its purpose was to declare his love, to serve as an outlet in order to relieve love’s sorrows, and

— as an instruction in love — to enable others to learn from his amorous experiences (1,7; 1,9). At the same

time, though, he placed himself firmly in the tradition of the great Roman love poets (2,34,85-94). This increased self-confidence found its solemn expression in

PROPERTIUS

24

23

the Hesiodian image of being initiated by the muses

lar). This feature has been referred to as the ‘dialogic

(3,15 3,35cf.2,1).

character’ of the Propertian elegies [4].

Il]. LITERARY FORMS A. MovELs B. GROUPINGS, DELIMITATION AND THE INTERNAL STRUCTURE OF THE POEMS C. LANGUAGE AND STYLE

A. MODELS Undoubtedly, though no longer provably, P.’ most important model would have been > Cornelius [II 18] Gallus, who — after initial attempts by > Catullus [1] — established a new poetic genre in his Amores, in modern terminology referred to as ‘subjective love elegy’(—> Elegy II.). Alongside Catullus and Gallus (mentioned by name in 2,34,87 and respectively 91), the Greek erotic > epigram was also occasionally used as a model, whereas -> Callimachus [3] and -> Philitas [1], whom P. referred to repeatedly from Book 2 onwards, probably represented in a more general way the rejection of epic and its exalted style. In Book 4, Callimachus stood for the tradition of writing aetiological elegies.

B. GROUPINGS, DELIMITATION AND THE INTERNAL STRUCTURE OF THE POEMS A striking feature in the individual books is the frequent occurrence of small groups of elegies which thematically relate to each other. This often raises the question whether it would not be more appropriate to regard the relevant elegies as a single poem, albeit a strictly structured one; conversely, other clearly subdivided poems might be considered to suggest that they should rather be seen as a sequence of two or more separate, but closely related poems. The manuscripts generally provide no clarity in this point. C. LANGUAGE AND STYLE With regard to his linguistic tools, in contrast for example to the strict selection practiced by > Tibullus, P. made uninhibited use of the entire linguistic arsenal put at his disposal both by contemporary speech and traditional literary language (Graecisms, words and phrases coined by Catullus and Virgil, colloquialisms, technical expressions). Again and again, he was daringly creative both in the way he used words and in his syntax, resulting in linguistic structures of a strongly iridescent nature. From a functional perspective, P.’

style is characterized by the following features (accord-

IV. RECEPTION P. was soon seen as one of the great Roman love

poets. Already -» Ovidius repeatedly alluded to him in his Amores. Graffiti from Pompeii attest the general popularity of his work, while the adoption of phrases and junctures by later poets indicates the great esteem in which he was held in literary circles well into Late Antiquity. However, it seems that the transmission of the text is based on only two manuscripts, both of which are extant (N: Neapolitanus = Guelferbytanus Gudianus 224; A: Leidensis Vossianus 38).

A new phase of literary reception sets in with the neo-Latin Humanist poetry of the 15th cent. For the subsequent periods, the following names stand out: in the Renaissance Ronsard, who in his Amours

(1552)

and Amours diverses (1578) repeatedly used Propertian motifs; at the time of the French Revolution, André Chénier (1762-1794), then Goethe, whose R6mische Elegien (1788-90) were mainly modelled

on P., and

finally Ezra Pound, whose rendering of some of the Propertian elegies triggered a fierce debate on the freedom in poetic translations (Homage to Sextus Propertius, 1919; most comprehensive overview of the reception in

[3]). The first to study P.” work philologically were Ronsard’s friend Muretus (1526-1585) and Julius Caesar Scaliger (1484-1558); initially, the study was almost exclusively dominated by the problems of the badly transmitted text, the difficulties in understanding his language, and the seeming lack of logic in the composition of many of the elegies. As a result, P.’ work suffered greatly from the roth cent. obsession with athetesis, conjecture and rearrangement (an extreme example: Lachmann’s 1816 edition of P.). Even though these issues are still by no means finally resolved today, the focus of the academic research on P. has increasingly shifted towards questions of literary criticism, as well as the psychological and historical-sociological questions raised by his work. -» Augustus; — Callimachus [3]; > Cornelius [II 18] Gallus; -» Elegy II.; + Maecenas [2]; > Ovidius; + Philitas [1]; > Tibullus; > ELecy 1 A. DierericH, Die Widmungselegie des letzten Buches des P., in: RhM 55, 1900, 191-221 2K. BUHLER, Sprachtheorie, 1934 (reprint 1982), 24-33 3 A. La PENNA, L’integrazione difficile. Un profilo di Properzio,

ing to [2]): a strong tendency towards condensation in

1977,250-299

his descriptions, particularly through the use of allusion, with mythology playing a major part, coupled with a tendency towards concreteness and vividness; furthermore, in his expressivity a clear desire to suggest

perz und die Tradition der lateinischen Dichtersprache,

to the reader the current mood of the speaker, some-

times even to demonstrate to him the shifting of an emotional state; and finally a strong appellative tendency

4H. TRANKLE, Die Sprachkunst des Pro-

1960.

EpiTion: P. FepELt, 1984. COMMENTARY: M. ROTHSTEIN, 2 vols., 1920, 1924; H.E. Butier, E.A. BARBER, 1933; W.A. Camps, 4 vols., 1961-1967; P.J. ENK, 4 vols., 1946, 1962; E. Pasout,

1966; P. FEDELI (editions with commentary), bk. 1: 1980,

(intense focus on the fictitious addressee in the saluta-

bk. 3: 1985, bk. 4: 1965.

tion, and with questions, requests, demands and simi-

RESEARCH REPORT: W.R. NETHERCUT, Recent Scholar-

ship on P., in: ANRW II 30.3, 1983, 1813-1857.

2)

26

COMPREHENSIVE

ACCOUNTS:

J.P. BoucHER,

Etudes

sur Properce, 1965, *1980 (basic); M. HuBBarD, P., 1974;

G. Lucx, The Latin Love Elegy, 1969, 111-140; W. STROH, Die romische Liebeselegie als werbende Dichtung, 1971, 9-109; R.O.A.M. Lyne, The Latin Love Poets, 1980, 82-148; N. HoLzBeErG, Die romische Liebeselegie, 1990, 27-60 (72001).

SINGLE ASPECTS: E. BurcK, Zur Komposition des vierten Buches des Properz, in: WS 79, 1966, 405-427; J.L. Burrica, The Manuscript Tradition of P. (= Phoenix Suppl. 17), 1984; G. CaTANzaro, Amore e matrimonio nelle elegie di Properzio, in: F. Santucci (ed.), Assisi per il bimillenario della morte di Properzio, Atti della Accademia Properziana del Subasio, Ser. 6; 12, 1986, 161-187; G. D’Anna, L’evoluzione della poetica properziana, ibid.,

53-74; J.T. Davis, Dramatic Pairings in the Elegies of P. and Ovid, 1977; P. FepELt, ‘P. monobiblos’: Struttura e motivi, in: ANRW II 30.3, 1983, 1858-1922; E. FoULON, La mort et l’au-dela chez Properce, in: REL 74, 1996, 13 8— 150; W. HERING, Die Monobiblos als Gedichtbuch, in: Acta Classica 9, 1973, 69-75; K. JAGER, Zweigliedrige

Gedichte und Gedichtpaare bei Properz und in Ovids Amores, Dissertation Tubingen, 1967; H. JUHNKE, Zum Aufbau des 2. und 3. Buches des Properz, in: Hermes 99,

1971, 91-125; E. LeFevre, P. Ludibundus. Elemente des Humors in seinen Elegien, 1966; K. MorGAN, Ovid’s Art

of Imitation. P. in the Amores (= Mnemosyne Suppl. 47),

1977; K. NEUMEISTER, Die Uberwindung der elegischen Liebe bei Properz (bks. I-III), 1983; G. PETERSMANN, Themenfiihrung und Motiventfaltung in der Monobiblos des Properz, 1980; E. REITZENSTEIN, Wirklichkeitsbild und Gefihlsentwicklung bei Properz, 1936; J.P. SULLIVAN, Ezra Pound and S. P., 1964; H.-P. STAHL, P.: ‘Love’ and ‘War’. Individual and State under Augustus, 1985; H. TRANKLE (s. [4]).

[2] C.P. Postumus. Senator probably of the Augustan period; his career has many features indicative of the early phase of the Augustan rule, when it had at times been difficult to fill all of the lower senatorial positions: He served as II Ivir capitalis and in the following year as pro triumviro; then as quaestor and praetor; as praetor designatus, he was seconded by senatorial decree to the

collegium of the curatores viarum (cf. |1. 281-293]). As praetor, he was responsible for the jurisdiction of the aediles. He is finally known to have served as proconsul in an unspecified province. PIR* P roro. 1 W. Eck, Die Verwaltung des rémischen Reiches, vol. 1,

1995.

W.E.

Prophets I. INTRODUCTION

II. MESOPOTAMIA,

SYRIA-PAL-

ESTINE, OLD TESTAMENT III. Ecypt IV. GREECE AND ROME V. CHRISTIANITY VI. ISLAM

I. INTRODUCTION The term P. has found its way as a loanword from the Greek translation of the Bible into numerous languages. The Septuagint regularly uses prophetés to translate the Hebrew substantive nab?’, which is etymologically connected with Akkadian nabii(m) = ‘one who is called’. Since then a very much wider use has emerged.

PROPHETS

For a more precise demarcation of the concept, it is useful to adopt Cicero’s distinction between inductive and intuitive divination (genus artificiosum, genus naturale: Cic. Div. 1,11,34; 2,26f.) and to describe as prophets only representatives of the latter category: this makes prophets — independent of how they describe themselves — people who receive revelations from a deity through auditions, visions, dreams, etc., and are

charged by that deity to convey the message to others

[9]. Il. MESOPOTAMIA,

SYRIA-PALESTINE, OLD TES-

TAMENT There are numerous records of examples of this use from the 2nd millennium BC onwards (mainly oracles and references to oracles or to prophets in letters, inscriptions, administrative texts, etc.). The most important ones are from Old Babylonian > Mari (18th century BC [1o. vol. 2. 84-93]) and Neo-Assyrian Nineveh (7th century BC; > Ninus [2] [5; 6; ro. vol. 2. 56-65, 79-82]), but primarily from — Judah and Israel; in

addition there are the inscriptions of Zakkur of Hamat (c. 800 BC, [4. no. 202; ro. vol. 1. 626-628]), those from Deir ‘Alla (c. 700 BC [2; ro. vol. 2. 138-148]) and others. Whereas non-biblical texts allow snapshots, the OT offers a more complex picture, which moreover reveals profound historical transformations. There are individual figures — such as the ‘seer’ and ‘man of god’ Samuel (1 Sam 9), Ahijah (x Kg rx; 14) or Elijah (— Elias [1]) (1 Kg 17-19; 21; 2 Kg 1) — alongside groups such as the ‘sons of the prophets’ around Elisha (2 Kg 4,38ff.; cf. 9,1-10), prophets in the service of the king’s court (2 Sam 7; 12; 1 Kg 18,19; 18,40; 22) or the temple (Jer 26,7f.; 29,8f.) in addition to lay people seized at times by God (e.g. Am 7,10-17), both men and women, such as Huldah (2 Kg 22,14-20) and Noadiah (Neh 6,14). A first turning-point is marked by the prophets of the 8th century BC, in as much as Amos and Hosea in the northern kingdom and Micah and = Isaiah in Judah announce (irrevocable) disaster no longer only for individuals, but for a king(dom), temple or people. When their prophecies were confirmed by the fall of > Samaria (in 720 BC) and that of -> Jerusalem (in 586 BC),

their words began to be collected and expanded, drawing on experiences of later generations, thus resulting in the books of the prophets which are named after them. Following the fall of Judah, the message of the prophets at the end of the Period of Exile (see Is 40-5 5; Ez 36f., etc.) and the beginning of the Persian Period (see Hag; Sach 1-8) turned into a proclamation of salvation. When this promise was only modestly fulfilled, people increasingly set their hopes on the End of Days after the expected Final Judgment. As this strand of prophecy culminatedin apocalypticism (> Apocalypses) (cf. Joel 2-4; Is 24-27; Sach 9-14), prophetic charisma noticeably diminished (Ps 74,9; 1 Macc 4,46; 9,27). Prophets now appear only as teachers of the Torah (- Pentateuch), as ‘prophets like > Moses’ (Dt 18,9-22), who

27

28

has become an unattainable model of everything pro-

1 I. SHIRUN-GRUMACH, Offenbarung, Orakel und Konigsnovelle, 1993 2 E. BLUMENTHAL, Die Prophezeiung des

PROPHETS

phetic (Dt 34,10).

Concerning numerous details of OT prophecy, nonbiblical sources provide material for comparison, e.g. the introduction of the word of God with a messenger formula and thus in the prophet’s self-awareness as a messenger of God, in the bipartite structure of prophecies, in prophetic responses to oracles and reassurances of support for the king, in announcements of disaster for enemy peoples, in the reception of revelations in dreams, visions, ecstasy, etc. Prophecy in Israel differs from that of other ancient oriental cultures primarily (1) in the radicality of its declarations of disaster against its own people, (2) in the explicit explanation of disaster with prophetic criticism, predominantly of social and religious conditions and (3) in the formation of a tradition by means of conscious collection of prophecies, continuing updating and ‘prophetic prophet-exegesis’ [8]. 1 E. Ben Zv1, M.H. Fioyp (eds.), Writings and Speech in Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy, 2000 2 J. HorTijZeER, G. VAN DER Kooy, Aramaic Texts from Deir Alla, 1976 3J. JeREMIAS, Das Proprium der alttestamentlichen Prophetie, in: Id., Hosea und Amos (Forschun-

gen zum Alten Testament 13), 1996, 20-33.

4KAI

SK.

Kocu, Die Profeten, vol. 1 (Assyrische Zeit), vol. 2 (Baby-

lonisch-persische Zeit), 1995, 1980

6M. NIissINEN,

References to Prophecy in Neo-Assyrian Sources, 1998 7 S. PARPOLA, Assyrian Prophecies, 1997 8 A. SCHMITT,

Prophetischer Gottesbescheid in Mari und Israel, 1982 9 O.H. STEcK, Die Prophetenbiicher und ihr theologisches Zeugnis, 1996 10TUAT 11M. Werppert, Aspekte israelitischer Prophetie im Lichte verwandter Erscheinungen des Alten Orients, in: G. MAUER (ed.), FS K. Deller, 1988, 287-319. M.K.

Ill. Ecypr In Egyptian culture the term ‘P.’ (hm-ntr) is used for a high + priest. The phenomena treated here, however, have a clear connexion with predicting the future. Since attempts to interpret certain Egyptian works of literature in close relation to OT prophecy [4] must be regarded as failed [2.15], a clearer definition is needed. There are records of political prophecy in the interests of a ruler, who is presented as a saviour (Prophecy of Neferti, [3]). In it, pondering over the condition of the country appears to be sufficient trigger of visions. In a later period (1st millennium BC) there are also several less specific, rather eschatological works. The ‘Prophecy of the Lamb of Bokchoris’ [5. 9 rf.] (directed against the Assyrians) has a lamb speak, the nature of the inspiration does not survive in the fragmentary beginning of the text. The ‘Potter Oracle’ (directed against the Greeks and Alexandria), which survives only in Greek translation, shows a potter, whose workshop has been destroyed, as a prophet inspired by Hermes. Both the

lamb and the potter die at the end of their speeches. In the New Kingdom the existence of a ‘wise woman’ as an interpreter of the future in the settlement of Dair alMadina has been established [5. 85]. Of her techniques and sources of inspiration nothing is known. > Divination; - Oracle

Neferti, in: ZAS 109, 1982, 1-27.

phezeiung des Nfr.tj, 1970

3 W. HELCK, Die Pro-

4G. LanczKowsk1, Alt-

agyptischer Prophetismus, 1960 5 A. VON LIEVEN, Divination in Agypten, in: Altorientalische Forschungen 26, 1999, 77-126.

JO.QU.

IV. GREECE AND ROME Greek noodytndprophetes (= prophet), literally ‘spokesman (of a deity)’. He, or she (Pl. Phdr. 244a describes the -» Pythia [1] in > Delphi as a meoprttc/

prophétis; similarly in Late Antiquity > Didyma: Iambl. Myst. 3,11; SEG 30,1286; cf. [2. 814-816]), interprets or announces the will of the gods. Fundamentally, a prophétés functions only as the ‘manager’ of an + oracle (Hdt. 8,3 6f.; 9,93), whereas a normal seer was called a > mantis (for the difference cf. Pl. Chrm. 173Cc).

The activities of a prophetés seem to intersect with those of a promantis; at any rate, the terms prophétis and promantis were both applied to the Pythia (Hdt. 6,66; 7,41; similarly 2,55 to the priestesses in Dodona). When the oracle in Delphi was flourishing, two prophetesses were active, but in the 2nd century AD only one (Plut. Mor. 414b). In > Dodona, as early as the Homeric

Period

(Hom.

Il. 16,234f.)

there were

the

+ Sélloi, whose functions were related. Evidently they had the task of interpreting Zeus’ ‘speaking’ oak tree, which in earlier stories could still speak for itself (Aesch. fr. 20 RapT; Apoll. Rhod. 1,527). In a later period, in contrast, three elderly prophétai were active (Hdt. 2,55; Str. 7,7,12). There were prophets at all the famous + oracles (with map) of the Greek world (survey: [1; 2]), as at Ptoeum (IG VII 4135; 4147; 4155), in Clarus (OGIS 530; SEG 26,1288; 33,964) and Didyma (IDidyma 202-306; SEG 27,731; 37,962; 964-971;

973-9753 977). Poets also use this term metaphorically to describe their activities (first in Pind. fr. 150; Pind. Pae. 6,6); cf. Latin > vates.

After the Macedonian conquest of Egypt in the 3rd century BC the use of the term prophet as a translation for local priesthoods became established, for reasons which are still unclear (SEG 27, 1031; 42, 15 55); in this

period there is also a prophet at the oracle of ZeusAmmon in Libya ([Pl.] Alc. 2,149b-150a; SEG 33,1056). It may have been under this Egyptian influence that the Septuagint regularly translates Hebrew nab? as prophet (cf. I.). This usage was adopted by the authors of the NT for those who delivered divinely inspired messages. Unlike the Classical Period, in the NT prophets also have knowledge of the past (Jo 4,19) or see into the soul of people (Lk 7,39; cf. V.). In contrast to the Greek and other ancient religions, in the language of Rome prophet is not a term that would have been applied as a title to cult officials of the Roman religion. In the history of Roman religion, however, the abilities of a ‘seer’ or a ‘prophet’ were increasingly attributed to individuals who emerged independent of public religion; the term for them was —> vates

29

30

(q.v. for further details). Closest to these alternative religious specialists in the domain of public religion organised by an elite were the > quindecimviri sacris faciundis as the keepers of the > Sibyllini libri. They had, however, no ‘prophetic’ quality in the JudaeoChristian sense.

VI. IsLAM Prophetology in the + Quran forms the core of ~ Muhammad’s view of history and of his self-conception in relation to the other monotheistic religious communities he regards himself the heir to. The most comprehensive term in the Koran for a prophet is a messenger (rasul) sent by Allah (God) to various peoples (qaum, or umma), who addresses himself to each of these in its own language with the identical message of the true, original religion of the one God, which, however, is continually adulterated [1]. Among the prophets, in addition to many characters from the — Bible (see below), are also the Koranic prophets and admon-

~> Divination 1 E. FASCHER, Tleopytms, 1927 2 M. C. VAN DE KOLFF, s. v. Prophetes/Prophetis, RE 23.1, 797-816. H. Kramer et al., s. v. Prophetes, ThWB 6, 781-863 (cf.

ThWB to.2, 1250-1254).

j.B.

V. CHRISTIANITY Christianity emerged from within a Jewish environment, in which prophets and prophetic gifts were an accepted phenomenon (Phil. Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 259; Jos. BI 3,400-402; 1 Q pHab 2,2f.). John the Baptist was regarded as a prophet in the OT tradition (Mt 3,1-12 and parallel passages; Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,116-119). All the + Gospels mention that > Jesus was regarded by several contemporaries as a prophet (Mk 8,28 and parallel passages), but they also state that he gave rise to this idea by his words and deeds (Mk 6,4 and parallel passages). His interpretation as a prophet is still one of the main approaches in the study of the historical Jesus [2]. According to early Christian understanding, prophetic speech arises not from human will, but comes from God and is prompted by the Holy Ghost (2 Petr 1,21). For Paul (- Paulus [II 2]), prophecy is one of the most important gifts of grace (charismata) of the spirit of God. At religious service in the community meetings, particular significance is placed on this (1 Cor 14,5). In these, > women also appear as prophets (1 Cor 11,5). In the Acts of the Apostles, prophets are among the leaders of communities (Acts 13,1-3; cf. also Agabus: Acts 11,27f. and the four daughters of Philip: Acts 21,9). The Book of Revelation contains the most detailed prophecies in the NT (Apc 1,3). The term prophet occurs particularly often in Matthew (> Matthaeus): prophets may well be gifted but must all the more be critically tested. The measure of whether they are true or false prophets is ultimately not their prophecies but the fruits of their conduct (Mt 7,15-23). The same criterion is found in the + Didache; the prophecies themselves could no longer be verified, however, in order to avoid committing unforgivable sin against the Holy Ghost (Didache 11,7; 11,10). With the increasing institutionalisation of the Church, prophecy moved into the background. In + Montanism, in contrast, prophets, particularly women prophets, were of central significance. In the rest of Christianity this led to great scepticism of prophecy (Tert. De ieiunio 1; Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,16,4;

PROPHETS

ishers Had, Su‘aib and Salih, who take up the pre-Islamic autochthonous tradition and whose message is directed at ancient Arab peoples [2]. Mohammed initially understood himself to be the messenger specially intended for the > Arabs (if also with aspirations of being a redeemer of all people: dikr li’l-‘alamin); in his prophecies he therefore specifically used the poetic koine, ‘arabiyyah, and furthermore made use of the same stylistic form (rhymed prose) as was used by preIslamic seers (kubhan), but explicitly distanced himself from them (Koran, Surah 69,40-43). More restricted in use is the term nabi, (cf. Hebrew nabr, Aramaic n%b?), which in the Koran is applied only to people from the Biblical tradition and originates probably only in the Medina period (after 622 AD), when Mohammed obtained greater knowledge of the other monotheistic religions and their prophetologies from the Jews of Medina (-» Yatrib). Besides the Arab

prophets mentioned and Mohammed himself, Nuh (Noah), Lut (Lot), Ibrahim (Abraham), Isma‘l (Ishmael), Musa (Moses), Haran (Aaron), Ilias (Elijah),

Yunus (Jonah) and ‘Isa (Jesus) from the Biblical tradition were counted among the prophets. Later many more were added from the post-Koranic tradition; many legends centre around them and they are reflected in the Oisas al-Anbiya (‘Stories about the Prophets’) literature [3]. This and the Koran often reflect apocryphal and heretical Jewish and Christian traditions (story of Jesus’ childhood, acts of the Apostles; + New Testament Apocrypha) and hence relays to us a picture of Christianity and Judaism as Mohammed came to know them. It is striking that, with the exception of Jonah, none of those the -> Bible describes as prophets appears in the Koran, whereas kings such as - Solomon and -» David [1] are reckoned such. Particular significance is attached to -» Abraham [1], as he is considered the first to enunciate the true religion and the founder of the Ka‘ba cult (> Kaaba); next to him, > Moses

[1] and -» Jesus receive much attention, as

1G. DautzenBerG, Urchristliche Prophetie, 1975 2 E.P. SANDERS, Sohn Gottes. Eine historische Biographie

both were recipients of holy scriptures (Torah and Gospel). Mohammed is regarded as the last in a series of prophets and as the ‘Seal of the Prophets’ (authenticator and end of the prophets). The character of prophecy and its relationship with

Jesu, 1996 3M. Winscue, Der Ausgang der urchristlichen Prophetie in der frihkatholischen Kirche, 1997.

and this was reflected in the literary genre of ‘Signs of

550952):

P.WI.

divination (kihanah) was soon deliberated on widely,

PROPHETS

Prophecy’ (dala@il al-nubuwah); part of this is a typology of prophets, informed by apocryphal biographies of Jesus and Mohammed [4]. Arab philosophers such as Ibn Sina (Avicenna) and Ibn Rud (Averroes), as well as the Jewish thinker Maimonides occupied themselves with the nature of prophetic revelation; owing to being translated into Latin their ideas exercised great influence in Europe in the Middle Ages [5]. The Shiite (> Shiites)

and

Ishmaelite

(> Ishmael,

Ishmaelites)

doctrine finally have their own prophetology, in which -» imams perform a role comparable to prophets. > Islam;

> Muhammad; - Qur’an

1 A.J. WeNsINCK, CH. PELLAT, s. v. Rasul, EP’

2R.B.

SERJEANT, Hud and Other Pre-Islamic Prophets of Hadramawt,

32

31

in: Le Muséon

6, 1954,

121-179

3 W.M.

TuHackston, The Tales of the Prophets of al-Kisa’i, 1978 4T. Faupb, s. v. Nubuwwa, EI’

5 B. Decker, Die Ent-

wicklung der Lehre der prophetischen Offenbarung von Wilhelm von Auxerre bis zu Thomas von Aquin, Diss. Breslau 1940.

T. Faup, La divination arabe, 1966 (repr. 1987); H. Ham, Die Schia, 1988; J. Horovitz, Koranische Untersuchungen, 1926; R. Paret, Mohammed und der Koran,

71991; T. RAHMAN, Prophecy in Islam, 1958; H. SPEYER, Die biblischen Erzahlungen im Koran, 1931; J. WANSBROUGH, Quranic Studies, 1977.

LT.N.

+ Rhyndacus, - Granicus) and good natural harbours (cf. + Calchedon,

255,22; 13,1,1-11; Plin. HN 4,76; Dionysius [28] of Byzantium 3,6; 15,6; Amm. Marc. 22,8,5-7; Prtol.

5,2,1f.). The P. was significant as navigation route for the Greeks (+ Argonauts, with map; > Colonization IV., with map), which brought them grain from the northern coast of the Pontos Euxeinos; it was itself of

economic interest, however, because its waters, especially at the narrows, were rich in fish and the coastal regions provided abundant grain and wood. Asa result of the relocation of the imperial residence from the west to Byzantium (then > Constantinople) in AD 328/330 the P. gained particular significance in the politics of

trade. W.-D. Httrerorn, Tirkei, 1982, 64-70; E. OLSHAUSEN,

Einfiuhrung in die Historische Geographie der Alten Welt, 1991, 171-176.

H. TREIDLER, s. v. P. (2), RE 23, 817-822; J. SCHMIDT, s.

v. Phrada, RE 20, 73 8f.

E.O. andB.B.

Propontis (Ileoxovtic; Propontis). A sea between the Pontos Euxeinos (Black Sea) in the northeast (— Bosporus [1r]) and the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean) in the southwest

(— Hellespontus),

between

Thrace

in the

north and Mysia in the south, greatest length (from Callipolis to Nicomedia) 252 km, greatest breadth 74 km, modern Sea of Marmara. The P. was brought into existence by an early quaternary rift. The largest part of the area of the sea (c. 11,500 km?) is formed by an area of land lowered 200 m, on which the islands perch (cf. the list of the islands in Plin. HN 5,151; > Proconnesus,

Ophiusa, Halone, — Prote, Elaea, Chalcitis, Pityodes). This plateau is cut through in an east-west direction by a rift-valley up to £3.55 m deep, which continues to the east into the Gulf of Nicomedia. Whereas the European coast has a number of lagoons and is poor in inlets and natural harbours (cf. -» Byzantium, > Selymbria, ~» Perinthus, > Bisanthe), the Asiatic coast is intensely structured and has several river mouths

‘> Aesepus,

E.O.andV.S.

Proportion I. ARCHITECTURE

Prophthasia (Meop@acia/Prophthasia, Str. 11,8,9; 15,2,8; Ptol. 6,19,4; 8,25,8 N.; Isidorus of Charax, Stathmoi Parthikoi 16 = GGM 1,253: ®ed/Phra in ‘Avavwv ymea/Anaion chora that is otherwise unknown; Plin. HN 6,61: P.). Possibly the city of @o66a/Phrada (Charax of Pergamum FGrH 103 F 20) renamed in this way by Alexander [4] the Great probably in 330 BC in the region of > Drangiana, generally identified with modern Farah in Afghanistan.

> Nicomedia, > Cius, - Cyzicus). A

cool current from the Black Sea makes the hot summer bearable; in winter the sea is stormy and cold. The earliest literary mention of the P. is in Aesch. Pers. 875— 877 as the entry to the Pontos Euxeinos (cf. also Steph. Byz. s. v. I. and Apul. De mundo 6: vestibulum; also Hdt. 4,85,4; Pol. 4,39-42; Apoll. Rhod. 1,93 6ff.; Str.

II. ScuLpTURE

III. Music

IV. MATHEMATICS

I. ARCHITECTURE ‘Proportion’ is a modern technical term in the archaeological research of monuments. In the description of a structure, a proportion represents the ratio of two lines or the ratio of the sides of a rectangular area, in the mathematical sense of a division (x:y). The proportions of a building are determined based on its detailed measurement. Increasingly precise and generally binding procedures for obtaining and evaluating the relevant data have been developed by W. Dorpfeld; K. Koldewey; O. Puchstein i.a. since the late r9th century. The extent to which particular proportions observed or obtained from a structure by modern researchers were of actual significance in antiquity, and were thus intentional, remains a matter of dispute. Unlike the indication of individual measurement data, there is gen-

erally no reference to the use of proportion in ancient documents. On the basis of regular usage, it may be assumed that particular basic principles of proportion were used intentionally, for example in the plan and frontal projection of temples (> Temple). Further evidence for the relevance of proportions in Antiquity is the fact that the relative approach inherent in them, which is reflected in comparative formulations such as ‘bigger than x’, ‘broader than y’, ‘higher than z’, etc. must have played an important role in the discussion of major public building projects, as, for example, in democratic Athens in the sth century BC (+ Building trade). The ‘golden section’ (sectio aurea) was known in Antiquity as a principle, but its use in architecture is a

34

33

matter of dispute among scholars. The golden section is a proportion in which a length (AB) is divided into two sections (AE, EB) in sucha way that the overall length is

to the larger section in the same ratio as the larger section is to the smaller (AB:AE = AE:EB). The ratio thus

obtained has been of significance in the arts and in aesthetics since the Renaissance, but is not attested in an-

cient architecture, except in modern measurements, which are generally problematic. One problem is that it is possible to relate any particular length to any other, and invoke the resulting proportion in describing the structure, irrespective of the original intention of the ancient builder. A second, no less serious methodological problem, derives from the fact that in the absence of other sources, the measurements obtained in the course of modern investigation are the only factual basis for analysing the proportions of a structure. Edges may have eroded, cracks opened up, or movements taken place; subsequent alterations may have been made to the ancient structure, or measures of anastylosis undertaken. The result of these factors may be that particular measurements cannot be obtained with a sufficient degree of precision. In addition, proportions that were most probably of significance in respect of the ancient design (the > stylobate of a temple, axial dimensions of the peristyle of a temple, dimensions of important smaller elements such as the ~» metopes [1] and > triglyphoi; outline of the pillars), present occasionally surprising instances of imprecision when measured by modern means, even when such measurement is based on ancient measurement points that are still discernible. This has often led to contro-versies around fundamental questions in respect of ancient methods of planning and construction, particularly in the area of Greek temple-architecture. The analysis of proportions of typologically relatively fixed structures, such as, for example, the Doric peristyle temple, or of structural details whose form was in the broadest sense normalized, nevertheless remains an

appropriate means of formal analysis and relative dating. Since the 1950s, various attempts have been made to give an irrational or escapist explanation for the proportions of ancient architecture; particular instances have been the anthroposophical, Pythagorean or otherwise philosophically transfigured temples of Paestum (> PAEsTUM), but also the > Parthenon on the Athenian Acropolis: such theories bear no relation to the reality of ancient building practices or ancient experience as documented in the sources. + PROPORTIONS, THEORY OF J.J. Coutron, Towards Understanding Doric Design: The Stylobate and Intercolumnations, in: Papers of the British School at Athens 69, 1974, 61-84; Id., Towards Understanding Doric Temple Design: General Considerations, in: Papers of the British School at Athens 70, 1975, 59-993

Cu. Hocker, Planung und Konzeption der klassischen Ringhallentempel von Agrigent, 1993, 59-67, 203 with note 262 (bibliography); Id., H.-TH. CARSTENSEN, Review of R. SCHNEIDER-BERRENBERG, Sie bauten ein Abbild der Seele, in: Hephaistos 10, 1991, 155-162; W. KOENIGS,

PROPORTION Mafse und Proportionen in der griechischen Baukunst, in: H. Beck et al. (ed.), Polyklet. Der Bildhauer der griechischen Klassik, Ausstellungskatalog Frankfurt a.M. 1990,

121-134; D. MERTENS, Der Tempel von Segesta und die Tempelbaukunst des griechischen Westens in klassischer Zeit, 1984, 150-153; W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen der Antike, 1988, 217, s. v. P.; H. RIEMANN,

Hauptphasen in der Plangestaltung des dorischen Peripteraltempels, in: G.E. MyLonas (ed.), Studies Presented to D.M. Robinson, Vol. 1, 1951, 295-308; F. W. SCHLIK-

KER, Hellenistische Vorstellungen von der Schénheit des Bauwerks nach Vitruv, 1940, 34-40, 50-55. C.HO.

Il. SCULPTURE Two considerations determined the attitude to proportion in ancient sculpture: (1) the Greek and Roman system for measuring length, which was derived from the human body (— Measures II. Classical Antiquity) with a uniform, fixed proportional relationship between the units finger-breadth, hand-breadth, span, foot, cubit and fathom from the 6th century BC. (2) At all periods of ancient sculpture, the centre of interest was the depiction of the human form. From the beginnings of large — statue in the middle of the 7th century BC, the proportions of the human body were of central concern to sculptors, especially as standing male and female statues (kouroi, korat) were the most important theme of Archaic sculpture. The most ancient examples conformed closely to Egyptian systems of measurement and proportion (the so-called ’1rst and 2nd canons’ of Egyptian sculpture) [4], but this situation subsequently underwent rapid change; the Egyptian relations of measurement, however, were retained.

Early on, these considerations must have evoked debates concerning rules of design and principles of execution, on both the practical and the theoretical level. Written sources, however, have not survived, and the

results obtained from analysis of the proportions of surviving Archaic sculptures are only general in nature: e.g. that the initial height of a statue might correspond to 6, 6.5, 7 or 7.5 heads. Detailed analysis, however, is a matter of dispute among specialists, as it is frequently hampered by the state of preservation of the works in question, and by the circumstance that actual measurements do not necessarily correspond to the designed measurements. The concept of ovpetoia/symmetria (proper or correct proportion; thus also Lat. symmetria; cf. — Art,

theory of), which specialists appropriately equate with proportion, appears to be an innovation of the sth century BC. In the eyes of ancient critics and modern experts, the most intense concern with correct and definitive design of the — statue was reached with the sculptor — Polyclitus [1], who also wrote a (non-extant) text entitled Kanon (literally: ‘straight edge’ or ‘rule’; thus: ‘guiding principle’, ‘guideline’). It must have dealt with appropriate proportions, which were based on ratios of numbers. The only extant text that deals explicitly with the proportions of the human body occurs in Vitruvius

PROPORTION

35)

36

(3,1,2-8). The details given there are so comprehensive that it is possible to reconstruct the corresponding figure [3.36-9]. Vitruvius names as his source antiqui pictores et stauarii, the ‘old painters and sculptors’, although these cannot be identified in person. However, it is obvious that (as expected) -» painting and the other artistic genres used the same questions as to correct proportion. Most Imperial-Period copies of lost Greek original sculptures are of no help in reconstructing the proportions of the originals, as they were mass-produced, with no claim to maintain the precise dimensions of their models (» Copies). The correct proportions for the human figure remained a central concern

Such calculations centred on the tetraktys, having various forms of proportion as their basis, were rooted in the assumption that the set of positive integers repre-

to artists and theorists down to the Modern Period [3]. ~» PROPORTIONS, THEORY OF 1H. Beck et al. (ed.), Polyklet. Der Bildhauer der grie-

chischen Klassik. Exhibition catalogue Frankfurt a.M. 1990 (especially: H. Puitipr, Zu Polyklets Schrift ‘Kanon’, 135-155; E. BerGer, Zum Kanon Polyklets, 156-184) 2E. BerGer, Korpergliederung und Funktion des Oxforder Jiinglings, in: H. Beck, P.C. Bot (ed.), Polykletforschung, 1993, 9-39 3E. BerGeR et al., Der Entwurf des Kiinstlers, 1992 4H. Kyrrevets, Der grofe Kuros von Samos, 1996

5 M. SCHRAMM, W. KAMBAR-

TEL, s. v. P., HWdPh 7, 1989, 1482-1508.

DLWL.

Il. Music If music is understood as an area concerned with composition in its broadest sense (harmonia, Arabic ta’lif), this in itself already appears to introduce the question of relationships in the sense of proportions. For in Greek - mathematics (IJ A), the concept of number comprised all positive whole numbers, while rational and irrational numbers were regarded as proportional relationships of numbers or quantities. An important starting-point was the tetrad (tetraktys) comprising the sequence 1, 2, 3, 4 which, as the sum of 1 + 2+ 3 +4, formed the perfect number ro. From these four numbers, by dividing a string in the proportion n/n+1 it was possible to derive not only the first three intervals (octave (1/2), fifth (2/3) and fourth (3/4)), but also (as the difference between fifth and fourth) the whole tone (8/9 = 2/3 : 3/4). On the basis of the relation between part and whole, the question arose as to the manner in which smaller proportions (intervals) were comprised within the larger. In approaching this question, it was considered that 7 octaves and r2 fifths amount to virtually the same fundamental: (2/3)12 : (1/2)7 = 524288/531441. Geometrical quantities may be understood as the addition or subtraction of strings, while the more precise determination of a tone is possible only by the operations of multiplication and division. The above proportion, the so-called ‘Pythagorean comma’, approximately corresponds to an eighth of a tone, an interval, therefore, appreciably smaller than the smallest that is used. This ‘comma’ was regarded as interesting, as it also arises when the amount is calculated by which 6 whole tones exceed one octave (8/9)6 : (1/2).

sented

the ‘eternal’

(intelligible) constituents

of the

cosmos (> Pythagorean School). The concern was not knowledge of particular subjects that were interrelated, such as music, architecture or geometry, but basic knowledge that found its manifest form in music, inasmuch as music dealt in numbers and quantities. A specialist terminology developed when the application of proportion to Music gave rise to the particular term ‘interval’ (diastéma [2. 37—-62]). The specific specialist terminology may, however, be absent, if the emphasis was not on the terms, but on the operations in question: in the context of indigenous Arabic music scholarship, Ibn al-Munaggim (died 912) demonstrated the operations for the creation of intervals without using that term (diastéma, Arab. bu‘d) [6. 43-111]; al-

Farabi (died 950) on the other hand, addressing aspects of Arabic music from a Greek perspective, was able to develop an entire doctrine of proportion regarding various time-intervals relevant to the theory of > rhythm [6. 201]. Whether numbers were conceived of as intelligible factors of a cosmic system, as in Pythagoreanism (— Pythagoras [2]), is a problem to be tolerated of necessity, rather than to be solved. Otherwise we would fail to see the association between music, numbers and

proportion in respect of > ethos (cf. [3]), or that between architecture, proportion and music ([8; 1]), as well as the role of proportion in ‘languages’, i.e. in means of communication on the basis of a particular vocabulary combined with particular algorithms and rules, among which J. E. Murdoch [5] also counts a ‘language of proportions’. -» Mathematics IV.A.; > Music, IV. F.; + Sound theory

IV. MATHEMATICS

On proportion in ancient mathematics cf. - Eucli> Eudoxus; + Mathematics IV.A.

des [3] (Euclid);

1G. BINDING, Die neue Kathedrale. Rationalitat und Illu-

sion, in: G. WIELAND (ed.), Aufbruch — Wandel — Erneuerung. Beitrage zur Renaissance des 12. Jahrhunderts (9. Blaubeurer Symposium 1992), 1995, 211-235 2: Buscn, Logos syntheseos. Die euklidische ‘Sectio canonis’, Aristoxenos und die Rolle der Mathematik in der antiken Musiktheorie, 1998 3 E. Kaze, Die bewegte Seele. Das spatantike Buch tber das Wesen der Musik (Kitab ‘unsur al-misiqi) von Paulos/Bilos in arabischer

Ubersetzung

vor

dem

Hintergrund

der griechischen

Ethoslehre (The Science of Music in Islam 5),1999

4B.

MUNxXELHAUS, Pythagoras musicus. Zur Rezeption der pythagoreischen Musiktheorie als quadrivialer Wissenschaft im lateinischen Mittelalter, 1976 5 J.E. Mur-

DOCH, From Social into Intellectual Factors: an Aspect of the University Character of Late Mediaeval Learning, in: Id., E.D. Syiua (ed.), The Cultural Context of Mediaeval Learning (Proc. of the First International Colloquium on

Philosophy, Science, and Theology in the Middle Ages 1973 = Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science 26), 1975, 271-348 6E. NeuBAuER, Arabische Musiktheo-

38

aide

PROROGATIO

Medieval Concept of Order,*1962. 9 A. BARKER, Greek Musical Writings II: Harmonic and Acoustic Theory, 1989. 10L.Borzaccuint, ‘Incommensurability, Music

Proquaestor (originally pro quaestore, ‘in place of a — quaestor’; Greek dvtutapiac/antitamias) was the term for the promagistrate who took on administrative duties in place of the elected — quaestor in Roman provinces of the late Republic: 1) If the quaestor died or resigned from office prematurely, the governor named a member of his staff (usu-

and Continuum: A Cognitive Approach’, Archive for His-

ally a - legatus) as proquaestor; C. Verres, ¢.g., was

tory of Exact Sciences 61(3), 2007, 273-302.

appointed by Cn. Cornelius [I 25] Dolabella in 80 BC

rie von den Anfangen bis zum 6./12. Jahrhundert. Studien, Ubersetzungen und Texte in Faksimile (The Science of Music in Islam 3), 1998 7M. ScHRAMM, s. v. P., HWdPh 7, 1989, 1482-1505 8 QO. von Simson, The Gothic Cathedral. Origins of Gothic Architecture and the

MA.HA.

(Gie. Verrier dies 00)!

Propositio see — Partes orationis

2) Because of the shortage of quaestores they were not infrequently sent as proquaestores

Propraetor (originally pro praetore, ‘in place of a + praetor’, e.g. ILLRP 342; SC in Cic. Fam. 8,8,8; Greek Gvtioteatyos/antistrdtégos) was at Rome the term for an official with the responsibilities and competencies of a > praetor without him formally being one. Originally, a magistrate was made propraetor either through extension (> prorogatio) of a praetorian command (first evidence for this practice from 241 BC: InscrIt XIII 1, p. 76f.; often from the 2nd > Punic War) or by investing a citizen without office (> privatus) with praetorian > imperium (Liv. 23,34,14f.; 29,13,63 more in [1. 24-36]). From the time of Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, all praetores, after their year in office at Rome, went out to a province for another year of service in the capacity of a propraetor. This had occurred before from time to time (cf. Cic. Leg. 1,53; ILS 7272). Occasionally, quaestores pro praetore were sent out as governors (e.g. Cn. Calpurnius [I 13] Piso to Spain: ILS 875; Sall. Catil. 19,1). From the 2nd Punic War, commanders were sometimes provided with legati (> Legatus) with praetorian imperium [2. 284f.]: In 67 BC, the legates of Cn. Pompeius [I 3] received praetorian imperia in the campaign against the pirates (App. Mithr. 43 1rf.; Syll.3 750), as did Caesar’s legate T. Labienus [3] in 59 BC (Caes. B Gall. 1,21,2) and, later, some junior commanders in the civil wars (e.g. ILS 5319; 8891; more [3. 24f.]). Accordingly, from 27 BC, the governors of the so-called Imperial provinces were termed legati Augusti pro praetore (Cass. Dio 53,13,5; often in inscriptions). If a governor died in office or left his province, the assigned -» quaestor (e.g. IDélos 1603; Sall. lug. 103,4) ora legatus (e.g. Sall. lug. 36,4) took over the command as propraetor in his stead. In the Imperial period, the quaestores and legates of the governors of the Senatorial provinces (cf. proconsul) were generally granted praetorian imperium (quaestor pro praetore: e.g. ILS 911; 943; 981; legatus pro praetore: e.g. ILS 942; 1026; T1043; 4051).

+ Praetor;

- Proconsul

1 W.F. JASHEMSKI, Origins and History of the Proconsular and the Propraetorian Imperium to 27 B. C., 1950

to a province

after the completion of their year of office in the city (e.g. P. Sestius in 62 BC to Macedonia: Cic. Fam. 5,6),

or they were left in office there as proquaestor (L. Antonius [I 4] in 50 BC in Asia: Cic. Fam. 2,18; P. Cornelius {I 55] Lentulus in 43 BC in Asia: Cic. Fam. 12,15), sometimes for several years (e.g. C. Cassius [I ro] Longinus 53-51 in Syria) and in the capacity of governor (proquaestor pro praetore: abbreviated Cic. Fam. 12,15; RRC 517,4—-6; Greek: ILS 8775; Jos. Ant. Iud. 14,235). The title of proquaestor is still occasionally found as late as the rst cent. AD (ILS 928; 1002); thereafter, repetition of the quaestorship occurs, but without a specific title (ILS 8842; CIL X 4580). > Propraetor; — Quaestor W.K.

Prorogatio. From the time of the 2nd > Samnite War (327-304 BC), Rome countered the shortage of senior civil servants by formally extending the > imperium of individual consuls or praetors for areas outside the city (sole exception: Frontin. Aq. 1,7), beyond the regular term in office by way of prorogatio, which included a restriction of time or of a material nature. Initially, the prorogatio was decided by the people’s assembly acting on a proposal by the Senate (Liv. 8,23,12; 10,22,9 et passim), whereas later it was generally handled by the Senate alone as a matter of routine within the context of the distribution of provinces (e.g. Liv. 31,8,9f.5 3 5,20,63 35,20,11; generalizing: Pol. 6,15,6). Originally, the promagistrate installed thus continued to carry the official title, but was called > proconsul or > propraetor (ILS 5812 or ILLRP 3 42,6) from the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC. Within the area of his official duties, he had

unrestricted authority and the same number of lictors (twelve or six) as a regular magistrate, he could also conduct triumphal ceremonies (for the day of the > triumph, he received an imperium within the city: Liv. 45,35,4). The ‘extraordinary’ imperia, awarded from the time of the 2nd > Punic War (218-201 BC), could also be prorogated. Prorogatio was initially used sparingly in military emergencies (first in 326 BC: Liv. 8,23,11f.; 8,26,7; for the praetorship in 241 for the first time: Val. Max.

2 W. KunkEL, R. WitrMaAnn, Staatsordnung und Staats-

2,8,2), then more frequently in the 2nd Punic War (also

praxis der rémischen Republik, vol. 2, 1995, 284-287

for several years in a row). Then, in the 2nd cent. BC, it was mainly the requirement for provincial governors that was met by prorogatio. After praetors, between 120 and go BC, had often governed a province for at

3 B.E. THOMASSON, Legatus, 1991.

Propylaea see > Gates; porches

W.K.

PROROGATIO

40

39

ordnung und Staatspraxis der romischen Republik, vol. 2,

Proscriptions (Latin proscriptiones, singular proscriptio, literally ‘general announcement’). From the time of > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, especiaily the public proclamation of outlawry in the form of notice boards bearing the names of political and personal opponents of the ruler or rulers in times of civil war. In November 82 BC, the persecution of the enemies of L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla in Rome and Italy began, instigated by Sulla. The initially arbitrary killing, in which individuals also gave vent to their vindictiveness and greed, was countered with outlaw lists that were subsequently altered several times. Sulla’s campaign of revenge, ‘Urbild grausamer Gewaltsamkeit’ (‘the archetype of cruel violence’) [1. 176], was legalized by means of various laws, e.g. by a lex Cornelia de proscriptione: the outlaws were considered fair game until 1 June 81 BC; their property was confiscated and auctioned off. Their sons and grandsons were excluded from the > cursus honorum (repealed by a lex Antonia

1995, 15-18.

in 49 BC), rewards were offered, and even those who

least one additional year (mostly pro consule) following their municipal year in office, all senior civil servants from Cornelius [I 90] Sulla’s reorganization (81 BC) held a promagistrateship following their municipal year in office, without requiring any special extension, which could be extended once more, however, by the Senate via prorogatio (e.g. Cic. ad Q. fr. 1,1, 1-4), sometimes for many years (e.g. for Q. Caecilius [I 31] Metellus Pius 79-71 BC; L. Licinius [I 26] Lucullus 72-67). Caesar’s restriction of the promagistrateship to 1-2 years (Cass. Dio 43,25,3: 46 BC) did not last during the Civil War. Just a few cases of prorogatio are still documented for early Imperial times (e.g. Tac. Ann. 1,80,1; $e) Ss lallesig 92). + Magistratus (C.4.);

-» Proconsul;

—> Propraetor;

> Provincia Momsen, Staatsrecht 1, 636-645; H. Kiort, s. v. P., RE Suppl. 15, 444-463; W. KUNKEL, R. WITTMANN, StaatsW.K.

Prorrhesis (xedeenotc/prorrhesis, literally ‘proclamation’). Prorrhesis is originally a means of > blood feud against somebody accused of a bloody deed. If some-

body is addressed publicly as a murderer (~~ Homicide) by somebody who according to Draco’s Law is justified in blood feud (IG 104,20-33; Dem. Or. 42,57), he has to stay away from the Agora and all sacred sites until the case (+ phodnos). In all there were three occasions for prorrhesis: at the grave of the victim, in the Agora and by way of the > basileus (C.) (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 57,2). Only the last had the consequence that the infringer was subject to an + apagoge (‘summary process’). D.M. MacDoweE Lt, Athenian Homicide Law, 1963, 1726.

GT.

intended to succour the outlaws were threatened with the > death penalty. 4700 people fell victim to the proscriptions, including at least 40 senators and 1600 equestrians (— equites Romani), who had shaped the political events of the preceding years. The memory of the terror of Sulla’s proscription lists made people fear new killings at the outbreak of the civil war between Caesar and Pompeius [I 3] in 49 BC.C. Julius > Caesar was no second Sulla, however;

he propagated a policy of + clementia. His adopted son Octavian (— Augustus [1]), by contrast, and the other members of the Triumvirate, M. > Antonius [II] [I 9] and M. > Aemilius [I 12] Lepidus, proposed new proscriptions on the basis of the lex Titia of 27 November 43 BC in order to liquidate personal and political opponents and to obtain money for the war with Caesar’s assassins. 300 senators, including M. Tullius + Cicero,

Prorsa (Prosa Tert. Ad nat. 2,11) was honoured as an

aspect of the Roman goddess of childbirth, > Carmentis. Varro (Antiquitates fr. 103 CARDAUNS) explains her name by reference to the forward position of the child at + birth. Like P., > Porrima

and Antevorta

are also

counterparts to > Postverta, but with different interpretations. RADKE, 263.

K.SCHL.

Proschium (Ilodoytov/Proschion, ethnikon Tedoyetoc/ Proscheios). Settlement in Aetolia, to the west of + Pleuron in the vicinity of Achelous [1] (Thuc. 3,102,5; 106,1). According to Str. 10,2,6, the Aetolians relocated > Pylene to a higher situation, and renamed it P. (Ath. 9,411a). P. may have been nearby the presentday Etoliko, but its location cannot be pinpointed with certainty. Inhabitants are mentioned in Hellenistic inscriptions: IG IV* 1,95,38; IG IX x* 1,11; 137; IG XI 4,

1075. SEG 41, 528; FdD Ill 4, 213; 362; BCH 85, 1961,

79. C. ANTONETTI, Les Etoliens, 1990, 278-281.

KF.

and 2,000 equestrians were killed. 1 A. Heuss, R6mische Geschichte, +1976. J. BLercKeNn, Zwischen Republik und Prinzipat, 1990; H. BENGTSON, Zu den Proskriptionen der Triumvirn, 1972;

F. Hrnarp, Les proscriptions de la Rome républicaine, 1985.

L.d.L.

Prose Rhythm. The literary prose developed esp. by > Gorgias [2] in the late sth cent. BC attempted to match a text’s arrangement in terms of content and syntax and that according to rhythm and sound to the greatest possible extent. This goal was served by the parallel arrangement of cola (+ Kolon) and commata, longer and shorter phrases, by length (isocolon), position (parison), and length and form of individual words

(isoptosis), as well as by marking phrase boundaries [6] through assonance or hoimoioteleuton. Together with the avoidance of hiatus, these phenomena point to a competition with poetry for psychagogical effect. From these elements -> Isocrates formed the periodic style in the 4th cent. BC [30], while > Thrasymachus added to

AI

the rythmic characteristics manifesting itself within the period the element generally designated as PR (fr. 12— 17 RADERMACHER). Aristotle (Rh. 1408b 21-14 10b 5) summed up its meaning and goal as follows [21. 3144]: prose speech must be rhythmic [21 19-30] not by repeating the same metres, as poetry does, but by using determinate, numerically fixed (that is, by quantity) syllabic sequences to mark its segments (on individual metres, see > Metre, with tables). The dactyl is too lofty for this purpose, the iambus resembles unregulated speech (cf. the ‘prosaic’ iambi of Asopodorus in Ath. 10,445b), while the trochee has a lascivious effect. The paeon is better, specifically the a maiore (-~ ~ ~) for the beginning and the a minore (~ ~ ~ -) for the ending. Its quantities stand in the ratio of 1:1.5, unlike the metres preferred by (spoken verse) poetry of 1:2 (iambus, trochee) or 1:1 (dactyl).

Observation of these prescriptions cannot be demonstrated in Classical Attic prose. However, in addition to the creation of inner rhythm in the periodic style and ‘Gorgianic’ diction, one occasionally observes elements of a ‘numerical’ rhythm, such as the avoidance of sequences of three short syllables in Demosthenes [2] and his preference for the creticus (Dion. Hal. Comp. 25), which, with a resolved long syllable, becomes Aristotle’s paeon. Indeed, stylistic means were always used more freely than was foreseen by doctrine. According to NoRDEN [16. 914], elements of the later clausular technique (that is, the rhythmic shaping of colon-end of a phrase) become frequent in Demosthenes. The other passage on the theory of prose rhythm in Cicero’s Orator (168-236, esp. 204-233 [11. 257]) is supplemented with brief parallels from grammaticalrhetorical literature [16. 926-960]. It attests to the continuation of Aristotelian theory and deals with the ends of cola or phrases [21. 57-102], the catalogue of appropriate metres — for instance the creticus and trochee in the form of three short syllables, which Cicero called choreus — as well as the standardized practice since the 2nd cent. BC when it had been transposed into Latin [16. 173]. The remains of Hellenistic literary prose and Imperial prose texts allow us to recognize the standardization that took place probably in the 3rd cent. BC: the double creticus, double trochee and creticus + trochee.

Resolution of long syllables makes several variations possible, while other types (Quint. Inst. 9,4,97; Caesius Bassus GL 6,308—3 12) are rare. Cicero (see above) and

Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Comp. 25) emphasize the creticus when comparing PR with poetry and irregular prose. Examples of Hellenistic clausular practice are provided, for instance, by the fragments of Hegesias (3rd cent. BC) and the great inscription of king Antiochus [x6] of Commagene (rst cent. BC [16. 134—149]). This

technique fitted both with the periodic style and with fragmented diction (Hegesias, Seneca). In the latter, the metrical rhythm comprises such a large part of the text that it results in a poetic diction that is metrically rhythmic throughout (upeteog A€Etc/émmetros lexis, Theon,

42

PROSE

RHYTHM

Progymnasmata p. 71 Sp.). The Atticists (> Atticism) had reproached the so-called Asianists on this account since the rst cent. BC (e.g. Cic. Brut. 51; 325; Cic. Orat. 170; 2303 Str. 14,1,41; Quint. Inst. 12,10,17). Exam-

ples in Cicero show the great attention paid to clausulae by his contemporaries, who had been trained to read out loud [16. 93 1-936; 3. 294f.]. The choice oftypes of clausulae, as well as their use only at sentence-end or also at the end of cola [13. 149-154, 308f.], could, like their ethical evaluation, be either individual or deter-

mined by genre (Dion. Hal. De Demosthene 43; similarly Quint. Inst. 9,4,65f). An accumulation of trochees, mostly in resolved form, can be found for instance in Posidonius (fr. 253 EDELSTEIN-KipD), that is, a piece of ‘Asianizing’ prose (cf. Cic. Orat. 230). Significant prose authors like Cicero [21. 161-173], Seneca, or Dio [1 3] of Prusa utilized clausulae very freely. The first sentence of Seneca’s work on the vita beata (‘happy life’) first displays two of the canonical clausulae and ends with the molossus caligant, consisting in three longs, which here allude to the darkness of ignorance. Others, such as Polybius, Strabo or Sallust, who had thoroughly stylistic ambitions as is shown, e.g., by their avoidance of hiatus, avoid their use completely. The canonical clausulae are also lacking in Tacitus, though he did cast the first phrase of the ‘Annals’, on the semi-mythical age of the kings, in the rhythm of the versus heroicus (the epic hexameter), which was frowned upon in prose. Others, such as Plutarch, exhibit a moderate use of clausulae [23]. Elevated Greek and Latin prose was familiar with clausulae until well into the 4th cent. AD: even the preambles to laws [2. 16-22] or technical literature bore a literary style. PR was much discussed in the context of declamation (e.g., Lucian, Demonax 11; Philostr. VS 2,5 [11. 562]).

Christian authors like Cyprian or Lactantius also mastered the technique. In this connection, word accent was taken account of quite early in Latin literature (e.g., in Apuleius) [22. 188]. At the onset of the disappearance of quantity in the 2nd cent. AD and the parallel change in word accent from musical to dynamic, clausular technique in elevated literature was initially altered as little as the old verse technique. Quantitative differences had to be learned — more easily in Greek than in Latin because of the difference in spelling between long and short e and 0 (Aug. De musica 2,1f.). W. MEYER [14] discovered a convention

followed in Greek literature from the 4th to the 16th cent.: there is an even number of unstressed syllables between the last two accentuated syllables at the end of a phrase or colon, and the section may conclude with one stressed or with one or two unstressed syllables following the last word accent. Synesius provides the earliest attestations, but there seem to have been precursors already in the 3rd cent. AD. Latin models have also been suggested [9. 37f.]. The first accentuating verses of Greek folk poetry date from the 3rd cent. AD, and at the same time the regulation of individual word accents in quantitative verse increased [5. 194]. A similar phenomenon occurred in contemporary Latin texts [28].

43

44

The sense of this law, not initially followed by clas-

be divided into two words, and the planus must have a three-syllable word, the cursus velox and tardus a foursyllable word as its second element [15. 2f., 148-154]. The velox is the accentuated imitation of a creticus with following double trochee, the planus of creticus + tro-

PROSE RHYTHM

sicists like Libanius [9. 55], consists, as in the case of

quantitative clausula, in the avoidance of an alternating rhythm, characteristic of the syllable-counting, accentual spoken-verse poetry of Late Antiquity and the Byzantine Period. As with the quantitative clausula (Dion. Hal. Comp. 25), however, agreements with individual forms of sung poetry can result. Since the replacement of one long by two shorts ceased to apply, this new technique allowed fewer variations than the older one,

and certain fashions further limited the breadth of variation. Thus, the accentuated double dactyl was used primarily in the school of ~ Gaza in the 6th and 7th cents. [9. 73]. The application of clausulae to sections as even in length as possible was less pronounced than in the older technique. No contemporary doctrine was transmitted for this long-lived convention [12. 219f.], since only the ancient forms of a theory were valued (Joseph Rhakendytes 3 p. 543 WALz; Suda t 467 s.v. “Iwavvns 6 Aawaoxnvos). Among ancient clausulae, both the double creticus and creticus + trochee obey Meyer’s law (see above) if the respective first syllable bears a word accent. In the case of the double trochee, not only the first but also the last syllable must be stressed [4]. That quantitative poetry, at least, was recited with scansion is shown, among other factors, by C. HoEG’s observation that on Imperial Era papyri false word accents occasionally appear over the longs of the dactyl, or stressed shorts replace the longs required by the metre [5. 189]. If this also held true for quantitative clausulae, it could explain the emergence of their accentuated descendants. The expansion of the stock to those that exhibit four unstressed syllables between the last two stressed ones would then result from the avoidance of alternating rhythm. Structural words such as xai could be handled either as stressed or as unstressed. Augustine, a master of traditional clausular technique, alludes to the disappearing difference in quantity in spoken Latin (Aug. De catechizandis rudibus 2,3; Aug. Doctr. christ. 4,10,24; [3]). He composed an accentuated poem against the Donatists, as well as popular sermons in which cola are usually connected in pairs by end-rhyme or internal rhyme and end in clausulae that obey Meyer’s law. It is uncertain whether this also holds true for Augustine’s quantitative clausulae [16. 948], because agreement also sometimes results automatically from Latin word stress (see above).

Latin word accentuation probably always maintained a dynamic element that could be related to a verse-ictus and be activated with the disappearance of differences in quantity [27. 530f.; 15. 59-70]. In his doctrine referring to quantitative clausulae, Marius -» Plotius [II 5] Sacerdos (3rd cent. AD) already chose his examples such that they correspond to the cursus laws of later Medieval stylistic studies [14. 101-122]. Three types of accentuated clausulae were recognized: the cursus velox, planus and tardus, as well as the occa-

sional clausula of the esse videatur type. Clauses must

chee, the tardus of the double creticus. All three avoid alternating rhythm, like Meyer’s law. Ammianus Marcellinus, whose mother tongue was Greek, used these three types of clausulae, while Jerome used them alongside quantitative ones [24. 496], as did the Greek Themistius [9. 51].

> Metre;

> Rhetoric;

> Rhythm

1H. Ari, The PR of Sallust and Livy,1979 ANDER, The Preface to Luke’s Gospel, 1993

2.1L. ALEx3 M. BANNI-

ARD, La cité de la parole: Saint Augustin entre la théorie et la pratique de la communication latinophone, in: Journal des Savants, 1995, 283-306

4H. CicHOocka, La posi-

zione dell’ accento nella clausula degli storici, in: Koinonia 6,1982,129-145 5A. DIHte, Die Anfange der griechichen akzentuierenden 182-199

Verskunst, in: Hermes

82, 1954,

6E. FRAENKEL, Kolon und Satz, in: Id., Kleine

Beitrage zur Klassischen Philologie, vol. 1, 1964, 73-139 7 A. W. pE Groot, A Handbook of Antique PR, 1919 8R.G. Hatt, $.M. OBERHELMAN, A New Statistical

Analysis of Accentual Prose Rhythms in Imperial Latin Authors, in: CPh 79, 1984, 114-130

Der Prosarhyhtmus Byzantiner, 1981

9 W. HORANDNER,

in der rhetorischen

Literatur

der

107. JANSON, PR in Medieval Latin,

1975 11G.A. KENNEDY, The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World: 300 B.C.—300A.D.,1972 12 C.KLOCK, Untersuchungen zu Stil und Rhythmus bei Gregor von Nyssa, 1987 13 A.D. LEEMAN, Orationis Ratio, vols. 1-3,1963 14 W. Meyer, Der accentuirte Satzschluss in

der griechischen Prosa vom IV. bis XVI. Jahrhundert, 1891 (= Id., Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur mittellateinischen Rhythmik, vol. 2, 1905, 202-235) 15 M.G. Nicotau, L’origine du ‘Cursus’ rhythmique, 1930 16 NORDEN, Kunstprosa

17S.M. OBERHELMAN,

R.G.

Hatt, Meter in Accentual Clausulae of Late Imperial Latin Prose, in: CPh 80, 1985, 214-227 18 Id., Rhythmical Clausulae in the Codex Theodosianus and the Leges Novellae ad Theodosianum Pertinentes, in: CQ 35, 1985, 201-214 19S.M. OBERHELMAN, The Cursus in Late Imperial Latin Prose: A Reconsideration of Methodology, in: CPh 83, 1988, 136-149 20Id., The History and

Development of the Cursus Mixtus in Latin Literature, in: CQ 38, 1988, 228-242

sus, 1968

21 A. PRIMMER, Cicero numero-

22 F. REGEN, review of Jean Beaujeu, Apulée.

Opuscules philosophiques et fragments, in: GGA 299, 1977, 186-227 23 F.H. SANDBACH, Rhythm and Authenticity in Plutarch’s Moralia, in: CQ 33, 1939, 194—203 24 J.H.D.ScourFIELD, Jerome, Letters 1 and 107, in: CQ 37,1987, 496 25 O. SkuTscH, Bemerkungen zu Iktus und Akzent, in: Glotta 63, 1985, 183-185 26 Id., Noch einmal Iktus und Akzent, in: Glotta 65, 1987, 128f.

27 W. Sucuier, Die Entstehung des mittellateinischen und

romanischen Verssystems, in: Romanistisches Jahrbuch 3, 1950, 529-563 28K. THRAEDE, Beitrage zur Datierung Commodians, in: JoAC 2, 1959, 90-114 29 A. WERBER,

Der Satzschlufrhythmus des Tacitus, Diss. Tubingen 1962 30F. Zucker, Der Stil des Gorgias nach seiner inneren Form, 1956.

A.DI.

ay

46

Proseilemmenitae (Ileocetknupevita; Proseilémmenitai). Inhabitants of the territory of Proseilemmene in the frontier region between > Lycaonia and > Galatia, originally part of Phrygia Megale, between Karaca Dag, Pasa Dagi and Tuz Golii (Tatta Limne); assigned in 25/4 BCas a regio attributa (‘associated region’) to the urban area of -Ancyra, in the Antonine period (late 2nd/early 3rd cents. AD) organized into the urban community of > Cinna (Ptol. 5,4,10; [1. 56f., s9f.], pace

menoi, bopovuevoyphoboumenoi, Latin metuentes), a

[2. 55, 148]). 1K. SrrosBeEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: E.

SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Galatien, 1994, 2965

2S. MircHeE LL, Anatolia, vol. 1, 1993.

K.ST.

Proselytes (me0oHvtoc/prosélytos, ‘one that has arrived (to join the group)’; Latin proselytus). The first recorded use of the Greek term prosélytos isin the > Septuagint asa translation ofthe Biblical concept gér (a ‘foreigner’ resident in Israel and enjoying special legal status) [8. 40-45; 9. 51ff.]. Towards the end of the epoch of the Second Temple (rst cent. AD), prosélytos then chiefly refers toaconvertto— Judaism (Jos. Ap. 2,28) [4. 6off.], who enjoyed almost the same rights within the Jewish community as one borna Jew [1. 60-123]. According to the > Halakhah, the corpus of religious law, the conditions for a valid conversion to Judaism were the presentation ofa sacrifice, baptism and (for men) circumcision (Babylonian Talmud bYev 46). Connections (family,

éthnos) from the time prior to conversion were regarded as dissolved (b Yev 62a; bGit 39a). The prerequisite to the phenomenon of proselytes was a transformation in Jewish self-conception, which materialized in the Hellenistic Period: those belonging to other peoples could now become members ofthe Jewish people by accepting certain religious rites ( Ritual) [7. 159ff.]. Through the Graeco-Roman Period, both Jewish [1. 174-226] and other sources [2] show that there must have been many such conversions. One extraordinary example is the conversion of the royal house of — Adiabene (Jos. Ant. 20,2,3—4). There is dipute about the actual extent of conversions and esp. on the question whether (and, if so, from when on) there was active Jewish missionary activity (for: [2. 290ff.]; against: [9; 6. 117]), as there is on whether the expulsions of the Jews from Rome in 139 BC and AD rg are to be understood as reactions of the Romanstate tosuchefforts [6. 1o6ff.]. Nor can the question be safely answered whether, in spite of Roman legislation against proselytes, (ban on castration and circumcision under emperor -» Hadrianus, SHA Hadr. 14,2; [6. 103f.]; ban on circumcision under -» Antoninus [1] Pius, Modestinus, Dig. 48,8, 11; banon recruiting proselytes under > Septimius Severus, SHA Sev. 17; Cod. Theod. 16,8,1: under Constantine I in 329; 16,8,7: under Constantine II in 3 53), there was still a significant number of proselytes or even whether circumcision was relinquished as a requirement for valid conversion to Judaism [7. 169; 5. 44ff.]. As well as proselytes, there were also the so-called ‘sod-fearing’ (OeocePeic/theosebeis, oefdopevoi/sebo-

PROSERPINA

non-uniform group of ‘sympathizers’ with the Jewish faith, who, without formally converting, followed to a greater or lesser degree the Jewish rituals (e.g. keeping the + Sabbath, refusal of pork meat), synagogal services (> Synagogue) or joined a Jewish community ([2. 342-382; 5. 48ff.; 8]; cf. Acts 10,22). 1 B.J. BAMBERGER, Proselytism in the Talmudic Period, *1968 21L.H. FELDMAN, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World: Attitudes and Interactions from Alexander to Justinian, 1993 3 J.J. CoLtins, A Symbol of Otherness: Circumcision and Salvation in the First Century, in: J. NEuSNER, E. S. FRERICHS (eds.), ‘To See Ourselves as Others See Us’. Christians, Jews, and ‘Others’ in Late Antiquity, 1985, 163-186 4M. GoopMan, Mission and Conversion: Proselytizing in the Religious History of the Roman Empire, 1994 5 J. REYNOLDs, R. TANNENBAUM, Jews and God-Fearers at Aphrodisias. Greek Inscriptions with Commentary, 1987 6 P. SCHAFER, Judeophobia: Attitudes towards the Jews in the Ancient World, 1997 7 SCHURER 3.1, 150-176 8 B. WANDER, Gottesfiirchtige und Sympathisanten. Studien zum heidnischen Umfeld von Diaspora-Synagogen, 1998 9 E. WILL, C. ORRIEUX, ‘Proselytisme Juif’? Histoire d’une erreur, 1992. LWA.

Proserpina. Roman deity; Cic. Nat. D. 2,66 explains she is the goddess the Greeks called Persephone. MolBBOLOGY BraArrT iGaCuLr A. THEOLOGY The derivation of the name P. from Latin (pro-)serpere, ‘creep (forward)’, in Varro is connected with the

allegorical interpretation of P. as ‘grain’s germ’ (frumenta germinantia) and as ‘the lower part of the earth’ (terrae inferior pars) and its associated deities (e.g. Luna, Diana, Tellus, Vesta: Varro Ling. 5,68; Varro

Antiquitates fr. 28, 167, 268 CARDAUNS). This is not ‘folk etymology’ (contra: [4. 229; 11. 265]), but Stoic

linguistics and theology (-> Stoicism). Myths and roles correspond to those of Persephone and are located by Varro in - Eleusis [1] (ibid. fr. 271 CARDAUNS); the Latin etymology can hence be understood as an appropriation of Greek religion in the framework of Roman theology. B. ART In Rome from c. AD 100, the mytheme of the rape of P. is part of the pictorial and epigraphic design of tombs, urns and sarcophagi ({6. 55-116; 17. esp. 425433]; earliest sarcophagus [7. no. 12]: c. AD 120). By individualising facial features in representations or by employing the motif of rape in inscriptions, the mytheme can be directly linked to the buried person (cf. [7.no. 19, 46]: both 3rd cent. AD; tomb of Vibia [7. no.

31]: 4th cent.; legend: abreptio Vibies et discensio, ‘abduction of Vibies and disappearance’). It is not certain whether the reliefs and inscriptions in the tomb of the Haterii (first quarter of the 2nd cent. AD, > Haterius) are rightly associated with the Eleusinian MySteria [4. MO. 1,3; 55:75 95.43.

47

48

The epic De Raptu Proserpinae (c. 400 AD) by > Claudianus [2] tells the myth of how the cult in Eleusis was founded; the proem describes (V. 1-19) the

K.F. FREYBERGER, Vatikanische Museen. Katalog der Skulpturen. Vol. 1,2: Die Ausstattung des Hateriergrabes,

PROSERPINA

epiphany of the Eleusinian deities and contains terminology pertaining to the Mysteria. This suggests that

this work was (co-)inspired by the destruction of the sanctuary by Alaric in 395/6 AD (other interpretations:

1996 19

15 F. COARELLI, s. v. Dis Pater et P., ara, LTUR 2, 16 R. Wacuter, Altlateinische Inschriften, 1987

17 H. Wrepe, Die Ausstattung stadtromischen Grabtempel und der Ubergang zur K6rperbestattung, in: MDAI(R) 85, 1978, 411-433.

M.HAA.

[aera etcs)e

Prosimetrum. A term which is used to denote a range Gr Curr The plural form aiser sic seuc in the Etruscan Liber Linteus (edited c. 400 BC) is assumed to refer to > Demeter and Kore [12]. There is no evidence for a cult of -» Persephone and Hades in Etruria: no votive inscriptions are known [13. no. pl. 7.63-64 and vs. 7.14-15]; the attribution of sanctuaries is based on uncertain criteria. Scenes of the Underworld in two Etruscan tombs ([9. no. 7f.]: 4th cent. BC; legend: Phersipnai/—ei; Aita/ Eita) are not evidence of a cult (contra [8]; pro [1o. 323]), but of the interpretation of Greek myths. The formerly (cf. [3. 292; 10. 323]) accepted significance of the Etruscans in transmitting the name P. from Greek to Latin has now been qualified; the form Prosepnai ona mirror from Orbetello ([9. no. 12]: 4th cent. BC) can be understood as a Latin dative [16. rr2-114]. In Rome P. is recorded in curses (CIL I 2520: before 40 BC; > Defixio). An altar to > Dis Pater and P. in + Tarentum on the Field of Mars is connected in ancient literature with the founding of the Ludi Tarentini (> Saeculum) (Val. Max. 2,4,5; cf. Fest. P. 441 L.; [2. 74-117]). A previously accepted representation of this cult site on coinage from the time of Domitian ([15. fig. 5f.]: 88 AD) is not certain. The toponym Tarentum can be interpreted as a reference to the way the cults located there were transmitted (contra [5. 182] with bibliography). Likewise recorded in literature only for Dis Pater and P. is the mundus patet ritual (Macrob. Sat. 1,16,17; > Mundus). In the Roman provinces there is evidence of P. as a cult deity in votive inscriptions, particularly in Spain (CIL Il 143-145, 461, 462, 1044) and the Danube provinces

(CIL

Ill 5796,

7656,

11923,

12646;

[7.

no. 2]); sanctuaries and cult images are known from

inscriptions in Vibo Valentia in Calabria and on Malta

(CIL X 39, 7494). -» Ceres;

> Persephone

1A. CAMERON, Claudian, 1970 2 F. Coare.u, Il Campo Marzio, 1997 3 C. DE Simone, Die griechischen Entlehnungen im Etruskischen, vol. 2, 1970 47. Duc,

Le ‘De raptu Proserpinae’ de Claudien, 1994

5 V. Hinz,

Der Kult von Demeter und Kore auf Sizilien und in der Magna Graecia, 1998 6 R. LINDNER, Der Raub der P. in der antiken Kunst, 1984 7 Ead., s. v. Hades/Pluto, LIMC 4, 399-406 pl. 228-236 81. KRAuSKOPF, s. v. Phersipnai, in: M. Cristorani (ed.), Dizionario della civilta etrusca,

1985, 218

9 E. MAVLEEV,

phone/Phersipnai, LIMC 7, 329-332 pl.271

s. v. Perse-

10 PFIFFIG

11 RapkKe 12H. Rix, Etruskisches aiseras, in: R. STIEHL, H.E. Stier (eds.), Beitrage zur Alten Geschichte und deren Nachleben, vol. 1, 1969, 280-292 13ET 14 F. SINN,

of classical, medieval, Renaissance

and even

modern

texts which exploit a combination of prose and verse. The term itself, which is clearly a coinage from prosa (oratio) and metrum, is medieval. The earliest known use is in Rationes dictandi of Hugh of Bologna (early 12th cent.), who sees it as a branch of poetic composition which he labels the ‘mixed form’ (mixtum). So much is agreed. For the rest, definitions continue to be contested. A central question is the relationship between medieval prosimetrum and the ‘Menippean — SATIRE’ of classical times. Although these two Protean labels are sometimes confused, prosimetrum is the broader category, because it relates only to form. The scope of prosimetra in medieval and later times extends to include philosophical allegorising works, narrative texts of biography and historiography, travel accounts, and autobiographical works such as letters. ‘Menippean Satire’, named after its alleged originator the Cynic Menippus [4] of Gadara, is the most significant manifestation of prosimetrum in classical times. While not an ancient term and not easily susceptible to definition, it evidently developed from early Cynic texts (~ Cynicism) which used a mixture of prose and verse, and from the - diatribes of Bion [1]. This mixed form, whatever its name, seems in turn to furnish the other branch of Roman satire

besides

hexameter

satire

(cf.

Quint.

Inst.

10,1,95). Variety, flexibility and > parody were evidently central to the genre, and it is precisely these characteristics that make definitions so difficult. » Varro was the pioneer of the mixed form of satire in Latin. Unfortunately, only titles and fragments of his Saturae Menippeae (Gell. NA 2,18,7) survive. The Apo-

colocyntosis of > Seneca, a political satire written at the beginning of Nero’s reign (mid rst cent. AD), is the only ancient Menippean satire to survive virtually intact. + Petronius [5] in his enormous Satyrica, of which we have only books 14-16 complete, appears to develop the genre in the direction of the novel [2; 3; 5]. Greek examples of the prosimetrum include the fragments from the same period or a little later of narratives with satiric and erotic elements which resemble the Satyrica, some of the dialogues of Lucian [1] in the 2nd cent. and in the 4th cent. Julian the Apostate’s (+ Iulianus [11] ) Caesares (Symposium), while also in the 4th cent. > Tiberianus has been seen as a reviver of a Varro [9]. In Late Antiquity, the mixed form of prose and verse was exploited notably by > Martianus Capella (5th cent.) with De Nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae, an ency-

49

5o

clopedia of the seven liberal arts, and by > Boethius (6th cent.) in his De Consolatione Philosophiae, a dialogue with Philosophy. Both of these employ female personifications [ro]. These works and the earlier ‘Menippean satires’ of Seneca and Petronius exerted a huge influence on numerous authors in Western Europe who produced a wide range of mixed compositions of prose and verse from the 8th cent. up to the Renaissance (including Dante’s Vita Nuova) and beyond [12-15]. It is even possible to see the tradition of the prosimetrum continuing until modern times, for example in the Alice books of Lewis Carroll [16]. A central tenet among scholars is that there must bea balance between prose and poetry [12]. The poems may or may not be original, but they must be functional rather than mere interlarded quotations. Ideally, the passages in verse, whether quotation, adaptation, or original compositions, continue the action of the prose parts. Rich interaction was possible: in the hands of the the satirists especially, prose and poetry were sometimes used in parody to undermine one another and to destabilize the status of the narrator. This is evident in Seneca’s Apocolocyntosis and Petronius’ Satyrica. The effect is not confined to satirical examples of prosi-

PROSKYNESIS

A.R.W. 85-88.

Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971, G.T.

Proskynesis (meooxbvyous; proskynésis). Ancient gesture of reverence, a kind of blown kiss (cf. Lucian.

Demosthenus enkomion 49; Apul. Apol. 56; Min. Fel. 2,4), often performed in connection with particular postures or bodily movements (turning, bowing, etc.) (Plut. Marcellus 6,11f.; Plut. Numa 14,4; [9. 142f.]). The term proskynesis (Aristot. Rh. 1361a 36) is derived from proskynein, ‘kiss towards’ (Aesch. Prom. 93 6f.) and in content corresponds to Latin adorare and venerari (Plin. HN 28,2,25; Hier. Adversus Rufinum. 1,19; Nep. Conon 3,3; [10. 157f., 171, 181f.; 9. r40f.]). In Graeco-Roman Antiquity, proskynesis was manifested only to deities (Hipponax fr. 37 DIEHL; Aristoph. Plut. 771-773; Soph. Phil. 657; Soph. El. 1375), particularly the sun and the moon (PI. Leg. 887e; Plut. Artaxerxes 29,12; Lucian. De saltatione 17; Hdn. 4,15,1), sky and earth (Aesch. Pers. 499; Soph. OC 1654f.; Soph. Phil. 5333 1407) and chthonic powers (PI. Resp. 469a-b).

In the Ancient Near East (e.g. in Assyria [3. 117f.*54; 7] and > Mari; cf. [5]), and primarily in Achaemenid Iran (~ Achaemenidae; cf. e.g. Hdt. 3,86; 7513; 8,118; Xen.

Cyr. 8,3,12-14;

Plut. Artaxerxes

metra: a Classic case is Boethius’ Consolatio, where the

11,4; Plut. Themistocles 27; cf. [9. 137ff.]), proskynesis

allegorical figure Philosophia speaks with an authority enhanced by her poems which is undermined as the work proceeds.

was also performed in front of the ruler (who was not

1 J.C. Retrman, Ancient Menippean Satire, 1993 2U. KnocueE, Die rémische Satire, +1971 3 M. CoFFEy, Roman Satire,*1989 4 P.T. EDEN (ed.), Seneca, Apocolocyntosis, 1984 (with English translation and commen-

tary)

5J.P. SuLLIvaN, The Satyricon of Petronius: A

Literary Study, 1968 6 P.G. WatLsH, The Roman Novel, 1970 7N.W. SLATER, Reading Petronius, 1990

8 G.-B. ConTE The Hidden Author. An Interpretation of Petronius’ Satyrica, 1996 9 P. Parsons, A Greek Satyricon?, in: BICS 18, 1971, 53-68 10 C.J. McDoNouGu, The Verse of Martianus Capella, 1968 11G. O’DALy, The Poetry of Boethius, 1991 12 P. DRONKE, Verse with Prose from Petronius to Dante, 1994 13 B. Passt, Prosimetrum, 1994 14 W. Scott BLANCHARD, Scholar’s

Bedlam: Menippean Satire in the Renaissance, 1995 15 I.A.R. De Smet, Menippean Satire and the Republic of Letters 1581-1655,1996 16 N. Frye, Anatomy of Criticism, 1957.

SU.B.

Prosklesis (modoxdnotc; prosklésis), the summons, the ‘call to court’. At Athens, it took place by a private action, with the plaintiff informing the respondent of the claim (> énkléma) and the date on which he was to present himself before the magistrate of the court. The prosklesis had to be made before one or two witnesses to the summons (-> kléter), whose confirmation of the proper prosklesis was required as a condition for a default judgment in the event of the respondent’s nonattendance, and who were liable to > pseudokleéteias graphe (‘action for making a false statement’) if they bore false witness.

seen as divine). For Persians of lower status (cf. e.g. Hdt.

1,134; Plut. Aristeides 5,7) and for subject peoples and Greek supplicants (Hdt. 7,136) p. was combined with prostration (prospiptein), for Persian grandees (Persepolis ‘treasury relief’: [1; 2; 4]; contra [6], who is thinking of chiliarchs’ holding their breath) and respected Hellenes with a bow ([epi/kyptein: Plut. Artaxerxes 22,8; VH 1,21). These gestures should be distinguished from ‘kissing’ (philein: Hdt. 1,134), direct contact be-

tween equals or near equals, and also kept separate from the proskynesis that was seen by the Greeks as appropriate only for gods and rejected on principle for humans (Hdt. 7,136; Xen. An. 3,2,13; Isocr. 4,151; Plut. Artaxerxes 22,8: [4. 138] contra [6], which inter-

prets proskynesis as falling down and kissing the ground in front of a ruler). The worship of the > great king as a god (theds or daimon; Aesch. Pers. 157; Aristot. Mund. 398a 22; Isocr. 4,151), imputed by Greek authors to Persians, may have had its cause in this. When — Alexander [4] the Great tried to introduce proskynesis into ceremonial, Macedonian-Greek resistance turned on the one hand against this innovation, as the gesture was appropriate only for gods (Arr. An. 4,11,2f.), and on the other hand against the combination of proskynesis and (deep) bowing (Arr. An. 4,12,2;

Plut. Alexander 74,2). From the Hellenistic period onwards proskynesis was also performed by Orientals and others before their (now deified) rulers and before Roman emperors — for the most part in combination

with prostration (historical examples: Demetrius [8] II before Phraates [2] Il; Tigranes before Pompeius [I 3]; Tiridates before Nero; Decebalus before Trajan; Peroz

PROSKYNESIS

[x] I before the Khan of the > Hephthalitae; Posidon. RGris7

EF 5: Cass,

52

Sab

Dios s6552.a5 62.29535)

63.2,45

68,9,6; Procop. Pers. 1,3,19f.; cf. [9. 15 4ff.]). On proskynesis in the NT cf. [8. 172ff.]. -» Kiss (B.); > Rulers; > Ruler cult 1 F. ALTHEIM, P., in: Paideia 5, 1950, 307-309

2 E. J.

BICKERMAN, A propos d’un passage de Chares de Mytiléne, in: PdP 18, 1963, 241-255

3P. CALMEYeER: Zur

Genese altiranischer Motive XI: ‘Eingewebte Bildchen’ 4J.K. von Stadten, in: AMI, N. F. 25, 1992, 95-124 Cuoksy, Gesture in Ancient Iran and Central Asia II: P. and the Bent Forefinger, in: Bull. of the Asia Institute, N. S. 4, 1990, 201-207. 5 J.M. Duranp, in: Notices assyrio-

logiques bréves et utilitaires 1990/1,no.24

6 H. GaBeEL-

MANN, Antike Audienz- und Tribunalszenen, 1984

7 B.

GOLDMANN, Some Assyrian Gestures, in: Bull. of the Asia Institute, N.S. 4, 1990, 41-49 8 J. Horst, Proskynein, 1932 9F. VON SACHSEN-MEININGEN, P. in Iran, in: P. ALTHEIM etal., Geschichte der Hunnen, vol. 2, 1960, 125166 10 C. SrrrL, Die Gebarden der Griechen und Romer, 1890. JW.

agonistic prosddion genre is particularly Pronomus, Pind. fr. DRACHMANN; IDélos

of the post-Classical phase. The associated with Delos (Eumelus, 52m, fr. 89; schol. Pind. 3,197,1 1497; Poll. 1,38).

> Lyric poetry 1 G.-B. D’ALEssio, Pindaric Prosodia and the Classification of Pindaric Papyrus Fragments, in: ZPE 118, 1997,

23-60 2H. FArBer, Die Lyrik in der Kunsttheorie der Antike,1936 3R.Murtu,s.v. P.,RE23, 856-865 4G. NACHTERGAEL, Les Galates en Gréce et les Soteria de Delphes, 1977-5 E. Reiscn, s.v. Chorikoi agones, RE 3, 2431-2438 61].C. RUTHERFORD, The Nightingale’s Refrain. P. Oxy. 2625 = SLG 460, in: ZPE 107, 1995, 39-43 7 Id., For the Aeginetans ... a P.: An Unnoticed Title at Pindar, Paean 6 and Its Significance for the Poem, in: ZPE 118, 1997, I-22.

LRU.

Prosody I. PROSOIDIA

(Heoowdia)

AREA OF METRICS

Il. PRosODY

AS AN

III. PROSODY AS A PART OF PHO-

NETICS AND PHONOLOGY Prosodion

(xeooddi0v/prosddion,

Doric

mo0ddt0Vv/

pothodion sc. wéhoc/mélos). The prosddion, a category of lyric poetry, esp. choral, is generally understood as a ‘processional song’ [2. 30f.]. Etymologically speaking, prosédion could equally well mean ‘contributory’. A form xeoc@diov/prosdidion (‘accompanying song’?) attested in the late lexicographers may date from the 3rd cent. BC (IG XI 120,49). The > procession the prosodion accompanied could lead to (Procl. in Phot. Bibl. 320a 18) or from (schol. Dion. Thrax 451,17 Hi1GARD) an altar or temple. The genre is attested 7th-2nd cents. BC, with two distinct developmental phases. (1) Classical phase: early representatives were + Clonas of Tegea (Ps.-Plut. De musica 1132c) and ~ Eumelus [5] of Corinth (Paus. 4,33,2).The Hellenistic editions of Pindar (> Pindarus [2]) (2 books) and ~» Bacchylides included prosodia. Frr. of Pindaric prosddia can be found in POxy. 1792 (= fr. 52m, o-p, s, U-v MAEHLER) [1]; Pind. Paean 6,123-183 was also published among the prosodia [7]. Pronomus of Thebes wrote a prosddion for Delos (Paus. 9,12,5). An anonymous fr. is indicated for SLG 460 [6]. (2) Post-Classical phase: prosddia were performed in the 4th cent. BC at the Artemisia of Eretria (IG XII 9,189,13 = LSCG 92) and in the Hellenistic Period at the Thespian Mouseia (IG VII 1690, 1773), the Delphic Soteria (FdD III 4,3 56,16 [4. 419f.]; cf. Syl? 450; CID 3,2) and on Delos (IDélos 1497). It is unclear whether these Hellenistic examples were an organic element of the - ritual or agonistic pieces perhaps no longer performed during the procession — possibly the latter, since usually two poets are mentioned (cf. [5. 2438]). Some surviving frr. demonstrate a simple structure suited to performance during a procession: e.g., Pind. fr. 52p, v; fr. 89 (perhaps intended to be repeated continuously through the performance). Others (e.g., Pind. fr. 52.8, u), with no such structure, may have been classified as prosddia by virtue of their similarity to the

I. PROSOIDIA

(IMooomédia)

ProsOidia originally referred to the vocal accompaniment

to

instrumental

music,

an

accompaniment

which was tuned to the instrument esp. in pitch. Greek grammarians (cf. e.g. S. Emp. Adv. Math. 1,113) therefore used the term as a technical term (mostly in the

plural), first for the tonal pitch accents (tovov/tonoi), then also for quantities (yodvoU/chrénoi) and aspiration (vebwata/pneumata). They therefore used the term primarily for phenomena that overlie sounds or phonemes, sometimes just for the corresponding graphic signs. The term prosdidia was adopted into Latin as the loan translation accentus, but it is still debated which type of accent is meant in Latin.

Il. PROSODY AS AN AREA OF METRICS The ancient term of prosody was only broadened in content by the Humanists at the beginning of the Modern Period: Since prosody deals with the quantity of syllables in a verse, it was also (but not exclusively) understood to mean ‘verse theory’, or metrics (+ Metre; - Metrics). Tying into this, prosody is today usually understood as a special area of metrics which studies the phonetic or phonological phenomena that determine verse structure. In this sense, P. MAAS

defines prosody as “linguistics from a metrical point of view”. Phenomena discussed in prosody therefore often coincide or overlap with those studied by -> phonetics and phonology. Greek verse structure (as well as that of Latin, which was largely modelled after the Greek) is based on the orderly alternation of long and short syllables, that is, on a quantifying principle. The rhythm of the verse is created only through this ‘binary opposition’ which is inherent in language and realised in speech or recital —a fact whose significance was fully revealed only by Fr. Nietzsche (1871).

53)

54

The problem of the quantity of syllables is therefore at the centre of prosody. Although the definition of the syllable is controversial, it cannot be doubted that long and short syllables are the basic elements of verse. The presence or the lack of the attribute ‘length’ constitutes the difference between acoustically-auditorily prominent and non-prominent syllables: syllables are either marked or not marked. A special difficulty is presented by the fact that the length of a vowel is not always designated by graphical signs or graphemes in Greek and never in Latin (at least not in print). Asa result, prosody is often the only source for determining syllable quantities. A syllable is deemed ‘long by nature’ (@voeV/physei, natura) if it contains a long vowel or diphthong, ‘long by position’ (OéoeV/thései, positione) if it contains a short vowel and if more than one consonant appears between it and the next vowel. A syllable is deemed short if it contains a short vowel and if only one consonant appears between it and the next. Here, one must keep in mind that Greek /h/ and Latin /h/ are not classified as consonants, and that Latin (qu) counts as only one consonant, meaning that it is phonologically to be interpreted as/k*/. A special case is the consonant sequence of muta cum liquida, i.e. a stop plus a subsequent nasal or liquid consonant. It is scanned in different ways: often they count only as one consonant, and thus do not ‘make position,’ but there are many

Hiatus was largely avoided, probably because it was regarded as obstructing the flow of speech. The avoiding of hiatus is effected by elision (Latin elisio ‘ejection’), the suppression or the dropping of a short final vowel before an initial vowel. Elision is found often in Greek, but is subject to various special rules (e.g. tA00’ gOvtas instead of tHAOO. éOvtas, or GAA’ 6 instead of GAAG 6). In Latin, it appears only in vowels of equal quality (e.g. decor’ alta, commonly noted as decora alta, instead of decora alta). Otherwise, in Latin, synaloephe (Greek ovvahorpr/synaloiphe) takes place, the ‘fusion’ of the final vowel — generally considered as weakly articulated — with the initial vowel (e.g. pectoreab imo, atque aurea). Syllables ending in /-m/ are

deviations from this rule. In Greek for instance, a voiced

stop and subsequent nasal consonant are always counted as two consonants, occlusive and subsequent liquid often, too.

Metric lengthening can occur in words whose syllable quantities do not conform to the verse: a short syllable is measured as long under pressure of the metre (Greek Ouvyatéood/thygatéros -~ ~ ~ instead of ~~~ ~; dtoyeviie/diogenes -~ ~- instead of ~~ ~-; Latin Italiam -~ ~ - instead of ~ ~ ~ -). Metric pressure can also result in synizesis (Greek ovvitnotc/synizesis ‘collapsing’): two vowels within a word that belong to subsequent but separate syllables can occasionally be joined in one syllable in such a way as to form an ascending --vyvediphthong (Greek Tyanicidew/Peleiddeo instead of --~ ~ ~ -; Latin always deinde -~ instead of ~-~, ante hac -- instead of -~-). Important for Old Latin dramatic verse is the iambic shortening (brevis brevians) recognized by F. Skutsch (1892): a long sylla-

PROSOPITES

affected as well (e.g. noctem illam, monstrum horrendum). Sometimes, we find correption (correptio epica),

the shortening of a final long vowel or diphthong before an initial vowel (Greek miayyOn énei/planchthé epei -- »- instead of --~ -; Latin si me amas -~ ~ - instead of --~-).

II]. PROSODY AS A PART OF PHONETICS AND PHO-

NOLOGY Prosody is understood in a purely linguistic sense by members of the Prague School of linguists (such as N.S. Trubetzkoy, R. Jakobson) and by their various approaches. For them, prosody (or prosodics) is a part of — phonetics and phonology which describes those phonetic or phonological phenomena that overlie sounds or phonemes of a word or which transgress the boundaries of words, the so-called prosodic elements (qualities). Counted among them are, for instance, quantity (duration), tonal pitch accent, stress or intensity accent, and

often also pauses and speaking tempo. -» Accent; > Metre; — Phonetics and + Pronunciation; GENERAL:

> Sandhi;

phonology;

> Metrics

W.S. ALLEN, Accent and Rhythm, Prosodic

Features of Latin and Greek, 1973. Greek: A.M. Devine, L.D. StEvENs, The Prosody of Greek Speech, 1994; P. Maas, Griechische Metrik, 31929 ('1923; engl.: Greek Metre, *1966); C.M.J. SICKING, Griechische Verslehre, 1993; B. SNELL, Griechische Metrik, 51997 (= 41982); M. West, Greek Metre, 1982.

Latin: H. Drex.er, Einfiihrung in die romische Metrik, 51993;J.W. HaLporn, M. Ostwa_p, Lateinische Metrik,

31983; E. PULGRAM, Latin-Romance Phonology, Prosodics and Metrics, 1975; F. SkurscH, Forschungen zur lateinischen Grammatik und Metrik, vol. 1, 1892. CH.

ble, if preceded by a short one (~-), can be valued as short (- ~) if the stress of the word falls on the directly

preceding or following syllable (bonis ¢ ~ instead of

‘-, magistratus ~ ~ +- instead of ~ -+-). The other problem that prosody deals with is hiatus (Latin hiatus ‘gaping, divergence’, Byz. Greek yaoumdia/chasmoidia), esp. exterior hiatus: the collision of vowels at the end of one and the beginning of the next word in the context of the sentence — a phenomenon which phonetically or phonologically is related to vocalic — sandhi.

Prosopites (Ilooowmitic, Meoowsityc/Prosopitis, Prosopités). Region in the south-western Nile delta, situ-

ated between the branch of Canopus and another watercourse (according to Hdt. 2,41 an island), probably the area of the 4th administrative district of Lower Egypt, according to Hdt. 2,165 the area where the Hermotybians settled. Apart from the capital city > Nikiu there were several other cities here, among others Atarbechis where Aphrodite (= Hathor) was worshipped and where mass burials of cattle took place (Hdt.

PROSOPITES

55

56

2,41; Str. 17,1,20). The Egyptian name and site of this city (near Kaum Abi Billa?) are uncertain. In Prosopis in 454 BC the Athenian auxiliary troops during the rebellion of > Inaros were encircled and annihilated by

version divided into two volumes became a model for subsequent works. Hrabanus Maurus refers to it explicitly in De laudibus sanctae crucis. P. likewise produced

-» Megabyzus [2] (Thuc. 1,109).

from Augustine’s psalm commentary. Nonetheless, from the fourth decade of the 5th cent. on, a repositioning is discernible in P., associated with a distancing from Augustine’s doctrine of — predestination. This was the context of his work that emphasized God’s will

1 H. Kees, s. v. Prosopis, P., RE 23, 867f. 2A.B.LLoyp, Herodotus, Book Il, Commentary 1-98, 1976, 186-189

3 A. CALDERINI, s. v. P., Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell’ Egitto greco-romano, vol. 4.2, 1984, 194f. KJ-W.

Prosopopoiie see > Personification Prospalta (Nedonadta/Prospalta). Attic mesogeia deme, phyle Akamantis, from 224/3 BC Ptolemais, with five bouleutai, located at Enneapyrgi northwest of Kalivia Kuvaras, the site where several funerary inscriptions of Prospaltioi were found (IG IP’ 7306; 7311; [2. 129, 129°]). Pausanias mentions a sanctuary of Demeter and

Kore at P. (Paus. 1,31,1). IG II’ 4817 (site: Hagios Petros) was probably transported here from — Myrrhinus, where the cult of Artemis Kolainis is attested [1. 9ff.]. Eupolis criticizes Pericles’ war policy in the comedy Prospaltioi (the inhabitants of P. were regarded as litigious; EM s.v. d0vayaevet). 1 J. KIRCHNER, S. Dow, Inschriften vom attischen Lande,

in: MDAI(A) 62, 1937, 1-12 2 J.S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986, 63, 132 with note 27. TRAILL, Attica, 48, 62, 67, 112 no. 123, pl. 5, 13; WHITEHEAD,

7, III

note

129,

224,

329.

H.LO.

Prosper Tiro (c. 390-after 455), a layman of ascetic temperament from Aquitania, very closely associated with the Christian monastic movement of southern Gaul

(cf. + Monasticism,

Cz).

His

own

conversio

(‘conversion’) probably took place in the first third of the sth cent. The Poema ad uxorem (A Poem to his wife) ascribed to P. may belong to this context |1]; its 74 vv. link a description of the vanity of the world with the exhortation to renounce it. P.’s commitment to the doctrine of Augustine (> Augustinus) in defiance of Pelagian tendencies (cf. > Pelagius [4]), especially those in southern Gaul, also belongs to the early period of his life. A letter to Augustine (cf. Aug. Epist. 225) was followed in 429/30 by the Carmen de ingratis (Poem on those excluded from Grace), in which the predetermined grace of God is praised according to the doctrine of Augustine [2]. P.’s authorship of the 876-hexameter Carmen de divina providentia (Poem on Divine Providence) relating to the same subject area is disputed. The

Confessio (c. 410?) sometimes attributed to P. is also modelled on the example of Augustine’s Confessions. P.’s lasting close relationship with the teachings of Augustine is attested by his florilegium of Augustinian maxims, composed around 450 (Liber sententiarum ex operibus §. Augustini delibatarum), which was followed by a second volume with a versified veision in elegiac distichs. This combination of a prose and a verse

the Expositio psalmorum (Ps 100-150) as an excerpt

of universal salvation (De vocatione omnium gentium).

From c. 435, P. was a staff member of the office of Leo [3] the Great (Gennadius, De viris illustribus 85), being of some importance for Leo’s extension and propagation of the doctrine of Roman primacy, especially with a view to the claims of the Gaulish bishops. P. had his greatest impact with his historical work, the Epitome chronicon (World Chronicle), in its final version the first continuation of the chronicle of Jerome (+ Hieronymus) from Adam to the sack of Rome by the Vandals in 455. For the period up to 412, he abridged Jerome but then added contemporary history, drawing from his own observations. The chronicle was continued: > Marius [II 22] of Aventicum and > Victor [8] Tunnennensis added continuations for the years 445581 and 444-567. The chronicle sections concerning contemporary history served as a source, e.g., for the Historia Gothorum of — Isidorus [9], the Chronica maiora and the Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum of Bede (— Beda Venerabilis) and the Historia Romana

of + Paulus [II 4] Diaconus. -» Historiography, IVB 1 CSEL 30,2,344 2CuH.T. HUEGELMEYER, Carmen de ingratis S. Prosperi Aquitani, 1962 (Engl. tr. and comm.). EpiTions:

PL 51; P. CALLENs, Expositio psalmorum.

Liber sententiarum

(CCL

68A),

1972;

TH.

MOMMSEN,

Chronica minora I (> MGH AA IX), 1882, 385-485. BIBLIOGRAPHY: S. MUHLBERGER, The Fifth-Century Chroniclers, 1990.

Prostas see

UE

> House (II. B.2.)

Prostates (mg00tdat¢/prostates, pl. moootdata/prostdtai), a person ‘standing at the fore’, either as leader (e.g.

Aesch. Supp. 963f.) or protector (e.g. Aesch. Sept. 408). Both aspects converged when Cyrus [2] became the prostates who freed the Persians from the yoke of the Medes (Hdt. 1,127,1), or Megabazus [1] what Myrcinus may do with Histiaeus [1] as prostates (Hdt. 5,23,2). When the Spartans were regarded as the prostatai of Greece at the time of Croesus (mid—6th cent. BC) (Hdt. 1,69,2), this was no expression of a leading

position; when they were thus described after the > Peloponnesian War (Xen. Hell. 3,1,3), the term indicated their dominion over Greece. Polybius (12,13,9) descri-

bes Demetrius [4] of Phaleron during his period as ruler of Athens as prostates patridos (‘prostates of the fatherland’).

a7

58

Other special meanings: Thucydides distinguishes between the oligarchs and the prostatai of the > démos [x], who while they were leaders of a popular party, did not themselves necessarily belong to the common people (e.g. Thuc. 3,82,1); the Aristotelean Athenaion politeia refers to prostatai in both > parties (e.g. 28). A + meétoikos had to have a citizen as prostates, at Athens (Aristoph. Pax 684) as elsewhere (Lys. 31,9; Lycurg. in Leocratem 145). In many states, particularly

onyms, literary texts and legal documents. Particularly in the vocabularies, prostitutes are mentioned alongside other classes of women whose character as prostitutes is a matter of dispute among Ancient Near East specialists [6]. It may be assumed that slavery, poverty and lack of rights frequently brought a woman to prostitution. The province of prostitutes was inns, ports, squares, alleyways, and the shadow of the city wall. Assyrian statutes forbade prostitutes from veiling themselves (TUAT 1, 87f. § 40). Information on the safeguarding of the inheritance rights of the children of prostitutes can be found in legal documents and in Middle Assyrian statutes (13th cent. BC), according to which the children of a prostitute were to be equated with their mother’s brothers (TUAT 1, 91 § 49). Texts from the 14th cent. BC relate that it was permissible for girls to be adopted as children in order to work later as prostitutes, but not to be sold as slaves. The ambivalent status of prostitutes in society may be inferred from the situation of Enkidu in the > Gilgamesh epic. She has no house of her own and sleeps in the ruins at the edge of the city; drunkards vomit on her clothes and beat her; but she is also desired by the elite of society, and richly rewarded [3]. The formulaic oaths in Assyrian royal inscriptions address prostitution as a shameful fate for a woman. The fact that the goddess > Ishtar, who i.a. represented the broad area of sexuality, was seen in the literary tradition of the rst millennium BC as the patron of prostitutes, and describes herself as such in literary texts, tells us something of the attitude of the Mesopotamian culture to sexuality. It was no doubt such sources, with the idea of organized temple prostitution developed from them, that prompted Herodotus (1,199; cf. Just. 18,5,4) to speak of the ‘terrible custom of the Babylonians’, by which every woman had once in her life to give herself to a random stranger in the sanctuary of Aphrodite (1.e. Ishtar). There is much to suggest that this account belongs in the realm of anecdote [6]; see under II.D. Literary texts attest to male homosexual

in north-western Greece and in > Magna Graecia, pro-

states was the title of the official who presided in the assembly (e.g. IG IX 1, 682 =[1. no. 319]: Corcyra [1]; IMagn 72: Syracusae) or who commanded the army (Thuc. 2,80,5: among the Chaones). At Cnidos, decrees were proposed by a board ofprostatai (e.g. [IKnidos vol. 41, 603 = Syll.} 187). Prostates and cognate words may be used of Elis’ control of the sanctuary at Olympia (Xen. Hell. 3,2,31) and of the control of the sanctuary at Delphi claimed by the Phoceans (Diod. Sic. 16,23,5; 24,5). After the death of Alexander [4] the Great, Craterus [1] was named prostates (‘guardian’) of > Arrhidaeus [4] (Arr. FGrH

Moye) eee E In Roman contexts, prostates is used as the Greek equivalent of the Latin patronus (e.g. Plut. Marius 5,7; OGIS 5 49,6). 1 C. MIcHEL, Recueil d’inscriptions grecques, 1900 (repr. 1976).

PJLR.

Prostiman (moootwav/prostiman), ‘additional penalty available to the plaintiff. In Athens in cases of theft (+ Klope) courts had the option of imposing loss of honour in addition to a fine. The thief would be locked in the stocks for five days and nights and placed in the pillory (Lys. 10,15; Dem. Or. 24,114 and 146). Presumably prostimdn happened in a third vote, after the jurors had voted on guilt and the fine. A. R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971, 177; D. CoHEN, Theft in Athenian Law, 1983, 62. GT.

PROSTITUTION

prostitution in ancient Mesopotamia [1; 5].

Prostitution I. ANCIENT NEAR EasT

1 J. Borréro, H. PerscHow, s. v. Homosexualitat, RLA

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

4, 459-468

2 V. Haas, Babylonischer Liebesgarten,

1999

Lambert, P., in: V. Haas (ed.), Aufsen-

3W.G.

I. ANCIENT NEAR East The relatively few mentions of prostitution in the Ancient Near East, differing in context as in time and

seiter und Randgruppen, 1992, 127-157. 4G. LEICK, Sex and Eroticism in Mesopotamian Literature, 1994

place, are too sparse to provide an internally consistent picture of the phenomenon. Prostitution had an accepted place in the societies of the Ancient Near East. An instance from the OT is the prostitute Rahab, who conceals Joshua’s spies in her house (Josh. 2). The

babylonischen Gesellschaft, in: V. Haas (ed.), Aufensei-

story presupposes that, in spite of her profession, she

5S. Maui, kurgarra und assinu und ihr Schicksal in der ter und Randgruppen, 1992, 159-171; 6G. WILHELM, Marginalien zu Hdt., Klio 199, in: T. ABuscH et al. (ed.),

FS W.L. Moran, 1990, 505-524.

V.H.

II]. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

was no outcast, but continued to be a member of her

A. DEFINITION

family group. For Mesopotamia a series of descriptive terms for prostitutes, such as ‘the opulent one’, ‘the solitary one’, (professional) bed partner’, etc., is known from bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian vocabularies and lists of syn-

PROSTITUTION

B. GREECE

C. ROME

D. SACRAL

A. DEFINITION The noun ‘prostitute’, which is not attested in ancient texts, derives from the Latin verb prostituere (lit.

PROSTITUTION

59

‘to stand outside in the street’, i.e. ‘to offer oneself for sexual intercourse’, Plaut. Pseud. 178). A prostitute is defined as someone who makes him- or herself available to many random clients for their sexual satisfaction, usually for payment. The ancient terms for a prostitute are manifold, and some of them coarse, as for example the Greek omodnothavea/spodesilaura (gutter-sweeper) or the Latin /upa (she-wolf) or scortum (skin, pelt); as a

rule, they relate to women, emphasizing sometimes the fact of their being for sale (d1@Pokov/diobolon: twooboloi woman; noovi/ porne, from méovyu/pernemi, to sell; Lat. meretrix, from merere, to earn), sometimes their general availability (fyoc/démos or xowr/koine: common; Latin publica); some terms related to the locality normally frequented by prostitutes (yedugic/ gephyris: ‘one who stands on the bridge’; prostituta: ‘one who stands in the street’). Whereas a long-term, personal association was sought with > hetaerae (étaiea/ hetatra: female companion; Lat. amica: female friend), the relationship with prostitutes was casual and short-term. B. GREECE Prostitution for monetary reward was already known to > Archilochus (Ael. VH 4,14; cf. also Alc. fr. 2,8 LoBEL-PaGE). Corinth was celebrated for its prostitutes in the Classical Period. In Athens various forms of prostitution were practised, particularly in Piraeus, in the suburb of Sciron, and in Ceramicus (Aristoph. Pax 165 with scholia; Alci. Epist. 3,5,1; Suda s.v. Kerameikoi; Xen. Mem. 2,2,4). As well as street prostitution there were > brothels. Visiting a brothel in Athens was very cheap (Aristoph. Vesp. 500; Philemon fr. 4 Kock 2; Eubulus fr. 67 K.-A.), was open even to slaves, and was not regarded as at all disreputable; only exaggeratedly frequent visits to the brothel gave rise to mockery. The prior settling of payment was the fundamental characteristic of prostitution. The money defined the promiscuity and anonymity by which prostitutes differed from sought-after boys (> Paederasty) and hetaerae, who, by the aristocratic ethic of the exchange of gifts, received donations from their well-to-do patrons. The money spent in the brothel went for the most part to the pimps (xoevofpooxoi/pornoboskoi), who are characterized in Middle and New Comedy as grasping rogues. Female slaves, for the most part anonymous in the sources, worked in the brothels; they were dependent on the pimps, and social advancement scarcely appears to have been a possibility for them. The life of a female prostitute is comprehensively portrayed in a Greek court speech (mid 4th cent. BC): + Neaera [6] was accused of giving herself out to be an Athenian while being married to an Athenian (Dem. Or. 59); Athenaeus (Ath. 13) also gives abundant information on all aspects of the life of hetaerae and prostitutes in

the Classical Period. Male

prostitutes,

60

they were registered, and were liable to pay a ‘harlots’ tax’ (moovinov téhoc/pornikon télos: Aeschin. In Tim.

119); whether this also applied to female prostitutes is not certain, but probable. A law, supposedly deriving from Solon, forbade Athenian citizens who had worked as prostitutes from speaking in the popular assembly, holding office, or taking part in civic life; infringements were punishable by death (Dem. Or. 22,30; Aeschin. In Tim. 21; cf. also > hetaireseds graphe). C. ROME From about 200 BC, it is predominantly female pro-

stitutes who are attested in literary, epigraphic, and papyrus sources. It appears from these that prostitution was an established component of urban and military life. Locations for prostitution were streets, funerary monuments, inns, and brothels, especially in the -» Subura district of Rome (Mart. 1,3 4,8; 6,66,1-2; cf. 2,17), and also military camps (Liv. Per. 57). Most prostitutes were slaves (Dion. Chrys. 7,133f.); they frequently originated in the East, where young women were enslaved in great numbers to be transported to Rome as prostitutes (Juv. 3,62-66; Sen. Controv. 1,2,3). In AD 19 a decision of the Senate was promulgated forbidding women from the > ordo equester from engaging in prostitution (Tac. Ann. 2,85; cf. Suet. Tib. 3 5,2). Even members of the lower orders and slaves frequented brothels, as the cost was for the most part low. Many graffiti from Pompeii give names and prices of male and female prostitutes, presumably having been written on the walls of houses by the prostitutes themselves or their pimps as a form of advertisement (CIL IV 4023;IV 4150; cf. also Mart. 9,4,1). There are frequent mentions of pimps (Plaut. Pseud. 182; Juv. 6,127; Dion.

Chrys. 7,133f.). Moral strictures in respect of the frequenting of prostitutes are not found in the sources, so long as a degree of moderation was observed. The statutes promulgated by > Augustus in respect of marriage and morals forbade marriages between free citizens and prostitutes (Ulp. epit. 13,1-2; > Adulterium). Later laws also sought to prevent the social advancement of prostitutes, excluding them from inheritances (Suet. Dom. 8,3; Ulp. Dig. 29,1,41,1). Such mea-

sures entailed a precise legal definition of prostitution (Ulp. Dig. 23,2,43,1-3). From the early rst cent. the sale of a female slave was subject to the proviso that the woman could not be forced into prostitution (Ulp. Dig. 37,14,7). This, however, applied only to those who were not already working as prostitutes. Many extant iuris consulta and imperial rescripts suggest that this statute was frequently infringed against. Septimius Severus counted it among the duties of the city prefect (+ praefectus urbi) to protect such abused female slaves (Ulp. Dig. 1,12,1,8). From the time of Caligula (AD 37-41) prostitution was taxed (Suet. Cal. 40); many

inscriptions and papyri attest to the fact that, in the counterparts,

provinces, too, this tax was levied on men and women

were frequented exclusively by men (Aeschin. In Tim. 40). Most male prostitutes, too, were probably slaves;

like their female

until the 6th cent. Even under the Christian emperors, prostitution remained entirely legal.

61

62

D. SACRAL PROSTITUTION The historicity of so-called sacral prostitution, by which female temple slaves (hierododlai) prostituted themselves for money in sanctuaries in honour of a divinity, is a matter of dispute. Ancient authors attest to the existence of such prostitutes, both in eastern and in Greek cults, especially in the temple of > Aphrodite at Corinth (Str. 8,6,20; 12,3,36; Ath. 13,573f., with a long quotation from Pindar, fr. 122, celebrating the dedication of one hundred young women to Aphrodite by the Corinthian Xenophon); but PIRENNE-DELFORGE [7] now disputes that sacral prostitution on the eastern model ever existed at Corinth. Hierodoilai are also assumed for the cult of Aphrodite on the Eryx [1] in Sicily,

Protagonistes (newtaywvoth)d/protagonistes, ‘first in competition’, esp. ‘first actor, chief presenter’). Asa t.t., rare and attested only late; since the derived verb Towtaywviotetv/protagonistein was used in a metaphorical sense (‘stand in the foreground’) as early as Aristotle (Aristot. Poet. 1449a 18 and Pol. 1338b 30), however, the word protagonistés may have its origin in the 5th cent. BC. In dramatic competitions much depended on the abilities of the protagonistés. > Aeschylus [x] personally undertook the leading parts in his tragedies, while + Sophocles [1] early on deferred to professional actors, writing tailor-made roles for them (IrGF 4, testimonium 1,6 and 1,42). The > Dionysia from 447 BC on had a separate agon (+ Competitions,

the influence of which extended as far as Rome 6,2,6; Ov. Fast. 4,865ff.; cf. Diod. Sic. 4,83).

artistic) for tragic protagOnistai: mimetic presentation

(Str.

had taken on a life of its own alongside the poetic text. This development later resulted in the allotment of

+ Homosexuality; > Sexuality 1J.N. Davipson,

Courtesans and Fishcakes. The Con-

suming Passions of Classical Athens, 1997 2K. Dover, Greek Homosexuality, 1978 3 W. FauTu, Sakrale P. im Vorderen Orient und im Mittelmeerraum, in: JbAC 31, 1988, 24-39 4R. FLEMMING, Quae Corpore Quaestum Facit: The Sexual Economy of Female P. in the Roman Empire, in: JRS 89, 1999, 38-61 5 D.M.HALperin, The

Democratic Body: P. and Citizenship in Classical Athens, in: Id., One Hundred Years of Homosexuality, 1990, 88— I12 6 Tu. A.J. McGinn, P. and Julio-Claudian Legislation, 1986 7 V. PIRENNE-DELFORGE, L’Aphrodite grecque, 1994, 116ff. 8 C. REINSBERG, Ehe, Hetaren-

tum und Knabenliebe im antiken Griechenland, 9 B.E. Srumpp, P. in der romischen Antike, 1998.

1989 —_E.HA.

~ Prostylos. Architectural term recorded at Vitr. De arch. 3,2,3, denoting one of the temple forms listed in that work (+ Temple). According to Vitruvius’ description, a prostylos is an > ante temple with one row of columns in front of the pronaos (- Cella). An extended variant of the prostylos is the > amphiprostylos. W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Antike, 1988, 2175s. v. P.

Bauwesen

PROTAGORAS

in der C.HO.

protagonistai to poets (Hsch. = Suda s.v. véunous bxoxottv); in the 4th cent. BC each protagonistés was giv-

en just one piece from all the competing poets [1. 9rf.]. The 4th—3rd cents. BC were the period of the great actors. + Theatres arose throughout the Greek-speaking world. Protagonistai assembled their own troupes and wandered from festival to festival, often giving reprises of the classics and showing brilliance in a selected repertoire. > Theodorus, e.g., specialized in female roles (e.g., Antigone: Dem.

Or. 19,246); Nicostratus

received accolades for his messenger reports (Eubulus, fr. 134: PCG 5,268); a protagonistés from Tegea boasts of his victories as a tragic actor and wrestler [2]. Minor

players took no share in the fame and riches of the protagonistai, as the fate of Aeschines the tritagonistés (‘third actor’) shows (Dem. Or. 19,200; Aeschin. Ep. 21,1). Unfortunately, more anecdotes about the vain affectations and extravagances of protagonistai have been transmitted than accounts of their artistry. + Tragedy 1Merre

21.E. Srerants, Dionysiakoi Technitai, 1988,

no. 3003 with fig. 15.

P. GHIRON-BISTAGNE, Recherches sur les acteurs dans la

Arnob. 5,28, wrongly P6él(h)ymnos in Paus. 2,37,5). Deity in the retinue of > Dionysus. P. showed the god

Gréce antique, 1976; M. Kaimi1o, The Protagonistes in Greek Tragedy, in: Arctos 27, 1993, 19-33; PICKARDCAMBRIDGE/GOULD/Lewis; G.M. Sifakis, The OneActor Rule in Greek Tragedy, in: A. GRIFFITHS (ed.), Stage

the entrance to the underworld

Directions. Festschrift E.W. Handley, 1995, 13-24.

Prosymnus (Ilodovpvoc/Prés(h)ymnos; Prosumnus in

at Lerna, when Dio-

nysus wished to bring his mother + Semele back from Hades (Paus. ibid.). The broader myth places P. in a homoerotic relationship with Dionysus: in Clem. Al. Protreptikos 2,34 (cf. Arnob. 5,28), P. promises to reveal the way if the god acquiesces to carnal pleasures. The latter agrees to do so on his return, but P. dies before. To keep his promise nonetheless, Dionysus carves the image of a ~ phallus, plants it in P.’ funeral mound and mounts it to pleasure himself (or P.) (variations in Nonnus Abbas 37,1 et al. [1]). The myth apparently aims to explain the introduction of a phallic image in phallic procession rituals in the cult of Dionysus (cf. Hdt. 2,49; [2]). 1G. Turk, s.v. Polymnos, RE 21, 1773f. DER KOLF, s.v. Prosymnos, RE 23, 905-907.

2M.C. van ek

H.BL. Protagoras (Mowtaydeac; Protagoras).

[1] P. of Abdera. The first sophist, 5th cent. BC, originator of the homo-mensura doctrine, known only from Plato’s dialogue of the same name and from Diogenes Laertius. A. Lire B. Works C. TEACHINGS A. LIFE

P.’ date of birth and death dialogue Protagoras (Pl. Prt. named after him — he says that all those present. That would

are obscure. In Plato’s 317¢ = 80 A 5 DK) he could be the father of include Socrates (born

PROTAGORAS

63

64

469/8 BC), so P. must have been born no later than 490 BC. If he lived to the age of 70 (Plat. Men. 91e = 80 A 8 DK), he would have died in 420 BC. That would not

the sophist in the Protagoras (Prt. 320c-322d) from the work listed by Diogenes Laertius as On the Original Condition of Man. If we interpret this myth as a metaphor for the theoretical thinking subsequently developed in the dialogue, we recognize the distinctly anti-Platonic character of its doctrine — which indicates its authenticity [ro]. P. is most famous for the doctrine known as homo

contradict Apollodorus (80 A + DK = Diog. Laert. 9,56), who placed P.’ akme (in the sense of the height of his fame, not the age of 40) in the 84th Olympiad (444441 BC). This was the time (444/3 BC) that Pericles appointed P. as lawgiver of the Panhellenic colony + Thurii in southern Italy (Diog. Laert. 9,50 = 80 A1 Dk). A charge of impiety (> asébeia) which, according to various accounts (80 A 1, A 2,A 3, A 12, A 23 DK),

was brought against him in Athens and forced him to leave the city, must have been of a later date. If P. was in Athens at the time when > Eupolis put him on the stage in his Flatterers (422/1 BC), then either he was able to return despite those charges, or (if he died in 420 BC) he was charged with impiety shortly after the performance of Eupolis’ play. The latter would explain the connection in Sextus Empiricus (80 A 12 DK) between the conviction for impiety, which P. sought to escape, and his death as a result of a shipwreck. P. did not always live in Athens. Plato’s Hippias maior (282 d-e) refers to a visit to Sicily by the elderly P.; in the Protagoras he has been in Athens for just two days, which he must have visited at least once before (cf.

Pl. Prt. 3 rob-e). According to Plato, P. was the first to be called a ‘sophist’ (sophistés) (Pl. Prt. 347b). All of the innova-

tions attributed to him by Diog. Laert. 9, 51-53 are related to the professional practice of the sophists. B. Works Diog. Laert. 9,55 contains a catalogue of P.” works (according to [7. ch. 2], however, this is merely a list of subjects dealt with by P. in the Antilogies), to which, according to [7. ch. 2], the treatise On the Gods (Diog.

Laert. 9,54) should be added. In addition, there is a work (not mentioned in Diogenes) referred to by Plato [x] under the title Truth (AdnOev/Aletheia, Pl. Tht. 161c) and by Sextus Empiricus under the title Refutatory arguments (KataBpdahdovtes AOyowKataballontes (l6got), 80 B 1 DK) [7. 25-27]. Some scholars count the treatise On Being (80 B 2 DK) among P.” works, while [7] believes it to be part of the Antilogies. The extant fragments (80 B 3 DK) of the Great Speech (Méyac hOyod/Mégas logos) point out the importance for the teacher of the connection between talent (voic/physis) and practice (Goxnots/dskesis), and call for learning to begin at an early age. It is possible that the de00émeva/ orthoépeia, ‘correctness of style’, mentioned by Plato (Phdr. 267c), is the title of a separate work. MLNA. C. TEACHINGS

Our main evidence of P.’ philosophical teachings consists of Plato’s dialogues Protagoras (which contains a long speech by P.) and Theaetetus. The small number of text fragments and a lack of independent source material make it difficult to assess their reliability. Plato may well have borrowed the myth related by

Mensura:

MAVIOV

YONUGTWY

LETOOV éotiv GvOewsoc/

panton chrématon métron estin dnthropos, ‘Man is the measure of all things’. It has been preserved in similar wording by multiple sources (Pl. Tht. 152a; Sext. Emp. Adversus mathematicos 7,60 = 80 B 1 DK; Diog. Laert.

9,51). Its translation is disputed (cf. [8. 188-192; 11. nr. 83 ad loc.|). While other suggestions have been made [6; 7. 96-113], most scholars share the interpretation of this fragment suggested by Plato in Theaetetus (152a~-160e), i.e. that it expresses radical cognitive rela-

tivism based on the validity of individual sensory experiences. Plato’s depiction connects this thesis with the so-called Heraclitean view of nature as fundamentally changeable. However, a precise analysis of the argumentative structure in the Platonic dialogue [9] and of the so-called ‘defence of P.’ (Tht. 166a—-167d, cf. [11. 106—109]) allows for the conclusion that this doc-

trine of P. was merely intended to support his main concern: mastering the art of oratory. + Atheism; > Rhetoric; + Scepticism; > Sophists EDITIONS: 1 DtELS/KRANZ, nr. 80 2M. UNTERSTEINER, Sofisti. Testimonianze e frammenti, vol. 1, *1961, 14-117 (supplementing Drets/KRANZ) 3 M. GRONEWALD (ed.), Ein neues Protagorasfragment, in: ZPE 2, 1968, I-2.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

4H. GOMPERZ, Sophistik und Rheto-

rik, 1912 (repr. 1965), 126-278

5 W. NesTLE, Vom

Mythos zum Logos, *1942 (repr. 1975), 264-306

DuprEEL, Les Sophistes, 1948, 13-58 NER

6E.

7M. UNTERSTEI-

(ed.), I sofisti, ch. 1-3, *1967 (repr. 1996; English

1954) 8 GUTHRIE, vol. 3, 63-68, 181-192, 234f., 262269 9M.Narcy, Aquila parole? Platon et Aristote face a P., in: B. CASsIN (ed.), Positions de la sophistique, 1986,

78-81 10]1d., Le contrat social: d'un mythe moderne a lancienne sophistique, in: Philosophie 28, 1990, 41-45 11 Id., Platon. Théeététe,.*1995, too-121.

Further bibliographical references to be found in: 12 G.B. KERFERD, H. FLasuHar, s. v. P., GGPh? ile

2.1, 1998, 117—-

[2] P. worked later than Claudius Ptolemaeus [65], whose school he belonged to (Tzetz. Chil. 7,647) [r. 45], but long before -» Marcianus [1] [2. 921], whose work was based on that of P. In the 2nd or 3rd cent. AD, he wrote

a Geometria, i.e. a ‘measure-

ment of the earth’ (yewpetoia, Phot. 188, p. r45b, 1626) or Gedgraphia tés oikuméneés, ‘geography of the > oikoumene’ (yemyoadia tis oixoupévnc, Marcianus,

Periplous maris externi 2,5 =GGM 1, 543), in 6 books; only 5 fragments remain (in addition to those mentioned above: Marcianus ibid. 1,1; 2,2; 38 = GGM 1, 5 10; 542; 559). In book 6, P. presented d0EoAoyobueva/ doxologoumena (‘wondrous things’) of the > oikou-

65

66

mene, partly based on autopsy. For the coasts of Asia Minor, Libya and Europe (Europe’s northern coasts excepted), P. indicated distances in stadia by degrees (of longitude and latitude), following Ptolemy. He often gave a maximum and minimum value for the degrees, a method adopted by Marcianus (2,5,9; 13 = GGM 1, 543; 545f.). The anonymous ‘Geographic sketch’, Hypotyposis geographias (GGM 2, 494-511) might also be attributed to P. > Geography; > Paradoxographi; > Periegetes

(cf. Pol. 5,5,353 6); cf. the numerous inscriptions on the craggy eastern coast of the island with petitions for a good voyage (IG V 1, 1533-1588; SEG 11,10051024a; 14,337-345; from the 6th cent. BC into Late Antiquity). In 425 BC, during the — Peloponnesian War, P. played a role as an anchorage for the Athenian fleet of 40 ships in the battles for Sphacteria; at the time the island was uninhabited (Thuc. 4,13,3). In the Hellenistic Period, however, there was a small fortified settlement in the centre of the island (Str. 8,3,23). In the

1A. Miter, The Tradition of the Minor Greek Geographers, 1952

2 F. GIsINGER,s. v. P. (5), RE 23, 921-923.

H.A.G. Protarchus (Mgwtagyoc/Prétarchos). [1] Comic poet from Thespiae, victorious on one occa-

sion in the rst cent. BC at the Soteria of Acraephia, and son or father of the epic poet Protogenes; otherwise, nothing is known of him. PCG VII, 1989, 583.

H.-G.NE.

[2] P. of Bargilia. Teacher of Demetrius [21] Lacon (Str. 14,20; 2nd cent. BC), perhaps in Miletus. It is unlikely

that he was

the head

of the Epicurean

‘Garden’

(+ képos). W. ALy, s.v. Protarchos (5), RE 23, 924; M. ERLER, in:

GGPh? 4.1, 256-257.

T.D.

[3] Tragedian from Thebes, successful after 85 BC at the Amphiaraea and Romaea at Oropus (DID A 6). BZ.

[4] Attested for 51/50 BC as syngeneés (> Court titles) and — dioikétés of all Egypt. L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, 139f. no. 0175.

W.A.

PROTESILAUS

north, there is evidence for an ancient lighthouse; like-

wise a tower at the harbour. E. Meyer, Pylos und Navarino, in: MH 8, 1951, 119-136; F. BOxtE, E. Meyer, s.v. P. (3), RE 23, 925-927; N. VAL-

MIN, Etudes topographiques sur la Messénie ancienne, 1930, 141-145. E.O.andV.S.

Proteas (IMowtéac/Protéas). Son of Andronicus, Mace-

donian, probably the same as P., the son of — Lanice, nurse of Alexander [4] the Great. In 33 4/3 BC, by order of > Antipater [1] he gathered ships off Euboea and the Peloponnese to protect the islands and mainland. In early summer 333, he succeeded in surprising a Persian forward unit under > Datames off the island of Siphnos and capturing eight of its ten ships (Arr. Anab. 2,2,4—-5). To do so, P. covered over 120 nautical miles in two

night sailings, a unique achievement in Greek naval history. P.’s action undermined the Persian position in the Aegean and indirectly reveals that Alexander was able to count on more loyalty in Greece than is generally assumed [1. 326ff.]. P. was later recalled and arrived at Tyre in a penteconter (Arr. Anab. 2,20,2). Of his subse-

quent deeds, only his drinking prowess is recorded, pursued as a hetairos (> Hetairoi) of the king (Ath. 4,129a; Ael. VH 12,26).

[5] Cameo cutter of the Hellenistic period, signed two sardonyx cameos, each bearing white figures on a brown background. While on the cameo of Aphrodite with Eros flying towards her the inscription, too, is

1G. Wirtn, Der Kampfverband des P. Spekulationen zu den Begleitumstanden der Laufbahn Alexanders, 1989.

WW.

raised (Boston, MFA), it shows up sunk on the second

(Eros riding a lion and playing a kithara) (Florence, AM). Stylistic and iconographic characteristics have led to general agreement on a Hellenistic date. ~» Gem cutting ZAZOFF, AG, 207f., note 88, 89, pl. 54, 5.6.

5.MI

Protasekretis (xowtaonxontc/protasékrétis). Byzantine term for the office of chief of the imperial secretaries (singular Gonxorytic/asekretis, from Latin a secretis), used in the 6th—12th centuries AD. ODB 3, 1742. BT.

Protesilaus (Mowteothaoc/Protesilaos, Latin Protesilaus; approx. ‘First Among the People’, cf. Hom. II. 2,702; [2.938]; mythological interpretation of the name from his death before Troy in Eust. Hom. Il. 2,700 p. 325; in Hdt. 9,116 owteothems). Son of Iphicles (Hom. Il. 2,704-707) or Actor (Hes. fr. 199,6 M.-W.); Astyoche (Eust. Il. 2,698 p. 323) and Diomedea (Hyg. Fab. 103) are named as his mother. Like his brother Podarces [1] (Hom. ibid.), he courted Helen (— Helena

I [1]) (Hes.

fr. t99,5 M.-W.). Commander of the Phthiotic contingent, with 40 ships from the cities of Phylace, Pyrasus, Iton, Antron and Pteleus [3. 661-

668]. Prote (Mowt/Préte). The only island off the western coast of Messenia apart from -> Sphacteria (Scyl. 45; Plin. HN 4,55; Ptol. 3,16,23; Steph. Byz. s.v. I.; ethnicon: THowtatoc/Prétaios), today still Proti, whose small west-facing harbour on its southern side offered north-bound seafarers protection from the > Etesiai

While the epic does tell of P.’s unhappy beloved (albeit under the name Polydora rather than Laodameia [2]: Cypria PEG I fragment 26), its main thematic preoccupation is with his death outside Troy (fulfilling an oracular pronouncement that the first to tread on Trojan soil would be the first to fall: ‘overcoming the

PROTESILAUS

67

68

start’), at the hands, according to the Cypria, of -» Hector (PEG p. 42 = Procl. Chrestomathia 80; Schol. Hom. II 2,701: Aeneas). The steadfast love of -» Lao-

Prothesis (mo0d08e01¢/prothesis, first [1. 22B], 6th century BC; first in literature Pl. Leg. 947b 3; 959e 5). Term

dameia [2] is first elaborated in Euripides’ Protesilaus [1] (TGF fr. 647-657), and is tangible in Schol. Aristid. p. 671 and Hyg. Fab. 103 and ro4: P. is permitted at his own request to return to life to seek out his wife once more; Laodameia, who has made a waxen model of her husband, accompanies him, at his request (Eust. Hom. Il. 2,700 p. 325) or spontaneously (Verg. Aen. 6,447f.; Ov. Epist. 13,163f.), as he returns to -» Hades. Other dramatic treatments of this subject matter survive only in fragmentary form (Anaxandrides, PCG I] fr. 41-42; Protesilaudamia of Laevius, FPL fr. 13-19 BLANsDORE).

The grave, and cult, of P. were on the Thracian ~ Chersonesus [1] at Elaeus ([1. 554] on its location; Thuc. 8,102); Pindar mentions a sanctuary in P.’s home

city of Phylace (I. 1,83 with schol.). The story found in + Conon [4] (FGrH 26 F 1,13) to the effect that P. abducted Aethilla, daughter of Priam, from Troy as a prisoner of war and founded Scione runs counter to all other accounts. 1 F. CANcIANI, s. v. P., LIMC 7.1, 554-560; LIMC 7.2, 430-432 2G. RapKg,s. v. P., RE 23, 932-940 3E. VissER, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997. JOS.

for the laying out of a corpse, which was an indispensable part of every + burial in Greece from the earliest times. The dead person was laid on a > kliné, usually covered by a pall (Go0c/pharos), and was lamented and mourned both by family members and unrelated mourners. Prothesis scenes are described in the Homeric epics (esp. Hom. Il. 18,3 52-355; 24,719-776). Ritu-

al gestures of grief are often depicted, particularly on Attic pottery (cf. [6]), relatively schematically on Geometric amphorae and craters [2], with more refinement and pathos on black-figure panels (pinakes; see [4]) and black-figure and (sporadically) red-figure loutrophoroi (> Loutrophoros). In the Classical period, the prothesis in Athens was limited to the house and lasted only one day, allegedly because of one of Solon’s laws (Ps.-Dem. Or. 43,62 = Sol. fr. rog RUSCHENBUSCH). > Burial; > Death; > Dead, cult of the 1 F. HALBHERR (ed.), Inscriptiones Creticae, vol. 4, 1950

2 G. AHLBERG, Prothesis and Ekphora in Greek Geometric Art, 1971, 25-219

(ArchHom 3 W7), 1968,

3 M. ANDRONIKOs, Totenkult

W 7-9, 43-50

4J. BOARDMAN,

Painted Funerary Plaques and Some Remarks on Prothesis, in: ABSA 50,1955, 51-66 5 D.C. Kurtz,].BoaRDMAN, Thanatos, 1985, 63-65, 171f. 6 W. ZSCHIETZSCHMANN, Die Darstellungen der Prothesis in der grie-

chischen Kunst, in: MDAI(A) 53, 1928, 17-47.

Proteus

(Mowtevc/Proteus).

Sea

god,

— Poseidon’s

herdsman of seals, sometimes also his son. P. possesses the characteristics typical of sea gods: old age (> halios géron: Hom. Od. 4,349), the gift of prophecy, and the ability to transform (cf. Heracles’ wrestling matches with — Nereus and — Triton, or that of Peleus with ~ Thetis). In Hom. Od. 4,349-570, P. is taking a

midday rest among the seals on the Egyptian island of Pharos; with the help of P.’? daughter Eidothea, Menelaus [1] overcomes the god, who shifts into various shapes, and elicits prophecies from him. This theme was central to Aeschylus’ satyr play Proteus; cf. Lucian’s fourth Conversation between Sea Gods. The Homeric narrative is adapted in Verg. G. 4,387-529, where ~ Aristaeus [1] puts P. in chains and interrogates him. For P. as a seer, cf. Ov. Met. 11,221-2233; 11,249-256 and Sil. Pun. 7,419-493. Rationalistic interpretations made P. a just and hospitable Egyptian king, who was host to » Helena [1] during the Trojan War (Hdt. 2,112-120; Eur. Hel. 1-67; cf. Stesich. fr. 16 PMG). According to another, possibly earlier, tradition, which is transmitted alongside the Egyptian version, P.’ homeland is Chalcidice in Thrace (Pallene/Torone: Lycoph. 115-131; Callim. Fr. 254,5 SH; Konon FGrH 26 F 1,32; Verg. G. 4,390f.; Apollod. 2,105). Various versions give different spouses and descendants of P. P.’ shape shifting became proverbial (cf. the epithet of the Cynic - Peregrinus Proteus). H. HERTER, s. v. P., RE 23, 940-975; N. ICARD-GIANOLIO, s. v. P., LIMC 7.1, 56of.; S. West, in: A. HEUBECK et al., A Commentary on Homer’s Odyssey, vol. 1, 1988, PRGA

W.K.

AA.

Prothous (Med800¢/Préthoos). [1] Son of > Agrius [1], who with the help of his brothers seizes rule of + Calydon from their uncle > Oeneus, handing it to their father, but is later killed with his brothers for this deed by -» Diomedes [1] and > Alcmaeon [1] (Apollod. 1,77f.). [2] Son of + Thestius, who, according to Paus. 8,45,6,

was depicted with his brother + Cometes [2] as a participant in the Calydonian

Hunt

(> Meleager)

on a

pediment of the temple of Athene Alea in Tegea built by Scopas. [3] Son of + Tenthredon, who in the campaign against Troy as leader of the Magnetes commands 40 ships (Hom. Il. 2,756; Apollod. Epit. 3,14). After the conquest ofTroy, P. is shipwrecked together with >» Meges on Cape Caphereus, a promontory of Euboea [1], and dies (Apollod. 6,1 5a; Schol. Lycoph. 902) or, according to Schol. Lycoph. 899, reaches Libya with

[1] and - Guneus and settles there.

> Eurypylus

SU.EI.

Prothyron (x060ve0y; prothyron). The entrance hall of the Greek > house in the form of a roofed vestibule leading to the courtyard, marking the connection of the private and the public areas and thus used as a communicative, connecting element (because the prothyron could also serve as a shelter or meeting place for passers-by). Sometimes, the prothyron was even equipped with benches. The prothyron could usually be closed from the inside by a wooden folding door. Numerous prothyra have been preserved in the houses of Olynthus.

69

7O

PROTO-EUPHRATIC,

PROTO-TIGRIDIC

W. Hoeprner, E.L. SCHWANDNER, Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland, *1994, 355, s. v. P. C.HO.

‘Middle Proto-Corinthian P (according to [5], the first black-figured style; 685-665 BC) develops the

Prothytes (Ile00btms>; Prothytés). Theban, leading anti-Macedonian politician who, relying on Athenian help, in 335 BC advocated the secession of Thebes from Macedonia. Swiftly advancing on Thebes, Alexander [4] the Great (Diod. 17,8,2) demanded in vain his surrender (Plut. Alexandros 11,7). He was probably killed in the defence of the city, which involved heavy losses

still favours ornamental pictures, but animals and hunting scenes appear too. In ‘Middle Proto-Corinthian II’ (according to [5] second black-figured style; 665-645 BC), the first mythological pictures appear (e.g., Zeus’ battle with a ‘centaur’; aryballos Boston, MFA 95.12). Kotylai and oinochoai contain monumentally arranged pictures (mostly animals). ‘Late Proto-Corinthian’ (645-630 BC) distinguishes itself by means of rich polychromy and its high-quality painters’ great joy in narration. Of these, the > Chigi Painter particularly deserves mention. There are also vases, however, painted merely with animal friezes. Engraving ona black clay ground is a new decoration technique (black polychrome style). PCV is followed by the ‘Transitional Style’ (630620/615 BC), wherein [5] apperceived the connexion between PCV and > Corinthian vases, with painting predominantly of high-quality animal friezes. A leading form among PCV is the aryballos, whose development from a spherical type (Early Proto-Corinthian) through an ovoid form (Middle Proto-Corinthian) to a pear-shaped one (Late Proto-Corinthian) can easily be traced. Moulded pots are quite rare among PCV. While inscriptions are infrequent, they do demonstrate a rich variety, with alphabets, mythological epithets and votive inscriptions. Unlike 7th cent. BC Attic black-figured vases (+ Vase painting, black-figured), PCV constitute a predominantly miniaturistic genre, whose rich abundance of pictures and high quality are

black-figured

(Arr. Anab. 1,8,1-8; Diod. andros 11,12).

Protobestiarios

Sic, 17,14,1; Plut. Alex-

W.ED.

(mewtoPeotueioc/protobestiarios,

Latin protovestiarius). Overseer of the Byzantine emperor’s wardrobe, 5th—1 5th centuries, eunuch office

second to the + parakoimomenos. ODB 3, 1749.

ET.

Protocol see > Ceremony

Proto-Corinthian vases. A significant 7th cent. BC genre of vases, connected with > Sicyon until H. PAYNE [5] assigned it to > Corinthus; PayNe’s classification of PCV still has validity, but the chronology and, to some extent, the terminology have been changed. The dating of PCV is based primarily on the traditional founding dates of Greek cities in lower Italy and Sicily. Corinth’s trade relationships explain both the wide distribution of PV and their orientalizing character. PCV generally exhibit good workmanship and firing techniques. The following uses the chronology of C. W. NEEFT. In ‘Early Proto-Corinthian’ (715-685 BC), primarily the > aryballos [2], kotyle, oinochoe and > Pyxis receive paint. Pictures made with a reserve technique show geometric and orientalizing motifs (e.g. volutes). The initially purely ornamental decoration was soon followed by pictures of animals (birds, roes).

painting,

black-figured),

captivating.

-» Pottery, shapes and types of 1 AMyx, CVP, 364-375 2Amyx, Addenda, 9-29 3J. BOARDMAN, Early Greek Vase Painting, 1998, 85-88 4C.W. Neert, Protocorinthian Subgeometric Aryballoi,

1987

Vessel forms in Proto-Corinthian pottery

style (+ Vase

1933.

5H.

Payne, Protokorinthische

Vasenmalerei,

M.ST.

Proto-Euphratic, Proto-Tigridic. According to the thesis proposed by LANDSBERGER [5] and expanded by SALONEN [7; 8], Proto-Euphratic was one of two prehistoric, pre-Sumerian and pre-Semitic languages. It was located in southern Babylonia, whereas the other, Pro-

Oinochoe

Aryballos

Kotyle

Aryballos

Relation of sizes of the aryballoi and the pixis 2:1

Pyxis

to-Tigridic, prevailed in northern Babylonia, Assyria, upper Mesopotamia and Syria. This thesis is based on four postulates: 1) > Sumerian has almost solely monosyllabic roots; therefore, polysyllabic roots are mostly borrowed. 2) The Sumerians immigrated to Babylonia. 3) The names of gods such as Istar, Dagan and Adad are not Semitic. 4) It is not possible to etymologize ancient geographic names in Babylonia. Arguments 1) and 3) are definitely incorrect [1; 2], 2) is unproven and unlikely. At present, only 4) is still considered true; however, it must be borne in mind that geographic names can change their form greatly over the course of time, so that even names from known

72

72

languages can scarcely be understood; systematic studies are lacking. The descent of the southern Babylonian civilization from an ethno-linguistically heterogeneous population [4], which, besides in geographic names, may also have left traces in the » Cuneiform script[3], is therefore currently only an unproven, even if not entirely implausible, thesis. The postulated territory of Proto-Tigridic was probably inhabited

myths and ships in sanctuaries and public buildings on Rhodes and elsewhere (e.g. Paus. 1,3,5). Realism, meticulousness, love of detail and a painstaking technique of applying colours in several layers led to the legendary length of time that P. needed for his works. He is the author of theoretical writings on the choice of figural schemes, which is one more reason for his entering the rank of a universally gifted — artist. In his native city, remains ofa votive statue bearing the name P. have been found; on good grounds they have been ascribed to P. himself, bearing witness to the high esteem in which he was generally held.

PROTO-EUPHRATIC,

1K. VAN

PROTO-TIGRIDIC

DER ToorN

(ed.), Dictionary of Deities and

Demons in the Bible, 1995, s. v. Astarte, Dagon, Hadad 203-213, 407-413, 716-726 2D.O. Epzarp, The

Sumerian Language, in: J. M. SAsson, Civilisations of the Ancient Near East, 1995, 2109f. 3 R.K. ENGLUND, Texts from the Late Uruk Period, in: P. Arrincer, M.

WAFLER (ed.), Mesopotamien — Spaturukzeit und Frihdynastische Zeit, 1998, 80f.

4G. Komoroczy,

Das

Ratsel der sumerischen Sprache als Problem der Frihgeschichte Vorderasiens, in: B. HruSka (ed.), FS Lubor Matous, 1978, 225-252 5B. LANDSBERGER, Mezopo-

tamya’da Medeniyetin

Dogusu

(Dil ve Tarih-Cografya

Fakiltesi Dergisi 2), 1944, 419-429

431-437;

English translation

(German summary

in: Sources

and Mono-

graphs on the Ancient Near East 1/2, 1974, 8-12)

~» Painting C. Istk, C. MAREK, Das Monument des P. in Kaunos, 1997, 1, 65-74; N.J. Kocu, Techne und Erfindung in der

klassischen Malerei, 2000; P. MoreENO, Elementi di pittura ellenistica, in: L’Italie méridionale et les premiéres expériences de la peinture hellénistique, 1998, 7-67; R.

Rosert, Apelle et Protogéne, in: M.-CH. VILLANUEVA Puic (ed.), Céramique et peinture grecques, 1999, 233244; I. SCHEIBLER, Griechische Malerei der Antike, 1994.

NH

6G.

Rusio, On the Alleged ’Pre-Sumerian Substratum’, in: JCS 51, 2000, 1-16 (with detailed bibliography) 7A. SALONEN, Zum Aufbau der Substrate im Sumerischen, in: Studia Orientalia 37/3, 1968, 3-12 8Jd., Die Fuf&bekleidung der alten Mesopotamier, 1969, 97-117 9 id.,

Vogel und Vogelfang im alten Mesopotamien, 1973, 7-11. MS.

Proto-Hattic see > Hattic Protonotarios

(mowtovotdo.os,

Latin protonotarius).

Superintendent of notarii (Greek notdrioi) in Byzantine

public authorities, primarily as ‘state secretary’ of the logothétés tou dromou (+ Logothétés), gth-12th centuries.

Protogenes

(Ilewtoyévys;

Protogéneés).

Hellenistic

painter and sculptor of bronze statues of athletes and

R. GUILLAND, Les logothétes, in: REByz 29, 1971, 5-115,

esp. 38-40; ODB 3, 1746.

F.T.

warriors (Plin. HN 34,91; 35,101-106) from Caunus,

famous together with other leading masters of the Alexander period as consummate painters (Cic. Brut. 18,70). His creative period, about 330-290 BC, can only be inferred by combining historical dates and persons from written sources that are often coloured by anecdote (e.g. Plut. Demetrius 22). Reportedly he only turned to panel painting in advanced age and hence produced only a small oeuvre, having scratched a living before that as a ship painter (attested only in Plin. HN 35,101f. from uncertain sources). In addition, it was supposedly only the admiration of his contemporary artistic rival -» Apelles [4] that led to public esteem and the raising of his market value (Plin. HN 35,88). P. had probably been living on >» Rhodos for some time among the community of versatile artists that was blooming there at that time when he presumably encountered Apelles (Plin. HN 35,8 1ff.). The best known of his entirely lost works was a picture of Ialysus, the founding hero of Rhodes, with his dog (e.g. Gell. NA 15,31), which was vaunted in many ancient anecdotes because of its extraordinariness; it

later reached Rome as war booty. Echoes of it can be seen in Hellenistic and Etruscan objets d’art. The writ-

ten sources also mention portraits of rulers (including the Antigonides and Alexander the Great), poets and other important personalities as well as pictures of

Protopraepositus see - Praepositus sacri cubiculi Protos Heuretes (no@toc ettgetc/prétos heuretés, Lat.

primus inventor). Term widely used as a topos from the 5th cent. BC on for one or more ‘inventors’ (heuretes, pl. heuretai) of particular objects or techniques, considered, by the connection of heuremata (‘inventions’) with his name, as their first (prdtos) originator. The

earliest witness to this usage can be found in the 7th— 6th cent.

BC

-» Phoronis

(fr.

2 BERNABE):

of xo@tot

TEXVV TOAVLTLOS Hoatotoro eveov (hoi protoi téchnén

polymetios Héphaistoio heiiron (“they (the Idaean Dactyls) were the first to invent the art of inventive Hephaestus (i.e. smithing)”)). Although scholars often interpret the prdtos heuretes concept teleologically as a reflex of a growing historical awareness and the development of a sense of personality from the 6th cent. BC on [1. 21-25; 3. 160-166], traces of the prétos heuretés can be found even earlier (primarily in the Prometheus figure in Hes. Theog. 5 56f.; Hes. Op. 50-52). Also, together with the inventor types which appear since the 6th cent., religious, philosophical and cultural-historical conceptualizations about them are found, which reveal no kind of paradeigmatic development [2. 119 1—1211]. Three groups can be distinguished:

73

T4

1. Divine and heroic inventors. As an expression of cultic worship the authority of a deity is exalted by being ascribed as many heuremata as possible, e.g., in hymns (+ Hymn); thus H. Hom. 5,10-15: ascribes to

of such ‘heurematography’ can be found in, e.g., Pliny (HN 7,191-215), Hyginus (Fab. 274; 277) and Tatian

Athena,

besides instruction

in housework,

also the

invention of the chariot. The local anchoring of such inventive gods and heroes (— Hero cult) conduces to the praise of cities and shows the political dimension of protoi heuretai, with inflationary accumulations of heuremata as a consequence (cf., e.g., the stylization of Prometheus as the inventor of ‘all arts’ (maoo téyva/ p4asai téchnai, Aesch. PV 506; [1. 66-84]). 2. Historical inventors are attested from the late 7th century BC on [2. 1180-1191]. With Ionian natural philosophy (> Presocratics) and the development of specialized branches of knowledge in the 5th and 4th cents. comes the systematic search for inventions, as opposed to the ‘discovery’ of divine heuremata: ‘Humans were not shown everything by the gods from the very beginning, but by searching (¢ntobvtec/ zetotintes) in time they find (&peveioxovow/epheuriskousin) better things besides’ (Xenoph. fr. 18 KirkRAVEN-SCHOFIELD). In the sophists’ theories on the origin of culture (> origin myths), the zetésis-hetiresis (‘searching-finding’ or ‘problem-solution’) model led to the ‘theory of inventions’ [3. 166f.]; in encomiastic literature what the laudandus has done as the ‘first or only’ (udvog # me@to¢/mOnos é protos) becomes a central question (Aristot. Rh. 1368a). 3. Peoples and cities (primarily in historiography and ethnography) [3. 177-180]. The recognition of the priority of non-Greek peoples (primarily the Egyptians) on the one hand led to Greek heuremata being put into historical perspective (in -» Herodotus [1]); on the other, it laid the foundation stone for an ideological constriction and instrumentalization of protoi heuretai, e.g., in the debate between pagan and Christian Greeks, as can be seen, e.g., in Tatian (Or. 1,1).

From the late 5th century BC on, the prétos heuretes becomes a literary topos. Inventors appear in all literary genres, sometimes positively connoted as sotéres,

PROTO-TIGRIDIC

(Oras) [4595 The tradition of catalogues of heurémata continued into the Middle Ages (Godfrey of Viterbo) and Renaissance with Polidoro Virgilio’s De inventoribus rerum [6. 533]. For the influence of the prétos heuretés on the poetic concept of genius, cf. [7. 1-8, 11-31]. 1A.

KLEINGUNTHER,

ITPQTO2

EYPETH®

(Philologus

Suppl. 26.1), 1933 2K. THRAEDE, s.v. Erfinder, RAC 5, 1179-1278 31d., Das Lob des Erfinders. Bemerkungen zur Analyse der Heuremata-Kataloge, in: RhM 10s, 1962, 158-186 4P. EICHHOLTZ, De scriptoribus zegQi evonatwv, 1867 5M. Kremmer, De catalogis heurematum, 1890 6CuRTIUS 7P. Murray, Genius. The History of an Idea, 1989, esp. 9-31.

PEGI, 118f.; G.S. Kirk, J.E. RAVEN, M. SCHOFIELD, The Presocratic Philosophers, *1983. M.B.

Proto-Sinaitic script. The oldest evidence of the Semitic > alphabet script comes from Egypt, the Sinai and Syria/Palestine. The early inscriptions from the Sinai are called Proto-Sinaitic. To date 31 definite and about 15 doubtful Proto-Sinaitic inscriptions are known. They are dated to the 17th/16th cent. or r9th/x8th cent. BC. At the present time, the Proto-Sinaitic inscriptions cannot be considered to have been deciphered: only about half of the still markedly pictographic characters and a few words (e.g. b‘/t, “mistress” and m7’hb, “lover”) can be identified with certainty. There are certainly more than 22 characters (the character inventory of the Phoenician alphabet), since different characters were

used for the phonemes /h/ and /h/ and probably also for /8/ and /t/. The language of the Proto-Sinaitic inscriptions is probably north-western Semitic like that of the other early Semitic alphabet inscriptions. > Writing 1 W.F.

Avsricnt,

The Proto-Sinaitic Inscriptions and

Their Decipherment, 1966

2 B.E. CoLiess, The Proto-

Alphabetic Inscriptions of Sinai, in: Abr-Nahrain 28, 1990, 1-52 3J. NAven, Early History of the Alphabet,

euergétai (‘saviours, benefactors’), sometimes negative-

1987

ly (primarily in satire, diatribe, comedy). Their heuremata are fully developed from the outset: inventors are not only the ‘first’, but at the same time also the ‘best’. Rivalries between inventors can be explained partly by their being drawn into different political or ideological camps, partly by generic conventions, and partly by dis-

cyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, Vol. 4, 1997, 35f. 5B. Sass, The Genesis of the Alphabet and Its De-

crepancies in the transmission. The most important source on protoi heuretai are

the so-called ‘Catalogues of heuremata’ (IMeoi evonuatwv/Peri heurémdaton). This literary genre, attested from the 4th cent. BC on, probably emerged from historiography (primarily -» Ephorus) and the - Peripatos [x. 143-151]; authors collected knowledge about protoi heuretaiin catalogue fashion, demonstrating less concern with historical correctness than with mentioning as comprehensively as possible culturally relevant inventions and their inventors [3. 182-186]. Examples

4D. ParpDes, s. v. Proto-Sinaitic, The Oxford En-

velopment in the 2nd Millennium B. C., 1988.

THRs

Protostrator (mowtootedtwe; protostrator). Byzantine term, 8th—r15th cent. AD, for the superintendent of the imperial grooms (‘marshal’), who accompanied the emperor when riding. It was an influential position close to the emperor and was considered favourable for further advancement. R. GuILLanD, Recherches sur les institutions byzantines,

vol. 1, 1967, 478-497; ODB 3, 1748f.

Proto-Tigridic see

ET.

Proto-Euphratic, Proto-Tigridic

PROTREPTICS

Protreptics I. DEFINITION

Ill. RomAN

AND

ORIGIN

II. GREEK

IV. CHRISTIAN

I. DEFINITION AND ORIGIN

Protreptics here refers to a literary genre which attempts to persuade the reader of the value of a subject of study and seeks to enthuse him and convince him to ‘turn’ to it (meoteémew/protrépein, ‘to turn towards something’). Generally philosophy is meant, but secondarily also other subjects (see I] below). The origin is the adjective mootoemtixdc/protreptikos, Tooteentinos

76

TS

hOyos/protreptikos

‘hortatory’;

logos, ‘encouraging

speech’, ho protreptikos, ‘the protreptic’. The modern sense of protreptics may derive from Plato, who once spoke of mootgentixh oodia/protreptike sophia, ‘aptitude for persuasion’ (PI. Euthd. 278c).

Protreptics are to be distinguished from paraenesis, the general exhortation to a sensible way of life and rules in that connection. Naturally, the concepts overlap (— Prodicus, account of the life choices of Heracles in Xen. Mem. 2,1,21-34; > Cebes, Tabula). Protreptics as a genre arose in the time of the > Sophists (5th cent. BC). Their courses were not part of the customary system of education: therefore, they had to court pupils. In personal conversation, they showed the value of their teaching; Plato gives a parodic portrayal of such a scene (Pl. Prt. 316c-328d; Pl. Grg. 456a—-457¢; Pl. Euthd. 273C-277¢, esp. 275§a 1; Pl. Tht. 166d-167d). Their epidetxeis (public lectures) too had a promotional function. Protreptic motifs are included in some surviving texts (+ Dissoi Logoi, the Erotikos of Ps.-Demosthenes). Important characteristics of protreptics are: a demonstration of the art (epideixis), reference to its tra-

The Protreptikos of > Aristoteles [6] (composed c. 353-350 BC) became highly influential. Fragments of this work survive as parts of the Protreptikos of > Iamblichus [2] [3; 4]. The treatise was dedicated to the Cypriot king Themiso, but was at the same time a public promotion of the educational programme of the » Academy to which Aristotle at the time belonged, contrasted with the rhetorical, practical programme of > Isocrates. According to this, philosophy is the fulfillment of the human essence founded in nature, and thus

the way to happiness. Theoretical knowledge is a value in itself; however, it is also indispensable for practical life, e.g. in politics. It is entirely possible, indeed relatively easy, to attain this level. There is also an argument of formal logic: whoever argues against philosophizing is already thereby philosophizing. Therefore, philosophizing cannot be avoided (in modern parlance, this is a ‘reflexive argument’ indicating a performative contradiction).

Other philosophical hortatory writings came in the wake of the Aristotelean Protreptikos. In the Platonic corpus, the Epinomis of > Philippus [29] of Opus survives, promoting a philosophy which culminates in an astral religion [5]. The Protreptikoi of + Demetrius [4] of Phalerum (cf. Diog. Laert. 5,81), - Theophrastus (ibid. 5,493 5,50), > Chamaeleon (fr. 3-6 WEHRLI: emphasis on music) and the Cynic > Monimus (Diog. Laert. 6,83) are lost; so are the Protreptikoi of the Sto-

ics: by > Cleanthes [2] (ibid. 7,91 and 175), > Persaeus

[2] of Citium (ibid. 7,36) and > Ariston [7] of Chios (7,163). By > Musonius Rufus, fragments 3 and 8 HENSE are comparable. — Chrysippus wrote a treatise Tlegi tod meoteémeoGan (“On exhorting’, SVF III p. 203), as did - Poseidonius (fr. 1-3 Kipp). + Epicurus too

dition, to its value in life (Goeth/arete, ‘excellence in

wrote a (lost) Protreptikos (Diog. Laert.

fulfillment of purpose, virtue’; ebroayia/eupragia, ‘welfare’) and to helplessness in its absence (dzogia/

(surviving) letter to Menoeceus takes up themes from the Aristotelean Protreptikos [2. 105]. It was striking when a philosopher did not make any protreptic spe-

aporia), defence against refutations or competing opin-

ions, discussion of the possibility of learning (‘the teachability of virtue’). These themes were taken up and reshaped by -> Socrates; they are found in the dialogue literature of the Socratics, e.g. in the Alcibiades of -» Aeschines [1] of Sphettus and in Plato (e.g. Pl. Euthd. 278e-282d), where they contribute significantly to the structure of the dialogue [7]. The protreptic for a field of learning emerges at the same time as that for arete. The accusation was leveled at Socrates that, while he conducted effective protreptics, he failed to lead them to the promised goal of arete (Xen. Mem. 1,4,1; Ps.Plato, Clitopho). In the speeches of -> Isocrates too, protreptic themes play a role (esp. in the speech of the Antidosis); he promotes his programme of rhetorical study and distinguishes it from that of the Platonic Academy. Il. GREEK

The first known writings under the title Protreptikos are those of > Antisthenes [1] (Diog. Laert. 6,1 and 16)

and > Aristippus [3] (ibid. 2,85). Ps.-Isoc. ad Demonicum 3 indicates protreptic writings by rival schools.

10,28); his

eches (M. Aur. 1,7 on Rusticus).

The term protreptics is also used simply to denote ethical and pedagogical persuasion. Thus in Stoic philosophy (Diog. Laert. 7,84) in connection with xadnxovra/kathékonta, ‘deontology’: in Poseidonius as a subject area within ethics (Sen. Epist. 95,65;cf. Clem.

Al. Paedagogus 1,1,1), in > Philo [9] of Larisa [rr] as the first duty of the ethician as doctor of the soul (Stob. 2,7,2, p. 40 W.-H., cf. Epict. 3,23,33f. W.-H., on this [18]) and in + Eudorus (Stob. 2,7,2, p. 43f. W.-H.). The productivity of the genre began to decline from the end of the Hellenistic period. The term was requisitioned by rhetoric to denote a kind of symbouleutic speech (details: [13. 326-332]); e.g. Lesbonax calls two declamatory speeches of military leaders protreptikoi. Protreptics even became an exercise in declamation for schoolboys (recital in a contest among ephebes: IG II/ III? 2, no. 21419,231; record of such a recital: ibid. 22914; date: late 2nd cent. AD) [16. 565]. A tendency to trivialization is also evident in Lucian (> Lucianus [1]), who parodies the genre [17. 126-129].

tele

78

PROVERBS

An important compilation is the Protreptikos of + Iamblichus [2] (4th cent. AD), who begins a major survey of Pythagorean philosophy. In it, Iamblichus evaluates old texts in which he believed to discern a Pythagorean spirit: Platonic dialogues, the Protreptikos of Aristotle, a text of the Sophist period (- Anonymus Iamblichi), framed by real Pythagorean texts: > Archytas [1], the ‘Golden Words’, Pythagorean symbola (‘riddles’; + Pythagorean School). Themistius (Or. 9; 24) recommends philosophy in protreptikoi to the prince Valentinianus and the city of Nicomedia. Protreptics for other fields also arose: medicine (Galen, Teoteentuxos én’ iatoixyv/ProtreptikOs ep’iatriken, ‘Promotion of the Healing Art’, only the introduction survives), mathematics (Ps.-Hippocr. Epist. 22). Plutarch (Praecepta gerendae reipublicae/Precepts of Political Activity and De unius in republica dominatione...//On Monarchy’) presupposes a protreptic for politics.

Origenes called in his Eic waetbevov mooteentindc/Eis martyrion protreptikos for readiness to suffer for the faith. He opened his teaching at Caesarea with an unequivocal protreptic to philosophy (> Gregorius [1] Thaumaturgus, Panegyrikos 6,76f.; 78: mooteémmv dpirooodetv/protrépon philosophein). > Philosophy 1K. BerGer, Hellenistische Gattungen im Neuen Testament, in: ANRW

II 25.2, 1984, 1031-1432, here 113 8-

1145 2E. Bicnong, L’Aristotele perduto e la formazione filosofica di Epicuro,*1973 3 I. DURING, Aristotle’s Protrepticus, 1961 4B. Ernarson, Aristotle’s Protrepticus and the Structure of the Epinomis, in: TAPhA 67, 1936, 261-285 4A.J. FesruGierRE, Les trois ‘Protreptiques’ de Platon: Euthydéme, Phédon, Epinomis, 1973 6 K. GaiseEr, P. und Paranese bei Platon, 1959 7 Id.,s. v.

P., HWdPh 7, 1540f.

8 W. GerHAusseER, Der Protrep-

tikos des Poseidonios, 1912 ronis Hortensius,

GGPh? 4.2,926

1962

9 A. GRILL, M. Tullii Cice10 W. GOrLER,

De consolatione philosophiae, 1978

Ill. ROMAN

s. v. P., in:

11J.GRruBER, Kommentar zu Boethius’

De exhortationum

a Graecis

12 P. HarTLicu,

Romanisque

scriptorum

> Ennius (3rd—znd cents. BC) composed a Protrepticus (Enn. fr. var. 30 VAHLEN). Cicero’s now-lost dialogue

historia et indole (Leipziger Studien 11), 1889 13 M.D. Jorpan, Ancient Philosophic Protreptic, in: Rhetorica 4,

Hortensius, written 46/5 BC, was of greater importance [ro]. It is unclear whether Cicero himself called it a protrepticus, but the work’s character (encouragement

Catalepton. Festschrift Wyss, 1985,

1986, 309-333 14M. LausBeERG, Untersuchungen zu Senecas Fragmenten, 1970 15 Marrou_ 16 C. SCHAUBLIN, Konversionen in antiken Dialogen?, in: Id. (ed.),

of philosophizing and the rebuttal of objections) and its reliance on Aristotle (e.g. the reflexive argument) are clear. It forms the prelude to a systematic depiction of philosophy. The title figure, Hortensius, is won over to philosophy after initial resistance. The influence of this

Proverbs

piece was great, its impact on Augustine famous (Aug. Conf. 3,4).

TIQUITY

Augustus wrote Hortationes ad philosophiam, ‘Exhortations to Philosophy’: Suet. Aug. 85, > Seneca Exhortationes (Lactant. Div. inst. 1,7,13) [15. 53-152]. A hexametric Liber protrepticus ad nepotem, ‘Protreptic to his grandson’, by - Ausonius survives (Auson. Epist. 22), an exhortation in favour of school and literature. The Paraenesis didascalica, ‘Didactic Admonition’, of > Ennodius gives instructions on the study of rhetoric. The existential urgency of protreptics has vanished here, whereas it survives in > Boethius’ Consolatio philosophiae, “The Consolation of Philosophy’

117-131

17E.G.

ScuMIpDT, Die drei Arten des Philosophierens, in: Philologus 106, 1962, 14-28 18 B.R. SUCHLA,s. v. P., Lexikon der antiken christlichen Literatur, 1998, 522f. H.GO.

I. MESOPOTAMIA

IJ. EcGypt

III. CLassicar An-

I. MESOPOTAMIA A. CONCEPT

B. SOURCES

[12. 29-32].

A. CONCEPT According to lexical texts (rst half of the 2nd millennium BC), the Sumerian term for proverbs was i-bi-lu. The Akkadian teltu(m) is known primarily from the epistolary literature of Assyria and the city of Mari (1st halfofthe 2nd millennium BC) [7]. Both terms refer not only to proverbs in the modern sense, but also to the » fable and anecdotes, — riddles and witty sayings.

IV. CHRISTIAN Early Christian literature had protreptic traits. The motive of conversion to Christianity is of course closely related to that of a turn to philosophy. However, the classical form is only apparent in the dialogue Octavius by + Minucius Felix, who follows Cicero (e.g. the conclusion of the Hortensius?) [17]. > Lactantius, who knew the protreptics of Cicero and Seneca well, ended his Divinae institutiones (Lactant. Div. inst. 7,27) with a recapitulatory protreptic to Christianity. Clement of Alexandria (+ Clemens [3]) begins his theological trilogy with a Protrepticus (cf. also Clem. Al. Paedagogus 1,1,1). During a period of persecution of the Christians,

The earliest Sumerian sources of proverbs are collections of proverbs and so-called ‘proverb-poems’. The proverbs in these poems, worked into narratives and counted as didactic literature, are directly moralizing and without metaphor — the transition from statement to admonition is fluid (cf. The Instructions of Suruppag [1] and The Instructions of Ur-Ninurta [4]). The oldest textual evidence of proverb collections dates from the mid 3rd millennium BC, from Abu Salabth. Most of the texts date from the rst half of the 2nd millennium BC: 28 collated in collections along with smaller collections of proverbs, mostly from the cities of Nippur and Ur,

B. SOURCES

PROVERBS

79

80

are preserved: in addition to topics like — agriculture and livestock husbandry (which formed the basis of Sumerian culture), the pictorial symbolism focuses on such occupations as shepherds, gardeners, supervisors, fishermen, slaves, traders, potters, weavers, priests and scribes. Proverbs formed part ofthe school curriculum — collections 2 and 3 (cf. [1]), each surviving in c. 75 copies, are the best-preserved of all texts of the Sumerian school tradition [2]. Some of the Sumerian proyerbs found their way into myths and epics and into conflict literature [5].

C. FORM AND CONTENT Following the basic definition above, form is an essential marker of the proverb. Thus we find, e.g., an imagistic quality in ‘One does not send out a lion to do business’, anaphora in ‘As a man goes, so does his property go’, word contrast in ‘Better half a life than a whole death’. Other formal elements could include use of rhythm, alliteration, personification, euphemism and wordplay. Occasionally, new proverbs were created to a basic formula, e.g., ‘The monument is the character’, ‘the monument to a man is his perfection’, ‘the monument to a man is friendship’. The entire experiential world of the Egyptian (but esp. the animal world, man and his occupations) furnishes the imagery in Egyptian proverbs [3]. Proverbs express wise words to live by and address issues of human coexistence. In the 1st millennium BC, in line with general intellectual developments, Egyptian proverbs acquired a stronger religious element: man began to see himself in the hands of God.

Among Akkadian sources (1st millennium BC), the

so-called ‘Assyrian Collection’ comprises a bilingual fr. unparalleled among the well-known Sumerian proverbs. This bilingual text presents a translation of the Sumerian proverb collection 7 along with various bilingual frr. The Sumerian version apparently served to lend more authenticity to the Akkadian proverbs; these collections are artificial. There is also the collection of ‘Popular Sayings’, consisting mostly of animal proverbs and brief anecdotes — the transition to fable is fluid [6]. A number of Akkadian proverbs preserved in letters and royal correspondence is also worthy of mention [7]. > Fable; > Scribes; > Wisdom literature 1B. Aster, The Instructions of Suruppak, 1974 2Id., Proverbs from Ancient Mesopotamia, in: Proverbium 10, 1993,1-20 31d., Proverbs of Ancient Sumeria, 2 vols., 1997. 4M. Civit, The Instructions of King Ur-Ninurta,

in: Aula Orientalis 15, 1997, 43-53

1 H. BRuNNER, Agyptische Sprichworter, in: KINDLER 18, 31 21d., Alltagliche Weisheit,1988 3H.Grapow, Die bildlichen Ausdriicke des Aegyptischen, 1924 4W. GUGLIELMI,

s.v. Sprichwort,

LA

5, 1984,

1219-1222

5 B. GuNN, Some Middle-Egyptian Proverbs, in: JEA 12, 1926, 282-284.

LH

III. CLAssicAL ANTIQUITY

Greek

xagowia

(— Paroimia);

Old

Lat.

adagio

5 W.W. HALLo,

(‘suitable for use’: cf. Valerius Soranus apud Varro,

Proverbs Quoted in Epic, in: T. ABuscu et al. (ed.), Lingering over Words, 1990, 203-217. 6 W.G. LAMBERT,

Ling. 7,31; beginning with A. Gellius only in the form adagium) and Lat. proverbium (from Cicero on) are probably attempts to translate the term for ‘proverb’ (in its narrower sense) in a formally and semantically adequate manner [5. 1708-1709]. The proverb is a folk sentence from time immemorial, complete in itself and strictly anonymous, furnished with rhythmical character (esp. paroimiakos; lekythion) and certain stylistic features (brevity, assonance, parallelism). Using a specific instance or an analogy, it draws upon general, usually practical human knowledge. The image world of the Graeco-Roman proverb is drawn from everyday life or from matters generally known (e.g., historical events and personages, flora and fauna, myth). The proverb in the wider sense (Greek + gnomé and Lat. sententia, ‘opinion, apophthegm’) also makes pronouncement on general circumstances, but does not, in

Babylonian Wisdom

Literature, 1960

Gleanings from the Wisdom of Mari, 1976.

7A. Marzat,

BA.BO.

I]. Ecypr A. Concert

B. SourRCcES

C. FORM AND CONTENT

A. CONCEPT It is often impossible to delineate the proverb from proverbial idiom, aphorism, citation, familiar quotation or genre-specific language. Egyptian terminology indicates both rich differentiation and a sense of the conceptions that diverges from that of today. Here, therefore, a proverb is understood in its widest sense as a compact proposition expressed with figures and similes and calling attention to a life experience [4. 1220].

contradistinction

B. SOURCES Proverbs probably arose chiefly from popular proverbial wisdom, lessons on life and ideal biographies. Proverbs, dating from as early as c. 2000 BC, survive esp. in literary texts, are occasionally also scattered in letters and may once in a while, like quotations, be introduced with *(as) they say’ [4. 1220]. The later teachings of life in particular [2] resemble true collections of proverbs (or rather, of sayings), some arranged by spheres of life.

to the paroimia,

conceal

what

is

meant in an analogy. The gnomé can be attributed to a particular author and often to a circumscribed audience; it was originally restricted to direct, ethical instructions for behaviour. Of course, the distinction between paroimia and gnomé became increasingly blurred beginning in the Hellenistic Period. In Late Antiquity and the Byzantine Period, Greek proverbs were assembled in collections for philosophical and literary purposes [2.71, 84-85] (+ Paroimiographoi; — Stobaeus).

In Antiquity, Roman proverbs were not systematically collected to the same extent as Greek. The stock of

8r

82

pure Latin proverbs not translated from the Greek is therefore quite small. Because most Latin proverbs survive only in poetry (esp. comedy, satire; > Plautus), where they will certainly have been adapted rhythmically to fit their context, it is often uncertain whether they originally possessed a metrical form. The predominant metre is the iambic trimetre; trochaic and dactylic rhythms occur less frequently (+ Metre). Dominant themes among the Romans include the family, country life and war [3. XXVI; 7]. Latin aphorisms [7] are included in, e.g., the collection of the > Dicta Catonis. The words ofJesus and the wisdom sayings collected in early Christianity also belong to the genre of proverbs in the widest sense (> Phocylides [2]; > Sextus [I 1]; ~ Wisdom literature) [1; 4]. > DICTA 1K. BERGER, Gnome, Hypotheke, Sententia, in: Id., Hellenistische Gattungen im NT, in: ANRW II 25.2, 1984, 1049-1074 (1049-1051, 1379-1432:bibl.) 2 J.F.KinpSTRAND, The Greek Concept of Proverbs, in: Eranos 76, 1978, 71-85 3A. Orro, Die Sprichworter und sprichwortlichen Redensarten der Romer, 1890 (repr. 1962 passim) 4B. REICKE, s.v. Spruchsammlungen, LAW, 2874 5 K. RUPPRECHT, s.v. Paroimia, RE 18, 1707-1735

6M.

SwosopA, De proverbiis a Cicerone adhibitis, 1963, 381403 7R. Tost, Dizionario delle sentenze latine e greche,

°1993. W. Mreper (ed.), International Proverb Scholarship: An

Annotated Bibliography, 2 suppl. vols., 1990 und 1993 (suppl. I on bibl. from 1800-1981, suppl. I, from 19821991). Cp. also bibl. in -» Dicta Catonis; + Gnome; + Paroimia; > Paroimiographoi GR.DA.

PROVINCIA

BEAZLEY, ARV’, 635-646, 1663, 1702; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 40of.; BEAZLEY, Addenda’, 273; E. PAPOUTSAKI-

SERBETI, O Zographos tes Providence, 1983; M. RoBERTSON, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992, 174-178.

1KOF

Providentia. Roman deity, on the one hand the emperor’s ‘care’ or ‘foresight’ for Rome and the Romans (P. Augusta), on the other hand the ‘providence’ of the

gods for the emperor (P. deorum). It is known only from coins and inscriptions. The concept of p. is influenced by a philosophical discussion (primarily in > Cicero) of the Stoic medvoia (prénoia) [1. 31-65]. The earliest evidence of a cult of P. is the altar of P. Augusta near the > Ara Pacis Augustae [2. 425f.]. It certainly existed in AD 19, possibly as early as AD 14 [3]. Tiberius had coins minted with an illustration of an altar and the inscription PROVIDENT(ia) (BMCRE 1,141 no. 146-150; RIC 1,94f. no. 6]: P. was to legitimate his succession and guarantee the continuity of his rule [3. 564]. Numerous mintings under subsequent emperors confirm the central role of the concept [4. 565]. P. Augusta was sacrificed to when danger to the imperial family had been averted: e.g. after the overthrow of Sejanus (> Aelius [II 19]; CIL III 12036; XI 4170), after the assassination of > Agrippina [3] (CIL VI 2042a 14),

or after the discovery of the Pisonian conspiracy (> Calpurnius [JI 13]; CIL VI 2044d 3). The p. (or P.) deorum guiding the emperor is first mentioned in Plin. Pan. 10,4. A sacrifice by the + Arvales fratres to P. deorum in the year AD 183 is known (CIL VI 2099 III 18).

Providence see > Predestination, theory of; > Providentia

Providence Painter. Attic red-figured and whiteground vase-painter, so named by J.D. BEAZLEy after the location where a large, red-figured twisted-handled amphora with a depiction of Apollo is preserved: the Rhode Island School of Design (15.005). A pupil of the +» Berlin Painter, he worked primarily on red-figured Nolan amphorae and lekythoi (> Pottery, shapes and types of, figs. A 5 and E 3); he also furnished some smaller lekythoi with white-ground decorations. His favoured themes were scenes of pursuit and images of deities, but he also reproduced mythological themes on individ-

From the time of Trajan onwards representations on coins of a personified P. are known: on the one hand of P. Augusta, standing, with sceptre and orb, the insignia of absolute power, also with a cornucopia (BMCRE 3,119 no. 607-611); on the other hand of P. deorum, e.g. as an eagle handing a sceptre to Hadrian (BMCRE 3,417 no. 1203). + Personification;

> Predestination, theory of

1 J.-P. Martin, P. deorum, 1982

2 J. ScHEID, Romulus

etses fréres,1990 3E. Po.iro,s. v. P., LIMC 7.1, 562— 567 4 W. EISENHUT, s. v. P., RE Suppl. 14, 562-565. K.SCHL.

Province see

> Provincia

ual bowls, hydriae and stamnoi. Over 170 vases are

Provincia

attributed to the PM. His activity is divided into four phases: early (480470 BC), middle period (470-465), late I (465-460)

A. MEANINGOF THE WORD

and late II (after 460). He and some other vase-painters,

A. MEANING OF THE WORD The etymological connection of Latin provincia (‘province’) with pro-vincere (‘defeat beforehand’) in Festus (253: ‘provinciae appellantur quod populus Romanus eas provicit, i.e. ante vicit’) is not plausible and probably based on a popular etymology. Likewise, Isidore’s explanation of provinciae as overseas territory ‘far from’ (procul) Italy is no more convincing (Isid.

including his pupil, the Oeonocles Painter who specialized in Nolan amphorae, used the same lovers’ names (> Kalos inscriptions), e.g., Glaucon and Hippon. The PM is the most accomplished of this group. While the bodily attitudes of his figures continue to give an Archaic impression — esp. in the case of his fleeing women, who move with a sense of great haste — all other aspects of his drawing style are Early Classical.

op

C. IMPERIAL PERIOD

B. REPUBLICAN PERID. LATE ANTIQUITY.

83

84

Orig. 14,5,19: ‘procul positas regiones provincias appellaverunt’). The most probable link is with protoGermanic *fro, ‘lord’ [1. 377f.]. However, the meaning of the word has been fairly certain from the beginning. Provincia designates the spatial and material domain of a Roman -> magistratus (endowed with — imperium at least in the beginning), e.g. Italia as a provincia of the consules, or the provincia urbana or peregrina as jurisdictional domains of the

The main burden of the administration in the provinciae lay with the native communities, whose relationship with Rome was regulated by treaties

PROVINCIA

praetores (— Praetor; [2. 999f.|). The word gained its

predominantly topographical meaning only later when praetores were established as military commanders of outlying areas (in the first Roman provinces of Sicilia and Sardinia in 227 BC): a geographically limited, outlying area commanded by a Roman magistrate or promagistrate.

(-» foedus), resolutions of the Senate and a lex provin-

ciae, which was often passed by the military commander and a Senate commission after a provincia had been formed. These established the territorial boundaries, taxation, local administration and jurisdiction ofa provincia in a manner that could differ very significantly from provincia to provincia. The governor’s main duty was to maintain peace in the provincia, to provide jurisdiction in several not precisely defined cases, which he could name in an -» edictum [1] and which were the reason for his regular visits to all parts of the provincia; furthermore, he was in charge of enforcing tax payment. Direct taxes were

B. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

first paid to the quaestor and then to tax farmers (> publicani) while indirect taxes were always paid to

A second praetor’s office was established in 241 to

tax farmers (— Taxes IV).

ensure the presence of magistrates in Sicily (241 BC) and later Sardinia (238 BC), i.e., the territories gained

after the 1st > Punic War. In 227, two additional praetorships followed. Their holders became the first true governors in the provinciae while the second praetors (an office established in 241) were normally responsible for court jurisdiction between Romans and foreigners in Rome (> praetor peregrinus). In 198, another two praetorships were created for the two new provinciae in Spain, but for reasons of domestic politics, the Senate was subsequently less inclined to create additional provinciae (and consequently new praetorships). Only when it was unavoidable — as after the 3rd Macedonian War in Macedonia, the 3rd Punic War in Africa or after the rising of > Aristonicus [4] in Asia — promagistrates

(> Proconsul;

— Propraetor)

were

employed,

who were appointed by the Senate from the time of C. +» Sempronius [I rr] Gracchus (123/2 BC). Only during the last generation of the Republic did the number of regular provinciae dramatically increase, again for reasons of domestic politics. Before that, Cornelius [I 90] Sulla had still attempted to assign the 10 provinciae existing in his time to the ro magistrates with mmperium (two consuls and eight praetors) after their year in office at Rome. One of the reasons why this system soon collapsed was the increase in the number of provinciae (Creta, Cyprus, Bithynia et Pontus, Syria, Gallia). A lex Pompeia de provinctis of 53 BC made it mandatory for all Roman magistrates to take over a provincia after the end of their term in office and specified an interval of five years between the magistrate’s office and the governorship. Usually, the Roman personnel in the provinciae was very limited. Apart from the governor, there was, probably from the start, a > quaestor for collecting taxes and paying the military, several legates (> legatus) as representatives of the governor, a larger group of relatives, political friends and advisers (cohors amicorum) as well as clerks (scribae), lictors and other subordinate

staff. The military, which was also used for many civil duties, was present in almost all provinciae.

C. IMPERIAL PERIOD Following a model repeatedly practiced after Pompey [I 3], the Senate assigned to > Augustus in 27

BC a provincia including almost all the Roman border provinces, where most of the legions were stationed (> Legio with map). In these provinces, the princeps appointed a sub-governor of > propraetor rank (/egati Augusti pro praetore), whom

he recruited from the

group of former praetors or consuls, depending on the number of legions in the respective provinciae; these usually remained in office for three years, but occasionally also much longer. Equestrian prefects (> praefectus), and later > procuratores were sent to

smaller, militarily insignificant provinciae (e.g., Pontius [II 7] Pilatus). The governors of the other provinciae, which were governed according to the old pattern, had the rank of - proconsul, were chosen by lot and appointed by the Senate for one year. Africa and Asia were administered by former consuls, the other provinces by former praetors. All governors were paid from Augustus on, the two consular proconsuls receiving one million sesterces annually. While the accompanying and auxiliary staff did not change significantly, /egati iuridici (> luridicus) were added in some imperial provinciae to relieve the governor of jurisdictional duties. The number of /egati in senatorial provinciae was fixed at three in consular and one in praetorian provinciae. The taxes in imperial provinciae were administered by + procuratores. The duties of the governor (including the senatorial provinciae) were determined by instructions (mandata) from the emperor. Especially in pacified inland provinces, jurisdiction and communal control began to occupy the most central role, as demonstrated e.g. by the letters of Pliny [2] to Trajan from his province of Bithynia-Pontus (Pl. Ep. ro). Many provinces were subdivided into ‘convents’ (conventus) to facilitate jurisdiction. The provincial assemblies (see > concilium (3), Greek koinon), which had been established almost

85

86

everywhere, gained importance in internal administration. Apart from maintaining loyalty to the emperor (+ Ruler cult), they played an important role in the distribution of taxes.

ter particular matters within the conquered territories in southern Babylon by means of extraordinarily authorized representatives of the ruler. This occurred on the basis of direct instructions from the ruler, down to individual cases. Although administrators are subsequently attested for some cities, no clear and coherent picture of a system of provincial administration can be discerned. For the Middle Babylonian Period (2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC) there is evidence of governors (Saknu), although the texts concerned do not provide clear indications of their authority or their relationship to the ruler. In the Neo-Babylonian Period (6th cent. BC) in the large cities of southern Babylon there were civil administrators, drawn certainly from the local elites. They were overseen by royal commissioners installed at all levels of the civil administration and the temples. This system can also be observed under Achae-

D. LATE ANTIQUITY

After the chaos of the 3rd cent. AD, + Diocletianus (with map) fundamentally reorganized the administration of the provinciae. He abolished the difference between senatorial and imperial provinciae and subdivided almost all provinciae into two or three, so there were 95 provinciae in AD 313 (— Laterculus Veronensis) and finally 1144 provinciae in the sth cent. (cf. the Notitia dignitatum). Initially, they were distributed over 12, then 14 dioceses (-» diotkesis II; cf. > Diocle-

tianus with table and map). Some provinciae were still governed by a proconsul, but most by a > consularis or +> praeses. The governors were also in charge of collecting taxes (cf. [3. 193ff.]) but were stripped of all military powers. The > Notitia dignitatum reports on the lavishly staffed offices (officia) of governors in the provinciae although the quality of administration does not appear to have increased with numbers of staff. 1 WALDE/HOFMANN, vol. 2 2G. WESENBERG, Ss. v. Provincia, RE 23,995-1029 3 A. GIARDINA, F. GRELLE, La

tavola di Trinitapoli, una nuova costituzione di Valentiniano I, in: F. GRELLE, A. GIARDINA, Canosa Romana, 1993.

W. Ecx, Die Verwaltung des rémischen Reiches in der hohen Kaiserzeit, vol. 2, 1997; Id. (ed.), Lokale Autono-

mie und r6mische Ordnungsmacht in den kaiserzeitlichen Provinzen vom fr. bis 3. Jahrhundert, 1999; F. JACQUES,J. ScHEID, Rom und das Reich in der hohen Kaiserzeit,

1998, 174ff.; A. Linrorr, Imperium Romanum, 1993. H.GA.

Provincial administration I. ANCIENT NEAR East

II. ROME

I. ANCIENT NEAR East State territory during the history of the ancient Near East was structured and administered variously in keeping with the form of state organization (centralized state, small territorial state, etc.). In Egypt, state territory was divided into so-called ‘districts’ (in the Ptolemaic Period called nomoi (> Nomos [2])) administered by ‘district rulers’ (» Nomarches). External territories, especially in Syria-Palestine during the New Kingdom, were subject to the > Pharaoh as vassal states. In Mesopotamia, the empire of the 3rd dynasty of + Ur (21st century BC) was comprised of individual territories (Sumerian ma.da, ‘country’) identical to the small independent territorial states attested since the 25th and 24th cents. These were ruled by ‘city rulers’ drawn from the local elite and loyally subject to the imperial ruler (> Rulers). Only particular territories east of the Tigris were administered by military commanders. Under the Hammurabi dynasty (18th-r7th cents.), for a while there arose the necessity to adminis-

PROVINCIAL

ADMINISTRATION

menid rule (~~ Achaemenids).

A fully organized, formalized system of provincial to exist in the Assyrian empire only in the rst millennium BC, although impulses in that direction may be discerned as early as the 13th century BC. Conquered territories were absorbed as provinces of the Assyrian empire after a brief period as vassal states. Their governors were appointed ad hoc from among military commanders, as a rule eunuchs, who had taken part in the conquest. The provinces were thenceforth regarded as integral parts of the ‘Land of Assur’, with the same obligations as the subjects of the Land of Assur. The former elite was deported and replaced by deportees from other provinces of the empire (~ Deportation). In a sequence established across the centuries, the governors functioned as eponyms for year dates (~ Eponyms in chronology). The system of provincial administration in Assyria was thus at the same time an established element of Assyrian state ideology. On the Achaemenid empire, cf. > Satrap. administration came

1 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. P, 2005, s.v. pihatu, and pibatu in bel pihati 2 \bid., vol. S/1, 1989, 1605.Y. Sakin mati; 161-164, s.v. Sakin temi; 180-185, s.v. Saknu; 456-458 5.v. Sdpiru 3 E. Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches, 1920

4 N. NA‘AMAN, Province

System and Settlement Pattern in Southern Syria and Palestine in the Neo-Assyrian Period, in: M. LrverANI (ed.),

Neo-Assyrian Geography, 1995, 103-115 5 J.N. PostGATE, The Place of Saknu in Assyrian Government, in: AS 6 Id., Assyria: the Home Provinces, in: 30, 1980, 67-76 see [4], 1-17

7 L. SASSMANNSHAUSEN, Beitrage zur Ver-

waltung und Gesellschaft Babyloniens in der Kassitenzeit, E.C-K. 2OOTI, 22-28.

Il. ROME For a general account of the administration of the

provinces of the Roman empire, cf.: > governor; > political administration [VII]; > provincia. On the administrative

personnel, cf. > consularis;

> corrector;

~ legatus (4); > praefectus |6| civitatium; > praeses; — procurator [1]. On taxation: > taxes {IV A, B 1 and Gl: W.ED.

87

88

Provocatio (from Latin provocare, ‘to call forth, to summon’). Provocatio denoted the right of each Roman citizen to summon the people to oppose the magisterial power of enforcement (> coercitio) when it threatened life or limb (provocatio ad populum). Provocatio was regarded in the Roman Republic as a bastion of civic freedom (Cic. De or. 2,199). Used as a political tool against the licence of the holders of the patrician imperium (consul, praetor) in the > struggle of the orders, the provocatio gained legal sanction with the lex Valeria of 300 BC. It was probably intended to trigger negotiations before the assembly of the people (cf. [6] contra [1]). However, its disregard was only considered an improbe factum (‘impropriety’) and was thus not punishable as such; however, a guilty magistrate ran the risk of being called to account after his term of office [1]. The provocatio was at first restricted to the urban Roman region (domi); it was extended in the 2nd cent. BC to cover the region beyond the > pomerium (militiae), esp. the provinces. Provocatio never applied, however, in the military sphere [2]. The ius provocationis (right of appeal) was also accorded to foreigners (lex Acilia repetundarum: CIL I 583). The abuse of the magistrate’s right of enforcement was punishable by death during the — principate (Paul. 5,26,1; Dig.

communities proxenia lost it significance in the im-

48,6,7).

A. DEFINITION

PROVOCATIO

1 W. KunkKEL, Die Magistratur, 1995

2L. DE LIBERO,

Burgerrecht und Provokation, in: TH. Hanros, G.A. LEHMANN (ed.), Althistor. Kolloquium — FS J. Bleicken, 1998, 135-152 3M. Humpert, Le tribunal de la plébe

et le tribunal du peuple, in: MEFRA roo, 1988, 431-503 4 A.W. Linrotrt, P. From the Struggle of the Orders to the Principate, in: ANRW | 2, 1972, 226-267 6 J. MARTIN, Die Provokation in der klassischen und spaten Republik, in: Hermes 98, 1970, 72-96. L.d.L.

Proxenia, proxenos (mooéevia/proxenia, medEevoc/ proxenos). The term proxenia denotes the function of a ‘public guest’ (proxenos), i.e. one citizen’s representing one Greek community in another ‘state’. It is a specifically Greek institution, traceable to the protection of foreigners (> Xenoi; > Aliens, the position of [III]) and first attested in a late 7th cent. BC resolution of the ‘people’ (damos) of Corfu (ML 4). In the 5th cent. BC, proxenia moreover became an Athenian instrument of control in the > Delian League, where proxenoi represented Athenian interests, reporting if necessary on anti-Athenian actions and receiving awards and special protection for it (IG I} 18; 19; 27; 913 923 [1. 49f.]). Many witnesses from the 4th cent. BC attest to the wide spread of the institution of proxenia and its political (Xen. Hell. 6,1,4) and economic role (Ps.-Dem. Or. ReMOsGrleme76)).

In the Hellenistic Period, proxenia became foremost an important link between rulers and poleis. In the 3rd cent. BC and increasingly in the 2nd, however, a convention of diplomatic courtesies developed (SEG 43, 227). As an instrument of ‘foreign policy’ for Greek

perium Romanum.

» Diplomacy; -> Aliens, the position of [III]; + Hospitality [III]; » Xenoi 1 W. SCHULLER, Die Herrschaft der Athener im ersten Attischen Seebund, 1974.

F, GSCHNITZER, S.v. Proxenos, RE Suppl. 13, 629-730; C. Marek, Die Proxenie, 1984.

K-W.W.

Proximus (‘the next’) was applied in the imperial scrinia (-» Scrinium) of Late Antiquity to an official nearest

to a magister. The length of service of the proximi gradually became limited to a year. From c. 380 AD onwards proximi belonged to the viri spectabiles (+ Spectabilis), from 400 they were given the rank of senator on retirement, with certain privileges such as exemption from an expensive praetorship. In the early Imperial Period there were freedmen of the emperor, in various administrative positions with the title proximus; they could rise as high as -> procurator. R. DELMAIRE, Les institutions du Bas-Empire romain de

Constantin a Justinien, 1995, 23; 68.

KCAL

Prudence (e6vyous/phronésis, Latin prudentia). B. CONCEPT

IN ANTIQUITY

C. RECEPTION

A. DEFINITION ‘Prudent’ or ‘sensible’ is often used to translate the Greek word poovmoc/phronimos. Thus ‘prudence’ renders at least one aspect of the Greek phronesis, which was already translated into classical Latin as prudentia. B. CONCEPT

IN ANTIQUITY

Ancient Greek has two expressions to denote the action that guarantees the rightness of human action and knowledge: sophia and phronésis. The two terms are used interchangeably in Plato. Aristotle was the first to distinguish, in Eth. Nic. bk. 6, prudence (phronésis) from > wisdom (sophia). Both are dianoetic (intellectual) virtues. However, while wisdom is the ‘knowledge

of the principles’, i.e. ‘of the most

sublime

being’

(7,1141 a17—20), prudence is ‘a truth-attaining rational

quality, concerned with action in relation to things that are good and bad for human beings’ (5,1140 b5; 20). According to the pseudo-Aristotelean Magna Moralia (1,34,1197 a13—16), prudence concerns itself with that

which is ‘beneficial to a human being’ (symphéron), i.e. with ‘human goods’ (anthropina agatha; Eth. Nic. 1141 b2o). Wisdom and prudence determine the rightness of action in different ways: while wisdom derives standards of action from eternal and necessary principles, prudence advises on the most appropriate means whereby the good can be realized; in doing so, it considers the contingency of the world in which man must act, the peculiarities of particular circumstances and the possible danger of consequences arising even from acts

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90

conceived in goodwill (this is why prudence is a duty of foresight, which is even more clearly expressed in the Latin word prudens: Cic. Rep. 6,1 and Cic. Nat. D. 2,22,52 derive prudens from providens, ‘foreseeing’). Prudence is not a science, but an innate capacity, not susceptible to being forgotten, to deliberate and ponder (bouleusis, Latin deliberatio), belonging to the opinionative (doxastikon) rather than the scientific part of the rational soul (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1140 b26; 29; 1141 bo). Prudence, to Aristotle, differs from — art (téchné) and shrewdness (deinotés) in that it cannot blindly facilitate the fulfilment of any purpose, but can only serve the good. Without prudence, no good action is realizable, but ‘it is not possible to be prudent without being good’ (Eth. Nic. 6,13). This weak, probabilistic substantiation of the ‘practicable good’ (prakton agathon; ibid. 1,7,1097 a23) by an intellectual capacity which, while not the highest, is nonetheless always connected to ethical virtue (which was to lead, in the Middle Ages, to the theory of the connexio virtutum), is characteristic

of Aristotelian — ethics, which is thus sharply distinguished from the purely intellectualist assumptions of Platonic and Stoic ethics. This contrast is reflected in the terminology: in Plato, and later in the Stoa, both phronésis and sophia denote the virtue of intellect, which is not internally differentiated and which is regarded as one of the four cardinal virtues. Cicero does attempt to distinguish sapientia from prudentia — the latter being ‘knowledge of things that one should pursue and avoid’, the former ‘knowledge of all things human and divine’ (Off. 1,43, 153). This distinction, however, which is wanting in coherence (the ‘things human’ also encompassing good and evil), is largely disregarded (cf. Cic. Off. 1,14-16; 19). Augustine complains that sophds/sapiens and phronimos/prudens are no longer distinguished in his day, so that the serpent in Gn 3:1 is described as sapientissimus, while the Greek text has phronimotatos (Aug. Locutiones in Heptateu-

chum 1,8). C. RECEPTION Largely unknown

in the Hellenistic period (apart

from one possible allusion in Epicurus, Letter to Menoeceus 132), the Aristotelian doctrine of prudence

(prudentia) only began to receive attention again with the Aristotelian renaissance of the 13th cent. It became an important element of the moral teachings of Tuomas Aquinas (Summa theologica Wa-Ilae, q. 4756). LUTHER’s German translation of the New Testament rendered phronimos (‘prudent’) as k/ug, hence phroneésis (‘prudence’) as Klugheit; the latter term, by way of Balthazar GRACIAN (Oraculo manual y Arte de prudencia, 1647), and the German translation of this work by Chr. THOMAsIUS (1687), was adopted by Kant, who, diverging from Aristotle, brought prudence once more into the sphere of art and skillfulness, depriving it altogether of moral relevance.

PRUDENTIUS

T. Anpo, Aristotle’s Theory of Practical Cognition, 1958, *1965; P. AUBENQUE, La prudence chez Aristote, 1963, *1997; H.G. GADAMER, Wahrheit und Methode, 1960, °1990, 317-329; R. ELM, Klugheit und Erfahrung bei Ari-

stoteles,

1996.

P.AU.

Prudentius. Christian Latin poet (3 48/3 49- after 405); born to a wealthy Christian family in Spain, he underwent the obligatory rhetorical education before commencing work as a lawyer. Twice he was provincial governor, and lastly a high official in the central imperial civil service. With hindsight, however, he came to regard this worldly career as squandered time, and, in his 57th year, he decided to devote the remainder of his life, hitherto lacking in Christian service, to praise God with his voice (Prudent. praef.). He prepared an edition of his own works in 405 (perhaps without the Psychomachia, certainly without the Dittochaeon). Just as in the praefatio, P. also used the epilogue of this edition to stress the close existential relationship between his poetical activities and his God-given salvation. In form and content, the poetical collection itself is rich in its diversity. In general, P. creates expressive forms with complex structures and varied thematic manipulation. Typical the association of faceted classical versification (in part complex lyrical metres, on account of which he was also called > Horatius Christianus) and language (deriving from Virgil, Ovid e¢ al.) with Christian theology (esp. » Ambrosius). The high level of originality and innovation thereby attained makes him probably the greatest Christian poet of Late Antiquity. In his Cathemerinon (‘Hymns for the day’), a cycle of lyric poems, he creates for an educated readership a Christian genre which had hitherto largely been confined to the > liturgy, namely hymns sung at particular times of day or ecclesiastical occasions (cf. -» Hymn III). The rich allegorical imagery of this Erlebnislyrik is intended to show that all manifestations of this world are infused with the redemptive presence of God and refer to this presence. Another cycle of lyric poems is the Peristephanon (‘Crowns of the martyrs’). With his depiction of the heroic lives of various male and female martyrs, P. here opens up Christian poetry to a completely new source of material. The two hexametric didactic poems, the Apotheosis (‘The divinity of Christ’) and the Hamartigenia (‘The origin of sin’), are of a particularly distinguished intellectual refinement. In the first, P. treats the theanthropic

nature of Jesus Christ and his position in the > Trinity, while using six rebuttals to attempt to demonstrate the falsehood of three important Christian > heresies. By combining anti-heretical polemic, dogmatic arguments and hymns of confessional praise, P. creates a paraliturgical literature of edification aimed at Christians. The same also applies to the Hamartigenia, which is primarily directed against the Marcionitic (+ Marcion) acceptance of the dualism of a good and an evil God. Here, P. offers a mythologizing portrayal of the Devil as a semi-human > demon, which was of immense significance to later practical piety.

PRUDENTIUS

91

92

The Psychomachia (‘Battle for the Soul’) is P.’ most influential poem: the only work to achieve genre-forming significance in the Middle Ages, it also influenced the visual arts. A Christian allegorical > epos, it depicts single combat struggles between the seven deadly sins and the seven cardinal virtues, with the use of esp. Virgilian diction. In his two-volume polemic Contra Symmachum (‘Against Symmachus’), P. uses hexameters to present Christian counter-arguments (some taken from Ambrose) against this high imperial official, who, in a senatorial petition of AD 384 to the emperor, had argued for the strengthening of the old religion against

From 74 BC on, P. was part of the Roman province of Bithynia; with the lex Pompeia in 63/2 BC it became one of the 12 autonomous urban communities of Bithynia. The position of the city was not exceptional. Major conflicts between the people and the decuriones (> Decurio [1]) are recorded for the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD (Dion Chrys. Or. 48). Dion, like his grandfather before him, strove in vain to attain for P. the status of a civitas libera; finally, through the efforts of Dion to endow the city with new splendour, P. at least became a conventus (‘place of assizes’) (Dion Chrys. Or. 40; 44f.; 47). For several generations Dion’s family was part of the leading stratum of the city. Pliny [2] the Younger investigated problems and questionable conduct in the financial affairs of P. immediately after his arrival in + Bithynia et Pontus; he asked the emperor Trajan to allow the rebuilding of baths in place of the old dilapi-

Christianity. To the collection of P.’ works, finally, was

belatedly added his Dittochaeon — 48 four-line epigrams on 24 images each from the Old and New Testa-

ments. ~ Allegory; -» Allegorical poetry; - Didactic poetry; ~ Hymn; > Literature VI B; > Martyrdom, literature of; > Symmachus EDITIONS: J. BERGMAN, CSEL 61, 1926; M. LAVARENNE,

4 vols., *1955-1961 (with French tr.). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

M. VAN ASSENDELFT, 1967 (comm. on

the Cathemerinon 1, 2, 5, 6); C. FABIAN, Dogma und Dichtung, 1988; R. HERzoG, Die allegorische Dichtkunst des P., 1966; J.S. NorMAN, Metamorphoses of an Allegory. The Iconography of the Psychomachia in Medieval Art, 1988; R. Pata, Hamartigenia, 1981 (comm. with Ital. tr.); M. RoBERTS, Poetry and the Cult of the Martyrs, 1993. KP.

Prusa, Prusa ad Olympum (Ieotoa, Meotoa med¢ ‘Ohbunw tO bee/Prousa, Protisa pros Olympoi toi Orei). City in > Bithynia, on the northern slopes of Olympus [13] in Mysia (Str. 12,4,3), modern Bursa. A Prusias who is supposed to have fought > Croesus (Str. ibidem), the Bithynian king Prusias [1] I (Arr. FGrH 156 F 29) and Hannibal [4] (Plin. HN 5,148; [x. 1103f.] accordingly dates the foundation to 188 or 187 BC) have been named as founders. Coins show the

official tradition of foundation by Prusias I, who created it as an urban centre for a fertile plain (Bursa Plain); participation by Hannibal cannot be ruled out. Prusias I had extended Bithynian territory to the southwest beyond Nicaea [5] to Olympus [13] and -» Rhyndacus in 202 BC with the gain of > Cius [1] and Myrlea (+ Apamea [r]); with the founding of P., this territorial

expansion was secured [2. 32f.]. P.’s territory was bordered to the south from Mysia and Phrygia Epictetus with mountains, elsewhere by the urban regions of Nicaea [5], Prusias on the Sea (> Cius [1]) and Myrlea; P. was often in conflict with this city. An earlier settlement on sinter terraces in the urban area is inadequately known. At the time of Dion [I 3] Chrysostom in the rst and 2nd cents. AD some of the citizens still resided outside the city in the fertile region (Dion Chrys. Or. 45). In Antiquity, there were famous hot springs 2 km to the northwest (Therma Basilika). Important products included olives, wine, fruit and grain for bread; the timber industry of the mountain region was significant.

dated ones (Plin. Ep. 10,17a; 17b; 23; 70). P. was affect-

ed by an invasion of the > Goti probably in AD 256 (Zos. 1,35,2). P. is recorded as a bishopric from AD 325 on.In351,P.was — Vetranio’s place ofexile. In the 5th cent., » Hunni who were prisoners of war were settled in the plain of P. (Sozom. Hist. eccl. 9,5). Between 1326 and 1376/7 Bursa was a residency in the Ottoman Empire. 1 C. HABICHT, s.v. Prusias (1), RE 23, 1086-1107

2K.

STROBEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: E. SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Galatien (Asia Minor Stud. 12), 1994, 29-65. F.K. DORNER, s.v. P., RE 23, 1071-1086; SNG Deutsch-

land, Sammlung von Aulock, Heft 1, 1957, 867-884; T. CorsTEN, Kataloge der bithynischen Miinzen der Sammlung des Instituts fiir Altertumskunde der Universitat zu Koln, vol. 2, 1996, no. 210-213; M. U.ANABOLU, Olym-

pos Dag: eteklerindeki P. (Bursa) sikkesindeki therme ile iligikli olarak, in: Belleten 59, 1995, 583f.

K.ST.

Prusias (Moovoiac/Prousias). {1] P. I, ‘the Lame’ Son of - Ziaelas and king of > Bi-

thynia c. 230-182 BC. P. gave support to Rhodes after the earthquake of 227 (Pol. 5,90,1) and in alliance with

it fought Byzantium, but was unable to keep his conquest (Pol. 4,47-52). In-216 he destroyed the Celtic Aegosages (Pol. 5,111; [1. 43]). Characteristics of his policy were friendship with Macedonia and enmity with Pergamum. In the first of the » Macedonian Wars [A] he fought by agreement with Philip [7] V and Attalus [4] Land in 205 contributed to the Peace of Phoenice (Liv. 29,12,14). In 202 the king received Myrlea and Cius from Philip; Cius had been destroyed, but he rebuilt it and named it P. [3] after himself. In the war between Antiochus [5] III and Rome, P. remained neutral: he had been assured of his possessions by the Scipiones (Pol. 21,11; Liv. 37,25,4-10). Nevertheless, in 189 he called on the senate to return Phrygia (— Phryges, Phrygia) to Eumenes [3] II. In the following war with Eumenes (188-183), Hannibal [4], who had fled to P., successfully led the Bithynian fleet, but in the end P. had to withdraw from Phrygia and abandon

93

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Hannibal. P. was the founder of > Prusa on Olympus (in Bithynia). — Bithynia

BC, the city was part of the Roman province of Bithynia, and in 63/2 BC the lex Pompeia made it one of the 12 autonomous urban communities the province was organized into. P.’ territory was delimited in the south from the free > Mariandyni by the marshy part of the Duzce basin and in the north comprised the region as far as the coast including the two routes in that direction, i.e. the course of the river Hypius [1] and the road to Dia [6]; in the east it bordered on Heraclea [1. 194196 with note 152]. After the middle of the 3rd cent. AD a new wall was built round the acropolis hill through the expenditure of spolia. P. is recorded as a bishopric from 325 AD into the r2th cent. At the beginning of the sth cent., P. became part of the new province of Honorias.

1K. STROBEL, Die Galater, vol. 1, 1996.

[2] P. I, ‘the Hunter’ Son of P. [1], king of > Bithynia 182-149 BC. Contrary to traditional Bithynian policy, between 181 and 179 he initially supported ~ Eumenes [3] II against > Pharnaces [1] I (Pol. 25,2). P. received honours from the Aetoli in Delphi and in Aptara in Crete (Syll.3 632; OGIS 341). He married Apame, the sister of > Perseus [2] of Macedonia, but in the third of the + Macedonian Wars [C], after initially remaining neutral, he became the friend and ally of the Romans. In 167, he appeared in a conspicuously servile manner before the Roman senate (Pol. 30,18; cf. Liv. 45,44,4—Ag Ne

After P.’ intrigues against Eumenes, he picked a war with Attalus [5] II (156-154). Unable to capture — Pergamum, he contented himself with the strategically pointless devastation of the Pergamene sanctuaries. In the end, under pressure from Rome, he even had to pay reparations (Pol. 33,13). Hated by his subjects, P. intended to eliminate his son and later successor -» Nicomedes [4] II in order to procure the throne for a son of his second marriage. Warned in time, Nicomedes rose up with the help of Attalus II against his father, who tried to defend himself in Nicomedea. When the inhabitants opened the city gates to Nicomedes, P. fled into the Temple of Zeus,

_ where he was killed (App. Mithr. 4-7; Just. 34,4,1). The crushing characterization of P. in Polybius (36,15) appears to be justified. J.D. Gaucer, s.v. Bithynien, KWdH, 96-100, esp. 98ff.; C. HaBICHT, s.v. P. (1-2), RE 23, 1086-1127; B. F. HarRIS, Bithynia, in: ANRW II 7.2, 1980, 857-901, esp. 861864; K. SrroBEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: E. SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Galatien (Asia Minor Stud. 12), 1994, 29-65, esp. 29ff., 41ff.; H. WALDMANN, Die hellenistische Staatenwelt im 3. und 2z. Jh. v. Chr., TAVO B V 3-4, 1983-1985. M.SCH.

[3] P.-on-Hypius (Ioovovdc/Prousids, Lat. Prusias ad

Hypium). City in eastern > Bithynia, originally named Cierus; in the foothills of the Hypius [2] mountains on the northern edge of the Diizce basin, modern Konuralp. The urban district extended over the acropolis hill and the surrounding area. P., like Heraclea [7], was probably founded from Megara [1] with the participation of Boeotian colonists. P. was subsequently part of Heraclea’s sphere of power. > Zipoetes took P. from Heraclea in 282/1 BC; on concluding an alliance with Heraclea in 280/279 his son Nicomedes [2] handed the city back; in 278/7, as part of Heraclea’s hegemonic symmachy, P. was a member of the anti-Seleucid alliance (the ‘Northern League’; Memnon FGrH 434 F 9,3f.; 11,2f.; [1. 201-21 4]). P. [1] ultimately gained P. between 196 and 190 in the war with Heraclea and refounded it as ‘P.-on-Hypius’ [2. 1096f.]. From 74

PRYTANEIA

1K. StRoBEL, Die Galater, vol. 1, 1996 s.v. P. (x), RE 23, 1086-1107.

2 C. HaBicut,

W. AMELING, Die Inschriften von P. ad Hypium (IK 27),

1985; I. CorsTEN, Katalog der bithynischen Miinzen der Sammlung des Instituts fiir Altertumskunde der Universitat zu K6ln, vol. 2, 1996, nos. 214f.; K.I.L. SOMMER,

Cius or P.?, in: NC 156, 1996, 149-155; SNG Deutschland, Sammlung von Aulock, Heft 1, 1957, 885-916; F.K. Dorner, s.v. P. (5), RE 23, 1128-1148; L. ROBERT, A travers de l’Asie Mineure, 1980, 11-106; K. BELKE, Paph-

lagonien und Honorias (TIB 9), 1996, 264-266.

K.ST.

Prylis {1] (Mobdc; Prylis). Mythical seer from Lesbos, apostrophized in Lycoph. 219-223. P. is son of the nymph Issa and + Hermes (called Kaddmos/Cadmus, in the Boeotian variant of the name, in line 219) and through Hermes, great-grandson of - Atlas [2]. Prompted by presents from > Palamedes [1], P. reveals to the Greeks in an early stage how to capture Troy, advising them to build the wooden horse. He is referred to as one who “helped to destroy his own kindred” in line 222 because the Trojans were descendants of Atlas as well through -» Dardanus [1] (Schol. Lycoph. 219-221). [2] (moebAtc; prylis). According to Aristot. fr. 519 ROSE, a Cyprian war dance and synonym for > pyrrhiche (cf. Hsch. s. v. movdtc), being first performed by > Achilles [1] by the funeral pyre of Patroclus. In Callim. H. 1,52ff., it is danced

by the — Curetes,

and by the

» Amazons in 3,240ff. H.L.

Lorimer,

TIPYAIZ

and

TIPYAEEX,

in: CQ

32,

1938, 129-132; G. RADKE, Ss. v. P., RE 23.1, 1152-1154.

A.A.

Prytaneia (movtaveia/prytaneia). At Athens (also at Miletus and Ilium), the court fees to be paid in advance

by both parties to an action, but which the loser then forfeited to the winning party, were called prytaneia. Prytaneia were to be paid in most private cases (however, in inheritance cases, the > parakatabole was pre-

scribed);

in public cases, generally the magdotaocic (pardstasis). The prytaneia ran 3 drachmai for a contested value between too and 1,000 drachmai, 30 drachmai above that threshold, with no prytaneia paid

PRYTANEIA

below the too drachmai threshold. It is uncertain whether the word derives from the office of the > prytaneis |. 809] or from the legal venue of the > prytaneion [2. 92] (cf. » Phonos). At all events, the incomes in the 5th and 4th cents. contributed to the remuneration of jurors. On the forms of court fees in other poleis, see [3] 1 F. GscHNITZER, s.v. Prytanis, RE Suppl. 13, 730-816, 808f. 2A.R.W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1971, 92-94 3 IPArk, 228-232. Gi,

Prytaneion (movtavetov/prytaneion). Official building of the > prytdneis, usually near the > bouleuterion in the centre of a Greek — polis (> Agora; cf., e.g., + Athens; > Messene; — Priene) and ostensibly of great age (cf. Thuc. 2,15,2). As the location of the state

hearth, often with a constantly burning flame, the prytaneion was the sacred centre of the polis and at the middle of numerous cult activities (+ Hestia). After the > Persian Wars the ‘contaminated’ fires had to be extinguished and rekindled by Delphi in the prytaneion (Plut. Aristides 20,4f.). Participation in meals in the prytaneion (-— Sitesis) was considered a great honour,

particularly if it was awarded for life, as it was to ~» Olympic champions or for particular merits (Pl. Ap. 36d). + Assembly buildings F. GSCHNITZER, S.v. Prytanis, RE Suppl. 13, 1974, 801808; S. MILLER, The P., 1978.

96

95

W.ED.

Prytaneis (novtdvei/prytdneis, sg. novtavic/prytanis,

‘principal, first’). I. INDIVIDUAL CHIEF MAGISTRATES II. COLLEGIAL PRYTANY

I. INDIVIDUAL CHIEF MAGISTRATES

Designation for holders of the highest power or official authority. The original meaning ‘ruler’ is given expression in the epic name Prytanis (Hom. Il. 5,678), in Zeus’ appellation in Aeschylus (Prom. 169), as well as in the verb form applied to the Roman emperor and empress (prytaneuein; Phil. in Flaccum 126; Procop. Arc. 17,27). In the course of the institutionalization of the organs of the polis and during the ‘Great’ Greek + Colonization [IV], there emerged the individual, eponymous office (as a rule, limited to one year) of the prytanis (the prytaneia), which is among the oldest administrative and court authorities in the early -» polis. This occurred in many communities in the coastal areas of western and southwestern Asia Minor and the off-

tiation and specialization, the office generally lost essential functions; however, the title and high rank remained, as did sacral and ceremonial duties and occa-

sionally — as in Mytilene — certain roles in the administration of justice (IG XII Supp. 114, Z. 25; Stob. 44,21,1). Il. COLLEGIAL PRYTANY The collegial and individual prytany (prytaneia) differ in essential points. There were magisterial and bouleutic colleges, whose functions are sometimes difficult to separate. In Classical Athens, each of the ten Cleisthenic phylai (- Cleisthenes [2]; > Attica with map) supplied a group of 50 prytdneis for the council of 500 (+ Boule); these groups formed the executive committee (prytany) of the council in an order determined by — lot [I A]. The first four prytanies held office for 36 days each, the rest for 35 each (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 43,2; [1. 16-30]). The prytanies were probably not established by Cleisthenes [2], but they existed before 450 BC (IG EP 10; the prytanis mentioned in IG IP 4 from 485/4 BC was probably the president of the college of treasurers). The prytdneis were to be accessible at any time and were to eat in the tholos, their official dining hall (see also > Prytaneion, + Assembly buildings), where the president (epistatés), selected daily by lot, was also always to be present at night with one third of the prytaneis; this division was, however, probably not based on the topographic tribal thirds (- Trittyes) [2. 16rff.]. The main functions of the Athenian prytaneis were the preparation, convocation and leadership of the meetings of the council ( Boule) and the popular assembly (+ Ekklesia). Starting in the early 4th cent. BC, nine ad hoc prohbedroi (> Prohedros; one each

from each phylé except for that which held the prytany), selected by lot, took over the leadership of the council and assembly, though the prytany kept the preparation and convocation of the meetings (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 44,2). In the 5th cent., on the other hand, with Athenian hegemony in the + Delian League and the wider dissemination of power resulting from the development of the Attic democracy, the functions of the

prytaneis increased significantly, so that they exercised more management and control functions and were even accountable

for their administration

(> Dokimasia,

shore islands, as well as in Corinth, the colonies of Alex-

» Euthynai). With the increase in the number of phylai (> Phyle [r]) to 12 and 13 (307/6 and 229/8 BC, respectively), the number ofprytaneis and their terms of office changed. New changes resulted from the reduction and new increase of the number of phylai in 201/200 BC and under the emperor Hadrian.

ander in the Ionian Sea and the opposite mainland and — probably through Corinthian transmission — in the Greek west. The prytanis had extensive functions — like those of the > archontes [1], deémiourgoi (+ Demiourgos [2]) or other high magistrates in other poleis (Aristot. Pol. 1305a 17f.; 1322b 29). Asa result ofdifferen-

In Miletus, distinction must be drawn between earlier and later colleges of prytdneis. The Athenian Miletus decree (IG P 21, Z. 65) of the middle of the 5th cent. BC [3. 504f.] probably mentions the former, while the later system of prytaneis, introduced before 437/6, was oriented along the Athenian-Cleisthenic organization

97

98

of the phylé [4. 322f.]. In the Hellenistic Era, the Milesian prytdneis were not a council committee, but a council of magistrates which acted for a short period of time [5]. In the Imperial Era, they apparently did not preside over the council and assembly. In Rhodes, the prytdneis held the most prestigious office (Liv. 42,45,4). They could crucially influence the

Psalmody

course of council and assembly meetings (Pol. 22,5,10; 27,3,3-5). In Samos after the re-founding of the

commonwealth, the prytdneis were able to exert similar influence. The original geographic range of prytdneis was extended considerably in the Hellenistic Era in the cities founded by Alexander [4] the Great and the ~ Diadochi.

PSALMODY

I. DEFINITION TIAN CULTURE.

II. JEwisH CULTURE

III. CHRIS-

I. DEFINITION

Psalmody (Greek woahumdia/psalmoidia; Latin psalmodia) is the singing of > psalms; in medieval Latin, it is a technical term for a particular psalm tone (a recitation formula). In music, psalmody is used more generally as a collective term for all musical genres whose texts are largely taken from the Psalter (— Psalms). Its significance is even greater if one considers that the psalms are seen as the most important model in the development of liturgical poetry.

~ Prytaneion; > Phyle [1] 1 P.J. RHObDEs, The Athenian Boule, 1972

2 G.R. STAN-

TON, The Trittyes of Kleisthenes, in: Chiron 24, 1994, 160-207 3C.Kocn, Volksbeschliisse in Seebundangeiegenheiten, 1991 4 N.F. Jones, Public Organization in Ancient Greece, 1987 5H. MULLER, Milesische Volksbeschliisse, 1976.

F. GSCHNITZER, S.v. Prytanis, RE Suppl. 13, 730-815; Id., P., in: Innsbrucker Beitrage zur Kulturwissenschaft 18, 1974, 75-88.

K.-W.W.

Prytanis (Movtavic; Prytanis).

[1] Mythical king of Sparta, allegedly son of Eurypon (Hdt. 8,131), who was considered to be progenitor of

the > Eurypontid dynasty. The genealogy is fictitious, however, like the one of the > Agiads before the 6th K.-W.W, cent BG: [2] King of the > Regnum Bosporanum in 3 10-309 BC, the youngest son of - Paerisades [1] I. After the death of his brother > Satyrus [2] I, he fought against his eldest brother - Eumelus [4] (Diod. Sic. 20,22-24). After the victory of Eumelus, he fled to ~ Cepus, where he was killed. V.F. GaypuKeEvié, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 77, 85. Ly.B.

[3] Peripatetic of the 3rd cent. BC, son of Astyclides from — Carystus [1]. Writer of non-extant table talks (Plut. Symp. 612d). An Athenian decree of 226 BC honoured him for his successful mission to Antigonus [3] Doson (cf. [1]); a few years later, he wrote a constitution for Megalopolis (Pol. 5,93,8). 1 L. Moretti, Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche, vol. 1, 1967, no. 28.

H.G.

Ps.- see under the respective personal name (exceptions: +» Pseudo-Clementines; + Pseudo-Callisthenes; ~» Pseudo-Longinus).

Il. JEwISH CULTURE

In the temple, psalms were performed as cultic music by professional singers (— Levites) with instrumental accompaniment in the daily sacrifice and at certain festivals. For synagogue services, less elaborate recitation patterns developed corresponding to the hemistich structure of most psalm verses (parallelismus membrorum). The continuity in the psalmody between temple and synagogue is a matter of controversy [1; 2]. The earliest documentation of the liturgical place of certain psalms is in Tractate Soferim (8th cent.), and Rabbinic sources from the 2nd/3rd cent. onwards describe the antiphonal recitation of psalms between a soloist and a group (mSuk 3:10 and bSuk 3 8b). These texts were less concerned with the musical effect of antiphonal recitation than with the Halachic validity of the various options for dividing the text between the prayer leader and the congregation. The Talmudic literature (mSot 5:4 with differentiations in tSot 6:2, ySot 5:6, bSot 30b and Mekh Shirta 1) discusses the Biblical prototype of a responsorial song, the Song of the Sea (Ex 15), in reference to the liturgically important Hallel (recitation of Ps 113-118 at certain festivals) and the

Sema‘ (the main prayer, to be said twice daily, consisting of Dt 6:4~9 etc.): “The Rabbanan taught: On that day, Rabbi Aqgiba said: When the Israelites emerged from the sea, they wished to sing a song. How did they sing that song? Like an adult when reading the Hallel, and they interjected the first lines of each section after him. (...) R. Eliezer, the son of R. Jose the Galilean said: Like a minor when reading the Hallel, by repeating everything that he says. (...) R. Nehemya says: Like the prayer leader for the Sema‘ in the synagogue by starting with the first line and everyone joining in’ [3. 302-3 17]. The text implies various forms of responses, including the repetition of entire verses, parts of verses or an unchanging response (e.g. Hallelujah as in Ps 136) [4]. However, the main focus of interest in this song par excellence, which forms part of the written revelation, is on the question of collective inspiration and the role and importance of singing as part of a cultic act [5]. Ex 15 was taken as a prefiguration of psalmodic antiphonal song (in both Jewish and Christian culture), as is evident in the numerous instances of the root “-n-h

PSALMODY

99

100

Psalmody z.

SS [para-]

Ft y

eee do-

= lu-

ae ci=

a rf

lux

6

© pus

[o-]

Fig. 1

a

re

Se

ee

os

no

ple-

a" ate rum

~ fe-

orton te 2

pe-

tu-

a ope-

o

z 3

or fa-

a

= tus

a est

or 2ee

od Ex-

a pec-

ke

7 oll

= =

Sog?

Mi-

se-

=

==

Con-

[longitudi-]

ee

ee

ofeges

= x nu- i

:

=

ce-

[at]

= di-

a

ee

a

ee

oe

e- [bus]

—_ tans

wpotoeotfo,

a

oo

re

a

ee

ee

—s

te-

fr

ee e-

di-

ee

er ee

——

=

rum

:

Excerpts from 'Old Roman' offertories. The phrase over [Ex] pec[tans], [Mise] re[re], [Confi] te[bor] and [di] e[rum] is identical according to the sense, but differs when compared note for note.

M1

M2 ++

;

eee

— in

ts

ge

fi-

nem

a

=

re-

|

+

ge-

lu-

a

;

Se

Excerpts from 'Old Roman’ graduals: The phrase over [domi] no, [lucife] rum, [perpetu]a and [operatus] is identical word for word (note for note).

3

g

ee

bem

ate. per

=: quod

Ee

Fig. 2

a mi-

Zz. :

4$

ee

A sum-

mo

ce-

+

ae

es

== lo

e-

gres- si- oO

e-

ius et

Oc- cur- sus

da me do- mi- ne et

ab a-

e- ius

us-que

ad sum-

mum

us

d' rs

f Ab

oc- cul-

mun-

|

M1

I

M2

lis

su-

is

man-

da-

vit de

te

| || 34 oo ses

Do-

mi-ne

de-us

vir-

tu-

tum

par-

ce

F

: An- ge-

nis

ut

cu- sto- di-

ant

te

in

o-

mmni- bus vi

is

tu-

is

+ |

con-

-iy

|

ver-

te

re-

re

nos eto-sten-

de

fa-

ci-

em

Ma

: a-

ni-mam

tu- am

et

sal-

vi

e-_sri- mus

pec- ca-

vi

ti-

4 — c

h

a

8 E=

d’ | F

’ a

,

godi-

xi

2 do- mi- ne

z mi- se-

me-

M1

——

sti

M2

S me-am

qui- a

bi

F

a

ea

Po- su- i-

Sees i sa-

=

do- mi- ne

su- per

ca-

put

e-

ius

co-

ro- nam

de

la

pi-

Fig. 3 Hypothetical assumption of identical factors in the production scheme of some 'Old Roman' graduals.

de

pre- ti-

o-

so

IOoL

102

(‘respond’) in Hebrew and Syrian sources. In Greek and Latin sources, this root was replaced by the term avtipwvov/antiphonon, Latin antiphona, possibly influenced by the description of the cult of the Therapeutai in + Philo [I 12] of Alexandria (De vita contempla-

sung ‘unanimously’ (una voce), and as a song of praise, they are ‘never-ending’ (sine fine), with ‘one person singing to another’ (alter ad alterum) |6. 44-47]. In the Middle Ages, written records of psalmody in its various forms begin only from the rst half of the 9th cent. onwards, in Byzantium from the roth cent. Many of the extant tunes are much older and were transmitted orally [7; 8]. Singers used certain phrases and formulas; when these formulas were fixed in a written form, they

tiva 11,83-88; [6]). Elsewhere, too, the chant is often

described by verbs which refer to some form of vocal intonation without making a distinction from the spoken word. > Cult; > Liturgy; > PsaLMoDy 1]. ExBocGen, Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung, *1931 (reprint 1995) 2 J.W. MacKinnon, On the Question of Psalmody in the Ancient Synagogue, in: Early Music History 6, 1986, 159191

3H. ZIMMERMANN, Tora und Shira. Untersuchun-

gen zur Musikauffassung des rabbinischen Judentums, 2000

4H. AvenaAry, Formal Structure of Psalms and

Canticles in Early Jewish and Christian Chant, in: Musica Disciplina 7, 1953, 1-13.

5 K.E. GrOzINGER, Musik

und Gesang in der Theologie der frithen jiidischen Literatur, 1982

6 M. Haas, Zur Psalmodie der christlichen

Fruhzeit, in: Schweizer Jahrbuch fiir Musikwissenschaft Neue Folge 2, 1982, 29-51.

II]. CHRISTIAN CULTURE An essential factor for the expansion of psalms was their embedding in the cult of Jerusalem (— Liturgy II A). They can be reconstructed from Armenian and Georgian sources from about the 5th cent. onwards [1]. The individual divisions of the Psalter are marked by titles in the manuscripts, and from early Christianity onwards, particular properties have been attributed to them in the exegesis. In this context, a division did not necessarily correspond to a psalm, but could also be called an > ode (didé), a + hymn (hymnus) or a canticum. A > kontakion by » Romanos [1] is described by the > acrostich as a psalmos [2. 473] and begins with Ps 83:1 and 5, witha reference to Ps 83 as psalmos in LXX. The hymn is referred to as a ‘psalm’; it quotes the model on which it is based and also bears its name. The Bible as the binding revelation does not clearly specify a particular mode of song, which thus requires legitimization. This could be modelled on a vision: > Ignatius [1] (PG 67,692) ‘saw’ angels singing to each other, thus providing a justification for antiphonal song. Romanos was inspired by revelation to write his kontakia: the Mother of God (Theot6kos) ordered him to ‘eat’ a scroll containing the prototype of a kontakion (cf. Ez 2, [3. 228-240; 4]). > Gregorius [II 3] 1 the Great did not invent the idiom later referred to as cantus Gregorianus himself, but — according to the iconographic tradition — ‘listened’ to a dove which whispered these songs into his ear. Psalmody as a chant is often described by verba dicendi referring to various modes of singing: ‘shout’, ‘call’ (kraugdzein), ‘jubilate’, ‘praise’, ‘chant’|5; 6]. Psalmody can consist of acclamations (Kyrie, Alleluiah) or contain acclamations (Amen). In turn, acclamations are described by a specific inventory dating back to Biblical apocalyptic literature; e.g., they are

PSALMS

were

sometimes identical note-for-note (Fig. 1) and sometimes still showed differences in their written forms (Fig. 2). The memory capacity required in the oral transmission is still a matter of current research [9]. It centres on the question of how singers learn and use the formulas. Fig. 3 shows a reduction of six Old Roman gradualia. Only the first note for each syllable has been taken into account; there is an axis on the note a for word ends and breaks in content, and two axes on

g and c for stressed syllables (only in segment F one on f). These seem to follow a pattern organizing the subpatterns I, Mr, Mz and F [ro]. For the liturgical location of psalms at mass and office and also on the individual musical genres (Gradual, Alleluia etc.) and typical ways of performance (antiphon, responsory), see [11; 12]. > Psalms; > PSALMODY 1 A. RENoux, HIEROSOLYMITANA. Apergu bibliographique des publications depuis 1960, in: Archiv fiir Liturgiewissenschaft 23, 1981, I-29, 149-175 2P. Maas, C.A. Trypanis, Sancti Romani Melodi cantica, 1963 3 H. WenzeL, Horen und Sehen, Schrift und Bild, Kultur

und Gedachtnis im Mittelalter, 1995 4M. CARPENTER, The Paper that Romanos Swallowed, in: Speculum 7, 1932, 3-22, 553-555

5A. EKENBERG, Cur cantatur?

Die Funktion des liturgischen Gesanges nach den Autoren der Karolingerzeit,

1987

6R.

HaMMeERSTEIN,

Die

Musik der Engel. Untersuchungen zur Musikanschauung des Mittelalters, 1962 7 L. TREITLER, Homer and Gregory: The Transmission of Epic Poetry and Plainchant, in: The Musical Quarterly 60, 1974, 333-372 8 Ders., The “Unwritten” and “Written Transmission” of Medieval Chant and the Start-up of Musical Notation, in: The Journal of Musicology

10, 1992,

131-191

9D.

RuBin,

Memory in Oral Traditions. The Cognitive Psychology of Epic, Ballads, and Counting-out Rhymes, 1995 10M. Haas, Musik und Sprache — Musik als Sprache. Notizen aus der musikwissenschaftlichen

Provinz, in: Schweizer

Jahrbuch fiir Musikwissenschaft N.F. 20,2000

11H.

SEIDEL, J. Dyer, L. FINSCHER, s. v. Psalm, MGG? vol. 7, 12 A.A. HAuSSLING, s. v. Psalmodie, Psalm1853-1900 MA.HA. tone, LThK? vol. 8, 701-704.

Psalms I. OLp TESTAMENT, JUDAISM

II. CHRISTIANITY

I. OLD TESTAMENT, JUDAISM

The Book of Psalms (from Greek pahudc/psalmos for the Hebrew mizmor, ‘string playing’; Lat. psalmus; title found in the heading of 57 psalms; Hebrew t‘hilim, ‘songs of praise’), also called the Psalter (cf.

PSALMS

103

padrthouov/psalterion as a title in the Codex Alexandrinus, 5th cent.) contains 150 individual songs and in the Jewish tradition belongs to the third portion of the canon, the so-called K‘tubim (‘Writings’); in the Christian tradition the Psalms precede the prophetic writings. The -» Septuagint, unlike the Masoretic text (> Masorah), combines Pss 9 and ro and Pss 114 and

115 of the Masoretic text into one unit, while Ps 115 and Ps 147 are treated as two separate songs. There are thus two predominant numbering systems. The numbering of the Masoretic text has come to be accepted in more recent exegetical literature. The Psalter grew as a result of successive additions of several individual collections (e.g., the rst Psalter of David: Pss 3-41; the 2nd Psalter of David: Pss 51-72; the Psalms of Asaph: Pss 74-82; Psalms of Korah: Pss 42-43, 49; pilgrimage psalms: Pss 120-13 4; hymns of Yahweh’s kingship: Pss

104

the Egyptian Hallel Pss 113-118), in the post-Talmudic Period (beginning in about the 6th cent. AD) the Psalms came to be included even in the synagogue liturgy, where they today serve an important function as a poetic embellishment of the service. But few psalm-like songs can be found in the OT outside of the Book of Psalms (cf., e.g., Ex 15; 1 Sam 2:1-10; Isa 38:1r0-20; Dan 3:52-88). The Psalms are among the texts from the Hebrew Bible most often quoted in the NT and in the writings of + Qumran. Because of their simple language, concrete imagery filled with existential concerns, the genre has remained influential — and, indeed, has undergone further development — in modern lyric poetry (e.g. P. CELAN, B. BRECHT, I. BACHMANN).

> Bible; + Psalmody; > Septuagint F.L. HossFE_p, E. ZENGER, Die Psalmen I: Psalmen 1-50

93; 95-99; cf. the existence of doublettes, e.g., Ps 14 =

(Neue Echter Bibel 29), 1993; Id., Psalmen 5 1-100, 2000;

533 40:14-18 = 70). Four doxologies (41:14; 72:18f.; 89:53; 106:48) allow division in the existing final version into five volumes (1-41; 42-72; 73-89; 90-106;

H.-J. Kraus, Psalmen 1-59 (Biblischer Kommentar

15),

°1989; J. Mater, Zur Verwendung der Psalmen in der syn-

107-150).

agogalen Liturgie (Wochentag und Sabbat), in: H. BexKER, R. Kaczynski (eds.), Liturgie und Dichtung (Pietas

Spurred on by the work of H. GUNKEL (1862-1932) and S. MOWINCKEL (1884-1965), the history of form and genre dominated 2oth cent. psalm interpretation. The most important genres are the ‘laments of the indi-

Liturgica 1), 1983, 55-90; G. Ravast, Il libro dei salmi, 3 vols., ‘1991 (bibl.); K. SEYBOLD, Die Psalmen. Eine Einfiuhrung, *1991; C. WESTERMANN, Lob und Klage in den Psalmen, '1977 (original title: Das Loben Gottes in den Psalmen). BE

vidual’ (e.g., 33 53 6; 73 9-103 123 133 17; 22 et passim; in

the terminology of H.-J. Kraus, ‘songs of prayer’), the ‘laments of the people’ (44; 60; 74; 79; 80 et passim), ‘songs of thanksgiving’ (18; 30; 31; 323 66; 116 et passim; in WESTERMANN’s terms, ‘narrative psalms of praise’; to be included among the songs of prayer according to Kraus), ‘songs of trust’ (e.g., Pss 4; 23; to be included among the songs of prayer according to Kraus) and ‘hymns’ or ‘songs of praise’ (e.g., 29; 65; 100; III; 113; 145-150; according to WESTERMANN ‘descriptive psalms of praise’), which in turn can be subdivided into ‘hymns of creation’ (8; 19A; 104), ‘hymns of Zion’ (e.g., 46; 48; 76; 84) and ‘hymns of Yahweh’s kingship’ (93; 95-99). Mention should also be made of

Il. CHRISTIANITY As in the early period, the Psalms continue to play an important role in Christian churches, both in the liturgy and in private prayer, and are used even more extensively than in synagogue Judaism. In the divine services of the Early Church they were both read as lections and sung, the latter esp. in the 2nd—3rd cents., when they became a substitute for hymns, sometimes suspected of > heresy (cf., e.g., the Acts of John 94-96 and Clem. Al. Stromateis

6,88-90).

As a result, they came

into in-

72; 110), ‘wisdom

creasing use as prayers (> Prayer [IV]) in various liturgical contexts, particularly (but not exclusively) in the liturgy of the hours (prayers said at the canonical hours;

psalms’ (37; 49; 733 139), “Torah psalms’ (1; r9B; 119)

cf. the early monastic rules of East and West) practiced

and the so-called ‘temple entrance liturgies’ (15; 24). Each individual song betrays a very different existential setting; alongside temple cult, mention should be made esp. also of personal piety (‘spiritual songs’). More recent scholarship (cf. in particular the work

by monastics

the ‘royal songs’ (2; 20; 21; 45;

of E. ZENGER and N. LOHFINK) has focused on the canonical structure of the Book of Psalms, examining the

links between individual psalms or the message of certain groups of psalms betrayed through the relationship between key words and the conscious echoing of specific motifs, as well as on the reception history and influence of individual psalms. The linking of individual psalms indicates that the Psalter was probably not originally ‘the Second Temple’s hymnal’, as was often assumed in the past, but rather a kind of meditation book read and recited in private circles. After initially playing no role in the services of the early synagogue (cf. only

(~ MONASTICISM), as well as in private

Christian prayer and meditation. Psalms were some-

times chosen for specific occasions or situations, in other cases all of them were prayed consecutively (currente psalterio). The Psalms have been interpreted since the 3rd cent. AD with a varying, though chiefly allegorical and typological, hermeneutic and ‘Christologized’ as the ‘voice of Christ’ or the ‘voice of the Church on Christ’ (vox Christi and vox ecclesiae ad Christum, respectively; esp. in Augustine). In addition, the introduction of so-called

antiphons, psalm titles and psalm orations and concluding doxologies in the > liturgy brought about a Christianizing contemporization of the Psalms. Latin translations were taken mainly from > Hieronymus [8] (cf. also > Vulgate): the Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos (about 392/3), the Psalterium Gallicanum (389-92),

105

106

widely accepted to present, and the Psalterium Romanum (early Latin text). Both the Book of Psalms and separately transmitted editions of Psalms were designated psalters; such editions are found in Judaism from the 3rd cent. BC on. Beginning in Early Christianity, they were removed from their original biblical context for use primarily for liturgical purposes. The organization of the psalters (MSS preserved from the 5th cent. on) was based primarily on the biblical sequence of Psalms, sometimes (predominantly since the Middle Ages) on the sequence of the liturgy (the psalterium feriatum based on feast days). The high esteem in which the Psalms were held from Late Antiquity (oldest cod.: Verona, Bibl. Capitolare I; 6th/7th cents.) through the entirety of the Middle Ages is also reflected in > book illustration found in editions of them: from the 8th cent. on, psalters were among the most richly illustrated books of the Bible. Well-known examples from the Carolingian Era include the Utrecht and Stuttgart Psalters (Utrecht, UB No. 32; Stuttgart, Wiirtt. Landesbibl., Bibl. Fol. 23; both approximately 820/30) and the St. Gall Psalterium Aureum (Stiftsbibl., cod. 22). One encounters Byzantine psalm illustration beginning in the 9th cent. + Psalmody

which was defeated by Coroebus [1] (Paus. 1,43,7-8; Conon FGrH 26 Fr. 1,19; cf. Stat. heb: 1,557£f.; Ov.

1H.

Aur

DER

Ambrosius, 1977 der Kirche, 1982 (comm.)

Maur,

Das

Psalmenverstandnis

des

2 B. FiscHER, Die Psalmen als Stimme 3 H.-J. Kraus, Psalmen, 3 vols., °1989

4 V. LeRoqualis,

Les psautiers manuscrits

latins des bibliothéques publiques de France, 3 vols., 1940/41 (esp. vol. 1, 5-85) 5 M.-J. RONDEAU, Les commentaires patristiques du Psautier, 2 vols., 1982/rayerr1985 6K. Tart, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, 1986 = La Liturgie des Heures en orient et en occident, 1991 ~=—7 P.-P. VERBRAKEN, Oraisons sur les cent cinquante psaumes, 1967. M.KLO.

Psalterium [1] see > Psalms [2] see > Liturgical manuscripts (A 2) [3] see > Musical instruments (V A 2)

Psamathe

(Woaud0n/Psamdthe, Wapdda/Psamatha, Woaud0eva/Psamatheia). [1] Nereid (Hes. Theog. 260; Apollod. 1,12). The mother of > Phocus [1] by Aeacus (Hes. Theog. 1004f.; Pind. Nem. 5,13). Like her sister » Thetis, who resisted marriage to Peleus, P. escaped marriage with Aeacus by transforming into a seal (Apollod. 3,158). According to Eur. Hel. 6-14, she later became the wife of -> Proteus and the mother of Theoclymenus and Theonoé by him. Because Peleus killed her son Phocus, she sent a rapacious wolf against his herds. At the request of Thetis, P. turned the monster to stone, or it was turned to stone by Thetis herself (Ov. Met. 11,346-406; schol. Lycoph. 175; cf. Antoninus Liberalis 38). [2] Daughter of the Argive king Crotopus, mother of ~ Linus by > Apollo. P. exposed Linus, who was torn apart by dogs. Apollo then sent a plague and a monster,

PSAMMETICHUS

Ib. 575). Callimachus told the story of Linus in the rst book of the Aetia (Call. Fr. 26-3 1). According to other traditions, Linus is the son of Apollo and a Muse. O. HOFER, s. v. P., ROSCHER 3.2, 3194-3197; G. RADKE,

s. v. P., RE 46, 1298-1303; A.-V. SZABADOS, s. v. P., LIMC 7.1, 568. K.WA.

Psammetichus (Wapwhtyoc; Psammétichos). Greek form of the name of several Egyptian rulers of Libyan origin, Egyptian Psmtk. [1] P. I rst king of the 26th Dynasty (664-610 BC), son of > Necho [1] I, initially a vassal of the Assyrians, to whom he fled from a Nubian attack (Hdt. 2,152). After the Assyrians expelled the Nubians, he made himself ruler of the whole of Lower Egypt until c. 657, probably with the help of Greek and Carian (- Cares) mercenaries (Hdt. 2,151f.). P. entered into an alliance with — Gyges [1] of Lydia and was soon able to free himself from the supremacy of the Assyrians. Upper Egypt was won over through diplomatic channels: in 656, P. installed his daughter Nitocris as the ‘god’s wife of ~» Amun’ in Thebes; all of the high dignitaries remained in office but had to accept successors designated by P. After the retreat of the Assyrians from the Syrian-Palestinian area, the Egyptians advanced there (after 655) (Hdt. 2,157). Hdt. 1,105 reports how the > Scythians were warded off by diplomatic means (between 637 and 625) [1. 147]. P. attempted (in vain) to support the declining power of the Assyrians against the rising might of the Chaldaeans. Within Egypt, P. eliminated the feudal conditions that had developed over four centuries, under the pretext of a ‘return to the past’. The policy of restoration (‘archaism’) introduced under the rule of the Nubians (c. 750-664) was retained, and in many areas models from much older epochs were used as guidelines. But all administrative centres were now situated in the north, and Egypt was oriented towards the Mediterranean, whilst Upper Egypt was merely a province without political influence. [2] P. M1 3rd king of the 26th Dynasty (595-589), son of » Necho [2] Il. In 593, P. undertook a campaign to Nubia that went at least as far as the 3rd cataract on the Nile and is attested in various sources (Hdt. 2,161, several steles, inscriptions of Greek and Carian mercenaries in Abu Simbel). In 592, he led an expedition of an unclear nature to Palestine. The Greek delegation to P. concerning the Olympic Games (Hdt. 2,160) is probably not historical [1. 165-167]. [3] P. MIL 6th king of the 26th Dynasty, son of > Amasis [2]. P. reigned for only a few months between 526 and 525. In May 525, he was defeated by - Cambyses [2] Il at > Pelusium, and later killed by him after an attempted rebellion (Hdt. 3,15). [4] P. IV Father of the Libyan prince > Inaros (Hdt. 7,7) who led the rebellion against Persian rule in Lower

Egypt in 463-454.

PSAMMETICHUS

107

[5] P. V Libyan prince of the western delta, perhaps the great-grandson of P. [4] IV. Philochorus notes that he sent 30 000 bushels of grain to Athens during 44 5/4 BC (FGrH 3 B 328). [6] P. VI Diod. Sic. 14,3 5,3-5, refers to a king P. in the Nile delta in 400 BC, who was a descendant of ‘the famous P”.” (= P. [x] I). There are a few small objects with the royal name P. that cannot be associated with P. I-III. However, it is uncertain to which of the three other kings by the name of P. they should be assigned. 1 A.B. LLoyp, Herodotus, Book Il, Commentary, 1988 2 T. SCHNEIDER, Lexikon der Pharaonen, 1996, 310-314

3 A. SPALINGER, Ss. v. Psammetichus, LA 4, 1164-1176. K.J.-W.

108

already be discerned). Conquered in 23 BC in the campaign of the Roman praefectus Aegypti Petronius [3] against Meroe (Str. 17,1,54; Plin. HN 6,181), it became

Meroitic again two years later. The settlement and cemetery (Meroitic, Roman) have not yet been explored. » Meroe;

-» Nubia

K.-H. Prigse, Orte des mittleren Niltals in der Uberliefe-

rung bis zum Ende des christlichen Mittelalters, in: Meroitica 7, 1984, 484-497; G. ROEDER, Die griechischen und lateinischen Inschriften von Dakke, ed. W. RuppeL (Der Tempel von Dakke 3), 1930. A.LO.

Psellos (Wedkdc/Psellés). Byzantine writer, jurist and politician, b. Konstantinos P., c. AD 1or8 at + Constantinople. It is unclear whether P. (from wedAiCerv/ psellizein, ’to lisp’) was a personal byname or a family

Psammuthis (Wdppov0ic; Psammouthis). Ruler of the 29th dynasty, Egyptian P3-s(rj-n) Mut, rival claimant to the throne of + Acoris [2] (presumably 393-392 or 391-390 BC), attested particularly in Thebes. J.D. Ray, Ps. and Hakoris, in: JEA 72, 1986, 149-156.

KJ-W.

Psaon (Wdwv; Psdon) of Plataeae, author of a universal history, continuing the work of + Diyllus (Diod. 21,5).

It therefore begins in 297/6 BC; its end point is unknown: Only 3 fragments survive (FGrH 78 with comm.).

K.MEI.

Psaphis (Wadic; Psaphis). Place mentioned only in Str. 9,1,22, belonging to > Oropus, near which was the main sanctuary of > Amphiaraus. For its location cf. [x]. 1 FossEy, 38-40.

Psaumis see

PF.

Olympic champions

Pselcis (Wéxic/Psélkis,

Wédyic/Psélchis, Lat. Pselcis, Egyptian Pr-srqt; modern ad-Dakka). The town situated 107 km south of Aswan on the left bank of the Nile with the temple dedicated to > Thot of Pnubs, building blocks from the New Kingdom, construction from the Ptolemaic Period (depicted and mentioned are: Ptolemy [7] IV and Arsinoe [II 4] II], Ptolemy [11] VII and Cleopatra [II 6] III as well as other Ptolemaic kings) and from the Roman Period (Augustus, Tiberius), chapel of the Meroitic king Ergamenes (Meroitic Arqamani). A common building consisting of parts of temples of Ptolemaic or Roman and Meroitic rulers (also in

-» Philae) attests to the good relationship between the kingdoms on the one hand and demonstrates the presence of both parties. The unusual north-south orientation of the temple alludes perhaps to the role of Thot, who brings the angry eye of the sun home from Nubia. Greek, Meroitic and demotic graffiti verify the religious significance. P. was an important border town in the Roman Era (here the influence of Meroitic culture can

name. P. was an official at the imperial court from 1041,

becoming

imperial private secretary

in 1043,

quickly acquiring a great reputation as a teacher and receiving the title of ‘consul of the philosophers’ (txatog tavV miocddwv/hypatos tén philosophon) in 1045. Coming under suspicion of being an ‘astrologer and heathen’, he fell into disfavour in 1055, relinquished his posts and, assuming the name of Michael, became a monk. P. withdrew into a monastery in Bithynia, but soon returned to the court and worked there as

an advisor to several emperors. The year of his death is disputed, but must certainly be taken not to have been much later than 1078. P. was the predominant intellectual figure of his time. He was a polymath of universal learning and a prolific writer who exerted a powerful influence on the cultural renaissance ofthe r1th cent. AD. His works are mostly composed in strongly archaizing language which, however, does not strictly follow classical rules, but he also sometimes used a simpler form of language, e.g. in his letters. Foremost among P.’ works is the Xgovoyeadgia/ Chronographia, a historical work covering the years 976-c.1075. Its main focus is on the internal history and goings-on at the imperial court. Important events of foreign policy, such as the years of war (976-1018)

against the > Bulgari (+ Bulgaria) under -> Basilius [6] II, receive no mention. In the years after 1041, the author’s own experiences emerge into the foreground, and the work in parts assumes the character of an > autobiography, in which P. portrays his own importance as a politician and imperial advisor with lavish exaggeration.

Many of P.’ writings were composed for didactic purposes as compendia of existing knowledge, partly in verse form. In his philosophical works, P. dealt with the thought of > Aristotle [6] and reacquainted Byzantium with -> Plato [1] and the Neoplatonists (> Neoplatonism). P. was keenly interested in the natural sciences, esp. in + astronomy. Here, his thinking was highly rational by the standards of his time; ‘superstitious’ ideas are often rejected. The works on demonism that were long attributed to P., esp. the treatise De operatione

109

Ilo

daemonorum, are not by him. The handbook of the quadrivium of arithmetic, geometry, music and astronomy, which was also attributed to P., was in fact written in the early 11th cent. and therefore also spurious. P. also wrote a medical didactic poem of 1373 lines as well as a number of minor medical treatises (cf. [26]). Among his theological writings, exegeses on various books of the Bible, a sermon on Symeon Metaphrastes and a vita of St. Auxentius (most edited in [3; 9; 15], on Auxentius cf. also [20]), must be mentioned. P.’ legal works are a Dbvowis tov vOUwv/Synopsis ton n6mon in verse, and a dissertation on judicial terminology. Among his philological writings are allegories on Homer (+ Homerus [1]), a paraphrase of the Iliad and minor lexicographical works. P. also wrote numerous rhetorical works such as encomia, progymnasmata, satires and occasional poems. Important sources for the history of his time are esp. his funerary speeches, e.g. for the Patriarch Michael Kerullarios, and many of his approximately 500 surviving letters. Because of P.’ great importance and abundant literary output many anonymous works and works by other authors were attributed to him. Meanwhile, a number

of minor genuine writings remain unedited to this day (on the bibliography, cf. esp. [16; 18; 28]).

EDITIONS: CHRONOGRAPHIE: 1928

1 E. RENAULD,

1926-

2S. IMPELLIZERI, 1984.

OTHER WORKS: 3 E. Kurtz, F. DREXL, Scripta minora, vol. 1,1936 4P.Gaticant, Il De lapidum virtutibus di Michele Psello, 1980 5 M.D. Spaparo, In Mariam sclerenam, 1984 6A.R. LiTrLeEwoop, Oratoria minora, 1985 7A.R.Dyck, The Essays on Euripides and George of Pisidia and on Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius, 1986

8 U. CriscuoLo, Autobiografia. Encomio per la madre, 9P. Gautier, Theologica, vol. 1,1989

10D.J.

O’Meara, Philosophica minora, vol. 2, 1989 DurrFy, Philosophica minora, vol. 1, 1992

1989

11J.M. (2G:

WESTERINK, Poemata,1992 13 G.T. DENNIS, Orationes panegyricae, 1993 14 Id., Orationes forenses et Acta, 1994 15E.A. FIsHER, Orationes, 1994.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 16H.-G. Beck, Kirche und theologische Literatur, 1959, 539-541 (inventory of works) 17 KRUMBACHER, 441-444 18 HUNGER, Literatur 1, 372-382 19G. BOuLIG, Untersuchungen zum rhetori-

schen Sprachgebrauch der Byzantiner. Mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Schriften des Michael Psellos, 1956 20 P. P. JoANNOU, Démonologie populaire — demonologie critique au XI°* siécle. La vie inédite de S. Auxence par Michel Psellos, r97x 21. Kriaras, s. v. P., RE Suppl. II, 1124-1182 22 V. TirTrxoGcuu s. v. P., Michael (Konstantinos), LMA 7, 1995, 304f. (with list of works) 23 J.N. Lyuparsxkt, Michail Psell, 1978 24 A. Kazu-

DAN, s. v. P., Michael, ODB

3, 1754-1755

25 G.

Moravcsik, Byzantinoturcica, vol. 1, *1958, 437-441 26 R. VoLk, Der medizinische Inhalt der Schriften des Michael P., 1990 ©6027 G. Weiss, Ostromische Beamte im

Spiegel der Schriften des Michael P., 1973.

ALB.

Psenamun [1] Father of P. [2], c. 80-35 BC. Before 50/49 he was the High Priest of Ptah in Memphis, afterwards he held further priestly offices. PP IINV/IX 5375.

PSEPHISMA

(2] Son of P. [1], born c. 42 BC, last High Priest of Ptah and other gods, received most of his titles in 28/7. P. died after 23 BC. PP III/IX 5375 a. WA.

Psenobastis. Father of Petimuthes, high official in Semabehdet (17th district of lower Egypt). P.’ son was one of Cleopatra [II 6] III’s generals at the capture of Ptolemais/Akko in 103/2 BC and may later have been deployed to Thebes. The list of the numerous political, military and religious functions [1] performed by Petimuthes and, equally, by P. is a model of the self-confidence, considerably augmented in the 2nd cent. BC, of Egyptian officials in the service of the Ptolemies. 1 J. QUAEGEBEUR, Inscriptions in: E. vaN’r Dackx et al. (ed.), The Judean-Syrian-Egyptian Conflict of 103-101 B.C., 1989, 88-108.

W.A.

Psenptah [1] See > Nesysti [3]

[2] Son of > Petobastis [2], father of > Petobastis [3], high priest of > Ptah in Memphis. Inc. 122 BC, P. married a Berenice, who was possibly related to the ruling dynasty of the > Ptolemies. He died in 103. W. Huss, Die Herkunft der Kleopatra Philopator, in: Aegyptus

70,

1990,

191-203,

esp.

199f.

E.A.E.

REYMOND, From the Records of a Priestly Family from Memphis, 1981, r16f. No. 16; J. QUAEGEBEUR, The Genealogy of the Memphite High Priest Family in the Hellenistic Period, in: D.J. CRAwForD et al., Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis, 1980, 69 No. 23.

[3] Born on 4 Nov. 90 BC, son of > Petobastis [3], high priest of > Ptah in Memphis. In 76 BC, P. crowned Ptolemy [18] XII in Alexandria, and was appointed ‘prophet of the Pharaoh’ by him. A later visit in return by the king demonstrates how the relationships between the kings and the priests in Memphis grew closer in the late Ptolemaic period (> Ptolemies). P. fathered three daughters, but Petobastis [4] was not born until prayers were offered to Imhotep. P. died on 14 June 41; a stele (London, BM 1026 [886]) contains a lengthy, highly individual record of his life. HOts1, 258f.; J. QUAEGEBEUR, The Genealogy of the Memphite High Priest Family in the Hellenistic Period, in: D.J. CRaAwrForp et al., Studies on Ptolemaic Memphis, 1980, 69 No. 27; 77; D.J. THompson, Memphis under the Ptolemies, 1988, 138f. W.A.

Psephisma (yipiopa, Pl. pypiouata/psephismata), literally a decision made by voting using ‘voting stones’ (pséphoi) as opposed to voting by show of hands (> cheirotonia). But in normal Greek usage, psephisma was applied to decrees and cheirotonia to — elections, irrespective of the method of voting. Psephisma is the most widespread word for ‘decree’; dogma is fairly frequent; gnome usually means ‘proposal’ but is sometimes used for ‘decree’, especially in north-western Asia Minor and in the adjacent islands (e.g. IK Ilion 1 = Syll.3 330); also found are hddos, rhétra and tethmos. Any

PSEPHISMA

kind of meeting could embody its decisions in a psephisma. In nearly all Greek states, the highest decisionmaking body was the people’s assembly (> ekklesia), whose psephismata had to be preceded by a preliminary decision (proborileuma) of the council (+ boule). In Athens in the late 5th cent. BC, the psephisma was regarded as belonging to the sphere of » némos [1] ((arbitrary) convention’) in contrast with physis, ‘immutable (law of) nature’. As a reaction against that, the

Athenians at the end of the 5th cent. compiled an up-to date code of n6moi and in the 4th cent. they had separate procedures for enacting laws (76moi), which were intended to be permanent and of general application and to belong to the sphere of physis, and psephismata, which were intended to be ephemeral and/or of particular application. Similarly, Aristotle [6] regarded it as a fault of extreme > demokratia that the psephismata of the people ruled and not the ndémos (Aristot. Pol. 4,1292a 1-38; cf. [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 41,2). M.H. Hansen, Nomos and Psephisma in Fourth-Century

Athens, in: GRBS 19, 1978, 315-330 (=Id., The Athenian Ecclesia, 1983, 161-177); Id., Did the Athenian Ecclesia

Legislate after 403/2?, in: GRBS 20, 1979, 27-53 (= Id., The Athenian Ecclesia, 1983, 179-206; F. Quass, Nomos

und Psephisma, 1971; P.J. RHopes, D.M. Lewis, The Decrees of the Greek City States, 1997. P.)R.

Pseudepigraphy I. GENERAL

II. CHRISTIAN

I. GENERAL Many early cultures assumed the superiority of divine to human authorship (notion of a god as first cause) [1]. This establishes pseudepigraphy as the earliest form of literary work: a god or a divine human of a mythical primeval time is considered author. This form was common

in the Orient, but there are also traces in

Greece (as, e.g., in laws, > oracles,

> Orphism).

With the adoption of artists’ signatures and indications of the creator’s own name (orthonymity) beginning with Hesiod, various kinds of pseudepigraphy are attested: besides forgeries with extra-literary goals (e.g., claims to ownership or dominion) and, less commonly, mystification, numerous literary inventions wear the guise of pseudepigrapha. Because ancient literature placed far greater value on stylistic form than Christian and modern literature, writers of history largely dispensed with authenticity in favour of a unified style. They thus rewrote speeches and letters of historical persons, even records and inscriptions, in their own style;

and for purposes of enlivenment, they invented new relevant documents. The rhetorical schools composed numerous

I1i2

IIl

pseudepigrapha

as exercises

(> Progymnas-

mata) and trained their pupils to write in every style of an established writer (from the 4th cent. BC into Late Antiquity; cf. the — Epistolary novel). In addition, freely invented conversations with historical persons occasionally circulated under the name of a chief interlocutor. The choice of a freely invented nom-de-plume

(pseudonym) also gave rise to pseudepigraphy (> Lygdamus; the six authors of the — Historia Augusta; + Salvianus used the name Timotheus; and > Vincentius of Lerinum, the name Peregrinus). Works produced by chancelleries were officially considered works of the respective ruler or pope (ghostwriting). In schools of philosophy and medicine (esp. among Peripatetics, Socratics, Pythagoreans; see > Pythagorean pseudepigrapha), the works of pupils went under the name of the founder of the school. Other pseudepigrapha arose as a result of mistaken attributions in the libraries of Alexandria [1] and Pergamum [x] esp. Numerous homonyms, and finally also mistakes in copying, gave rise to errors. Anonymous writings were not infrequently attributed to the founder of > Cato [x], — Varro, the literary genre (for Rome: + Probus [4], > Seneca [2] the Younger, > QuintiWO.SP. lianus). Il. CHRISTIAN As in ancient Israel and early Judaism, in rst cent. Christianity the concept of spiritual authorship was not very pronounced. With the exception of the seven Epistles of Paul (— Paulus [II 2]) that are for the most part recognized as genuine and the Book of Revelation, NT texts were probably originally circulated anonymously (likewise also Gospels (> Gospels (literary forms)) or under false names. Based on the notion that the truth had been revealed as a whole in the beginning, pseudepigrapha allow the authorities of the early period to speak on later matters: Paul (primarily letters, including

correspondence with -» Seneca [2] the Younger), the apostles as individuals (letters) or as a collegiate whole (primarily -> church regulations), -» Dionysius [54] Areopagites (Acts 17:34), Clemens [1] Bishop of Rome,

and later

> Athanasius

(on the Trinity) and

» Augustinus (on Grace). To Jesus himself were ascribed many individual sayings, but only a single writing (correspondence with Abgar, the king of Edessa: Euseb. Hist. eccl. 1,13).

Ascription was meant to give the text a respect and authority unavailable under the name of the real author. Disputed writings were sometimes ‘salvaged’ under recognized names

(as, e.g., writings of

+ The-

odoretus [1] of Cyrrhus under the name of > Iustinus [6]; Jo 7:53-8:11 may have its origin in the Gospel of the Hebrews, cf. Euseb. Hist. eccl. 3,39,17). Nevertheless, even the name of an apostle or an apostle’s pupil was often insufficient to secure adoption into the > canon [1] of the NT (-» Barnabas, Epistle of; > Apostolic Fathers; New Testament Apocrypha). The more credulous and uneducated the addressee, the easier the deception, which could take place now through a simple false author name and place of dispatch (x Petr 1:1; 5:13), now through an ingeniously detailed fictional setting (1 and 2 Tim; Tit), imitation of style, eye-witness status (‘we’-style: 2 Petr 1:16-19), back-dating (prophesying heresies ( Heresy) contemporary to the time of writing for the future), visions

mes)

114

(encounters with the Risen One), discoveries of books, expansion of genuine writings with forged passages (letters of + Ignatius [1] of Antioch). Like 2 Thess 2:2, the > Apostolical Constitutions (4th cent.) warn of counterfeits and direct one — “grotesquely and yet at the same time consistently” [3. 35] — to heed the content,

Pseudo-Callisthenes. A portion of the MS tradition for the work generally known today as the ‘Alexander Ro-

net the names of the authors (4,16,1). In fact, forgeries

cause scandal where they have ‘heretical’ content (e.g. the ‘feminist’ Acts of Paul (— Paul, Acts of; > Thecla). The attribution of Hebrews to Paul is tolerated because of its Pauline content (Origen apud Euseb. Hist. eccl. 6,25,£1—14) and because pupils may have written in the name

of their teacher

(Tert.

Adversus

Marcionem

45554). A tradition of justifying lies (Clem. Al. Stromateis 75533243 6,424,3; Orig. Contra Celsum 4,19; Ioh. Chrys. De sacerdotio 1,8 etc.; often with reference to

OT examples of deceit and lies) as a ‘useful medicine’ (pharmakon chrésimon; P|. Resp. 382c) may support conscious pseudepigraphy. Only one ancient Christian text theorizes pseudepigraphy. > Salvianus [1] of Marseilles (Epist. 9) had been reproached for writing ‘Four Books of Timothy to the Church’ which were critical of society and the clergy. In response, he describes the intention and action of ‘contemporaries’ who he says wrote the text under a pseudonym out of modesty, without intending to use the homonym of Paul’s pupil ~ Timotheus [11]. He adds that a writing’s content, not the name of its author, is what matters (9,4f.).

+ Apocryphal literature; -> Authors; + New Testament Apocrypha

- FORGERY;

1 K. THRAEDE, s.v. Erfinder II (geistesgeschichtlich), RAC 5, 1962, 1191-1278 2 W. SpeyYER, Die literarische Falschung im heidnischen und christlichen Altertum, 1971,

25-27 3 .N. Brox, Falsche Verfasserangaben. Zur Erklarung der friihchristlichen Pseudepigraphie, 1975. N. Brox (ed.), Pseudepigraphie in der heidnischen und jiidisch-christlichen Antike, 1977; K. von Frirz (ed.), Pseudepigrapha I, 1972; P. LEHMANN, Pseudo-antike Literatur des Mittelalters, 1927; D.G. MEADE, Pseudonymity and Canon (WUNT 39), 1986; P. Pokorny, s.v. Pseudepigraphie I. Altes und Neues Testament, TRE 27, 1997, 645-655; J.A. SINT, Pseudonymitat im Altertum, 1960. WO.SP.and M.HE.

PSEUDO-CLEMENTINE LITERATURE

mance’ erroneously names - Callisthenes [1], court historian of Alexander [4] the Great, as author. Numerous versions of the ‘Alexander Romance’ — a ‘biography’ of Alexander the Great in which historical and fantastic information are mixed — of a variety of dates have been handed down. The dating of the oldest version is uncertain; the only terminus ante quem is the Latin translation by — Iulius [IV 23] Valerius (cos. AD 338). Less disputed is the location of its composition, probably Egypt. The ‘Alexander Romance’ weaves together elements of historiography, oral tradition and utopian literature; however, it also shows clear parallels to ancient biography and Early Christian texts. The work flourished in the Middle Ages, due esp. to the Latin translation by the archpresbyter Leo (middle of the 9th cent.). ~» Alexander historians; > Alexander Romance R. STONEMAN, The Alexander Romance. From History to Fiction, in: J.R. MorGan, R. STONEMAN, Greek Fiction.

The Greek Novel in Context, 1994, 117-129.

M.FU.

Pseudo-Chalcidian vases. The black-figured PCV (c. 70 in number) from the 6th cent. BC were brought together for the first time by A. Rumpr. The PCV closely emulate > Chalcidian vase painting, but are also influenced by - Corinthian vases and Attic black-figured vases (> Vase painting, black-figured). The composition of the clay used for the vessels and an inscription in the Ionic > alphabet [1. 155] also reveal dissimilarities with Chalcidian vases. Among the PCV one can differentiate between the Polyphemus group [1.158; 2.109116] and the Memnon group [1. 140-158; 2. 116-119]. To the older and larger Polyphemus group (c. 540-520 BC), mainly neck-amphoras and oinochoai are ascribed. Mythical images are rare (Heracles, Hephaestus [1. 158]), but groups of animals frequent. The Memnon group, consisting of c. 12 vases, is made up of neckamphoras and one oinochoe, (c. 530/520 BC). In addition to an important amphora portraying Odysseus and Circe [1. 140-145], other vases depict mainly animals, horse riders and a chariot ride. The sites of finds from the Memnon

group

are

confined

to Italy (Etruria,

Sicily), while vessels belonging to the Polyphemus

Pseudo- see also under the respective name

group have been found also in France (Marseilles, Vix)

Pseudo-Bakcheios (Baxyetoc/Bakcheios, i.e. ‘Dionysius’) dedicated a work on music theory to Konstantinos [1] Porphyrogennetos (905-959); The introduction survives, on the imprecision of the senses, aimed at

and Spain. 1 F. CANCIANI, Eine neue Amphora aus Vulci und das Problem der pseudochalkidischen Vasen, in: JDAI 95, 1980, 140-162 2M. Iozzo, La ceramica ‘calcidese’,

introducing the xaviv/kanon, and the - proportions

1994, 104-119.

of the consonant intervals, the eleventh and the whole

J. BoarpMaN, Early Greek Vase Painting, 1998, 218-219.

tone.

MST.

F,. BELLERMANN (ed.), Anonymi scriptio de musica, 1841;

E. POHLMANN, s. v. Bakcheios, MGG'

15, 422-424.

D.N.

Pseudo-Clementine Literature. Term for a group of writings traditionally attributed to Clement of Rome (> Clemens [r]) (1st cent. AD): the Homiliai (“Homi-

PSEUDO-CLEMENTINE LITERATURE

115

lies’; transmitted in the original Greek version) and the Recognitiones (‘Scenes of recognition’; preserved only

in the Latin translation by - Rufinus [II 6] of Aquileia and in a Syrian translation); both works were probably written in Syria during the 4th cent. AD. Appended to them (in Greek) were Peter’s letter to John, the record of John’s reply and Clement’s letter to John, which is prefixed to the beginning of the Homiliai in the MSS we know today. The Homiliai and the Recognitiones deal with the life of Clement, Peter’s successor as Bishop of Rome, and his family. Since the content of the two works is largely the same, and in numerous cases the wording is equivalent or even verbatim, scholars have conjectured that they were based on one or more common sources. The two works form a pair and were probably conceived in the context of a Judaicized Christianity. Both use topoi from the ancient Greek > novel: motifs of travel, shipwreck, capture by pirates and an ultimate reunion (with the family rather than the beloved). The story begins with a dream that comes to Clement’s mother, in which she leaves the city with her twin sons; all of the family — including the father, who goes off to search for the others — experience their own long and involved adventures. Clement sets out to seek the truth and (with little success) tries out every philosophical school, until finally he experiences a life-changing encounter with Peter and joins him on his travels. Clement also contributes to the refutation of > Simon [8] Magus. At the final stage the entire family are reunited; after overcoming often humiliating obstacles they are converted to Christianity, a process culminating in their baptism. The novelistic themes of search and recognition are reinterpreted in the light of Christian models, perhaps with the aim of evoking a stronger emotional response from the reader; this is very likely a direct influence of the Historia Apollonti Regis Tyri. -» Clement [1] of Rome; > Novel IV; - Pseudepigra-

phy N. Ketiey, Knowledge and religious authority in the Pseudo-Clementines, 2006; B. REHM, G. STRECKER (eds.),

116

Die Pseudoklementinen, vol. 1, Homilien, +1992; B. ReHM, F. PASCHKE (eds.), Die Pseudoklementinen, vol. 2, Rekognitionen in Rufins Ubersetzung, 1965; B.E. PERRY, The Ancient Romances, 1967, 285-293; R. Pervo, The Ancient Novel Becomes Christian, in: G. SCHMELING (ed.), The Novel in the Ancient World, 1996, 16. = M.FU.

Pseudodipteros. Architectural term recorded in Vitruvius (3,2,6; 3,8-9), used to label one of the forms of » temple listed there. The pseudodipteros type was, according to Vitruvius (7 praef. 12), developed at the Temple of Artemis at Magnesia [2] on the Maeander by the architect » Hermogenes [4], who omitted the inner row of columns of a + dipteros. The characteristic result of this is the unusually wide ambulatory (Greek pteron) around the cella. In this sense e.g. the temple at

Sardis, which also is dedicated to Artemis, is likewise considered a pseudodipteros. In Rome, the Temple of Venus and Roma can be understood as a pseudodipteros. ~ Dipteros (with illustration) W. MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Antike, 1988, 148; NASH 2, 496f.

Bauwesen

in der CHO

Pseudokleteias graphe (wevdoxirnteiac youoh; pseudokleéteias graphe). In Athens, the summons

to a trial

(— proskiésis) was conducted privately in the presence of summoning witnesses (- klétér). Anyone who did not appear before the judicial magistrate on the scheduled date despite a properly witnessed summoning was convicted in absentia. If he was able to prove exculpatory reasons, a reopening of the matter (— anadtkia) was possible; if the plaintiff called in false klétéres, any citizen (see + graphé) could prosecute them with PG. The — thesmothétai were responsible, the prosecutor had to pay a fee (magdotaotc, pardstasis; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 59,3; cf. Dem. Or. 53,15; Poll. 8,44). After the condemnation of the klétéres, the unjustly condemned man

could file a private action, the

> kakotechnién

diké, for blabé (‘damage to property’,

> blabés diké)

)

OOOOO0OOOOOOOOO0OD

Oo

=

O

O

O

Oo

O as O

O = O

OOOODODOOOOOOOOADO

20m Nv

A Pseudodipteros: Magnesia [2] on the Maeander, Temple of Artemis Leukophryene, 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC (schematic ground-plan).

Ponies 2 Cella with basis of cult image 3 Opisthodome

7

118

against the fraudulent plaintiff. The PG was designed as a popular action, because, under certain circumstances, the man condemned in absentia could lose his status and thus could not bring suit himself [2. 198], but not because of the affront to the civic administration of justice [1. 1362]. The punishment to be imposed was subject to the estimation of the court (see > timetos agon), a third condemnation resulted in > atimia (loss of civil

rights). Whether the wrongly imposed default judgement still had to be formally lifted after a successful PG in an independent procedure [1. 1363] is disputed [2. 198]. 1 E. BERNEKER, s. v. P.g., RE 23.2, 1362f.

2A.R.W.

Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol. 2, 1981, 85, 198f.

Gm

PSEUDO-LONGINUS

morals may point to beyond the middle of the rst cent. AD, but the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in AD 79 is not

listed amongst the extraordinary natural phenomena (35,4)5 (5) the astonishing similarity with passages by + Philo [I 12] of Alexandria (De aeternitate mundi 5,19) and the quote from Genesis (Gn 1:3) suggest a background in (or a profound knowledge of) Hellenistic-Jewish culture. C. THE TREATISE ‘ON THE SUBLIME’ Despite the many sizeable gaps all over the text,

which have reduced its original volume by more than a third, its structure is still clearly discernable. The conclusive statement of the treatise is summarized in chapter 8; there are five sources of the sublime (tpoc/ hypsos): (1) the power of conceiving impressive thoughts (16 meQi tas voroets ASQennPodov/to peri tas

Pseudo-Longinus (also: Auctor Peri hypsous). A. C. D. E.

AUTHOR B. DATING THE TREATISE ‘ON THE SUBLIME’ THE NOTION OF THE SUBLIME RECEPTION.

A. AUTHOR As the treatise Heoi twoug (Peri hypsous, ‘On the Sublime’, often quoted by its Latin title De sublimitate) is not mentioned in ancient sources, its dating and authorship are largely hypothetical. In the editio princeps (Basel, 1554), F. ROBORTELLO attributed it to Dionysius Longinus in accordance with his most important MS. Arguments in favour of its attribution to the philosopher Cassius > Longinus [1] (Dionysius was seen as his Greek birth name) are his reputation as a rhetor and the Platonizing tenor of the treatise. In 1808, though, G. Amati discovered its attribution to a ‘Dionysius or Longinus’ (Atovuotov 7) Aoyyivov/Dionysiou é Longinon) in codex Vat. gr. 285, a reading which in fact already appears in the most important MS, the roth cent. Par. gr. 2036. The copyist, who had found the work transmitted anonymously, had probably in doubt attributed it to two of the most famous ancient rhetors: > Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus and Cassius Longinus. None of the subsequent attempts at establishing the author’s identity (> Plutarchus [2], Dion [I 3] of Prusa, > Hermagoras [1], Aelius » Theon [6] et al.) are satisfactory.

noeseis hadrepebolon); (2) strong and inspired emotion (tO o*podeov xai EvBovoiaotixOV 1A80c/t0 sphodron kai enthousiastikon pathos); (3) effective use of stylistic figures (ij te MoLd TOV OxNUaTwV MAGOL/he te poia ton schée-

maton plasis); (4) nobility of diction (4 yevvaia dedotc/ hé gennaia phrasis); (5) dignified and elevated word-arrangement

(f) év GEmuats xai Sudeoer ovvOEoic/he en

axiomati kai didrsei synthesis). The first two sources are innate (the Horatian ingenium, Hor. Ars P. 409f.), and the latter three can be acquired by learning (ibid. 9-42). With the exception of pathos (1400s), whose treatment may have fallen victim to one of the transmission gaps, all of the others are dealt with in the subsequent chapters (9-42).

D. THE NOTION OF THE SUBLIME

According to Longinus, sublimity is the ‘distinction and excellence in expression’ (1,3); it is thus a style — the

style par excellence —, which when ‘flashing forth at the right moment scatters everything before it like a thunderbolt’ (1,4; example: Demosthenes [2]|); furthermore, he sees it as the natural gift of those ‘whose thoughts are deep and grave’ (9,3), in other words ‘sublimity is the echo of a noble mind’ (9,2).

The term hypsos is also used by > Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, who renamed the three styles or charaktéres tés léxeds/genera dicendi (grave, medium, tenue; Dion. Hal. De Demosthene 35) as ‘harmonies’: the first as ‘sublime’ (hypsele), the second as ‘plain’ (ischné), and

the third as ‘middle’ (mésé). Dionysius further expands B. DATING

The approximate dating of the treatise to the 1st half of the rst. cent. AD is supported by the following arguments: (1) it begins with a fierce polemic attack against + Caecilius [III 5] from Cale Acte (early Imperial period), a friend of the strict Atticist -» Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus; (2) several implied polemic statements against Dionysius of Halicarnassus; (3) none of the quoted authors is from the post-Augustan period; (4) the notion of a pax universalis (ih tis oinovupevys eionvn/ hé tés oikouménés eirené, 44,6) as well as the polemic

against the decline of eloquence and the depravity of

in his Demosthenes how the sublime style (which he also refers to as the ‘strict’ one) is aimed at emotionally moving the spirit, while the plain one (later referred to as the ‘elegant’ one) aims at its calming, the former thus leading to pathos, the latter to éthos. Ps.-Longinus, by contrast, dismisses the traditional three-style system,

though presupposing it: in his view, the only style deserving to be studied in detail is the one inspired by the sublime spirit. He leaves aside rhetorical and literary works which are mainly based on artistic skill (téchne) and pleasantness. Language is part of nature according to the Stoic view, and literature has to ring with the

PSEUDO-LONGINUS

119

I20

cosmos, of which it is a part and whose outstanding beauty it has to make accessible to our understanding

who perceive it as an antidote to an Aristotelian ‘normalization’. » Aesthetics; > Literary theory; > PorTics

(35,3). In an implied response to -» Sappho’s Hymn to Aphrodite — rendered and commented by Dionysius (Dion. Hal. Comp. 23,10-17 AujAc-LEBEL = fr. 1 DieHL, = fr. 1 Lopet/PaGE), who emphasizes its charming beauty as an example of the pleasant style — Longinus in ch. ro presents and comments on Sappho’s famous ode daivetai wou xtvoc/phainetai moi kénos (fr. 2 DIEHL, = fr.31 LOBEL/PAGE; > Sappho C.). By selecting this particular poem, Ps.-Longinus preserved for posterity a Sappho who is subject to strong emotions, an almost pre-Romantic image. The frequently emphasized overwhelming power of Longinian hypsos can be qualified thus: essentially it corresponds to the grave dicendi genus, with a particular emphasis on pathos. The treatise fascinates readers by the author’s elevated, highly elaborate, almost baroque style, which is itself sublime. E. RECEPTION The later reception of the treatise only began with

EDITIONS,

TRANSLATIONS,

COMMENTARIES:

R.

BRANDT (ed.), Pseudo-Longinos, Vom Erhabenen, 1966 (with commentary); F. DoNnap1, Pseudo-Longino, Del Sublime, 1991 (Italian translation and commentary); H. LeBeéGueE (ed.), Du Sublime, 1935 (with French transla-

tion); C.M. Mazzuccui (ed.), Dionisio Longino, Del Sublime, 1992 (with Italian translation and commentary); W. Ruys Roperts, Longinus, On the Sublime, 1899 (71907; reprint 1983; with English translation); A. Rosracnt (ed.), Anonimo, Del Sublime, 1945 (with Italian translation); D.A. RusseLL, Longinus, On the Sublime, +1970 (with commentary); R. VON SCHELIHA (ed.), Die Schrift vom Erhabenen, 1938 (with German translation); O. SCHONBERGER (ed.), Vom Erhabenen, 1988 (with German translation).; W.H. Fyre (rev. by D. RussELt), Longinus, On the Sublime, 1995

BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Burke, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, London 1757, (71759); W. BUHLER, Beitrage zur Erklarung der Schrift vom Erhabenen, 1964; F. Donapi, Let-

tura del De compositione verborum di Dionigi d’Alicar-

the French translation by BorLEAu (1674), who used

nasso, 2000; P. DoninI, II sublime contro la storia nell’ultimo capitolo del Tegi tous, in: PdP 24, 1969, 190-202;

Ps.-Longinus

in the

M. FeRRARIO, Ricerche intorno al trattato del Sublime, in:

From

RIL 106, 1972, 765-843; G. M.A. GruBe, The Greek and Roman Critics, 1965; M. FUHRMANN, Die Dichtungstheorie der Antike, 1992; M. HEATH, Longinus, On Sublimity, in: PCPhS 48, 1999, 43-74; S. JAKEL, Beobachtungen zum

as a champion

of classicism

> QUERELLE DES ANCIENS ET DES MODERNES.

there, the text found its way to 18th cent. England, where it was read as anti-Aristotelian. In A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas ofthe Sublime and the Beautiful (1757), Burke contrasts the sublime (whose governing principle is terror) with the beautiful (which is linked to love): the sublime, i.e. terror, is linked to thanatos (death), beauty — love — by contrast to éros. Kant arrived from his Beobachtungen iiber das Gefiih! des Schonen und Erhabenen (‘Observations on the Feeling of the Beautiful and Sublime’, 1764) at an ultimate theory of the sublime in his Kritik der Urteilskraft (‘Critique of Judgement’): he divided the sublime into the ‘mathematical-sublime’, with nature as one of its elements, and the ‘dynamic-sublime’, in which na-

ture is seen as a driving force (Book 2, ‘Analytic of the Sublime’, §§ 23-29). By issuing this humanist reminder of the dignity of man who remains great even in defeat, Kant resumed the classical humanist interpretation of the sublime which had been obscured by Burke’s preRomantic interpretation; Burke saw hypsos and phobos as coinciding, thus turning the sublime into a kind of vertiginous emotion, capable of attracting by the fascination with emptiness, but which ultimately destroyed the ego in its abyss. Kant’s thoughts were dismissed by Hegel in his Asthetik; he saw the sublime as the main characteristic of symbolic art, 7.e. the first of the three steps outlined in its dialectic development (Vorlesungen iiber die Asthetik/‘Lectures on Aesthetics’, part Il, chap. 2: Die Symbolik der Erhabenheit/ ‘Symbolism of the Sublime’).

With the ambiguity of its definition, the notion of the sublime continues to fascinate even modern

readers,

ambivalenten Denken bei Ps.-Longinus in seinem Buch Peri Hypsous, in: Acta antiqua Scientiarum Hungaricae 39, 1999, 147-158; CH. Kreis (ed.), Das Erhabene, 1989; E. MATELLI, Struttura e stile del reQi twouc, in: Aevum 61, 1967, 137-247; A. MICHEL, Rhétorique et poétique: la

théorie du sublime de Platon aux modernes, in: REL 54, 1976, 278-307; S.H. Monk, The Sublime. A Study of

Critical Theories *1960; G.W.

in XVIII Century in England,

Most,

1935,

Sublime degli antichi, sublime dei

moderni, in: Studi di estetica 12.1-2 = N.S. 4/5, 1984 (Atti del convegno su II Sublime, Bologna), 1984, 113-129; R. NEUBERGER-DoNATH, Longini de sublimitate lexicon, 1988; E. NorRDEN, Das Genesiszitat in der Schrift vom

Erhabenen, Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Klasse fiir Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst 1954, 1 (= Kleine Schriften zum klassischen Altertum), 1966, 286-313; A. RosTAGNI, II Sublime nella storia dell’estetica antica, in: ASNP 1935, 99-119 (= Scritti minori, vol.1, 1955, 447-518); L. Russo (ed.), Da

Longino

a Longino.

I luoghi

del sublime,

1987;

F.

WEHRLI, Der erhabene und der schlichte Stil, in: O. GiIGon (ed.), Phyllobolia. Festschrift P. von der Mihll, 1946, 9-3 5.

F.D.

Pseudomartyrion dike (evdouaetver@v dixn; pseudomartyrion diké), recorded in several Greek legal systems as an ‘action for perjury’. Only a person was liable to such an action who had confirmed (generally not on oath) a pre-formulated statement of a litigant before a court (> martyria), but not one who had denied knowledge of something out of court (— exomosia). The

opponent in the case was entitled to undertake this private action (-> diké); the respondent found guilty or the

I21

Te

unsuccessful plaintiff in the original trial demanded a financial penalty proportionate to the damages

Boarium in Rome.

(+ blabés diké) suffered by the action of the witness ({2. 144; 3]; IPArk p. 242), but a victorious litigant could also use the PD to restore his good name [6. 25 8— 262]. ‘Pure punitive character’ [1. 1366] did not inhere in the PD. At Athens, a litigant had to register his intent of instigating a PD by émtoxmpis (episképsis) anmelden, before the jury gave its verdict (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 68,4; 1G Il’ 1258, ll. 14 and 20 [1. 1367f.]). The witness tablets were preserved and, if necessary, an injunction deferred enactment of the death penalty. The PD was brought before the judge presiding in the original case (only a PD that had originated before the Areopagus went before the thesmothétai, Aristot. Ath. Pol. 59,5f.). It is disputed in which cases a guilty verdict against the witness in a PD would, in addition to the financial penalty in favour of the plaintiff (+ timétos agon), also enable a retrial in the original case (+ anadikia). If a PD failed, the plaintiff risked the + epobelia (court fine), a witness, at the third conviction, the > atimia (loss of honour), for which reason the obligation to testify was lifted after the second conviction. On the liability of the litigant and the witness, s. > kakotechni6n diké. A special case was the PD against a > diamartyria (‘obstructive plea’) [1. 1372-1375; 2. 124-1315 6. 136-138]. Divergent details on the PD are known from other Greek poleis of the late 4th—3rd cents. BC. In the judicial co-operation treaty between Stymphalus and Demetrias/Sicyon (IPArk 17,1-14), the PD was inserted as an ‘interim proceeding’ before the main hearing, and could forestall the case verdict (IPArk p. 241). There are other solutions in StV III 558 I A (Delphi-Pellana) and [4. 366, r9ff.] (Locri) [1. 1375-1378]. Similar principles to those at Athens governed the PD recorded in PHalensis 1, 24-78 (Dikaiomata, Alexandria, mid—3rd cent. BC, publ. 1913). The testimony was only contested after the verdict was given in the original case, but a guilty verdict against the witnesses could annul the first verdict. The litigant and witnesses shared liability [1. 1378-1383]. 1 E. BERNEKER, S. v. PD, RE 23.2, 1364-1385 2A.R.W. Harrison, The Law of Athens, vol.2, 1981 3G. THUR, Der Streit iiber den Status des Werkstattenleiters Milyas (Dem. or. 29), in: RIDA? 19, 1972, 149-180, esp: 15 5160 (= Id., in: U. ScuHiNpDEL (ed.), Demosthenes,

1987,

407-412) 4ScHwyzer, Dial. 5S. Topp, The Purpose of Evidence in Athenian Courts, in: CarTLEDGE/MILLETT/TopD, 36-38 61d., The Shape of Athenian Law, G.T.

1993.

Pseudoperipteros.

Architectural

Vitruvius

describing

(4,8,6),

term,

recorded

Italo-Roman

in

temples

(+ Temple) in which the side columns of the porch continue as half-columns on the central wall around the cella, and thus form a ‘false’ peristyle without a true ambulatory (Greek pterén) (- Peripteros). The bestknown examples are the Maison Carrée in Nimes

PSIAX

(+ Nemausus [2]) and the Ionic temple in the Forum Cu. Batty, Etudes sur la Maison Carrée de Nimes, 1960 (on this type); R. Amy, P. Gros, La Maison Carrée de

Nimes (Gallia Suppl. 38), 1979.

C.HO.

Psi (linguistics). The letter V is used in the East Greek alphabets to denote the sound sequence ps; in West Greek alphabets (Greek mainland with the exception of Attica and Corinth, as well as Euboea and Rhodes) it represents kh, It is a symbol later added to the original Greek alphabet (— Alphabet C.) and is missing from the archaic southern Greek alphabets (Crete, Melos, Thera) as well as from several East Greek ones; ps is also written as © (as in the West Greek alphabets) [1.144; 2.3 5f.]. WY with the phonetic value kh entered the Etruscan alphabet via the Euboean one (its phonetic value in ~ Etruscan is disputed). In medial position, ps is derived from the sequence of

labial + s‘’(future tense yoo

< *grap’-s6 from

youow; oxewic < *skep-si- < *skep-ti-; Swoua < *a,0k-se/o-) [1.328f.; 3-77, 95]. In initial position, it appears in a number of words where it is only sometimes possible to make an Indo-European connection: compare for example wuy) ‘breath’ from the root *bhes-’to blow’ in Sanskrit bhastra- (f.) ‘tube; bellows’ [4.vol. 2, 1142]; or weddoc ‘a lie’ to Armenian sowt ’untruthful’ [5.61]. + Alphabet; > Etruscan; — P (linguistics); + X (linguistics) 1 ScHWYZER, Gramm.

2LSAG

3Rix,HGG

4 Frisk

5 G. KLINGENSCHMITT, Das altarmenische Verbum, 1982.

GE.ME, Psiax

(Wiat/Psiax,

signature

®ZIAX*).

Attic vase

painter of the transitional period between the black-figured and red-figured techniques, of both of which he was a master; active c. 525-505 BC. His signature as

painter is preserved on two red-figured alabastra, which are also signed by the potter Hilinus. RICHTER has identified P. with the Menon Painter, who is named

after the signature of the potter; his work comprises some 50 vases today. Apart from Hilinus and Menon, P. also worked for the potter Andocides (+ Andocides Painter), whose signature is preserved on a black-figured amphora and a bilingual one (Madrid, Museo Arqueologico 1008) by P. The red-figured technique was probably invented in the workshop of Andocides, and at least in its early development P. played an important part. The black-figure Antimenes Painter, whose style is closely related to that of P., also occasionally worked in the same workshop. As befits his delicate drawing style P. preferred small vessels, which he painted with figures and ornaments of great charm, including four plates each with a single elegant figure in the centre. P.’s work, however, also encompasses amphorae, hydriae and chalice craters, whose large figures are characterized by a noble re-

PSIAX

itp le,

124

serve rather than by power and vitality. He also experimented with the new possibilities of foreshortening that were developed in the red-figured technique (especially on bowls); nevertheless he preferred to cultivate the delicacy of the Late Archaic period and the decorative effect of his vase paintings. He proves himself unusually conversant with a range of painting techniques: black figures on a white or coral-red ground and Six’s technique, in which the figures were executed in matt colours (white, brown and red) on the black lustre, after which the details were incised. His choice of themes is conventional, with a fondness for scenes depicting teams of horses and archers. + Bilingual vases; -» Pottery, shapes and types of; -» Red-figured vase painting; > — Vase painting, blackfigured

219 BC the city was conquered by Philip [7] V and handed over to the Achaean League (> Achaeans, Achaea, with map) (Pol. 4,70,3ff.). P. minted silver coins in the 5th cent. BC, copper coins as late as the Severan Period (HN 453). Well preserved city wall, theatre [1].

BEAZLEY, ABV 292-295; BEAZLEY, ARV* 6-9, 1617f.; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena 127f., 321; BEAzLEY, Addenda* 76f., 150f.; G.M.A. RicuTer, The Menon-Painter = P., in: AJA 38, 1934, 547-554; B. CoHeEN, Attic Bilingual

Vases and Their Painters, 1978, 195-239, 276-287; J.R. MERTENS, Some New Vases by P., in: AK 22, 1979, 22-37;

M.B. Moore, Attic Red-Figured and White-Ground Pottery (Agora 30), 1997, 83f. H.M.

Psilosis. The modern initial/h-/ (grapheme: ly, its replacement by already complete in

term psilosis means the loss of spiritus asper‘) or, more precise© (graphical sign: spiritus lenis’), the prehistoric period in some Greek dialects, whereas it was retained in > Attic. Psi-

losis is exhibited in: > Ionic in Asia Minor (éxatov, totegov), —> Aeolic (Homer. tuvdic; Lesbic éxotov, ottt), and to some extent ~ Doric/Northwest Greek, for example central Cretan (éxatov, 6tt) and Elean

(gxatov, doe). Although it is unusual to use psilosis as a general term for the loss of initial/h-/, it can be justified

1G. PApANDREOU, Recherches archéologiques et topographiques dans |’éparchie de Kalavryta, in: Praktika 1920, 130-146.

F. Carincl, s.v. Arcadia, EAA 2. Suppl. 1, 1994, 330f.5 JOST, 53-60. we

Psyche (Wuyn; Psyche). [1] Female protagonist in the novella Psyche et Cupido embedded in Apuleius’ (~ Ap(p)uleius [II]) Metamorphoses (Apul. Met. 4,28-6,24). P., a royal princess, is honoured throughout the world by virtue of her extraordinary beauty as a new + Venus. Thus spurned and thereby enraged, the true goddess Venus sends her son Cupid/Amor (~ Eros [1]) to punish P.; Cupid, however, falls in love with her. As P.’s singularity makes it impossible to find her a husband, her father consults the oracle of the Milesian

Apollo. In accordance with its gloomy instructions, she is abandoned to the attentions of a reputed monster on a mountain peak. Whipped away from the summit by a wind, she arrives in a glorious palace, where she is visited at night by a consort whom, however, she is not

permitted to see. After a time, the naive P. is inveigled by her two envious sisters into discovering her consort. She recognizes him as the god Cupid/Amor and falls in love with him; however, she accidentally scalds him with hot lamp oil. Amor awakens, understands that he has been recognized and leaves P. He flees to his mother, who

reacts with fury to the news of a mortal daughter-in-

(e.g. for Hellenistic Greek 6hoc/holos/ > /‘olos/, concluded c. 200 AD, still 6d0c/'olos/ in Modern Greek).

law. Pregnant, P. wanders the world in search for Amor. She reaches the palace of Venus, who receives her

As a technical term widwotc/psilosis *baring’ (: wikom) has a Byzantine origin and can be traced to the conception, recorded as early as in ancient grammarians, of [h] as mvetpo/pneima (‘breathing’): Iveduc wirov/pneuma psilon (spiritus lenis, ‘smooth breathing’) is used to describe the absence of [h]; the latter was called xvetpa daob/pneuma dasy (spiritus asper, ‘rough breathing’).

most ungraciously and sets her various hazardous tasks, the last of which even requires her to descend into the underworld (— Katabasis [I]). P. succeeds, with supernatural help, in accomplishing all her trials. Finally, at the intercession of Amor, -> luppiter soothes the fury of Venus. The gods rule that Amor and the deified P. should officially wed, shortly after which

-» H (linguistics)

born. The interpretation of the tale is disputed (symbolic, philosophical, religious, literary interpretations, cf. [7]), as is the connection between P., who appears as mythical figure only in Apuleius, and the > personification of the soul (Greek wuyn), which is often depicted in association with Eros as far back as the Hellenistic period [5]. Along with the interpretation of P. as an allegory of the human soul, which was already current in late antiquity (Fulg. mythologiae 3,6), there are many exegeses in modern scholarship [1; 3; 5. 585; 7; 8], even including the view that the story is a Hellenistic tale intended for mere entertainment [3. 1436f.]. However,

C.D. Buck, Greek Dialects, 1955, 52-55; M. LEJEUNE,

Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien, 1972, 92f., 281f.; SCHWYZER, Gramm., 220-222; W.S. ALLEN, Vox Graeca, +1987, 52-56.

CH.

Psophis (Ww¢ic/Psophis). City in northwest Arcadia where the Aroanius (modern Nousaitiko) flows into the Erymanthus [2] (Pol. 4,70,3ff.; Paus. 8,24,1-14; Ptol.

3,16,19; Mela 2,43; Plin. HN 4,20; Steph. Byz. s.v. Wodis), near modern P. The farmer Aglaus, famous for

his simplicity, was from P. at the time of > Gyges [1] (Paus. 8,24,13f.; Plin. HN 7,151; Val. Max. 7,1,2). In

event their daughter Voluptas (‘Pleasure, Delight’) is

125

126

there is wide agreement as to its fairy-tale character (> Fairy-tale IV). The story of Amor and P. has long had considerable influence in literature (e.g. J. DE La FONTAINE 1669, H. VON HOFMANNSTHAL) and the fine arts (e.g. RAPHAEL 1517/18; VAN Dyck 1639/40,

4,4,10). Considered immune to snake venom, the P.’s assistance in the event of a snake bite was generally valued [1. 1337]. [2] In India there was apparently a people of the same

CANOVA 1787-93) [25 4]. ~ Ap(p)uleius [III]; > Novel; + Soul, theory of the 1G. Binper, R. MERKELBACH

name (Ael. NA 16,37). 1S. GsELL, Histoire ancienne de !’Afrique du Nord, vol. 1, 37921 (repr. 1972).

(eds.), Amor und Psyche,

1968 2 FRENZEL,s. v. Amor und Psyche, 41-44 (with more bibliography) 3 R. HELM, s. v. Psyche, RE 23,2, 1434-1438 4 HUNGER, Mythologie, 358-360 5N. ICARD-GIANOLIO, s. v. Psyche, LIMC 7.1, 569-585 (with more bibliography) 6 C.C. ScHLAM, Cupid and Psyche, in: Groningen Colloquia on the Novel 5, 1993, 63-73 7 M. ZIMMERMAN et al. (ed.), Aspects of Apuleius’ Golden Ass, vol. 2: Cupid and Psyche, 1998 8 N. HOLzBERG, Der antike Roman, 72001, 109-112.

PTAH

NLJO.

[2] see > Soul, theory of the

Psychology see > Soul, theory of the Psychostasia see + Soul, weighing of the

J. DesancEs, Catalogue des tribus africaines ..., 1962, 133 note 5, 155f.; H. TREIDLER, s.v. Psylloi, RE 23, 14641476.

W.HU.

Psyttalea (Wuttéeva; Psyttdleia). Rocky island in the strait between Salamis [x] and the — Piraeus bay (1,5 km long, 400 m wide, 51 m high), modern Psyttalia. The uninhabited island was consecrated to > Pan (Aesch. Pers. 447ff.; Paus. 1,36,2). On the eve of the battle of Salamis in 480 BC, > Xerxes disembarked troops there, which were defeated by the Greeks (under Aristides [1]?); foundation remains of a triumphal monument are still extant. Cf. Plut. Aristides 9; Hdt. 8,76,1; 95; Aristodemus

FGrH

ro4 F 1; Str. 9,1,14;

Plin. HN 4,62; Steph. Byz. s. v. Wuttdieua.

Psychotherapy see > Mental illness

E. Meyer, s. v. P., RE suppl. 14, 566-571; P.W. Harper, s. v. P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 572f.; E. Curtius,

Psykter (6 wuxtio; ho psykter). Vessel made of clay or bronze for keeping wine cool. Occasionally doublewalled craters and amphoras served this purpose in the 6th cent. BC. In about 530 BC a mushroom-shaped psykter was invented in Athens (— Pottery, shapes and types of, ill. C 8) and was subsequently manufactured “in numerous red-figure workshops (— Oltus, > Euphronius [2], > Euthymides). Its earlier forms are considered to be black-figured jugs and amphoras with cylindrical hollow feet. The style continued until c. 470 BC (Pan painter). Pictorial representations most commonly show it standing in the > kratér, which apparently contained the cooling substance, whilst the wine was ladled from the psykter. S. DrouGou, Der attische Psykter, 1975; C. ISLER-KERE-

NYI, Dal ginnasio al simposio, in: Quaderni Ticinesi 16, 1987, 47-85; K. VIERNEISEL, Psykter fiir den kihlen Wein, in: Id. (ed.), Kunst der Schale — Kultur des Trinkens, 1990, 259-264.

1S.

Psylli (WUAKoW/Psylloi, Lat. Psylli). [1] Libyan tribe, settled on the Great Syrte (Hecat. FGrH r F 332). Their neighbours to the east were the ~» Nasamones; to the south, the Garamantes. At the beginning of the 5th cent. BC the P. were forced to abandon their homes as the result of a catastrophic drought. During their search for a new homeland they were continually worn down by battles with other tribes. Their former territory was occupied by the Nasamones (Hdt. 4,173; Plin. HN 7,14; Gell. NA 16,11,3—8). In the subsequent period there were evidently only scattered remains of a once significant tribe (cf. Nicander of Colophon FGrH 271-272 F 29; Str. U9 5HTS 104s

7,1 442 759,29) Pin. HIN 5527; Prol.

J.A. Kaurert, 1868, 29-31.

A. MILCHHOFER,

Karten von Attika 7, AKU.

Ptah (®04¢/Phthdas, POd¢/Phthas; Egyptian Pth, Ptah) was initially the creator god of > Memphis, but later he also had cults in other places, e.g. in Egyptian Thebes [ro]. Just as > Thot was the scribe and scholar par excellence, so P. was considered the artisan, especially the metal worker [4]; the interpretatio Graeca (> Interpretatio II. Religion) calls him — Hephaestus. P., his wife — Sekhmet, a lion-headed goddess of the plague, and their son Nefertem (connected with the — lotus) formed the Memphitic Triad of Gods. Particularly in the late period (rst millennium BC), P. was given the

deified sage Imhotep (> Imuthes [2]) as an additional

son. The Apis bull was considered to be the ‘soul’ or ‘herald’ of P. (+ Apis [1]). During the Ramessid period, P., together with > Amun and > Re, was among the national gods of Egypt and he held an important position in the theological system of that period. P. became closely associated with the god of the dead and artisans, Sokar, as P.-Sokar-Osiris and with the primeval god Tatenen. With the latter, he was sometimes identified

directly. A special iconographic form is his depiction as a dwarf (+ Pataikoi) that both had an apotropaeic function and was connected with the artisan activities of the god [2]. The creation of P. was presented in various ways — aside from the artisan component, creation through the word is found in the Memphite theology, a text in which the other gods are represented as the teeth and lips of the god who creates with his heart and his tongue [5; 6]. In the ‘Chons cosmogony’ of Karnak, P. who is equated with Amun and Chons initially fathers an egg from

PTAH

moe

which springs Hathor with whom he in turn fathers the eight primeval gods [8]. The latter report was also circulated in a greatly condensed form by Porph. De cultu simulacrorum (in Euseb. Praep. evang. 3,11,45-47). P. plays an astonishingly minor role in the traditional myths. And in contrast to other important deities, he did not enter into any syncretistic association with the sun god. The character of P. as an artisan was expressed in the title of his high priest in Memphis (wr brp bmw.t, ‘Supreme Chief Artisan’) [7], and in a later period also linked him with > alchemy. He is regarded as the author of a demotic treatise (manuscript from the early 2nd cent. AD) about textile dyeing [9]. Zosimus of Panopolis (as late as c. AD 300) reports that he had investigated a smelting furnace in the temple district of P. in Memphis [rr. vol. 3, 224,4-6]. According to one tradition, -» Ostanes [2] who is cited in alchemistic writings from Late Antiquity as an authority is said to have been a priest of P. in Memphis [rr. vol. 3, 57,1-15]. In general, Memphis was regarded as the centre of alchemy. P. also played a part in late magic; his name appears in Greek and Aramaic texts among the voces magicae |1] (> Magical papyri). + World, creation of the 1 W.M. BrasHear, The Greek Magical Papyri: an Introduction and Survey; Annotated Bibliography (19281994), in: ANRW

II 18.5, 1995,

3596,

3600

+ Delian League (ATL 1,390f.; 486; 2,82) P. was at times formally independent, but in fact it was dependent on Erythrae. P. is mentioned by Thuc. (8,24,25 8,31,2) in connexion with the naval war in the waters around Miletus [2] and Chios in the winter of 412/1 BC (> Peloponnesian War). J. Ker, PP. (z), RE 23, 1485.

E.O.andV.S.

[2] Boeotian coastal town mentioned in Plin. HN 4,26,

unless P. is a writing error for Eleon; perhaps identical with the P. mentioned in Thuc. 5,18,7 together with the eastern Locrian island of Atalante; identification with P. [3], however, seems questionable. PF. [3] City in Achaea - Phthiotis (Hom. II. 2,697; Liv. 42,67,9; Str. 9,5,8; in Plin. HN 4,29 only the name of a region; Steph. Byz. s. v. I. Inscriptions: IG IX 2,97-99,

ethnikon in inscriptions IItedeevc/Pteleevs) on a deep bay at the entrance to the Gulf of Volo with remains from the neolithic period to the Middle Ages near modern P. In 192 BC Antiochus [5] II landed there with his fleet (Liv. 35,43,4). In 171 BC P. was destroyed by the Romans and was abandoned until the Middle Ages. E. KIRSTEN, s. v. P. (3), RE 23, 1481-1483; E. HanSCHMANN, F. HILD, s. v. Pteleos, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 573f.; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN

1, 206f.; F. STAHLIN,

Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 181; TIB 1, 241; E. VissER, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997, 667.

HE.KR.

DAVE

DaseEN, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece, 1993 3 W. ERICHSEN, S. ScHoTT, Fragmente memphitischer Theologie in demotischer Schrift, 1954 4 W.HeEtck, Zu Ptah und Sokar, in: U. VERHOEVEN, E. GrakgFE (ed.), FS Derchain, 1991, 159-164 5H. Junxer, Die Gotterlehre von Memphis, 1940 = 6 Id., Die politische Lehre von Memphis,194x 7 Cn. Maystreg, Les grands prétres de Ptah de Memphis, 1992, 3-13 8 R.A. Parker, L.H. Lesko, The Khonsu Cosmogony, Pyramid Studies, 1988, 168175 9 J.F. Quack, Von der altagyptischen Textilfarberei zur Alchemie, in: B. KuLL (ed.), Die Rolle des Handwerks und seiner Produkte in vorschrifthistorischen und schrifthistorischen Gesellschaften (in print) 10 M.SANDMAN-HoLMBERG, The God Ptah, 1946 11M. BERTHELor (ed.), Collection des anciens alchimistes grecs, 1888 (reprint 1963).

128

Aw.L.

Ptelea (Mtedéa/Pteléa; demotikon Itehecotoc/Pteledsios). Small Attic dsty deme, phyle Oineis, with one bouleutes. Location uncertain, in the Cephissus Valley near modern Aigaleo north of the sacred road [2. 49] or near Aspropirgos (formerly Kalivia Chasiotika) [1]; 1G Il’ 4927. P. (cf. [3]) is the scene of the comedy Hérds by Menander [4]. 1 E. Meyer, s. v. P., RE 23,1478 2 TRAILL, Attica, 49, 70,112 Nr. 124, lab.6 3 WHITEHEAD, 341. H.LO.

Pteleum (Ilteheov; Pteledn). [1] Fortified place at the northern end of the bay of Erythrae [2], not located with certainty (Plin. HN 5,117; Steph. Byz. s. v. II.). As a member of the

Pterelaus

(IIteoéhaoc/Pterélaos, Yteothac/Pterélas, Iltegéhews/Pteréleds, Lat. Pterela). Mythical king of the + Teleboae. His exact genealogy was already in dispute in Antiquity, but in any case P. is related to > Hippothoe [3] and Taphius and is a descendant of Poseidon. From the latter he receives a golden hair that makes him immortal (> Nisus [1]). When - Amphitryon marches against P. with — Cephalus [1], Creon and others (Apollod. 2,51-60), to take revenge for the sons of > Electryon, P. resists for a year, until his daughter > Comaetho [1] cuts off his hair for love of Amphitryon (or Cephalus): P. then dies, Amphitryon takes his shield and the Poseidon cup (Plaut. Amph. 404-415) and also kills Comaetho (Paus. 9,10,4; Hdt. 5,59). Cephalus is supposed to have been the first to throw himself off the Leucadian rocks because of his ill-fated love for P. (Str. 10,2,9). G. Rapkg, s. v. Pteleraos, RE 13, 1491-1496.

HE.B.

Pteria (IItegia) see + Kerkenes Dagi

Pteron see

> Temple

Ptoeodorus (Itmd5moo0c/Ptoiddoros, MSS I1towWdweoc/Ptoiddoros). [1] Exiled Theban; c. 425/4 BC, ringleader of a combined Athenian action against > Siphae and > Delium [x] intended to topple the oligarchic government of the Boeotian League (Thuc. 4,76,2f.). The undertaking failed miserably.

129

130 R.J. Buck, Boiotia and the Boiotian League, 432-371 B.C., 1994, 16-18.

[2] Influential and wealthy politician from Megara; came into contact c. 360 BC with the banished > Dion [I x] of Syracuse (Plut. Dion 17,9f.). Shortly before 3.43, as one of the leading oligarchs, he tried to bring Megara into the possession of > Philippus [I 4] I of Macedonia (Dem. Or. 19,295). H.-J. GEHRKE, Stasis, 1985, 110.

HA.BE.

Ptolemaeum. Modern term for various buildings of the dynasty of the > Ptolemies serving the ruler cult; the first Ptolemaeum is considered to be a building built by Ptolemy [3] Il adjacent to the tomb of Alexander [4] the Great (later amalgamated by Ptolemy [7] [V with Alexander’s tomb into a connected mausoleum complex). There are further Ptolemaea e.g. in Athens (Gymnasion), Limyra (?) and Rhodes (Temenos). J. BorcHarptT, Ein Ptolemaion in Limyra, in: RA 1991,

309-322; WILL, vol. 1, 329.

C.HO,

Ptolemaeus (IItodeuaioc/Ptolemaios). Personal name meaning ‘warlike’ (not ‘hostile’), first recorded in Hom. Il. 4,228; the name occurred in Macedonia in the 5th

and 4th cents. BC, from where it spread to Thessaly, still in the 4th cent. (IG IX 2, 598). It became prominent with the Lagid dynasty, and became common, not only in Egypt, where it may at first have indicated solidarity with the dynasty, but also elsewhere. It underwent many deformations and transmutations. > Ptolemies Famous persons: P. [1] I Soter, P. [6] III Euergetes; P.

[22], the son of Caesar; the scientist Claudius P. [65]. O. Masson, Quand le nom Itoiepaiog était a la mode, in: ZPE 98, 1993, 157-167.

I. DYNASTY

OF THE HELLENISTIC

KINGS

IN EGYPT

II. ProLEMIES

IN HELLENISTIC-EGYPTIAN SERVICE Ill. PrOLEMIES IN OTHER HELLENISTIC STATES IV. MEN OF LETTERS I. DYNASTY

OF THE HELLENISTIC

KINGS

IN

EGYPT

[1] P. I Soter (Swrjo; Soter). Founder of the dynasty of the + Ptolemies. Born in 367/6 BC, the son of + Lagus [x] (legend gives Philip II (+ Philippus [4] II) as the father, Curt. 9,8,22; Paus. 1,6,2) and Arsinoé [II 1], through whom P. was purportedly descended from Amyntas [1]. He thus belonged to the -» Heraclidae (Theoc. Epigr. 17,27), which allowed him to compete with the Antigonids and Seleucids. His marriages reflect the history of his times: 1. the Persian Apama [2] (324 at Susa), 2. an Egyptian (323/2), 3. Eurydice [4] in 321, 4. Berenice [1] in 317. The following offspring are known: P. [2] Ceraunus, Meleager [5], Argaeus [1], > Lysandra, Ptolemais [1], Theoxene, Arsinoé [II 3], P. [3] Ul (cf. stemma).

PTOLEMAEUS

P. grew up as a page at the Macedonian royal court of Philip II (> Philippus [4] II) at Pella; he was banished for a short while (Plut. Alexander 10,4; Arr. Anab. 3,6,5). He took part in most of the undertakings of

Alexander [4] the Great, was > somatophylax in 330 (Arr. Anab. 3,27,5), led the campaign against > Bessus in 329 (ibid. 3,29,7-3,30,3) and further distinguished himself in Alexander’s company, so that he was appointed edéatros (a Macedonian court position created after a Persian model) in 324. In 323, P. proposed the partition of the satrapies (ust. 15,2,12; Curt. 10,6,15), receiving Egypt (thorough discussion of P. in regard to the results of the partition of Babylon, of > Triparadisus and the Peace of 311 in [1. 146ff.]), where he removed > Cleomenes [7]. In 322, P. seized the corpse of Alexander, which for the time being was buried at Memphis (cf. Diod. Sic. 18,26-28; Paus. 1,6,3). In 322/1, P. initiated a policy of expansion. He occupied Cyrene (— Ophellas [2]) and fought on Cyprus (Arrian, FGrH 156 F 10,6) with the support of some city-kings in 321; both regions would subsequently be crucial to Ptolemaic rule. P. took part in all the wars of the > Diadochi, first against > Perdiccas [4], whose attempt to invade Egypt failed. When the former empire of Alexander was again partitioned at > Triparadisus under the Diadochi (321), P. refused the imperial administration, but was confirmed in his domains (Egypt and Cyprus). Afterwards, however, he invaded + Coele Syria, which together with Phoenicia became a Ptolemaic pale for the first time in 319. P. took part in the annihilation of + Eumenes [1] in 317/6, but in 316 admitted —> Seleucus I after the latter’s expulsion from Babylon, as the danger posed by Antigonus [1] Monophthalmos was becoming ever more apparent. In the war with Antigonus from 315, P. at first lost most of Syria, but from 313 he won Cyprus (> Menelaus [4], -> Nicocreon [2]). In 3144/3, > Miletus [2] fell into his hands [2. 14,5f.], heralding Ptolemaic involvement in Asia Minor. P. was victorious over Demetrius [2] at the

Battle of Gaza in 312 (Diod. Sic. 19,80-84; [3. 55ff.; 4. 147ff.]), thereby winning back almost all of Syria. This enabled him to support Seleucus in his recapture of Babylon. Syria was surrendered by the peace of 311, but P.’ other external possessions were confirmed. P. was at war again from 310, perhaps with the intention of winning the entire empire for himself. He succeeded in taking large areas of the Asia Minor littoral (Pamphylia, Caria, Lycia, esp. Cos) in 309, before intervening in the Greek war of liberation in 309/8 (-> Polemaeus [1]). However, he lost the positions won there by 303. In 306, P. lost the Battle of Salamis [2] in the Aegean War against Antigonus, thereby losing Cyprus. This did not, however, prevent him from accepting the royal title in reaction to Antigonus’ universal claim in the late summer or autumn of that year (PK6In VI 247 with [5. 4ff.]). Late in October 306, Antigonus’ attack on Egypt failed; P. supported Rhodes against Demetrius [2] so effectively that he was honoured there with the title of Soter (‘Saviour’). In 302, P.

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J

es) =
). The ancient reader of a text in scriptio continua could easily make a mistake; for instance, he could place the accent on the wrong syllable and thus misunderstand the text. This danger was avoided by placing the gravis on the syllable preceding the main sound. Occasionally, the main sound was also marked with an (acute) accent, but this is not found frequently (the gravis on the preceding syllable sufficed for this purpose). Oxytones with two or more syllables usually are not accented on the last syllable but often have a gravis on the previous syllables. Oxytones preceding punctuation often have an acute (in this case, the gravis could be omitted on the

preceding syllable). More frequently still, an acute is written on the last syllable of an oxytone to mark enclisis. This accentuation system is documented only since Late Antiquity, but a system similar to the medieval MSS and to modern usage apparently began to establish itself as early as the 3rd—4th cent. AD: the above-described use of the gravis disappeared and the accent was placed on the main sound, if at all; the last syllable of multi-syllable oxytones en syntdaxei has a gravis. The two systems have different goals: in older documents,

PUNCTUATION

203

2.04

the goal was to ensure the correct division of words while the newer system aimed at marking the syllable with the main sound. A complete accentuation (accents and aspiration marks) was not deemed necessary until the end of the roth cent. The new practice established itself in the mid 8th cent.; the oldest dated examples are the Cod. Barberinus Graecus 336 (late 8th cent.) and the Cod. Vaticanus Graecus 1666 (AD 800). This system may have become operative following the initiative of an influential grammarians’ school. There is there-

7. Hook bent towards the left (7): end of a paragraph.

fore no continuity regarding accentuation between Late

Antiquity and the Byzantine Midle Ages. 1B. Laum, Das alexandrinische Akzentuationssystem, 1928 2C.M.Mazzuccut, Sul sistema di accentuazione

dei testi greci in eta romana e bizantina, in: Aegyptus 59, 1979, 145-167

3 J. Moore-Biunt, Problems of Accen-

tuations in Greek Papyri, in: Quaderni urbinati 29, 1978, 137-163 4L.THREATTE, The Grammar of Attic InscriptionsI,1980,13-98 5 E.G. TURNER, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World, *1987, 8-12.

Il. LATIN In contrast to the Greek practice, Latin texts had an elaborate punctuation system for the division of words and sentences to correspond to the present system (full stop, semicolon, comma). Statements made by late Roman grammarians [1. 20-28] that the Greek punctuation system (teleia stigmé, mésé stigme and hypostigmeé, see above) was used in Rome are not supported by the evidence from extant inscriptions and papyri. For the Archaic Period, there is insufficient documentation. From the early rst cent. BC on, single words as well as sentences and articles within a section were divided by special interpuncta. Twenty-one different punctuation marks are documented in Latin texts: a space and 20 special characters. Their function can be interpreted only within each specific textual context since some characters of a particular system mean different things in other, competing systems. Each text uses only a limited number, two or three characters at the most, but their meaning is specific to the text’s particular system of characters. The following is a list of punctuation marks according to WINGO [1. 93-131] (with corresponding terminology): t. apex (~): the function is that of a full stop, colon or comma. At the same time, it can be a lengthening mark above the vowel. 2. diagonale breve (short diagonal slash ‘): functions as comma or colon as well as word division. 3. virgula (long diagonal slash /): end of paragraph; functions as full stop or comma; separates annotations, indicates an emphatic pause. 4. virgula geminata (double slash //): value between full stop and paragraphos. 5. Backwards S (2): functions as a full stop. 6. Hook bent towards the right (f): functions as question mark; as a full stop in antithetical or parallel sentences.

8. virgula ansata (7): functions as a full stop.

g. dipla (>): end of paragraph; in spacing, it functions as a full stop or rather as a comma. 10. sicilicus maior (big sickle ) ): functions like the diagonale breve in the division of names and terms. 11. sicilicus minor (small sickle ~): functions as a full

stop; introduces an antithesis.

12. sicilicus geminatus (double sickle 3): appears to mark the end of a paragraph; functions as a full stop; divides several elements of a list. 13. Backwards sicilicus geminatus (8): functions as a full stop. 14. Reversed arc above the line (~): presumably of the same value as a full stop. 15. Sign in the shape of an open heart (%): end of paragraph. 16. paragraphos (-): same function as in Greek. (s. above). 17. J: functions as a full stop. 18.K: emphatic word division. 19. bina interpuncta (two dots in a row): marked division of two names. 20. hederae (ivy leaf «): originally for the division of words, later of terms; end of paragraph as well. 21. Space: division of paragraphs, stronger than a full stop; full stop; parenthesis; division of words in different cases but with the same ending; highlights names, termini or concepts. This complex system existed up to the end of the period of Constantine and Theodosius, when — in anal-

ogy to Greek — Latin also began to be written without word division and when Greek punctuation was used as a model. 1 E.O. Winco, Latin Punctuation in the Classical Age,

1972.

TD.

Punic is the later form of + Phoenician found in the Phoenician colonies of North Africa, esp. > Carthage, its far-flung trading centres on Malta, Sicily and Sardinia, in Italy, southern France, Spain, and— disseminated

by trade — throughout almost the entire Mediterranean region. Initially, P. was indistinguishable in writing from Phoenician, but from approx. the sth cent. BC, the first variant written forms begin to appear. The Semitic pharyngeal and laryngeal consonants were hardly used and partly omitted, while in later P. — from 146 BC toc. 6th cent. AD (= ‘New P.’, ‘Vulgar P.’) — the voiced and

voiceless consonants were also confused and, probably under Latin influence, matres lectionis were introduced

into the by now highly cursive ductus. Dedicatory, votive and memorial inscriptions survive on stone, metal and clay, including a sacrificial list from Marseilles, tabulae devotionis (Carthage), amphora stamps, clay seals, stamp seals, ostraka and coin legends. Of note are various -» bilingual inscriptions, e.g. NumidianP./New

P. (Tunisia) and Latin-P. (Leptis Magna), as

205

206

well as P. inscriptions in Greek script (al-Hufra at Cirta Regia). +» Plautus quotes some P. passages (ro vv.) in Latin transliteration in Act V of his comedy Poenulus. Evidence shows P. to have survived as a language in North Africa until the Islamic conquest. Elements of P. appear as substrate in the > Berber languages.

Roman war aim of ending the Carthaginian presence in Sicily seems to have arisen from the experience that had taught how great a threat Carthaginian fleets could pose to Italy. Given the still unconsolidated rule over South Italy, it was also determined by the wish to prove Roman arms as undefeatable [11]. The first consequence of experiencing Carthage’s naval supremacy was the upgrading of the Roman fleet. In 260 C. Duilius [1], to whom the invention of the ~ corvus [1], a boarding bridge, is ascribed, won the great naval battle of + Mylae [2], a victory however which was not decisive in the war. Rome raised the stakes, and after victory at sea near Ecnomus (off Sicily’s south coast) risked invading Africa (256). Two years later, M. Atilius [I 21] Regulus lost his army and fleet there. The subsequent attempt to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily showed some initial successes (in 253 the conquest of Panormus [3], modern Palermo) but in 249 the combined operations against the Carthaginian bases of > Drepanon [4] and > Lilybaeum failed. Hamilcar [3] Barcas involved the Romans in a drawn-out positional war from the fortified position on Mount > Eryx [1]. The issue was only decided in

E. Lipinski, s. v. Langue, DCPP, 254-256; W. ROLLIG, Das Punische im Romischen Reich, in: G. NEUMANN, J. UNTERMANN (ed.), Die Sprachen im rémischen Reich der Kaiserzeit (BJ Beih. 40), 1980, 285-299. GR

Punic archaeology see -> Phoenicians, Poeni Punic Wars. Name given to the three wars between Rome and > Carthage (264-241, 218-202 and 149146 BC), which established Rome’s rise as the leading Mediterranean power and were terminated by the destruction of Carthage. I. THE rst PuNic WaR (264-241) II. THE 2ND Punic War (218-202) Ill. THE 3RD PuNIC War (149-146)

I. THE rst PuNic WAR (264-241) The rst PW was ignited by a conflict with > Messana [1] standing at its centre. After the death of Agathocles, the ruler of Syracuse, [2] in 278 BC, his discharged Oscan mercenaries, the - Mamertini (named

after the god of war Mars) took over the town, and from there undertook plundering and pillaging campaigns. After Hieron [2] II, the new ruler of Syracuse, had inflicted a severe defeat on them on the Longanos ‘and had begun besieging the town, they appealed to Rome for help. When this help was delayed — among other things probably because of the Roman campaign against Volsinii—they approached Carthage with the same request. The Carthaginian admiral Hannibal [2] thereupon stationed a garrison in Messana, but the appearance of a Roman army under the consul Ap. Claudius [I 3] Caudex resulted in its expulsion and— after the Roman army crossed over to Sicily — in an armed conflict between Rome on one side and Hieron II and Carthage on the other (264 BC).

This is how the only ancient primary source, Philinus [5] of Acragas, narrates the sequence of events leading to the War (according to [6]), and it practically settles the confusing debate as to whether Rome saw Carthage as an opponent from the start [4; 7; 10] — a view championed already by Fabius [I 3 5] Pictor in about 200 BC with, however, an anachronistic justification — or whether Rome originally had its sights set on Hieron only [8; 9; r1]. Rome and Carthage “slipped into this war, both with good faith in the rightfulness of their respective claims” [6. 71]. In the rst phase of the war, the consul M’. > Valerius Messala liberated the Mamertini from the Carthaginian-Syracusian siege and forced Hieron to conclude a peace and an alliance with Rome (263). Carthage continued the war on its own with the objective of breaking Rome’s hegemony in Sicily. The analogous

PUNIC WARS

favour of Rome after Drepanon had been taken (242)

and C. Lutatius [1] Catulus had achieved a naval victory near the Aegadian islands (241) with a fleet whose construction had been sponsored through private donations. The peace treaty (StV III 493) provided that Carthage vacated Sicily “and the islands between Sicily and Italy” and paid a war indemnity of 3,200 talents, 1,000 immediately and the remainder in ro annual rates. Three years later, Rome used the uprising of the Carthaginian mercenaries (-» Mercenaries’ War) as a threadbare excuse for forcing Carthage to vacate Sardinia as well, and for extorting an additional 1,200 talents (StV III 497). I]. THE 2ND PUNIC War (218-202)

After 237 > Hamilcar [3] Barcas and after 229 his brother-in-law > Hasdrubal [2] expanded the Cartha-

ginian dominion in Spain [12]. Rome intervened there not until the eve of a looming war with the Celts and in 226/5 concluded a treaty with Hasdrubal that prevented the Carthaginians from crossing a river called the Iberus [1] with their army but otherwise left them a free hand in Spain (StV III 503; the controversial issue as to whether this river is the Iberus/Ebro or the Jucar [13], also called Segura [125 15], further south, is decided by Pol. 3,14,9 in favour of the Ebro). It was Rome’s inten-

tion to keep Carthage out of the forward Celtic region of North Italy. Hasdrubal was able to enter into the agreement because the boundary line continued to leave ample scope for the expansion of the Carthaginian dominion in Spain. On the other hand, the treaty did not prohibit the Romans from establishing close relationships with communities south of the Ebro line that were not subject to Carthaginian rule. Such relationships came about with > Saguntum, where Rome arbitrated

207

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internal disputes. Although the nature of the relationship between Saguntum and Rome (formal alliance or informal — amicitia) can no longer be identified, Rome was, as a result, engaged in an area in which it had granted Carthage a free hand. The 2nd PW arose from this constellation. After the death of Hasdrubal (221), his successor > Hannibal [4] conducted a large campaign that took him beyond the Tagus/Tajo (220). He rejected a Roman diplomatic intervention that intended to make him respect Saguntum’s independence and the Ebro treaty and in the following year, he conquered Saguntum after an eightmonth siege without counter-action being taken in Spain by Rome, which was engaged in the 2nd Illyrian War and in military operations in North Italy. However, when

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Rome demanded his extradition in an ultimatum and declared war after the Carthaginian refusal. The official cause of the war was the attack on Saguntum but the actual one was the crossing of the Ebro line, though it had not been agreed upon with Carthage itself but only with Hasdrubal [16].

Both sides still took the offensive in the summer of 218. Rome dispatched an army to Spain and collected another one on Sicily for invading North Africa. Hannibal crossed the Alps in late autumn (via the Isére and Arc valleys, then a side pass of des Mont Cenis, the Col de Savine-Coche) and defeated the Romans in North Italy on the Ticino/— Ticinus and the > Trebia. Supported by the mercenary reservoir of allied Celts in North Italy, Hannibal crossed the + Appenninus in the next year and on the Trasimenian Lake (> Lacus Trasumenus) achieved the great victory over C. > Flaminius [1], while in Spain the brothers P. + Cornelius [I 68] Scipio and Cn. -» Cornelius [I 77] Scipio met with successes over the Carthaginians. In South Italy, Hannibal defeated the Romans in the devastating battle of Cannae (August 216). Capua and other South Italian communities switched to his side, in 215 he signed a cooperation agreement with — Philippus [I 7] V of Macedonia, and in Sicily Syracuse joined him. The Greek version of the general’s agreement with Philippus V (StV II] 528), which the Romans had captured, reveals that the military objective was to restrict Rome to being a central Italian power while incorporating South and North Italy in a Carthaginian system of alliances. The Roman counter strategy involved Hannibal ina positional war (for which Q. > Fabius [I 30] Maximus, called Cunctator, ‘the Delayer’, became the symbol) and opened ancillary theatres of war in order to isolate him. In 212 Syracuse was reconquered by M. Claudius {I rr] Marcellus. To keep Philippus V away from Italy, Rome in the same year concluded an alliance with the +» Aetolians (StV III 536) and participated with naval units in their war against Macedonia. In Spain, the two Scipio brothers suffered defeats in 211 and were killed. But in 210-206, P. + Cornelius [I 71] Scipio, the identically named son of the dead P. Cornelius [I 68] Scipio,

212

succeeded in taking Spain from the Carthaginians. In Italy, the Romans retook Capua in 211. Hannibal’s relief attack on Rome failed. In 209 the Romans regained Tarentum (+ Taras) and in 207 Hannibal’s brother Hasdrubal [3], who brought reinforcements from Spain to Italy, lost the battle and his life on the Metaurus (between Ariminum and Ancona). In 205 Rome concluded a peace with Philippus V (StV III 5 43) and a year later P. Cornelius Scipio crossed from Sicily to North Africa. Hannibal then had to leave Italy (203) and in 202 lost the decisive battle of > Zama. Being now defenceless, Carthage had to sue for peace (202/r).

The peace instrument (StV III 548 V) contained no clauses regarding the Carthaginian overseas possessions in Spain, which were de facto lost, but imposed restrictions on armaments and sovereignty upon the city (surrender of all but ro naval units and the war

elephants; prohibition of waging war outside of Africa; waging war in Africa only with Rome’s permission) as well as a war indemnity of 15,000 talents payable in 50 annual rates. The reduction in Carthage’s legal position is also expressed in the unilateral guarantee of the city’s autonomy and possessions [20]. The peace also contained the regulation that former territorial possessions of the Roman ally in North Africa, the Numidian king ~» Massinissa, must be returned within boundaries as yet to be determined. Disputes arose from this boundary regulation and the role of arbiter fell to Rome as a result of this peace agreement. Ill. THE 3RD PuNiIc WAR (149-146)

In 195 Rome successfully intervened to the benefit of the Carthaginian aristocracy in an attempted coup by Hannibal [4]. On this occasion, boundary disputes with + Massinissa were brought up, as again in 193 and 181. On the eve of the 3rd + Macedonian War, Carthaginian delegates in Rome complained of Numidian incursions.

In this case (172), the Senate decided in

favour of Carthage and against Massinissa, who in turn questioned the peace of 201. In 161 Massinissa attakked Emporia, but this time Rome decided — against the legal situation — in favour of the king because the city had granted asylum to a disloyal vassal of Massinissa. Rome appears to have feared the disintegration of the octogenarian king’s loosely bound realm. As a result, the policy of loyal compliance with the peace was discredited in Carthage. In 15 4/3 the Carthaginians in turn committed violations of the border and Rome was not able to enforce compensation. This and signs of internal weakness in the Numidian realm (see — Numidae) sparked anti-Carthaginian demagoguery in Rome (cf. the quotation attributed to M. Porcius Cato [1] with which he allegedly ended all his speeches in the Senate after 153: ceterum censeo Carthaginem esse delendam: “Furthermore, I vote that Carthage must be destroyed”, cf. Plut. Cato maior 26). After the expulsion of

partisans of Massinissa from Carthage, the king responded with acts of war; Carthage launched a counter-offensive without authorization

from Rome,

and

20g

214

Rome reacted in 149 with a declaration of war. Its objective was to destroy Carthage’s position of power in North Africa — not for fear of the real power of the former rival but in order to terminate with force the difficulties that had arisen from the fact that the peace settlement of 201 was untenable (analysed in detail by

[21]). The Carthaginians wished to avert this war and submitted. However, they were driven to desperation by the request to abandon their city by the sea and instead settle in the interior. Therefore they doggedly resisted for three years. In 146 P. + Cornelius[i 70] Scipio Aemilianus ordered the besieged city stormed and burned. The surviving population was enslaved and the Carthaginian territory was turned into the Roman province of Africa. + Carthage; Phoenicians, Poeni; > Roma I. 1 Huss 2J. BLEICKEN, Geschichte der ROmischen Republik, 51999 (with research report and bibliography) 3H. DevijvER, E. LrpiNski (ed.), Punic Wars (Studia Phoenicia 10),1989 4F.HampL, Zur Vorgeschichte des ersten und zweiten Punichen Krieges, in: ANRW I 1, 1972, 412-441

5 B.D. Hoyos, Unplanned Wars. The Origins of the First and Second Punic War, 1998 6 E. RUSCHENBUSCH, Der Ausbruch des 1. Punischen Krieges, in: Talanta 12/13,

1980/81, 55-76 7 W. HOFFMANN, Das Hilfegesuch der Mamertiner am Vorabend des Ersten Punischen Krieges, in: Historia 18, 1969, 153-180 8 J. MOLTHAGEN, Der Weg in den 1. Punischen Krieg, in: Chiron 5, 1975, 89-127

91d., Der Triumph des M.’ Valerius Messala und die Anfange des Ersten Punischen Krieges, in: Chiron 9, 1979, 53-72 10K.-W. Wetwel, Hieron II. von Syrakus und der Ausbruch des Ersten Punischen Krieges, in: Historia 27, 1978, 573-587. 11A. Heuss, Der Erste Punische Krieg und das Problem des rémischen Imperialismus. Zur politischen Beurteilung des Krieges, in: HZ 169, 1949, 457-513 (= Libelli 130, 71970) 12 P. BARCELO, Beobachtungen zur Entstehung der barkidischen Herrschaft in Hispanien, in: [3], 167-185 13 J. CARCOPINO, Le traité d’Hasdrubal et la responsibilité de la deuxiéme guerre punique, in: REA 55, 1953, 258-293 14 W. HorrMANN, Die rémische Kriegserklarung an Karthago im Jahre 218, in: RhM 94, 1951, 69-88

15 P. BARCELO,

Rom und Hispanien vor Ausbruch des 2. Punischen Krieges, in: Hermes 124, 1996, 45-57 16 E. RUSCHENBUSCH, Der Beginn des 2. Punischen Krieges, in: Historia 27, 1978, 232-234 17K.-H. Scuwarte, Der Ausbruch

des Zweiten Punischen Krieges — Rechtsfrage und Uberlieferung, 1983 18K. Curist (ed.), Hannibal (Wege der Forschung 371), 1974 19 J.F. LAzenBy, Hannibal’s

War. A Military History of the Second Punic War, 1978 20 F. GSCHNITZER, Die Stellung Karthagos nach dem Frieden von 201 v. Chr., in: WS 79, 1966, 276-289

21 W.

HoFFMANN, Die romische Politik des 2. Jh. und das Ende Karthagos, in: Historia 9, 1960, 309-344 22 K.-W. WeLWEI, Zum metus Punicus um 150 v. Chr., in: Hermes 117, 1989, 314-320. K.BR.

PUNISHMENT,

CRIMINAL LAW

Punishment, Criminal Law I. ANCIENT NEAR East AND ROME

II. Ecyrt

III. GREECE

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST The Sumerian-Akkadian terminology regarding punishment and criminal law implies that in Mesopotamia, this was already understood to be a consequence of mischief [1. 77 with note 3 5], directed either against the divine order [2] or the (state-sanctioned) political and social structures [3]. The same is true of Egypt [4. 68]. There was no distinction between civil

and criminal law in the modern sense. The relationship between private law and so-called public law (and its sanctions) was characterized by fluid boundaries [r]. For capital offences (in the Roman sense) at least (e.g. murder/manslaughter, robbery), the assumption will,

however, have been that the state was entitled to prosecute, since these were so-called primary offences, which were not infrequently referred to the royal jurisdiction. The threat and imposition of punishment took place in part according to the principle of the lex talionis [4. 68; 5]. The punishment for receiving stolen goods was generally based on the extent of punishment for the actual perpetrator [8]. The cuneiform inscriptions of the 3rd — rst mills. BC and in Egypt give evidence of the > death penalty, (dishonourable) mutila-

tion and corporal punishment, honour punishments, enslavement and the (graded) seizure of assets [4. 69; 6. 129-138; 7. 345-349; 8. 189-195]. Asset seizure consisted of monetary fines or compensation payments, according to the offence. Cuneiform instructions for the prosecution and arrest of felons are preserved [9]. Incriminated persons were taken into custody during investigations (not as punishment) [4. 69; 10. 168-170] and in connection with (disputed) debt obligations, the

latter also in the course of taking the law into one’s own hands [11. 33-36]. For state arrest orders, certain (parts of) buildings served as custodial premises [r. 76 f.; 125 13. 115-118]. Punishments of flogging and confinement were also means of school discipline in Mesopotamia and Egypt [4. 70; 14. 196-201]. 1 J. RENGER, Wrongdoing and Its Sanctions, in: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 20, 1977, 65-77. 2K. VAN DER Toor, Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia, 1985 3 J. HeNGst1, Zur rechtlichen

Bedeutung von arnum in der altbabylonischen Epoche, in: WO 11, 1980, 23-34 4W.Boocus,s. v. Strafe, in: LA 6, 1986, 68-72 5H.P.H. Petrscuow, Altoriental. Parallelen zur spatr6mischen calumnia, in: ZRG 90, 1973, 14-35 6A. FALKENSTEIN, Die neusumerischen Gerichtsurkunden, vol.1,1956

7 E.DomBrapt, Die Darstellung

des Rechtsaustrags in den altbabylonischen Prozefurkunden I, 1996 8K. Rapner, Die neuassyrischen Privatrechtsurkunden, 1997. 9G. WILHELM, ‘Verhafte ihn!’, in: Orientalia 59, 1990, 306-311 10 G. KomMoroczy,

Lobpreis auf das Gefangnis in Sumer, in: Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 23, 1975,

153-174

11 H.P.H. PerscHow, Mittelbabylonische Rechts- und Wirtschaftsurkunden der Hilprecht-Sammlung Jena, 1974

12P. STEINKELLER, The Reforms of UruKAgina

PUNISHMENT,

CRIMINAL

LAW

and an Early Sumerian Term for ‘Prison’, in: Aula Orientalis 9, 1991, 227-233 13 K.K. RIEMSCHNEIDER, Prison and Punishment in Early Anatolia, in: s. [1], 114-126 14K. VoLk, Methoden altmesopotamischer Erziehung nach Quellen der altbabylonischen Zeit, in: Saeculum 47, 1996, 178-216.

216

215

H.N.

Il. Ecyrr

Pharaonic Egypt had numerous forms of corporal punishment in expiation of crime, from flogging to mutilation to death. The — death penalty, esp. impalement, is recorded in crimes against the supreme assets of the commonwealth: for attempted regicide and the plundering of royal graves. High-ranking persons were granted the mercy of dying by their own hand. Severe corporal punishment seems generally to have required confirmation by the king, or at least the vizier [1. 147 f.; 2169032)4 Terms of imprisonment, in the sense of incarceration, are only recorded for the duration of legal proceedings: if condemned felons were jailed, this was because some time passed before the king confirmed the death penalty from his residence [1. 184; 2]. However, it seems that political opponents could be punished by banishment to remote locations such as oases. For crimes against temple property, along with a material fine many times greater than the original value, royal decree threatened the enslavement of the family and the confiscation of assets, along with corporal punishments such as lashing, the cutting-off of ears and noses, and death by impalement. However, it seems that in the case of property crimes, the replacement of the stolen goods often took precedence over corporal punishments. Recompense many times the value of the stolen goods could be exacted as a fine from the perpetrator [1. 181; 2]. There is evidence of the corporal chastisement of the thief if he did not confess his crime or if he perjured himself. Non-compliance with a > contract, e.g. in rental contracts for livestock, delayed return could be punished with a fine, e.g. the payment of double the value. For adultery — even repeat offences — men in the New Kingdom (1550-1070 BC) were punished by the imposition of an oath to have no further contact with the woman. In literary contexts (Pap. Westcar) of the Middle Kingdom (12th dynasty, c. 2000-1800 BC), an affair ended in death for both parties, for the woman by burning, a method of execution also attested in historical sources from the Third Intermediate Period (Annals of Osorkon, c. 800 BC) (cf. » Marriage V).

Many punishments were only sworn in oaths (— oath) [5] in case of non-compliance with a verdict. Thus, the cutting out of the tongue was mentioned as a punishment for raising objection to a judgment. It is not known to what extent such punishments (e.g. banishment to Nubia, mutilation, to be thrown as prey to a crocodile) are to be taken literally: in one case from the artisans’ village of Deir el-Medineh (Pap. Deir el-Medineh 27), an oath subject to severe punishment was

broken apparently without serious consequences to the perjuror. On the other hand, there are also examples of demands for maximum penalty for an act of oathbreaking (Ostrakon Nash 1) [1. 343-345]. The power of the gods, who were also invoked in oaths, was of particular importance in the securing of long-term provision against future rulers, as in e.g. wills or foundations. Here, more faith was placed in divine punishment (e.g. detriment to the life beyond) than in the corporal punishments of earthly justice. Beyond criminal justice, school texts of the New Kingdom (13th cent. BC) discussed pedagogical measures against lazy schoolchildren: “The ear of a schoolboy is on his back: he hears when he is beaten’ (Pap. Anastasi III 3,13, c. 1210 BC) [3. 56-58]. Punishment/chastisement and teaching/education were referred to with the same word, sb3j.t (> Scribes).

1 E.D. BEDELL, Criminal Law in the Egyptian Ramesside Period, 1973. 2 W. Boocus, s. v. Strafe, in: LA 6, 1986, 68-72 3H. BRUNNER, Altagyptische Erziehung, 1957 (repr. 1991) 4A.G. McDoweELt, Jurisdiction in the Workmen’s Community of Deir el-Medina, 1990 _~—s S'S.

MorscHAuseER, Threat-Formulae in Ancient Egypt, 1991 6E. Seip1, Einfiihrung in die agyptische Rechtsgeschichte, *1951. M.RO.

III]. GREECE AND ROME The history of criminal law (CL) in Greece and

Rome is characterized by bifurcate private and state punitive traditions. The proportion of the twin sanction systems in this regard differed not only chronologically but also geographically. In the Athenian polis of the 5th and 4th cents., public CL was far more developed than even centuries later in the Roman Republic. It is also true that private punishment was far more widespread at Athens than in modern legal systems. On the other hand, the technical term for the most important private sanction in the Roman law of the late Republic and the Empire, — poena, was a loan-word from Greek (+ poiné). It denoted the fine by which the perpetrator could avert the vengeance of the victim or his relatives. By this very potent concept — from the Twelve Tables (tabulae duodecim) — of the translation of originally private expiation into a financial penalty, the institution of private punishment was able to influence the entire development of Roman civil law through to the > Corpus iuris of the 6th cent. AD. The usual target and probably the historical stimulus for state punishment was criminal activity against the state itself and against the commonwealth, including its

religion. Thus, high treason or breach of the constitution was from an early stage tried by a popular court and popular assembly (- katalysis, > perduellio). Public punishment was also imposed e.g. at Athens for sacrilege (> asébeia) and temple robbery (+ hierosylia). On the other hand, for those offences which to the modern mind are the most serious, murder

and premeditated killing (> phonos, > parricidium, > homicidium), the initiative for legal proceedings at

G7,

218

Athens lay with the relatives, who could file a civil suit (+ diké), while at Rome, public criminal proceedings before a jury (+ quaestio) were probably only established as an institution from the rule of Sulla (c. 80 BC). In earlier centuries at Rome, only the murderer’s guilt was established in court on application from the plaintiff; for enforcement, the guilty party was transferred to the relatives of the victim, who could either kill him or sell him as a slave. Even more ‘civil’ or ‘private’ was the system of punishment within the household (+ Family IV): the imposition even of the death penalty by the head of the family (> pater familias) was permitted at Rome into the Imperial period; the only constraint upon the ‘ruler of the house’ was to allow the involvement of a family court under his chairmanship in the punishment of particularly serious deeds. In Greece and Rome, property

Indian princes installed as satraps (> Satrap). Soon after Alexander’s death, P. became the centre of the rebellion of - Sandracottus and hence part of the new Mauryan empire (> Mauryas). After its decline, in the 2nd and rst cents. BC, P. was among the Indo-Greek kingdoms (> Indo-Greeks). Its Hellenization remained slight, leaving hardly any archaeological evidence. In

offences (> klopé, — furtum) - and, in the Roman Republic, criminal assault (> iniuria) — remained en-

PUPIENUS

Graeco-Roman literature, P. is either a distant, unknown land (Philostr. VA, Ptol.) or a backdrop for the history of Alexander (Str. 15,1; Diod. Sic. 17; Arr. Anab. 6). K. KarTTUNEN, India and the Hellenistic World, 1997.

KK

Punt. Egyptian pwn.t, construed from the New Kingdom on, by means of linguistic reanalysis, as p3-wn.t. Omission of the apparent article creates a new name wn.t; this appears in some sources from the Graeco-

cials (+ cognitio). » Athenian Law; > Crimen; > Death penalty; > De-

Roman Period. According to Egyptian sources, a country in the far southeast; today usually sought in the region of Bur Sudan (Port Sudan) [6] or around Eritrea and the Horn of Africa [1; 2]. In the Old Kingdom, trade goods from P. could reach Egypt by way of staging posts along the Nile; direct trading voyages are also not unlikely. In the Middle and New Kingdoms trade went by ship, with the ports on the Red Sea and the mouths of Wadi Hammamat, Wadi Gawasas and Wadi Gasis playing the major part [7]. PHarris 177,rrf. tells how, after being carried by ship, goods were taken by donkey from the Red Sea to > Coptus. The best evidence in the real world for connexions between Egypt and P. is from the Old and Middle Kingdoms; later on, P. denotes mostly a mythical country. On linguistic criteria the famous P. reliefs in Dair al-Bahri with captions from Hatshepsut may have been modelled on originals from the Old Kingdom. P. produced primarily — gold,

lictum; > Iudicium; > Revenge

mates and skins of exotic animals.

tirely within the punitive compass of civil law, while Athenian law probably already saw physical integrity as a public good, and therefore subjected infringements of this good, like offences against the state and commonwealth, to ‘public action’ (+ graphée). The effect of the official sanctions of the magistrates could also resemble punishment (up to and including death) in the Roman Republic (+ coercitio). However,

Roman citizens had under certain circumstances the opportunity to defend themselves against such sanctions by calling upon the popular assembly (— provocatio). This could even result in the prosecution of the magistrate for abuse of office. Public CL was extended in the Imperial period, and its application was standardized. The typical instance was now trial before imperial offi-

> Law [2] IV B Law and state;

> elektron,

> myrrh,

> gum (kommi), > ebony, pri-

D. CoHEN, Law, Violence and Community in Classical

1 C. Cozzo.ino, R. Farrovicnu, The Land of Pwat/P.:

Athens, 1995; Id., Theft in Athenian Law, 1983; DuL-

The Archaeological Perspective, in: Sesto Congresso inter-

CKEIT/SCHWARZ/WALDSTEIN, 66-72; A.R.W. HARRISON,

nazionale di egittologia, Atti, vol. 2,1993,391-405 2R. Fatrovircu, The Problem of P. in the Light of Recent

The Law of Athens,

2 vols., 1968-1971;

W. KUNKEL,

Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des Kriminalverfahrens in vorsullanischer Zeit (ABAW 59), 1962; D.M. MacDoWELL The Law in Classical Athens, 1978; MOMMSEN, Strafrecht; E. RUSCHENBUSCH, Untersuchungen zur Gesch. des athenischen Strafrechts, 1968; B. SANTALUCIA, Diritto e processo penale nell’antica Roma, *1998. — GS.

Field Work in the Eastern Sudan (Beihefte zu den Studien zur altagyptischen Kultur 4), 1990, 257-272 3 R. HErRzoG,P.,1968

mer rouge,

Punjab (Neo-Persian pangab). The land of the five rivers > Indus [1], Jhelum (~ Hydaspes), Chenab (> Acesines [2]), Ravi (- Hydraotes) and Sutlaj-Beas (Zadadrus, Ptol. 7,1,27, Sydrus, Plin. HN 6,21,63 and

-» Hyphasis). Although it was already known to the -» Achaemenids, P. entered the Greek geographical consciousness only through the campaigns of Alexander. In 326 BC Alexander [4] conquered P. as far as the Hyphasis, though it hardly resulted in founding any Greek settlements; P. was instead administered by

4K.A. KircHeEN, Further Thoughts on P.

and Its Neighbours, in: A. Leaky,J.Tarr (eds.), Studies on Ancient Egypt in Honour of A.S. Smith, 1999, 173-178 5 A. Manzo, Echanges et contacts le long du Nil et de la 1999

6 G. PosENER,

L’or de Pount, in: E.

ENDESFELDER et al. (ed.), Agypten und Kusch, 1977, 337342 7A.M.A.H. Sayep, Discovery of the Site of the 12th Dynasty Port at Wadi Gawasis on the Red Sea Shore, in: Rev. d’Egyptologie 29, 1977, 138-178. JO.QU.

Pupienus. M. Clodius P. Maximus, emperor in AD 238. According to Zon. 12,17, P. was as oldas 74 at this time, but this can hardly be correct. Information on his

origin and career in the > Historia Augusta is largely fictional; his ancestors were probably from Volaterrae (CILIX 5765, cf. [1. 170ff.]). P. was consular governor

PUPIENUS

219

of a German province (Hdn. 8,6,6; 7,8), proconsul of Asia (ILS 8839; AE 1975, 791), cos. ord. II in 234 and

praef. urbi (Hdn. 7,10,4; 8,8,4) up to the time when the Senate elected him one of the X Xviri rei publicae curandae; these decemviri were to protect Italy against + Maximinus

[2] Thrax, who was

advancing

from

Pannonia (Zos. 1,14,2; SHA Maximini duo 32,3; SHA

Gord. ro,1f.). When the two Gordiani (> Gordianus [1-2]) were known to be dead, the Senate elevated P.

and Balbinus [1] to emperors of equal authority, with P. always being mentioned first. The young Gordianus |3 | (III) was appointed Caesar at the wish of the soldiers and the people. P. marched against Maximinus, who was killed, however, by his own soldiers near Aquileia (Hdn. 8,1-5). After 99 days in power, P. and Balbinus

were assassinated by the - praetorians; their successor was Gordianus [3] III. P. had a daughter (CIL VI 31237); a presumed son, T. Clodius P. Pulcher Maximus, was cos. suff. in an unknown year (ILS 1185), and a second son, M.P. Africanus, was cos. ord. in 236. 1 R. Syme, Emperors and Biography, 1971. KIENAST’, 191f.; PIR* C 1179; RIC 4.2, 173-176.

A.B.

Pupius. Roman nomen gentile, possibly connected to the Etruscan pupu. The family is otherwise politically insignificant; the adoptive father of the consul for 61 BC, P. [I 3], is unknown. SCHULZE, 213. I. RepuBiic

K.-L.E.

I. REPUBLIC {11] The only source for the author P. is Horatius (Epist. 1,1,67). According to this, P. was probably an author of tragedies. He lived in the rst cent. BC. The scope and precise content of his poetry is unknown. M.GU.

[I 2] P., L. Aedile in 185 BC. As praetor in 183, he conducted investigations into the Bacchanalia scandal (— Bacchanal(ia)) in Apulia (Liv. 40,19,10). He may have been the legate of the same name who was sent to the Oxybii in Liguria in 154 (MRR 1,451). PN. [I 3] P. Piso Frugi, M. Probably the son of Calpurnius {I 22] Piso, adopted by a M. Pupius. Born about 114 BC, educated by L. Licinius [I 10] Crassus and the Peripatetic » Staseas of Naples, he was occasionally the teacher of > Cicero (Cic. Brut. 240; 310; Ascon. 62 C). In 83, he owed his quaestorship to the Cinnans (-» Cornelius [I 18] Cinna), changed his allegiance to Cornelius [I 90] Sulla, became praetor around 72 (MRR 2,117; 3,177), received a Spanish province and a triumph in 69 (Cic. Pis. 62; Ascon.

receive the province of Syria (Cic. Att. 1,13,2f; 14,15 16,8 et passim). This meant the political end ofP.There is no reliable information about his later years. Cicero had P. (despite the reservations against his consulate) represent the Peripatetic teaching of Antiochus [20] of Ascalon in the 5th book of his dialogue De finibus bonorum et malorum (fictional date: 79; Cic. Att. 13,19,4). The legate in the Aegean in 49/8 (Jos. Ant. Iud. 14,231) and the owner of the house occupied by Antonius [I 9] in 47 may be P. or his son. I. HOFMANN-LOBL, Die Calpurnil, 1996, 130-143.

J-BA.

I]. IMPERIAL ERA {Il 1] L.P. Praesens. Equestrian tribunus militum and

praefectus alae. > Procurator of > Tiberius in Rome for inspecting the shore of the Tiber, perhaps in connection with the heavy flooding of the Tiber (cf. Tac. Ann. 1,76; 1,79). Procurator of Claudius [III] 1] and Nero in the province of > Galatia (II.), which also in-

cluded Pamphylia [1. 24]. Possibly the same as the P. Praesens who was entered into the Senate in the Praetorian class by Vespasianus; on the other hand, his age argues against it. PIR* P 1087. 1 S. SAHIN, Die Inschriften von Perge, vol. 1.

WE.

Puppet theatre. There is evidence of two forms of ancient puppet theatre: thaumata neurodspasta (Babwata vevooomaota, ‘puppets drawn on threads’; cf. Hor. Sat. 2,7,82:

II. IMPERIAL ERA

BARDON, vol. 2, 47; COURTNEY, 307.

220

r5 C). From 67-62, he was the

legate of Cn. Pompeius [I 3] in the east (Jos. Ant. Iud. 14,59; Jos. BI 1,143f.). As consul in 61, he provoked

Cicero and angered the optimates by his advocacy of Clodius [I 4], so that Pompeius’ goal of having his acta in the east recognized failed and P. consequently did not

mobile lignum) and thaumata automata (Savuata avtouata, ‘puppets moving of themselves’). The former is known mostly from metaphorical contexts in literary sources. It is consequently difficult to determine its precise technical properties. I. NEUROSPASTA

(‘JOINTED PUPPETS, STRING

puppets’) IJ. AurOMaTA IV. SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE I. NEUROSPASTA

III. MATERIAL

(‘JOINTED

PUPPETS,

STRING

PUPPETS’) Agalmata neurospasta (aycahuata vevodomaata) are

mentioned first by - Herodotus [1] as an object in a religious Dionysus ritual of the Egyptians: male figures, c. 46 cm tall, which were carried and whose phalloi were operated with a cord (Hdt. 2,48). The earliest insights into puppet theatre can be gleaned from Plato’s [1] ‘Allegory of the Cave’: puppet-showmen (@aupcatono.oV/thaumatopoiot), concealed from the audience by a stage partition (magadeayna/paraphragma), show their works of art over the performing shelf, moving their puppets and lending them their voices (Pl. Resp. 514a 1-51§a 3). Plato’s thaumata, identified as neurospasmata by > Timaeus [5] in his Plato lexicon (3rd cent. AD?), could be moved by means of strings (vetiea/ neura) running inside them (PI. Leg. 644d 7-e 4) and are reminiscent of the satraprota (puppets whose limbs are raised with strings) in the Indian national epic, the Mahabharata. Ps.-Aristot. Mund. 398b 16 (1st cent.

221

22:2

AD) and Apul. De mundo 27,351 (2nd cent. AD) describe neurdspasta in greater detail: the neck, eyes and hands could be moved by pulling a string. According to Ps.-Aristotle, it was possible to move all of these parts with a single string. Apuleius also mentions the possibility of nodding the head. Diod. Sic. 34,1 reports neurospasta more than two metres tall and operated in person by the Syrian king > Antiochus [rx] IX (2nd cent. BC). Comparable to these (cf. also Tert. De anima

6,1,20—24; Phil. De opificio mundi 117; Synes. De providentia 1,9,98b-c) are the modern puppets in Asiatic cultures operated from below, e.g., the Japanese bunraku figures. Il. AUTOMATA First mentioned by Aristotle [6] and explained in a 12th cent. AD commentary (Ps.-Philop. CAG 14 p. 77f.) on Aristot. Gen. an. 734b as figures on which a piece of wood was set in motion. This, then, by means of a contrivance transferred the impulse given it, moving another piece of wood and so on, until finally the figures seemed to move by themselves and to dance. The treatise Peri automatopoiétikés (1st cent. AD) by > Hero [I] gives a detailed description of standing and moving automata. The figures, set in motion by particular drawing weights, cords, rollers, levers and star wheels ( Automata), performed in and on boxes (t& mvO.a/ta plinthia). The boxes were designed in imitation of temples and altars, and ought not to be larger than 93 cm, to avert the suspicion that someone hiding inside might be responsible for the action (Hero 4,4 ScHMIDT). The tragic theatre (~ Tragedy) provided the inspiration for choice and design of the subject matter. Hero, for example, tells of a performance of the legend of — Nauplius, whose ending lacked not even the + deus ex machina in the shape of Athena (22,4-6). Ill. MATERIAL . Wood was probably the material of first choice for the manufacture of neurdspasta and automata (cf. + Dolls) (Aristot. Gen. an. 7,54b; Hor. Sat. 2,7,80-82; Apul. De mundo 27,351). The material’s perishability may explain the absence of any surviving puppet theatre figures.

IV. SOCIAL SIGNIFICANCE

Puppet theatre was not regarded as an important art form in antiquity (Eust. 457,38). The puppet-showmen were the equals of acrobats, ventriloquists and other legerdemainists (> Entertainers). They performed at public (e.g., at the Delian Games in the 2nd cent. BC; IG XI fase. II 133,80) and private occasions. A showman (veveoondotns/neurospastes) by the name of Potheinus was, however, said to be so popular that he was even permitted to perform in the Theatre of Dionysus at Athens (Ath. 1,19e). + Automata; > Dolls M. FrrrA, Spiele und Spielzeug in der Antike, 1998, 83-89 (figs.); A. Ganets, Gaukler im Altertum, 1927; H.R.

PURCHASE

PurscHKE, Die Entwicklung des Puppenspiels in den klassischen Ursprungslandern Europas. Ein historischer Uberblick, 1984; U. Wacner, De mobili ligno (Hor. sat. I, 7,82). Qui fuerint apud veteres ludi scaenici puparum, in: P. Neukam (ed.), Anschauung und Anschaulichkeit (Dialog Schule und Wiss., Klass. Sprachen und Literaturen 29), 1995, 131-155.

UWA.

Pupput. City in Africa proconsularis (— Africa [3]) 3 km north of Bir Bou Rekba, modern Souk el-Abiod (It. Ant. 52,4; 56,6; 58,3: Pupput or Putput of MS P; Tab. Peut. 6,2: P.; Geogr. Rav. 88,43: Pulpud; Guido, Geographia 132,64: Pulpite). The town, presumably marked by Punic influence, was a colonia from Commodus (AD 176-192) on (CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 24092f.: Pupput; 24095: colonia Puppit(anorum)). P. was the

hometown of the jurist P. Salvius Iulianus [1] (CIL VII Suppl. 4, 24094). An episcopus Puppitanus is recorded for AD 484 (CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 24091). Further inscriptions: CIL VII Suppl. 4, 24096f.; AE 1995, 1656. AATun 050, leaf 37, no. 14; H. TREIDLER, s.v. Pudput, RE

23, 1947f.

W.HU.

Purchase I. INTRODUCTION

II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST

II]. GREECE AND ROME

I. INTRODUCTION After the supersession of the concept that the ideal economic form was an autarkic entity of production and consumption not depending upon trade (e.g. the Homeric ofkos), and after the invention of means of

payment — whether in the form of unstamped precious metals or coins — purchase, i.e. the exchange of goods for money, was a self-evident element of ancient societies. In spite of its presumably general distribution, however, purchase was underdeveloped in terms of legal provision. Laws and theoretical writings pay it little attention. Yet it was already important even in Mesopotamian documents. GS. Il. ANCIENT NEAR East Purchase transactions, characterized

by the exchange of an object/asset for the payment of a price, are recorded in the cuneiform writings of Mesopotamia from the early 3rd millennium BC [1] to the Hellenistic period (2nd/rst cents. BC) [2. 2-19]. Purchase was gen-

erally by cash payment (for services, delivery versus payment), but there is evidence of credit and forward/advance-payment purchases in which the payment of the purchase price and the supply of the purchased item were not simultaneous from the Old Akkadian period (24th—22nd cents. BC). The purchase document served the buyer as proof in order to counter contractual challenges. It thus had no constitutive effect of its own. Purchase documents, witnessed and signed by > seal or fingernail imprint (usually by the vendor) could be stylized ex latere emptoris

2.23

224

or ex latere venditoris (on the part of the buyer or the

11.J. Gers, P. STEINKELLER, R.M. Wuitine, Earliest Land Tenure Systems in the Near East, 1989/199i 2U.

PURCHASE

vendor) and contained various final clauses (some fac-

ultative) which varied according to region and date (e.g. waiver of action, non-contestation clause, liability for

eviction, oath, penalty clauses). Purchase objects in transactions made in writing were esp. property (fields, houses, plots of land or gardens), income rights (benefices, benefits in kind) and movables

(persons, live-

stock), and only rarely fungible goods. In the case of the Old Babylonian (18th/17th cents. BC) -» Alalah in northern Syria, there is even a record of the purchase of an entire town. The purchase price was indicated in silver and barley, or more rarely in copper, gold or lead. The metal here would often serve as a measure of value,

while the actual payment would be made in kind [3. 270-2783 4. 147f."°]. The earliest sales law documents are stone inscriptions (so-called kudurrus) from the rst half of the 3rd

millennium BC, esp. from southern Mesopotamia. Towards the end of the early dynastic period (25th/24th cents. BC), the first documents for the purchase of people (> Slavery) appear (from Girsu). It is a matter of dispute to what extent the absence (Ur III period/z 1st cent. BC) or the geographically irregular distribution (Old Babylonian/zoth-16th cents. BC) of field purchase contracts indicates a lack of private ownership of fields or restrictions on the sale of arable land in those periods [5. 34-36; 6. 49-67; 7. 295-302]. The apparent ban on the sale of land and ground in Arrapha/- Nuzi (15th/14th cents. BC) was circumvented by so-called purchase adoption [8. 52-66]. In Middle As-

LEWENTON,

Studien

zur keilschriftlichen

Babyloniens in hellenistiche Zeit, 1970

Rechtspraxis 3M. MULLER,

Gold, Silber und Blei als Wertmesser in Mesopotamien wahrend der zweiten Halfte des 2. Jahrtausends v.u.Z., in: J.N. PostGate (ed.), FS 1.M. Diakonoff, 1982, 270-278

4H. PerscHow, Die Sklavenkaufvertrage des Sandabakku Enlil-kidinni von Nippur (I), in: Orientalia 52, 1983, 143-155 5H. NEUMANN, Zum Problem des privaten Bodeneigentums in Mesopot. (3. Jahrtausend v.u.Z), in: Jb. fiir Wirtschaftsgesch. 1987, 29-48 6). RENGER, Das Privateigentum an der Feldflur in der altbabylonichen Zeit, in: Jb. fiir Wirtschaftsgeschichte 1987, 49-67. 71d., Institutional, Communal, and Individual

Ownership or Possession of Arable Land in Ancient Mesopotamia from the End of the Fourth to the End of the First Mill. B.C., in: Chicago-Kent Law Review 71, 1995, 269-319 8 P. KoscHAKER, Neue keilschriftliche Rechtsurkunden aus der El-Amarna-Zeit, 1928 9H. Pet-

scHow, Neubabylonisches Pfandrecht, 1956

10 J. OELS-

NER, Kontinuitat und Wandel in Gesellschaft und Kultur Babyloniens in hellenistischer Zeit, in: Klio 60, 1978, 101-

116 11/J. RENGER, Patterns of Non-Institutional Trade and Non-Commercial Exchange in Ancient Mesopotamia at the Beginning of the Second Millenium B.C., in: A. ArcHI

(ed.), Circulation of Goods in Non-Palatial Con-

text in the Ancient Near East, 1984, 31-123 12 J. JANSEN, On Prices and Wages in Ancient Egypt, in: Altorien-

talische Forschungen 15, 1988, 10-23-13 K.-TH. ZavZICH, s.v. Kauf-Urkunden, demotisch, LA 3, 370f. B. Krenast, Das altassyrische Kaufvertragsrecht, 1984; J. KRECHER et al., s.v. Kauf, RLA

Neuw/spatbabylonischen

5, 490-541; J. OELSNER,

und aramdaische

Kauf-Vertrage,

syrian land purchases (2nd half of 2nd millennium BC),

in: AOAT

the public proclamation procedure was characteristic

babylonischen Kauf-Formulare, 1939; K. RADNER, Die neuassyrischen Privatrechtsurkunden als Quelle fir

[8. 27-36], which is probably also to be assumed for the

Late Babylonic period (6th—4th cents. BC), before it became obsolete in the Hellenistic period [9. 93f. with n. 273f.]. The break in surviving cuneiform slave and field purchase contracts after 272/1 BC probably derives from a state imposition of purchase tax on such objects, since this required these contracts to be concluded with the participation of a civil servant, in Greek or Aramaic,

Mensch

247, 1997, 307-314; H. PETscHow, Die neu-

und Umwelt,

1997, 316-356; M. SAN NIcoLo,

Die Schlu&klauseln der altbabylonischen Kauf- und Tauschvertrage, *1974; E. SEIDL, Altagyptisches Recht, in: HbdOr, Suppl. vol. 3, 1964, 1-48, esp. 18f., 31; Id., Agyptische Rechtsgeschichte der Saiten- und Perserzeit, 1968;

P. STEINKELLER, Sale Documents of the Ur-IlI-Period, 1989; C. Witcke, Neue Rechtsurkunden der Altsumeri-

schen Zeit, in: ZA 86, 1996, 1-67.

HN,

written on perishable materials [10. 109].

There is evidence of purchase in Egypt, including of natural products and craft products, from the Old Kingdom on [11. 52-58]. Ostraka from Deir el-Medineh (New Kingdom) give the formula for purchase price

+ Cuneiform, legal texts in; -» Demotic law; > Eco-

Ill. GREECE AND ROME In Greek law, too, no demands or obligations yet arose by the mere agreement of an exchange of goods for money. As in the OT, however, a claim could be made on the basis of a payment (partially) in advance, esp. a deposit from the buyer (-> drra). If the (remaining) payment was not made, the drra was forfeit to the recipient; if the latter did not perform the service in return, he generally had to repay the drra with a penalty surcharge. Inconvenience to the buyer in the form of the usage of the purchase object on the part of the vendor or a third party could give rise to a claim for a monetary fine against the vendor (-> bebaiosis). The prototype of modern European purchase law was the consensual purchase of Roman law: from approx. the 2nd cent. BC, the > emptio venditio was a

nomy; > Egyptian law; > Hittite law; > Pledge, law of;

fully-formed contract, concluded with the simple agree-

receipts, and their content includes foodstuffs, clothing, livestock and funerary fixtures (coffins). The value of these goods was given primarily in copper, grain and

silver [12]. Written evidence of private purchases in Egypt from the Old Kingdom to the 4th cent. BC, however, is relatively scanty. In the case of property purchases, this may have been connected to the prevailing ownership conditions, which scarcely allowed scope for corresponding private transactions. The demotic record includes the purchase of property, liturgies, benefices, livestock, etc. [13. 370f.].

> Social structure;

225

226

ment of the parties, with reciprocal obligations and a differentiated system of guarantees for defect of title or quality. The purchase contract alone did not yet lead to the transfer of ownership of the purchase object. For that, a further additional transaction was required, e.g. the — traditio ex iusta causa or the > mancipatio, which may have also been the original form of Roman purchase, before the binding character of the simple purchase agreement took hold under the influence of the bona > fides (IL) particularly observed by the for-

burned, attached to a substitute such as a figurine or an animal to be sacrificed). Purification rituals usually took place outdoors or in specific buildings (‘bathhouses’), as a rule at dawn. The purity required by cult stipulated washing (hands) and donning a white robe. Purification rituals dealing with the body are better evidenced among the Hittites. Purification was performed by washing, particularly if the individual in question was to serve in the temple, and by brushing and rubbing, and also by walking through briers, for example. In Egypt, too, there is evidence that water, incense and oils or ointments were used for purification, along with natron (which was also chewed). Outward symbols of cultic purity, which also presumed ethically pure behaviour, were a white robe or a gold coating for cultic sites and instruments. Particular mention should be made not only of (hand) washing and shaving, but also of dietary prescriptions and the custom of circumcision. Cultic purification was carried out in the ‘house of the morning’ upon entry into the king’s palace or temple, as well as before approaching a burial site; the mummy was taken into a tent for purification. In the Old Testament, Lv 11-15 in particular transmits purification laws, including dietary laws, washings and, less often, sacrifices, especially in the case of physical or sexual impurity.

eign praetor (+ praetor peregrinus).

The German word for purchase, Kauf is also borrowed from Latin, though not from a Latin legal term, but from the word caupo, ‘innkeeper’ (> Inn). The exchange of goods and hucksterism were traditionally carried out at inns, probably from the Migration Period. ~ Arra, arrabon; ~ Emptio venditio; > One en pistei;

> Prasis

GS.

Purification A. INTRODUCTION

B. RELIGIOUS

C. PHILOSOPHICAL D. MeEpIcaL F. TRAGEDY (LITERARY)

E. MUSICAL

A. INTRODUCTION The cleansing of defilement or impurity (Greek katharsis, katharmos) can be understood as a strategy for overcoming calamity [5. 149-155]. Purification in this sense was introduced to Greek civilization through contact with the Ancient Orient [6. 5 5-64]. B. RELIGIOUS 1. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT

3. ROME

2. GREECE

4. IN MYSTERIES

rt. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyPT Although the ancient oriental civilizations had certain widespread features in common, there were differences in which forms of impurity were regarded as particularly significant and how they were removed. In Mesopotamia, impurity resulted from a violation of order and taboos. It might be presaged by omens (e.g. a lunar eclipse) or manifest itself in illness. Physical and in particular sexual impurity, blood and death, along with dietary prescriptions, play a surprisingly minor role in the texts. Cleansing by an expert (dsipu) was effective for the patient, first and foremost the king, as well as for a house or a cult object. The most important material in purification was water for washing, often with additives (e.g., silver, gold); as for plants, foremost was tamarisk as well as ‘soap wort’; fire (torches) and smoke (with added fragrances; smoking stands) played supporting roles; other methods included rubbing with dough or flour; anointing the body; shaving, removing old clothing, etc. Incantations (~» Magic) were recited, sacrifices offered and symbolic actions carried out (e.g., the unraveling of a thread). The impurities, now released and stripped off, were then removed

(stored,

PURIFICATION

R. GRIESHAMMER, s.v. Reinheit, kultisch, LA 5, 212f.; V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Maut, Zukunftsbewaltigung, 1994.

Religion, 1994; S. WA.SA. HE.FE.

2. GREECE to the Greeks, defilement or impurity was a disturbance of the religious and social order, but also inherent in the human and particularly the female body. The contrast between pure and impure reflected the categorical dichotomy between god and mortal; gods, however, might also defile themselves (e.g. Apollo). Seen as particularly defiling or impure were bloodguilt, death, birth, menstruation, sexual intercourse, illness (esp. epidemics, madness), incest, cannibalism and the pro-

fanation of the divine realm. For ‘defilement’ or ‘impurity’ the Greek language used miasma, mysos, agos, etc.; and to denote ‘purity’ and ‘purification’, esp. katharos, ‘pure’, kathairein, ‘purify’, katharmos, katharsis, ‘purification’, etc. (etymology from the IndoEuropean *g’ed’-, *g’od’-, ‘to fit together’ [8], alternatively from the Semitic qtr, ‘to burn incense, particularly in the cult’ [r. 77]); in the religious realm, the adjectives hierds, hdosios, hagios, hagnos and derivatives were also used. In serious cases, it was chiefly priests (special purification priests, Rkathartai; -- Melampus [1], > Epimenides) who performed the purificatory > sacrifice and ritual; in the case of bloodguilt, a blood sacrifice was offered (criticized already by Heraclitus 22 B5 DK; in the classical period, purification from murder was tied up in the justice system). The passage of time had an

PURIFICATION

227

228

obliterating effect. Regular purification was carried out prior to sacrifice and prayer; and upon entering a shrine, by cleansing images of the gods, the temple, the temenos (-» Plynteria) and public spaces (people’s assembly, agora, polis; -» pharmakos). Purificatory prescriptions, particularly exacting for priests and

tion’,

women, were set down in sacral laws (e.g. Selinous, c. 460 BC [2]; Cyrene, end of 4th cent. BC). Techniques

tes [6] developed a cathartic science of medicine while incorporating religious imagery. Disturbances of natu-

included washing, sprinkling, the use of incense, and burning; among the materials used were water, blood,

ral purification, particularly an excess of the four humours — blood, phlegm, black and yellow bile -, other physiological substances and the four qualities

sulphur, — fire, salt, hellebore and squill. The gods of purification were > Zeus Katharsios and » Apollo [B

> Stoicism) with purification (SVF II 598) and

freedom from emotion with purity (Epict. 2,18,19). D. MEDICAL

Competing with the medicine practiced by priests (Hippoc. De morbo sacro), the school of + Hippocra-

warm, cold, wet and dry (also correlates of the emoti-

ons) were treated primarily by administering pharmaka

4]. 3. ROME

Purification appears to have played a smaller role in Roman than in Greek religion; see — /ustratio. 4. IN MYSTERIES

In eschatological -» mysteries, ritual purification took on new significance through their orientation toward bliss in the hereafter. In the > Eleusinian mysteries, bathing in the sea, fasts and washings served as preparation for the initiation, which was immediately preceded by further cathartic rituals (sacrifice of a young pig, winnowing, torch-bearing; > mysteria). It seems probable Orphic notions were already associated with ritual purification, when we learn that the uninitiated were condemned to lie in the mud in the underworld (cf. the custom of mud smearing in the cult of Meter and Sabazius [7. 103-107]), while the initiated could hope to take part in the ‘banquet of the pure’ (symposion ton hoston: Plat. Resp. 363cd). Fundamental to Orphic purification (> Orphism, Orphic poetry) probably was a myth of the polluted origin of mankind due to its ancestry from the Titans who had murdered > Dionysus (Orph, Fr. 220). In any case, Orphic purification aimed at removing individual guilt (Plat. Crat. 400¢; Resp. 364be; Aristot. fr. 60 Rose). In the OrphicBacchic mysteries, suffering fear and terror as well as beatings served to purify the soul; Arist. Quint. 3,25 still knows of a purificatory use of music and dance. On gold lamellae, which probably served as a ‘passport’ for the dead, initiated souls announced their arrival in the afterworld: ‘I come as a pure man from pure men’ (A13.5 ZUNTZ; -> Orphicae Lamellae). To what extent the Pythagoreans’ rules for living should be seen as cathartic remains unclear; at any rate,

» Empedocles [1], who

was closely associated with the Pythagoreans, also refers to ancient blood guilt in his Katharmot (31 Bris, 136-137 DK). C. PHILOSOPHICAL Freely borrowing from Orphic ideas, Plato posited a philosophical purification aimed at separating the soul from the body in order, in the afterlife, ‘to see a purer place’ (Plat. Phaedo; purification as an ‘art of division’, diakritiké, in the Sophista). Following the Phaedo, + Neoplatonism identified purification as the first stage in the soul’s progress towards recognition of the One. The Stoa equated ekpyrosis (‘cosmic conflagra-

(kathartikd, purgativa) to remove the materia peccans (the ‘harmful substance’). Maintenance of a pure envi-

ronment and climate was considered to be of prophylactic interest (Hippocr. De aere, aquis, locis). Physicians, like priests, committed themselves to a ‘purity’ in their personal lives and their profession (hagndés kai hosios: Hippoc. Iusiurandum 17-18 EDELSTEIN). E. MusIcAL Disagreement remains on Aristoxenus’ attribution (fr. 26 WEHRLI*

and Iambl. V.P.

rro-111,

114) to

Pythagoras or the early Pythagoreans of the idea the soul might be purified through music. At any the cult of the Corybantes regarded flute playing means of purification (Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 119). stotle distinguishes purification, along education

that rate, as a Ariand

entertainment, as an objective for music, albeit without

explaining the notion as promised (Aristot. Pol. 8,7), while Theophrastus defined the essence of music as ‘a movement of the soul corresponding to release (apélysis) from the harmful effects of the emotions’ (fr. 716 FORTENBAUGH). F. TRAGEDY

(LITERARY)

-> Katharsis 1 W. Burkert, LeSepfiguren, Apollon von Amyklai und die ‘Erfindung’ des Opfers auf Cypern, in: Grazer Beitrage A kor

sour

Koransky,

2M.H. A Lex

Sacra

JAMEsoNn, D.R. JorpDan, R.D. from

Selinous,

1993

3K.

ALBERT, s.v. Katharsis, TRE 18, 35-37. 4A. BENDLIN, s.v. Reinheit/Unreinheit, HrwG 4, 412-416 5 W. BurKERT, Kulte des Altertums, 1998 6 Id., The Orientalizing Revolution, 1992

7 F. GraF, Eleusis und die orphische

Dichtung Athens in vorhellenistischer Zeit, 1974, 79-150

8 C. LICHTENTHAELER, Der magische Hintergrund der hippokratischen Materia peccans in den Epidemienbiichern III und I, in: G. BAADER, R. Wrnau (eds.), Die hippokratischen Epidemien, 1989, ro9—116 9G. NEu-

MANN, x%@0a00¢ ‘rein’ und seine Sippe in den altesten griechischen Texten, in: H. FRONING (ed.), Kotinos. Festschrift fiir E. Simon, 1992, 71-75 10R. PARKER, Mias-

ma. Pollution and Purification in Early Greek Religion, *1996 (1983; seminal) 11H. von STADEN, Character and Competence, in: H. FLAsHaR, J. JOUANNA (eds.),

Medecine

et morale

1996, 157-195.

dans |’Antiquité

(Entretiens

43), T.H.

229

230

Purification rites see > Purification; > Expiatory rites

behaviour establishing moral and ritual requirements [5. 144-184]. Priests had to swear to such conduct at their dedication. The oath has been preserved in Egyptian and in a Greek translation in the ‘Book of the Temple’. This manual provides further information on prescribed purity for the individual ranks of priests within the context of their instructions for service. The prohibition there against wearing leather may correspond to the prohibition against wool for priests as recorded by Greek authors (Hdt. 2,81; Plut. De Is. et Os. 4) and in the ‘Gnomon of the ‘> Idios Logos’’. Particularly remarkable is how prescribed intervals are established for the purity of priestesses (in connection with menstruation?). A further text preserved in Roman Era papyri gives even more precise instructions: alongside temple law, it contains esp. specifications on clothing, slaughtering, and dietary rules especially for high-ranking priests [1o. 18f.]. In a long excerpt from -—> Chaeremon [2], Porph. De abstinentia 4,6-8 sets forth the cloistered life of an Egyptian priest determined by purity regulations and dietary prescriptions [7]; while idealized, it can with certainty be traced back to genuinely Egyptian tradition. To the extent that activities carried out by the trades necessitated the entry of people who were not priests into the temple, the purity prescriptions provided for specific times. In like manner, authorization of access for the population at large was defined and made dependent on criteria of purity [11]. In cult, purification scenes were among the basic constituents of every significant > ritual. These scenes generally combined a purification by pouring water and another by incense. Water libations were often distributed among the four points of the heavens and then allocated to the deities of purification (— Horus, + Seth, > Thot and Dun-Anwi). In more concise presentations on temple walls, they could be limited to the pair of Horus and Seth. Because of > Seth’s proscription after the end of the New Kingdom he was replaced either by Thot or in the full quaternity by Geb. A comprehensive purification ritual for a king [12] is preserved in several papyri. It may have been part of the coronation rites [9]. Theologically, the purification is comparable with, e.g., the purification of the sun and the gods of the stars before their rise into the sky. Pictorial representations of water being poured out of jugs by gods upon the king are frequent. Similar ceremonies were presumably also employed in ordaining priests, and it may have been from these that the purification ceremonies in the dedication to > Isis developed in the Graeco-Roman period.

Puritas see > Virtutes dicendi

Purity I. MEsorotamia II. Ecypt III. OLD TESTAMENT IV. GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY

I. MESOPOTAMIA

In Sumerian the adjective kug and in Akkadian the corresponding adjective ellu express the principle of (cultic) purity. Both words also contain the nuance of ‘bright’, ‘shining’. Sumerian kug and Akkadian ellu (when in textual dependence upon kug) mark characteristics of deities, localities (e.g., temples), (cult) objects, rites and periods of time as belonging to the sphere of the divine. This, however, does not necessarily mean that they must be in an uncontaminated state. In this respect kug is most often rendered as ‘holy/sacred’. Akkadian ellu, by contrast, has the primary meaning of ‘free of material and immaterial contamination or interference’ and can refer to both cultic purity and the legal status of persons and objects (i.e., free of claims) or the contamination of materials. Pure materials have a purifying power. Purificatory rites can remove impurity caused by — demons or by the breaking of rules and taboos (> Purification). 1 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary E, 1958, s.v. ebbu, ebébu,

3-8, s.v. elélu, 80-83, s.v. ellu, 102-105 Toorn,

2K. VAN DER

La pureté rituelle au Proche Orient ancien, in:

Rev. d’Histoire des Religions 206, 1989, 339-356 3E.]J. Wixson, ‘Holiness’ and ‘Purity’ in Mesopotamia, 1994.

JRE. II. Ecypr Cultic purity played a pronounced role in Egypt. Al-

ready in the Old Kingdom, inscriptions displayed in tombs warned people against entering into impurity; in

some cases this was even more precisely defined. Dietary taboos along with bodily cleanliness and being healthy played a part [2. 4-8]. Among afterlife texts, the ‘Book of the Dead’ (> Funerary literature), in particular, states in the postscript to some sayings that for their recitation particular requirements must be observed, such as sexual abstinence and abstention from fish and small livestock. Similar requirements can also be found in magic texts for the living [3. 258-263]. In addition to ethical prescriptions, purity requirements of a ritual and cultic nature are also detectable in the ‘negative confession of sin’ in the Book of the Dead (chapter 125). These may have had their source in prescriptions for -» priests. In the earlier period, they can only be inferred from allusions. For example, RAD 75,4-8 ([4], cf. [9]) shows that a priest had to purify himself for ten days before entering a temple. Inscriptions of the Graeco-Roman Period (from 332 BC on) record quite comprehensive instructions prohibiting anybody who does not satisfy the purity requirements from entering a temple [6] as well as codifications of

PURITY

1B. ALTENMULLER-KESTING, schen Kult, 1968

Reinigungsriten im agypti-

2 E. Epet, Untersuchungen zur Phra-

seologie der agyptischen Inschriften des Alten Reiches, in: MDAI(K) 13, 1945, 4-8 3 P. EscHwEILer, Bildzauber im alten Agypten, 1994 4 A.H. Garpiner, Ramesside Administrative Documents, 1948

5 A. GuTBuB, Textes

fondamentaux de la theologie de Kom Ombo, 1973. 6 H. Junker, Vorschriften fir den Tempelkult in Philae, in: Analecta Biblica 12, 1959, 151-160

7P. W. VAN DER

235

232

Horst, Chaeremon, Egyptian Priest and Stoic Philosopher, 1984 8D. Meeks, Pureté et purification en Egypte, in: DB, Suppl. 9, 430-452 9 J.F. Quack,

sitions to the purple-snail (Aristot. Hist. an. 546b547b), but the most important ancient description of the creature and the manufacture of the dye is found in Pliny (Plin. HN 9,124-138). It is likely that the technique of obtaining dye from sea-snails was first developed by the > Phoenicians. In the Augustan period, Tyre (> Tyrus) was the centre of purple-dyeing, and the city’s wealth was said to depend in large measure on that industry (Str. 16,2,23). There were purple-dyeries in many coastal regions throughout the Mediterranean in the Roman period. Purple could be used to achieve various hues, of which dark red and violet were probably the most highly prized. Pliny names two species of snail most widely used for obtaining purple - Murex buccinum and Murex purpura/pelagia (Plin. HN 9,130) — and details other species differing in habitat and diet (Plin. HN 9,131). The purple-snails were caught on the high sea with bow nets, plain mussels being used as bait; buccina were collected on rocks and cliffs. The best time for the catch was before the onset of spring or after the rising of Sirius (18 July); the snails must not die while being caught lest the purple dye be lost (Aristot. Hist. an. 547A). While the smaller snails were crushed alive with their shells, the dye-producing glands of larger snails were

PURITY

Konigsweihe,

Priesterweihe,

Isisweihe,

in: J. ASSMANN

(ed.), Agyptische Geheimnisse, 2004, 95-108

10 Id.,

Das Buch vom Tempel und verwandte Texte, in: Archiv fur Rel.-Gesch. 2, 2000, 1-20 ~=—11 S. SAUNERON, Les fétes religieuses d’Esna aux derniers siécles du paganisme (Esna vol. 5), 1962, 340-349 12S. Scuort, Die Reinigung

Pharaos in einem memphitischen

Tempel (Nachr. der

Akad. der Wiss. in Gottingen, Phil.-hist. Kl.

1957), 3.

JO.QU.

Ill. OLp TESTAMENT OT conceptions of purity can be found mainly in the -» priestly document, Ezekiel and Deuteronomy. Purity is a prerequisite for participation in the > cult and, thereby, for sharing in the presence of God mediated and affirmed in the cult. Maintaining the cleanliness of spaces, things and people here readily attaches to ideas of sacrality: the oppositional pair ‘clean’-’unclean’ (tahor-tame>) is side-by-side with the expression of holiness (pi‘el/niph‘al of gds, and its antonym I-pi‘el of hil and hi), e.g., in Lv r1,43ff.; 16,19; cf. Dt 14,3ff. In the late OT period, purity appears beside circumcision and devotion to the Torah as a social criterion of identity. In principle, in addition to illness, menstruation and birth, all offences against social and religious order are considered defilement, as is the consumption of unclean animals (Lv rr, e.g., the flesh of > pigs). Birds, oil, crimson threads and particularly blood play a prominent role in purity rituals (e.g., Lv 14), but a distinction is to be made between elimination rites and purification rites. The use of birds and blood (— Expiatory rites) exhibits features in common with (eastern) Anatolian purification rites, whose influences are also traceable in Syria, especially in Emar. 1M.

Douc tas, The Forbidden Animals in Leviticus, in:

Journ. for the Study of the Old Testament 59, 1993, 3-23 2 D.E. FLEMING, The Installation of Baal’s High Priestess at Emar, 1992 3B. JaNowskt, Sihne als Heilsgeschehen. Studien zur Sthnetheologie der Priesterschrift und zur Wurzel KPR im Alten Orient und im Alten Testament,

1982

4C. Kinng, Zum Vor-Opfer im alten Anatolien,

in: B. JANowskT et al. (ed.), Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament, 1993, 225-283

5 T.PODELLA,s. v. Reinheit,

Altes Testament, TRE 28, 477-483 6 E.J. WILSON, ‘Holiness’ and ‘Purity’ in Mesopotamia, 1994 7D.P. Wricut, The Disposal of Impurity. Elimination Rites in

the Bible and in Hittite and Mesopotamian 1987.

IV. GRAECO-ROMAN

Literature, TH.PO.

ANTIQUITY

See > Purification

Purple (xog@vea/porphyra, Lat. purpur) was a dye (+ Dyeing) used in Antiquity for the manufacture of costly materials and garments. It was obtained from various species of sea-snails (> Snails and slugs) living in the Mediterranean; Aristotle devoted lengthy disqui-

removed; the raw material thus obtained was salted, then steeped for three days before being mixed with water and subjected to moderate heat for ten days. During this period all impurities could be removed, resulting in pure dye. Finally, wool was dipped in the fluid as a test to evaluate its coloration. At Tyre, > wool was usually dyed in several stages, first with the dye of the pelagiae, then that of the buccina; this produced a dark

red pigment that appeared almost blackish and had a unique sheen. Purple was regarded as extremely precious in Antiquity. Its high price resulted solely from the fact that 12,000 purple-snails were needed to extract 1.5 grams of dye. The Diocletianic Price Edict records prices for purple-dyed silks and wools of various qualities in Late Antiquity (> Edictum [3] Diocletiani 24). Purple-dyed textiles were affordable only to the wealthy elite, and were without doubt one of the most important status symbols of Antiquity. At Rome, purple was also a symbol denoting political rank (Plin. HN 9,127: ‘distin-

guit ab equite curiam’). A triumphator wore purple garb in the > triumph; in the Principate, when only the > princeps was entitled to celebrate a triumph, the purple robe became part of the regalia of the > imperator and princeps. The purple gown was reserved for the princeps, and ‘putting on the purple’ was therefore an expression of usurpation (Amm. Mare. 16,8,4; 16,8,8; 22,9,10-11;

26,6,15). In the 5th cent.

AD, private individuals were accordingly strictly forbidden to own garments dyed purple (Cod. Theod. TO,2O,7.8350O 52.8).

+ Dyeing; ~ Pigments; > Snails and slugs 1 BLUMNER, Techn., vol. 1, 233-248 2H.BiuM, Purpur als Statussymbol in der griechischen Welt, 1998 3A.

234

233

PUTEOLI

porphyrion, Lat. porphyrio). The particularly splendid, blue-coloured purple swamphen with red bill and long red legs belongs to the rail family. Aristot. Hist. an.

ic Period. Juv. 14,282 names aluta as the material of manufacture, fine leather tanned with alum; but purses could also be made of linen, as seen in examples from Pompeii (House of the Diomedes). A bronze arm purse was found at Xanten [1. 63]. In Roman art, purses are an attribute of > Mercurius [II] and are found on coins of the quaestors (> Quaestor); they also appeared in reliefs showing rent payments and commercial scenes. To this must be added the zona, the men’s money belt, and the bulga, apparently a Gallic word for a leather sack worn on the arm (Non. 2,78,2), while the loculus

7(8),6,595a

(locellus) indicated rather a wooden

PEKRIDOU-GoRECKI, Mode im antiken Griechenland, 1989 4M. REINHOLD, History of Purple as a Status

Symbol in Antiquity, 1970 (=Coll. Latomus 116) STEIGERWALD, Die antike Purpurfarberei nach

5G. dem

Bericht Plinius’ des Alteren in seiner Naturalis historia, in:

Traditio 42, 1986, 1-57.

H.SCHN.

Purple swamphen (Porphyrio porphyrio, nogpveiwv/

12 knew it for its peculiar snatching of

water when drinking (Plin. HN 10,129: ‘solus morsu bibit’). Its neck is rather long (Aristot. Hist. an. 2,17,509a tof.). Pliny intimates that it breaks up its food in water and moves it towards its bill with its feet. A good description, allegedly by Aristotle, is given in his fr. 272 in Ath. 7,388c-d and Dion. Ixeutikon 1,29 [x. 17f.]. It was probably found in Syria and North Africa as well as in the Balearic Islands. Ael. NA 3,42 underscores its jealousy and watchfulness (cf. 5,28;

or ivory purse. > Follis [3] in the later Imperial Period also referred toa purse or a pouch containing a certain amount of money or a total amount in a pouch. 1H.J. SCHALLEs et al., Arbeit, Handwerk und Berufe in der romischen Stadt, 1987, Inv. 84.0675.

M. Meyer, Manner mit Geld. Zu einer rotfigurigen Vase mit ‘Alltagsszene’, in: JDAI 103, 1988, 87-125; E. SIMON, E. BAUCHHENSS, s.v. Mercurius, LIMC 6, 1992, 500-5 54;

P. Bruun, Follis. A money bag in palace perspective, in: P.

TaZSe Os ZOs Lis ES) = 1 A. Garzya (ed.), Dionysius, Ixeutikon, 1963.

Bruun (ed.), Studies in Constantinian numismatics. Rome (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae 12), 1991, 125126; Pompeij wiederentdeckt, exhibition catalogue Ham-

KELLER 2, 208f.; D’ARcy W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936, repr. 1966, 252f.; LEITNER, 205.

burg 1993, 169, no. 55.

C.HU.

Purpose, end (téhoc/télos) see -» Happiness; > Plea-

sure; > Teleology

Purpurissum. Costly paint and make-up (Plin. HN 35,44) manufactured from the mixture of heated purple sap and silver clay (or silver chalk, creta argentaria); purpurissum became brighter the more silver clay was added. As a painter’s pigment, purpurissum was highly esteemed for its vivid colour (Plin. HN 35,30; 35,44f.; 35,49). Women used purpurissum together with white

RH.

Put. In the table of peoples in the OT (Gn 10:6), Put is considered one of the four sons of Ham. The ethnic Put is characterized as pertaining to Egypt’s sphere of influence in the roth cent. BC. Pat is likewise mentioned in Jer 46:9, Ez 27:10; 30:5; 38:5 and Nah 3:9. In contrast to earlier suggestions identification with P. is no longer advocated; identification with Libya/Libyans is more likely. The Putaaya (Old Persian; Elamite Putiyap; Akkadian Puta) of the Darius [1] I inscriptions at > Naq§-e Rostam also denotes Libyans, not — as occasionally assumed — P. [z. 197].

lead (cerussa) to colour their cheeks and lips (cf. Plaut. Mostell. 258, 261; Plaut. Truc. 290). +» Cosmetics; + Pigments RH.

1 R. Kent, Old Persian, 1953.

JRE.

Puteal. Derived from Latin puteus (‘well’), a term for

uaooinmov (marsippion), OvrAaxocg (thylakos), aoxddov (phaskolion), crumina, marsuppium, pas-

enclosures around profane draw-wells, some of which were covered, or for stones pointing out sacred lightning marks. Particularly in the neo-Attic art of Hellenistic times, puteals were a popular place for relief sculp-

ceolus, saccus, sacculus, sacciperium, versica; but the

ture.

Purse. In Greek as in Latin, there were many terms denoting

purse,

e.g.,

Pad(A)aviuov

(bal(l)antion),

exact distinctions between them cannot be established today. The words may have referred only to differences in colour, shape and size, as may be inferred from Plaut. Rud. 1313-1318 (and 548). Purses were small bags kept on a cord around the neck or on the belt or around the wrist or held in the hand: clothing lacked pockets. Warnings against the Bad(A)avttotouos (bal(l)antioto-

E. BIELEFELD, Ein neuattisches Puteal in Kopenhagen, in: Gymnasium 70, 1963, 338-356; K. SCHNEIDER, s. v. P., RE 23, 2034-2036; O. VIEDEBANTT, s. v. Forum Romanum (46. Das Puteal Libonis), RE Suppl. 4, 511.

C.HO.

mos) or sector zonarius (‘purse-cutter’, punishable by

Puteoli (Motiodo/Potioloi; also —_Dicaearchia, Avnaoyeva/Dikaidrcheia, Avxowoyia/Dikaiarchia). Founded from > Samos (Hegesander FHG 4, 421 fr.

death at Athens, Xen. Mem. 1,2,62) were therefore common (Plaut. Pseud. 169f., Trin. 862, cf. Hor. Epist.

44; > Colonization, with map), the town of Dikaidrcheia, today Pozzuoli, derived its name from its mythi-

2,2,40). Purses appeared on vases in shopping scenes, but also in images of hetaerae, as early as the late Archa-

cal

founder,

Dicarcheus

(Stat.

Silv.

2,2,3;

3,1,92;3

3555753 553,169). > Cyme [2] served it as a port (Str.

PUTEOLI

235

236

5,456). Occupied by the - Samnites in 421 BC (Liv. 4,44,2), it fell into Roman hands during the 2nd of the ~» Punic Wars [II] in 214 BC (Liv. 24,7,10). With the deductio of a colonia maritima in 194 BC (Liv. 3.4,45,1;3 cf. ILS 5317), the town gained considerable importance asa link harbour for goods landed here and transported to Rome by road; the establishment of the nearby naval port of Portus Iulius in 37 BC (later replaced by the base at Misenum; Cass. Dio 48,5of.; Cassiod. Var. 547f.) highlighted this importance. Augustus (Liber coloniarum 236,11 LACHMANN [15]), Nero (Tac. Ann. 14,27,1; cf. ILS 6327) and the Flavians (CIL X 1650543 1789) renewed its colonial status, leading to honorific titles and expansions of the urban area. The fertility of the volcanic area, which belonged to the + Campi

Samian foundation of Dicaearchia; there is no archaeo-

Phlegraei (Str. 5,4,9), its crafts production (Diod. Sic. 551352; Gal. 14,9; Plin. HN 33,162), its lively harbour

commerce (Suet. Vesp. 8,3) — particularly important to the Roman grain supply (+ Cura annonae; Sen. Epist. 77,1f.; [16]) — and its hot springs (Isid. Orig. 13,13,2) made P. one of the favourite holiday destinations of the Roman aristocracy (SHA Tac. 28,19,5). It is disputed whether P. minted coins (Greek and Oscan inscriptions on some coins: Fistelia = P. (?) [13]). The numerous

Latin inscriptions from P. are important for our knowledge of its urban institutions, buildings and topography, as well as of the city’s division into regiones and vici. Many inscriptions refer to corporations of orientals (> Collegium [1]) living at P. in the last century of the Republic [13]. Bradyseismic phenomena were responsible for the subsidence of entire sections of the city into the sea beginning in Late Antiquity (cf. CIL X 1690-1692), until a severe earthquake permanently altered the topography in 1538. Despite efforts at restoration under Viceroy Don Pedro of Aragon, many monuments were lost. 16th and 17th cent. interest in ancient P. focused on the investigation of the sources chronicled prior to 1538. The display of P. and the Campi Phlegraei encouraged the emergence of guides to its ancient sites, until systematic excavations began in the 2nd half of the 18th cent. under Charles II of Bourbon [13]. The so-called Temple of Serapis (a > macellum), one of the two amphitheatres (Flavian, AD 68-96), the baths and the har-

bour mole (‘Ponte di Caligola’, regarded as a wonder in ancient times, built over in the early 2oth cent.) are among the most splendid Roman remains at P. Early in the 2oth cent., interest grew in issues of institutional organization in the Greek settlement and the development of the Roman colony [1] (reconstruction of the landscape prior to the eruption of -» Vesuvius using aerial archaeology [2]) and in the goods produced at or imported into P. The most intensive research to date has focused on the villas and other properties of the Roman aristocracy on the outskirts of the city, on -» Lacus Lucrinus and on the bath complex on the -» Lacus Avernus [8; 9; ro]. The issue currently of special interest is that of the Greek presence (from > Pithecussae?) on the promontory dating even earlier than the

logical evidence of continuity of settlement between Dicaearchia and P. [3; 5; 7]. The uncontrolled development of the modern city has had a grave impact on ancient remains (cf. [4; 6;

11; 12]). As an example, the

Imperial Forum, discovered in the 1950s, has since been built over without archaeological documentation. By contrast, investigations have been proceeding since the

early 1990s in the medieval city centre, allowing the structure of the original colonia maritima and its transformations into Late Antiquity to come to light at least fragmentarily. At the heart of this area, a fire has revealed the Capitoline Temple, enclosed by the Cathedral of S. Proculo. Researchers have also identified sepulchral architecture unique in Campania and closely related to prototypes from the city of Rome in the extensive necropoleis of P. [17; 18]. 1 C. Dusots,

Pouzzoles antique,

1907

2 R.F, PAGET,

Portus Tulius, in: Vergilius 15, 1969, 25-32 3R. ApiNOLFI, Dikaiarcheia—P.,1973 41Campi Flegrei nell’archeologia e nella storia (Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Roma 1976),1977.

5 R. ADINOLFI, Ricerca sulla fon-

dazione e sul periode greco di Dicearchia, in: Puteoli 1, 1977, 7-26

6 P. SOMMELLA,

Forma

e urbanistica di

Pozzuoli romana (Puteoli 2), 1980, 1-99 7S. ACCAME, Pitagora e la fondazione di Dicearchia, in: Miscellanea greca e romana 7, 1980, 2-44 8 E. Rawson, L’aristo-

crazia ciceroniana e le sue proprieta, in: M.1. FINLey (ed.), La proprieta a Roma, 1980, 97-119 (Engl.: Studies in Roman Property, 1976)

9G. D1FRrata, V. GIARDINO, I]

lago di Lucrino e il porto Giulio nel periodo romano, in: Atti 1. Convegno dei gruppi archeologici della Campania (Pozzuoli 1980), 1981, 103-110

10 M. PAGANO,J.Rou-

GETET, Le grandi terre dette “Templo di Apollo’ sul lago Averno, in: Puteoli 12/3, 1988/9, 151-200 11 P. SomMELLA, Urbanistica romana, 1988, 205-206, 217-218

12 P. AMALFITANO (ed.), I Campi Flegrei, 1990, 77-159 13 BTCGI 14, 1996, 468 14 P. SOMMELLA,s.¥v. Pozzuoli, in: EAA 2. Suppl. vol. 4, 1996, 454-456 15 G. CAMoDECA, Tabulae Pompeianae Sulpiciorum, 1999 16 Id., P. porto annonario e il commercio del grano in eta imperiale,

in: Le ravitaillement en blé de Rome et des centres urbains des debuts de la République jusqu’au Haut Empire (Actes du colloque international, Naples 1991), 1994, 103-128

17 C. GIALANELLA, La topografia di P., in: F. Zevi (ed.), P., vol. 1, 1993, 73-98

. 18 Id. et al., Il Rione Terra alla

luce dei nuovi scavi archeologici, in: Bollettino di Archeologia 22, 1993, 84-110. M.1.G. DLST.

Pyanopsia (lvavowia;

Pyandpsia). Attic festival in

honour of -> Apollo, held on the 7th of the month Pya-

nopsion (end of October). A thick pulse soup (Greek pyanos, ‘bean’ and hépsein, ‘to cook’, from which the festival’s name is also derived) was cooked on the occasion, which was etiologically linked with — Theseus’ homecoming (Plut. Theseus ro; [2. 150-153]). A procession of boys hung the Eiresioné, olive branches bound with wool decoration and laden with first-fruit offerings, on the doors of houses and on the temple of Apollo (Schol. Aristoph. Equ. 729 and Plut. 1054). There are also records testifying to cakes being offered

259)fk

238

to Apollo and Artemis (IG IF 1367, 9-11). The festival

Pygmalion (IMvyuahiwv; Pygmalion). Greek name, derived from xuyur/pygme, (‘fist’) [x]. [1] King ofTyre, killed the husband of his sister Elissa or > Dido out of greed (Timaeus FGrH 566 F 82; Verg. Aen. 1,343-364). [2] For the Cypriot king P. too, Phoenician descent is attested (Porph. De abstinentia 4,15); through his daughter who married > Cinyras, the progenitor of the Paphian priest-kings, he became the grandfather of + Adonis (Apollod. 3,182). > Philostephanus [1] of Cyrene told of P.’s love for a statue of Aphrodite (Clem. Al. Protreptikos 57,3) and his attempt at intercourse

was probably celebrated all over the Ionian area, but only records from Athens have survived (on the procession of the Eiresiné in Samos, cf. [4. 116-11 8]). This is

indicated by the widespread occurrence of the name of the month Pyanopsidn/Pyanepsion and Kyanopsion/ Kyanepsion (pyanos = kyamos: Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 1054) in the Ionian area (as in Cyzicus, Olbia, Ceos, Samos, Miletus, Priene: [5. indices; 1. 167]). 1 BuRKERT

2. CaraMe, Thésée et l’imaginaire Athé-

nien, 1990 5 SAMUEL.

3DEUBNER,

198-201

4 NILSSON, Feste JO.s,

PYGMIES

with it (Arnob. 6,22). Ovid (Ov. Met. 10,243-297)

Pydna (vdéva; Pydna). Greek seaport on the coast of Pieria in Macedonia to the north of Cape Atherida (+ Macedonia, with maps). As early as the sth cent. BC, P. was considered to belong to Macedonia (Thuc. 1,137,2: €¢ Ivdvav tv AheEdvboov’, referring to king

Alexander [II 2] of Macedonia). In 432 BC, P. was besieged by the Athenians (Thuc. 1,61,2f.); in 410, it was finally captured by Archelaus [1], and the population of the city was settled inland about 4 km from their harbour (Diod. Sic. 13,49,1f.). The harbour came under Macedonian sovereignty, but the community, whether in the old location or the new one, initially remained formally independent until about 3 60 (IGIV* 94), when they were conquered by the Athenians under Timotheus (Din. 1,14). Shortly afterwards, P. was reconquered by Philippus [I 4] II (Diod. Sic. 16,8,3) and continued to be Macedonian. After 338 BC, P. became the seat of officials of the > Corinthian League (IG II’ 329) and was the stage for the last attempt by Olympias [x] to exert political influence in the Macedonian kingdom, when P. was captured by > Cassander in 317/6 after a long siege (Diod. Sic. 19,35; 49). In the 3rd cent. BC, P. was still considered an independent community which received theoroi (‘festive envoys’) from Delphi [x]. After the battle between > Perseus [2] and the Romans

near P. (~ Macedonian

Wars C.) in 168 BC,

the city took in Macedonian refugees; after the city was captured, it was plundered by the Romans (Liv. 44,45,6). P. continued to exist as an urban settlement in the Roman province of Macedonia; its status is unknown (Str. 7 fr. 20; 22; Plin. HN 4,34; Prtol. 3,13,15). In AD 250, there was an association for the cult of Zeus Hypsistos in P. [2. 51f.]. The last literary notice of P. is in lord. Get. 287 in AD 479, when the city fell to Theoderic the Great (> Theodericus [3]). The site of the seaport is assumed to be on a hill south of modern Makrigialos; systematic excavations have not been carried out as yet. 1 A. PLassart, Liste delphique des theorodoques, in: BCH 45,1921,17.55

2J.R.CormaAcK, Zeus Hypsistos at P.,

in: Mélanges helléniques offerts a Georges Daux, 1974, 51-55:

N.G.L. HaMMonp, The Battle of P., in: JHS 104, 1984, 31-47; F. PapAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine, 1988, 106-108.

MA.ER.

makes ofP. an artist who, disappointed by female vices, sculpts the statue of an ideal woman and falls in love with it. Venus fulfils his pious prayers and brings the creature to life and to love; born of this love is Paphos, Cinyras’ mother. The tale, part of the Song of Orpheus and a companion piece to the previous one about the Propoitids (Ov. Met. 10,238-242: petrification of the critics of Venus), praises the power of great art and great love (in unusually innocent eroticism). The story’s Nachleben starts with the Medieval moralizing retellings (among others Roman de la Rose) and culminates in the 18th cent. Almost simultaneously E.-M. FALCcoNET’S sculpture (1763) and J.-J. RoUssEAU’s monodrama Pygmalion (1762) were produced in which the motifs of the inspired artist and the animating force of passionate feeling are combined. The subsequent literature centres on the feelings of the woman who has come to life (often called Galathée since RoussEAU) and the education given her by her creator (e.g. K. IMMERMANN’S story Der neue Pygmalion of 1825; carried to extremes in G.B, SHaw’s Pygmalion of 1912). 1 J.-L. PerpPriLiou, P. et Karpalion, in: J.-P. OLIvrer (ed.),

Mykenaika, 1992, 527-532. A. BLuUum, P. Die Ikonographie eines Kiinstlermythos zwischen 1500 und 1900, 1988; A. DINTNER, Der P.-Stoff in der europdischen Literatur, 1979; H. Dorrie, P. Ein

Impuls Ovids und seine Wirkungen bis in die Gegenwart, 1974; M. Mayer, G. NEUMANN (eds.), P. Die Geschichte des Mythos in der abendlandischen Kultur, 1997.

__B.GY.

Pygmies (IIvyyato/Pygmaioi; from smvyuri/pygme, ‘fist’; hence ‘mittens’ [1]; Lat. Pygmaei). A dwarf people, generally located by ancient ethnography at the edge of the known world, i.e. in Africa (Aristot. Hist.

an. 8,12,597a), India (Ctesias FGrH 688 F 45) and Thrace (Plin. HN 4,44). Pygmy is, however, also a general term for people of unusually short stature (Aristot. Gen. an. 2,8,749a 4-6). Mythology has pygmies originating from Gaea and Poseidon (Hes. fr. 150,17-18 MERKELBACH/WeEstT). Herodotus’ account of African pygmies may have been significant to the naming of modern Pygmy peoples in central Africa (2,32: not, however, explicitly called pygmies [2]). Most often, discussion of pygmies is connected with their fighting with cranes (geranomachia), which even Homer knew of (Il. 3,3-6). According to this tale cranes

PYGMIES

240

239

regularly attack the fields of pygmies, bringing death and destruction (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 328a-b). The pygmies in turn destroy the cranes’ nests, together with their young (Plin. HN 7,26). An alternative explanation for the fighting tells of a proud pygmy named Oenoe who refused to worship the goddess Hera. Hera therefore turned her into an ugly crane, causing conflict between cranes and pygmies (Antoninus Liberalis 16; variants in Ael. NA 15,29 and Ov. Met. 6,90-92). The

motif of a legendary dwarf people was used by ancient authors in many variants: according to Philostr. Imag. 2,22 the pygmies tried to avenge themselves on Heracles [1] for killing their relative > Antaeus. After assigning themselves parts of the sleeping Heracles’ body they attacked him, but were easily overcome. Thanks to its comedic-epic nature, geranomachy was a common motif in plastic art from the Frangois Vase (c. 570 BC) on, particularly in Pompeian wall painting [3]. 1 Frisk, vol. 2, 619-20, s.v. mvyUn 2 L.L. CAVALLISFORZA (ed.), African Pygmies, 1986, 364-5 3V. DaSEN, s.v. Pygmaioi, LIMC 7.1, 594-601.

V. DaseN, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece, 1993; P. JANNI, Etnografia e mito. La storia dei Pigmei, 1978. RB.

Pylades (lviddnc/Pylddés, Doric form Tvaddac/ Pyladas, Pind. Pyth. 11,23). [1] Phocian hero, son of — Strophius and Anaxabia (e.g. Eur. Or. 764f.; other mothers: schol. Eur. Or. 33, Hyg. Fab. 117). P. and —> Electra [4] (Eur. Or. 1092; 1207ff.; Eur. IT 716 among others) were the parents of Strophius and + Medon [4] (Paus. 2,16,7; Hyg. Fab.

119f.) or Medeon (Steph. Byz. s. v. Medemv). P. grew up together with > Orestes [1] and partakes in the latter’s revenge on his mother and Aegisthus. From Antiquity onwards, the two have been regarded as a classical pair of friends (already almost proverbial: plural mvAGdau/ pyladai, Callim. Epigr. 59; Cic. Lael. 24 among others). The character of P. is so closely associated with the legend of Orestes that no autonomous significance has been preserved. As a result, nothing has been passed down about his further fate either (apart from Paus. 2,29,9). As he is absent from the Homeric epics and not named in Hesiod, it is assumed that the oldest mention

is in Pind. Pyth. 11,23. His role as a friend and hero presumably goes back to Stesichorus’ Orestezia. In tragedy, P. is initially only a silent marginal character (Aesch. Cho. 900) but in Euripides, where he partakes in the dramatic dialogue (Eur. IT) and gives advice (Eur.

Or.), he appears as the real driving force. [2] Mimic dancer from Cilicia, probably freed by Augustus. P. and Bathyllus introduced the > pantomimus to Rome in a new form that dominated the stage in the Imperial Period. P. preferred tragic mythical themes. His performance was characterized by pathos, magnificence, the changing of masks (Ath. 1,20e) and rich musical accompaniment. P. features in inscriptions and many literary testimonies; his name was adopted by later pantomimes. CA.BIL.

E.J. Jory, The Literary Evidence for the Beginnings of Imperial Pantomime, in: BICS 28, 1981, 147-161; H. LepPIN, Histrionen, 1992, 284f.; O. WEINREICH, Epigramm und Pantomimus (Epigrammstudien 1; SHAW), 1948.

H.BL.

Pylae [1] Pylae Gadeirides (I1v)o1 Padeioidec; Pylai Gadeirides). The Straits of Gibraltar; the sound (saddle depth 286 m), which is about 60 km long and at its narrowest point 13 km wide, lies between the southern tip of the Spanish Peninsula and the continent of Africa, and between the Mediterranean (> Mare nostrum) in the east and -> Oceanus in the west. The ancient names for the straits are based on Gades (Plin. HN 3,3; 53 743 4,93: Gaditanum fretum; Plut. Sertorius 8,1: Tadevoatoc moo0u6¢/Gadeiraios porthmos), on the temple of Heracles in Gades (‘pillars’ or better ‘tables’ of Hercules’, cf. [1]; Artemidorus in Marcianus 7, GGM 1, 575; Str. 3,555.3 Plin. HN 2,242), on > Septem on the African coast (present-day Ceuta; Geogr. Rav 4,45: fretum Septemgaditanum) and on - Tartessus (Avien. 54: fretum Tartessium). 1S. Rapt, Strabons Geographica, vol. 5, 2006 (comm. on Stre355e5te)2 A. SCHULTEN, Die Strafe von Gibraltar, ed. by O. JESSEN, 1927, 176-190.

P.B.

[2] Pylae Persides (Ilva Meooidec/Pylai Persides: Pol. 7,17,6; Arr. Anab. 3,18,2; cf. Str. 15,3,6; also called Pylae Susidae : Curt. 5,3,17; cf. Diod. Sic. 17,68,1; Polyaenus, Strat. 4,3,27). A pass to the west of > Per-

sepolis (probably Tang-e Muhammad Reza), which + Alexander [4] the Great captured with difficulty in g30 BG 1 J.WiESEHOFER,

Die ‘dunklen Jahrhunderte’ der Persis,

1994, 23f.

jw.

[3] Pylae Amanicae (ITvAcu Aucavinat/Pylai Amanikai). Pass in the southern +> Amanus range, stretching from the coastline through Mt Amanus to northern Syria (Stadiasmus maris magni 156f.; “Aucavidec mbiAa/ Amanides pylai, Str. 14,5,18; 16,2,8; [1.1355]), present-day Karanlik Kapi; foundations of a Roman gate on the road from Tarsus to Antiocheia [1] in the east of the Cilicia Pedias are extant. 1H. TREIDLER, s. v. TIvAcu Kthixtat, RE Suppl. 9, 13 52-

1366. HiLD/HELLENKEMPER,

174.

P.H.

[4] Pylae Zagru (Ilva Zayeov/Pylai Zagrou, ‘Gate to the Zagrus’). Pass in the

+ Zagrus mountains

6,2,7) which connected the Mesopotamian

(Ptol.

lowlands

with -> Media; it is generally assumed to be the deeply carved valley of the river Dialas (present-day Nahr Diyala), a left-hand tributary of the - Tigris. The identification of the Pylae Zagru with the Medic Gate mentioned in Str. r1,13,8 (Mndwxi) m0An/Medike pyle) is doubtful.

241

242 H. TREIDLER, s. v. Z&yoou TvAat, RE 9 A, 2285-2288; E. HERZFELD, The Persian Empire, 1968, 11. E.O.andV.S.

PYLOS

Pylaios see-> Gates, deities associated with Pylene (IvAivn/Pylene). Aetolian city, mentioned in

Pylaea [1] (IvAata/Pylaia, Mviain/Pylaié). Epithet of + Deme-

ter in her sanctuary at > Thermopylae, where she was worshipped together with her daughter + Persephone (Callim. Epigr. 39; schol. Hom. Il. 16,174; cf. Erotianus, Vocum Hippocraticarum Collectio, s. v. Mbiac, p. 74 NACHMANSON).

[2] (IlvAcuo/Pylaia). Assembly of the Delphic > Amphictyonia in the sanctuary of Demeter Amphiktyonis at - Thermopylae [r. 175]. > Gate, deities associated with 1 G. Roux, Delphi, 1971.

NIJO.

Pylaemenes (IIvAawmévnc; Pylaiménés). Son of Bisaltes (Apollod. Epit. 3,35) or of Melius (Dictys 2,35), leader of the Eneti of Paphlygonia, allies of the Trojans (Hom. Il. 2,851; Str. 12,3,8; Apollod. Epit. 3,35), killed in Troy by > Menelaus [1] (Hom. Il. 5,576-589), > Patroclus [1] (Nep. Datames 2,2) or > Achilles [1] (Dictys 3,5; Hyg. Fab. 113). An epigram on those who fell in Troy can be found in Aristot. Peplos 54 Rose. Ancient Homeric philology tried to explain the fact that P., despite his death in Hom. Il. 5,576-589, reappears in a later passage (Hom. Il. 13,643f.; 13,658) mourning at the corpse of his son Harpalion, by assuming a homonym or to remove it by means of correction or athetesis of the name (cf. Schol. Hom. Il. 13,643; 658; Eust. on Hom. Il. 13,659). After P.’ death his followers are supposed to have migrated to Venetia (Liv. 1,1,2). The Paphlygonian dynasties trace their origin to P. (Nep. Datamesw.2; Str. 2.390),

SU.EI.

Pylagoras (xvaayoeas/pylagéras; also smvdayogoc/ pylagoros, Hdt. 7,213 f,. or mvAcyogoc/pylagoras). literally a participant in the > Pylaia [2] meetings, i.e. the meetings of the — amphiktyonia of Anthela (near Thermopylae) and Delphi. Each of the 12 éthné of the amphiktyonia was represented in the Council by two -» hieromnemones, who could both speak and vote, and they could send further representatives who could speak but not vote. The latter were called pylagoroi in literary texts and a few inscriptions of the Roman period, but agoratroiin Hellenistic inscriptions. It has been suggested that during the period when Delphi was under the control of the Aetolians the official title was agoratroi, but pylagoros before and after [2]; in the opinion of [1] pyl4goros was the Athenian term and agoratros the Delphic. 1 G. Roux, L’Amphictionie, Delphes et le temple d’ Apollon, 1979, 22-36 2H. ScHAFER, s. v. Pylagoros, RE 23, 2084-2091.

PLR.

the Homeric catalogue of ships (Hom. Il. 2,639; Stat. Theb. 4,102; Hsch. s. v. I1.; Steph. Byz. s. v. I.). In the pre-Hellenistic period, P. was relocated to a higher site and renamed -> Proschium. -» Aetolians, Aetolia (with map) C. Anronettt, Les Etoliens, 1990, 278-280.

KF,

Pylos (I1vAoc/Pylos). {1] Homeric P. In Homer, P. can designate both the domain and residence of — Nestor [1] [3. 119-126]. The geographic information on the location of the palace — however concretely verifiable in the actual topography — given in Homer in the Iliad and the Odyssey each lead to different locations. In the tale of Nestor, the so-called Nestoris in the r1th book of the Iliad (cf. [2. 296-298] on Hom. Il. 11,670-762), the information clearly points to a place south of the Alpheius [1]. In the Odyssey, on the other hand, the sea journey by ~» Telemachus (Hom. Od. 2,43 1-3,12) and his route by land over Pherae (modern Kalamata) to Sparta (Hom. Od. 3,478-4,4; 15,181-192) suggest a P. in the southwestern part of the Peloponnesus, the territory of Messenia, or at least does not exclude it (objections: speed of Mycenaean ships; Mycenaean road system over the Taygetus: [4. 140-161]). The differing information in the two epics led to various places being identified with Nestor’s P. even in ancient commentaries. Homer’s poetry was quite naturally seen as an historical source (Thuc. 1,3,1). Strabo (8,3,7) states that Nestor’s P. was equated with a Triphylian P. ([3]), a Messenian P. ([2]) or an Elean P. ({4]). In his opinion, the latter identification was based purely on local interests; he preferred the Triphylian P. Pausanias in contrast elected the Elean (6,22,6) for the one, and the Messenian P. (4,36,5) for the other. Archaeological research in this century produced important excavation results, first near the modern Kakovatos in Triphylia by D6rpFELD and second in Ano Englianos on the west coast of the Peloponnesus by BLEGEN (cf. P. [2 II]). Topographically speaking, the first offers an identification with Triphylian P. of the Iliad, the second with Messenian P. of the Odyssey. Perhaps Homer had information from different eras in which the location of the capital had changed; the insertion in the Nestoris (Hom. Il. 11,712), which can only point to Messenian P., speaks in favour of this. On the other hand, the place name P. in the territory of Nestor need not be limited to a city, as one could argue on the basis of some of the place names in the Linear B tablets (3. 161-213]; critical |4. 527-529]). However, it must be recognized how vague and indebted to ancient Homeric interpretations modern attempts at location are; ultimately, Homer wrote mythological historiography with all the freedoms of the poetic form ([1. 159] on Hom. Od. 3,4;[4. 529-53 1]), the background of which

243

244

we can only vaguely perceive due to the scant historical material (interpretation in [4. 183-213]).

BENNETT, J.P. Oxtvier, The P. Tablets Transcribed, 2 vols., 1973-1976; J.L.Davis (ed.), Sandy P.: An Archaeological History from Nestor to Navarino, 1998; F.

PYLOS

1 A. Heuseck et al., vol. 1, Introduction

ACommentary on Homer’s Odyssey, and Books

I-VIII,

1988

2 J.B.

Hainsworth, The Iliad: A Commentary, vol. 3: Books 9-12, 1993 3%. HILLER, Studien zur Geographie des Reiches um Pylos nach den mykenischen und homerischen Texten, 1972 4E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, 1997. JO.S.

[2] City and palace in Messenia (> Messana [2]).

loCiry,

IiePArAcE

Ife, (Erte The city lay on the Messenian west coast (-» Achaeans [1], with map; Str. 8,3,21; 23; 29; 4,25 [6. 42-57];

Paus. 4,36,1-5; Mela 2,52; Plin. HN 4,55; Ptol. 3,16,7; Tab. Peut. 7,5) on a rocky promontory (height 137 m) connected to the mainland to the north by a narrow isthmus in the northwest of the bay of Navarino (“Oguo0¢

Naovagivov) [1. 60-63], modern Paleokastro on the modern Coryphasium. In the Mycenaean Era when it

was the main town in Messene, P. probably served as the harbour town for a palace complex near the modern Ano Englianos [2], which has been identified by excavators with the palace of - Nestor [1] (see below IL.). P. was conquered by ~ Sparta in the 2nd of the ~» Messenian Wars. The Spartans named the city and promontory —> Coryphasium. In 425 BC, during the -» Peloponnesian War, the Athenians erected a base here for the 72 day siege and ultimate capture of 120 Spartiates on the island of > Sphacteria (Thuc. 4,3-40; [3. 6-293 4]) to the south, which is separated from the mainland by only a narrow sound. In 409 BC, the Spartans regained Coryphasium (Diod. Sic. 13,64,5-7; Xen. Hell. 1,2,18); in 365 BC, it devolved upon the refoundation of Messene [2] (Diod. Sic. 15,77,4). In the

2nd cent. BC, P. was a member of the Achaean League. In the Roman Imperial Era, the city claimed to be the location of the residence of Nestor [1] (own coins from Septimius Severus to Geta, HN 433: ITYAIQN) and to be able to show his house and tomb ([1]; cf. P. [4]).

Still extant are remains of the city and acropolis walls, some extending back to the sub-Mycenaean Protogeometric period, a cistern, breakwater and the remains of moles in the south. On the northern foot of the promontory is the stalactite-filled so-called cave of Nestor, with traces of settlement and cult from the Neolithic Age on, the scene of various mythological events (see also > Neleus [1], > Hermes). 1M. and R. Hicains, A Geological Companion to Greece and the Aegean, 1996

2. C. BLEGEN et al., The Palace of

Nestor at P. in Western Messenia, vols. 1-3, 1966-1973 3 PrircHETT1 4 J.B. Witson, P. 425. A Historical and

Topographical Study of Thucydides’ Account of the Campaign, 1979

5 .N. Spencer, Heroic Time: Monuments

and the Past in Messenia, in: Oxford Journ. of Archaeology 14, 1995, 277-292 6A.M. Birascui, Strabone e Omero, in: Id. (ed.), Strabone e la Grecia, 1994, 25-57.

S.E. Atcock et al., The P. Regional Archaeological Project I-II, in: Hesperia 66, 1997, 391-494, 549-641; E.L.

KiecHLE, P. und der pylische Raum in der antiken Tradition, in: Historia 9, 1960, 1-67; E. MEYER, s.v. Messe-

nien, RE Suppl. 15, 201-203; C.W.SHELMERDINE, S.V. P., EAA 2. Suppl. vol. 4, 1996, 675-678. Y.L.andE.O.

II. PALACE The site of the so-called ‘Palace of Nestor’ (near modern Ano Englianos) had been settled since the Middle Bronze Age. A few soundings have demonstrated an older palace complex, perhaps with a ‘Minoan courtyard’, and an extensive perimeter wall. Settlement remains on the slopes of the hill below the palace are known. In the late 14th cent. BC (LH III A/B), a central structure, typical for the Late Bronze Age Greek mainland, was built (see site plan). The needs-oriented plan-

ning of the new construction can be easily seen from the efficient combination of reception, living and storage areas (in the two-storey main building surrounded by secondary living areas, magazines and workshops in the southwest and northeast buildings, as well as in the socalled wine cellar to the north). Along with the reception areas, richly decorated in > fresco and painted floors, the commercially used areas are prominent. The location of the oil magazine (site plan, no. 6), with its controllable access immediately behind the central series of rooms from the inner courtyard, vestibule, anteroom and throne room, shows the importance of olive oil, perfumed with natural essences, as a trade good for the economy of the palace. The archive (no. 3) of — Linear B tablets, which contributed significantly to the deciphering of the syllabic script, was found in the two rooms next to the propylon. The texts reveal that incoming and outgoing goods were inspected here; orders and decisions by the command centre were also recorded on the clay tablets. Perhaps of greater significance is that a small sanctuary was integrated into the rooms used for crafts in the northeast building. Cult certainly took place in the main hall; a sacrificial chan-

nel was set into the floor next to the throne. This ‘modern’ palace building was altered in the middle of the 13th cent. BC, the economic aspect coming more strongly to the fore. New storerooms were erected to the west and north of the main building, workshops to the east in the area between the so-called wine cellar and the northeast building. The previously open ensemble of free-standing buildings grew together into a conglomerate. Most important was the encroachment into the old structure in the area of the reception rooms in the eastern wing of the palace. Its separate entrances on the east side were closed on the east side by two walled courts with massive ashlar blocks set in front of the palace facade. The findings suggest that the supra-regional centre P. experienced an economic boom in its final phase, making it necessary to adapt the new planning, realized just a few decades earlier, to the increased demand for

245

246

PYLOS

——0 O}

Southwestern

building

building Northeastern | | building

Pylos, ‘Palace of Nestor’ FAI

Megara

Sy

Archives

ey

Propylon

ee

Representational rooms

aes: Courtyards

storage and production areas through short-term additions. An abrupt end then followed around 1200 BC. ‘Nestor’s palace’ lay destroyed, the site no longer settled; perhaps the memory of its former greatness survived in the epics of > Homerus [1]. » Aegean Koine (with map); > Dark Ages [1] (with map); > Doric Migration (with map); - Linear B (with map); -» Mycenaean culture and archaeology (with map); > Religion

Entrance Megaron Archive Pantry

Crockery storerooms Oil magazines Representational rooms

Rooms of the palace guard?

BC, P. belonged 8,3,30).

9 Wine magazines 10 Megaron

11 12

Shrine Workshop

to the territory of Lepreum

(Str.

A.M. Brrascut, Strabone e Omero, in: Id. (ed.), Strabone e la Grecia, 1994, 32-57; E. MEYER, Neue peloponnesische Wanderungen, 1957, 74-79; MULLER, 838.

Contents (The Palace of Nestor at P. in Western Messenia

[4] City in > Elis [r] (Xen. Hell. 7,4,16; 4,26; Diod. Sic. LAs 7393 Sttn 854575) 35275 35293 [ae42—571s bline LAN 4,14) where the Ladon [3] flows into the Peneius, and the mountain road from Elis leads southward to » Olympia, near modern Agrapidochori. In Pausanias’

1), 1966; Id. et al., Acropolis and Lower Town, Tholoi,

time (6,22,5) the town

Grave Circle and Chamber Tombs. Discoveries Outside

from the Geometric to the Roman Period [1; 2].

C.W.

BLEGEN,

M. Rawson,

The Buildings and Their

the Citadel (The Palace of Nestor ... 3), 1973; M.L. Lana, The Frescoes (The Palace of Nestor ... 2), 1969; T. PALAIMA, C. SHELMERDINE (eds.), P. Comes Alive, 1984; C. SHELMERDINE, The Perfume Industry of Mycenaean P., 1985. G.H

[3] City in > Triphylia near modern Kakovatos in the south of Zacharo, viewed by Strabo (8,3,13 3,143 3,26) as the capital city of + Nestor [1]. In the 7th—6th cents.

was in ruins. Ancient remains

1 Chronique des fouilles, in: BCH 92, 1968, 832-834 2 Chronique des fouilles, in: BCH 94, 1970, 1006-1008 3 A.M. BrrascHi, Strabone e Omero, in: Id. (ed.), Strabone e la Grecia, 1994, 25-57.

F. Carincl, s.v. Elide (1), EAA

446f.; J. COLEMAN, Suppl. 21), 1986.

2. Suppl. vol. 2, *1994,

Excavations at P. in Elis (Hesperia Y.L.andE.O

PYRAECHMES

247

248

Pyraechmes (Ivoaiywnc/Pyraichmés). Commander of

eternal ones’). We know from a written source that king Pepi I (6th Dynasty, c. 2300; > Phiops [1]) had a pyramid monument constructed at -» Heliopolis [x], indicating a specific solar connotation at this early period; this is made explicit from the Middle Kingdom on by the decorative motifs used in the pyramids.

the Paeonians (— Paeones) in the Trojan War; he leads

them from Amydon to the aid of his allies the Trojans (Hom. Il. 2,848-850, Apollod. Epit. 3,34). He kills -» Eudorus [1] (Timolaus FHG 4,521) and is then killed by > Patroclus [1]. P. was buried in Troy (tomb epi-

graph Aristot. Peplos 47). The fact that » Asteropaeus, the grandson of the river god Axius, is also named as the leader of the Paeonians (Hom. Il. 21,140f.; 21,154160), but is not mentioned in the catalogue of Trojans — although he plays a disproportionately larger role in the Iliad — has prompted ancient and modern mythographers to propose explanations (e.g. dual leadership in Porph. Quaestionum Homericarum ad Iliadem pertinentium reliquiae ed. SCHRADER p. 50, but also suspected interpolation of Hom. Il. 2,848a). CA.BI. Pyramid (Egyptian mr, Greek nugapic/pyramis, Lat. pyramuis). Monumental funerary structure, originally of the Egyptian kings, on a square layout, with, in the ideal case, planar triangular sides. The term in archaeology for the apex of the pyramid, formed from a single block of stone and often especially decorated, is pyramidion (Egyptian bnbn.t). I. ORIGIN AND INTERPRETATION II. History III. FUNCTION AND CONTEXT IV. PYRAMID CONSTRUCTION V. INFLUENCE AND RECEPTION I. ORIGIN AND INTERPRETATION The two oldest phases of the first pyramid, the steppyramid of — Djoser at > Saqqara (c. 2700 BC), still display the simple + mastaba form on a confined rectangular plan, which conforms with the outline of the tomb structures of the Thinite kings (— Thinites) at + Abydus [2]; as, however, in spite of the most recent investigations, the form of the upper structures of these tombs remains unclear, it is difficult to assess the degree of formal interdependence. Tumuli surmounted by upper structures of the mastaba type over the burial shafts of the élite tombs of early dynasties at Saqqara have also been considered as possible antecedents of the pyramid [1. 1205-8; 2. 10-34; 3. 39-45]. The most recent attempt to trace the pyramid form back to hilllike temple bases in Early Period cult locations remains problematical, owing to the restricted nature of the archaeological evidence [4]. Interpretations of the pyramid form as a stylized, mythical primeval hill, as the stairway for the king’s ascension to the heavens, as representations of the rays of the sun, etc. [5], possess varying degrees of plausibility and are not supported by explicit testimony from ancient Egypt. From the rst Dynasty (c. 3000) onwards, the names of the royal tomb complexes attest to the astral character of the immortal destiny of the kings, lending plausibility to the assumption that the pyramid form had astral implications; this is also indicated by the extraordinarily precise celestial orientation of the structures and the orientation of their entrances to the northern circumpolar stars (Egyptian jhmw-sk, ‘the

Il. History The pyramids of the 3rd Dynasty (c. 2700-2640) were built as step structures, using relatively small stones in a distinctive, layered method of construction. The only well-preserved and well-documented example is the Djoser complex, an extensive precinct in the form of a long rectangle, containing near the temple of the dead a ritual complex (feast of Sed) comprising detailed model structures in stone. During the final years of the 3rd Dynasty, a series of non-funerary, small step pyramids was constructed in Upper Egypt (at Elephantine, Edfu, Hieraconpolis, Naqada, Abydus, Zaugat alMaiyitin); their precise function remains unclear; they attest, however, to the country-wide extension of the

royal cult [6] (> Rulers [I]]). The crucial development came with the 4th Dynasty (2640-2500). After initially relying on the repertoire of forms from the earlier period (step pyramids at Medtm and Saila), king Snofru constructed at DahSar the first pyramid of a new type (the so-called ‘Bent Pyramid’), and, after the failure of that project, a second. This was the first realization of the flat-sided pyramid, subsequently to become the accepted construction technique. This canonical style of the complex included valley temple, ascending processional way and roughly square precinct with pyramid, temple of the dead, and small, ritual pyramid. Snofru’s pyramids attained the gigantic size characteristic of the 4th Dynasty, and, also typically, were located in select positions in the landscape, guaranteeing the monument maximum visibility over a wide area. The typical layout of the court necropolis, integrating the pyramid grave of the king with the mastaba graves of the palace aristocracy in a unified planning concept, was also developed here. These aspects continued to evolve in subsequent 4th Dynasty complexes, especially that of - Cheops at > Gizeh (with an area of 230 m X 230 m, and a height of 147.5 m, the biggest of all the pyramids). For unknown reasons, at the end of the 4th Dynasty king Shepseskaf, deviating from the norm, built a tomb in the form of a

gigantic mastaba, though with the burial and cult complexes characteristic of pyramids. While the pyramid complexes of the 4th Dynasty display rapid development — and the individual structures an individualizing development -, the pyramids of the 5th and 6th Dynasties (c. 2500-2200) were built on a generally smaller scale and on a largely standardized pattern. Emphasis lay on extensive and richly decorated temple complexes. In addition, during the 5th Dynasty sanctuaries of the sun (> Sun god) were built in formal

and functional association with the funerary pyramids. From the end of the 5th Dynasty, the sections associated

249

250

with the actual burial, which had previously gone entirely undecorated, began to feature religious texts (> Pyramid texts). There is evidence that even the kings residing in the north during the first Transition Period (8th Dynasty; Heracleopolitan 9th-1oth Dynasties; c. 2200-2050) built pyramids in the necropoleis of ~» Memphis, albeit on a considerably reduced scale. The view that, after the unification of the kingdom, the Theban rrth Dynasty integrated the pyramid form into its own tradition, which had itself developed from funerary temples, must, however, be revised in the light of the monuments that survive [7. 27-32]. Under > Sesostris I, the r2th Dynasty (1976-1794) returned to the pyramid form with an exact replica of a 6th Dynasty pyramid complex at al-List. The pyramids of the 12th Dynasty and the 2nd Transition Period were located in the southern margins of the Memphis necropoleis (southern Saqqara, Dahstr, Mazguna) and in the

Cushite pyramids introduced technical as well as formal innovations, such as stepped sides, the addition of edging courses to the corners of the pyramid, and truncation of its point.

Fayyum

(al-Lahtn, Hawara). Profound formal inno-

vations, such as the introduction of labyrinthine burial sections and the relinquishment of any association with a particular orientation, attest to the adoption of new religious concepts. The fundamental transformation of the cult complexes in the pyramid precincts, only incompletely understood by modern researchers, varied between archaizing borrowing and radical innovation. The extensive temple precinct of Amenemhet III (c. 1850) at Hawara, the so-called ‘Labyrinth’, was described by numerous ancient writers. The archaeologically unknown 17th Dynasty royal graves at > Thebes {1] had pyramids, as did a cult complex of Ahmose at Abydus. The Middle Kingdom also introduced structural innovations, such as the construction of the core

of the pyramid from brick or with a supporting skeleton of stone walls. While the pyramid form was reserved for the tombs of kings (and often also queens) down to the 18th Dynasty, from then on, alongside the comprehensive reconfiguration of royal tomb complexes to a new, radically exclusive form, it began to be used just as exclusively for the tombs of non-royal personages. In the élite cemeteries, especially those of Thebes and Saqqara, a pyramid, radically reduced in size but appreciably steeper, was set on or behind the chapel of the temple-like tomb structures. These tomb pyramids were normally built of mud bricks; only the pyramidia were often of stone, and decorated with images related to the mythology of the zodiac; the eastern face of these pyramids was often provided with a niche containing a statuette of the owner of the tomb praying to the sun god. From the reign of king Piye (25th Dynasty; 746-715 BC), the Cushite rulers adopted the pyramid form for tombs of the royal family; their capital cities Napata (al-Kurra, Nari, Gabal Barkal) and Meroe were surrounded by pyramid fields. The Cushites adopted as the model for their pyramids the form of the New Kingdom private tombs, of the kind that could also be seen in the part of Nubia that had been conquered by Egypt, and not the older, royal pyramids. At the same time, the

PYRAMID

III. FUNCTION AND CONTEXT In Egypt, pyramids always stood at the centre of a cult site and were accordingly as a rule surrounded by extensive building complexes. The cults were afforded economic support country-wide with goods and materials and had unwavering legal protection. Consequently, particularly in the Old Kingdom when the royal cult of the dead was identified with the cult of the state, the pyramid complexes became powerful and long-lived institutions, crucial elements in the system of state administration. After pyramids began to be constructed outside of the cemeteries in the royal city in the 4th Dynasty, it became necessary to establish so-called pyramid towns to accommodate those involved in the technical and cult-related functions of the pyramid complex; a palace complex within the pyramid town indicates that the king was sometimes present there. Privileged by decrees of royal protection, and thus particularly attractive places to live, not a few of these pyramid towns grew to become lasting settlements. Thus the name of the city of Memphis goes back to that of the pyramid town of king Pepi I (c. 2300 BC). Pyramid towns were therefore a crucial factor in the urbanization of the Memphis area. IV. PYRAMID CONSTRUCTION Construction, especially in the case of the monumental pyramids of the Old Kingdom, was an extraordinary achievement in terms of craft skills, technical engineering and logistics. It was made possible by the accumulation of practical and organizational knowledge and the development of competent bodies of craftsmen in the course of long, constant experience in the construction of increasingly ambitious monumental structures. The successive stages in the development of pyramids illustrate this progressive mastery of: (a) technical problems and (b) increasingly impressive dimensions of the structures undertaken. The central organization of the

state, embracing all the resources of the country and making them available for the implementation of state projects, created the economic and political basis and was perfected in the course of these major projects. Pyramid construction was thus also a key factor in the development of the early Egyptian state. While some of the technical problems embarrass modern engineers who lack equivalent experiencebased knowledge, a widely distributed body of sources gives basic documentation for the methods used. Traces left by handling procedures, finds of tools, and, for example, surviving construction ramps at unfinished structures, demonstrate the basic technologies. Murals illustrate the transportation of the pyramidion or granite columns for the pyramid temple. Holes for measuring-posts around the pyramid document the surveying

251

252

techniques employed. Mathematical papyri contain model calculations for the dimensions, gradients and volumes of pyramids. Finally, legal instruments regarding smaller construction projects provide insight into the organization of such undertakings in the Pharaonic Period.

as early as Scyl. 102, modern Ceyhan. Rising in + Cataonia in Cappadocia, in Antiquity its mouth, on a now defunct branch, lay to the west of -» Magarsa near the ancient mouth of the Sarus. Because of this the two rivers were occasionally conflated. Today the mouth has shifted far to the east because of alluvial deposits (this was known of as early as the Ancient Period; an oracle said that P. would one day reach + Cyprus: Str. 1,357} 125254). [he river was navigable as far as > Mal-

PYRAMID

V. INFLUENCE AND RECEPTION

New Kingdom visitors’ inscriptions at the pyramid complexes of Memphis, as well as the restoration activities of prince Chaemwaset, a son of -» Ramesses [2] II,

attest to the interest of a later period in the major structures of the Old Kingdom. Ever since, they have been the prime attraction of any journey to Egypt; Greek and Egyptian authors combined descriptions of the pyramids with unhistorical stories (sometimes with roots in Late Egyptian literature) about their builders and speculations as to the construction procedures used (e.g., Hdt. 2,124 ff.; Diod. Sic. 1,63-4). With the pyramid of Cestius [I 4], a funerary monument in the Egyptian style was erected in Augustan Rome. As the most typical of all Egyptian monuments, pyramids played a key role in every phase of the European reception of Egypt, and symbolize the age, mystery, and authority of the Pharaonic culture [8]. + EGYPTOLOGY 1R. SraDELMANN,

D. ARNOLD,

s.v. Pyramide, LA 4,

1205-1272

2R.STADELMANN, Die agyptischen Pyrami-

den, 1997.

+3 1.E.S. Epwarps, The Pyramids of Egypt,

1977. 4D.O’Connor, The Earliest Royal Boat Graves, in: Egyptian Archaeology 6, 1995, 3-7. 5 M. LEHNER, The Complete Pyramids, 1997 6 S.J. SEIDLMAYER, Town and State in the Early Old Kingdom, in: J. SPENCER (ed.), Aspects of Early Egypt,

1996,

108-127

ZD.

ARNOLD, Der Tempel des Konigs Mentuhotep von Deir el-Bahari (Arch. Ver6ffentlichungen des DAI Kairo 8), 1974 8C. TiETzeE (ed.), Die Pyramiden, Geschichte — Entdeckung — Faszination, 1999. W. HELCK, s.v. Pyramide, RE 23, 2167-2282.

Ry

Pyramid texts see > Funerary literature

Pyramid tomb. Particular form of > funerary architecture in Classical Antiquity, following the Pharaonic ~ pyramid of Egypt in form and purpose. Rare in Classical Antiquity, but always used with high aspirations to grandeur; the best-known example is the pyramid of Cestius in Rome near the Porta San Paolo (built as a monument to the tribune and praetor C. -» Cestius {I 4] Epulo, d. 12 BC). Further examples, primarily in the area from Asia Minor to Egypt. F. CoarELL1,

Rom.

Ein archaologischer

307f.; C. Ratrf, The Pyramid MDAI(Ist) 42, 1992, 135-161.

Tomb

lus, where it could be crossed on one of the still surviving Roman bridges on the coastal road recorded in Tab. Peut. 10,4. A further Roman bridge in» Mopsu(h)estia was part of the Itinerartum Burdigalense (580 MILLER: Mansista) pilgrim route. H. TREIDLER, s.v. Pyramos (1), RE 24, 1-10; H1LD/HELLENKEMPER, 28, Index s.v. Pyramos

[2] Pyramus Thisbé).

(Lat.

Pyramus)

and

Thisbe

(Oiofn/

Mythical lovers, known from Ov. Met. 4,55-166, where one of the > Minyades chooses the romance from a number of Babylonian stories: P. and T., in love

against the wishes of their parents, agree to a nocturnal meeting at a mulberry tree outside the city. A lioness chases T. away, spattering her veil with blood; P. finds it and stabs himself in grief for the assumed death of his lover; his blood stains the fruit of the tree. When T.

returns she joins P. in death. At her behest the fruit remains dark-coloured. Whereas Latin literature (Serv. Ecl. 6,22) and Pompeian wall paintings follow Ovid, late Greek authors (Himerius Or. 9,11) were familiar

with a Cilician legend of P. and T. (conversion into a river and a spring).

A Cypriot mosaic (P. as river god and a she-panther with T.’s veil) makes it unlikely that the Latin tradition is dependent on the Cilician one. The literary reception in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance draws now on the pathetic, now on the burlesque, elements of Ovid’s romance, ranging from moralistic tales (Boccaccio) and theological allegories (Gesta Romanorum) to parody (SHAKESPEARE, A Midsummer Night’s Dream). The climax of its influence in pictorial art is POUSSIN’s painting of 1651. P.E. Knox, P. and T. in Cyprus, in: HSPh 92, 1989, 315-

328; P. LINANT DE BELLEFONDS, s.v. Pyramos et T., LIMC 7.1, 604-607; F. SCHMITT — VON MUHLENFELS, P. und T.

Rezeptionstypen

eines Ovidischen

Stoffes in Literatur,

Kunst und Musik, 1972.

B.GY.

Pyrasus (I1veaooc; Pyrasos). City in Achaea > Phthiotis (Hom. Il. 2,695) on the northeastern edge of the

1975,

Halmyrus plain, today’s Nea Anchialos. Settled from prehistoric times until the present; in the historical era it

at Sardeis, in:

belonged to > Thebes (Str. 9,5,14). Archaeology: large

Fuhrer,

C.HO.

Christian basilica and other buildings. F. Hr_p, E. HANSCHMANN,

s. v. P., in: LAUFFER, Grie-

Pyramus (Ilveapnoc/Pyramos). [1] Easternmost of the three rivers in Cilicia Pedias

chenland, 578f.; P. LAzartpis, BuCavtwe xai recaimvind, \uvynpetar Oeooahiac: Nea “Ayyiahog POudotide¢ OAPat, in: AD 25, 1970, 286f.; TIB 1, 271; E. Visser, Homers Kata-

(> Cydnus, > Sarus [1]; > Cilices, Cilicia), mentioned

log der Schiffe, 1997, 663-665; K. ZIEGLER, s. v. Pyrasos (3) RE eae

ict.

HE.KR. and E.MEY.

2:53

254

Pyrenaei Portus. Port on the northeast coast of Spain,

land. The economic significance of the P. (timber on the northern slopes; various mining areas) was consider-

to the north of Rhode (modern Ciutadella de Roses),

where Cato [1] broke his voyage to his province of Hispania Citerior in 195 BC (Liv. 34,8,5). PP probably corresponds to Portus Veneris (modern Port-Vendres on Cape Béar). J. JANNoRAY,

s. v. Portus Veneris (1), RE 22, 411-418,

bes. 415f.

PB.

Pyrene [1] (IIvenvn; Pyréné). City of Iberian or Phocaean origin in the region between the Sordi and the Ceretes peoples (Avien. 559), therefore in the easternmost Pyrenees (+ P. [2]) near Rhode. Here, according to Hdt. 2,33, was the source of the Istrus [2] (Danube); P. was a rich city, seven days’ journey from Pylae [1] Gadeirides (Avien. 562-565) and often visited by merchants from + Massalia.

able. F. BeELTRAN

Lioris,

F. Pina Poo,

Die Pyrenden

als

Grenze und die geographische Sichtweise der Romer, in: E. OLSHAUSEN, H. SONNABEND (eds.), Gebirgsland als Lebensraum (Geographica Historica 8), 1996, 203-214; R. Grosse, s. v. P. (2), RE 24, 14-18; SCHULTEN, Landeskunde 1, 172-184; TIR K/J-31, 1997, 128f., 150. PB.

Pyrenean peninsula I. PRELIMINARY NOTE II. CELTO-IBERIAN CULTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGY III. IBERIAN CULTURE

AND ARCHAEOLOGY

I. PRELIMINARY NOTE A number of cultures, distinguishable from one another by their language, among other things, can be discerned on the PP in the rst millennium

BC (late

Bronze and Iron Ages). Of these cultures, those of the

TOVAR 3, 460.

[2] (Tlvejqvn/Pyrené, MvenvaialPyrénaia,

PYRENEAN PENINSULA

Mvenvaiov/

Pyrenaion, Latin Pyrenaei, Pyrenaeus), modern Pyre-

nees. Mountains allegedly named after the city of P. [1] (Avien. 472; 533; 555; 565; differently Str. 3,2,9 with Posidon. and Diod. Sic. 5,35: P. to be derived from xt@/ pyr, ‘fire’, because owing to forest fires silver had come to light; derivation from P., the lover of Heracles: Sil. Pun. 3,420-441; also designated as Alpes, cf. Geogr. Rav. 299,15; Oros. 7,40,8; Sil. Pun. 2,333); 435 km from east to west, divided by deeply incised passes, and at most 100 km from north to south; the northern faces are steeper and damper (heavily forested, cf. Avien. 555; Plin. HN 16,71) than the southern ones (sparse vegetation). The P. were considered the highest mountains in Europe (App. Hisp. 1). Apart from Plin. HN 4,110 and Ptol. 2,6,11 most ancient authors orient the P. north-south (cf. Str. 3,1,3; Mela 2,85). The most important pass was the Via Heraclea (Sil. 3,357), which led over the modern Coll de Pertis (height 290 m; It. Ant. 390,2: ad Pyreneum; 397,7: summo Pyreneo) 20 km from the sea; + Hannibal [4] marched over it in 218 BC (Liv. 21,23f.). From 121 BC onwards this pass road was enlarged and renamed Via Domitia (Pol. 3,39), later it was again renamed Via Augusta (It. Ant. 390; 399). In 72 BC at the height of the pass Pompey (> Pompeius [I 3]) raised a victory monument with an inscription (Plin. HN 3,18; 7,96; Str. 3,4,9; Sall. Hist. 3,89 M.). Farther to the west, the road from > Caesaraugusta ran over the modern Puerto de Somport (height 1631 m; It. Ant. 452,9: summo Pyreneo) to Benearnum (modern Béarn); still farther west, the road from + Pompaelo ran over the Puerto de Roncesvalles (height ro57 m; It. Ant. 455,7) to Aquae Terebellicae (modern Dax). More obvious than the > Alpes, the P. mountain chain has historically had less a separating, more a mediating character in view of the ease with which it could be bypassed to the east and west by sea but also by

central highlands and the northwest may be considered among the prehistoric cultures until they were integrated into the Roman empire. By contrast, the southwest (> Tartessus) and the Mediterranean coasts with their hinterland c. 200 km in depth — the seat of the Iberian cultures — were closely connected with the high cultures of the Mediterranean. Il. CELTO-IBERIAN CULTURE AND ARCHAEOL-

OGY On this, see: > Celtic archaeology; > Celtic languages (with map); > Celts (with maps); — Hispania, Iberia (with maps); — Tartessus. II]. IBERIAN CULTURE A. GENERAL

AND ARCHAEOLOGY

PRINCIPLES

B. MATERIAL

CULTURE

A. GENERAL PRINCIPLES

Iberian archaeology provides the decisive data for the depiction of Iberian culture [1-5]. Andalucia, i.e. essentially ancient Turdetania [6], under PhoenicianPunic influence and heir to the orientalizing > Tartessus, exhibited its own peculiarities alongside its close connections to Iberian culture. Linguistic witnesses (> Hispania Baetica, with map), mostly only from the period of the Roman conquest on, define the geographical frontiers. The outlines of Iberian culture are evident from 600-580 BC on, i.e. from the beginnings of the Iron Age under western Phoenician, later Greek influ-

ence. Iberian culture expired in the early years of the Roman Principate: epigraphical and numismatic evidence dries up. The name Iberia [7] probably derives from the ancient name for the Ebro (Greek [bér (> Iberus [1])). In

Hecataeus (FGrH 1 F 44-52), Iberié refers to the Mediterranean coasts between the Liguri and the Mastieni; in Hdt. (1,163) it denotes the destination, between Tar-

tessus and Keltike, of long-distance Phocaean voyages. Iberia denoted the entire peninsula from the 2nd cent.

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BC on (Pol. 3,37). Research into Iberian culture began in the late r9th cent. The first thorough overview of early Hispanic history was that of P. Parts (1859-1931) [8], though he does not use the term Iberian culture. The chronological and geographical contours were first sketched in the work of P. BoscH GIMPERA (1891-

1974). Iberian culture was borne which never saw themselves as ual archaeological ‘landscapes’ ferent Bronze Age conditions

by a plethora of tribes a confraternity. Individ[3] are the result of dif(Catalonia: trans-Pyre-

nean urnfield culture, Iberian Levant: Bronce Valenciano (‘Valencian Bronze Age’), Iberian south east: E]

Argar culture) and differing influences, peninsular, Western European and Mediterranean. Nonetheless, this region stretching more than 1,000 km did coagulate into a cultural unity. Its binding element was the trade, attested from the late Bronze Age on, between the

Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts of the Iberian peninsula [10], in which western Phoenician traders had since the roth cent. BC (?) taken part in the quest for ores. Technologies such as iron smelting and processing (+ Iron), rotating potter’s wheels, storage and trans-

port vessels (pithoi and amphorae), the cultivation of wine grapes, the use of clay bricks, carriage-building

260

Castellon) and La Alcudia (Elche, province of Alicante) and in Upper Andalucia, Puente Tablas (province of Jaén), indicating stable demographic conditions. Some locations are understandable in consequence of the Mediterranean coastal trade: e.g., Adovesta (Benifallet,

province of Tarragona) at the mouth of the Ebro with a deposit of western Phoenician amphorae, the fortified location of Alt de Benimaquia (Denia, province of Alicante) with a large wine press and local amphorae of western Phoenician design, Pefia Negra (Crevillente, province of Murcia) with a forge for bronze weapons of Atlantic type and Castellar de Lebrilla (province of Murcia) with iron casting for export. Some settlements were relinquished in the course of the Early Iberian period, but numerous new foundations in the Middle Iberian period attest to demographic growth [16]. Only from the end of the 3rd cent. BC does increased destruction arise, in consequence of the Barcid Wars and the 2nd of the > Punic Wars [II]. The size and structure of settlements varied by region. In Turdetania (— Turdetani), the most urbanized region of Hispania beginning in the early Iron Age, there have been found extensive ‘proto-cities’, e.g., + Carmo (Carmona, province of Sevilla) over 50 ha,

belt decorations became widely disseminated in the

+ Castulo (Linares, province of Jaén) over 44 ha; the areas grow smaller in the region of the Mediterranean coasts from south to north: e.g., La Alcudia de Elche

course of these interconnections [10]. This formative

over 9.8 ha, > Saguntum (province of Valencia) over

phase ended with the dwindling of western Phoenician trade in the Hispanic Levant (580-570 BC) and the arrival of Greek traders and their products (ceramics are preserved), first in Huelva (— Tartessus), and a little lat-

5-7 ha, Puig de Sant Andreu (Ullastret, province of Girona) over 5.2 ha. Alongside these were the smaller settlements and fortified locations in the border regions characterized by herding culture, e.g., at Lliria (prov-

and elements of costume such as fibulae (> Pins) and

er, after 600 BC, in » Emporiae/Ampurias

(L’Escala,

ince of Valencia), Puntal dels Llops (Olocau, province

Girona) [11; 12]. It appears that Iberian culture spread out from the future Contestania (essentially the modern province of Alicante) northwards in the footsteps of the former western Phoenician traders [13; 14]. Only from this time (c. 580 BC) on do we speak of Iberian culture.

of Valencia) over 0.065 ha, in lower Aragon El Tara-

B. MATERIAL CULTURE

The outlines of Iberian culture’s ‘greatest common denominator’ and a characteristic profile for the culture can be delineated in the development of unique settlement forms, representative large-scale statuary and in the field of luxury tableware. 1. SETTLEMENTS 2. NECROPOLEIS 3. SCULPTURE 4. MINOR ARTS AND ARTISANAL HANDICRAFTS 5. POTTERY 1. SETTLEMENTS Fortified hamlets were the norm [15]. They were generally situated in easily defensible locations (hilltops, declivities) (few exceptions, e.g., the strongly fortified location of Els Vilars/Arbeca, Lleida, on a plain). Their beginnings can in part be traced back to the end of the Bronze Age, e.g., in small settlements in the lower catchment area of the Ebro, such as La Ferradura (UIIdecona, province of Tarragona), on the coast of the Spanish Levant: Puig de Nau (Benicarl6, province of

trato (Alcafiiz, province of Teruel) over 0.15 ha, or

Alorda Park (Calafell, province of Tarragona) over 0.3 ha. In some

cases, settlement sizes and distances be-

tween oppida (-» Oppidum) are reminiscent of territorial structures, e.g., the array of small settlements, probably satellites, surrounding Tossal de Sant Miquel (Lliria, province of Valencia, from the sth cent. on) [17].

Merging of settlements (> Synoikismos) can be observed from the 6th cent. on in the Campina of Jaén (Andalucia) [18]; similarly in the environs of Elche. A number of coeval Iberian settlement types can be distinguished: walled enclosures without recognizable internal structures, somewhat like Meca (Ayora, province of Valencia) or La Bastida de les Alcusses

(Mogente, province of Valencia); small, enclosed settlements of less than 0.3 ha, walls serving as the rear walls of terraced houses fronting onto the street or the square (e.g., Puig Castellet/Lloret del Mar, province of Girona, or Castellet de Bernabé/Lliria, province of Valencia); street systems arranged parallel to the walls, either in a circle as in El Moli d’Espigol (Tornabous, province of Lleida) or in the form of insulae as El Oral (San Fulgencio, province of Alicante). The houses of a settlement are distinctive due to their similarity in size and appointment [19]. They ranged

261

262

from single-cell living units (e.g., El Moli d’Espigol/ Tornabous, province of Lleida, or Mas Bosca/Badalona, province of Barcelona) to complexes with several rooms designed according to activity (from the 5th cent.

the bones were collected — sometimes washed, dismembered, wrapped in a cloth and buried, sometimes directly, sometimes in an urn, ina cavity clad in slabs or chalk [30]. In lavish burials, Athenian krateres were employed; in Bastetania, sculpted stone caskets were sometimes used [3 1], in Elche and Baza even sculptures (Dama de Baza, Dama de Elche) [32] and grave pillars [33]. Among the personal effects of the deceased were items of clothing such as fibulae, belt buckles and weapons; grave goods included vessels for food and drink. Terra cotta pieces and small glass vessels are also sometimes encountered, and Greek pottery served to demonstrate the wealth of the deceased at the funeral feast, as the find of broken Athenian drinking vessels in conjunction with a grave has shown [34. 55].

on, e.g., in settlements on the Puig de Nau (Benicarl6, Castellon), on the Tossal de Sant Miquel, on La Bastida

or in Puente Tablas). The degree of spatial differentiation depended on the degree of urbanization, and this was most advanced in areas of Carthaginian and Greek influence (Puig de Sant Andreu and Mas Castellar/Ponts, province of Girona). The multi-functional, fortified

‘palaces’ of the Extremadura constituted a special form, e.g., the palace sanctuary of Cancho Roano (Zalamea la Serena, province of Badajoz) [20]. In the oppida, there were often no public facilities such as temples, squares or communal halls, but there were communal facilities: reservoirs (Moleta de Remei/Alcanar, province of Tar-

ragona, Illeta dels Banyets/El Campello, province of Alicante) [21], cisterns (La Bastida) and baking ovens.

Communal achievements included the fortification walls (— Fortifications) and presumably the tracked street network of the hill settlement of Meca [22]. Foreign influences are little detectable; one exception is the fortified harbour of Alcudia de Elche, La Picola (Santa Pola, Alicante), which follows Greek concepts of planning and measurement and knowledge of fortification

[23]. Iberian architecture [24] remained largely loyal to traditional forms (— Fortifications) and materials such

as ashlar and clay, as well as clay bricks, straw and wood. Its contribution was most importantly expressed in the ‘monumentalization’ of princely tombs (see below, III Bz) and in ‘handicraft’ decor such as cavetto mouldings, — astragaloi (~ Astragalos) and Ionian kymatia (-> Kymation), in the figuration of facades and gateways with, among other things, [25] bands of coving and spirals, or columns with Iberian interpretations of Corinthian, Doric and Aeolic capitals. 2. NECROPOLEIS The

Iberian

necropoleis

[26] provide

but demo-

graphic excerpts: burials of socially underprivileged groups are unknown. The nature and scope of grave remains allow the inference of a structured society, unlike the oppida that functioned in an egalitarian fashion. Settlements have seldom been researched together with

their cemeteries;

and where

done,

only for a

chronological segment (e.g., Puig de Sant Andreu with the necropolis of Puig de Serra, Ullastret). In some regions, entire epochs lack evidence of necropoleis (Late Iberian Catalonia and Turdetania). Cremation, the usual form of burial, arose in the north under trans-Pyrenean influence (Urnfield Culture) and in the Andalucian south partly under Semitic influence (> Tartessus). From the Iberian northeast to the Hispanic Levant, small children were interred [27]. As a rule, the location of the pyre (ustrinum) and the burial place were distinct (exception: e.g., the ‘tower grave’ of Pozo Moro with a bustum burial, where pyre and burial site were identical [28; 29]). After cremation,

PYRENEAN PENINSULA

To mark graves, tiered, rectangular tumuli (-> Tu-

mulus) of clay and stone were often built; in the Iberian southeast, from 500 BC to the early 4th cent. these might be adorned with sculptures, pillars and architecture [36], etc. There are also occasional stelai with anthropomorphic traits, in Aragon also ornamented with ideographic scored decorations [37]. The monumental remains generally remained without demonstrable connection to the original burial; they were often reused when making later graves. Grave sites may sometimes have been deliberately destroyed, perhaps during revolts [38]. The design of these ‘representative graves’ was largely abandoned from 400 BC, and the accent placed instead on grave goods. These served, e.g., to show the social standing of the deceased — weapons for warriors, often lances and > falcata [39], occasionally tools [40]. Alongside frugal grave urns, rich shaft graves began to appear in the late 5th cent. (e.g., in Castulo, > Baza), as well as chamber graves (Tutugi), grave chambers built of clay brick (Castellones del Ceal/ Hinojares, province of Jaén [41]) or the > Hypogaeum of Toya (Peal de Becerro, province of Jaén) [42]. 3. SCULPTURE An indigenous, orientalizing iconographic repertoire, a tradition of craftsmanship in stonemasonry, and aclientele that valued monumental expressions laid the groundwork for the beginnings of large-scale Iberian sculpture [37]. In this context, the tomb of Pozo Moro is important (Chinchilla, province of Albacete, c. 500 BC) [28; 44], since it combines orientalizing motifs (Potnia with palmette blossoms, late Hittite lion design) with a conceptual world that is clearly Iberian. Greek influence was simultaneously at work. From this period dates the first equestrian statue from Los Villares (Hoya Gonzalo, province of Albacete) [35] with local characteristics; the second equestrian image, likewise datable by context (to c. 420 BC), at the same necropolis, shows

abstract forms already indicating the schematizing tendencies of later Iberian sculpture. To this epoch belong sculpture groups — e.g., monomachies (depictions of single combat) from the Alcudia of Elche (province of Alicante), from the Cerro de Pajarillo (Huelma, proyince of Jaén) [45] and the Cerrillo Blanco (Porcuna, province of Jaén) [46], as well as the well-known so-

PYRENEAN PENINSULA

263

264

called Dama de Elche (a life-sized female bust from a

with the later sub-group of Ampuritanic ware, played a special role [70]. ~» Celticarchaeology;> CELtTic/GERMANICARCHAEOL-

grave). The iconographic repertoire included a rich mythical fauna such as centaurs, tritons, ‘Achelous’, as well as bulls and lions [47], to which sculpture became confined beginning in the 4th cent. — along with votive offerings in the form of horse statuettes and reliefs [48] and the human form [49]. The statuary of the Cerro de los Santos (Montealegre de Castillo, province of Albacete) [50] and the group of schematic statues from the sanctuaries of Torreparedones (Castro del Rio/Baena,

provicne of Cordoba) [51] or El Cigarralejo (Mula, province of Murcia) [21. 99f.] are characteristic of this. 4. MINOR ARTS AND ARTISANAL HANDICRAFTS The small bronzes [53; 54], most of naked and dressed warriors, cloaked female figures and figures in offering poses, riders, anatomical motifs and animals, are concentrated at a few sanctuaries. These too underwent the development towards schematic representation; like the terra cottas, they were also derived from Magna Graecia models transmitted via Carthaginian trade [55]. ‘Orientalizing’ elements in form and style characterized the development of gold jewellery, which remained confined to the Iberian southeast [56]. One leading form was the diadem with triangular closures, to whose Mediterranean origins the example from the hoard of Javea (4th cent.) leaves an exemplary witness (dust granulate, pearl filigree, decor of vegetation) [57; 58]. Tools (e.g., dies) of a jeweller (c. 500 BC) have been

found in a grave in Cabezo Lucero (Rojales, Alicante) from the rst half of the 4th cent. [28. 438]. Metal tableware gives a similar picture: bowls with handles with hand decorations of ‘orientalizing’ tradition [59], bowls from the silver hoard of Abengibre with forms from the Carthaginian and Athenian repertoires [60] or the basins from the hoard finds of Tivissa and Santisteban which bring together Hellenistic forms and motifs with Iberian elements (e.g., applied wolf mask) [61]. The throne of the so-called Dama de Baza (seated female statue from a grave at Baza) indicates highlydeveloped craftsmanship in carpentry [62]; remains of chariots (spoked wheels), that of wainwrights [63]. MBL. 5. POTTERY The use of the potter’s wheel became established in the course of the 6th cent. under the influence of Phoenician pottery [64; 65]. Decoration was at first characterized by painting in stripes; circular patterns were among the innovations which set in during the sth cent. [66]. Pottery decorated with figures [67] began to appear only towards the end of the 3rd cent. with respective regional ‘handwriting’, often in combination with addenda and ‘noble’ themes such as the hunt, dancing and battle; at Elche/Archena with emblematic

depictions, e.g., of a winged goddess and eagle [68]. The cylindrical kalathos, the best-known Iberian vessel in Mediterranean trade [69], became widespread from the 3rd cent. onwards. ‘Grey ware’, which included different regional groups (+ Tartessus), like Grey Catalonian

oGy;

~ Celtic languages

(with map);

> Celts (with

map); -> Colonization (with map); -» Funerary architecture; > Hispania (with maps); > Phoenicians, Poeni (with map); > Pins; > SPAIN; Tumulus; ~ Weapons 1A. Garcia Y BELLIDO, Arte ibérico, in: R. MENENDEZ

Pipat (ed.), Historia de Espafial 3, 1954,371-675 2La sociedad ibérica a través de la imagen, exhibit Albacete et alibi, 1992/93 history, 1995

3 C. FERNANDEZ CasTRO, Iberia in Pre4 P. Kruse (ed.), Die Iberer, exhibit Bonn

et alibi, 1998 5A. Ruiz, M. Motinos, The Archaeology of the Iberians, 1998 6 J. FERNANDEZ JURADO (ed.), La Andalucia ibero-turdetana, in: Huelva Arqueologica 14, 1996, passim 7M. Kocn, Tarschisch und Hispanien, 1984, 129 8 P. Paris, Essai sur I’art et l’industrie de l’Espagne primitive, vols. 1 and 2, 1903, 1904 9M.

Ruiz-GALvez PrigGo, La Europa atlantica en la Edad del bronce,

1998, 252

10 G. Ruiz ZAPATERO,

Comercio

protohistorico e innovacion tecnologica, in: Gala 1, 1992, 11 P. Rou1Liarp, Les Grecs et la peninsule 103-116 12 A.J. DOMINGUEZ MONEIbérique, 1991, 21-101 DERO, Los griegos en la Peninsula Ibérica, 1996 130. ARTEAGA et al., La expansion fenicia por las costas de Catalufia, in: G. DEL OLMo LETE (ed.), Los fenicios en la Peninsula Ibérica, vol. 2, 1986, 303-314 14J. DE Hoz, Las sociedades paleohispanicas del area no indoeuropea y la escritura, in: Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia 66, 1993, 3-29 15 P. Moret, Les fortifications ibériques, 1996 16 F. BurtLLo Mozozta, La crisis del ibérico antiguo, in: Kalathos 9/10, 1989/90, 95-124

17H. BoNneET Rosapo,

El Tossal de Sant Miquel de Lliria, 1995, 521 18 A. Ruiz, M. Mo .inos, Sociedad y territorio en el Alto

Guadalquivir entre los siglos VI y IV a.C., in: Huelva Arqueologica 14, 1996, 11-29, esp. 20 19M.C. BELARTE FRANCO, Arquitectura doméstica i estructura social

a la Catalunya protohistorica, 1997. Gorsea

et al., Cancho

20M. ALMAGRO

Roano, in: MDAI

(Madrid)

31,

1990, 251-308 21 A. NUNNERICH-AsMuUS, Heiligtiimer und Romanisierung auf der Iberischen Halbinsel, 1999 22 S. BRONCANO RoprRiGuez, M.M. ALFARO ARREGUI, Los caminos de ruedas de la ciudad ibérica de ‘El Castellar de Meca’ (Ayora, Valencia), in: Excavaciones Arqueolégicas en Espana 162, 1990 =.23. A. Bap et al., Le site antique de La Picola a Santa Pola (Alicante, Espagne), 2000

24 F. Gusi JENER, Arquitectura del mundo ibérico,

1984

25 M.R. Lucas PELLICER, E. RUANO Ruiz, Sobre

la arquitectura ibérica de Castulo, in: Archivo Espanol de Arquelogia 63, 1980, 43-64 26 J. BLANQUEZ PEREZ, V. ANTONA DEL VAL (eds.), Congreso de arqueologia ibérica: Las necropolis, 1991

27 F. Gust JENER (ed.), Inhumac-

iones infantiles en el ambito mediterraneo espanol (s. VII

a. E. al Il d. E.), in: Cuadernos de Prehistoria y Arqueologia Castellonenses 14, 1989 BEA, Pozo Moro.

entalizante,

Un monumento

in; MDAI

(Madrid)

28 M. ALMAGRO

Gor-

funerario ibérico ori-

24,

1983,

177-293

29 C. ARANEGUI Gasco et al., La nécropole iberique de Cabezo Lucero (Guadamar de Segura, Alicante), 1993, 438 30C. Mata PeRRENO, Aproximacion al estudio de las necropolis ibéricas valencianas, in: J. PADRO (ed.), Festschrift M. Tarradell, 1993, 429-448

et al. 31R.

OLMos RoMeERrA, Vaso griego y caja funeraria en la Bastetania Ibérica, in: Festschrift C. Fernandez Chicarro, 1982, 259-268

32 T. CHapa, R. OLMOs, Busto de varon hal-

265

266

lado en Baza, in: R. RAMOs FERNANDEZ et al., La Dama de Elche, 1997, 163-170 33 J.M. Garcia Cano, El pilar estela de Coimbra del Barranco Ancho (Jumilla, Murcia),

in: Revista de Estudios Ibéricos 1, 1994, 173 34 J. A. SANTOS VELASCO, Reflexiones sobre la sociedad ibérica y el registro arqueologico funerario, in: Archivo Espanol de Arqueologia 67, 1994, 63-70

35 J. BLANQUEZ PEREZ,

Caballeros y aristocratas del s. Va. C. en el mundo ibérico, in: R. OtMos

RomerA,

J.A. SANTOS

VELASCO

(eds.),

Coloquio Internacional: Iconografia ibérica — iconografia italica, Rome

1993,

1997, 211-234

36 R. CASTELO

Ruano, Monumentos funerarios del Sureste peninsular, 1995 37 I. IZQuieRDO, F. Arasa, La imagen de la memoria, antecedentes, tipologia e iconografia de las estelas, in: Archivo de Prehistoria Levantina 23, 1999, 259300 38 T. CHapa BRuneT, La destruccién de la escultura funeraria ibérica, in: Trabajos de Prehistoria 50, 1993, 185-195 39 F. QUESADA SANZ, El armarmento ibérico, 1997. 40M. Biecn, E. RUANO, Los artesanos dentro de la sociedad ibérica, in: C. ARANEGUI Gasco (ed.), Iberos, principes de Occidente (Saguntum Extra 1), 1998, 301—

308 417. CHapa BRunetetal., La necropolis ibérica de Los Castellones de Céal (Hinojares, Jaén), 1998 42A. Garcia

y BELLIDO,

La camara

sepulcral de Toya, in:

Actas y Memorias de la Sociedad Espanola de Antropologia, Etnologia y Prehistoria, 14,1935,67 43 P. LEON, La sculpture des Ibéres, 1998, 10 44M. BLEcu, Los inicios de la iconografia de la escultura ibérica en piedra: Pozo Moro, in: see [35], 193-210 45 M. Mo.utnosetal., El santuario herdico de ‘El Pajarillo’, 1998 461. NEGUERUELA

MARTINEZ,

Los monumentos

escult6ricos

ibéricos de Cerrillo Blanco de Porcuna (Jaén), 1990 47 T. CHAPA BRUNET, Influencia griega en la escultura zoomorfa ibérica (Iberia Graeca 2), 1986

48 M. BLECH,

Exvotos figurativos de santuarios de tradicion ibérica, in: V. SALVATIERRA, C. RisQueEz (eds.), De las sociedades agricolas 1999, 143-174 49R. RuANo Ruiz, La escultura humana de piedra en el mundo ibérico, 1987 50M. BREMON, Los exvotos del santuario ibérico del Cerro de los Santos, 1989

51 B. CUNLIFFE, M.C.

(Jaén),

in: MDAI

(Madrid)

33,

1992,

70-101

53 G. Nicouin1, Les bronzes figurés des sanctuaires ibériques, 1969

de bronce

54 L. Prapos TorREIRA, Exvotos ibericos

del Museo

Arqueologico

66 La ceramica ibérica del s. V a.C. en el Pais Valenciano (Recerques del Museu d’Alcoi 6), 1997 67 E.M. MagsTRO ZALDIVAR, Ceramica ibérica decorada con figura humana, 1989 68R. RAMOs FERNANDEZ, Simbologia de la ceramica

ibérica de la Alcudia

de Elche, 1991

69 M.J. ConpE 1 Berbos, Les produccions de kalathoi d’Empuries i la seva difusid mediterrania, in: Cypsela 9, 1991, 141-168 70 J. BARBERA I FARRAS et al., La ceramica gris emporitana, 1993. Maps: F. BELTRAN LLoris, F. Marco Simon, Atlas de historia antiqua, 1987, esp. map 43; C. DOMERGUE, Les

mines de la Péninsule Ibérique dans |’antiquité romaine, 1990, 590, fig. 4d, map 2.

M.BL.

Pyreneus (Ilvenvets/Pyreneus). Mythical king from Daulis in Phocia, who invites the > Muses to his palace, ostensibly to offer them shelter from a storm. When he is about to violate them there, they escape by flying away. P. dies in pursuing them (only Ov. Met. 5,27493). 6.7. Pyres (IIvens/Pyrés, Mveeoc/Pyrros) from Miletus. According to Ath. 14,620e, he, Alexander [21] Aetolus and Alexas were precursors to > Sotades and co-founders of ionicology or cinaedology ([1]; Suda = 871, s. v. Zwtadyc). In this type of solomimetic songs the performer recited what were known as “Imvxd moujuata/ Ionika poiemata (‘Ionic poems’), by which we have to imagine a connection between Ionic form and lascivious content. Of P.’ works nothing survives, and we have no certainty on the dating (late 4th/early 3rd century BC). It may be that he is mentioned in Theocritus’ Eidyllion 4,31 [2. 246]. -» Pornography 1 W. KRo.t, s. v. Kinaidos, RE 11, 459-462 MeINeKE, Analecta Alexandrina, 1843.

PVN. MB.

FERNANDEZ

Castro, The Guadajoz Project, 1999 52M. BLEcH, E. Ruano Ruiz, Zwei iberischen Skulpturen aus Ubeda la Vieja

PYRGI

Nacional,

1992

55 M. Biecu, Die Terrakotten (Mulva 3), 1993, 109-219 56 A. Perea, Orfebreria prerromana, 1991 57 Id., Orfebreria peninsular, in: R. OLMos, P. RouILLaARD (eds.), Formes archaiques, 1996, 95-109 58H.G. NIEMEYER, Zwischen Sichem und Aliseda, in: E.ACQUARO (ed.), Festschrift S. Moscati, vol. 2, 1996, 881-887 59F. TeIcuNER, Neue Funde iberischer Henkelattaschen mit stilisier-

ten Handflachen, in: Riv. di Stud. Fenici 22, 1994, 37-49 60 R. O_mos, A. Perea, Los platos de Abengibre: una aproximacion, in: Huelva Arqueologica 13, 1, 1994, 377-

4or 610. JaeGat, Der Hellenismus auf der Iberischen Halbinsel, in: Iberia Archaeologica, 1, 1999, 86-95 62 E. RUANO Ruiz, El mueble ibérico, 1992 63 M. FERNANDEZz-MiranbaA, R. OLMos, Las ruedas de Toya, 1986 64 M. BELén, J. PEREIRA, Ceramicas a torno con decora-

cién pintada en Andalucia, in: Huelva Arqueologica 7, 1985, 307-360 65 C. Mata PaARRENO, H. Boner RosADO, La ceramica ibérica: ensayo de tipologia, in: J. JUANCABANILLES (ed.), Estudios de arqueologia iberica y romana. Festschrift E. Pla Ballester, 1992, 117-173

Pyretus (Ilvgetéc/Pyretos). The easternmost left-bank tributary of the Ister [2] (Danube), thus corresponding to the modern River Prut. Herodotus, the only ancient author to mention the P., considers it the most important of the Danube’s tributaries because of its enormous flow (Hdt. 4,48). Some 830 km long, it rises in the Carpathian mountains and flows across regions that in Antiquity were counted as parts of Scythia (there called Md6oata/Porata;

- Scythae).

H. TREIDLER, s. v. P. (3), RE 24, 19-22; TIR L 35 Romula, 1969, 60.

PI.CA.

Pyrgi (MveyouPyrgoi). [1] (IweyouPyrgoi). Probably the most frequented port of ancient > Caere, near modern Santa Severa. Literary evidence points to a sanctuary to > Eileithyia (Str. Givaefos))

3A

(ANG

OD

+ Leucothea

ACHIVIEL™

iow

(Ps.-Aristot.

Lin.

ROlyaAchusnmottatn

insec.

5p 2520)

there, possibly identical to the remains excavated mid 2oth cent. near a bay on the Tyrrhenian coast: a témenos (holy district) with two archaic temples (single cell

267

268

peripteros with antae, end of the 6th cent. BC; a temple with a pronaos of columns and a space at the back subdivided into three cellae, first half of the 5th cent. BC). Between the temples gold discs were found, two with

Hdt. 4,148,4 and Pol. 4,77,9 or 4,80,13 with P. in Str.

PYRGI

Etruscan inscriptions, one with Phoenician-Punic ones,

all relating to a dedication to Uni-Astarte. On the southern boundary wall of the témenos a row of diverse cells was built, which may have been used for sacred > prostitution. Votive inscriptions record cults of —» Uni (Hera), > Tinia (Zeus), Thesan (Eos), Farthan and the

Phoenician-Punic - Astarte. The differing plans of the temples can probably be explained by Caere’s cultural diversity, although its open approach to the Greek world at the end of the 6th cent. BC contrasts with a narrower one in the first half of the sth cent. This cultural shift may be connected with the defeat of the Etruscan fleet in the battle with + Syracusae at Cyme [2] in 474 BC (thoughts of revenge in the battle scene of Capaneus against Zeus, Tydeus and Melanippus on the ridge beam high relief on the gable end of the peripteros?).

In a further sanctuary (parts of the altar and aedi-

ibid. and Steph. Byz. ibid. is to be maintained with [1] contra [2]. 1 MULLER, 1259.

839f.

2 E. MEYER, s.v. Pyrgoi (2), KIP 4, Y.L.andE.O.

Pyrgo (voy; Pyrgo). Aged nurse in — Priamus’ household. According to Virgil’s version P. recognises

that > Iris, who has been sent at the instigation of Juno and who, in the form of Beroé, calls upon the Trojan

women to burn their ships during their stay on Sicily, is a goddess and so gets the initially hesitant Trojan women to obey the request (Verg. Aen. 5,644-663).

SUEL

Pyrgos Lithinos (IIvoyog Ai®woc: Ptol. 1,12,8 M.; 6,13,2 N.; literally ‘stone tower’). Important station on

the Pamir on the > Silk Road leading to China from the west via Antioch [7] and Bactra. Despite the favourable

situation with regard to sources — Ptolemy uses the itinerary of > Marinus [1] of Tyre as his basis, the latter the notes of the silk trader Maés Titianus — no one has yet

culae, frr. of gable bricks, acroteria, anatomical votive

succeeded in a full identification; the town is however

gifts), votive inscriptions attest to cults of Suri (Apollo as an oracular god) and Cavatha. This cult area was in use 6th-3rd cents. BC. With their location on the coast the sanctuaries had the character of ordinary harbour facilities. They were plundered in 384 BC by Dionysus [1] of Syracuse under the pretext of combating pirates. The end of the sanctuaries coincides with the Romans’ invasion of the ager Caeretanus (3rd cent. BC). They annexed half of the ager (273 BC) and founded colonies there (Castrum Novum, Alsium, Fregenae, P.).

marked on the map [2. 6 Dz].

R. BaRTACINI, M. PALLOTTINO et al., Notizie degli Scavi

di antiquita, 1959, 143-263; M. PALLOTTINO et al., Scavi nel santuario etrusco di Pyrgoi, in: Archeologia Classica 16, 1964, 49-117; M. PALLoTTINO, G. COLONNA et al., Pyrgoi: scavi del santuario etrusco (1959-1967) (Notizie degli scavi di antiquita 8,24,2), 2 vols., 1970; M. PALLoT-

TINO et al., Le lamine di Pyrgoi (Accademia nazionale dei Lincei Quaderno 147), 1970; Id. et al., Die G6ttin von Pyrgoi, 1981; G. COLONNA, Altari e sacelli. L’area sud di Pyrgoi ..., in: Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia

Romana di Archeologia 64, 1991-1992, 63-115; Pyrgoi: scavi del santuario etrusco (1969-1971) scavi di antiquita 8,42/43,2),

(Notizie degli

1992 (excavation report);

K. W. Weeser, Die Inschriften von Pyrgoi, in: Antike Welt 16, 1985, 29-37; B. Frau, I porti ceretani di Pyrgoi e Castrum Novum, in: A. MArre! (ed.), Caere e il suo territorio da Agylla a Centumeellae, 1990, 319-327; M.D. GEN-

TILI, I santuari di Pyrgoi e Ponta della Vipera, in: ibid., 279-284; F.R. SERRA RipGway, Etruscans, Greeks, Car-

1J.J. Mrtter, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 1969, 126ff. 2R.J.A. TALBERT (ed.), Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 2000. E.O.andH.J.N.

Pyrgoteles (MveyotéAncs; Pyrgotélés). 4th- cent. BC gem

cutter, known from Pliny (Plin. HN 37,8) and Apuleius (Apul. Flor. 7), who is supposed to have worked for Alexander [4] the Great and, according to ancient sources, was equal in fame and ability to Apelles and to Lysippus (+ Apelles [4]; — Lysippus [2]) (Plin. HN 7,125). In modern

times this famous name

has been

engraved as a forged signature on ancient gems; the gem cutter Allessandro CEsari (16th century) adopted the name of his famous predecessor and signed his works accordingly. The name inscription P. can be found, small and barely legible, on a round yellow and violet intaglio (variety of quartz between topaz and amethyst) under a bust of Alexander, who is represented — char-

acteristically of the Hellenistic period — as Zeus-Ammon with ram’s horns, in the style of Lysimachus coins (Oxford, AM). This inscription is recognised by some scholars as the genuine signature of P. [1. 360; 2. 76ff.]; others, however, assume it to have been engraved subsequently [3. 200]. > Gem cutting

thaginians. The Sanctuary at Pyrgoi, in: J.-P. DescupRES

1 J. BOARDMAN,

(ed.), Greek

2 M.-L. VOLLENWEIDER, in:J. BOARDMAN, M.-L. VOLLEN-

Colonists

and

Native

Populations,

1990,

WEIDER,

511-530.

[2] City in > Triphylia north of the mouth

of the

— Neda (Hdt. 4,148,4; Str. 8,3,22; Steph. Byz. s. v. I1.),

probably the ancient find site on Hagios Elias to the south of the stream of Tholon (presumably the ancient ‘Anidwv/Akidon). Identification of Nveyocd/Pyrgos in

Greek Gems and Finger Rings, 1970

Catalogue of the Engraved Gems

and Finger

Rings in the Ashmolean Museum, vol. 1: Greek and Etruscan,1978 3 Zazorr, AG.

H. Brunn, Geschichte der griechischen Kiinstler, vol. 2, 1859, 629f.; FURTWANGLER, Vol. 3, 162. S.MI.

269

270

Pyrilampes (Ilvgudcunncs; Pyrilémpés). Son of Anti-

II* 107). Around 370 BC the academic Menedemus [4], who came from P, installed a new constitution (Plut. Mor. 1126c). In 333 BC P. was briefly captured for the Persians by Memnon [3] (Diod. 17,29,2). After this the city came under Macedonian rule, but probably also belonged to the > Corinthian League. Strabon (13,2,2; 4; 1st cent. BC/AD) depicts P. as still only partly inhabited (suburb with harbour). There are no ancient remains apart from parts of the city wall and a basilica dating from the 5th/6th cent. AD. P. is said to have been the home of the epic poet Lesches. The poet > Alcaeus [4] found asylum here in around 600 BC.

phon from Athens, born c. 480 BC, was the second

husband of Perictione, the mother of — Plato [1], and hence his stepfather (Pl. Chrm. 158a). P. was considered a friend and follower of — Pericles [1] (Plut. Pericles 13). In the 440s he travelled as ambassador e.g. to Persia (Lys. 19,25). Valuable gifts of hospitality from the > Great King, probably including P.’ famous peacock farm, increased his wealth, which was in any case considerable, and his social standing (Ath. 9,397¢c). In 425 P. was wounded in the battle of > Delium [1] and ended up in Boeotian captivity (Plut. Mor. 581d). His subsequent fate is not known. Davies 8792 VIII.

ES.-H.

PYRRHICHE

W. GUNTHER, s. v. P., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 58rf.; R. Kotpewey, Die antiken Baureste der Insel Lesbos,

1890, 27ff.; H. Pisrortus, Beitrage zur Geschichte von Lesbos im 4. Jh. v. Chr., 1913.

Pyrilampus (Ilvgitauzoc; Pyrilampos). Bronze sculp-

tor, son of Agias from Messene. A preserved Exedra base with signature of P. was dated in the 2nd or rst century BC. It is uncertain whether this refers to the same P. of whom Pausanias (6,3,13; 6,15,1; 6,16,5) saw three victory statues in Olympia. OVERBECK,

no. 1565-1567;

LorEwy, no. 274; LipPoLp,

380; EAA 6, s. v. Pyrilampus, 1965, 572-573; G. Map-

[4] Small harbour town (xodtyvy/polichne) in Ionia, 30 stadia as the crow flies from Miletus [2] (+ Milesia) and roo stadia from Heracleia [5] (Str. 14,1,8), near modern Sarikemer [r]. 1 H. Lonmann, Die Chora Milets in archaischer Zeit, in: V. VON GRAEVE et al. (eds.), Frithes Ionien: Eine Bestands-

aufnahme (Gizelgcamli 29.9.-1.10.1999), 2007.

H.LO.

DOLI, Pyrilampes, dimenticato scultore di Sicione, e la cronologia di Pyrilampes di Messene, in: Dialoghi di archeologia 7, 2, 1989, 65-69.

RN.

Pyriphlegethon see > Phlegethon [2] Pyrrha (Iveea/Pyrrha). [1] In Greek mythology daughter of Epimetheus (brother of > Prometheus)

and

— Pandora

and

wife of

-» Deucalion. She and her husband were the only people to survive the flood sent over the earth by Zeus to punish the people of the Bronze Age; on the advice of + Prometheus they built a boat on which they sailed around for nine days and nine nights. Deucalion and P. created a new race of people (Pind. Ol. 9,43-56; Ov. Met. 1,318-415), by —on the instruction of an oracle of Themis — throwing the bones of Mother Earth (stones)

over their shoulders. Deucalion’s stones developed into men and P.’s into women. In Hes. Cat. fr. 2, M.-W. P. is

the wife of Prometheus. [2] Name of > Achilles [1] when he was hiding among women on Scyros. His son Neoptolemus [1] was nicknamed Pyrrhus (‘Redhead’). B.Z. [3] Town in > Lesbos on the western coast of the Gulf of Kalloni (ancient Euripus), inhabited since the mid Bronze Age, but not historically tangible until the 5th cent. BC, since it did not play an independent political role. In 428 BC P. was one of the Lesbian cities which rebelled against the supremacy of Athens on the initiative of Mytilene (Thuc. 3,18,1; 25,1). In the following year the Athenians succeeded in regaining rule over P. (Thuc. 3,35,1). In the last stage of the > Peloponnesian War (after 412 BC) P. was under Spartan control (Thuc. 8,23,2; Diod. 13,100,5). P. was the last of the Lesbian cities to join the Second > Athenian League (IG

Pyrrhen (Ilveery; Pyrrhén). 4th century BC Attic comic poet, who was victorious at the Lenaea on one occasion; nothing else is known. PCG VII, 1989, 583.

H.-G.NE.

Pyrrhias (Mueeias/Pyrrhias). Aetolian, league strategos in 218/7 BC (Pol. 5,30,2-4; Liv. 27,30,1: 210/9),

fought the Achaeans in the so-called Social War (— Social Wars [2]) in the western Peloponnese, but was unsuccessful at Cyparissia in 217 (Pol. 5,30,2-4; 92,2-6; 94,2). In 209, in the rst of the > Macedonian Wars [A], despite material help from his co-strategos, king Attalus [4] I of Pergamum, he was defeated by + Philippus [7] V at Lamia (Liv. 27,30,1-3). At the beginning of the 2nd Macedonian War, P. was the Aetolian negotiator with the Pergamene and Roman allies in Heraclea [1] (Liv. 31,46,2). LMG.

Pyrrhiche (xv eiyn/pyrrhiche, Latin pyrrhica). A widespread and well-documented ancient weapon dance. Its early date is suggested by the tales of its origin (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7,72,7), linking the pyrrhiche with the + Curetes (Str. 10,4,16) and with > Athena’s dances at her own birth (Lucian, Dialogi decorum 13 MACLEOD) and at the victory over the > Titans (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. ibid.); other explanations derive the pyrrhiche from Achilles’ dance before the funeral pyre (pyra) of Patroclus (Aristot. fr. 519 ROSE), from Pyrrhus’ dance of victory (Archil. fr. 190 BERGK) and his leap out of the Trojan Horse (> Neoptolemus [1]; Lucian, De saltatione 9; [r]) or from the Greek words for ‘fiery’ (Schol. Heph. 213 Conssprucu; Hsch. s. v. xveeriyiteww; [x5. 52]) (pyr = ‘fire’).

PYRRHICHE

271

In Sparta, where boys learned the pyrrhiche from the age of 5 as a ‘war exercise’, it was preserved for the longest and in its most authentic form (Ath. 14,63 1a; Lucian, De saltatione 10). At Athens, where there is

evidence of a pyrrhiche of -» Cinesias (Aristoph. Ran. 153), it was performed in contest in honour of Athena by choruses at the

Panathenaea

(Lys. 21,1

and 4;

Isaeus 5,36; 1G 253,23 00; [sevoly 2, 19383 14. 4025 1o]). There are also inscriptions referring to it in con-

nection with agons at Megara, on Rhodes and in Asia Minor

(IG 7,190;

Plato, the depiction ‘the good 816d). In

SEG

32,759;

[12.172-174]).

In

pyrrhiche acquires a mimetic function by its of ‘good bodies and souls’, in order to serve and happy life of the citizens’ (Pl. Leg. 815a, Xenophon, it was an ingredient at symposia

(Xen. An. 6,1,12), a custom known through vase-painting [9]; as a mime entertainment it survived for a long time (Jos. Ant. 19,104; Heliodorus, Aithiopika 3,10), sometimes with erotic content (Anth. Lat. 115). The Hellenistic pyrrhiche was danced ‘with the thyrsus instead of the spear’ in the Dionysian + Thiasos (Ath. 14,631a). At Rome, not only did it serve a purpose as a ‘tactical exercise’ (Arist. Quint. 2,6) but was also performed at funerals (Hdn. 4,2,9) and executions (Plut. Mor. 554b; [13]) and taught to elephants (Plin. HN 8,2,5; cf. Lucian, Piscator 36). The performance practice of the classical pyrrhiche is primarily recorded in vase paintings [11]: it was danced by men or women, either solo, in duet or in a chorus, generally naked and accompanied by the aulos (according to Ath. 14,631b the ‘most beautiful melodies’ accompanied the pyrrhiche). The dancer was equipped as a -> hoplite, with helmet, shield and lance [8; 2. 62-65]. The gestures were now defensive, now aggressive (Pl. Leg. 815a; [3; 7. 74-102]); the head was often turned back [4]. In the context of the metrical foot named pyrrhiche (~~), the scholia to Hephaestion [4] describe the dance as ‘fierce’, ‘heated’, ‘abrupt’ (213, 298-299, 332 ConsBRuCH). Apuleius refers to choral manoeuvres of pyrrhiche dancers (Apul. Met. 10,29). The humanistJ.C. SCALIGER attempted to dance the pyrrbiche, performed (clothed) before emperor Maximilian and, according to his own account, ‘astonished

all Germany’ by his performance (Poetice, 1561, 1,18); Byron also evoked it (Don Juan 3,743-744 MCGANN). Recently, the socializing aspect of the classical pyrrhiche as an initiation rite has received attention among scholars [13; 6]. -» Dance 1 E. BortHWICK, Trojan Leap and P. Dance in Eur. Andr. 1129-41, in: JHS 87, 1967, 18-23 2Id., Notes on the Plut. De musica and the Cheiron of Pherecrates, in: Hermes 96, 1968, 60-73 3 Id., Two Notes on Athena as Protectress, in: Hermes 97, 1969, 385-391 41d., P.Oxy. 2738: Athena and the P. Dance, in: Hermes 98, 1970,

318-331

5S. Casson, Catalogue of the Acropolis

Museum, 1921 6 P. CeccARELLI, La p. nell’ greco-romana: Studi sulla danza armata, 1998 DeLavauD-Roux, Les danses armées en Gréce 1993 8 W.Downes, The Offensive Weapon in

antichita 7 M.-H. antique, the P., in:

Dg ips CR 18, 1904, 101-106 9 A. GouLAKI-VouTIRA, P. Dance and Female P. Dancers, in: Repertoire Internatio-

nale d’Iconographie Musicale 21, 1996, 3-12 ~—-10 J.-P. PoursatT, Une base signée du musée nationale d’Athénes: pyrrhichistes

victorieux,

in: BCH

91,

1967,

102-110

11 Id., Les représentations de danse armée dans la ceéramique attique, in: BCH 92, 1968, 550-615 12 C. RovuECH£, Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias, 1993

13 P. SaBBATINI TUMOLESI, Note critiche e filologiche: Pyrricharii, in: PdP 25, 1970, 328-338 140. WALTER, Beschreibung der Reliefs im kleinen Akropolischen Museum in Athen, 1923. Antike, 1926.

Pyrrhichus inland town ~+ Taygetus. member of

15 F. Were, Der Tanz in der RO.HA.

(Ilvooyoc/Pyrrhichos). Lacedaemonian of the — perioikoi in the south of the In the Roman Imperial period, P. was a the League of -» Eleutherolakones (Paus.

3,21,73 3525,1—-3). Remains dating to the Imperial peri-

od can be found at modern P. (villa with site of thermal baths). E.S.

ForsTER,

Southwestern

Laconia,

in:

ABSA

10,

1903/4, 160; C. LE Roy, s. v. P., PE, 746; D. Must, M. ToreELLI (ed.), Pausania, Guida della Grecia 3, 1991, 262265, 278 (in Italian; with comm.). Y.L.andE.O

Pyrrho (Ilveewv/Pyrrhon) of Elis c. 365 — c. 275 BC; left no written work. He accompanied Alexander [4] the Great on the campaign to India, where he is said to have met the + gymnosophists (Diog. Laert. 9,61). P. owes his place in the history of philosophy to the fact that Pyrrhonian skeptics, beginning with > Aenesidemus, referred to him (— Scepticism). P. was long con-

sidered the founder of the Pyrrhonian school. However, Cicero speaks repeatedly of P., — Ariston [7] and + Herillus as representatives of a long-abandoned thesis of complete indifference of the things of the world (Cic. Fin. 5,23; Tusc. 5,85). The early anecdotes about P.’s complete indifference (Diog. Laert. 9,62ff.) fit with this; this thesis is not skeptic, but dogmatic, even if the ancients attempted to interpret some of these anecdotes as skeptic. The ancient representation of P. as a skeptic appears to go back primarily to P.’s student + Timon, who attributed his own skepticism to P. Timon was an opponent of the Academic skeptic > Arcesilaus [5], whose skepticism he sought to depict as borrowed from P., although he himself was probably influenced by Arcesilaus. Sharp distinctions must be made between P. himself, Timon and the Pyrhhonians from Aenesidemus on. The most important evidence for P.’s scepticism is a fragment of Aristocles in Eusebius, Praep evang. 14,18,2—4. Aristocles claimed to report what Timon said, because P. had not written anything. However, it seems unlikely he drew from Timon, because the report refers to Aenesidemus at the end. According to this, Timon says that three things must be considered if one wants to be happy: what things are like by nature, what attitude one should thus have toward them, and what will result from the right attitude. The questions have a

273

274

dogmatic tone, and the answer of a dogmatic P. is easy to guess: things are, by nature, completely indifferent, therefore one must be fully indifferent to them, and only from this will come the peace of mind (ataraxia) which we seek. However, Timon answered the first question by describing P.’s answer: things are indifferent, incalculable and undecidable. Unfortunately, it is not grammatically clear if Timon also ascribes the other answers to P. himself; however, even the first displays a skeptic streak. It is unlikely that Timon simply invented P.’s skepticism. It seems much more plausible that P. himself at least declared that either things are in themselves neither good nor bad or we are, in any case, not able to make a judgment about them. He must have said that things are no more (ov uwaAAov) good than bad. As a student of Anaxarchus, P. is to be classified

[3] King of the > Molossi in - Epirus 306-302 and 297-272 BC; king of Macedonia 288-284. Born 319/8; son of Aeacides [2] and the Thessalian Phthia (Plut. Pyrrhus 1,7); banished as a child, he was brought up by > Glaucias [2], who returned him to Epirus in 306 (ibid. 2,1-3,5). In 302, P. fled from ~» Cassander [1. 103-105; 2. 567f.] to > Demetrius [I 2] Poliorketes, husband of his sister Deidamia, who had originally been meant for > Alexander [II 5] (ibid.

among the Democriteans (+ Democritus). As a result,

against P. thought to justify his murder of Neoptolemus (ibid. 5,4-14) is a romanticized apologetic invention and scarcely credible [1. 120f.]; the decisive factor in the elimination of the co-regent was the Epirot aristocracy’s posture. After the death of Antigone, who had mothered Ptolemaeus [53] and Olympias [1. 680], P. married the Syracusan Lanassa [2], who brought Corcyra and Leucas into the marriage and bore P. Alexander [ro]; he also married the Illyrian Bircenna, daughter of > Bardylis [2], who bore Helenus, and a daughter of the Paeonian king Audoleon (ibid. 9; [r. 12.4f., 133f., 677-679]). P.’ polygamy served his territorial expansion and the diplomatic security of his realm. P.’ support for Cassander’s son Alexander in the disputed Macedonian succession of 295/4 did bring him,

451-3). Demetrius sent P., who had fought with him at -» Ipsus in 301, as a hostage to Alexandria, where Ptolemy (— Ptolemaeus [I 1] I) married him to his stepdaughter Antigone [5], establishing him at Epirus in 297 as co-regent of + Neoptolemus [3] (ibid. 4,4-5,3; [1. LO5—112; 2. 202, 211-214]). The story of the plot

there is an abundance of possibilities to interpret P. as a skeptic, but our evidence is not sufficient to decide between these interpretations.

—> SCEPTICISM FRAGMENTS:

F. DECLEVA

Caizzi,

Pirrone:

Testimoni-

anze (Elenchos 5), 198r.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: R. Bett, Pyrrho, His Antecedents and his Legacy, 2000; J. BRUNSCHWIG, Introduction: The Beginnings of Hellenistic Epistemology, in: K. ALGRA (ed.), Cambridge History of Hellenistic Philosophy, 1999, 241-251. M.ER.

Pyrrhus (IlveQo0¢/Pyrr(h)os). [1] See > Neoptolemus [1] [2] Bronze sculptor from Athens. A base bearing P.’

signature of a larger than life-size statue on the Athenian Acropolis is dated to c. 430-420 BC and connected with a record of an Athena Hygieia constructed by order of > Pericles [1].

among other rewards, > Ambracia, which he develo-

ped into his royal seat, but annoyed Demetrius [2] Poliorketes and > Lysimachus [2], both of whom cov-

eted the Macedonian throne [1. 126-130; 2. 215f., 219]. The conflict with Demetrius escalated when P. invaded Boeotia in 292/1 and Macedonia in 289/8, especially since Lanassa had left him in 290 and married

OVERBECK, no. 904-906; 869; A. RAUBITSCHEK, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis, 1949, no. 166; L.

GUERRINI, s.v. Pyrrhos (3), EAA 6, 1965, 573.

PYRRHUS

RN.

Demetrius (ibid. 7,3-10; 103; [1. 135-153]). P. proved

Pyrrhus of Epirus —- Family and dynastic relations Phtia co Aiakides [2]

Berenike [1]

Agathocles[2]

CO 1. Philippos [15]

of Syracuse

—_Bardylis [2] Illyrian king

Audoleon [2] King of the Paeones

00 2. Ptolemaios [1] |.

Pyrrhus [3] ©O 1. Antigone [5] Oo Ze anassa (2h

Siiimantiete@) eaten

ence

tare (2nd marriage) CO Demetrios [2]

oo 3. Birkenna

Poliorketes

oO 4. Daughter

Ptolemaios [53]

Olympias oo Alexandros [10]

Helenos

—

Antigonos [2]

a.

Hieron [2] Il. — Pyrrhos [4] Il.

Ptolemaios [54]

Phtia [2] co Demetrios [3]

of Syracuse

Gelon [2] co Nereis Hieronymos [3]

Deidameia

Philippos [7] V.

PYRRHUS

275

an excellent general in these battles: he was acclaimed king of Macedonia in 288 (ibid. 11,6—14), but was then driven back to Epirus in 284 by Lysimachus, with whom he shared the throne (ibid. 12,9-13,1; [1. 1531773 2. 235-238, 242; 3. 227-235]). P. found a new and welcome sphere of activity in 280, when the Tarentines (-» Taras) called on his help against Rome (Plut. Pyrrhus 13,12f.; Just. Epit. 18,1, 1f.;[1. 245-251, 280-288]). P. invested heavily in the enterprise (e.g., bringing 20 elephants) as a Panhellenic war of a ‘new Achilles’ against the descendants of the Trojans (Plut. Pyrrhus

15,1-16,1;

[1. 251-258]).

Indeed, after the first military successes against P. Valerius Laevinus at Heraclea in Lucania (cf. Syll.? 392), he was joined not only by more Greeks but by Lucani, Bruttii and Samnites; the peace negotiations conducted by his confidant Cineas [2] at Rome, however, foundered on Roman implacability, embodied in Ap. Claudius [I 2] Caecus (Plut. Pyrrhus 18,1-19,5; Just. Epit. 18,2,7-10; [1. 317-356; 4.26-36]). Renewed overtures after another victory of P., won only at great cost (hence the proverbial phrase ‘Pyrrhic victory’) at Ausculum (Plut. Pyrrhus 21,7-15), were fruitless, Mago [4] having at the same time negotiated a Roman-Carthaginian alliance against P. (Just. Epit. 18,2,1-5; [1. 375— 418; 5. 210f.]). Next, in 278, P. received a call for help from Syracusae. ‘Royalist’ circles there were pinning their hopes on P. —as son-in-law of + Agathocles [2] — against the threat of a Carthaginian intervention in the smouldering civil war. Proclaimed king in Syracusae and named hégemon (‘chief’; Hegemonia) of the Siceliots, P. conquered Carthaginian western Sicily in a lightning campaign, but failed to take Lilybaeum. Because of repressive measures to underline his demands for massive naval resources, the Carthaginians’ demonstrated readiness to cede Lilybaeum and the increasing attacks on the Siceliots by the Carthaginian allies the -» Mamertini, the Siceliots distanced themselves from P. The accommodation collapsed. P. returned to lower Italy in 275 (Plut. Pyrrhus 22-24; Just. Epit. 23,3,1-12; Diod. Sic. 22,10; [1. 451-464; 6. 85-90]) but suffered a serious defeat there at Beneventum at the hands of the Romans under M’. Curius [4]. Lacking funds, P. also gave up his Tarentine enterprise, withdrawing to Epirus in 275/4 (Plut. Pyrrhus 25,2-26,1; [1. 514-536; 4. 38-

267]). At Argos [II 1], to whose defence Antigonus had come to the Peloponnese, although P. was admitted to the city by his supporters, he fell ingloriously in severe street-fighting (Plut. Pyrrhus 30,2-34,6; Just. Epit. 2.5,4,6-5,2; [1. 606-626]). P. was buried by Helenus with the victor’s permission (Plut. Pyrrhus 34,9-11),

probably not finding his last resting-place in the temple of Demeter at Argos (Paus. 1,13,8; 2,21,4) but in the

Pyrrheum, his fortified palace at Ambracia [1. 627630]. His charismatic personality made P. a successful condottiere, and his wish was, following the example of the -» Diadochi, to build a kingdom. The restless adventurer (cf. Plut. Pyrrhus 13,2f.; 14,4-14; 22,1-3; 26,14f.), however, allowed himself to be drawn into

enterprises which could have led to political consolidation only if military successes had been followed up with the greatest of diplomatic skill (cf. Just. Epit. 25,4,2f.). To the ancients, P. was a brilliant general (cf. Just. Epit. 25,5,3-6) and a ‘second Alexander’ (cf. Plut. Pyrrhus 8,2f.; 11,4f.; 11,9; [7. 284f.]). [4] Grandson of P. [3], king of Epirus c. 252-234 BC, after the death of his father Alexander [ro]. Initially, he ruled under the regency of his mother Olympias (Just. Epit. 28,1,1), who was said to have killed his mistress Tigris (Ath. 13,589f.). His brother, Ptolemaeus [54], was co-regent. His sister Phthia’s marriage to Demetrius [3] Il rendered the formerly hostile Macedonia a protector of the Epirots against the — Aetolians (Just. Epit. 28,1,2-4; [3. 322f.]: c. 240 BC; [8. 93f.]: c. 246). Around 233/2, P.’ daughter Nereis was married to the heir to the Syracusan throne, Gelon [2] (Just. Epit. 28,3,4), by whom she bore Hieronymus [3] in 229.

After the death of P.’ brother Ptolemaeus and mother Olympias

(Iust. 28,3,1-3), his second daughter, Dei-

damia, also died, in 231, during the Epirot uprising against Aeacid rule (Just. Epit. 28,3,5-8). Thus ended the Molossian monarchy [2. 591f.; 3. 332.3 8. 97-99]. -» Diadochi and Epigoni; + Epirus; > Hellenistic states 1 P. LEVEQUE, Pyrrhos, 1957 rus,1967

1997.

3HM3

SHuss_

2N.G.L. HAMMonpD, Epi-

4H. HerrTNer, Der Aufstieg Roms,

6L.M. Hans, Karthago und Sizilien,

1983 7A. STEWART, Faces of Power, 1993 8 P. CaBaNes, L’Epire de la mort de Pyrrhos a la conquéte romaine, 1976.

L.-M.G.

Pythagoras (Mv0aydeac/Pythagoras).

40]). Meanwhile,

in western Macedonia,

his son Ptole-

maeus [53] fought successfully against Antigonus [2] Gonatas. In 273, P. drove the latter from Macedonia, allowing his Celtic mercenaries to pillage the royal tombs at > Aegae [1] (Plut. Pyrrhus 26; Diod. Sic. 22,11f.; Paus. 1,13,2-3; Just. Epit. 25,3,5-4,33[1- 5535713; 3- 259-264]). In the winter of 273/2, P., accompanied by his sons Ptolemaeus and Helenus, took a huge contingent and turned on the Peloponnese, where in 272 he made a vain assault on > Sparta in an attempt to enthrone > Cleonymus [3] there (Plut. Pyrrhus 26,11-30,1;

276

Paus.

1,13,

4-8; [1. 572-606;

3. 264-

[1] Fictitious person, supposedly from Sparta, victor at the Olympic Games in 716 BC, emigrated to Italy where he became an adviser to king -» Numa Pompilius. It seems this person was constructed to establish a connection between P. [2] and Roman religion (Plut. Numa I,2-3). PF. OLLIER, Pythagore de Sparta, REG 59/60, 1946/7, 139149.

[2] Natural philosopher and charismatic teacher from the 6th and early 5th cent. BC, founder of a political and religious community (— Pythagorean School) in Croton (Southern Italy).

278

277 A. INTRODUCTORY REMARK B. LIFE D. TEACHINGS E. INFLUENCE

C. IMAGE

A. INTRODUCTORY REMARK Because of the obscure tradition, P.’ life and teachings can be reconstructed only sketchily. Over time various schools of thought (+ Academy, - Neopythagoreanism, as well as fractions within the Pythagorean School) appropriated P. and therefore literary sources are fraught with misrepresentations and contradictions (for visual representations, see [1], also

[25 35a);

PYTHAGORAS

is uncertain to what extent the well-known defeat of neighbouring — Sybaris in 510 BC and Croton’s subsequent extended hegemony in Southern Italy had something to do with P.’ presence (cf. + Milon [2]). P., who

is said to have been married to > Theano, may also have been active as a successful trainer who advocated his own dietetics (Heraclid. Pont. fr. 40 WEHRLI; [5. 18x note rr1]). Tensions within the Pythagorean secret society could have been the reason for P.’s move to -» Metapontum at the turn of the century (Aristot. legit tov MvOayoeeiwv/On the Pythagoreans (= De Pyth.) fr. 1 Ross = 171 GiGon; Aristox. fr. 18 WEHRLI;

The surviving ancient treatises were written down some eight centuries after P. (Diogenes [17] Laertius, Porphyrius, Iamblichus [2]). The reliability of their

Dicaearchus fr. 34f. WEHRLI; > Cylon [2]). He probably died there around 480 BC [13. 184].

sources — now lost and mostly authors of the 4th cent. BC (e.g. Eudoxus [1], Speusippus, Heraclides [16] Pon-

C. IMAGE Similar to > Empedocles [1] later, P. presented himself as a charismatic miracle worker (thaumaturge). The reaction of his contemporaries was divided. Whereas + Heraclitus [1] called him a charlatan who created his own ‘prudence’ only through in-depth ‘inquiry’ and study of others’ writings (22 B 129 DK; cf. 22 B 81: P. as ‘ancestor of swindlers’), his followers awarded him a status between man and god (Aristot. De Pyth. fr. 2 Ross = 156 Gicon; cf. Iambl. VP 143f.; Hermippus FGrH 1026 F 24). Supposedly a visible sign of his uniqueness was his golden thigh which led > Abaris to conclude that P. was the Hyperborean Apollo (Porph. V. Pyth. 28; Iambl. VP 92; cf. Aristot. De Pyth. fr. 1 Ross = 171 GiGon; on the relationship of P. and Apollo, see [14]). Anecdotes of P.’ supernatural powers probably were embellished over time but their core

ticus, Aristotle [6], Theophrastus, Aristoxenus [1], Dicaearchus, Timaeus of Tauromenium) — is highly

questionable (cf. [5. 57-83]) due to the Platonist interpretation of Pythagoreanism which began in the early Academy. Even the earliest Pythagoreans had a tendency to attribute everything, even their own ideas, to the ‘master’ (cf. Iambl. VP 88; 198; Iambl. De communi mathematica scientia 25, p. 77,22f. Festa; the proverbial aitd¢ épa/autos épha, ‘he said it himself’) as the greatest legitimation: Cic. Nat. D. 1,10; Diog. Laert. 8,46; vgl. Callim. fr. 61). In more or less contemporary sources, polemics prevailed (Xenophanes, Heraclides {1]). Negative assertions in later antiquity notwithstanding, it is impossible to ascertain whether P. ever wrote anything himself (if he did, his writing would, at least initially, have been subject to secrecy within the group; [6]). The situation is further complicated by the -» Pythagorean pseudepigrapha which, from the Hellenistic period, have been attributed to P. (cf. [7; 9]; the letters in [8]; on the famous ‘Golden Verses’, [10]). B. LIFE Born around 570 as son of -» Mnesarchus [1] (only

later sources mention Pythais as his mother: Apollod. FGrH 1064 F r). The ancient sources report many years of travel and study which took him 1.4. to Egypt and brought him in contact with various oriental teachers of wisdom (Isoc. Or. 11,28; Porph. Vita Pythagorae 6-8; 12 etc.; cf. [11]). At home on Samos he supposedly studied with the Homerid +» Hermodamas. Of interest is also his close relationship with - Pherecydes [1] of Syrus (Neanthes FGrH 84,29f.; Aristox. fr. 14 WEHRLI) whose teaching has certain similarities to Pythagorean ideas [6. 84]. On the relationship to > Orphism cf. [12], see D below. According to Antiphon (in Porph. ibid. 9), P. began teaching on his own while still on Samos (cf. + Zalmoxis). Around 530 BC he moved to + Croton for supposedly political reasons (the tyranny of — Polycrates [1]: Aristox. fr. 16 WEHRLI), where, a captivating orator, he immediately seems to have gained political influence (Dicaearchus fr. 33 WEHRLI, cf. also Antisth. fr. A 187 SSR; [5. 115 with note 38]). It

appears ancient (main source: Aristot. De Pyth.): P. is

credited with possessing power over wild animals and nature as well as over humans, and he was able to ma-

nipulate their psycho-physical condition with music, poetry and spells (Porph. op. cit. 30; 32f.; Iambl. VP 110-14; cf. Aristox. fr. 26 WEHRLI); in addition he supposedly had the gift of bilocation and could remember earlier incarnations (> Aethalides [1], - Euphorbus, Hermotimus; cf. earlier Emp. 31 B 129 DK; [5. 137-

145]). D. TEACHINGS

t. TEACHINGS ON THE SOUL AND LIFESTYLE 2. COSMOLOGY, MUSIC AND NUMBER THEORY

r. TEACHINGS ON THE SOUL AND LIFESTYLE There is unequivocal evidence for P.’ belief in the >migration of the soul; possibly influenced by Orphism [15] and > Pherecydes [1] of Syrus, he taught that the human soul was immortal and could migrate into other living beings (cf. Xenoph. 21 B 7 DK; Dicaearchus in Porph. Vita Pythagorae 19 etc.;[5. 120-123]). This is based on the premise that all animated beings are related (Dicaearchus ibid., who also mentions the peri-

odic return of everything as P.’ teaching). Among the numerous prescriptions concerning lifestyle (see > Py-

thagorean School A), the restricted consumption of

PYTHAGORAS

279

280

meat (or the prohibition of meat: the sources are contradictory) and the famous prohibition of beans could be

162 Gicon; the ‘divine’ P. was able to hear this cosmic background sound which, because it was constant, the average person could not perceive: Porph. Vita Pytha-

related to the doctrine of metempsychosis (on both, see

[5. 180-185] with mention of a close connection with ancient mystery rites). 2. COSMOLOGY, MUSIC AND NUMBER THEORY Heraclitus mentions P. alongside Homer, Hesiod and Xenophanes (22 B 40 Dk), but the religious aspect (somewhat overemphasised by [5]) was only one side of this multi-faceted personality. Yet, because of the problematic tradition (see A above), the details of P.’ philosophical speculations about nature as well as his con-

tributions to the development of Greek music theory and mathematics remain largely dubious and controversial. He probably conveyed his teachings mostly in the archaic form of aphorisms (cf. e.g. lambl. VP 83; 161; 247).

P. is said to have called the universe kosmos ‘because of the order that exists im it? (Aet; 2,1,1 efc.; cf. [16. 292-295], pace |5. 77-79]; the ancient statement

that P. coined the term ‘philosophy’ (@i0cogia/philosophia) is likewise disputed today: Heraclid. Pont. fr. 87f. WEHRLI; Aet. 1,3,8 etc.; cf. [17], pace [18]). According to [19], the idea (attested for the ‘Pythagoreans’ by Aristot. Ph. 213b 22-27) of an infinite void (kendn) which, when ‘breathed in’ by the heavens, became the origin of the world (> Pythagorean School) may go back to P. If this was the case, then maybe even the identification of all objects and beings with numbers (see - Numerical mysticism; [20. 259f.]) and the explanation of the origin of the world by way of an archaic arithmogony (cf. [21] for similarities to Orphic cosmogony) might have started with P. In any case, traces of a still semi-mythical cosmology are evident in some aphorisms (akousmata, also called symbola, ‘symbols’) that belong to the oldest layer of the tradition (cf. [22]). Various ancient sources credit P. with an observation fundamental to Pythagorean numerology — an observation probably backed up by experiments (-» Hippasus [5]) — that the consonant musical intervals (octave, fifth and fourth) are contained in the first four numbers (cf. Xenocrates fr. 9 HEINZE = 87 ISNARDI; Gaudentius, Isagoge 11, p. 340f. JAN etc.; [16. 191— 201]. The Pythagoreans swore by P.’ doctrine of the tetraktys (‘four-ness’) of the numbers 1-2-3-4, the sum of which is ro and which when arranged in the form of pebbles — pséphoi — makes the ‘perfect triangle’: Aet. 1,3,8; Nicomachus FGrH 1063 F 1,20 etc.;[5. 72, 186188, 478]; > numerical mysticism). This relates to the > harmony of the spheres, which

according to the oldest tradition was based on the observation that when large bodies fall, they produce sounds. In the Pythagorean view the huge (and accordingly loud) heavenly bodies move at speeds corresponding to their distance, which in turn corresponds to the consonant numerical relationships. In this way, their circular movement produces a harmonic sound (Aristot. Cael. 290b 12-29; Aristot. De Pyth. fr. 13 Ross =

gorae 30f.; Iambl. VP 6s5f.; cf. [19. 176-178,

183-

185]). Beginning with Apollodoros

(from Cyzicus

[4th

cent. BC.]?), the fundamental geometric theorem a* + b* = c* was celebrated as P.’ outstanding mathematical discovery (Plut. Mor. 1094b; Diog. Laert. 8,12 etc.),

although it had been used by the Babylonians for a long time (cf. [5. 428-30; 23]). E. INFLUENCE

Already in his lifetime and in the first decades after his death, P. made a great impression, as shown by the testimonies of Xenophanes, Heraclitus [1] and Empedocles [1] (see above), Ion of Chios (fr. 92 and 116 LEURINI) and Herodotus (4,95f.). The early history of his influence beyond the tight circle of the secret society is difficult to assess. The relationship between the Eleatics and P. is a source of controversy among scholars (judicious [24]). > Democritus’ [1] interest is attested

by the book title Nu6ayoon¢/Pythagorés (68 B oa DK). Through > Philolaus [2] and > Archytas [1], Pythagorean ideas had a strong influence of — Plato [1]. His students’

tendency

(except for Aristotle)

towards

a

heavily Pythagorean interpretation of Platonist philosophy had serious consequences for the Pythagorean tradition (see A above). After the rst cent. BC, > Neo-

pythagoreanism brought a strongly Platonist Pythagorean renaissance. In the modern period, P. played an important role in the formation of modern science especially KEPLER as a (GALILEI, COPERNICUS, “German P.’).

-» Pythagorean School 1 V.M. Strocka, Orpheus und P. in Sparta, in: H. FroNING

et al. (eds.), Kotinos:

Festschrift E. Simon,

1992,

276-283 (279 withextensive bibliography) 2 B.FREYERSCHAUENBURG, P. und die Musen?, in: id., 323-329 3 J.M. BLAzQuez

MARTINEZ, G. LOpEZ MONTEAGUDO,

Mosaicos de Asia Minor, in: AEA 59, 1986, 233-252 (here: 237) 4 G. Harner, Der Schonste seines Jahrhunderts, in: N. Bonacasa (ed.), Lo stile severo in Grecia e in Occidente, Studi e materiali (Istituto di Archeologia, Uni-

5 W. BurKeErT, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972 6 CH. RieDWEG, ‘P. hinterliess keine einzige Schrift’ — ein Irrtum?, in: MH 54, 1997, 65-92 7 H. THESLEFF, The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period, 1965, 15 5186 8A. STADELE, Die Briefe des P. und der Pythagoreer, 1980, 152f. with commentary on pp. 186-203 and versita di Palermo) 9, 1995, 61-72

353-358

9B.L. VAN DER WAERDEN, Ss. Vv. P.:; Die Schrif-

ten und Fragmente des P., RE Suppl. ro, 843-864 10 J.C. THom, The Pythagorean Golden Verses, 1995

11 P. KinGsxey, From P. to the “Turba Philosophorum’: Egypt and Pythagorean Tradition, in: JWI 57, 1994, 1-5 12 R. Parker, Early Orphism, in: A. Powet (ed.), The Greek World, 1995, soo-504. 13 K. VON FRriTz, s. v. P. (x) A.: P. von Samos, RE 24, 172-209 14M. GIANG-

IULIO, Sapienza pitagorica e religiosita apollinea, in: A.C. Cassio, P. Poccetr (eds.), Forme di religiosita e tradizioni sapienziali in Magna Grecia, 1994, 9-27. 15 G.

282

281 Casap1o, La metempsicosi tra Orfeo e Pitagora, in: Ph.

Borgeaud (ed.), Orphisme et Orphée, 1991, 119-155 16 L. ZHMup, Wissenschaft, Philosophie und Religion im friihen Pythagoreismus, 1997. 17 M. Drxsaut, Le naturel philosophe, 1985, 45-51 18 W. BurkeERT, Platon oder P.?, in: Hermes 88, 1960, 159-177

19 Cu. H. Kann,

Pythagorean Philosophy Before Plato, in: A.P.D. MouRELATOS,

The Pre-Socratics,

1974

(repr. 1993),

183f.

20 K. VON FRITZ, s. v. P. (1) B.: Pythagoreer, RE 24, 209268 21 W. BurKeERT, Orpheus und die Vorsokratiker, in:

PYTHAGOREAN PSEUDEPIGRAPHA

there was a sculpture group by P. representing the Seven against Thebes to which belongs the pair of fighters Eteocles and Polyneices which were mentioned as a separate work. In antiquity, P. was praised for his lifelike rendering of sinews, hair and veins as well as for his development of ponderation and proportion. OVERBECK, nr. 333, 489-507; LoEwy, nr. 23-24; LipPOLD, 124-126; P. ORLANDINI, s. v. P. (1), EAA 6, 1965,

573-575; B.S. Ripeway, The Severe Style in Greek Sculp-

A&A 14, 1968, 104-114 22M.L. Wesr, Early Greek Philosophy and the Orient, 1971, 2144-218 OBA.

ture, 1970, 83-84; A. LINFERT, P. und Lysipp, Xenokrates

PicuorT, Die Geburt der Wissenschaft, 1995, 80-85 und

STEWART,

360f.

254-255.

24 A. Perit, La tradition critique dans le pytha-

und Duris, in: Rivista di archeologia 2, 1978, 23-36; A. Greek Sculpture,

1990,

138-139;

237-238;

RN.

gorisme ancien, in: A. THIVEL (ed.), Le miracle grec, 1992,

105-109. TEXTS

[5] According to Plut. Alexandros 73,705c, this was the

(INCLUDING

PSEUDEPIGRAPHA):

DIELS/KRANZ

1, mrs. 14 and 58; M. TIMPANARO CaRDINI (ed.), Pitagorici: Testimonianze e frammenti, vol. 1, 1958; vol. 3, 1964; STADELE (cf. [8]); THESLEFF (cf. [7]); THom (cf.

[10]). ANNOTATED

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

L.E. Navia, P. An Anno-

name of the diviner in the entourage of > Alexander [4]

the Great on his campaign to Asia; however, according to Aristob. in Arr. Anab. 7,18,1-5 (= FGrH 139 F 54) and App. B Civ. 2,152, it was > Peithagoras. BERVE, vol. 2, nr. 618.

NLJO.

tated Bibliography, 1990 COMPREHENSIVE TREATISES: BURKERT (cf. [5]); B. CENTRONE, Introduzione a i Pitagorici, 1996; K. VON FRITZ et

al., s. v. P. (x), RE 24, 172-300, and RE Suppl. ro, 843864; GUTHRIE 1, 146-340; J.-F. MaTré1, Pythagore et les Pythagoriciens, 1993; CH. RIEDWEG, P., 2001; M. Sass1, Tra religione e scienza: Il pensiero pitagorico, in: S. SETTIS (ed.), Storia della Calabria antica, 1988, 565-587; B. L. VAN DER WAERDEN, Die Pythagoreer, 1979; ZHMUD

(see

[x6]).

CRI.

[3] Tyrant of Ephesus, c. 600 BC. He interrupted the

rule of the Basilidae. In his work On the Tyrants of Ephesus (FGrH 268 F 3; Ael. fr. 48f. HERCHER = 51f. DomMINGo-ForasTE), Baton portrays him as populist, greedy and cruel; as compensation for his violation of the right of asylum, Delphi demanded the construction of a temple. Archaeologists have tried to identify various foundations in the Artemisium as part of that temple. H. BerveE, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 98f., 577;

L. DE L1BERO, Die archaische Tyrannis, 1996, 367-370. J.cO.

[4] Sculptor in bronze from Regium, student of -» Clearchus [1]. The dates of his works suggest that P. was active c. 480-448 BC. Pliny (HN 34,49) dated him later (420-417 BC) so as to distinguish him from a sculptor from Samos by the same name whose works supposedly were very similar. However, P. was probably same person and went from Samos to Regium. In Olympia and Delphi P. created victory statues and a chariot team; a boy holding a tablet and a nude figure holding an apple were victory statues as well. In Syracuse stood the statue of a lame man by P., probably the anonymous statue of the wounded Philoctetes; proposed identifications of copies have not been universally accepted. His other works remain unknown, e.g. an Apollo shooting at Python, Perseus, the kithara player Cleon at Thebes and in Tarentum a Europa on the bull. In Rome

[6] Greek navigator and geographer, praefectus of Ptolemy [3] IL. (Plin. HN 37,24). After an exploratory voyage (> Nearchus [2]) not long after 277 BC [1. 303f.], P. wrote Iegi tis Eov8edacs 0adcoons/Peri tés Erythras thalassés, ‘On the Red Sea’, where — in the context of chorography and ethnography — he told of deposits of precious stone on the Arabian coast and on the island Topazios, of local animals and the musical instruments of the > Trogodytae (Juba FGrH 275 F 73-76; Ath. 4,82 p. 183f; 14,34 p. 633f-634a; Ael. NA 17,8). This new genre was an inspiration for Euphorion [3] (fr. 32b MEINEKE), > Agatharchides and Juba [2]. 1 F. GISINGER, s. v. P. (10), RE 24, 302-304.

PP 6, 1968, 260 nr. 16947.

H.A.G.

[7] Argive, brother and son-in-law of > Nabis (Liv. 34,2555; 34532511). In 195 BC, he was commander of a Spartan garrison in -» Argos, where he suppressed an uprising by Damocles and withstood the Romans until they attacked Sparta and forced him to help Nabis (Liv. 34,25,5-26,8; 34,29,14). P. fought back Roman attacks on Sparta and acted as an intermediary between Nabis and > Quinctius [I 14] Flamininus (Liv. 3 4,30,45 34,40-41). In 192, he fought against the Achaean League ( Achaeans, Achaea [1] with map; Liv. 3 5,29,12—30,3). K-W.W. [8] Freedman of the emperor Nero, who married him in

AD 64. The story is related by Tacitus (Ann. 15,37,4), Cassius Dio (62,28,3; 63,13,2) and Martial (11,6,10), so obviously caused quite a stir. PIR* P rr07. W.E.

Pythagorean pseudepigrapha. An abundance of writings, for the most part surviving only fragmentarily, which purport to originate from the defunct tradition of the > Pythagorean School; they were published under the name of an ancient Pythagorean, but are in fact of later origin. They are to be distinguished (1) froma very

PYTHAGOREAN PSEUDEPIGRAPHA

283

small number of genuine fragments of -» Philolaus [2] and of + Archytas [1] and (2) perhaps from a number of Pythagoreanizing fragments which are not pseudonymous but represent an attempt in the Hellenistic Period to link to the Pythagorean tradition, but this has not been proved in any individual case. The surviving material is only a fraction of what was known in Late Antiquity and even then it was largely held not to be genuine (Porph. in Ptol. Harm. p. 236 W.; lambl. VP 2). There is evidence of PP in the Hellenistic Period; the grave of Numa Pompilius was allegedly found in Rome in 181 BC, witha collection of writings, including some Pythagorean ones, which were destroyed (cf. Liv., 40,29,3-14). However, of the writings that have in fact survived and can be dated with some certainty, the oldest,

Ocellus’ About the World, goes back no fart-

her than the end of the 2nd cent. BC. The so-called ‘Timaeus of Locri’ must have come into existence in the 1st cent. AD, as did Ps.-Archytas’ (> Archytas [2]) work on categories. None of the surviving texts can be dated with certainty to the early 2nd or 3rd cents. BC, even if THESLEFF considers it likely of the majority. Many fragments do not match dates earlier than the 2nd cent. AD. PP have no philosophical significance and are not based on knowledge of Pythagoreanism that is otherwise lost to us; they do occasionally have historical value, however. There are manifest connections between

various PP that deserve to be studied systematically. Their geographical origin is unclear; much is certainly Italian, but in some cases an Alexandrian origin is obvious. Doubtless many of these writings owe their existence to the desires of rich libraries and collectors such as > Juba [2] of Mauretania (Olympiodorus, Prolegomena, 13,13-20) for ancient Pythagorean writings. In

many cases a philosophical purpose is more or less clearly recognisable, in the simplest case to prove a Pythagorean origin for Platonic or Aristotelean theories.

284

Pythagorean School. For the problematic nature of the tradition, see > Pythagoras [2] A. . BEGINNINGS AND ORGANIZATION . PROSOPOGRAPHY (UNTIL THE 4TH CENT. BC) . ANTI-PYTHAGOREAN REVOLTS

. ACOUSMATICS AND MATHEMATICS . PYTHAGOREANISM IN THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD > . PHYSICS AND COSMOGONY nS Tmo A. BEGINNINGS AND ORGANIZATION In the sources, the beginnings of the Pythagorean

School take on the aura of legend. When Pythagoras arrived at > Croton, his appearance and speeches so overwhelmed those who met him that he was immediately joined by a large number of Crotonians and influential persons from the area (Dicaearchus fr. 33 WeHRLI along with Porph. Vita Pythagorae 19; cf. Nicomachus in Porph. ibid. 20 and already Isocr. Or. 11,29). Within the School, which according to numerous sources was also open to women (> Myia, > Phintys, > Theano), a distinction was apparently made between true Pythagoreans and loosely affiliated followers (in later sources often called Mv6ayoo.tai/Pythagoristai, e.g. Iambl. VP 80) (cf. Timaeus of Tauromenium FGrH 566 F 13; [1. 192f.]). Admittance to the inner circle required a lengthy period of probation (‘five-year silence’: cf. Diog. Laert. 8,10) and brought with it a radical change in lifestyle (cf. Plat. Rep. 600b): distinguishing characteristics included community property, the cultivation of unconditional friendship (Timaeus l.c.; > Damon

[2], > Timycha) and secrecy

(Aristot. Teg tov Mv0ayoeeimv, On the Pythagoreans = De: Pyth. fr. 2 Ross = 256 GriGoONn; Aristox. THatdevtixoi vouot, Educational laws, fr. 43 WEHRLI; cf. Isoc. Or. 11,29; [2]), along with numerous dietary and behavioural prohibitions (= third group of the symbola or akousmata according to Aristotle (?) in Iambl. VP

82-86; cf. > Pythagoras [2] D 1) as well as specific rules

In the case of Ocellus, for example, it can be asked

for burial (cf. Hdt. 2,81,2; Hermippus FGrH 1026 F 22

whether a Pythagorean origin was supposed to strengthen confidence in the disputed Aristotelean theory of the perpetuity of the world or to influence the controversial interpretation of Plato’s Timaeus.

etc.). Many of these features indicate a similarity between the sect-like [3] Pythagorean > hetairia and the ancient mystery cults (cf. Hdt. l.c.; for general com-

Epit1ion: H. THesLerr, The Pythagorean Texts of the Hellenistic Period, 1965.

BipLioGRAPHy: H. THesierr, An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings of the Hellenistic Period, 1961; W. Burkert, Zur geistesgeschichtlichen Einordnung einiger Pseudopythagorica, in: Pseudepigrapha vol. 1 (Entretiens 18), 1972, 15-55.

M.FR.

ments see [1. 174-192];

Mysteries C).

This group, which was largely aristocratic in nature, appears to have had considerable political influence during its first few decades (cf. Aristox. fr. 17; for general comments see [4. 210-215; 5. 23-49]). Its centre was initially Croton, but before long Pythagoreans were found in » Metapontum, -> Caulonia and other cities in southern Italy as well. B. PROSOPOGRAPHY

(UNTIL THE 4TH CENT. BC)

a) Among the earliest Pythagoreans (before approx. 450) were probably the following: -> Myllias, -» Theano, > Mnesarchus [2] and > Myia, the Metapontines Bro(n)tinus (to whom, along with Leon and Bathyllus, the work by Alcmaeon [4] was addressed), Orestadas and Parm(en)iscus (cf. no. 17 and 20 DK),

> Hippasus [5]; it remains uncertain how closely linked

285

286

the athlete > Milon [2] and the Crotonian physicians ~» Democedes and -> Alemaeon [4] were with the Pythagoreans. b) Well-known Pythagoreans from approx. 450 until the beginning of the 4th cent. BC: > Archippus [2] and - Lysis, > Philolaus [2], + Eurytus [2], > Archytas [1] of Tarent, + Hicetas [3], > Ecphantus [2] of Syracuse (no. 51 DK). c) Pythagoreans from the 4th cent. BC: among others > Damon [2] and Phintias, Echecrates [2] (see D below), > Cleinias [6], Aresas (lambl. VP 266), > Diodorus [3] of Aspendus and > Lycon [5] (see D below). Cf. also the list of Pythagoreans in lambl. VP 267 (based on Aristoxenus? [1. ros note 40]; for general information see [6]).

fied their position by pointing out that upon Pythagoras’ arrival in Italy he had not only instructed certain followers (the talented young men who were not yet completely engrossed in politics) in what they were to do, but had also specified the reasons for those instructions, and it was from those reasons that the mathematics derived their position (lambl. VP 87f.; Iambl. De communi mathematica scientia 25; traced back to Aristotle by [1. 195-197]). The following should probably be counted among the mathematics: Philolaus [2], Eurytus [2], Archytas [1], Echecrates [2] (together with Phanton, Polymnastus, Diocles and Xenophilus: Aristox. fr. 18f.). The line of the acousmatics was carried on in the 4th cent. by + Diodorus [3] of Aspendus; cf. + Lycon [5]. It is likely that the Pythagorists who appeared in the Greek motherland in the early 4th cent. were also ‘for the most part orthodox acousmatics who had been expelled’ (from southern Italy) ([4. 267]).

C. ANTI-PYTHAGOREAN REVOLTS The resentment of aristocrats who remained excluded from the secret association (~ Cylon [2] of Croton), whose members numbered more than 300 (Apol-

lonius FGrH 1064 F 2,254; cf. Diog. Laert. 8,3; Iust. 20,4,14), perhaps even 600 (Iambl. VP 29; Diog. Laert. 8,15), triggered a first, local rebellion during Pythagoras’ lifetime, which apparently caused his move to Metapontum (Aristox. fr. 18; cf. Dicaearchus fr. 34f. WEHRLI; lust. 20,4,17). A distinction should probably be made between that revolt and the democratically motivated (cf. in particular Apollonius FGrH 1064 F 2), intense civil disturbances in the middle (or the 2nd half:

[7]) of the sth cent. BC, which led to the destruction of the meeting places of the politically conservative school (cf. Aristox. fr. 33f. and Apollonius FGrH 1064 F 2,257) in many parts of southern Italy and to the death or banishment of its followers (Aristox. fr. 18 WEHRLI;

Pol. 2,39,1-3;

cf. Dicaearchus

fr. 34, p. 20,14-16

WEHRLI; except for Aristoxenus, most sources confuse

the two revolts, cf. [4. 211-216]). Some of the Pythagoreans remained in southern Italy (especially Tarentum, + Archippus [2]), while others emigrated to Greece (— Lysis; Apollonius FGrH 1064 F 2,264 reports that a group of Pythagoreans later returned). New centres of Pythagoreanism developed in Phlius (-> Echecrates [2]) and Thebes, among other locations (> Lysis, —> Philolaus [2]).

D. ACOUSMATICS AND MATHEMATICS In the course of the 5th cent. (before the devastating anti-Pythagorean disturbances or perhaps in their wake?) there was apparently a split within the school between

the acousmatics

(akousmatikoi),

who

anx-

iously adhered to the rules they had ‘heard’ from the master in the form of sayings (akousmata, also called symbola), and the ‘mathematics’ (mathematikoi), who

explained and expanded Pythagoreanism based on ‘scientific’ practice (mathemata) (cf. [1. 193-197, 206f.]). Although the mathematics recognized the acousmatics as true Pythagoreans, for their part the acousmatics

regarded the mathematics as apostates whose teachings were based on > Hippasus [5]. The mathematics justi-

PYTHAGOREAN

SCHOOL

E. PYTHAGOREANISM IN THE HELLENISTIC PERI-

OD Between the last exponents of the mathematical school that surrounded Echecrates (Aristox. fr. 18f.) and the emergence of ~ Neopythagoreanism in the rst cent. BC, the history of Pythagoreanism is largely unknown. The rise of pseudo-Pythagorean writings (> Pythagorean pseudepigrapha; cf. [8; 5. 147-159]; the Golden Verses, which clearly included some older material, are dated to the 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC by [9]) demonstrates that interest in Pythagoras continued unabated. This is also evident from the titles of lost treatises like Zeno’s IvOayoexd, Pythagorean ideas, SVF I 41, Hermippus’ Iegi Mv0aydeov, On Pythagoras, FGrH 1026 F 21f., Androcydes’ Hei Mv8ayoeimav ovuBdrkwv, On Pythagorean symbols, [1. 167] and the extensive treatment of Pythagoras in the philosophical-

historical works of the time (e.g. Hippobotus, Satyrus, Sotion, and Sosicrates). F. PHysicSs AND COSMOGONY The main sources here are the scattered reports by Aristotle [6] (his two specialized treatises on this topic have been lost: [1. 29 with note 5]) that are based largely, although hardly exclusively (cf. the distinction between various groups in Aristot. Metaph. 986a 22 and Cael. 300a 16f.), on > Philolaus’ book. Since none of the traditional sources refer to Philolaus as an innovator, the assumption by [4. 256] appears to be justified ‘that the teachings contained in his fragments (but not their form) is older than Philolaus.’ According to Aristot. Metaph. 985b 23-86a 21 (cf. 1090a 20-35; Aristot. De Pyth. fr. 13 Ross = 162 Gicon), the Pythagoreans, who devoted a great deal of attention to mathematics and are believed to have developed it further, identified considerable correspondence between numbers and phenomena, concluding that mathematical and cosmic principles are identical (see also numerical mysticism, + number III D). Accordingly, the One is composed of the elements (stoicheia) even

PYTHAGOREAN SCHOOL

287

(= unlimited) and odd (= limited), and from the One come numbers and from numbers all things, particularly the heavens, which — not unlike musical consonances — are seen as a harmonious coincidence of numbers. The origin of the world coincides with the coalescence of the One, which limits the unlimited that exists outside the heavens (Aristot. Metaph. rogra 15-18 with Phys. 203a 7f.; the heavens ‘breathe in’ the limitless ‘void’: Aristot. Phys. 213b 22-27; cf. Aristot. De Pyth. fr. 11 Ross = 166 Gicon). As in Philolaus, the fire in the centre of the universe (also called ‘the guard house of Zeus’: Aristot. Cael. 293 b3) is identical to the One, and the counter-earth, postulated by the Pythagoreans in order to achieve the ‘perfect’ number ro, revolves around that fire together with the nine visible heavenly bodies (ibid. 293a 20-27; cf. Aristot. Metaph. 986a 6-13). The counter-earth also helps to explain the lunar eclipse (Aristot. De Pyth. fr. 16 Ross = 170 GiGcon). Other Pythagorean tenets on the comets, the Milky Way, the soul, the nourishment of living things and the essence of colour as reported by Aristotle are found in

58 B 37-43 DK. Regarding doctrinal teachings cf. also > Pythagoras [2] D and > number III D; for general information [4. 242-268; 5. 104-139].

+ Pythagoras [2]; — Pythagorean + Soul, migration of the

pseudepigrapha;

1 W. Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, 1972 +=2A. Perit, Le silence pythagoricien, in: C. Lévy, L. PERNoT (eds.), Dire l’évidence, 1997, 287-296 3 W. BurRKERT, Craft Versus Sect, in: B.F. MEYER, E.P. SANDERS (eds.), Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, vol. 3, 1982, 14-22 4K. VON Fritz, s. v. Pythagoras (1) B: Pythagoreer, RE 24, 209-268 5 B. CENTRONE, Introduzione ai Pitagorici, 1996 6D. Must, Pitagorismo, sto-

riografia e politica tra Magna Grecia e Sicilia, in: Aion 11, 1989, 34-39 7 Id., Le rivolte antipitagoriche e la concezione pitagorica del tempo, in: Quaderni Urbinati 65, 1990,62-65 8B.L. VANDER WAERDEN,§S. vy. Pythagoras

(1): Die Schriften und Fragmente des P., RE Suppl. ro, 843-864

9J.C.

Verses, 1995, 35-58.

THom,

The

Pythagorean

Golden CRI.

Pythangelus (Mv0dyyeoc; Pythangelos). Tragedian of the sth cent. BC, mentioned only in Aristoph. Ran. 87. BZ. Pytheas (IIv0éac; Pythéas). [1] P. from Aegina. After the battle of Plataeae (479 BC) his son > Lampon [1] proposed desecrating the corpse of ~» Mardonius [1] in revenge for -» Leonidas [1] (Hdt. 9,78). [2] P. from Aegina. Fought so bravely in a skirmish at > Sciathos that he inspired wonder in the victorious Persians, who consequently treated him with the greatest respect as a prisoner. In the course of the battle of ~» Salamis he was set free and returned to his homeland. (Hdt. 7,181; 8,92). E.S.-H. [3] Athenian rhetor of the 4th century BC. Initially he supported the policies of > Demosthenes [2] (Dem. Ep.

288

3,29), but in 324 spoke in a debate against divine worship for » Alexander [4] the Great (Plut. Mor. 804b) and in 323 was one of the prosecutors in the > Harpalus trials (Plut. Mor. 846c; Phot. Bibl. 494 a 36-40). After Alexander’s death P. fled to Macedonia (Sudas. v. P.; Plut. Demosthenes 27,1-2) and in 323/2 in the service of -» Antipater [1] in the Peloponnese opposed the formation of » Hypereides’ and > Leosthenes’ [2] Hellenic League. P. (on his speeches see OA 2, 311-312). In court, he was often an opponent of > Dinarchus (Dinarch. fr. 5 and 6 Conomis) and of Hypereides (Hyp. fr. 162 JENSEN). BLASS, 3.2, 286-288; DEVELIN, Nr. 2655; PA 12342.

fz.

[4] Greek seafarer from

> Massalia, astronomer and

geographer. The date of his work Teot ‘Quxeavot/Peri Okeanon (‘The Ocean’), an account of his voyage of discovery to the north (> Himilkon [6]), can, like the voyage itself, be fixed between the time of composition of the I'fj¢ Megiod0c/Gés Periodos (‘Circumnavigation of the Earth’) by Eudoxus [1] (before 342 BC [t1. 37]) and a work of the same name by Dicaearchus (309-300 BC [5. 1272]). P.’ premise and also his motivation were his knowledge of astronomy and his scientific interest in the northern ocean, as well as a commercial one in the

lands of origin of tin and amber [r. 31; 4. 317-319]; there were no implications in terms of power politics such as those of Alexander [4] the Great’s journeys of exploration at about the same time (— Heraclides [8], + Nearchus [2] [1. 31-33; 7. 84f.]). P. corrected Eudoxus’ view of the celestial pole and the earth’s axis [1. fr. 1] and with the help of a gnomon (+ Groma) determined the latitude of Massalia [1. 44, 160; 4. 316f.]. P.’ route can only partially be reconstructed: through the Straits of Gibraltar — there is no record of a blockade by the Carthaginians [1. 52-54] —P. reached + Gades and the Sacrum Promunturium (Cape of Saint

Vincent) [1. fr. 4], recognising the moon as the cause of the tides of the Atlantic ( Oceanus) [1. fr. 2a, 2b, 3, ze], followed the Atlantic coast ({1. fr. 4-6b]; the mouth of the Loire (> Liger) is [1. fr. 5; 4. 326] mentioned) as far as Cape Kabaion of the + Os(s)ismi(i) (Brittany) and the offshore island of Uxisama (Ushant) [1. fr. 6a, 6b]; he then reached the southern coast of Britain [1. 58-61, fr. 7a-e], of which, in scholarly terms, he is the discoverer [4. 327], Cape Belerion (Land’s End), probably sailed along the western coast of Britain

as far as Duncansby in the north and perhaps back along the eastern coast ({4. 329; 1. 60f.], contra [5. 1273]). In the process he was occupied with astronomical and geographical determinations of the elevations of the sun, the lengths of days and the heights of high water. Because of the excursions of the highly structured coast P. overestimated the distances, particularly of the northwestern side. Thus he did determine the island nature of Britain and was the first to transmit the name ‘Britannia’ (Boettavimnn/Brettanike, Boettavia/Brettania [1.133f.; 4.327]), but having calcu-

289

290

lated the latitudes correctly but the longitudes incorrectly, he thought that the island of Britain extended from southwest to northeast in the form of a gigantic triangle opening with an obtuse angle of 120° towards

Lepreum, “in a book on the customs of the inhabitants of Phigalia”, FGrH 319 F 3, cited in Ath. 11,465d) expresses the wish to be remembered as an honest man and also as the owner of an enormous collection of valuable wine cups.

the northwest. He situated Ireland (> Hibernia) to its north and > Thule more in the direction of Scandia; this (today identified with the Shetland Isles, Iceland, the Faeroes, central Norway and even Finland [r. 6r])

P. could have reached after six days sailing in a northerly direction from the extreme north of Britain. Confirmation for P.’ staying at Thule in summer would be the consistency of placing Thule in the northern Polar Circle [1. fr. 8c, 12a, 152f., 187] with observations, suggesting eye-witnessing, of the midnight sun [1. 6164, fr. 8a-14] and a brief night of only two or three hours there [4. 333] (= the sun’s sleeping place [1. 13b, torf.]). After his return from the north P. travelled along the Celtic North Sea coast on the routes of the > amber trade [4.345] as far as the mouths of the Rhine

PYTHEUS

FGE, 85f.

Pythermus (I1v0equoc; Pythermos). Lyric poet from Teos, perhaps 6th century BC; known from a mention in Ath. 14,625c, in a discussion of the three books of Heraclides Ponticus’ Peri Mousikés: P. is supposed to have written skolia in the Ionian mode and iambic verses and to have been mentioned by Ananius or Hipponax. The only recorded verse (metre: phalaeceus) claims that apart from gold everything is nothing (910 PMG); it became proverbial and can also be found cited in Diogenianus, Plutarch and the Suda. ER.

ded the population as Scythae; the Baltic (+ Mare Suebicum) was unknown to him [t. fr. r5—18a; 4. 346, 351]. It may be that the mention of the Don (> Tanais) as the end point of his journey [1. fr. 8d, 65-67] can be

Pytheus. Late Classical Greek — architect and sculptor from Priene (?). Buildings associated with him originated in the third quarter of the 4th cent. BC and render him one of the most important and influential architects of his period in Asia Minor. Jointly with > Satyrus [3] he is the traditional architect of the -- Mausoleum at

understood as a statement of the (presumed) distance

Halicarnassus; both master builders authored a treatise

attained. P.’ great achievement was determining the geographical latitudes of lands he reconnoitred by advancing Eudoxus’ astronomical methods. The relationship

on it (Vitr. De arch. 7 praef. 12). He is also supposed to have sculpted the > quadriga crowning that building (Plin. HN 36,31). The reconstruction of the Mausoleum as one of the Seven + Wonders of the World has always been considered of particular interest (most recently [1]). P.’ chef d’oeuvre was the temple of Athena in ~ Priene (Vitr. De arch. 1,1,12), on which he also wrote a treatise (Vitr. De arch. 7 praef. 12). The temple, study of which is not complete, was an Ionic order > peripteros with 6 x rr columns. As an inscription of 334 BC

(— Rhenus [2]) and the Elbe (> Albis) [1. 64]; he regar-

between the Periodos Gés (a map?) mentioned in fr. 19 (on the — Aeoliae Insulae) and the Peri Okeanoii is

unclear [1. 206-208]. P.’ account [1. fr. 20-23] was largely taken over by > Eratosthenes [2] in his concep-

tion and map of northwestern Europe; among those influenced by P. were + Scymnus, - Hipparchus [6], Timaeus and > Poseidonius [3]. In contrast > Polybius [2], > Artemidorus [3] and - Strabo rejected P. as implausible [4. 353-359; 6. 4-16]. Hence P.’ Thule became part of Utopian literature (+ Antonius [3] Diogenes; [1. 73f.]). Such opposition caused his writings to be lost but for a few fragments and his astronomical and geographical discoveries and determinations to sink into obscurity [1. 39-47]. Nevertheless his ideas on the northern European coasts had a lasting effect. + Astronomy; > Geography; > Cartography EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS: 1S, BIANCHETTI (ed.), Pitea di Massalia, L’Oceano, 1998 (with intr., It. tr., comm.)

2 Cu. Horst Roseman (ed.), P. of Massalia, On the Ocean 1994 (with Engl. tr.,comm.) 3 D. StTiCcHTENOTH, P. von Marseille, Uber das Weltmeer, 1959 (Germ. tr. and notes). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

366

[4] the Great was involved in the financing of the construction. The temple is generally considered a paradigm of P.’ architectural concept [2], even though skepticism has been advanced against such an interpretation

[3]. Temporal proximity and stylistic kinship have led to the suggestion that the temple of Zeus Stratio in > Labraunda, too, be ascribed to P.’ studio [4]. The influence the Athena temple in Priene had on the plan of later buildings appears most clearly at the temple of Liber Pater in > Teos, which is linked with + Hermogenes [4]. Furthermore, P. may also have been responsible for the planning of the city of Priene ([5]; contra [6]). In his writings, P. was apparently not content with comment-

4 F. GISINGER, Ss. v. P. (1), RE 47, 314-

5 F. Lasserre,

s. v. P. (4), KIP 4, 1272-1274

6H.J. Metre, P. von Massalia, 1952

7 E. OLSHAUSEN,

Einfiihrung in die historische Geographie der Alten Welt,

1991.

(CIG 2902) on an ante of the temple records, Alexander

H.A.G.

[5] Arcadian from Phigalia, presumably of the Hellenistic Period, who in his self-epitaph (cf. Harmodius of

ing on his buildings, but also took a position on fundamental questions. He allegedly made many and high demands on architects in terms of both their education and their competence (Vitr. De arch. 1,1,12-15) and

decisively repudiated the Doric order (Vitr. De arch. 45351), advocating instead the Ionic order (~ Column).

With such utterances P. became a founder of > architectural theory.

PYTHEUS

1 K. JeppesEN, Neue Ergebnisse zur Wiederherstellung des Maussolleions

von

Halikarnassos,

in: MDAI(Ist)

26,

1976, 47-99

2G. GruBEN, Die Tempel der Griechen,

31980, 357-363 3 W. Koenics, Pytheos. Eine mythische Figur der antiken Baugeschichte, in: DiskAB 4, 1983, 89-94 4P.HELLSTROM,T. THIEME, Labraundal3. The

Temple of Zeus, 1982, 54-56 SCHWANDNER,

292

291

5 W. Hoeprner, E.L.

Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechen-

land, *1994, 310-312 6 W. Koenias, Planung und Ausbau der Agora von Priene, in: MDAI(Ist) 43, 1993, 381-398.

J.C. Carter, Pytheos, in: Akten des 13. internationalen Kongrefs fiir klassische Archadologie, 1990, 129-136; H. Drerup, Pytheos und Satyros, in: JDAI 69, 1954, 1-31; W. Murer, Architekten in der Welt der Antike, 1989, 191-193; H. RIEMANN, s.v. Pytheos, RE 24, 371-513; H.

SvENSON-EveERS,

Die griechischen

Architekten

archai-

scher und klassischer Zeit, 1996, 116-150 (with further bibl.). H.KN.

Pythia [1] (Mv6ia; Pythia). Prophetic seer of the -> oracle of Apollo Pythios at > Delphi. In addition to her genuine designation as Pythia, her function is characterized by such epithets as > mantis (Aesch. Eum. 29), > promantis (Hdt. 6,66), or prophétis (Eur. Ion 42). The P.’s establishment may have occurred after a period in which male priests were responsible for the promulgation (H. Hom. 3,393-396; [3. 215]). In the oracle’s primeval period, the role of the seer was probably not fulfilled by P. but by the > Gaia and + Themis; this primeval period should be conceived as a myth [7]. Her name, like that of Apollo, refers to the ancient designation of Delphi as Python (Hom. Il. 2,519; Hom. Od. 8,80). > Python [1] (‘dragon’) for the dragon slain by Apollo is first attested secondarily in Ephorus (FGrH 70 F 31b = Strab. 9,3,12). The etymological explanations preferred in Antiquity, which seek to connect Pythia with the verbs pythesthai (‘to moulder’: Paus. 10,6,5) or pynthdnesthai (‘to inquire’: Plut. De E 2), are no doubt secondary as compared to the primary association with pythmen (‘bottom’); the resulting meaning, also supported by the equivalence Python = Delphi (delphys, ‘uterus’), would then be ‘chasm of the earth’ [2. 517518]. As an instrument of the god, the P. usually remained anonymous but was sometimes mentioned by name: Phemonoe as archégétis (Paus. 10,5,7; also Luc. 5,126), Themistoclea (Diog. Laert. 8,8), Aristonice (Hdt. 7,140) and Periallos (Hdt. 6,66), of whom only The-

mistoclea is certainly authentic. The designation of the P. as Themis on a bowl of the Codrus Painter (last quarter of the 5th cent. BC) is problematic [3. 205]. A Theonice is attested in inscriptions of the late Imperial period [4. vol. 1, 36]. The selection criteria for the P.’s appointment remain elusive. In ca. AD 100, Plutarch asserts that she came from a simple peasant family. Cultic purity (> Purification B.) required blameless moral conduct and a chaste life (Plut. De Pyth. on. 22; cf. [6. 362f.]). The P. is represented as an old woman in

classical literature (Aesch. Eum. 38; Eur. lon 1324), a fact that was accounted for by the aetiological background that a (much younger) P. had been raped (Diod. Sic. 16,26,6).

In the early period, the consultation of the oracle was probably carried out only on the seventh day of the month of Bysios (beginning of spring), and later probably every month except the three winter months, when Apollo did not dwell at Delphi (Plut. Mor. 292ef; [5. 80]). The - promanteia (priority in oracular consultation), granted by the Delphians, thus acquired great importance. Plutarch attests that in his time, when the Delphic oracle’s was in decline, one P. was sufficient, but in its heyday there were two P.s with a third waiting in the wings (Plut. De def. or. 8). A preliminary ritual first clarified whether a consultation of the oracle was possible: a goat destined for sacrifice had to tremble and shiver when sprinkled with water (ibid. 46). Ina cathartic procedure, which also preceded the actual prophecy, the P. drank sacred water (Paus. 10,24,7) and bathed in the Castalian spring (Schol. Eur. Phoen. 224). Ritual preparations also included a smoke offering of laurel branches (Plut. De Pyth. or. 6). After several sacrifices and the payment of a fee [5. 83f.], the visitor was able to consult the oracle. It remains controversial what the mantic procedure was like in detail and how the P. attained the state of mind that allowed her to become an instrument of the god. Even the location of the sanctuary, where the P. sat on a tripod [3. 225f.], is unclear. Is the verb used in this context, katabainein (‘to go down’), compelling evidence that the P. entered a space situated beneath the tripod although this can by no means be substantiated by archaeological findings [3. 227f.; 6. 142-144]? Was the P. separated from those consulting her by a curtain, and did she speak directly to her clients, or through the mouths of priests who versified her answers [3. 213219]? Plutarch reports a mantic session in which the P. shrieked incoherently in a hoarse voice (Plut. De def. or. 51). This situation, however, was clearly exceptional: the priests had forced the favourable omen (the trembling of the sacrificial animal) because of the importance of the delegation, so the P. delivered the oracle against her will and did not recover from this experience subsequently. In general, the P.’s responses were clear and coherent [3. 204-212]. The P.’s visionary state of mind can probably not be accounted for by a chasm in the earth and the gases it discharged [3. 197-203]. Modern psychologizing explanations are at best vague approximations to her state of mind; Plutarch tries to explain it in terms of enthousiasmos (‘inspiration’; Plut. De Pyth. or. 7), but it remains a mystery until today [5. 75, 80;

I. 70-74]. In his study of all the oracles of Delphi, [3] distinguishes between the categories of historical, quasi-historical, legendary, and fictional oracles (as opposed to the purely chronological order in [4. vol. 2]). He comes to the conclusion that most of the ‘authentic’ prophecies exhibit a simple structure and meaning; the ambi-

293

294

guity and more complex structure of the other prophecies is a fallacy, which is also evident in Plutarch’s approach in De defectu oraculorum [3. 233-239]. The Delphic Oracle was important in religious questions and was probably also involved politically, reflected for instance in the bribing of the P. ([2. 521-524] with sources).

Another controversy concerns the P.’s involvement in lot oracles (* Divination VI.; > Oracles), as is attest-

ed by two prominent examples: from 100 candidates nominated by Cleisthenes, 10 were drawn by lot as phyle heroes (Aristot. Ath. pol. 21,6); the Thessalian king Aleuas was elected by lot (Plut. Mor. 492b). Perhaps these examples were exceptions (here too, the procedure is not unambiguous), and it was certainly not common practice.

> Delphi; > Divination; > Oracles; + Prophets 1 E.R.

Dopps,

The

Greeks

and the Irrational,

1951

2 W. FauTH, s. v. P., RE 24, 515-547 3J. FONTENROSE, The Delphic Oracle, 1978 4 PARKE/WORMELL 5 H.W. Parke, Greek Oracles, 1967 6S. SCHRODER, Plutarchs Schrift De Pythiae Oraculis, 1990 = 7 C. SouRviNoU-IN-

woop, Mythas History: The Previous Owners of the Delphic Oracle, in: J. BREMMER (ed.), Interpretations of Greek Mythology, 1987, 215-241 8S. Levin, The Old Greek Oracles in Decline, in: ANRW II 18.2, 1989, 15991649.

[2] (Ilv6.te/Pythia, ‘Pythian Games’; according to the myth, the games were inaugurated by Apollo after he killed the dragon Python). The Pythian Games were held every four years; along with the Olympic Games (+ Olympia IV. Agons), they were the most important panhellenic contest (> Sports festivals IV.), celebrated at > Delphi in honour of > Apollo, with competitions in athletics, horse-races and music. The victor’s prize was a laurel crown. The Pythian Games were founded,

or rather reorganized, in 586 BC, following the first + Sacred War [1; 2]. The sacred truce of the P. was proclaimed throughout Greece by the theoroi (‘envoy sent to a festival’; Theoria [r]) and lasted an entire year. The itinerary of the nine delegations is reflected in a long list of their hosts (theorodokoi) in individual poleis [3; 4. 79-83]. A report on expenditures for the preparation of the festival (written under the archon Dion in 247-6 BC) specifies numerous repair works and measures concerning the restoration of sports facilities [4. 84-87, 99-101; 5]. One of these buildings, a stadium situated high on the cliff [6], is the best-preserved in Greece. The gymnasium [7] is also close to the shrine, while the hippodrome is located at some distance on the plain of + Crisa. The Pythia were held in the month of Boukatios (January-February) and extended over a period of five days, with sacrifices, processions, and feasts. Due to the fame of the Pythia, ‘isopythian’ contests (games organized according to the rules of the Pythia) were established in many places. ~ Pythionikai 1 St. G. Miter, The Date of the First Pythiad, in: California Studies in Classical Antiquity 11, 1979, 127-158

PYTHIONICE

2K. BRopeERsSEN, Zur Datierung der ersten Pythien, in: ZPE 82, 1990, 25-31 3A. PLassart, Inscriptions de Delphes. La liste des theorodoques, in: BCH 45, 1921, 1-85 4 W. Decker, Zur Vorbereitung und Organisation griechischer Agone, in: Nikephoros 10, 1997, 77-102 5 J. PourLLoux, Travaux a Delphes a l’occasion des P., in:

Etudes Delphiques (BCH Suppl. 4), 1977, 103-123 AupertT, Le stade (FdD 2,4,1), 1979

6 P.

7 J. JANNORAY, Le

gymnase (FdD 2,3,1), 1953.

P. AMANDRY, La féte des P., in: Meaxtixd tig Axadnutas

"AOnv@yv 65, 1990, 279-317; E. MAROTI, Delphoi és a Pythia sportversenyei (Delphi and the Pythian Games),

1995.

W.D.

Pythian Games see > Pythia [2] Pythias (IMv0uGc¢; Pythids). [1] Niece and probably adopted daughter of Hermias [1] of Atarneus, wife of the philosopher > Aristotle [6], who married her, presumably after the death of Hermias, in 341. They had a daughter called P. [2] anda son called Nicomachus, the eponym of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics (Diog. Laert. 5,3—4; Str. 13,1,57). P. died before 322 BC. [2] Daughter of the philosopher Aristotle [6] and P. [1]; wife of Nicanor, a cousin of her father, later of Procleus and finally of the physician Metrodorus. I. During, Aristotle in the Ancient Biographical Tradition, 1957, 263-269.

J.E.

Pythioi (1v0toW/Pythioi). In the political organization of — Sparta — according to tradition established by ~» Lycurgus [4] — each of the two Spartan kings chose two ambassadors which were dispatched to obtain the oracles of Apollo Pythios in > Delphi. In the Greek poleis, these ambassadors were usually called theopropoi or theorot; the name Pythioi at Sparta thus reflects a special relationship between this polis and the Delphic oracle. The Pythioi were allowed to dine in the skéne démosia —at the expense of the demos —as fellows in the kings’ tent (syskénoi) and at their table (syssitoi) (Hdt. 6,57,2; Xen. Lac. 15,4f.), but probably should not be counted among the syskénountes mentioned in Xen. Lac. 13,1, who accompanied the king on campaign. The discontinuation of the institution of Pythioi presumably coincided with the end of Spartan kingship after 222 BC. In the Roman period, Spartan ambassadors to Delphi were called theopropoi (FdD Ill 1,215, after 212/3 AD). » Oracles;

» Theoria

R. ParKER, Spartan Religion, in: A. Powet (ed.), Classical Sparta, 1989, 142-172, esp. 154f.; M. Lipxka (ed.), Xenophon’s Spartan constitution, 2002; K. ZIEGLER, S.V. P., RE 24, 550-552. AN.BE.

Pythionice

([email protected]/Pythioniké).

Famous

hetaera

(+ Hetaerae), probably Athenian, mocked by comedi-

ans (Ath. 8,339). Called c. 329 BC by > Harpalus to Babylon, where she bore him a daughter (Plut. Phocion

PYTHIONICE

295

296

22,1), he showered her with plundered treasures (Diod. Sic. 17, 108,5). After her death, Harpalus had her dei-

G. Lucas, La Tripolis de Perrhébie et ses confins, in: I. Biuo (ed.), Topographie antique et geographie historique

fied as Aphrodite P. Her grave monuments in Babylon and Athens are often mentioned (mostly with indignation) (asin Ath. 13,594d-595c; Paus. 1,37,53 Plut. Phocion 22, 1-2). They allegedly cost more than 200 talents (Theopomp. apud Ath. ibid.). EB.

en pays grec, 1992, 93-137; E. MEYER, s.v. Pythion (6), RE 24, 562; TIB 1, 249. HE.KR.

Pythionikai was drawn up by Aristotle [6] and his relative Callisthenes [1] [2. 139-144; 3]. Some of the inscriptions written in their honour have survived (FdD 2,1; 2,400; [2. 141-144]). Twelve of the odes of > Pindarus [2] are dedicated to Pythionikai. In > Delphi,

Pythius (I1U@t0¢c/Pythios). Rich Lydian, son of Atys, probably from an old-Lydian dynastic family. According to Herodotus’ version, P. invited + Xerxes [1] to be his guest in > Celaenae (in Phrygia) and mentioned the sum value of his wealth with the intention of giving it to him. Xerxes refused it, increasing instead P.’ wealth toa round sum. When P. asked for his eldest son to be released from military service, Xerxes had the son cut in two and the two halves laid to the left and the right of the road; he then marched his whole army between them. In Hittite culture this ritual was used to purify a

important anathemata (-> Anathema) have been found,

defeated (!) army [1. 60f.] (Hdt. 7,27; 29; 38f.).

Pythionikai

([email protected]/Pythionikai,

‘victors at the

Pythian Games’). Victors at - Olympia were in many cases also successful at the -» Pythia [2] [1]. A list of

such as the ‘charioteer’ given by the Sicilian tyrant Polyzalus [4. no. 13] and the votive gift of Daochus, among whose ancestors the three brothers Hagias, Telemachus and Agelaus are represented both as generals and statesmen and as successful athletes [4. no. 43-45]. One of the famous Pythionikai (in the disciplines of pentathlon and stadion) was Phayllus of Croton; a statue was erected to him in Delphi, although he had not been an Olympic victor (Paus. 10,9,2). According to Hdt. 8,47 he took part on the Greek side in the sea battle of > Salamis [1] with a ship he had outfitted. 1 L. Moretti, Olympionikai, 1957 2S.G. MILLER, The Date of the First Pythiad, in: California Stud. in Classical Antiquity 11,1979,127-158 3 J. Bousquet, Delphes et les ‘pythioniques’ d’Aristote, in: Id., Etudes sur les comptes de Delphes, 1988, 97-101 4J. EBERT, Epigramme

auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972. W.D

Pythium (Mv0tov/Pythion). {1] A term rarely used in modern archaeology but common in Antiquity for various Athenian and Attic sanctuaries to Apollo: 1. in southeast Athens on the right bank of the Ilissus (inscriptions, tripod bases extant); 2. cave sanctuary in the cliff on the northwest side of the Acropolis (numerous finds; however, often

denoted in ancient literature with the cult name of Apollon Hypakraios); 3. near the Daphni monastery on the sacred way to Eleusis (of undetermined location but presumably the source of many Imperial Era Ionic spolia built into the monastery); 4. in Oenoe on the plain of Marathon (inscription); 5. in the Attic deme Icaria (inscription, small temple or naos without columns). Travios, Athen, 568, s.v. Pythion; TRAvLos, Attika, 485,

s.v. Pythion

C.HO,

[2] City on the western slope of Olympus [1] near modern P. (formerly Selos); belonged to the so-called tripolis

of the > Perrhaebi. In 171 BC, it was occupied by Perseus [2] (Liv. 42,53,6f.; 44,32,9). Cornelius [I 83] Scipio Nasica spent some time there in 168 BC shortly before the battle of + Pydna (Plut. Aemilius 15; Liv.

44,3515).

1 G. WILHELM, Menschenopfer, in: RIA 8, 1993-1997.

P.HO Pythocles (Ilu8oxArjs; Pythoklés). [1] Athenian rhetor, son of Pythodorus from the deme Cedi (c. 380-318 BC), (syn)trierarch multiple times (IG II* 1615,12; 1622,314), an opponent of + Demosthenes [2] after 343; he spoke unsuccessfully in 338/7 against Demosthenes holding the — epitaphios for those killed at Chaeronea (Dem. Or. 18,285); possibly

executed in 318 as a follower of > Phocion (Plut. Phocion 35,5). DAVIES, 485; DEVELIN, Nr. 2682; LGPN 2,s. v. P. (17).

[2] Student of > Epicurus. Little is known about P.: born about 324 BC in Lampsacus, P. met Epicurus during the latter’s stay in the city. P. was still alive in 292/r. After the departure of Epicurus to Athens in 307/6, P. remained in Lampsacus, taught philosophy and maintained a correspondence with his master. Epicurus dedicated a letter on celestial phenomena to him (Ig6¢ Ive-

oxhta/Pros Pythoklea, ‘To P.’, preserved in Diog. Laert. 10,84-16).

M. ERLER, in: GGPh?, 4.1, 76-77.

TD.

Pythodoris (v80dwgic/Pythodoris). [1] P. Philometor (IT. ®rowhtwo/P. Philometor). Daughter of the Asiarch Pythodorus [4] of Tralleis and Antonia [2]; after the divorce of > Polemon [4] I from + Dynamis, P. became his wife (c. 12 BC). She had three children, of whom Zeno and Antonia [7] Tryphaena are known by name (IGR 4,144). When Polemon d. 8 BC, P. inherited his kingdom, thus becoming queen of + Pontus, + Colchis and the - Regnum Bosporanum (Str. 12,3,29). When Dynamis asserted her claims to the last of these, -» Augustus granted her the Bosporan kingdom and, in 3/2 BC, confirmed P. as queen of Pontus on the condition that she marry the king of — Cappadocia (Str. 12,3,31). Her royal seat was now Sebasteia, the former Cabira-Diospolis (> Cabira; Str. 12,3,31). P.’ reign depended upon

298

297

Rome and the Greek cities. She survived her husband, who died in AD 17, by several years. R.D. SULLIVAN, Dynasts in Pontus, in: ANRW II 7.2, 913930, here: 920-922; S.J. SAPRYKIN, Pontijskoe carstvo, 1996, 319-330.

Lv.B.

[2] Prob. granddaughter of P. [1]. Thracian queen of the rst half of the rst cent. AD, known through two inscriptions (IGR 1, 1503 = IGBulg 17, 399, cf. IGBulg 5, 5140; IGR 1, 777 = OGIS 378). Generally regarded as the daughter of + Cotys [I 9] and > Antonia [7] Tryphaena and as wife of > Rhoemetalces [2] II ([{1] and

[2]; differently: [3. 25-49; 4. 459-467]). 1 PIR*Pr11r5 andStemma22

2 G. GAGGERO, Nouvelles

considérations sur les dynastes du Ier siécle de notre ére, in: Pulpudeva 3, 1980, 305-317 3S. Ju. SApRYKIN, Iz istorii Pontijskogo carstva Polemonidoy, in: VDI 1993.2 4 M. Taceva, The Last Thracian Independent Dynasty of the Rhascuporids, in: A. For (ed.), Studia in honorem G. Mihailoy, 1995. UP.

Pythodorus (Ilv66dweo¢d/Pythddoros). [1] Athenian who, according to [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 29,1-2 (cf. Thuc. 8,67,1), in 411 BC made a motion in the public assembly to elect a further 20 ‘preliminary counselors’ (probouloi) to draw up proposals for saving the state. He thus paved the way for the oligarchic constitution of the 400 (— tetrakosioi). Diog. Laert. 9,54 (= DiELs/KRANZ 80 A 1) names him as the prosecutor of ~ Protagoras [1]. P. may be identical with the archon of 404/3 whose period of office, after the restoration of democracy, was looked upon as the year without a named archon (so-called anarchia) (Xen. Hell. 2,3,1)

[1.275-277]. 1 M. CuHamsers, Aristoteles. Staat der Athener, 1990.

[2] Son of Isolochus, student of > Zeno [1] of Elea (PI. Ale. 1,119a; cf. Pl. Prm. 126a ff., where he acts as the

source of information about the discussion between Zeno and Socrates). P. was an archon in 432/1 BC and, as the successor to > Laches [1], he was the stratégos in Sicily in 426/5 BC (-» Peloponnesian War). After his return he was exiled in 424 BC for bribery (Thuc. 2,2,1; 3,115,523 452523 4,65,3). It is not clear whether he was allowed to return later. J. Morrison, The Place of Protagoras in Athenian Public Life (460-415 B.C.), in: CQ 35, 1941, I-16, esp. 3f.; J.A. Davison,

Protagoras, Demacritus, and Anaxagoras, in:

CQ 47, 1953, 33-45; D. Nats, The People of Plato, 2002, 259-260

WS.

[3] Son of Chaeremon of Nysa, the latter a member of the military staff of the governor of Asia, C. Cassius [I 1] (Syll.3 741,I), and an influential friend of the Romans. In 89 BC, at the outbreak of the rst of the ~ Mithridatic Wars [A], P. fled with his brother to Rhodes; thereupon Mithridates [6] VI offered a bounty of 40 or 20 talents for his capture or murder (Syll.> 741,1I/ Il] = WeLes 73-74). He later settled in Tralleis. k-Lx.

PYTHON

[4] Probably the son of P. [3] and not to be confused

with the latter; born in Nysa, resident in Tralleis, he was one of the leading figures in the province of Asia (Str. 14,1,42; unclear whether Cic. Flac. 52, dated 59 BC, refers to him or P. [3] as the nobilis from Tralleis). For him only the following is certainly proved: c. 48-44 BC his friendship with Pompey [I 3] cost him his fortune, although he left behind assets of an equivalent amount. One of his children was > Pythodoris [1], the wife of the Roman client-kings > Polemon [4] I and Archelaus [7]. It is 24,1,614) Antonius Agathias

only speculation that his wife Antonia (IK Antonia [2], was the daughter of the triumvir [I 9]. More of P.’ children might be named in 2,17 and in IK 13,615. PIR? P 1116. J.BA.

Python (1v@wv/Python). [1] An enormous dragon killed by ~ Apollo near + Delphi with his arrows. The oldest version of the story is offered by H. Hom. 3,300-374: Apollo overcomes a female dragon who perpetrates her mischief in the vicinity of Delphi and into whose care > Hera had given her son Typhon (> Typhoeus, Typhon). The town and the god receive the nickname Pytho (cf. also the name of the female seer at Delphi, > Pythia [1]) from its decaying (100e00aV/pythesthai) corpse. According to Eur. IT 1245-1252, the dragon is male and guards the oracle. Later, P. becomes the name of this dragon (Ath. 15,701C¢; Plut. Pelopidas 16,375c). However, the vari-

ant Delphynés also occurs (Apoll. Rhod. 2,706; Schol. Eur. Phoen. 232; 233; Nonnus, Dion. 13,28). The enormous monster (Claud. Carm. 2,1-4) is also referred to as the son of the earth (Ov. Met. 1,43 8-447; Hyg. Fab. 140). According to some reports, P. was the custodian

of the Delphic oracle before the fight with Apollo (Hyg. Fab. 140; Schol. Pind. Pyth. hypothesis). P.’s pursuit of the pregnant -> Leto (Hyg. Fab. 140) and the newborn Apollo’s vengeance for his mother are given as the reason for the killing. Thus, according to many reports, the god is still very young at the time of the fight (Eur. IT 1250; Apoll. Rhod. 2,707); pictorial representations show him as a baby in the arms of his mother [1]. According to Paus. 2,7,7, Apollo’s sister Artemis also takes part in the fight ({1]). Apollo is said to have buried P. under the > omphalos [1] (Varro, Ling. 7,17) or to have covered the Delphic tripod (+ Tripus) with the dragon’s skin and placed its remains therein (Serv. Aen. 6,3473 3,923 3,360). To celebrate the victory, Apollo establishes the Pythian Games, the > Pythia [2] (Schol. Pind. Pyth. hypothesis, Ov. Met. 1,445-447). Plutarch (Quaest. Graec. 293c) also relates the Delphic Feast > Septerion back to this fight. The program music for Nomos Pythikos (-* Nomos [3]), as well, is derived from the > dragon slayers. The myth of the victory by the sun-god over the son of the earth or of a deity creating order over a force of chaos as the beginning of an epoch has many parallels in Greek and oriental mythol-

ogy [2]. 1L. Kant, s.v. P., LIMC

7.1, 609-610

2 J. FONTEN-

rose, P. A Study of Delphic Myth and Its Origins, 1959.

oy,

PYTHON

300

299

I. GALLO, Ricerche sul teatro greco, 1992, 111, 120f.; B. Gauty et al. (ed.), Musa tragica, 1991, 194-197; R. Kru-

signing his work. P. possessed a great repertoire of mythological topics (Alcmene being burnt at the stake, the birth of Helen, Cadmus and the dragon, Orestes, Odysseus and the sirens), whose main figures he often referred to by name. Further focal points in his vase paintings are Dionysian subjects and sympotic scenes. Among his preferred vessel types are the bell krater and the neck amphora, where he covers the sides predominantly with two figures each (e.g., Dionysus/Satyr or Dionysus/Pan, two robed youths, etc.); rarer forms are the hydria, lekythos and bowl. P. distinguishes himself through a richness of detail in clothing, landscape elements or objects (klinai) and sometimes figures with vigorous motion; frequently, there are also persons emerging as busts behind lines in the landscape.

MEICH, N. PECHSTEIN, B. SEIDENSTICKER (eds.), Das grie-

-» Paestan ware

[2] Author of a satyr play, Agen (‘Chief’), according to Ath. 13,586d and 595¢e, staged either during the Indian campaign of > Alexander [II 4] the Great at the river Hydaspes or, after -» Harpalus’ escape, in Ecbatana

(326/4 BC). The piece does not deal with mythical material; rather, the central figure is a confidant of > Harpalus who appears under the name Pallides (the man from the Phallus clan). It is possible that Alexander himself is concealed behind the eponymous hero Agen. The first part of the only surviving fragment (TrGF I 91) is from the prologue, the second part contains a dialogue. > Satyr play

chische Satyrspiel, 1999, 593-601.

B.Z.

TRENDALL, Paestum 136-172, pl. 92-117f.; A.D. TRENDALL, Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily, 1989,

[3] P. of Ainus, pupil of > Plato [1] (Philod. Historiae Academiae col. 6,1 5-20 GaIsER; Diog. Laert. 3,46); together with his brother > Heraclides [I 4], murdered the Odrysian king > Cotys [I 1] lin 359 BC (Dem. Or. 23,119; 23,163) and then fled to Athens. There, the brothers were honoured as tyrant slayers (Plut. Mor. 542e-f; 816e) and given citizenship [1. no. 76 T 52]. P.

reportedly entered the service of — Philippus [I 4] II after 352 BC. 1 M.J. OsBorne, Naturalization in Athens, 4 vols. 19831985.

K. Gatser, Philodems Academica, 1988; K. TRAMPEDACH, Platon, die Akademie und die zeitgendssische Politik, 1994, 90-92.

JE.

[4] P. of Byzantium. Pupil of Isocrates and important orator, documented in the service of Philippus [I 4] I of Macedonia beginning in the spring of 346 BC, probably appearing several times as his envoy in Athens: possibly in autumn 346 [2], definitely in spring 343, in order to defend the peace of 346. Reportedly misinterpreted by the orators around Demosthenes [2], P. defended it as ‘capable of improvement’ (Ps.-Dem. Or. 7,20-23 from the year 342). He appeared presumably once again towards 340 [3. 52-54]. His verbal duel with Demosthenes (Dem.

Or.

18,136; Epist. 2,10; Plut. Demo-

sthenes 9,1) made P. very well known; he was thus oc-

casionally confused with the Platonist Leon [7] of Byzantium (albeit one of Philip’s opponents) and identified with the Platonist P. [3] of Ainus as well as with the author of the satyr play Agen, P. [2] of Catane. On the other hand, P. is the presumed author of Ps.-Dem.

12 [5.714]. 1 A. SCHAEFER,

Demosthenes,

vol. 2.1, 1885,

157; vol.

2.2, 1887, 296,2, 332, 342, 375-380, 549,4 2 E. MEYER, KS 2, 124-128 3M. PoHLeNz, Philipps Schreiben an Athen, in: Hermes 64, 1929, 52-62

4 F.R. Wust, Philipp

II. von Makedonien und Griechenland, 1938, 64f., 69-77 5 HM 2,479,1., 483f., 489-495, 516, 714. TA.S.

[5] Vase painter from Paestum (c. 360-330 BC); after -» Asteas, the second vase painter in southern Italy

202-203; CVA Deutschland, vol. 71, Wurzburg (4th ed., G. GUNTNER), 1999, 51 pl. 45. R.H

[6] P. began in 257 BC in Athribis as head of the logeuterion (as accounts commissioner) and in 255 became

head of the royal bank of the district Arsinoites in Crocodeilopolis, where there is evidence of him holding the office until 237. Due to the close business relationship of his bank with the estate of Apollonius [r], the activities of his office are well known even though he is not W.A mentioned personally. [7] see > Potters

Pyxis (i) mv⁣ bé pyxis). Box, round container with a lid; the Hellenistic name is derived from 2vEo¢/pyxos (‘box tree wood’), from which pyxides were often fas-

hioned; the older Attic name is probably xvdtyvic/ kylichnis. Pyxides are predominantly preserved as ceramics, more rarely made of wood, alabaster, metal or

ivory. Among other things, pyxides were used for storing > cosmetics and jewellery, so they were part of the life of women, the preferred motive in the red-figured style being portrayals of women’s rooms; they were correspondingly popular as grave goods for women. The history of their shape began in the Geometric Period with large, flat pyxides probably used for other purposes. In Corinth new shapes were developed from the 7th cent. BC onwards (+> Corinthian vases); tripod pyxides and Nicosthenic pyxides, among others, appeared in the black-figured style of the 6th cent. BC (> Pottery, shapes and types of, ill. E ro). In the Classical Period, a type (A) with a concave steep wall (ibid., ill. E tr) as well as a second type (B) with a flanged lid were predominant. Similar shapes (but greater in height) were created as late as the Hellenistic Period. A. RietH, Die Entwicklung der Drechseltechnik, in: AA 1940, 616-634; S.R. RoBERTS, The Attic Pyxis, 1978; C. Mercatl, Le pissidi attiche figurate, in: Annali della Facolta di lettere e filosofia di Perugia. Studi classici 24, 1986/7, 105-137; B. BOHEN, Die geometrischen Pyxiden (Kerameikos 13), 1988; Z. Kotirsa, Hellenistische Tonpyxiden, 1996. LS;

Q Q (linguistics). In Classical Latin orthography, the letter Q combined with U denotes a monophonemic, voiceless velar stop co-articulated with lip-rounding (+ Labiovelar). It evolved from the original Indo-European phoneme k“ (quis, neque < *k“is, ne-k“e) or from

the phoneme

sequence

ku/ku (equus < *9,ékuos)

[x. 148]. In Early Latin orthography (7th/6th cent. BC) on the other hand, Q followed the contemporaneous Greek and Etruscan model and denoted any velar (g, k, qu) before the ‘dark’ vowels 0 or u (QOI, CIL F* 4: qui; EQO, CIL I’ 474: ego); for k it is also occasionally used later (MEROURIO CIL [T° 992). For Etruscan, cf. KACRIQU (ET Ta 3.1); for Greek cf. 4€9v80¢ (IG 14,865), [kavgog (SGDI 5296). While Latin therefore

used the letters C and Q to express a phonological correlation, qoppa remained an allograph to kappa in Greek and Etruscan and was therefore dropped in the course of the 6th cent. [2. 33 f.]. Proto-Indo-European k“, which was regularly continued in Latin as k“” (QU), was in an early stage delabialiased to k before consonants (including i); in historical times, this also happened before 0 and u (v0x -cis < *uok“-s; socius < *sok“ios < *sok“iio-; colo < *k“olo < *k “ela -e/o- [1. 137, 148]). In Greek, Proto-Indo-European k™ still existed in the Mycenaean Period as an individually designated phoneme (qe-to-ro- ~ tetea- < *k“etr-), except next to u, where it appears as k, as it also does in alphabetical Greek (qo-u-ko-ro Bovxddos < *g“ou-k“ola,-o-). Later, it appears as 0(0) before i, as t before e and i (6o0e < *ok“ie < *a,ok“ia,; tig < *k “is; mévte, aol. méume < *pénk“e), and as x before aand o, in Aeolic also before e, cf. > P (lingusitics) [3. 293-295; 4.75, 86f.]. In Mantinea, the reflex of k” before 7 is indicated by a sign of its own, VU (VIZ ’tic’) [2. 40], ~ Arcadian.

with rectangular corner towers is generally dated to the Severan era (rst half of the 3rd cent. AD), and to the

Byzantine era by KENNEDY. The older fort is integrated into the complex. Under the Umayyads, Q. was developed as an aristocratic country estate with mosaics, frescoes and stucco decorations. A small mosque was built next to the fort, as well as the bath complex Hammam as-Sarah 2 km away. G, BIsHEH, Qasr al-Hallabat:

A Summary of the 1984 and

1985 Excavations, in: AfO 33, 1986, 158-162; D.L. KEN-

NEDY, Archaeological Explorations on the Roman Frontier in North-East Jordan, 1982, 17-63; K.A. C. CREsWELL, J.W.ALLAN, A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture, 1989, 105-107. J.GO.

Qasr al-Hair a$-Sargi. Umayyad country estate in the Syrian desert, around roo km north-east of > Palmyra, at the intersection of old caravan routes; founded by Caliph Hisam (AD 724-743), completed in the early Abbasid period and populated, with interruptions, into the 14th cent. Of two rectangular complexes, the larger (167 X 167 m) with 4 axial gates — called a ‘city’ (Arabic madina) according to an inscription from the year 110 after the Hejira (AD 728/29) — had residential units, public and commercial buildings and a mosque around a central open space. The smaller (70 x 70 m) has been interpreted by GRABAR as a Caravanserai. — Umayyads O.GraBaAR,

R.HoLop,

J.KNupDsTap,

W.TROUSDALE,

City in the Desert: Qasr al-Hayr East, 2 vols., 1978; K.A. C. Creswell, J.W.ALLAN, A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture, 1989, 149-64.

J.GO.

Qasr al-Hayr al-Garbi. Umayyad country residence in

+ K (linguistics) 1 LEUMANN 4 Rix, HGG.

(AD 188-217) as a border fortification and restored in AD 529 under Justinian I (AD 527-565). The structure

2 LSAG

3 SCHWYZER,

Grammatik

GE.ME.

the Syrian desert, c. 65 km southwest of > Palmyra on the ancient caravan route to > Damascus. The site, constructed by the caliph Hisam (AD 724-743), com-

prises a palace, baths, a caravanserai dated inscriptioQ. Abbreviation of the Roman first name > Quintus; in the formula — SPQR (SenatusPopulusQueRomanus) for Que

(= postpositive

‘and’); in inscriptions

fre-

quently for the relative pronoun qui, quae, quod (e.g. O[ui] I[nfra]S[cripti]S[unt] = ‘the undersigned’) and for + quaestor. Rare on coins, mostly for Quinquennales, the five-year celebration of an emperor’s rule. In MSS, Q stands as the numeral for 500,000. H. CHANTRAINE, S. v. Q, RE 24, 1963, 621-623.

WED.

Qasr al-Hallabat. Roman-Byzantine fort on the via Traiana Nova, c. 55 km east of ‘Amman. According to epigraphic evidence, the castellum — probably founded by Trajan (AD 98-117) on the site of a Nabataean settlement — was enlarged around AD 212 under Caracalla

nally to 109 after hejira (= AD 727), a garden and an agricultural area crossed by canals and supplied by a water reservoir and the Roman al-Harbaga dam (rst cent.

AD)

16km

away.

The oasis had been settled

under the Romans and the Gassanids. A tower building from the Byzantine Period was incorporated into the palace complex. Rich finds of stucco and two floor frescos. > Umayyads D. SCHLUMBERGER, Les fouilles de Qasr el-Hair el-Gharbi (1936-1938); Rapport préliminaire, in: Syria 20/3-4, 1939, 195-238, 324-373; K.A. C. CrEswELL, J. W. ALLAN, A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture, 1989, 135-146.

J.GO.

303

304

Qasr-e Sirin. A place in the Iranian province of [lam

made Hattusili II request a peace treaty in a highly subservient manner. The Hittite version of the preamble to the treaty, however, indicates — together with the clauses of the treaty itself and supporting evidence from Ugaritic sources — that the treaty was made on an equal footing. Only on this basis can the later relationship between the two great empires be understood. Ultimately neither of the two was able to gain a territorial advantage for itself.

QASR-E

SIRIN

near the Iraqi border, named after Sirin (> Shirin), the

Christian wife of the Sassanid Husrau II (> Chosroes [6]; 591-628). In the Islamic period, Q. was an important town on the trading and pilgrimage route from Hamadan to Baghdad. On the eastern edge of the city a large fire sanctuary (?) (Cahar Taq) is located, and north of it, on an 8 m high terrace, a palace complex attributed to Husrau II (‘Imarat-e Husrau), 370 x

r90 min size. The entire complex should be pictured as part of a park (> parddeisos) in Antiquity.

» Egypt;

> Hattusa II; + International treaties

1 E.Epe1, Der Vertrag zwischen Ramses II. von Agypten

1 P.ScHWARZ, Iran im Mittelalter nach den arabischen Geographen, 1896-1936, 689 ff. 2K.SCHIPPMANN, Die

und Hattusili II. von Hatti, 1997 (edition) 2 H. KLENGEL, Syria 3000 to 300 BC, 1992

iranischen Feuerheiligtimer, 1971, 282-291.

3 A. Kuscukg, s. v. Q./Q.-Schlacht, LA 5,27-37.

JW.

Qasr-e Abu Nasr (‘Old Siraz’, modern Madar-e Sulaiman), 7 km south-east of Siraz (Fars); essentially a late Sassanid and early Islamic complex (5th-9th cents.).

Three Achaemenid stone portals, which aroused great attention from travellers as early as the roth cent., proved to be parts of the palace of Darius in > Persepolis which had been brought to Q. to decorate much later buildings (they have since been returned to their original place). In the Achaemenid era, Q. is probably to be identified with the Tirazzis or Siraz of the Persepolis tablets. Along with ceramics, coins (some Parthian) and jewellery, more than 500 clay bulla and stamp seals of semi-precious stone have been found in the late Sassanid fort; they frequently bear Middle Persian inscriptions which provide important information on the economy and history of the late Sassanid era.

J.RE

Qataban (QOataban). Pre-Islamic people in south-western Arabia, known predominantly through inscriptions. They appear in the ancient sources as Kattabaneis (KattaBaveic,

} Kattafavia, Str. 16,4,4), Kottabanot

(KottaBavoi, Ptol. Geog. 6,7,24) and Catapani (Plin. HN 6,153). According to Eratosthenes in Str. loc cit., the settlement area of the Q. extended across the entire hinterland from - Saba to the straits; the inscriptions, on the other hand, record a limitation to the Wadi Baihan: a contradiction which probably results from varying grouping criteria of the sources. The chronology of the Q. is also debated; some scholars place the beginning of their hegemonial position in the 6th cent. BC, others two cents. later. From the 4th cent. AD, the Q.

1R.N. Frye (ed.), Sasanian Remains from Qasr-i Abu Nasr: Seals, Sealings, and Coins, 1973 2D.S. WuirtCOMB, Before the Roses and Nightingales. Excavations at

are no longer recorded epigraphically. At their head was a king; however, he had to share his power with the clan leaders. The capital was the walled city of Thumna (Oovpuva)/ Timna‘ in the Wadi Baihan, from which, among other things, a stele with market rules is extant. The art and coinage of the Q. were heavily influenced

Qasr-i Abu Nasr, Old Shiraz, 1985

by the Greeks (imitation of Attic owl coins).

3 H.Kocn,

Ver-

waltung und Wirtschaft im persischen Kernland zur Zeit der Achameniden, 1990, 41ff. 4R.GysELEN, La geéographie administrative de |’Empire sassanide, 1989. —_J.W.

A.F. L. BEESTON, s. v. Kataban, EI? 1, 746a;J.PIRENNE, Le

royaume Sud-Arabe de Qataban et sa datation d’aprés Parcheologie et les sources classiques jusqu’au Periple de la Mer

Erythree

Qadesh (Qades, Kade). Town in central Syria, south

K.SCHIPPMANN,

of Hims, modern Tall Nabi Mand, situated in a strategi-

che, 1998, 52f.

cally important location at the junction between the Egyptian sphere of influence on the one hand and Mittanian and Hittite on the other. In the 15th cent., Thutmosis III attempted to conquer the town [2. 94-98]. In 1275 BC, it was the site of the famous battle between the Hittite ruler Muwattalli Il (1290-1272 BC) and + Ramesses II caused by the defection of Amurru from Hattusa to Egypt. The success of the Hittites in this battle put a final stop to the expansionary policy of Rameses II in Syria. In 1258, the relationship between the two great powers was ultimately regulated by a peace treaty between Hattusili II (previously ‘II’, 126 51240) and Rameses II which is extant in a Hittite version (in Akkadian) and in an Egyptian version (TUAT I. 143-153;[1]) (a copy ofthe treaty is displayed at UN headquarters in New York). The Egyptian version conveys the impression of an overwhelming victory that

(Biblothéque

du Muséon

48),

Geschichte der alt-siidarabischen

1961;

ReiLT-N.

Qoheleth (literally ‘leader of the assembly’, from the Hebrew qahal; LXX: *Exxhnooms/Ekkleésiastes; the biblical book Ecclesiastes). Ascribed by an early redactor to

- Solomon [1] (Eccl. 1:1; 1:12); however, the Hebrew wisdom writing originated in Palaestina (Jerusalem?) in the 3rd cent. BC. Unlike the epistemological optimism of traditional wisdom (-» Wisdom literature) and the identification of wisdom with the Torah and unlike the interest in the cult in the wisdom of the priestly circles of the Jerusalem temple [1], Q. sketches a theory characterized by skepticism toward human powers of cognition (Eccl. 3:10f.), by reservation towards the cult (Eccl. 4:17-5:6) and by the appeal to enjoy life, i.e. to seize the opportunities to enjoy which are given by God (Eccl. 3:12f.). In doing so, he incorporates themes from Hellenistic popular philosophy [2]

305

306

and ancient oriental sympotic literature [3]. Q.’s position was disputed even in Antiquity: additions by a second editor (esp. Eccl. 12:1r2-14) give the work an ‘orthodox’ framework; Wisd. 2:1-9 may be a polemic directed against Q.; Q.’s canonicity (+ Canon [1 V]) was debated (cf. bShab 30b). 1 A. Lance, In Diskussion mit dem Tempel, in: A. ScHoors (ed.), Q. in the Context of Wisdom, 1998, 113-159 2 R. Braun, Kohelet und die friihhellenistische Popular-

QUADRAGESIMA

1 J. PeSKA, Das K6nigsgrab von MuSov in Siidmahren, in: L. Waser

et al. (ed.), Die R6mer zwischen Alpen und

Nordmeer, 2000, 201-205. U.-B. Ditrricu, Die Beziehungen Roms zu den Sarmaten und Quaden im 4. Jh. n. Chr., 1984; L.F. Pirrs, Relations between Rome and the German ‘Kings’ on the Middle Danube, in: JRS 79, 1989, 45-58; TIR, Castra Regina, 69-71.

G.H.W.

philosophie, 1973 3 C.UEHLINGER, Q. im Horizont mesopotamischer, levantinischer und agyptischer Weis-

Quadragesima

heitsliteratur der persischen und hellenistischen Zeit, in: L. SCHWIENHORST-SCHONBERGER (ed.), Das Buch Kohelet, 1997, 155-235.

the rate of 2'/.% of the declared value of traded goods levied at the Roman imperial frontier or at customs frontiers within the empire. The term denotes, in particular, the import and export duties in the customs regions of Asia, Gaul and Hispania, but from a relatively early date, quadragesima could be used to refer simply to any > toll(Quint. Decl. 359). While the customs region in Asia probably comprised only that province (ILS 1330; quadragesima portuum Asiae: ILS 1862), the Gallic region extended as far as the Rhine and the Alps (quadragesima Galliarum: ILS 1347; 1409-1411; 1560-1566; 1854; 9035; cf. the quadragesima Bithyniae, Ponti, Paphlagoniae: ILS 1330). The Hispanic region comprised the entire Iberian peninsula. Leases to large companies (societates publicorum; — publicani) based at Rome became outdated and were largely replaced beginning in the rst cent. by the use of individual contractors (conductores), perhaps in consequence of waning interest on the part of those in possession of capital as the scope for exploitation had be-

COMMENTARIES: T.KRUGER, W.ZIMMERLI, 1962.

2000;

A.LAUHA,

1978;

BipL1oGRAPHY: M.V. Fox, Q. and His Contradictions, 1989; D. MICHEL, Q., 1988.

ST.KR.

Qusair ‘Amra. Umayyad bath complex in the Jordanian desert, c. 50 km east of ‘Amman. Of the original complex, only the bath, the three-nave reception hall and a well house are extant. The frescoes, which stand

in the late antique tradition and which completely cover the walls of bath and reception hall, are unique. Besides courtly subjects, the activities of craftsmen and, in the cupola of the caldarium, a starry sky are shown. The depictions of six rulers known from epigraphs (‘the defeated opponents of Islam’) and the enthroned ~+ caliph are outstanding. The complex, which was probably used as a private retreat, is generally ascribed to the Caliph al-Walid I (AD 705-715). ~ Umayyads A.MusIL, Kusejr ‘Amra, 2 vols., 1907; M.ALMAGRO, L. CABALLECO, J.Zozaya, A. ALMAGRO, Qusayr ‘Amra. Residencia y bafios omeyas en el deserto de Jordania, 1975; K.A. C. CrESWELL, J. W. ALLAN, A Short Account of Early Muslim Architecture, 1989, 105-117. ].GO.

Quadi (Kovado/Koradoi, KovadoUKouddoi). The Q., first mentioned in Tac. Ann. 2,63,6, were part of the + Suebi (Elbe Germani). They and the > Marcomanni migrated eastwards from the Main after 9 BC (southern Moravia, Lower Austria north of the Danube, southern

Slovakia). Beginning in AD 19, the territory they ruled stretched inter Marum et Cusum, i.e. between the modern River Morava and the Regnum Vannianum (> Vannius). Until the Marcomanni Wars they largely lived in peaceful coexistence with Rome with growing dependence on Rome and distinct > romanization of the upper classes [1]. After their participation in the Marcomanni Wars, in the 3rd—4th cents. they had further military disputes with Rome, which escalated from AD 357 on. In 374, at the time of Valentinianus I, they invaded the province of Pannonia. In 406, some of the Q. marched with the Alani and the Vandali to Gaul and Spain. Those who remained behind came under the rule of the > Hunni and in the second half of the sth cent. were subjugated by the > Ostrogoths.

(sc.

pars).

The

quadragesima

(tecoaeaxoott/tessarakoste, ‘one fortieth’) was a toll at

come diminished. Reference to the mancipes (CIL VIII

11813 = ILS 1410) seems to imply that the old system probably survived into the Antonine Period in Gaul. Between the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Septimius Severus, the conductores were in turn replaced by imperial procurators. The situation in Late Antiquity is unclear: the jurists speak only of leases, but there are no inscriptions to give information on the system. Tollgatherers’ (teA@vaw/teldnai, Lat. portitores) powers of surveillance made them widely detested. The function of toll-gathering in Asia is shown by the recently-discovered ‘tax law of Asia for imports and exports by land and water’ [1], first enacted in 75 BC and finally published after numerous amendments in its surviving form in the reign of Nero. + Portorium;

> Toll

1 H. ENGELMANN, D. Knipe, Das Zollgesetz der Provinz Asia. Eine neue Inschrift aus Ephesos, in: EA 14, 1989

2 J. FRANCE, Administration et fiscalité douaniéres sous le regne d’Auguste: La date de la création de la Quadragesima Galliarum, in: MEFRA tos, 1993, 895-927 35S.DE Laer, Portorium, Etude sur organisation douaniére chez

les Romains, surtout a l’époque du Haut-Empire, 1949 4 A. LIPOLD, s.v. q., RE 24, 647-649 s.v. portorium, RE 22, 346-399.

5 F. VITTINGHOFF, H.GA.

QUADRANS

307

308

Ling.

1,122; Plut. Cicero 29,5 relating to his own time?), as

5,171; Volusianus Maecianus 15,24; Prisc. De figuris numerorum 11; further mentions in the literature of the

the price of admission to the baths (Hor. Sat. 1,3,137;

Republic: [1. 657f.]). Hence for the as of the libral weight standard (-> Libra [1]) a quadrans corresponded

sense of a small sum of money (Hor. Sat. 2,3,93; Juv. 7,8; Mart. 2,44,9; 5,32,1; 7,10,12); 100 quadrantes were proverbial as a gift to a client (> sportula; Juv. Rrsots: Matt, B5o,0s By7,ks 689.43 10,7003£5 10,75,11). Called xod0avtns/ > kodrantés in the NT

Quadrans.

Quarter

of

a Roman

> as

(Varro

to three unciae ( Uncia). Coins of this value, cast in the Roman and Italic > aes grave (from c. 280 BC on),

showed three balls as an indication of value. When dividing the as decimally, the quadrans corresponded to 3/10 of an as [1. 659]. Among some Italic peoples the quadrans was initially called a > terruncius (Plin. HN 33,45). Phe term quadrans was not generally prevalent until the 2nd cent. BC, when under Greek influence cal-

culation was no longer done in multiples of a small unit, but in fractions of a large one. It corresponded to the Greek — tetras as '/, of an as [1. 651f.]. The quadrans (minted for the first time from 217/215 BC on) appeared in the Roman series in all stages of the reduction of bronze coins, down to the semiuncial

system

(from

91

BC

on) (-» Semiuncial

standard). In this system, the quadrans was the smallest unit (Plut. Cicero 29); its minting ceased in about 86

BC. There were various types, always with three dots as an indication of value. Subsequently, quadrantes did not appear again until Augustus’ system of bronze coins was introduced in c. 19 BC; in that system, it was the smallest unit (> Senatus consultum). Initially they were made of pure copper; later on impurities occurred. Brass minting under Nero remained a one-off [3. 63-66]. Ouadrantes were minted only at longer intervals and in rather modest numbers. This hardly met the demand, above all in the proyinces. The majority of quadrantes circulated in Rome and in Central to Southern Italy [3. 56]. In Rome, tesserae (- Tokens) made up for the lack of small coins. In Roman Germany, quadrantes are almost entirely absent in finds; quarter asses and small Celtic coins can be found instead (-» Small coins, shortage of). In the East, there were local small bronze coins (quadrantes of the Imperial Period: [2; 3; 6]). On Augustus’ quadrantes references to the princeps are completely absent. In Caligula’s reign, the title Caesar appears on quadrantes [5], and in Trajan’s reign the emperor’s head. By size and weight Trajan’s mining coins (> metalla [2]) were also quadrantes. Some of Hadrian’s coins cannot be safely distinguished from the > semis. The last quadrantes were minted under Antoninus [1] Pius (138-161); the most recent ones mention his fourth consulship (AD 145, until AD 148?). The ‘anonymous’ quadrantes, which had no inscription except SC, with various gods on the obverse and their symbols on the reverse, predominantly belong to the period from Hadrian to Antoninus Pius (AD 117— 161) [2. 218-231; 7. 18f.]. They are probably connected with imperial donations of money (-> congiarium) and pageants, particularly for Rome’s ninth centenary in AD 147 [7. 16-19]. The literature of the Imperial Period mentions quadrantes as the smallest unit (Petron. Sat. 43,1; Gai. Inst.

Sen. Ep. 86,9; Juv. 6,447; Mart. 3,30,4), and in the

(Mk 12:42; Mt 5:26), back-translated as quadrans in the Vulgate; double ~ lepton (on the incorrect synonymous use with the shekel see [1. 663]).

The term quadrans was also used for various units of measure, primarily for weight, one quadrans corresponding to a quarter of a Roman pound or three ounces

(which is 81,86 g); mentioned

in literature in

recipes [1. 653] and as a metal weight (Mart. 11,105, particularly marked on bowls and votive gifts: CIL III 4806; X 1598; X 7939; XII] 3183,29; XII 10036,27; XIV 21 with p. 481; SEG 9,176). Numerous weights

survive (presented in [1. 653]). The quadrans is also found (all evidence in [1. 664—-666]) as a unit of area (*/40fa > ingerum, i.e. 630,83 m*), asa unit of capacity ("/4 of a > sextarius or 3 cyathi = 0,1265 |, > Cyathus [2]), as a quarter in the computation of time and in inheritance law, where the whole of the bequest was referred to as an as, and on this basis as the quarter of a debt. 1 H.CHANTRAINE,

s. v.

quadrans,

RE

24,

649-667

2 J. vAN HEESCH, Studie over de Semis en de Quadrans van Domitianus tot en met Antoninus Pius, 1979 3 GE. KinG, Quadrantes from the River Tiber, in: NC 1975,

56-90 4SCHROTTER 539f. 5 A.U.StTyLow, Die Quadranten des Caligula als Propagandamiinzen, in: Chiron 1971, 285-290

6 M. TAMEANKO,

The Quadrans and

Semis Denominations, in: Journal of the Society for Ancient

Numismatics

1993,

86-93

7 R. WEIGEL, The Annotazioni DLK.

Anonymous Quadrantes Reconsidered, Numismatiche, Supplement 11, 1998.

Quadrantal. The quadrantal (cubic foot) was the basic Roman unit of volume (- Measure of volume) for

liquids, identical in measurement to the > amphora [2], equal to 2 urnae, 8 congii, 48 sextarti, 96 heminae, 192 quartarii etc. (cf. table). Calibrated to water, the qua-

drantal was equal to 80 librae (1 libra = 327.45 g), i.e. 26.2 litres. The quadrantal was probably standardized in the late 3rd cent. BC by a lex Silia de mensuris et ponderibus (Fest. 288). H. CHANTRAINE, S.v. g., RE 24, 667-672; F. HULTscH, Griechische und rémische Metrologie, *1882, see Index.

H-J.S.

Quadrantal standard. Weight-reduced standard, not recorded in ancient sources, of the > aes grave from c. 214 BC on, after which the > as weighed c. 83 g, i.e. only one quarter of the original weight of a pound (cf. ~» Coinage, standards of B.; > Libra [1]) [2]. 1 H. CHANTRAINE, s. v. Q., RE 24, 672f. M5 3/15 59.

2 RRC p. 43,

GES.

309

310

QUADRATURE

OF THE

CIRCLE

The Roman measures of volume and their relationships Unit of volume Litres

acetabulum

quartarius

0.068

0.136

hemina 0.273

sextarius

congius

0.546

3.27 5

160 congii = 96 heminae

= 48 sextarii

=8congii

= 24 quartarii = 12 heminae = 4 quartarili = 2 heminae =2quartarii =1hemina

=6sextarll = I sextarius

= I congius

192 quartarii

4acetabula

Quadration (Kodeatiwv/Kodration). Orator of the 2nd cent. AD, student of > Favorinus, teacher of the sophist > Varus of Perge (Philostr. VS 2,6 p. 250 K.), friend of P. Aelius > Aristides [3] (47,22; 50,63 ff. K.). Probably identical with L. + Statius Quadratus (cos. 42) e

CW.

Quadratum Incusum. Modern technical term for a depression on the reverse of the early coins of Greece, Asia Minor and Persia. Originally the impression of the tip of the rod holding the blank for minting, by the end of the 7th cent. BC a QI was more carefully shaped: square (Chios), rectangular (Persian dareikos), triangular (Chalcis), composed of several similar or dissimilar bosses (Cyme, Samos, Miletus). The surface is very

often patterned, with diagonals (Athens) or crosses (Himera, Teos, Ephesus), divided into boxes (Macedonian tribes, Cyzicus) or into eight parts (Aegina), starshaped (Selinus), as a swastika (Corinth), in a ‘windmill ‘pattern’ (Cyzicus) or with ornamental borders (Himera).

In some cases, the centre of the QI was occupied by pictorial decoration by the middle of the 6th cent. BC (Athens, Ephesus, Cnidus, Syracuse, Zancle), which

soon filled the whole of the reverse face. Elsewhere, particularly in northern Greece, the QI remained current until towards the end of the sth cent., and was turned into a form of decoration (Acanthus, Delphi, Corcyra, Cnossus),

surrounded

by writing (Acanthus), or the

name of an official was placed on the cross (Chios). Here too, images were gradually introduced on the QI, dissolving it altogether (Abdera, Mende, Maronea). In conservative issues of coins, the QI survives until shortly before Alexander [II 4] the Great (Aegina; elek-

quadrantal/amphora_ 26.2

culleus 524

=20 quadrantales/ == rculleus amphorae =1 quadrantal/amphora

Quadrature of the circle (6 tod xbxiov tetoaywvicndc/ ho tou kyklou tetragonismos, Latin quadratura circuli). I. THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM A SOLUTION III. INFLUENCE

II. ATTEMPTS AT

I. THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM The quadrature of the circle is one of the three ‘classic problems’ (the other two being the trisection of an angle, cf. + division of angles and circles, and the > duplication of the cube) of ancient Greek mathematics. The problem is to find the side x of a square such that its area is equal to the area of a circle with radius r using a geometric procedure; that is, to determine the value of the variable x in the equation x* = mr*. Accordingly, the solution to the quadrature of the circle is closely associated with the nature of x. In 1882, F. Lindemann discovered that x is not an algebraic quantity, i.e. that x cannot be the root of a polynomial of whatever degree with integer coefficients. Therefore, the problem of the quadrature of the circle is substantially more complicated than that of duplicating a cube or trisecting an angle, in which ‘only’ cubic equations need to be solved. It is also evident that the quadrature of the circle cannot be accomplished using only a compass and a ruler, since only the roots of certain integer polynomials can be constructed in this manner (for general information on the problem and possible solutions, see [1. 3-10]).

Closely associated in mathematical terms with the quadrature of the circle is the rectification of the circle, i.e., constructing a straight line equal to the circumference of a circle or an arc of a circle: It follows from the formulae A = xr* for the area of the circle and C = 2nr for its circumference that the area of the circle A equals the area of a right triangle with legs C and r. If it were possible, therefore, to construct the circumference C

tron of Cyzicus and Phocaea; Byzantium, Chalcedon, Persian imperial coinage). After the disappearance of the QI, a recessed frame around the embossed reverse image was retained for quite some time (Athenian owls until the end of the 4th cent.; in Rhodes and Lycia until

rectification of the circle by constructive means, one could also construct the aforementioned triangle and

the rst cent. BC).

transform it into a square with the same area, and the

1 H. CHANTRAINE, s. v. QI, RE 24, 675-677

2 SCHROTTER, 540f.

3 F.pDE VILLENOISY, Le carrée creux

des monnaies grecques, in: RN 1909, 449-457.

DLK.

from the given radius r, in other words to achieve the

reverse. The two problems, the quadrature and the rectification of the circle, are therefore equivalent. The Greeks distinguished three types of problems: plane, solid and ‘linear’ problems (Pappos, Collectio 4, p. 270,5-17 Hultsch). Plane problems result in quadratic equations, solid problems in cubic equations; a ‘linear’ (yoatuimov/grammikon) problem exceeds the

QUADRATURE OF THE CIRCLE

ahi

first two types and can only be solved with the help of higher, usually transcendental, curves. The duplication of the cube and the trisection of an angle are among the class of solid problems, while the quadrature of the circle is a ‘linear’ problem. However, it is unclear whether the Greeks had the necessary criteria to distinguish precisely between the different types of problems

bss Pate Il. ATTEMPTS AT A SOLUTION

Even before the Greeks, attempts were made to determine the area of a circle. The Egyptians considered the area of a circle to be equivalent to that of a square whose side was */s of the circle’s diameter; this corre-

sponds to an approximation of *5%/s: ~ 3.1605 for x. The Babylonians, in contrast, generally used a very rough value of x = 3, less frequently the more precise x = RU

Interest in the quadrature of the circle is documented in Greece from the 5th cent. BC [3. 220-235]. Plutarch [2] (De exilio 17 = Mor. 607 F) reported that > Anaxagoras [2] “drew the quadrature of the circle” (tov tot xvxhov TetTeEayovVioLoV Eyeade/ton tou kyklou tetragonismon égraphe) while in prison [2. 91-93]. A joke about the quadrature of the circle told in - Aristophanes’ [3] The Birds demonstrates how popular the problem was at that time [3. 220 f.; 4. 214 f.]. The efforts by > Hippocrates [5] of Chios (about 440 BC) to achieve the quadrature of lunes are related to the quadrature of the circle: He proved that the quadrature of lunes, certain crescent shaped figures bordered by arcs of a circle, was possible if the squares of the respective chords were in the proportions 2:1, 3:1 or 3:2. The Greeks used higher curves in attempting to solve the problem of the quadrature of the circle, as they did for the duplication of the cube and for the trisection of the angle. The most important of these was the quadratrix that > Hippias [5] of Elis developed around 420 BC for trisecting an angle and that > Deinostratus used for the quadrature of the circle (around 350 BC). A groundbreaking idea was presented by the Sophist + Antiphon [4] (B) (end of the 4th cent. BC), who proposed approximating a circle with the help of a sequence of inscribed polygons, thereby exhausting it (Samnavav/dapandan). Starting with a square or an equilateral triangle, he continued to double the number of sides, achieving a more precise approximation of the circle (most comprehensive documentation:

Aristot.

ph. comm.,

[2. ro-12,

26-28,

p. 54,20-55,11

102-108;

Simpl. In

Diels,

3. 221-223;

DG;

cf.

4.215 f.]).

Even in ancient times, Antiphon’s theory that ultimately a polygon would be found with sides so small that they would correspond to the circle’s circumference was the subject of criticism, since it was held that curved lines could never coincide with a straight line. > Bryson sought to overcome this logical hurdle. In addition to inscribed polygons, which were always smaller than the circle, he also considered circumscribed polygons, which were always larger; he maintained that a polygon

Bae.

existed with the same area as the circle, using a kind of intermediate value theorem that was formulated as follows: “That which is larger and smaller than the same thing is equivalent” [2. 108-110; 3. 223-2253 5. 93 f.]. It was » Eudoxus [1] of Knidos who succeeded in putting the ideas of Antiphon and Bryson into a mathematically correct form and used them for the purpose of achieving the quadrature of the circle. Based on his new theory of proportions, he developed the method of exhaustion, which allowed him to demonstrate precisely that the areas of circles are in the same ratio as the squares of the corresponding diameters (in other words: ifr, andr, are the radii of two circles, their areas F, and F, are in the ratio of F,: F, = r,*: r,*); this theorem is found in Euc. 12,2 [4. 304-306; 5. 94 f.]. Also using the method of exhaustion, Archimedes demonstrated in his

‘Measurement of the Circle’ (> Archimedes B. 8) the correlation between the area and the circumference of a circle for the first time (see I above). In proposition 3 of this work, he used the method proposed by Bryson to determine the area of a circle, using a sequence of in- or circumscribed polygons. With a polygon of 96 sides he demonstrated that was between 3 */>: and 3 ‘/7 [5. 100-102]. Archimedes also contributed to the rectification of the circle: the spiral he developed (> Archimedes B. 5) can be used to rectify the arc of a circle [3. 230 f.5 5. 99]. The same can also be accomplished with the cylindrical helix used by > Apollonius [13] of Perga, the so-called ‘cochlioid’ [3. 231 f.]. II]. INFLUENCE

Archimedes’ Measurement of the Circle and thus his method of calculating 1 numerically using in- and circumscribed polygons was familiar to the Arab-Islamic world, and beginning in the 12th cent. to the Western world as well, via translations from the Arabic; its influ-

ence was considerable. Archimedes’ procedure was the basis for the works of O. Finaeus, P. Nunes, J. Buteo and F, Viéte in the 16th cent. By increasing the number of sides of a polygon, it proved possible to calculate x first to 15 places (A. van Roomen, 1593) and later to 32

and 35 places (Ludolf van Keulen, before 1610). W. Snellius (1621) and Ch. Huygens (1654) refined Archimedes’ method and facilitated the necessary calculation [1. 26-41]. Fundamentally new methods of determining x did not become possible until differential calculus and infinite series were developed in the 17th cent. » Mathematics IV.A.4 1F.Rupto, Archimedes, Huygens, Lambert, Legendre. Vier Abhandlungen uber die Kreismessung, 1892

2 F.Rup10, Der Bericht des Simplicius iber die Quadraturen des Antiphon und des Hippokrates, 1907. 3 T.L. Heat, A History of Greek Mathematics, Vol. 1, r921 4B.L.vAN

DER

WAERDEN,

Erwachende

Wissenschaft,

1956 5 O.BECKER, Das mathematische Denken der Antike, 1957, esp. 93-102. MF.

313

314

Quadratus. A fragment of the apology (+ Apologists) of Q. (Kodeatoc; Kodratos), believed to be the oldest Christian apology and said to have been addressed to the emperor > Hadrianus [II], survives in Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,3,1 f.; the fragment says that up to Q.’ time, there were still individual persons who were healed or raised from the dead by > Jesus. Further accounts of Q., who may be identical with the prophet Q. from Asia minor

been taken to Rome after the conquest of > Falerii [x] in 241 BC (Serv. Aen. 7,607; Macrob. Sat. 1,9,13). Under Domitian it was moved to the Forum Transitorium (Mart. 10,28,5f.); there is an illustration of the cult image on an as of Hadrian [1. 621 no. 21]. Varro uses quadrifrons as a cosmological symbol of the quattuor partes mundi (‘the four directions of the world’, fr. 234 CARDAUNS) [2. 63].

(Euseb. Hist. eccl. 3,37; 5,17), are based on Eusebius.

M.HE.

Quadriburgium [1] Late Antique type of fort. The high defensive wall, generally on a square ground plan with sides measuring between 15 and 40 m, was protected on the outside by square or rectangular corner and intermediate towers. Troop casements abutted inside. The inner courtyard contained a subterranean cistern.

~ Fortifications [III B]; > Limes S. JoHNsoN, Late Roman Fortifications, 1983, 27, 253 ff.

H.KU.

[2] Settlement, probably the find site on the hill at the village of Qualburg on the left bank of the lower Rhine (Germany). In use during the Roman Period from the rst to at least the 4th cent. AD. A small military site is evidenced for the early 2nd cent. AD (possibly a station of > beneficiarii, CIL XIII 8700), probably established after the > Batavian Revolt. Around AD 250, Q. was extended into a larger fortification by the numerus Ursariensium. The settlement was destroyed by a Germanic assault, probably in AD 275/6, but was rebuilt under

Probus.

Constantine

(— Constantinus

[1] I)

abandoned it as a military base, but it was again extended after the Germanic attacks of 352/356 under Julian (— Tulianus [11]) (Amm. Marc. 18,2,4 f.) and was prob-

ably occupied well into the 5th cent. P. GOESSLER, S.v. Q. (1), RE 24, 678-680; H.G. Horn, in:

J.E. Bocarrs, C.B. RUGER (eds.), Der niedergermanische Limes, 1974, 96-98 no. 24; M.GecurTer, Bedburg-HauQualburg, in: H.G. Horn (ed.), Die Romer in NordrheinWestfalen, 1987, 347f. RA.WI.

[3] Camp of the equites sagittaru in Pannonia I (Not. Dign. Occ. 34,6,17), precise location unknown. Identification with present-day Lébény-Baratfoldpuszta (ancient Quadrata) cannot be confirmed. J. Fivz (ed.), Der romische Limes in Ungarn, 1976, 19.

[4] Military station in Pannonia inferior (Valeria), headquarters of a tribunus cohortis (Not. Dign. Occ. 33,60: Quadriborgium). Identification with present-day Pilismart in Hungary is not convincing. TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 94.

J.BU.

Quadriformis (‘four-formed’, also Quadrifrons, ‘fourfaced’). Sobriquet of Janus (> Ianus) whose statue, which looked in four directions, is supposed to have

QUADRIGA

1 E.Stmon, s.v. Janus, LIMC 5.1, 618-623; 5.2, 421f. 2 K. THRAEDE, Merkwiirdiger Janus, in: H. CANCIK et al. (ed.), Geschichte — Tradition — Reflexion, vol. 2, 1996, 55-76.

JO.s.

Quadrifrons see > Triumphal arches Quadriga (tetoaogia/tetraoria, té0Qinnov/téthrippon;

Lat. usually plur. guadrigae). Carriage-and-four, a twowheeled carriage drawn by four horses side by side, steered from a standing position; invented, by ancient tradition, by Trochilus or Erichthonius [1] (Verg. G. 3,113, cf. Plin. HN 7,202). The carriage-and-four is very seldom mentioned in the Homeric epics (e.g. Hom. Il. 8,185; 11,699). Occuring more often later in the lit-

erary tradition, e.g., in mythical contests (Oenomaus and Pelops, cf. Philostr. Imag. 1,17 and 30), they appear as an imposing conveyance of deities (Zeus/Jupiter, Helios/Sol, Apollo, Poseidon/Neptune, Nike/Victoria, etc.) which they use when taking off, e.g., to the Gigantomachy, and the vehicle of heroes (e.g., Bellerophon, Amphiaraus, Hippolytus, Hector). In Geometric art, quadrigae are represented in vasepaintings and (occasionally) in glyptics, a warlike aspect hinted at by the presence of an armed warrior standing in the carriage box beside the driver. This is exemplified esp. by the numerous Cypriot terracottas of the 7th cent. BC showing warrior and driver in them. The quadriga lost this aspect in the Archaic Period, and was employed more in sporting contests, e.g., at the Olympic Games (> Olympia IV), where the quadriga race was introduced to the programme in 680 BC. From that period on, remains of quadrigae survive in sculpture (e.g., the pediment group from the temple of Apollo at Delphi); quadrigae were also placed in sanctuaries as victory monuments

(Hdt. 5,77), esp. after victories in chariot-racing (Hdt. 6,103) (the bestknown example is the statue group of the charioteer at Delphi; -> Votive offerings). The > apobates reliefs of athletes leaping aboard or off quadrigae are also worthy of mention here. The quadriga also came to be part of funerary decoration in the late Classical Period (> Mausoleum of Halicarnassus, cf. Plin. HN 36,31) and of building decoration in the Hellenistic Period (Pergamum Altar). Mytho-historical tradition at Rome had > Romulus [1] (Tert. de spectaculis 9) already using the quadriga; otherwise, it was used in the context of races at the > circus and esp. in > triumphs, with four white horses drawing the triumphator’s chariot (cf. Plut. Camillus 7)s Hour istags (SHIA Aurel: 3353; [n.4007?°])) ‘or

315

316

elephants were supposedly also used on occasion. A custom that had begun to develop as early as the Hellenistic Period of setting up quadrigae as honorific monuments (only the honoured individual was depicted in the carriage box) was adopted during the Roman Imperial Period, not only for emperors, but also for private individuals (Juv. 7,125-126). The quadriga is a

+ as. There are cast quadrunces from Ariminum, Asculum Apulum, Hatria and Luceria, and stamped ones

QUADRIGA

from Atella, Calatia, Capua, Larinum, Luceria, Regium and Teate Apulum [r]. 1 H. CHANTRAINE, s. v. Q., RE 24, 708-710 2 SCHROTTER, S. v. Q., 543.

common motif in Roman art, esp. on gems and coins, in

portrayals of the circus, sarcophagi etc. It also appeared as the crowning pinnacle of > triumphal arches and the + akroterion of temples. + Bigae; > Circus [I B, Il D-E]; — Hippodromos; > Horse [IV C and E]; > Wagon, Chariot; —» EQUESTRIAN STATUES; HORSES/QUADRIGA

> SAN MARCO:

1 E.MeErRTEN (ed.), Historia schergestalten, 1985.

Augusta.

ROmische

Herr-

G.HAFNER, Viergespanne in Vorderansicht, 1938; E.KGNzL, Der romische Triumph. Siegesfeiern im antiken Rom,

1988;

K.TANcKE,

1990,

95-127;

J.H.

Wagenrennen,

CrouweL,

in: JDAI

Chariots

and

tos,

Other

Quadruplator Ouadruplator (Fest. 409; Ps.-Ascon. in Cic. Div. Caec. 24) was the term used for the accuser in a public criminal procedure in Rome, especially for one who brought action out of a desire for profit. In this respect, the term quadruplator is used as a synonym for » delator and — index [1]. The name is probably derived from the fact that the quadruplatores appeared as accusers in offences in which the defendant was required, in the case of a conviction, to pay the quadruplum (four-fold) of the damaged interest. Furthermore,

the toll farmer who received one quarter of the tol! was also called quadruplator (Sid. Apoll. Epist. 5,7,3). J.G. Caminas, Sobre los ‘quadruplatores’, in: SDHI 50,

Wheeled Vehicles in Iron Age Greece, 1992; K.ScHAU-

1984, 461-473;

ENBURG,

J.S. A. Ziy_strRa, De delatores te Rome aan Tiberius’ regering, 1967, 33-52. GU.WE

(ASR

Zirkusrennen

5,2,3;

Die

und

verwandte

stadtr6mischen

Darstellungen

Eroten-Sarkophage),

1995.

G. WESENER, s. v. Q., RE 24, 710-711;

RH. Quadrussis.

Quadrigatus. Final series of Roman-Campanian didrachms (+ Didrachmon) on the lower Italian standard prior to the introduction of the > denarius (Liv. for 216 BC: 22,52,3; 22,54,2; 22,58,4f.), showing the head of Janus on the obverse and Jupiter in a > quadriga on the reverse. The nominal weight was 6 scripula (> Scripulum) of 1.137 g. The quadrigatus was introduced at the same time as the new bronze coin on the libral standard (which also had the head of Janus on the obverse) in c. 235 BC [4. 708] or 225 BC [2. 146] (oras

early as 250 BC? [3]) and was initially minted in Rome and later also in Sicily (ear of grain as additional mark) and in military mints in Italy until c. 212. Even rarer are half didrachms and whole or half golden staters (> Stater) with the same depictions. The quadrigatus coinage was extremely extensive and diverse. Toward the end,

quadrigati of ever lower quality were minted, with a declining percentage of silver (cf. Zon. 8,26 for the year 217; Liv. 22,37,1 tf. for the year 216). The denarii of the 2nd cent. BC, showing Jupiter in a quadriga on the reverse, were probably also called quadrigati at that time, in contrast to the

> bigatus, show-

Value of 4 asses (— As), a term conjec-

tured in modernity but long since rejected; ancient quattussis, quadrassis; from the rst cent. AD on, in inscrip-

tions as quattus, quadtus for price indications (CIL IV 1679; VIII 25902, Ill 19; XI 5717). Whether there wasa

coin of that value is questionable; it would correspond to a > sestertius. At best, the sesterces of Marcus Antonius’ {I 9] naval prefect could be described as quadrus-

ses because of the value indicator A (=4) used in addition to HS for sesterce. Indicating prices in quadrusses instead of sesterces is a sign of the spread of reckoning in asses. The Greek translation is tetoaoodouov/tetrassarion (with variants). Calling the lighter ingots of + aes signatum in earlier numismatic literature quadrusses is incorrect, as these were not produced in fixed weights. H. CHANTRAINE, S.V. Quadrussis, RE 24, 711-714.

DLK.

Quadruviae see > Biviae Quaesitor (‘examiner’) can, in general Latin usage, mean any chairman of a jury (> quaestio) in criminal

ing Diana in a deer-drawn biga (Plin. HN 33,45; Paul.

proceedings; however, the chairman selected for an in-

Fest. 98).

dividual trial is usually meant, in contrast to the permanent chairman appointed for a year (praetor, index quaestionis) |1, vol. 2. 2234; 2. 48-50]. He also did not have a vote [2. 16*?] and was bound by the decision of the committee which he led. A juristic connection of the quaesitor to the ancient quaestores parricidii (+ parricidium) is disputed, but accepted by [2. 44f., 132], who sees in the latter the members or even the chairmen of a quaestio in the early criminal proceedings. + Crimen; > Quaestor

1 A.ALFOLDI, Zur romischen Miinzpragung im zweiten punischen Kriege, in: JNG 15, 1965, 33-47. 2RRC,

103-105

3 A.Curroni Tusa, Il quadrigato in Sicilia, in:

M.CaccaMo CALTABIANO (ed.), La Sicilia tra ’Egitto e Roma, 1995, 465-473 4R.THOMSEN,s. v. Q., RE 24, 686-708 5 Id., Early Roman Coinage, 1957-1961, pas-

sim.

DLK.

Quadrunx (also quatrunx). Modern name for the Roman four-ounce piece in the decimal division of the

317

318

1 Momsen, Staatsrecht 2 W.KUNKEL, Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des rémischen Kriminalverfahrens, 1962.

W.ED.

QUAESTIO

(+ tresviri). In cases which gained particular notoriety, however, quaestiones extraordinariae were formed, and herein lies the origin of the quaestio proceedings against illustrious citizens.

Quaestio A. DEFINITION B. ORIGIN C. PROCEDURE D. DECLINE OF THE QUAESTIO

A. DEFINITION Quastio (lit. ‘question’) in Roman legal terminology denotes generally, on the one hand, the trial itself, but also the hearings, esp. > torture (+ quaestio per tormenta). In a narrower, technical sense, quaestio refers

to the penal process of the late Republic and the Principate, in which a bench of senatorial jurors sat under the chairmanship of a magistrate. It also refers to this jury court itself. Such courts were only ever created by law — most importantly the leges Corneliae of Cornelius [I 90] Sulla (8x — 79 BC) and the leges Iuliae of Augustus (as far as datable 18/7 BC) — for a specific group of offences: for homicide, the preparing of poisons and other crimes against public safety, there was the quaestio de sicartis et veneficis (+ homicidium), for lésemajesté the quaestio de maiestate (> maiestas) and for

the blackmailing of public servants the quaestio de repetundis (> repetundarum crimen) — to mention only the best-known. B. ORIGIN

These permanent legal courts (quaestiones perpetuae) developed from senatorial committees appointed on an ad hoc basis (quaestiones extraordinariae), re-

placing in the sphere of political crimes the clumsy ~» comitia proceedings and, in the sphere of crime in general, private capital proceedings and their amplification into incipient public prosecution by the tresviri capitales |x; 2]. According to an older view none the less still represented today [3; 4] it was initially the magistrate who, in the context of his coercive powers, imposed punishments, against which the Roman citizen could appeal to the comitia by means of the > provocatio ad populum. However, the magistrate was probably not the judge, but the prosecutor, in this comitial procedure, which was probably only used for political offences [2]. Crimes against the individual would probably have entirely overwhelmed the time at the disposal of the comitia by virtue of their great numbers alone. They were prosecuted by the person directly affected in a trial which essentially corresponded to the sacramental action (> legis actio). The engine of this trial was the need for vengeance on the part of the injured party, to whom the culprit was indeed delivered up if his guilt were demonstrated. Only the increasing difficulties arising in regard to the investigation and prosecution of criminals by private individuals as a result of the growth of Rome and the development of city crime led to the formation of a concurrent official investigative police jurisdiction, exercised against ordinary people by the praetor through an auxiliary body, the tresviri capitales

C. PROCEDURE The beginning of the quaestio procedure continues to betray clearly the relationship with private prosecution. The principle of popular action probably applied, with the significant exception of the very oldest quaestio de repetundis (> repetundarum crimen); anyone was thus authorized to make an accusation (hence iudicium publicum, ‘public trial’), though the immediately

injured party was preferred. It was also, at first, normally a matter for the prosecutor to summon the accused before the magistrate. Only towards the end of the Republic did the official summons become usual. The summons was followed by the — interrogatio legibus, the prosecutor’s question to the accused as to whether or not he admitted guilt. If he did, a verdict could be issued and enforced against him at once. However, if he did not admit guilt, the magistrate had to decide whether there should be a trial before the quaestio (> receptio nominis). The preparation of the verbal hearing and the hearing itself were left, rather as in modern Anglo-Saxon legal proceedings, to the initiative of the parties. Primarily the inquisitio, the presentation of the necessary evidence, was the responsibility of the prosecutor, who certainly enjoyed advantages in comparison to the civil trial insofar as he was able to compel a certain number of witnesses to testify. The selection of the jurors (sortitio and electio iudicum) was followed by the hearing itself, with presentations by the parties and the consideration of evidence. The sitting magistrate was restricted, already by virtue of his lack of knowledge of the subject matter of the trial, to the formal direction of the hearing, which the jurors followed as mute listeners. His was also the job of concluding the hearing with the injunction to the jurors to come to a verdict (mittere in consilium). This verdict,

reached by a simple majority, concerned only the matter of guilt (fecisse or non fecisse videri, whether the deed be proven). The punishment generally followed from the law which had appointed the quaestio; the + death penalty, though, was hardly enforced, but to all intents and purposes commuted to > exilium (‘exile’) by the toleration of abscondence. D. DECLINE

OF THE QUAESTIO

The quaestio was not explicitly abolished, but was gradually superseded by competing structures during the Principate. In political trials, the successor was the

Emperor’s Senate court, and in matters of common crime, the + cognitio extraordinaria of the + praefectus urbi (urban prefect), which was much more efficient in combination with the rapid justice of the tresviri than the quaestio with its complex procedures led by inexperienced and unsuitable praetors, and with corruptible and incompetent lay jurors. Signifi-

319

320

cantly, it was in connection with less important misdemeanours that the quaestio survived for longest, e.g. in + adulterium (adultery). It was still known to the jurists of the 3rd cent. AD.

not dampened by Christian influences, but continued until the Enlightenment.

QUAESTIO

~ ludex; > Praetor;

> Procedural law; — Torture

1 W.KunkEL, Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des Kriminalverfahrens in vorsullanischer Zeit, 1962

2 Id.,s. v.

Q., RE 24, 720-786 3 MOMMSEN, Strafrecht 4B.SANTALUCIA, Diritto e processo penale nell’antica

P.CERAMI, Tormenta pro poena adhibita, in: Annali del Seminario giuridico dell’ Universita di Palermo 41, 1991, 31-50; U.VinceNnTI, La condizione del testimone nel

diritto processuale criminale romano di eta tardo imperiale, in: Accademia Romanistica Constantiniana. Atti 8. Convegno,

1990,

309-324;

W. WALDSTEIN,

S. v. Q.p.t.,

RE 24, 786f.

A.VO,

Roma, *1998.

A.H.

M. Jones, The Criminal

Republic and Principate, 1972;

Courts of the Roman A. GUARINO, Punti di vis-

ta: |Romani, quei criminali, in: Labeo 39, 1993, 234-238. A.VO.

Quaestio lance et licio (literally ‘search with dish and girdle’). In Roman law, this referred to a formal house search (described in Fest. 104; Gai. Inst. 3,192,193; Gell. NA 11,18,9; 16,10,8), conveying to a thief the

status of a fur manifestus (a ‘manifest thief’ or a thief ‘caught in the act’); even as early as the 2nd cent. BC, it had already fallen out of common use. The ritual in which the searcher had to appear naked, equipped with lanx and licium, had already become incomprehensible to ancient commentators

(Gai. loc. cit. ‘res tota ridi-

Quaestor (plur. quaestores, from quaerere, ‘to ask’, ‘examine’; the etymological meaning is not related to the official responsibility as a treasury official, cf. >» mastroi). Lowest stage of the + cursus honorum. I. QUAESTORES PARRICIDII IJ. QUAESTORS AS MAGISTRATES III. QUAESTOR SACRI PALATII

I. QUAESTORES PARRICIDII O. parricidii (mentioned in the Twelve Tables/— — tabulae duodecim: Pomponius Dig. 1,2,2,23) were concerned with the investigation of capital offences in early Rome (Paul. Fest., s. v. parricidi q., p. 247 L.) and were

almost certainly not a permanent institution of criminal

prosecution by the state but probably acted as judges or heads of a jury court in the context of private law en-

cula’, ‘a totally ridiculous affair’). Despite various at-

forcement

tempted interpretations (tools to carry any stolen goods that may have been found; magical or sacred relics of an ancient sacrificial ritual, and most recently [1. 177]: measures of capacity and length in order to record and assess the stolen goods), it will probably no longer be possible to identify its original purpose.

nishment, Criminal law). Despite identification in ancient texts (Zon. 7,13,3; possibly also Varro Ling. 5,81; but differently in Pomponius Dig. 1,2,2,22 f.) and modern representations, they have little to do with the magisterial q. (see below II.) [2. 359-362; 1. 44; 4. 511f.].

1 D.Fiacn, Die Gesetze der friuhen romischen Republik,

1994, 176-179. J.G. Wotr, Lanx und licium. Das Ritual der Haussuchung im altrémischen Recht, in: D.Lrexs (ed.), Sympotica F. Wieacker, 1970, 59-79; F. Horak, s. v. Q. lance et licio, RE 24.1, 788-801. CE.

[1. 43 f.] ( Quaestio;

+ Quaesitor;

> Pu-

Il. QUAESTORS AS MAGISTRATES A. REPUBLICAN C. Towns

PERIOD

B. IMPERIAL PERIOD

A. REPUBLICAN PERIOD Ancient statements that there already were q. under the Monarchy (Tac. Ann. 11,22,4; Ulp. Dig. 1,13,1 pr.) or from the beginnings of the Republic onwards (Plut.

Quaestio per tormentum, examination by > torture, was an important source of evidence in Roman criminal proceedings, as is evident from the substantial tradition in Dig. 48,18 and Cod. lust. 9,41. In the Republic and Principate, it was as a rule only used on slaves, though free Roman citizens could be subjected to it in exceptional cases. Augustus did not want it allowed as a first

Publicola 12,3) are probably based on speculation. It is more credible that beginning in 447 BC two q. were elected as regular annual magistrates by the people (Tac. Ann. 11,22,4) and entrusted with administering the state treasury

(> Aerarium).

In 421

two

more

qe

were added (Liv. 4,43,3 f.), who supported the senior

far as only to allow it when other forms of evidence backed it up. Hadrian also emphasized that a ruling had to be made in advance on an accused person’s statement

officials in the field as administrators of the war chest and providers of supplies. In the 3rd cent. BC, their number again doubled (Liv. Per. 15 in association with Tac. Ann. 11,22,5), possibly in two steps by first creating two positions in 267 BC for administrative tasks in

of not being a slave. Early in the 3rd cent. AD, accord-

Italy and, after the rst > Punic War, two more for the

ing to lulius [IV 16] Paulus, the QPT was to be used only for the resolution of serious crimes (Dig.

provinces of Sicilia and Sardinia [3. 93 f.; 4. 513]. The

source of evidence, and Hadrian (2nd cent. AD) went so

48,18,22), and Ulpian denied its absolute probative

force (Dig. 48,18,1,23). Even at this time, however, there were signs of a change in direction. From the 4th cent. AD, free Romans were also generally subjected to the QPT. The ever greater enthusiasm for its use was

increase in provinces during the 2nd cent. BC probably resulted in a further increase in the number of gq. [4. 513] but this is not attested. In 82 BC > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla increased their number to 20 (Tac. Ann. 11,22,6),

which approximately conformed to actual needs. By contrast, -> Caesar intended to reward deserving par-

321

322

tisans when he increased the g. to 40 (Cass. Dio 43,47,23 43,51,3). > Augustus permanently returned to a number of 20 q. The q. did not have an imperium and, therefore, also no ~ lictores. In the early period, 10 years of military service were the precondition for election (Pol. 6,19,4) and since Sulla a minimum age of 30 years (the old assumption is confirmed by [5]). The Senate annually determined the areas of responsibility (see > provincia), which on the day of assumption of office (5 December) were allocated by > lot (only exceptionally outside the lot procedure, extra sortem; Cic. Mur.

istration of local finances (general duties, e.g., in the ~» lex Irnitana, chap. 20; cf. otherwise [7. 329 f.]).

£8; CicmAd OF lr 1.1, 1rontheday: Cics Cat) 4,15)3

The two q. urbani, who — supported by their auxiliary staff (especially the > scribae) — administered the state treasury according to Senate instructions and supervised the state archive (with > census lists, treaties, law

texts, Senate resolutions), had the most respected position. One q. each (two only in Sicily) was added to the provincial governors. Of the so-called Italic g. only the q. Ostiensis (responsible for the port and grain supply etc.: Cic. Sest. 39) and the aquaria provincia, which was probably only granted occasionally (Cic. Vatin. 12 with Schol. Bob. ad locum) for controlling the water supply, are somewhat recognizable while the field of duty termed calles (routes and drove ways, Tac. Ann. 4,27,2) and the Gallica provincia (Suet. Claud. 24,2) cannot be

identified with certainty. Likewise, the duties of the q. who in the Late Republic were assigned to the consuls (first one, from 38 BC two for each consul: Cass. Dio 48,43,1) are unknown. B. IMPERIAL PERIOD -» Augustus reduced the minimum age for a quaestorship to 25 (Cass. Dio 52,20,1f.). There were several changes in duties. Already in 27 BC, provincial q. were restricted to the so-called senatorial provinces (Gai. Inst. 1,6). The Italic g. were permanently abolished in AD 44 (Cass. Dio 60,24,3). After several changes, the q. urbani were stripped in AD 56 of their responsibility for the state treasury

(Tac. Ann.

13,28,3)

but retained

supervision of the archives (B.3.). Particularly respected were the two q. Augusti or q. principis (since Augustus: ILS 196; 928; 972), who were proposed for mandatory election by the emperor (candidati princtpis; cf. especially [6]) and among whose duties is was to read the emperor’s applications and notifications in the Senate (Ulp. Dig. 1,13,1,2; Tac. Ann. 16,27,1 and elsewhere). After (incumbent) q. were assigned the task of holding gladiatorial games as early as the rst cent. AD (+ Munus IIL; Tac. Ann. r1,22,2; Suet. Dom. 4,1), this

became the office’s primary duty under > Constantinus laalfak C. Towns In many towns inside and outside of Italy (see — municipium) two (or occasionally more: ILLRP 535; 5543 593) q. were employed as sub-officials (partially as bearers of a > munus II.: Dig. 50,4,18,2) in the admin-

QUAESTOR

II]. QUAESTOR SACRI PALATII ~ Constantinus [1] I (Zos. 5,32,6) and his sons created

— perhaps modelled on the duties of the g. Augusti [8. 153-15539. 58f.]—the court office of the q. sacri palatii (thus, AE 1934, 159; Cod. Theod. 1,1,5; g. aulae: ILS 2948; often simply q.). It rapidly gained in importance; in AD 372 the holder was ranked as a > spectabilis and about 380 an > illustris vir (Cod. Theod. 6,9,1-2). He was also an ex officio (‘by way of office’) member of the imperial council (+ Consistorium: cf. Amm. Marc. 28,1,25; Symmachus Ep. 1,23,3; Nov. 75; 104). The office existed in both the eastern and western half of the empire, apparently also at the + Court (D.) of the Caesares (Amm. Marc. 14,7,123 20,9,5).

A development of duties can be identified: Initially, the qg. sacri palatii was a general representative and mouthpiece of the emperor (Rut. Namat. 1,172), sometimes as a delegate, but especially as the author or editor of the imperial — constitutiones, rescripts (> Rescriptum) and letters. In this respect, his duties overlapped with those of the heads of the offices of the court administration (+ Scrinium: cf. [8. 159-164]), from whose staff he recruited his aids (Not. Dign. Or. 12; Not. Dign. Occ. ro). Due to the mandatory rhetorical and stylistic qualifications, literati such as > Ausonius and Nicomachus > Flavianus [2] were initially entrusted with the office. However, due to a modified orientation of the office in the 5th cent. AD, jurists were increasingly appointed. Apart from editing and publishing laws (Not. Dign. Or. 12: leges dictandae), the q. sacri palatii was responsible for receiving and processing petitions directed at the emperor (preces), and in the East also for managing the > laterculum minus (Cod. Iust. 1,30,1-2). After AD 440, he also participated in appeal procedures (Cod. lust. 7,62,32). Due to their juridical competence, officiating and former q. (ex quaestore) were decisively involved in the legal codification of Late Antiquity ( Codex II. C.) (cf. Cod. Theod. Novellae 1,7 and the decisive role of + Tribonianus under Iustinianus [1] I).

In the West, the office was adopted by the administration of the Ostrogothic kings (cf. + Cassiodorus)

and in the East by the Byzantine administration. + Magistratus; > Propraetor 1 W. KuNKEL, Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des romi-

schen Kriminalverfahrens in vorsullanischer Zeit, 1962

2 K.Latre, The Origin of the Roman Quaestorship, in: Id., KS, 1968, 359-366 3 W.V. Harris, The Development of the Quaestorship, 267-81 B. C., in: CQ N.S. 26, 1976, 92-106 4 W.KUNKEL, R. WITTMANN, Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis der romischen Republik, vol. 2, 1995, 510-531 5F.X.RYAN, The Minimum Age for the Quaestorship in the Late Republic, in: MH 53, 1996, 37-43 6M.CEBEILLAC, Les quaestores principis et candidati aux I" et II*™* siécles de empire, 1973 7 LIEBENAM 8 J. Harries, The Roman Imperial Q. from Constantine to Theodosius II, in: JRS 78, 1988, 148-172

QUAESTOR

9 R. DELmarrg, Les institutions du bas-empire romain de Constantin a Justinien, vol. 1: Les institutions civiles palatines, 1995.

324

323

W.K.

1 A. Garzya (ed.), Dionysii ixeuticon, 1963 2 F.IMHOoorF-BLUMER, O.KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889 (repr.1972)

Quail (Greek 6, i) detvE/ho, he ortyx, Lat. coturnix).

The quail (Coturnix coturnix) is a very small poultry bird which flies poorly against the wind, seeming to murmur in complaint (cf. Aristot. Hist. an.

3 KELLER 2, 161-164.

D’Arcy W.THompson, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936 (repr. 1966), 215-219; G.JENNISON, Animals for Show and Pleasure in Ancient Rome, 1937, 16 ff., 101 and Tye. C.HU.

8(9),12,597b 14; Plin. HN 10,33). It was believed, on

its spring and autumn migrations in the northern Mediterranean region (Aristot. ibid. 597a 22-27), to follow the lead of the landrail (Crex crex), the ‘mother of the quails’ (Getvyountea/ortygometra; Plin. HN 10,33). While migrating, it was caught with nets (Diod. Sic. 1,60) into which it was driven with scarecrows (Dio-

nysius, Ixeuticon 3,9, [1]) and mirrors (Clearchus and Solon apud Ath. 9,393a). Varro names certain islands as resting-places for the quail (Varro, Rust. 3,5,73 cf. Plin. HN 10,33: certa hospitia, ‘specific restingplaces’). They were taken as tame > domestic animals (Aristoph. Pax 789; Plut. Alcibiades 10) and, like do-

mestic cockerels, they were used for competitive fighting (Plat. Ly. 211e; Aristoph. Av. 1299 f.; cf. Petron. Sat. 53), during which the males screamed (Aristot.

Hist. an. 4,9,536a 26 f.; Plin. HN 11,268), or in putting on games of so-called ‘quail-striking’ (out of a drawn circle), the detvyoxonia/ortygokopia (Poll. 9,107; cf. [3. 164]). In spite of its low price, the quail was a favourite love-gift (Plat. Ly. 211e; Aristoph. Av. 707; Anth. Pal. 12,44), perhaps due to its fondness for mating (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),8,614a 26-28).

In terms of zoology, it was reported of the quail that its gall bladder was on its large intestine (Aristot. ibid. 2,15,506b 21; Plin. HN rx,194), that it had a crop (ibid. 2,17,509a 12-15), that it would not alight on trees (ibid. 8(9),614a 33 f.), that it had a large, threechambered heart (Alexander of Myndus apud Ath.

9,392Cc) and that it bred in cavities on the ground (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),8,613b 7-12 and 614a 31). The

males fought for dominance (ibid. 614a 5 f.). The quail ~ incidentally thought to suffer like humans from > epilepsy — tolerated the seeds of poisonous plants very well (Plin. HN 10,33); the Greeks and Romans therefore avoided using it as food. However, it was eaten in Egypt (Hdt. 2,77: pickled raw) and Palestine (Nm 11:3 1-33).

Quarries. Large quantities of purposefully worked, quarried stone were first required by the ancient cultures of Italy and Greece in the Mycenaean Period (znd half of the 2nd millennium BC), and subsequently not until beginning in c. 600 BC with the onset of major projects for the construction of temples and infrastructure. It is a common feature of the two phases, widely separated in time, that the quarry used, that is to say the origin of the stone, was ideally located in the immediate vicinity (Corinth), seldom further than ro km from the construction site. Frequently, as in the case of the Mycenaean polygonal wall of the Acropolis of > Athens [1 II 1] or the fortress of + Mycenae, the building material was hewn directly from the rock that was to be enclosed, so that the rock surface could at the same time be artificially flattened and prepared as a seat for the structure. The transportation of quarried stone over great distances, demanding in terms of labour and cost, was

avoided when possible; sea transport (temple at Epidaurus) was, where at all feasible, preferred to > land transport over many kilometres (e.g., in 5th cent. Athens’ use of > marble from Hymettus and Pentelicon). The existence of nearby quarries is established for many ancient Greek settlements and the more substantially constructed sanctuaries (among which Aegina, Delphi, Ephesus, Miletus, Naxos, Selinus, Syracuse, Thasos); it may be assumed that, in establishing new city construction, the choice of site depended on easy availability of building material (~- Town planning). In all cases, quarries were provided with a well-developed system of roads and trails, and linked to the construction site (- Roads and bridges, construction of). Abandoned ancient quarries can as a rule be easily recognized, as much from traces of working activities (waste heaps, rejected pieces, network of pathways) as from their subsequent use as > necropoleis (Syracuse,

Its enemies were the > pelican (Ael. NA 6,45) and esp.

Acrae); on the other hand, in the case of quarries that

the > goshawk (Plin. HN 10,33; Ael. NA 7,93 cf. Ari-

were worked into the Middle Ages or the Modern Period (e.g., Carrara), it is scarcely still possible to gain specific information as to their ancient utilization. The preferred building material was predominantly the easily worked Muschelkalk (‘mussel chalk’; poros),

stot. Hist. an. 8(9),11,61§a 5).

Many places were named after the quail (e.g., » Ortygia, already in Hom. Od. 5,123 and 15,404). The Delos-born Greek goddess -» Artemis, as well as > Leto and — Asteria [2], were transformed into quails (Apollod. 1,4,1; Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,308; Hyg. Fab. 53). Among the > Phoenicians, it was a sacrificial animal for + Heracles [1] (Eudoxus apud Ath. 9,392d = fr. 284a LASSERRE). Two Greek coins show either a quail or a > francolin [2. pl. 5,47-48], and a precious stone may show a quail perched on an ear of grain [2. pl. 21,17]. On pictorial depictions, see [3. 164].

or, in Italy, tufa. Sometimes the material was obtained

from underground workings (Syracuse, Ephesus, Eifel quarries), the disadvantage of higher excavation costs

being weighed against the advantage of the damp, virgin material, which could be worked more precisely. The norm, however, was open working, with the uppermost layers (c. 60-100 cm) being removed in order to

reach rock that was in as virgin a state as possible. The

BPS)

326

quarrying of marble was an especially protracted operation, made more complicated by the brittleness of the material (and thus, by rough estimates, associated with three or four times the expense as against the quarrying of poros, and correspondingly higher prices). Stone was normally produced to order in the quarry, and not for stock; non-specific mass production for export (e.g., at Heraclea [5] by Latmus) was rare. The material was first loosened in a controlled manner by opening up two edges, grinding (e.g., of column drums by means of a ring c. 40 cm wide) or sawing (by means of long, toothless saws sliding on a lubricant), and separating by wooden wedges inserted into boreholes and then moistened (in the case of smaller

jobs by driving in metal wedges); it was then quite precisely finished to measure (individual components being to a great extent pre-formed, and adjoining pieces often even planed to fit; but the building material remained in > boss). Some column drums were prepared complete with > entasis (Selinus, Cave di Cusa), and in

the Roman Period normally produced on the lathe. Operations carried out in the quarry also included correcting slightly defective pieces, and providing precise descriptions as indications for subsequent sale and transportation via the network of trails maintained for the purpose. In Ancient Greece the quarries were under public ownership and were operated by private individuals who had leased relatively small portions of the quarry area. Accordingly, a larger quarry area was not exploited systematically, but simultaneously in many parcels, and in a happenstance manner (Corinth). Only slaves worked in the quarry. Roman quarries too were publicly owned and leased out in defined parcels. Here the norm was for a bureaucratic accounting system to be established between the municipality and the lessees; an administrator acted as mediator between municipality, lessees and customers. ~ Marble M. WAELKENS (ed.), Ancient Stones. Quarrying, Trade and Provenance (Congress, Leuven 1990), 1992; A.VON Berc, H.H. WeeGner, Antike Steinbriiche in der Vordereifel, 1995; E.Dotct, Carrara. Cave antiche, 1980; A. DwoRAKOWSKA, Quarries in Ancient Greece, 1975; Id., Quarries in Roman Provinces, 1983; J.C. Fant (ed.), An-

cient Marble Quarrying and Trade (Congress, San Antonio 1986), 1988; Id., Cavum Antrum Phrygiae. The Or-

ganization

and

Operations

on

the Roman

Imperial

Marble Quarries in Phrygia, 1989; R.J. Forses, Bergbau, Steinbruchstatigkeit und Hiittenwesen (ArchHom 2z kK), 1967; H.R. Goetre, Die Steinbriiche von Sounion im Agrileza-Tal,

in:

MDAI(A)

M.J. Krern, Untersuchungen

106,

1991,

210-222;

zu den klassischen

Stein-

QUARTUNCIA

scher Steinbruch in Kaiseraugst, in: Jahresberichte aus Augst und Kaiseraugst 15, 1994, 177-186; A. ORLANDOS, Les Matériaux de construction et la technique architecturale des anciens Grecs vol. 2, 1968, 15-31; A.PESCHLOW-BINDOKAT, Die Steinbriiche von Milet und Herakleia am Latmos, in: JDAI 96, 1981, 157-214; Id., Die Steinbriiche von Selinunt, 1990; Id., Steinbruch und Tem-

pel, in: Antike Welt 25, 1994, 122-139; P. ROCKWELL, The Marble Quarries. A Preliminary Survey (Aphrodisias Papers 3 = Journ. of Roman Archaeology Suppl. 20), 1996, 81-103; D. VANHOVE, Roman Marble Quarries in Southern Euboea and the Associated Road System, 1996;

M. WAELKENS et al., The Quarrying Techniques of the Greek World, in: Marble. Art Historical and Scientific Perspectives on Ancient Sculpture (Congress, Malibu 1988), 1990, 47-72; J.B. WARD-PERKINS, Quarrying in Antiquity, 1972; Id. et al. (ed.), Marble in Antiquity, 1992.

C.HO.

Quartarius (Greek tétagtov/tétarton, ‘quarter’). The

quartarius was a Roman > measure of volume for liquids and dry goods at '/4, > sextarius, corresponding to 2 acetabula or 3 cyathi. Standardized to water, the quartarius is equivalent to 0.136 l. > Acetabulum; — Cyathus 1 H. CHANTRAINE, S. v. g., RE 24, 830-834

2 F.HuitscH,

Griechische

und

rémische

Metrologie,

717882, s. Index.

H-J.S.

Quartinus. Titus (?) Q. was a friend of the emperor -» Severus Alexander with consular rank. After the failed attempt at usurpation, directed against > Maximinus [2] Thrax by > Magnus [2] on the Rhine in AD 235, Q. was proclaimed rival emperor by eastern troops; however, only a little later he was murdered at the instigation of Macedo [2] (Hdn. 7,1,4-11; SHA Maximini duo 11,2; fictitious: SHA Tyr. Trig. 32). KIENAST*1996, 186f.; X.LoRIOT, de la grande crise du III* siécle: De min le Thrace (235) a la mort de ANRW II 2, 1975, 657-787, here:

Les premiéres années l’avénement de MaxiGordien III (244), in: 672f.;PIR Q 9; T 211.

TR. Quartuncia. Modern term for the quarter-ounce piece, in Antiquity called — sicilicus (Lat.). The term was not limited to coinage, but generally denoted the fourth part of the twelfth of a whole (='/4s). The quartuncia is the smallest value in the > semilibral standard, always minted in bronze, with obverse helmeted head of Roma, reverse prora (‘prow’), without denomination (mint Rome, 217-215 BC, RRC 38/8), in Brundisium with

obverse head of Poseidon, reverse Taras on dolphin and

briichen an Mons Porphyrites und Mons Claudianus in

denomination

der dstlichen Wiiste Agyptens, 1988; M.Korres, Vom Penteli zum Parthenon. Werdegang eines Kapitells zw1-

scallop, reverse dolphin and denomination 9.

schen Steinbruch und Tempel, exhibition catalogue, 1992;

R. Martin, Manuel d’architecture grecque, vol. r: Materiaux et techniques, 1965, 146-155; W.MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 40-45 (with note 3); U. MULLER, P. RENTZEL, Ein weiterer romi-

C, in Graxa

(Apulia)

with

obverse

H. CHANTRAINE, Ss. v. Q., RE 24, 835f.;SCHROTTER, S. V.

Q., 542£.;s. v. Sicilicus, 631.

GE.S.

QUARTUNCIA STANDARD

327

328

Quartuncia standard. Lowest fractional level of Roman bronze coinage, with an > as of just ‘/; ounce cent. BC in the bronze coins of the quaestors in Sicily, as well as in Paestum and Regium and elsewhere. How-

Quattuorviri. Colleges of civil servants in Rome, Italy and the west of the Roman empire, consisting of four (quattuor) persons (viri) who could be charged with a variety of duties. I. Rome Il. AREA OF ROMAN CITIZENSHIP IN

ever, these fractions need not always have been official.

IraLy

The heavy brass coinage of the fleet prefects of Marcus

WEST

(> Uncia) = c. 6.8 g, first used in the middle of the rst

III]. MUNICIPALITIES

IN ITALY AND

IN THE

Antonius [I 9] can only loosely be connected to the QS

[r. 86f.; 3. 88, n. 114]. The QS can also be assumed for some local coinage in the Greek east. Imperial Period brass coins from Augustus to the beginning of the 3rd cent. (— Sestertius,

> Dupondius), with. 1 or '/2 ounce

weight, follow the QS; the copper as is heavier. In AD 64, Nero also had the as, > semis and > quadrans minted in brass on the QS for a short time. 1 M.AMANpry, Le monnayage en bronze de Bibulus, Atratinus et Capito III], in: SNR 1990, 65-102 2 H.CHANTRAINE, s.v. Quartunzialstandard, RE 24, 837f.

3R.Martini, Monetazione bronzea romana tar-

do-repubblicana, 1988.

DLK.

I. ROME

1) The college of the quattuorviri viarum curandarum (initially probably called quattuorviri viis in urbe purgandis) had the task of providing for the street cleaning within the city walls. They belonged to the ‘twentymen’ (> vigintiviri), a group of offices held by

young senators prior to the first magistrateship of the + cursus honorum. The nature of their task makes them appear to have been auxiliary officials to the » aediles. They were elected by the people, and probably had state slaves as support personnel as well as a + viator at their disposal. The college was probably created in the rst cent. BC (at the time of Caesar?) and

Quaternio (’(The number) four’). Modern term for the

quadruple — aureus, also categorized as a > medallion. These pieces are very rare, and the fluctuating 3rd cent. AD standards of coinage (-> Coinage, standards make them difficult to define exactly.

of)

QOuaterniones survive from the reigns of Augustus (2 BC-AD 4, mint of Lugdunum (modern Lyon), RIC 1,204; 205), Domitian (AD 88, Rome, RIC 2,108, there classified as five aurei), Commodus (AD 188/9, Rome, RIC 3,184; 185, both categorized medallions), Severus Alexander (AD 222, Rome, RIC 4.2,15; 317 with Julia [9] Mamaea, both categorized medallions) and Philippus [II 2] Arabs (AD 248, Rom, RIC 4.3,11, categorized medallion). A larger number of quaterniones survives from the reign of Gallienus [1. 841 f.]. Ouaterniones can be deduced for the reigns of Postumus, Victorinus, Tetricus I, Claudius [III 2] I, Tacitus, Annius [II 4] Florianus, Probus, Carus [I 3] and his sons [1. 843 f.]. Multiples of the value of four aurei were minted during the first and second tetrarchies (e.g., c.

AD 295-305, Irier, RIC 6,35;

1 May AD 305-25 July

306, Trier, RIC 6,617) and under Licinius (AD 320,

Nicomedea, RIC 7,37).

A silver medallion of Valerianus and Gallienus with the busts of the emperors on the obverse and the legend QVATERNIO in three lines on the reverse (AD 253, RIC 5.1,2) may be a quadruple > denarius [1. 845] ora test run for a golden quaternio |2). 1 H. CHANTRAINE, S.v. Q., RE 24, 838-845 2 SCHROTTER, S.V. Q., 543.

continued into the 3rd cent. AD. 2) The > tresviri monetales and capitales, usually

consisting of three officials and also belonging to the vigintiviri, were augmented to four persons under Caesar. Thus, they became quattuorviri for a short while, a development which was already reversed by Augustus. II]. AREA OF ROMAN CITIZENSHIP IN ITALY In the areas of Roman citizenship in Italy not yet organized as towns, the rural — tribus, prefects as representatives of the > praetor carried out jurisdiction (see — praefectus iure dicundo; cf. Fest. 262). When

Capua was dissolved as a municipality in 211 BC, its citizens came under the jurisdiction of four praefecti Capuam Cumas [1. 29-31] elected by the people of Rome. With the establishment of a colonia (— coloniae) in Capua by Caesar (59 BC), they lost their role, and their office was dissolved in Augustan times. Il. MUNICIPALITIES IN ITALY AND IN THE WEST citizen Tete and Latin municipalities (see > municipium) of Italy and the western half of the empire, quattuorviri can also be found alongside the » duoviri and > aediles, being composed of these two colleges, partly with the qualification iure dicundo (to administer justice) partly with aedilicia potestate (with aedilian competency/powers). Duoviri and aediles are more likely to be found in coloniae, while the quattuorviri mostly appear in the municipia, but this separation is nota general rule [1. 120-128; 2. 71 f.; 164]. The term quattuorviri probably emerged in the wake of the transformation of the then Latin and allied communities into municipia following the - Social/Italian War

[3]. 1 H.GALsTERER, Herrschaft und Verwaltung im republikanischen Italien, 1976 2A.N. SHERWIN-WuiTE, The Roman Citizenship, *1973 3 G. WESENER, s. v. Q., RE 24, 849-857.

H.GA.

329

330

Querela inofficiosi testamenti. ‘Complaint because of

Querolus sive Aulularia. Latin comedy by an author of the early 5th cent. AD who came from Gaul, if the addressee Rutilius is identical with > Rutilius Namatianus, which is also in keeping with the latent antiChristian tendency of the play. Intended for recitation

a testament contrary to duty’. If, according to Roman

law, a next-of-kin of a testator was effectively disinherited (+ Succession, laws of, III. E) or bequeathed less than one quarter of his legal share of the inheritance (> intestatus), and if he had not received this quarter through a bequest (> legatum, > fideicommissum) or donation moved by the consideration of death (— donatio mortis causa), he could go before the > centumviri or use the > cognitio extra ordinem to

demand the annulment of the testament by QIT against the testament’s beneficiary. The QIT succeeded if the decision of the testator was not justified by special circumstances — if such circumstances were not in evidence, it was assumed that the testator had not been in

full possession of his mental powers (color insaniae) when setting up the testament, and the testament was annulled in toto, with the result that the claimant did

not only receive one quarter, but his entire intestate inheritance. The first known case is Val. Max. 7,7,2 (52 BC). In case of the encroachment on the minimum share

by a gift to a third party, the party encroached upon could raise a QIT against the gift recipient under similar conditions (Dig. 3 1,87,3): this was later called the querela inofficiosi donationis (‘complaint because of a donation contrary to duty’). Justinian only allowed the QIT if the beneficiary was entirely ignored: in other cases, the snubbed party could claim completion of the minimum share (Cod. lust. 3,28,30; AD 528). — Minimum share 1 HONSELL/MaAYER-MALY/SELB, 465-468 2 KASER, RPR, vol. 1, 709-713; vol. 2, 518-522 3M.KaAseEr, K.Hackt, Das rémische Zivilprozefsrecht, *1996, 458 4 F.v. Woegss, Das romische Erbrecht und die Erbanwarter,1911 5 G. WESENER, Ss. v. Querela, RE 24, 857-866. U.M.

Querela non numeratae pecuniae. ‘Claim owing to failure to make monetary payment’, in Roman law a development of the corresponding exception (+ exceptio). With this querela, the debtor could annul the validity of an abstract promise to pay (— stipulatio), if he had entered into the stipulatio in the expectation of a loan payment, but the monetary payment had then not been made. The QNNP was, like the exceptio non

numeratae pecuniae from the end of the 2nd cent. AD, among the easements accorded to debtors by the Roman emperors in the proceedings of the > cognitio extraordinaria (cf. Cod. lust. 4,30,4 from the reign of Caracalla,

after AD

241). If the debtor

raised the

QNNP, the creditor had to prove that he had made the loan. The debtor could only apply the QNNP and the exceptio within a cut-off period of 5 years (2 years from the reign of Justinian (6th cent.)) (Inst. Iust. 3,21). M.R. CimMa, De non numerata pecunia, 1984, 60-62; 166-169 and passim; H. TroFimorr, La cause dans I’ex-

ception non numeratae pecuniae, in: RIDA 33, 1986, 209— ZOD.

GS.

QUESTION MARK

at a banquet, the Querolus, which is written in rhyth-

mic prose, implies an understanding of > Plautus and + Terentius as prose authors. The Plautine comedy Aulularia, to which the prologue alludes, is the basis of the Ouerolus down to the same characters and names. The episode of the hidden treasure, however, is modelled quite differently in overall structure and detail; what is striking is that the diatribic-satirical element is more prevalent and that the depiction of characters is less concerned with superficial comical effects. The play was received under the name of Plautus in the Middle Ages and was much appreciated, as is attested by a series of Carolingian MSS, florilegia of the High Middle Ages and an adaptation by Vitalis of Blois (probably of the r2th cent.). EDITIONS: G.RANSTRAND, 1951; F.CORSARO, 1964; W.EMRICH, 1965; C. JACQUEMARD-LE SAOsS, 1994. RESEARCH

REPORTS:

D.FoGaAzza,

in:

Lustrum

19,

1976, 280-282; G. LANA, in: Bollettino di studi latini 15,

1985, 114-121; D. LassANDRO, E. ROMANO, in: Bollettino di studi latini 21, r991, 26-51. BIBLIOGRAPHY: W.SUss, Uber das Drama Querolus, in: RhM 91, 1942, 59-122; G.RANSTRAND, Querolus-Studien, 1951; F.Corsaro, Querolus, 1965; K.GAISER, Menanders Hydria, 1977, 322-385; I. LANA, Analisi del Querolus, 1979; J.KUppPers, Zum Querolus und seiner Datierung, in: Philologus 123, 1979, 303-323; Id., Die spatantike Prosakomédie Querolus sive Aulularia und das Problem ihrer Vorlagen, in: Philologus 133, 1989, 82-103.

PLS.

Querquetulanae virae. Guardian nymphs of an oak grove (querquetum virescens) near the Porta Querquetulana in Rome, in the area of the Servian wall on the -» Caelius mons [1] between Porta Capena and Porta Caelimontana (Plin. HN 16,37; Fest. 314 L; Varro

Ling. 5,49: Lares OQuerquetulani). According to the (not undisputed) view of [1. 365], the three querquetulanae virae are represented on a late Republican denarius (cf. [3. 187 No. 1148]). The identification of the Querquetulanus mons with the Caelius mons (Tac. Ann. 4,65) is likewise disputed [2. 443 f.]. 1 B. BoRGHESI, Euvres 1,1862

2 A.DUBOURDIEAU, Les

origines et le développement du cult des Penates a Rome, 1989 3E.A. SYDENHAM, The Coinage of the Roman Republic, *1952. S.B. PLatNer, TH. Assy, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, 1929, 413; L.Buzetmi, s. v. Porta Querquetulana, LTUR 3, 330; F.COARELLI, s. v. Querquetulanus Mons, LTUR 4, 179. M.M.MO.

Question mark see > Punctuation

QUIES

Bi

Quies. > Personification of quiet, the religious worship of which is documented exclusively by the mention of a sanctuary of Q. (fanum Quietis) on the via Labicana (Liv. 4,41,8). The inscription Ouies Augustorum can be found on coins of Diocletianus and Maximianus after their abdication in AD 305; however, it must be seen in connection with the relief they felt at their withdrawal from official duties, rather than as in fact reflecting religious practice.

JOS.

Quietus. Imperator Caesar T. Fulvius Iunius Q. Pius Felix Augustus, younger son of Fulvius - Macrianus [2], who served as a military tribune under -> Valerianus [2] (SHA Trig. Tyr. 12,10; Zon. 12,24 D.). Elevated together with his brother to Augustus by his father before 17 September, AD 260 (RIC 5,2,582f.; SHA Gall. 1,3-5; SHA Tyr. Trig. 12,10-12), he stayed behind in the east with the praetorian prefect — Ballista. After the defeat of his father and brother by > Aureolus in Illyria, Q. was also captured in Emesa by its inhabitants in the autumn of AD 261 and killed there.

Quinarius

TF.

(Latin quinarius ‘five-piece coin’). Silver

coin with a value of five asses (> As) (in bronze called —> quincussis), or eight asses from c. 141 BC on; always

mentioned in connection with the > denarius with a value of ten asses, or sixteen asses from 141 BC on (Varro, Ling. 5,173; Prisc. 6,66; Volusius Maecianus

44-47; Plin. HN 33,44f. with incorrect dating); consequently it came into existence together with the denarius in about 214-211 BC as a coin worth half the latter’s value. It was a silver coin and, being half a denarius, weighed

'/:4, Roman

pound

(> Libra

(Varro, Ling. 10,41; Plin. HN 33,46; Cic. Font. 19; still CIL VIII 8938 = ILS 5078, around AD 300). Pliny (ibid.) connected their introduction with a lex Clodia

[r. 881-883]. In Greek, the quinarius, like the earlier victoriatus, was called toonaixov/tropaikon after the coin image of the tropaion (> Tropaeum; [1. 883f.; 6. 157]; IG IX 2,549; IGRIV 1342, around AD 150). The quinarius was minted considerably more rarely than the denarius; its image, particularly on the obverse, varies (heads of Apollo or Victoria). The quina-

R. VOLLKOMMER, Ss. v. Q., LIMC 7.1, 612; 7.2, 489.

KIENAST*1996, 226; PIR* F 547; PLRE, 757f.

33%

[1]) =

2.27 g. Its pictures correspond with those on the denarius: a head of Roma on the obverse, followed by the indicated value V; the reverse showed the Dioscuri on horseback. Compared with the denarius, the quinarius was only rarely struck; minting ceased as early as c. 207 [2. 34f., 628] or 200 BC, except for a small issue of coins around 179-170 [2. No. 156/2]. The + victoriatus, originally worth */4 of a denarius,

was no longer minted from the 170s BC onwards. The victoriati, which continued to be circulated and became more and more worn, had a value of only half a denarius as early as about ror BC, as the accounts in Cato (Agr. 15,1) suggest and as Volusius Maecianus (45) states explicitly. As a substitute for this coin, in c. 101 [2. No. 326/2] or 104 BC [1. 882f.], quinarii with the types of the victoriatus were struck again: obverse showing head ofJupiter/reverse showing Victoria with tropaion, and O as indication of value. Corresponding to the denarii, which had been reduced to '/s, pound, they weighed '/16s Roman pound = 1.94 g. In general language use, these coins were then called victoriati

rius was circulated particularly in the Po plain (Gallia cisalpina), where the victoriatus had already played an

important part; it corresponded to the local coins, light coinages imitating the drachmas of > Massalia. Finds from the Po plain and Liguria from the rst cent. BC contain large numbers of quinarti. Minting of the quinarius was partly carried out because of expenses for the colonizations of Marius [I 1] in this region, for the implementation of the leges agrariae of Saturninus of 100 BC, for supplies and recruitments in 90/89 and for Marian troops concentrated there in 82 BC [2. 629f.]. In about 81, the guinarius again ceased to be minted [2.

no. 373]. From 48/7 [2. no. 452/3] to 31 BC [2. no. 5 46/8], the quinarius was minted again, sporadically and more rarely than the denarius, with alternate coin images, frequently with Victoria on the reverse, occasionally also with her bust on the obverse. Referring to the half+ aureus of this period as a gold quinarius is a modern convention [1. 885]. In the Imperial period, silver quinarii were minted by most emperors from Augustus to Decius (AD 249-251); golden quinarii were struck up to Diocletian [1. 887-892]. These issues, however, were small and sporadic. The reverse image continued to show Victoria, and only from Hadrian onwards did other motifs appear more often. The guinarii of both metals frequently have a date on them, and were probably struck for anniversaries of the reigns of emperors and when new consuls came to power [1. 892f.]. 1 H.CHANTRAINE,

2RRC

s. v. Quinarius,

RE

24,

879-894

3C.H. V. SuTHERLAND, Gold and Silver Qui-

narii under the Julio-Claudians, in: NC 1985, 246-249 4R.THOMSEN, Early .Roman Coinage, 1957-1961

5 H. ZEHNACKER, Le quinaire-victoriat et la surévaluation du denier, in: Actes du 8°™* congrés international de numismatique New York-Washington

393

1973, 1976, 383-

6B.KerL, Metrologicum, Strasbourg, in: Hermes

1909, 157.

DLK.

Quince. The identification of the ‘Cydonian apples’ (uijAa xvddvic/méla kydonia) or the Lat. mala cotonea— Italian cotogna denotes quince — with the quince (Cydonia oblonga) is at the very least dubious. The features of the fruits mentioned in the descriptions since Aleman (fr. 90 BERGK) and Stesichorus (fr. 27 BERGX) (pleasant odour, suitability for making jam and the comparison between their round shape and female breasts) can also refer to other species of apple. Even Solon’s prescription (Plut. Mor. 138d 1; Quaest. Rom. 65 = Mor. 279e-f)

Yel)

334

that a bride should eat this apple raw prior to entering the bridal chamber in order to make a good impression at the first encounter does not — at least by modern standards — fit in with the quince, which is inedible in this condition. Nevertheless, the quince tree that provided beautifully flowering and attractively shaped fruits was probably imported in the 7th cent. BC from Crete, the homeland of the Cydonians. The quince was sacred to Aphrodite. The coin image of Melos (cf. uirov/mélon, ‘apple’; [1. 139, ill. 266]) symbolizes through the quince the relationship between the city and the goddess of love.

war that should be ascribed to > Valerius [III 2] Antias and is contradicted by better sources [1]. It is methodically unsound to construct an historical edifice [2] on

1 H. BauMaAnn, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982, 139 and 142. V.HEHN

(ed. O. SCHRADER), Kulturpflanzen und Haus-

tiere, *1911 (repr. 1963), 248-251.

C.HU.

Quinctilius. Name of a Roman patrician family, derived from the praenomen Quintus; in inscriptions and MSS also QOuintilius. In the annalistic tradition the family was one of Rome’s oldest, supposed to have arrived in Rome under the king Tullus Hostilius (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,29,7; cf. Liv. 1,30,2, though he has

Ouinctii); of a consul recorded in 453 BC and a consular tribune in 403 nothing further is known. In the historical period, members of the family are known from the end of the 3rd cent. on (bearing the inherited cognomen Varus), but they achieved no lasting noble

QUINCTILIUS

the basis of this account. Q. is perhaps to be identified with a homonymous flamen Martialis who died in 169 (Liv. 44,18,7).

~ Annalists 1 D.-A. KukoFKa, Suditalien im Zweiten Punischen Krieg,

1990, 102; 130-133;

149%%

2 J.SEIBERT, Hannibal,

1993, 448 with note 62.

TAS.

[13] Q. Varus, Sex. As qu. for the year following the capture of > Corfinium, in 49 BC he was pardoned by Caesar

(Caes. B Civ. 1,23,1-3). He went to Africa,

where he attempted to win back soldiers who had defected at Corfinium and were now serving under C. > Scribonius Curio (Caes. B Civ. 2,28). He is possibly the same Q. Varus who, as a convinced aristocrat, had himself killed by a freedman after the defeat of Caesar’s assassins in 42 at Philippi (Vell. Pat. 2,71,3). Identification with the Varus mentioned in Catull. ro and 22 is improbable. J.BA. II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {fl 1] Sex. Q. Condianus. Senator from > Alexandria [2] Troas. Grandson of Q. [II 4]; father of Q. [II 3]; brother of Q. [II 6}. Cos. ord. with his brother in AD 151. Under > Marcus [II 2] Aurelius the brothers were

sent to Achaea to settle conflicts in Athens and perhaps other cities in Achaea; they may have borne the title

status. The most prominent family member was P. Q. {II 7] Varus (cos. ord. 13 BC). The family came to an

correctores (cf. [1. no. 184; E 21, 25, 29, 40, 42, 84]).

end under the emperor Commodus

Their violent quarrels with Ti. Claudius [II ro] Herodes

(HA Comm. 4,9).

K.-LE. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] Q. Varus (the cognomen appears only in the Late Antique commentary tradition), Roman knight from Cremona (Porph. Hor. comm. on Ars P. 438), friend of the poet — Vergilius [4] probably from his youth, later also of > Horatius [7]. Horace (Ars P. 438-44) praised Q.’ skill in various kinds of literary criticism, and, when Q. died in 23 BC (Jer. Chron. p. 165 HELM), addressed aconsolatory poem to Virgil (Hor. Carm. 1,24). In Virgil’s poems, however, Q. is not mentioned (Verg. Ecl. 6,7; 6,10; 6,12; 9,20f. probably refer to P. > Alfen(i)us [4] Varus). Contrary to communis opinio, the fundus Ouintiliolus created in the roth cent. at Tivoli probably has nothing to do with this Q. [1. 227]. 1R.G. M. Nispet, M.Husparp, A Commentary on Horace: Odes, Book 1, 1970, 227; 279. W.K.

Atticus eventually led to a trial before the emperor in Sirmium (Philostr. VS 2,1,10-2,9,2). In 175, the broth-

ers accompanied Marcus Aurelius to the Orient. They evidently belonged to the emperor’s political intimates. They were executed under ~ Commodus, supposedly on account of their wealth and prestige (Cass. Dio 72,5,3 .). They were held up as an example of brotherly attachment and concord; they even wrote a (no more

extant) book on agronomy together. PIR* Q 21. > Metus 1 J.H. Oxrver, Greek Constitutions, 1989.

{II 2] Sex. Q. Condianus. Son of Q. [II 6]; cos. ord. in AD 180. The account in Cass. Dio 71,33,1 should probably be taken as referring to him and his cousin (?):

entrusted with the war against the Sarmatae, they were unable to complete the task; their precise function in this respect is a matter of dispute. Residing in Syria when -» Commodus destroyed his family, he fled at the news; but whether he was actually able to save himself

{I 2] Q. Varus, P. Was praetor in 203 BC (Liv. 29,38,4)

is unknown (Cass. Dio 72,6f.). PIR* Q 22.

when, together with the procos. M. Cornelius [I 13] Cethegus, he is supposed to have inflicted a heavy defeat on Mago [5] in the territory of the Insubres. Liv. 30,18 not only betrays in its many details the colouring of fictitious battle paintings, but is also associated with an overall conception of the contemporary state of the

[II 3] (Sex.) Q. Maximus. Son of Q. [II 1]. Cos. ord. in AD 172. On his commission against the Sarmatae see

Q. [II 2]. He met his death with his father in 183. PIR*Q 24. [II 4] Sex. Q. Valerius Maximus. From Alexandria [2] Troas, where he occupied municipal offices. Appointed

QUINCTILIUS

336

335

to senatorial rank by Nerva. Ou. of Bithynia et Pontus; Pliny (Ep. 8,24,8) also refers to this office; tribunus plebis, praetor. Sent as legate on special service to Achaea to re-establish internal order amongst the civitates liberae. It was on account of this that Pliny addressed Ep. 8,24 to him. Q. [II 5] may have been his son. PIR* Q 25. {Il 5] Sex. Q. Valerius Maximus. Probably the son of Q. [II 4]. Having served only a brief senatorial career, he appears to have died after a legatio under the procos. of Achaea; CIL XIV 2609 is in all probability his funerary inscription. Q. [II 1] and Q. [II 6] may be his sons. PIR* Q 26.

[Il 6] Sex. Q. Valerius Maximus. Probably the son of Q. {Il 5] and brother of Q. [II 1]. Cos. ord. in AD 151. Procos. of Asia in 168/9 or 169/170, if AE 1976, 652 refers to him. The rest of his assignments correspond with his brother’s, with whom together he was killed c. 183 by > Commodus; see Q. [II r]. Q. [Il 2] was probably his son. PIR* Q 27. [II 7] P.Q. Varus. Senator, famous for the defeat of the Romans in AD 9 by Germanic tribes under the leader-

ship of > Arminius (so-called ‘Battle of the Teutoburg Forest’). Son of Sex. Q. [I 3] Varus. Ou. of Augustus, probably in 23 BC, when the princeps went east and Q. accompanied him, an early indication of his close association with Augustus. In 13 BC, cos. ord. with Tiberius, Augustus’ stepson. Married to a daughter of > Agrippa [1], as whose son-in-law Q. is referred to in Augustus’ funeral address to Agrippa (PK6In 6,249 [8]). Procos. of Africa c. 8/7 BC; thereupon legate to Syria in 7-4 BC. When in 5 BC > Herodes [1] the Great instituted legal proceedings against hisownson— Antipater|5]forhigh treason, Q. took part; Antipater was condemned to death. Upon Herod’s death shortly thereafter, Q. had to suppress uprisings in Judaea triggered by among other things the activities of his procurator > Sabinus [B II r]. ~» Sepphoris and > Emmaus [1] were destroyed in the process. He supported > Archelaus [10], Herod the

manent military camps such as those at Haltern and Waldgirmes were already developing a settled, urban character; it is even probable that they had been expressly established to this end and developed accordingly [1. 285 ff.; 2. 337 ff.]. It was therefore only natural that Q. should advance the development of the province in conquered Germania. Q. also had his name impressed on many coins in this period. These coins may be seen as a > donativum issued by him, but this interpretation is not certain (cf. [3. 13 ff.; 4.148 f.; 5. 47£f.]). Q. had already acted in this way in Syria (RPC I nos. 43933 4451). In AD 9, he was surprised by a conspiracy of Germanic tribes (Cherusci, Marsi

[2], Bructeri, Chatti)

under the leadership of + Arminius. He had apparently taken no notice of warnings. He allowed himself to be lured into impassable territory, where his army did not have sufficient opportunities of deployment (the baggage train and the rain added to his difficulties). Three legions and many auxiliary troops were destroyed in battles extending over several days; Q. himself fell on his sword, as did many of his officers. In Rome the defeat was associated with his name alone: clades Variana (e.g., Sen. Ep. 47,10; Plin. HN 7,150; Tac. Ann.

Judaea. Q. left Syria shortly afterwards, allegedly a rich

1,10,43 12,27,3). Lhe cry Ouintili Vare, legiones redde! (“Q. Varus, return the legions!”, Suet. Aug. 23,2) became proverbial. CIL XIII 8648 = ILS 2244, however, should not be seen as critical of Q.: it states from the point of view of the army that Q. was the one against whom war was waged (perhaps by way of summary [6. 14 ff.]), a token of the political discussion in Rome. A part of the battlefield, which extended over long distances, has been discovered at > Kalkriese; on which, at last, comprehensively [7]. As well as to Agrippa’s daughter, Q. was also married to Claudia [II 11] Pulchra, a relative of Augustus; Q. [II 8] was their son. Q.’ sisters had married into important senatorial families, additional evidence of his outstanding position among the Augustan elite. PIR* Q 30.

man, having gone there poor (Vell. Pat. 2,1 17,2); but this

+ Arminius;

account may be ascribed to the overall negative picture of him spread about in AD 9. In AD 6 or 7, Q. became consular legate in Germania, while at the same time Tiberius had to suppress the Pannonian uprising. No hostilities with the Germanic tribes on the right bank of the Rhine evidently arose at that time, especially as » Maroboduus in Bohemia also remained at peace. Q. did what was obviously required: he marched with his legions through the Germanic region between the Rhine and the Elbe, acting as Roman representative. Subsequently the accusation was leveled against him (certainly from official channels) that he had treated Germania too much like a province, raising tribute and holding court (the accusations reflected in Vell. Pat. 2,117,3f.; Cass. Dio 56,18,3 f.; Flor. Epit. 2,30,31), and thus provoking the Germans to rise up. But the right bank of the Rhine had been firmly in Roman hands since 7 BC, and the per-

+ Saltus Teutoburgiensis

Great’s eldest son, for the succession to the throne in

1D. Watrer,

> Augustus

[1];

— Cherusci;

+ Metus;

A. WicG, Ein Topferofen im augusteischen

Lager Lahnau-Waldgirmes, in: Germania 75, 1997, 285—

297 2S.VON SCHNURBEIN, et al., Ein spataugusteisches Militarlager in Lahnau-Waldgirmes, in: Germania 73, 1995, 337-367 3M.A. SperpEL, H.W. Doppier, Kaiser, Kommandeure und Kleingeld. Vier neue Gegenstem-

pel aus Zurzach und Baden und ihr Beitrag zur Geschichte (Ver6ffentlichungen 1992, 5-16

der Gesellschaft

pro Vindonissa),

4K. WoLteERs, C. Numonius Vala und Dru-

sus. Zur Auflésung zweier Kontermarken augusteischer Zeit, in: Germania 73, 1995,145-150 5 F. BERGER, Kalkriese, vol. 1, 1996 6H.¥v. PETRIKOVITS, s.v. Clades Variana, in: RGA 5, 1984, 14-20 7 W.SCHLUTER, R. WiEGELS (eds.), Rom, Germanien und die Ausgrabungen in Kalkriese, 1999 8 B.KRAMER (ed.), K6olner

Papyri, vol. 6, 1987. E. Dasrowa, The Governors of Roman Syria, 1998, 2224; W.JOHN, s.v. Q. (20), RE 24, 907-984; Syme, AA, 313-328; THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 22f.

Sou

338

(II 8] Q. Varus. Son of Q. [II 7] and > Claudia [II 11] Pulchra, through whom he was related by blood to the domus Augusta. Probably a member of the senate, although this is not mentioned in Tacitus (Ann. 4,66). Thus his father’s defeat does not appear to have entirely destroyed his position in senatorial society. He was evidently betrothed to Iulia + Livilla [2], the youngest

of the tribunate after their curtailing by L. Cornelius [I 90] Sulla. After Q. had unsuccessfully defended ~ Abbius Oppianicus in the trial conducted by A. Cluentius [2], he subverted Sulla’s legal system by accusing and condemning the senatorial jury and its chairman C. Junius [I 1] on a charge of corruption. Q. was an inauspicious legate in the war against Spartacus (? MRR 2,125). As praetor in 68 (MRR 2,138), he attempted to enforce the replacement of L. Licinius [I 26] Lucullus in

daughter of Germanicus [2] (Sen. Controv. 1,3,10), but

the marriage did not take place. In AD 27 he was unsuccessfully accused by Domitius [III 1] Afer. PIR? Q 209. W.E.

Quinctius. Name of a patrician Roman family, derived from the praenomen — Quintus (comparable to Sextus/ Sextius, etc.), often also Quintius in inscriptions and MSS. The origin of the family is unknown; its great age is suggested by its connection with the festival of the + Lupercalia (Ov. Fast. 2,378 has Ouintilii) and the unusual praenomen of the family, > Kaeso, encountered in this context (v. Q. [I 1]). Livy counts them among the families that migrated to Rome from Alba with King

QUINCTIUS

Asia Minor. Cicero (Clu. 94; 103; 109-112) portrayed

him (posthumously? [1. 287]) as an arrogant demagogue; Q. is thus certainly not Cicero’s amicus L. Q. who was wounded in 51 (Cic. Att. 7,9,1). {I 3] Q., P. of Lanuvium? [2. 590]. In 81 BC, Cicero defended him against claims of debt payment by Q.’ relative Sex. Naevius; formally speaking, Q. acted as a plaintiff in the trial (Cic. Quinct. passim) and presumably won [3]. 1Syme,RP1r

2SymMrE,RP2

38B.KUBLER, Der Process

des Q. und C. Aquilius Gallus, in: ZRG 14, 1893, 54-87.

JOR.

Tullius Hostilius (1,32,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,29,7

mentions the Ouinctilii). The Quinctii are mentioned many times as higher magistrates of the 5th and 4th cents., with the cognomina Cincinnatus and Capitolinus; the Capitolini probably continued in the families of the Crispini (named after their coiffure) and the Flaminini (denoting origin from one of the > flamines; [1] with revised family tree). The Quinctii lost political influence late in the 2nd cent., but continued to exist into the Imperial Period. 1 E.Bapian, The Family and Early Career of T.Q. Flamininus, in: JRS 61, 1971, 102-111

2 MUNZER, I14-

KALE.

Tos

[1 4] Q. Atta, T. One of the leading playwrights of the national Roman comedy, the — togata (cf.e.g. Hor. Epist.

2,1,79ff.);

PERIOD

according

to Jer.

FRAGMENTS (WITH COMMENTARY): A.DAVIAULT, Comoedia togata, 1981, 47-51, 253-261 (but cf. A.S. Lopez,

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

in 77 BC

roles). ~> Togata

GRATWICK,

I. REPUBLICAN

born

Chron. p. 152 H. The grammarians preserve fragments of 12 plays and of some epigrams; his characterizations were comparable in quality to those of > Terentius [III 1], according to Varro’s judgment (Charisius p. 315 Barwick), cf. also Fronto p.57,1ff. N. (on female

in: Gnomon

Fabularum

52, 1982, 725-733);

togatarum

fragmenta,

A. LOPEZ

1983, 27ff.,

151-158, 267f.; T.Guarpi, Fabula togata, 1985, 19f.,

I, REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] Q., Kaeso. Son of Q. [I 7]. According to Livy (Liv. 3,11,6-13,9; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,6,1-8,5; Val. Max. 4,4,7; Jer. Vir. ill. 17,1), his aggressive behaviour towards the plebs caused him to be prosecuted by A. Verginius, tribune of the people, during a period of domestic tension in 461 BC. Also falsely accused by a certain M. Volscius Fictor (cognomen Fictor, ‘fabulator’) of having fatally wounded his brother, Q. went into exile before the day of the trial. When Volscius was condemned for bearing false witness by Q.’ father during the latter’s dictatorship in 458 (Liv. 3,24,3-5; 3,29,6f.), Q. was already dead, according to Liv. 3,25,3 (but otherwise Cic. Dom. 86, cf. [1. 416-422]). 1R.M.

Ocitviz,

A Commentary

on Livy Books

1-5,

1965.

A.W. Lintort, The Tradition of Violence ..., in: Historia 19, 1970, 12-29, esp. 25. C.MU.

[12] Q., L. Politician of the populares, of plebeian origin like Q. [I 3]. As tribune of the people in 74 BC (MRR 2,103), he saw to the restoration of the powers

89-100, 173-184.

BiINS;

{1 5] Q. Capitolinus Barbatus, T. Brother of Q. [I 7]. Consul in 471, 468, 465, 446, 443 and 439; interrex in 444 BC (MRR 1,30; 32f.5 51; 53; 56). Tradition ascribes various military successes to Q.: as cos. II, he was victorious over the + Volsci and conquered > Antium; as cos. ITI, victorious over the > Aequi near mons Algidus; as cos. IV, victorious over the Aequi and Volsci at Corbio

(Liv.

2,64,3-65,73;

3,2,6-3,83

3,66,1-70,15;

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,57,2—58,8; 9,61,2—-6). At the

same time, Q. is traditionally portrayed as a man who often acted as mediator in domestic conflicts by virtue of his conciliatory nature (esp. Liv. 2,56,15; 2,57,1f.; 2,58,3£.; 2,60,1-3; 4,10,8f.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,50,1f.). The interval of time following his earlier con-

sulships allows for the possibility that in 446, 443 and 439 Q.’ son, of the same name (Q. [I 6]), may in fact have been consul; but the iteration numbers, which unanimously indicate Q., speak against it, along with the fact that as a result there would be a similarly long interval between the consulships of his son (cos. in 421).

QUINCTIUS

[I 6] Q. Capitolinus Barbatus, T. Son of Q. {I 5]. Consul in 421 and consular tribune in 405 BC (MRR 1,69f.; 80; InscrIt 13,1,26-29; 96; 376f.; 380f.); in neither year, however, was his term distinguished by any par-

ticular accomplishment. {1 7] Q. Cincinnatus, L. According to tradition, cos. suff. in 460 BC and twice dictator, in 458 and 439 BC

(MRR 1,375 395 56; Inscrt 13,1,24; 92 f.5 95; 360-63); one of the most famous figures of the early Roman Republic. According to Livy (3,26,1-3,29,4; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

10, 24,1-10,25,3), he was called off

from working in the fields in 458 BC to be named dictator after a Roman army had been encircled by the ~» Aequi near mons Algidus. In short order, he had turned the dangerous situation into a victory; he celebrated a > triumph and returned to the fields (as Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,25,3 states explicitly). The historicity of this tradition is questioned: for one thing, Livy himself reports further incursions by the Aequi in subsequent years, which is hardly in keeping with their crushing defeat; for another thing, this tradition patently seeks to portray Q. primarily as an exemplum (‘example’) of old Roman virtus (— Virtue). This culminates in the episode, often taken up in later times, of Q.’ call-up from the field (e.g. Cic. Fin. 2,12; Pers. 1,73-753

Columella 1 praef. 13; Flor. Epit. 1,5; Cass. Dio fr. 23,2; Eutr. 1,17; Veg. Mil. 1,3: cf. also Fest. 307); this episode could easily be used outside of its original context: Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,17,3f. first places it in Q.’ suffect consulship of 460, whereas Cicero (Cato 56) relocates it to Q.’ second dictatorship, to which post he was supposedly appointed when Sp. Maelius [2] was active. The suffect consulship of 460 is also dubious. The same considerations apply to the story that Q. lost a considerable portion of his fortune because his son Q. {I 1] jumped bail, thus losing the forfeit (Liv. 3,13; 26,8; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,8,4; Val. Max. 4,4,7). This passage is obviously applied as a build-up to the episode of Q.’ call-up from the field. On the whole, Q. should be seen as a figure of Roman tradition who, while probably not without historical foundation, was considerably embellished by the annalistic tradition as a moral exemplum. R.M. Ociivig,

ACommentary on Livy, Books 1-5, 1965,

Index, s. v. Q.

[I 8] Q. Cincinnatus, L. Son of Q. [I 7]; consular tribune in 438 and 425 BC (MRR 1,57f.; 67; InserIt 13,1,95 f.; 370f.; 374f.); in 437, according to Livy (4,17,9; 4,18,5), magister equitum of the dictator Aemilius [1 21] Mamercinus, who had been Q.’ colleague in the

consular tribunate the previous year. Livy and the chronographer of 354 attest a third consular tribunate for Q. in 420, while the Fasti Capitolini indicate a certain Cincinnatus II, i.e. his brother Q. [I 9], for that year (cf. Ingenio mops Gtes0s 7o1,) eli 1OdasiGeer 27710 © emis attested in a second pair of consuls included for the year 428; this is probably interpolated [1. 9]. 1 BeLocn, RG.

340

339

{1 9] Q. Cincinnatus Pennus (MS spelling: Poenus), T. Son of Q. [I 7]. Cos. lin 431 BC; cos. IT in 428; consular tribune in 426 and 420 (?) (MRR 1,63; 65-67; 70f.; InscrIt 13,1,26f.; 95f.3 372-377). According to Livy (4,26,1-29,4), while cos. I he appointed his father-inlaw A. Postumius [I 17] Tubertus dictator, playing a

vital role in the latter’s victory over the Aequi and Volsci despite being seriously wounded. As consular tribune in 426, he at first suffered a defeat in the struggles against > Veii and -> Fidenae but then took part in the conquest of Fidenae under the dictator Aemilius {I 2x] (Liv. 4,31,1-4; 4,32,8-34,3). When Liv. 4,31,1 (cf. also 4,30,15) reports that Q. became consular tribune in that year ex consulatu (i.e., immediately following his consulship), this may be due to the confusion of various annalistic traditions on Livy’s part. In 423, Q. was allegedly prosecuted for failure in the war against Veii, but was pardoned by virtue of his former services and out of respect for his father (Liv. 4,40,4; 4,41, 11 f.). On his second consular tribunate in 420, cf. Q. [I 8]. R.M. Oaitvie, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1-5, 1965, Index s. v. Q. (and pp. 565 f.).

{I 10] Q. Pennus (MS spelling: Poenus) Capitolinus Crispinus, IT. Modern research on the Fasti suggests Q. as dictator triumphant over the Gauls in 361, mag. equitum in 360 and cos. in 354 and 351 BC (MRR 1,120f.; 124; 126f.; 2,611; InscrIt 13,1,68 f.; 105; 400f.; 404 f.), but there are considerable uncertainties in the tradition (on which [1]). The identification of the 354 cos. with the one of 351, based solely on the incomplete indication of Q.’ cognomina given in the Fasti Capitolini for his dictatorship of 361 (IncrlIt 13,1,34f.; CIL I* 20), is thus in no way definite; also, the tradition on Q.’ dictatorship, which most sources connect with the single combat of Manlius [I 12] (cf. Liv. 6,42,5 f., already in-

dicating the uncertain dating), is highly contradictory. 1 K.-J.HOLKEsKaMP, T. Q., Consul Historia 37, 1988, 379-382.

354, II 35x (?), in: C.MU.

{1 11] Q. Crispinus, L. Probably son of [I 12] and praetor of Hispania citerior in 186 BC, where he fought the > Celtiberi and > Lusitani until 184, triumphing over them (Liv. 39,30-31; 39,42,2-4). In 183, Q. was a member of the commission of three charged with the foundation of the colonies of Mutina and - Parma [1] (Liv. 39,5 5,78).

PN.

[112] Q. Crispinus, T. Attested in the army outside Syracuse in 213-212 BC during the 2nd Punic War (+ Punic Wars; Liv. 24,39,12f.; 25,26,4-6). A single

combat with the Campanian Badius outside Capua (Liv. 25,18,3-15) is only secondarily connected with his name.

He was praetor in 209 (Liv. 27,6,12) and

consul in 208. A rapidly abandoned campaign against Locri

[2] is fictitious

(Liv.

27,25,11-14).

Between

Venusia and Bantia, he escaped a Carthaginian ambush seriously wounded; his colleague M. Claudius [I 11] Marcellus died in the attack (Pol. 10,32 and [2. 242-— 245]). Q. foiled Hannibal’s plans to trick Salapia using

341

342

Marcellus’ seal and conquer it (Pol. 10,33,8; Liv. 27,28,4-12). He died of his wounds at Tarentum after

assignandis); in 200, as a tresvir (> Tresviri), he was

naming an elective dictator (Liv. 27, 33, 6-7). 1 D.-A. Kukorxa, Siiditalien im Zweiten Punischen Krieg, 1990, 75°; 111-121 2F.W. Warpank, A Historical

Commentary on Polybius 2, 1967.

(1 13] Q. Flamininus, L. Brother of Q. [I 14], according to a broad consensus among scholars he supposedly became

an augur in 213

BC (Liv. 25,2,2; [x]). This

would make him older than T. Q. (born c. 228), who would have overtaken him in the cursus in 198. The plentiful sources, however, make no mention of this.

There is also no explanation of why the younger brother would bear the name of the father. These problems disappear if the augur is taken to be an otherwise unknown relative and L. to be T.’ younger brother, who is first attested in 201 as curule aedile and then, in r99, as praetor. He took part in his brother’s campaign in Greece from 198-194. He is documented as his brother’s legatus or as a commander (propraetorial imperium?) of the fleet and coastal defences (Liv. 32,16,2; 33,17,2; [2]): he was victorious in Euboea in 198, achieved an alliance with the Achaeans, but failed in the siege of Corinth (Liv. 32,16-17,3; 19-23). In 197, he accompanied his brother to -» Nabis and then, after fruitless negotiations on an alliance with the Acarnanians, conquered Leucas (ILS 14), whereupon the Acarnanians surrendered (Liv. 33,16-17). In 195, he ravaged the coast of the Peloponnese in the war against Nabis, contributing to the conquest of — Gytheum (Liv. 34,29). In 194, he led the homecoming of the Roman army to Italy (Liv. 34,50,11). In 192, as consul,

he fought in Upper Italy — conflicting reports in Liv. 35,21,7-83 3 5522,3-43 3 5,40,2-4 — and conducted conscription for the war against Antiochus [5] III, possibly taking part in the war as /egatus in 191 (Liv. 36,1,8; [3]). In 184, Cato as censor removed him from the list of senators for abuse of office [3], which did nothing to diminish his popular renown (Plut. Flamininus 18-19). He died in 170 (Liv. 43,11,13). 1 MUNZER,

119

2 B.SCHLEUSSNER,

romischen Republik, 1978, 1124; nung

Die Legaten der

W. KUNKEL, Staatsord-

und Staatspraxis der rémischen

Republik,

284-285;377>° 3 GRUEN, Rome, 21447 Staatsrecht, vol. 2, 378 and fn. 8.

1995,

4 MOMMSEN, TA.S.

{1 14] T.Q. Flamininus. Roman commander, defeated

Philip V (> Philippus [I 7]) at

» Cynoscephalae in 197

BC.

Of a patrician family, born c. 228 BC and consul as early as 198. After his military tribunate (208) on the staff of M. Claudius [I 11] Marcellus, he served as quaestor at Tarentum in 206 with his uncle Kaeso Q. Claudus Flamininus, whose propraetorial imperium he assumed ona provisional basis after the latter’s death in 206/5. From 201 on, he was a member of a senatorial committee charged with providing for veterans of the 2nd Punic War (— Punic Wars; > Decemviri [3] agris

QUINCTIUS

involved in the refoundation of the colony of > Venusia {x. 106-110}. Elected consul at the age of only about 30, Q. received supreme command in the 2nd Macedonian War (— Macedonian Wars) against Philip V, waging war together with his brother L. Q. [I 13], who commanded the fleet with propraetorial imperium. After the initially slow-moving warfare from 200 on, the situation became more dynamic with Q. in 198. He sought the trust of the neutral Greek states by supporting the latent anti-Macedonian forces (cf. Plut. Flamininus 2,3; 2,5) and by winning the Achaean League

(+ Achaeans, Achaea with map) over for allying with Rome as early as 198 with the help of > Aristaenus, and by winning the Boeotians as well in 197 with the support of > Attalus [4] I [2. 38f., 45, 51]. When he insisted on demanding the release of the Greek city states in 198/7, diplomatic negotiations with the thus isolated Philip were protracted until the Roman Senate extended Q.’ supreme command [3. 350-353]. In June 197, with the considerable assistance of the > Aetolians, there was a quick military resolution at - Cynoscephalae in Thessaly [4. 127-142]. The Greeks celebrated Q. as the glorious Aeneid and even minted gold coins bearing his portrait (Plut. Flamininus 12,5-12; 16,5—

17,13 [5. 19-26]). Q.’ restructuring of Greece, achieved by diplomatic means and praised by many contemporaries, ancient

authors and modern scholars as an expression of his + philhellenism [3. 344-349, 362f.; 6. 58-132], culminated in the proclamation of freedom for the Greek poleis at the Isthmian Games of 196 (> Isthmia; Pol. 18,46; Plut. Flamininus 10,4-7; [3. 354-358]), recalling a tradition that dated back to the 4th cent. BC (> Freedom). This rallying-cry for freedom enabled Q. to conduct a campaign against > Nabis to free > Argos in 195 and was soon also commended for the Greeks of Asia Minor (necessarily leading to conflict with the Seleucid Antiochus [5] III); moreover, it was especially the propagation of Roman loyalty and reliability (cf. Syll.* 593; [7. 32-46; 8]) which became important for the political future, since Q. apparently showed unconditional support for friends of Rome, who exploited this support in the course of the constant internal political conflicts, as shown e.g. in the affair following the death of > Brachylles (cf. [2. 54-87]). Epigraphical documents attest to the efforts of Greek cities to win Roman backing through the agency of Q. against threats real and imagined, e.g. against this same Antiochus (cf. Syll.3 591; [6. 133]), whose encroachments into the Balkans had been generally feared since 196, after the collapse of Macedonian power. Q. remained in Greece until 194 to arrange peace with Philip and to establish Rome as the power of guarantee and order. He then withdrew together with the Roman army. In Q.’ three-day triumph at Rome in 194 (Liv. 34,52; Plut. Flamininus 14), one group of freedmen was particularly conspicuous: Romans who were enslaved during the war with Hannibal but who were then redeemed

343

344

to Q. (Plut. Flamininus Q. tried in vain to restrain a military alliance with war broke out with the

later than 153), Q. was consul in 150 (MRR 1,456), and probably died soon afterwards. [116] Q. Flamininus, T. Son of Q. [I 15]. Praetor in

QUINCTIUS by the Achaeans and given 13,5—9). In the spring of 193, the Aetolians from forging Antiochus [2. 70-72]. After

Seleucid in 192, he remained in Greece until 191 as

legate. After his return, he enjoyed the reputation of an ‘expert on the Orient’ at Rome, where he was censor in 189 (Plut. Flamininus

18,1). Greek envoys, e.g. his

friend > Deinocrates [2], gladly sought his mediation. When he was head of a senatorial delegation to Bithynia (Pol. 23,5,1) charged with mediating between — Prusias [1] land > Eumenes [3] Il in 183, Q. demanded the extradition of the political refugee -» Hannibal [4], whom Prusias had received, thus provoking Hannibal’s suicide. The reason for this demand, however, was neither excessive ambition (as Plut. Flamininus 20,2f; 21,1 would have it) nor the liberation of Rome from its bitterest enemy (cf. Liv. 39,51,2; Nep. Hann. 12) but rath-

er the intention of weakening the main argument of the Attalids in their repeated demands (citing the threat of Hannibal) for renewed Roman military intervention in Asia Minor [9. 129]. Q. remained interested in exerting massive influence on Macedonian politics: in the court intrigue of 182, Q. reportedly curried favour with the Macedonian prince + Demetrius [5], who was popular at Rome, during a visit, fomented against Demetrius’ brother > Perseus [2] and later, in 181/o, sent Demetrius a secret letter, which became crucial evidence for a conspiracy of high treason and led to Demetrius’ execution in 180 (Pol. 23,3,7f; Liv. 40,11,1 ff.; 23,7 f.). However, the role of Q. in this matter remains unclear. Thereafter, Q. seems to have lived a secluded life; he died in 174 (cf. Plut. Flamininus 21,15). The four-day funeral rites, which his son hosted lavishly, were remembered for their extravagant gladiatorial games (Liv. 41,28,11).

~ Macedonian Wars (B); > Philippus [I 7] V 1 E.BapIan, The Family and Early Career of T.Q. Flamininus, in: JRS 61,1971, 102-111

2 J. DEININGER, Der

politische Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v. Chr., 1971 3 J.J. WALsH, Flamininus and the Propaganda of Liberation, in: Historia 45, 1996, 344-363 4 A.M. Eckstein, T.Q. Flamininus and the Campaign against Philipp in 198 B. C., in: Phoenix 30, 1976, 119142 5 M.R.-ALFOxtpy, Der Stater des T. Q. Flamininus, in: NZ 98, 1984, 19-26 et impérialisme, 1988

6 J.L. Ferrary, Philhellenisme 7D. ARMSTRONG, J.J. WALSH,

SIG 593. The Letter of Flamininus to Chyretiae, in: CPh 81, 1986, 32-46 8 E.S. Gruen, Greek Tiotic and Roman Fides, in: Athenaeum 60, 1982, 50-68 9L.-M.

GUtntuer, T.Q. Flamininus — Griechenfreund aus Gefihl oder Kalkul?, in: K.-J. HOLKESKAMP,

E. STEIN-HOLKES-

KAMP (eds.), Von Romulus zu Augustus, 2000,

120-130.

L.-M.G.

{[ 15] Q. Flamininus, T. Was probably the son of Q. {I 13] or [I 14]. He became augur in 167 BC and in the same year headed a delegation to the Thracian king + Cotys [I 3] to return his son and the other Thracian hostages (Liv. 45,42,11). After a term as praetor (no

Sicilia no later than 126 BC (Str. 6,2,11; MRR

1,508);

consul in 123. Nothing is known of his attitude towards the tribunate of the people held by C. + Sempronius {I 11] Gracchus. P.N. [117] Q. Scapula, T. Roman equestrian; a leading figure among the Pompeians at the outbreak of war in Spain in 46 BC (Cass. Dio 43,29,3). After the defeat at Munda in March 45, Q. took his own life at Corduba (Bell. Hisp. 33). JOF Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {fl 1] C.Q. Atticus. Cos. suff. late in AD 69. As the Flavian army advanced, he issued edicts in favour of the emperor Vespasian. With Flavius [II 40] Sabinus,

Vespasian’s brother, he was besieged on the > Capitolium by the supporters of — Vitellius. When, having been taken prisoner by the Vitellians, he claimed re-

sponsibility for the fire in the Capitol, he was pardoned because his admission relieved Vitellius from this heavy charge (Tac. Hist. 3,73-75). PIR* Q 39. {ff 2] T.Q. Crispinus Sulpicianus. Of an old Republican, patrician family [1. 229]; triumvir monetalis; cos.

ord. in 9 BC with Nero Claudius [II 24] Drusus, the stepson of — Augustus; the lex Ouinctia on Roman aqueducts was passed under Q. (Frontin. Aq. 129,1).

Accused of adultery with Iulia [6], Augustus’ daughter, he was condemned in 2 BC. He is portrayed in an extremely unfavourable light in Vell. Pat. 2,100,5. PIR* Q

44. 1 Syme, AA, 57.

{11 3] T.Q. Crispinus Valerianus. Brother of Q. [II 2]. Praetor in 2 BC; cos. suff. in AD 2. The fate of his brother thus did nothing to hamper his career. P. was curator locorum publicorum iudicandorum (CIL V11266 =ILS 59593 CIL VI 40883); on the function of this office, cf. [1. 284 ff.]). He is also attested as one of the > Arvales fratres from AD 14-27. PIR* Q 45. 1 W.Eck, Cura viarum und cura operum publicorum als kollegiale Amter im Prinzipat, in: R.FREI-STOLBA, M.A. SPEIDEL (eds.), Die Verwaltung des r6mischen Reiches in der Hohen Kaiserzeit, vol. 1, 1995, 281-294.

WE

Quincunx. The quincunx (quinque unciae; Greek mevtoyxiov/ pentonkion) was a Roman measure equalling 5/12 of a larger unit, also in the sense of 5% in interest or an inheritance. As a measure of weight it corresponds to ‘/:12 libra = 136,42, as one of area to ‘/12> iugerum = 1051 m’, as One of volume 5/12 sex-

tarius = 0-23 |. Because of its exceptional position within the usual duodecimal system, weights of this value are extraordinarily rare. Examples from the Roman period bear the value mark III (CIL XIII 10030,36) or V, pieces from the Byzantine period I-E. The quincunx as a bronze coin in the duodecimal system of central and

558)

346

southern Italy and of Sicily is found relatively often. Ina transferred sense quincunx is also the term for the arrangement of the five spots ona die, or in agriculture the system of planting trees or shrubs in diagonal lines.

The duties of the QSF included the performance of sacred rites for the gods of the Roman state religion, who were worshipped Graeco ritu (according to the Greek rite), i.e. capite aperto (‘with uncovered head’) [6] (see below; Varro, Ling. 7,88; Liv. 25,12,13; ILS 5050,90) as well as — in their capacity as Sibyllae inter-

1H.CHANTRAINE, s.v. Q., RE 24, 2 F.Huxtscn, Griechische und rémische 21882, see Index.

1107-1112 Metrologie, H.-J.S.

QUINDECIMVIRI

SACRIS

FACIUNDIS

pretes (Cic. Nat. D. 3,5; Div. 1,4; Liv. 10,8,2; [1; 7]) -

the interpretation of the > Sibyllini libri. These books, a collection of dicta in Greek hexameters, contained Quincussis. Roman

coin of 5 asses (> As), modern

word formed in analogy to > quadrussis. As a cast coin (> Aes grave) each with the value indication V: Rome c. 225 BC, weight c. 1400 g (as on the libral standard, cf. ~+ Libra [r]), obverse head of Janus, reverse prora (‘prow’) (on authenticity: [1]); Rome c. 213 BC, weight 365 g(as onthe > quadrantal standard); obverse Diana or Ilia, reverse prora [3. 32]; Etruria, weight 748 g and 707 g (Etruscan as of 151.6 g), obverse wheel, reverse anchor [2.265]. Earlier numismatic literature described Roman heavy bronze ingots decorated with pictures (> Aes signatum) as quincusses but they were not produced at a particular weight. 1 P. CALABRIA, II quincussis ritrovato, in: Riv. Italiana di Numismatica 91, 1989, 67-71 2E.J. HAEBERLIN, Aes

grave, 1910

3 G.FALLANI, Rilievi ed osservazioni, in:

R.Marco .is, H. VoEGTLI, History, 1986, 31-39.

Numismatics

— Witness

to DLK.

fata et remedia Romana (Serv. Aen. 6,72; Serv. auct. 2,140; Luc. 1,599; Plin. HN 11,105; Granius Licinianus 35,1), i.e. dark (latebra obscuritatis: Cic. Div.

2,111) foretellings and menaces (praedicta vatium: Cic. Leg. 2,30; Har. resp. 18) of divine wrath, together with vague instructions for action (Varro, Rust. 1,1,3; Liv. 10,47,6f.) intended to placate the deity or deities and restore the > pax deorum (procuratio). These books were kept in the cellar of the Temple of Jupiter on the Roman Capitol; destroyed in a fire in 83 BC, they were reconstructed after a few years (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,62,5 f.). In 12 BC, Augustus had them moved to the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine (Suet. Aug. 31). Their contents were secret (Cic. Leg. 2,30; Lactant. Div. inst.

1,6,13): Even the QSF could only examine them after an order from the Senate had been issued (libros adire, inspicere: Cic. Div. 1,97; 2,112; Liv. 22,36,6).

Such an order was only given if particularly terrible omens

Quindecimviri sacris faciundis. The > collegium of the ‘fifteen men for the performance of sacred rites’, one of the three (Varro in Aug. Civ. 6,3; Cic. Har. resp. 18; Nat. D. 3,5; Leg. 2,20) or four (Cass. Dio 53,1,5) great

Roman priesthoods, along with the + pontifices, the + augures and the > septemviri epulonum, the last of which counted among them from the Augustan period, was said by tradition to have been founded by — Tarquinius Superbus as the duoviri sacris faciundis (i.e. consisting of two members Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,62; Serv. Aen. 6,73). Its membership was raised to 1o decemviri (five patricians and five plebeians: Liv. 6,57,12 and 42,2) in 367 BC, then after Sulla to 15 (first evidence: 51 BC, Cic. Fam. 8,4,1) and under Caesar to 16 members (without adaptation of the name). From

the Augustan period onwards, the number of members was even greater (Cass. Dio 42,51,4; 43,51,93; §1,20,3).

Appointment happened at first by > cooptatio, from 103 BC onwards by election through the 17 > tribus (Cic. Leg. agr. 2,18; Vell. Pat. 2,12,3), and, in practice,

in the Imperial period by Imperial promotion. The office of principal was occupied by annually alternating magistri: five under Augustus (CIL 1*, p. 29), a majority still under Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 6,12), later only one. The

Emperor was always a member of the collegium; if he was also a magister, he had a promagister by his side. The QSF kept their own records [1; 2]. Among the members of the collegium (prosopography: [33 4; 5]) were M. > Porcius [I 7] Cato, Cicero’s son-in-law P. + Cornelius [I 29] Dolabella, M. Vipsanius Agrippa, the historian ~ Tacitus and, still in the 4th cent. AD, Vettius Agorius Praetextatus (CIL VI 1779).

(— prodigium) were reported (e.g. Liv. 22,9,8;

27,37,11-15) or if catastrophic events occurred in the form of defeats in war, plagues or earthquakes. The QSF sought out a dictum referring to the given danger, subjected the text to an interpretation that was often politically finessed (Cic. Div. 2,110) and issued a written opinion (Liv. 42,2,7); then one of them spoke pro collegio in the Senate (Frontin. Aq. 7,5). The final ruling, however, was the Senate’s alone; since it not infrequently also called upon the advice of > pontifices and -» haruspices to adjudicate the same case, the rites of expiation undertaken [8] often consisted in a conflation of various recommendations. Their consultation of the Sibylline Books led the QSF to suggest on several occasions the introduction of foreign cults over which they then exercised a certain custody (e.g. » Apollo, Aesculapius/ > Asclepius, + Dis Pater and > Proserpina, + Mater magna, whose priests were sometimes even known as sacerdotes X Wirales (CIL IX 98r)), and to

recommend the establishment of new religious rituals (e.g. > lectisternia, supplicationes, ludi [9|). They were particularly closely associated with Apollo (Liv. 10,8,2; Obseq. 47; Tib. 2,5,1), whose symbols, the dolphin and

the tripod, formed their emblem (Serv. auct. 3,332; the tripod on coins first attested in 65 BC: RRC 439; [ro. 134f.]). Their participation in the announcement and organization of the ludi saeculares deserves special mention (> Saeculum) [2]. -» Priests; > Sibyllini libri 1 J. SCHEID, Les livres Sibyllins et les archives des quindécimvirs, in: C. Moatti (ed.), La mémoire perdue: recherches sur l’administration romaine, 1998, 11-26

347

348

2 G. LIBERMAN, Les documents sacerdotaux du college ‘sacris faciundis’, in: [1], 65-74 3G.J. SZEMLER, The Priests of theRoman Republic, 1972 4M. W.HorrMAN

Fast. 6,693-710; Fest. 134,3-6 L.) of the festival as developed from the O. Maiores is, in the light of Minerva’s early connection with the O. Minusculae, not im-

Lewis, The Official Priests of Rome under the Julio-Claudians, 1955. 5 L.ScHUMACHER, Die vier hohen rémischen Priesterkollegien, 69-235 n. Chr., in: ANRW II 16.1, 1973, 655-819 6J.SCHEID, Graeco ritu: A Typically Roman Way of Honoring the Gods, in: HSPh 97, 1995, 15-31 7L.Brecuia Putci Doria, Oracoli Sibillini tra rituali e propaganda, 1983 8 L.WULkKeER, Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Prodigienwesens bei den

plausible. Others, in contrast, consider the latter con-

QUINDECIMVIRI

Roémern,

1903

SACRIS

FACIUNDIS

9 F. BERNSTEIN,

Ludi publici,

1998

J.Gace, Apollon romain, 1955; G. RADKE, s. v. Q., RE 24,

1114-1148; — G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der

1 WALDE/HOFMANN, vol. 2 2 J.WACKERNAGEL, Dies ater, in: ARW 22, 1923/4,215f. 3J.RUpKE, Domi Militlae, 1990

4Id., Kalender und Offentlichkeit,

The

1160-1162.

C.R.P

(Plaut. Mil. 692; Plin. HN

Quinquegentiani. Berber tribal group, settled in the Great Kabylia (modern Algeria) between Rusuccuru and Saldae (?), which was finally subjugated by Maximianus [1]. References: Pan. Lat. 7,8,6; Eutr. 9,22f.;

10). Some ancient annotators (cited in Varro Ling. 6,14)

AE 1985, 902(?).

interpret Q. as describing the duration of five (Latin quinque) days. In fact, however, it isa matter of the fifth day after the Ides [1. 406-408], perhaps of the fifth dies nefastus or ater, ‘black day’ [2]. Charisius’ (1,81,20 ff. KEIL) incorrect derivation from a not attested quinquari, ‘to clean’, is based on the already ancient func-

tion, ascribed to the O. Maiores, of purifying the weapons to open the yearly season of war; often considered an indication of this is the fact that the > Tubilustrium,

which was correspondingly interpreted as the purification of the war trumpets, was held on 23 March. The interpretation of these feriae as originally ‘war festivals’ has been questioned, however [3. 23-25; 4. 218 f.]. The ancient interpretation of the O. Maiores as a festival for -» Mars (InscrIt. 13,2,173; Fest. 134,3-6 L.) does not decide the issue unambiguously. In the Imperial period the term Ouinquatria was more common ([5. no. 117 col. II,r]; Suet. Dom. 4,4; cf. [4. 263 f.]). The connection (InscrIt. 13,2,427), noted in the Augustan period, of the Q. with the + Salii and the to us obscure military of the Celeres

Tribunum

(> Tribunus)

could indicate an origin in the Archaic period [6. 89 f.]. The O. Maiores were also considered sacred to > MiFast.

7 A.ZioLKowski,

8 O. HENTSCHEL, s. v. Q., RE 24,

Aur. Vict: Caes: Historia Romana

nerva (Ov.

1952

Temples of Mid-Republican Rome, 1992

35,143; Suet. Aug. 71,3): the O. Maiores celebrated from 19-23 March (epithet only in Varro Ling. 6,17) and the O. Minusculae from 13-15 June (Liv. 9,30,5-

organisation

1995

5 R.Fink (ed.), Roman Military Records on Papyrus, 1971 6A.ALFOLDI, Der friihromische Reiteradel und

ju.

Quinquatrus. The (plural) name of two festivals popular with the urban population of the city of Rome (primarily with craftsmen)

> Jupiter [8].

> Calendar; — Fasti

seine Ehrenabzeichen,

10 A. V. SIEBERT, Instrumenta sacra (RGVV 44), 1999.

Romer, *1912, 534-543.

nected with

3,809-848),

whose

Roman

temple

was founded on the » Mons Aventinus on the first day of the O. Maiores in the year 241 BC [7. rog—112]. The role of the goddess at the Tubilustrium (Ov. Fast. 3,849f.) reflects her integration, presumably from an early period, into a festival which had probably originally been held for Mars alone. Already Roman antiquarians were hard pressed to explain Minerva’s connection with Mars, which led to the association with > Nerio (Gell. 13,23).

The O. Minusculae were the festival of the tibicines (flute or tibia players, Ov. Fast. 6,65 1-7 10; Liv. 9,30,51o; Varro Ling. 6,17). The ancient interpretation (Ov.

39,223

Oros.

7325345°7525,83 lord. 12,31. In-

297; 300; Get. 110; Zon.

scriptions: CIL VIII 1, 2615; 2, 8836; 8924; 9010(?); J. DESANGES, Catalogue des tribus africaines ..., 1962, 67;

L.GALAND, Les Quinquegentanei, in: Bulletin d’archéologie algérienne 4, 1970, 297-299;

H. TREIDLER, s. v. Q.,

RE 24, 1148f.

W.HU.

Quinquevirale iudicium. ‘Five-man tribunal’, collegium founded by Gratianus in AD 376 (Cod. Theod. 9,1,13) for reconciliation with the Senate in the period after > Maximinus [3]; in order to avoid partisanship, its members were chosen by lot, and the prefects had to call upon it in capital matters (in all criminal cases?)

against senators. It was reaffirmed by Honorius in 423 (Cod.

Theod

2,1,12)

and

thus

adopted

in the lex

Romana Visigothorum (-> Volksrecht). It was limited to the west. Of the trials handled by the quinquevirale iudicium, only those against Basilius and Praetextus for sorcery (510/511; Cassiod. Var. 4, 22-23) are not in

doubt. On the other hand, the participation of the quinquevirale iudicium in the proceedings against the praef. praet. Galliarum Arvandus (469; Sid. Apoll. Epist. 1,7)

and especially in that against — Boethius (523/524; Anon. Valesianus 14, 85-87) is heavily disputed. A.Fiacn, Das i.qg. im Werdegang senatorischer Strafgerichtsbarkeit, in: ZRG

113, 1996, 358-376; U. VINCENTI,

La partecipazione del senato all’amministrazione della giustizia nei secoli II-VI DC (Oriente e Occidente), 1992.

CE.

Quinqueviri. Collegia made up of five (quinque) men (viri) below the magistrate level (— magistratus);

in

Rome and Italy, they were frequently called ad hoc to settle public affairs. The only long-term office was the collegium of the quinqueviri cis Tiberim, who served as night watch on behalf of the > tresviri [1] capitales and later of the + aediles; this function of the quinqueviri is also attested in Italian > municipia. From AD 376, the

349

350

five senators of the > quinquevirale iudicium served as judges in capital charges against senators under the chairmanship of a > praefectus urbi. + Quinquevirale iudicium

conversant

A.VON PREMERSTEIN, Stadtrémische und municipale Quinqueviri, in: Festschrift O. Hirschfeld, 1903, 234-242; G. WESENER, Ss. V. Quinqueviri, RE 24,

1166-1170.

H.GA. Quintanis. Roman auxiliary fort in Raetia (> Raeti),

QUINTILIANUS with rhetoric (Quint. Inst. 9,3,73); it is

uncertain whether he, and perhaps even Q.’ grandfather, was also a rhetor. A declamator called Q. is mentioned twice by Seneca the Elder (Sen. Controv. 10 praef. 2; 10,4,19). His years of birth and death can only be approximately ascertained: as a ‘very young man’ (adulescentulus), Q. (Quint. Inst. 5,7,7) ‘worshipped’ the already aged + Domitius [III 1] Afer (died in AD 59), subsequently witnessing his decline (ibid. 12,11,3). He wrote his Institutio oratoria (‘Principles of Rheto-

modern Kinzing (Lower Bavaria). No traces of earlier Celtic settlement have been found. Around AD 90, an auxiliary fort was built ona slightly raised loess terrace on a loop of the Danube on the right side of the river. The four-phase construction (phase three = first stone construction featured up to five fosses) was occupied — possibly with a brief interruption between AD 135 and c. 150 — by a garrison until the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. AD (name: It. Ant. 249; Not. Dign. Occ. 35,123 35,23;

ric’) as an old man, in the reign of Domitian (died in 96).

Eugippius, Vita Severini

68 (Jer. Chron. 186 HELM).

15,1 f.; 24,2; 27,1). On the

eastern edge of the > vicus which surrounded the camp on all sides, a two-phase Mithraeum (+ Mithras) was discovered in 1998 [1; 2]. The Late Antique successor

fort lay c. 200m north-west of the original camp, directly on the riverbank. Eugippius calls Q. a — municipium with a Christian church and priest; Q. is the westernmost Roman town he mentions. Late Antique-Early Medieval burial sites and the fact that the name was transmitted show a continuity of the Romanic element into the Bavarian (— Baiovarii) Early Mid-

These and other indications imply that he was born around AD 35 (and stayed at Rome in his youth) and died around roo. Q. was said to have been a pupil of ~» Remmius [2] Palaemon (Schol. Juv. 6,452). Among the orators he heard in his youth besides Domitius Afer, he particularly admired — Servilius [II 4] Nonianus (Quint. Inst. ro,1,1r02). For a time, Q. returned to Spain; the emperor Galba brought him back to Rome in It must have been soon after this that he began to teach rhetoric. Under Vespasian, he was (one of?) the

first teacher(s) of rhetoric at Rome to be paid by the state (Jer. Chron. 190 HELM and Suet. Vesp. 18). Pliny (— Plinius [2]) the Younger was among his pupils (Plin. Ep. 2,14,93 6,2,3). Q. was also prominent as a lawyer (Quint. Inst. 4,1,19; 7,2,24; 9,2,73f.). Flavius [II 16] Clemens awarded him the > ornamenta consularia (Auson. Gratiarum actio 7,31; cf. Juv. 7,197). Flavius’

sons, Domitian’s grand-nephews, were entrusted to Q.

by the emperor for their education (Quint. Inst. 4,

dle Ages. 1 K.ScHMmozTz, Ein Mithrasheiligtum in Niederbayern, in: Das Archaologische Jahr in Bayern 2000, 2001, 94-96 2 Id., Der Mithrastempel von Kiinzing, in: Id. (ed.), Vortrage des 18. Niederbayerischen Archaologentages, 2000,

praef. 2). His property was proportionate to his status (Juv. 7,188 f.). The young woman he had married as an old man died early, as did both his sons (Quint. Inst. 6,

praef.).

III-143. R.GANSLMEIER,

K.ScHMOTz,

Das

mittelkaiserzeitliche

Kastell Kiinzing, *1997; G. MoosBAvER, K.SCHMOTZ, Neue Grabungsergebnisse im Ostvicus von Kinzing, in: Das Archaologische Jahr in Bayern 1997, 1998, 119-121; R.CHRISTLEIN, Die ratischen Stadte Severins, in: Land Oberosterreich (ed.), Severin. Zwischen R6merzeit und

Il. Works

Everything Q. published before the Institutio - a speech (Quint. Inst. 7,2,24) and a treatise De causis

corruptae eloquentiae (‘On the Causes of the Decline of

GHW.

Eloquence’; ibid. 6 praef. 3; 8,6,76) — is lost, as are the unauthorized notes of his lectures (ibid. praef. 7; 7,2,24). However, two collections of declamations survive under his name (+ Declamationes). The so-called

Quintilianus (or QOuintillianus, rarely Quinctil|l}ianus). Roman cognomen, derived from the praenomen > Quintus, widespread in the Imperial Period.

Declamationes maiores are certainly not by Q. However, the so-called Declamationes minores, a corpus of entirely or partly revised exercise speeches (-> Progym-

Volkerwanderung, 1982, 237-244.

1 DeGrassi, FCIR, 264

2 Kajanro, Cognomina,

174. K.-L.E.

nasmata) with annotations, bear the mark of the school

of Q. and may have been published from Q.’ literary remains.

[1] Latin teacher of oratory of the last third of the rst cent. AD; first professor of rhetoric to receive a public salary at Rome. I. BroGrapHy II. Works ILI. INstiTuTIo ORATORIA IV. IMPACT I. BloGRAPHY M. Fabius Q. was from > Calagurris [2] (modern

Calahorra) in northern Spain. His father was at least

II]. INSTITUTIO ORATORIA

In his ‘Principles of Rhetoric’, Q. did full justice to the Greek origins of the art of oratory, paying tribute esp. to Demosthenes [2], Isocrates, Plato [1], Aristotle,

Hermagoras [1] and the poets (esp. Homer and Menander |4]). He did not read all of them himself; e.g., he knew Apollodorus [8] of Pergamum and Theodorus of Gadara only through Roman authors (Quint. Inst.

QUINTILIANUS

351

D4

dominated by the practice and theory of the Romans. Of by far the greatest importance here are the speeches and rhetorical writings of > Cicero (ibid. 12,1,19). Next to Cicero, it is Virgil (> Vergilius [4]) whom Q. quotes most frequently; poetry plays an important part in his teaching, esp. with regard to the > elocutio (‘mastery of stylistic elements’). Often, and usually critically, Q. refers to Cornelius Celsus [7]; he values > Verginius [II 2] Flavus highly but rarely quotes him (7,4,40). The issue of sources is hampered by the fact that Q. in principle mentions no living authors by name (3,1,21). He only ever broke this principle to flatter the emperor

ech, divided according to > figures and > tropes. Book ro deals with acquiring and practising good diction, which will then be available to the orator even when extemporizing (Quint. Inst. 10,7). The famous chapter 10,1 is an enumeration, ordered by chronology and genre, in which authors are evaluated aesthetically and to an extent morally and recommended for reading. Not least, Q. notes differences in rank between Greeks and Romans. In oratory, the Romans equal the Greeks (10,1,105). In book 11, Q. first writes about apte dicere; he is concerned with appropriateness, examining the aspects of the expedient (quid expediat) and the seemly (quid deceat). Q. is particularly concerned with

Domitian (10,1,91).

the behaviour of the orator himself, who should be re-

3, Iess,

2.05.20.

eAal23)o

Os

saCcOUnt,

NOWevers

1s

>

Book 1 is, as he himself announces (praef. 21 f.), Q most original contribution to rhetoric [4]. The training of an orator is portrayed as a process to begin in early childhood. While his first thoughts here are of talent, its importance is put into perspective by Q.’ estimation that the numbers of those without any talent are small.

The education proposed by Q. is focused on performance but also suitable for a child. Corporal punishment is frowned upon (1,3,14—-17). The first subject studied is Greek (1,1,12-14). Most of the book deals with gram-

mar (including orthography), but Q. embraces the + enkyklios paideia and speaks in particular of the importance of music and mathematics (1,10).

Book 2 first considers the continuation of the training, the first exercises, the first readings (Livy, Cicero;

warnings against the ‘ancients’ such as Cato and the Gracchi), dealing with declamation properly (2,10; cf. actio [1], > phonaskoi). The book then goes on to discuss the cardinal question whether it is necessary to know the teachings of > rhetoric at all in order to be a skilful orator. Q. addresses three topics: de arte, de artifice, de opere (‘on the art [of oratory], on the orator and on the work [of good oratory]’, 2,1 4,5). The first of these is the main subject of the Institutio; the other two are not dealt with until book 12. Q. subscribes to the moral foundation of rhetoric (2,15,33); he takes up these thoughts again in book 12. The issue of what professional expertise an orator needs is answered by Q. as by Gorgias in Plato (Pl. Grg. 456): the orator will consult a professional expert and then speak better on the subject than the professional himself (Quint. Inst. on 2s 6) Inventio

(‘invention

of arguments’,

books

3-7):

book 3 deals with the history and categorization of rhetoric, followed by essential problems of the causa (‘subject matter’), e.g. the doctrine of the > status. This topic is addressed in detail later, in book 7. Q.’ teachings are mostly specific to declamationes [2]. Book 4 is devoted to the parts of speech (> partes orationis) before the > argumentatio, book 5 to the argument itself and book 6 to the peroratio (‘conclusion’) and to emotions, with one chapter on comic elements (6,3), following the example of Cicero (De or. 2,23 3-289). Elocutio (‘delivery’, books 8-11): books 8 and 9 offer a systematic account of the embellishment of spe-

served and modest. This is followed by a section on memoria (» Mnemonics). Q. thinks little of mnemonic techniques, and much of learning by heart. The end of the book deals with the delivery of a speech (— actio [1]). Q. considers this aspect — subdivided by him into the use of the voice and gestures (> gestus; [3]) — to be more important than anything else. In this context as elsewhere, Q. remarks on the similarities between the orator and the actor (— histrio, > hypokrités). However, he warns urgently against crossing this boundary (11,3,181).

Officia oratoris (‘duties of the orator’, book 12): Q. first evolves the idea that the orator must be a vir bonus. Here, he invokes the definition of the elder Cato [1], according to which the orator is said to be a vir bonus dicendi peritus (‘a good man skilled in speech’). Q. offers a philosophical basis for this: as men are endowed with the faculty of speech by nature, and thus also by providence, this faculty must also serve good purposes. Although the vir bonus only supports a good cause, he cannot do without rhetorical training and merely trust in the truth, especially as he must often — for honourable reasons! — conceal the truth. Greek philosophy as it had developed is not considered by Q. as an exemplary custodian of the content of speech. Therefore, an orator should not be a philosopher. What he has in mind instead is a wise man of a specific type (12,2,7), not a quiet thinker but a citizen open to the

world. While he must of course consult the philosophers, he must make independent judgments, without regard for the doctrinal boundaries between schools. Thus, Q, is able to express the wish that the territories abandoned by oratory and usurped by philosophy might be restored again one day as the property of oratory. Besides philosophy, according to Q., another field of which the orator must have sound knowledge by study is law (12,3). Orators should start being active in the Forum in their youth (12,6). Waiving remuneration is

desirable

in this context, but in straitened circumstances, recognition may also be accepted in material form (12,7). Q. rejects the thesis that the only ‘natural’ way of speaking is the one which approaches colloquial speech. For him, an artfully arranged speech is also something natural. For this reason, he is also willing to

354

353

make concessions to contemporary taste (12,10,4448).

Q.’ Institutio may be characterized as a summary and completion of the writings of Cicero, in which, at the same

time, an altered historical situation

is ex-

pressed. If its author was as we encounter him in his work, then he embodied all the virtues of a custodian of

oratory and of a teacher: comprehensive knowledge of the literary tradition, common sense combined with acumen, experience, decorum, humility, and philanthropy. What he taught, he practised himself: his prose is a model of clarity, his Latin a joyful marriage of Ciceronian and post-Classical modes of expression. IV. Impact After the praise lavished by Martial (2,90,1f.), the impact of Q. does not become evident to us until Late Antiquity. + Lactantius [1] demonstrated knowledge of the Institutio oratoria in his Divinae institutiones [4. xliif.]. Jerome (— Hieronymus [8]) knew and valued the work, as is most clearly shown in his advisory letters to > Laeta [2] (Jer. Ep. 107). Among the rhetors, it was — lulius [IV 24] Victor who drew most upon Q. Early in the Middle Ages, + Cassiodorus invoked him, especially in De artibus ac disciplinis liberalium litterarum. Q.’ work, perhaps communicated by intermediaries, also infused the Etymologiae of Isidore (— Isidorus [9]) of Seville. Around the middle of the 9th cent., Servatus Lupus of Ferriéres asked the bishop of York for a copy of the Institutio and received one (Epist. 62,3 and 103,4 MARSHALL). Several MSS survive from the gth to 12th cents., some with lacunae. Bernard of Chartres (12th cent.) considered the first two vols. of the

Institutio in his teaching, as is shown by the account of his pupil John of Salisbury (Metalogicus 1,24), who was also well acquainted with Q.’ work. The quotations in Vincent of Beauvais (13th cent.), on the other hand, were derived from a florilegium [5. 33-35]. Italian humanists, especially Petrarch (Familiarium rerum

libri 24,7 Rosst), valued Q. even before Poggio found and copied a complete text at St. Gall in 1416. Ideas of Q. were taken up by Enea Silvio de’ Piccolomini (De liberorum educatione), Rudolph Agricola (De inventione dialectica), Erasmus (De pueris instituendis, De duplici copia verborum ac rerum), Melanchthon (rhetorical textbooks) and many others. Q.’ work continued to be used in education over the following cents. It was admired and used by such as Ben Jonson (Discoveries, printed 1641), Alexander Pope (Essay on Criticism, 1709), Jean-Baptiste Du Bos (Réflexions critiques sur la poésie et sur la peinture, 1719), Frederick the Great [6. 283-287], and Goethe [6. 288-312]. As rhetoric was shunned in the roth cent., his influence declined, but Q. remains a respected figure to this day. -» Elocutio; > Inventio; > Officium [7] (officia oratoris); > Rhetoric; > RHETORIC 1 J. ADAMIETZ, Quintilians Institutio oratoria, in: ANRW 32.4, 1986, materia, 1988

2226-2277 2 J.DInGEL, Scholastica 3 U.Marer-ErcHHorn, Die Gestikula-

QUINTUS

tion in Quintilians Rhetorik, 1989 4F.H. Cotson, Institutio oratoria, liber I, 1924 5 B.L. ULLMaN, Clas-

sical Authors in the Medieval Florilegia, in: CPh 27, 1932, 1-42 6 O.SEEL, Quintilian oder Die Kunst des Redens und Schweigens, 1977. EpiITIons: Institutio: M.WINTERBOTTOM, 1970; J.Cousin, 1975-1980. Declamationes maiores: L.HAKANSON, 1982. Declamationes minores: M. WINTERBOTTOM, 1984; D.R. SHACKLETON BAILEY, 1989. J.D.

Quintilla. Despite confusion with the tradition of +> Priscilla, it is unlikely that Priscilla and Q. were one and the same. Rather, Q. was probably an independent Montanist (- Montanism) prophetess from the 3rd cent. AD [r. 152, 167f.], whose followers were referred to as Quintillians. She, and not Priscilla, is believed to be the source of the account in Epiphanius [1] of Salamis (Panarion 48,1,2f.), relating that Christ, in the form of a woman and wearing a radiant garment, appeared to her in her sleep and revealed to her that the heavenly Jerusalem would descend to the Phrygian town Pepuza. 1 C. Trevett, Montanism. New Prophecy, 1996.

Gender, Authority and the M.HE.

Quintillus. Imp. Caes. M. Aurelius Claudius Q. Aug., brother of > Claudius [III 2] I] Gothicus. After the latter’s death in August of AD 270, Q. was proclaimed emperor, but killed after a few weeks by the soldiers in Aquileia (Eutr. 9,12; [Aur. Vict.] Epit. Caes. 34,5; Jer. Chron. p. 222 HELM; Zos. 1,47). KIENAST*, 233; PIR*

A 1480; PLRE 1,759 (no.1).

AB.

Quintinus was > magister equitum per Gallias under Magnus > Maximus [7], who entrusted his son Victor to him in AD 387. Q. was killed in 388 during an advance east of the Rhine near Neuss against the advice of > Nannienus. PLRE 1, 760; P.RicHarboT, Un désastre romain peu connu sur le Rhin, in: Riv. storica dell’ antichita 25, 1995,

[1I-130.

K.G.-A.

Quintipor Clodius. Author of -> palliata from the late Republican

era, known

only from the polemics of

Varro (in Non. p. 168,719 L.). Lir.: M.Brozek, De Quintipore Clodio meliori famae restituendo, in: Eos 56, 1966, 115-118. P.L.S.

Quintus [1] Common Roman > praenomen; abbreviation: O.; Greek Kowtoc/Kointos. It is identical to the ordinal quintus (‘fifth’); in > Oscan-Umbrian, this name is represented by Pompo and the like, with the nomina gentilicia Pomponius, Pompeius, Pontius. Like other socalled ‘numeral praenomina’, the former individual

QUINTUS

355

356

name could be given to children according to their birth order in the early period. In no case is Q. derived from quintilis (‘July’) because the name of this month is in turn already a derivative of quintus (-» Months, names of the). The nomen gentile Ouintilius is derived from Q., or more precisely from its diminutive. On a secondary (merely graphical?) level, a relationship with the cardinal quinque is established by spellings with

himself as a shepherd in Hesiodic (cf. Hes. Theog. 22-

Ouinct-. SALOMIES, 46, IT I-I14.

D.ST.

[2] Doctor who had his floruit between AD 120 and 145, a student of - Marinus [I 2] and, according to the assessment of -> Galen (CMG 5,8,1, p. 70), the greatest

doctor of his time. He practised in Rome; his independence in thinking was coupled with brusque behaviour (Gal. CMG 5,10,2,2, p. 2073 5,4,2, p. 100). His success

fuelled hatred among his competitors and earned him the charge of murdering patients, so he felt forced to leave Rome and return to his homeland in Asia Minor (CMG 5,8,1, p. 70). Since he left no written works, it caused Galen considerable inconvenience to learn about Q.’ teachings from his students Aephicianus, Antigenes, Lycus,

> Numisianus and > Satyrus [10].

Q. was a Hippocratic (— Hippocrates [6]), although his views were not always shared by his contemporary Hippocratics; Galen cites his views primarily to rebut them. Q. wrote commentaries on Hippocrates’ Aphorisms, Epidemics and the Prorrhétikon, even discussing some variants (CMG 5,9,2, p. 128), and contradicted those who believed that Hippocrates had explained medicine on the basis of the four Aristotelian qualities [1.173 2. 64-70]. He was famous for his skill in the handling of material medica (even if Satyrus was shokked at how casually he used substitutes when certain remedies were not available). Galen considered him the true heir of Alexandrian anatomy as it was transmitted to him by his teacher Marinus. Q. conducted dissections, even

vivisections

(Gal. Administrationes

anato-

micae 12,7); he dissected the testicles of a living goat, which he had stood upright on its hind legs in order to imitate human posture. Like Marinus, he set great store by > anatomy as one of the foundations of medicine, which he passed on to his students and, through them, to Galen. 1 M.D. Grek, D.Gourevitcn, L’école médicale de Q. et Numisianos (MPalerne 8), 1988, 43-60 2 SMITH, esp. 64-70, 130-133. V.N.

23) and Callimachean (cf. Callim. Aetia fr. 2) manner,

although this could also be a poetic fiction (Smyrna was considered Homer’s homeland). Nothing is known about Q.’ occupation; he certainly had scholarly knowledge: the geographic and mythographic information, esp. referring to the coasts of Caria and Lycia,

appears to stem more from the literary tradition than from his own experience. The title (which is recorded by Schol. Hom. Il. 2,220 and Eust. ad Hom. Il. p. 5,38 =19,7 VAN DER VALK) is of programmatic significance: the Posthomerica tell the events after the death of + Hector, with the intent of filling in the gaps between the Iliad and the ‘Odyssey’. A 5 +4 +5 grouping of the books can be seen in the overall structure. The first five books are devoted to Achilles;

books 6-9 present a series of battles; books 10-14 return to the monographic structure. Despite this artificial macrostructure, the epic presents itself as a series of more or less independent individual tales (/dgozt); the compositional unity of the individual books and the compactness of books 6-8 have led to the suspicion that the work is incomplete ([7. 8] with bibliography). On the unity and the character of individual cantos, cf. [7; Tesi

Q. states that he received

inspiration

from the

> Muses when he was still ‘beardless’ (12,309); a pro-

gressive artistic maturity can be seen in the course of the work: the most innovative allegories and passages are found in the final books ([1. vol.1. xi] with bibliography), even if schoolmasterly pedantry is apparent in the succession of typical scenes (battle, embassy, burial, funeral games, description of the weapons, storm). Popular morals are found particularly in the numerous speeches and aphorisms (listed in the margin of the Aldine edn of 1504/05). The characters are portrayed in contrast with one another: the madness of Penthesilea corresponds to the moderation of Memnon (books 1-2), whose heroism corresponds to the anti-heroism of +» Thersites [14]; strength and cunning are contrasted in the games (book 4), and upright courage and convoluted cleverness have their paradigms in Ajax and Odysseus respectively (book 5). Neoptolemus, who replaces Homer’s Achilles as protagonist, embodies the heroic ideal through his competence, his filial virtues and his moderation (book 5). Exemplary courage, even against fate, is personified by > Sinon and + Laocoon. A divine justice hovers over everything, which is the cause for the death of Paris (likewise an idealized hero)

3rd cent. AD (the date is disputed: cf. [1. vol.1, xix-xxii] with bibliography); author of the Greek epic poem Ta

as well as the capture of Troy and the storm during the return voyage. Some Stoic ideas emerge clearly: the omnipotence of — fate; the existence of the immortal

ued’ “Ounoov

Aeon, who forged the chariot of Zeus (12,194); immor-

[3] Q. (Kowtoc; Kointos) of Smyrna. Probably from the

(Ta meth’ Homeron; Posthomerica, ‘Events after Homer’) in 14 books and 8,772 lines (on the number of books cf. [7. 9; 13. 3655]). The name of the poet is attested in the scholiasts on Homer, Eustathius [4] and Tzetzes (referred to as Smyrnaios by the latter); his birth in Smyrna is based on the autobiographical passage 12,306-313, where Q. describes

tal life, to which the souls of the great and the wise are entitled (cf. 14,185-209 [1. vol.1. xviii]). The didactic digressions (astronomy, medicine, ge-

ography and mythology) are based on literary knowledge and appear to be oriented toward an audience with average education. The influence of rhetoric manifests

BOW,

358

itself in rhetorical means such as hyperbole, emphatic epithets, the pursuit of contrast and symmetry, impressive scenes (book 14: storm at sea), ekphrdseis. Some aspects of the macabre are reminiscent of the Pharsalia of + Lucanus. His command of rhetorical devices is shown above all in the long speeches in traditional epic situations (challenge to combat, insults, dirges, encomia, invectives, consolation, welcome speeches). The vocabulary of Q. has been described as a Homerizing koiné (1. vol.r. xli], with a vague use of the terms for Realien; the effort to vary the template and avoid monotony is not always successful. Q.’ sources are difficult to determine, for example his knowledge of the > Epic cycle ([9. 436]; negative view in [1. vol.1, xxvili-xxix]). Q. used > mythography as a grid (numerous correlations with the Library of (Pseudo-) + Apollodorus [7], on which he then strung together episodes from various sources (tragedies, Hellenistic literature, especially - Apollonius [2] Rhodius). There are also overlaps with the novel of Dictys (+ Dictys Cretensis), although we can scarcely tell if they shared the same literary sources or the same edu-

(Anth. Pal. 6,230); some editors ascribe it to + Maecius [1 7] (Quintus).

cation. The intertextual relationship to Latin texts [8] (pri-

marily Virgil, but also Ovid’s Metamorphoses and the Trojan Women of Seneca) is debated. The correspondences have been explained as a result of common Greek sources [15], but similarities in style and content demonstrate a direct relationship [8], particularly for books 12-13 (content corresponding with the second book of Virgil’s Aeneid, the > Ilioupersis). ~» Epic; > Troy [III]: Trojan cycle

EDITIONS,

TRANSLATIONS,

COMMENTARIES:

1 F. VIAN, 3 vols., 1963, 1966,1969

2G.POMPELLA, 3

vols., 1979, 1987, 1993 (with Italian translation)

3A.S.

Way, The Fall of Troy, 1913, reprint 1984 (with English translation) 4J.Donner, Die Fortsetzung der Ilias, 1866-1867,

reprint

5 M.CampBELL,

1921

(German

translation)

A Commentary on Quintus Smirnaeus

Posthomerica XII, 1981

6A.JAMeEs, K. Lez,

A Commen-

tary on Q. of Smyrna, Posthomerica V, 2000. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

7 W.AppEL,

Grundsatzliche

Bemer-

kungen zu den Posthomerica und Q. Smirnaeus, in: Prometheus,

20.1,

1994,

I-13

8 G.D’IppoLito,

s. v.

Quinto Smirneo, in: EV 4, 376-380 9 A.DrIHLE, Die griechische und lateinische Literatur der Kaiserzeit, 1989,

435-436

10 L. FERRARI, Osservazioni su Quinto Smir-

neo, 1963 + 11P.1. Kakripis, Kowtos Zpvevaios, 1962 12 R. KEYDELL, s. v. Q. von Smyrna, RE 24, 1271-1296

13 P.ScHENK,

Handlungsstruktur

und Komposition

in

den Posthomerica des Q. Smyrneus, in: RhM, 140, 1997,

363-385

14 P.ScHUBERT, Thersite et Penthésilée dans la

Suite d’Homere de Q. de Smyrne, in: Phoenix 50.2, 1996,

QUIRINIUS

GA II 1,370-3733 2,403.

M.G.A.

Quire. A quire of > papyrus or (usually) of > parchment is part of a > codex or - book. It consists of a

specific number of sheets folded together and sewn along the crease; as a rule each hair side of a parchment sheet faces a flesh side. Quires are closely linked to the format of a codex: as early as Martial there is talk of notebooks of parchment quires (membranae or — pugillares membrane, e.g. Mart. 1,2,3; 14,184 and 186). Further mention of membrana can be found in Horace (Ars P. 386-390; Sat. 2,3,1-2), Persius (3,10 f.)

and Quintilian (Inst. 10,3,31). The earliest codices probably consisted of a single layer (e.g. PBodmer, c. AD 300, with comedies by > Menander [4]). A quaternio is obtained from two skins, folded two or three times according to the desired format (quarto or octavo). Either the skins were folded and the text was written before the double sheets were cut, or the text was written only after the cutting; this latter method facilitated the steps normally carried out before the lettering of a page (e.g. pricking and > ruling). According to the number of leaves making up a quire, it was described as binio, ternio, quaternio, quinio or senio (for quires of more leaves there were no specific terms). From Late Antiquity onwards quaternio quires are by far the commonest used; in the 13th cent. senio codices appear (this coincides primarily with the emergence of universities in England and France). The quinio is typical of legal codices (primarily in Italy). Since Late Antiquity quires were marked on the first > recto and/or the last verso with letters, Roman numerals and (from the roth cent.) catchwords (initial words or syllables of the following quire). In addition there are ‘mixed quires’, consisting of bifolia of paper with an inner and/or outer bifolium of parchment, by means of which the quire is better protected. + Book; > Codex (with illustration) B. BiscHorr, Palaographie des romischen Altertums und des abendlandischen Mittelalters, *1986, 37-41. Engl. tr. by D. O’Croining & D. Ganz, 1990, 20-37; P. BUSONERO, La fascicolazione del manoscritto nel basso medioevo, in: Ead. et al., La fabbrica del codice, 1999, 33-139; L.Gi-

LISSEN, Prolégoménes a la codicologie, 1977. Quirinalis. Roman

cognomen,

PE.

from residence on the

-» Mons Quirinalis, first appeared in the Imperial era. 1 Decrassi, FCIR, 265

2 KayANTo, Cognomina, 184.

r11-117_ 15 F, Vian, Recherches sur les Posthomerica de Q. de Smyrne, 1959 (with older bibliography) 16 Id.,

K-L.E.

Histoire de la tradition manuscrite de Q. de Smyrne, 1959.

5.FO. [4] (Koivtoc; Kointos). Only one epigram from the Gar-

land of Philip has been preserved under this praenomen: the dedication of a horn of triton to Apollo (Phoebus Akreitas) by an old weir fisherman named Damis

uirinius.

AD).

Co

g nomen

of

1

=e Sul

Ppicius

5

(cos.

2,

K.-L.E.

QUIRINUS

359

[2. 1306-1309]; — Salii [2]). Servius proposed a division of power (Serv. Aen. 6,859f.; cf. 1,292): Q. is a

Quirinus [1] Roman deity A. NAME

B. ORIGIN

360

AND FUNCTION

C. CULT

A. NAME

The etymology of the name (Q. from *co-uir-inus as with — QOuirites from *co-uirites, ‘the totality of the citizens’) makes its bearer the protector of the Roman citizenry. The age and importance of Q. are documen-

ted by the mention of his flamen (-» Flamines) in fourth position of the priestly hierarchy (-» Rex sacrorum) transmitted in Fest. 299f. L. Nevertheless, his nature remains opaque: His origin is connected with the founding of the city of Rome and the first Roman citizenship; however, because Q. was equated with the deified + Romulus [1], probably from the 3rd cent. BC, the original identity of the god was blurred.

B. ORIGIN AND FUNCTION The names of the three flamines maiores (Dialis, Martialis, Quirinalis) have led to the gods > Iuppiter, + Mars and Q. (who are associated with them by name) being seen as an archaic triad, which is supposed to have been subsequently replaced by the Capitoline triad (Iuppiter, > Iuno and > Minerva) [1. 23]. However, the interpretation of this ‘original triad’ has changed over the course of the 2oth cent. In the rst half of the cent., a dualistic model of the settlement of Rome predominated (cf. [2. 1306, 1309-1312]): In the early period of Rome (> Rome I.), the > Latini from the Palatine and ‘Romulus’ introduced their gods, among whom luppiter held the highest rank, while the > Sabini from the Quirinal, the ‘Hill of Q.’, brought theirs, including Q.; moreover, according to the literary tradition, ~ Numa Pompilius stemmed from Cures, from the name of which some ancient etymologists derived Q. This model leaves the question of Mars, the legendary father of Romulus, open. For some historians, Mars was the Latin, Q. the Sabine god, while luppiter stood above the whole. G.DUMEZIL [3] suggested a completely different interpretation of the triad of gods: according to his global hypothesis of a functional three-way division in Indo-European societies, he saw Q. as the god of material prosperity, which facilitated the life of the citizenry. However, the Iron Age finds of recent decades in Latium have rehabilitated the assumption of a mixed settlement of Rome in the early period; this also supports the thesis of the topographic roots of the different cults in the separate regions of Rome (cf. [4; 5. 73-80]). In the historical era, Q. is the god of the political organization of the Roman citizens in one of their divisions, the > curiae, whose name (*co-uiria) clearly shows the relationship to the god. The assimilation of Romulus, the deified founder of the city, with Q. can also be better understood with this in mind. The relationship of Q. to Mars, particularly the role of each as war god, was already discussed in antiquity (Liv. 5.5257; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,48,2; Fest. 238 L.; cf.

Mars who guards peace and is honoured within the city, while the war god Mars receives a cult outside the city. On the other hand, [6] sees Q. as a god who appeared only after the emergence of the urbs in order to ensure its protection (custodia), while Mars was the protector of the ager Romanus, on which war was often necessary; thus, Q. is not, as [3] holds, the protector of the cattle and fields who guaranteed the material life of the Romans, because he did not leave the urbs.

GP GuEE Q. had several sanctuaries in Rome: His main temple stood on the + Mons Quirinalis, in the neighbourhood of sanctuaries of Sabine deities ([7. 139-144; 8]; cf. [9]). The festival of the god, the Quirinalia on 17 February, fell on the same day as the festival of the > Fornacalia, but the two were not commingled; the Quirinalia, which do not have an agrarian character, was a festival of the curiae. 1G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer, *1912 2 C.Kocn, s. v. Q., RE 24, 1306-1321 3 DUMEZIL

4 C.AMPOLO, La nascita della citta, in: A.SCHIAVONE

A.MOMIGLIANO,

(ed.), Storia di Roma, vol. 1, 1988, 153-

180 57T.J. CORNELL, The Beginnings of Rome, 1995 6 A. MAGDELAIN, De la royauté et du droit de Romulus a Sabinus, 1995 7A.Z10LKOWsk1, The Temples of MidRepublican Rome, 1992 8 F. COARELLI, s. v. Q., aedes, LTUR 4,185-187 9ld.,s. v.Q.,sacellum, LTUR 4, 187. A.DU [2] (Kuetvoc; Kyrinos). Sophist from Nicomedia, born

about AD 170 (?), student of - Hadrianus [1], whose work he may have edited (cf. Philostr. VS 2,29,621).

Philostratus [5—8] praised his powerful oratory and his lack of greed and self-assertion as an advocatus fisci (probably under Septimius Severus and in an eastern province); Philostratus quotes bons mots but no speeches, and notes that Q. died aged 70. PIR Q 55. > Second Sophistic E.BO. [3] Rhetor of the 4th cent. AD from Antiochia, known only from Libanius. He held high-level administrative offices, was probably governor in Lycia, Pamphylia and Cyprus (Lib. Ep. 366); he declined the office of a praefectus Galliarum in 355 (386,6f.). His son Honoratus studied with Libanius (300, 310, 366). In 363, Q. retired to his estates in Cilicia and died there approximately one year later (1243; 1303; 1327). PLRE 1, Quirinus

Quirites Populus Romanus Quirites (or, later, Quiritium) was the official term for the Roman citizenry. It contains the name of the city (Romanus) and that of the

+ populus

(Quirites),

as with

— Ardea

(Ardeates

Rutuli) and + Lavinium (Laurentes Lavinates), where

the name of the city stood alongside that of the people living there. The singular form, Ouiris, survives only in archaic formulae (Fest. 304: ollus Ouiris).

361

362

The etymological derivation of the term is still disputed. The Romans themselves wished to separate Ouirites neither from the god > Quirinus nor the Quirinal Hill (+ Mons Quirinalis), and attributed the double

Judaean desert. The ceramics date from the 8th cent. BC to the beginning of the 6th. This classification is confirmed by a /mlk-seal impression (/mlk = ‘for the king’) and a palaeo-Hebrew ostrakon, the writing on which dates to the late 7th or early 6th cent. BC. The Iron Age site could have been part of a ring of fortification built by Uzziah (790-740) and is called S‘kaka in Jos 15:61 (cians Ors lVersaV oe5en 3)

term to the fusion of the Sabine community (— Sabini)

on the Quirinal with the Palatine city of Rome (Fest. 304). Both the name of the Sabine city > Cures and the name [uno Curis or Ouiris attested there and elsewhere could fit such a Sabine etymology (derivation from Cures already in Varro, Ling. 5,51; cf. also Varro in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,48 and [1]). Others derive the word from *co-uirites, which could mean ‘all men’ or ‘entire community’ [2. 147 ff.]. 1 W.EISENHUT, s. v. Quiris, Q., Curis, Cur(r)itis, RE 24,

1324-1333 2 P.KRETSCHMER, Lat. O. und quiritare, in: Glotta 10, 1920, 147-157 3 A.PRospocIMI, Curia, Q. e il sistema di Quirino, in: Ostraka 5, 1996, 243-319.

H.GA.

Quiza. City in Mauretania Caesariensis, northeast of Portus [5] Magnus on the right bank of the Oued Chelif (Plin. HN 5,19: O. Cenitana; Ptol. 4,2,3: Kovita xohwvia/Kouiza kolonia; It. Ant. 13,9: O. municipium), modern El-Benian. Duumwviri are attested for AD 128 (CIL VIII 2, 9697); there is also mention of a disp(unctor) reip(ublicae) O(uizensium) (‘comptroller of the city of Q.’, CIL VIII 2, 9699). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 9697-9703; suppl. 3, 21514f. Significant ruins survive. AAAIg, leaf 11, no. 2; P.CADENAT, Q. et Mina ..., in: Libyca 2, 1954, 243-248; H. TREIDLER, s.v. Q., RE 24,

1333.

W.HU.

Qumesh see - Comisene Qumran I. History OF FINDS II. SETTLEMENT III. SurROUNDING AREA IV. NATURE AND FUNCTION OF THE SETTLEMENT

I. HisTORY OF FINDS The settlement of Q. on the northwest shore of the Dead Sea, c. 20 km southeast of

> Jerusalem, receives its name from Wadi Q., at the end of which it lies. After Bedouins discovered the first scrolls in nearby caves in 1947, the settlement of Q. itself was excavated ina total of five campaigns, 1951-1956 [11 28; 293 303 31], and digs and surveys have been carried out very recently [5; 18; 24; 26]. The Hirbat Q. site essentially consists of three components: a 100 m X 80 m building complex, three cemeteries and numerous caves, some artificial and some natural, in nearby and broader environs.

Il. SETTLEMENT

The earliest settlement at Hirbat Q. dates before the Exilic Period (Iron Age II). The rectangular building, with a forecourt and a large round cistern (cf. site plan), resembles Israelite fortresses in the Negev and the

QUMRAN

Hirbat Q. experienced its most intensive settlement in the Graeco-Roman Period. According to Murabba‘at 45,6 the place was called M ‘sad haSidin (Aramaic, ‘fort of the devout’) in this period. Phase Ia is hard to date because of its short duration and the paucity of ceramics, scarcely distinguishable from finds in subsequent strata. Essentially, the earlier building remains were used and two more cisterns were added to the Iron Age one. Phase Ib was originally dated to the reign of ~ Hyrcanus [2] I (135/4-104 BC) [29], yielding a beginning for Phase Ia in the time of Jonathan (160-142 BC) or Simon (142-13 5/4 BC). Re-interpretation of the numismatic and ceramic finds, however, makes it more likely that the beginning of building (Phase Ia) dates to the period of Hyrcanus I and the beginning of Phase Ib to the reign of > Alexander [16] Jannaeus (103-76 BC) [3; 27]. The installation then grew to its greatest extent of c. 100 m X 80 m. It consisted of a main building with a massive tower (site plan no. 2), internal courtyard and communal rooms; to the south there was a large assembly room (no. 9), which also served as a dining hall, with an annex where more than 1,000 pieces of crockery were found (no. ro). Southeast of the assembly room there were two pottery workshops (no. 6) and a firing oven (no. 7). A building west of the central courtyard consisted of a further internal courtyard and storerooms. Between the two buildings lay the three cisterns from Phase Ia and workshops. In addition, further cisterns and several muqva’ot (ritual baths) and a complex water installation (no. 14) were found. In the areas

around the building animal bones (mostly of sheep and goats, but also oxen) came to light. The end of Phase Ib is marked by earthquake damage and traces of fire. DE Vaux [29] has interpreted them in the context of the great earthquake of 31 BC (Jos. Ant. Iud. 15,5,2-122; Jos. BI 1,19,3-370). MAGNEss [17] has shown, however, based on a re-evaluation of the numismatic finds, that the fire can be set no earlier than 9/8 BC.

The coin finds show that the settlement was not rebuilt until under -> Herodes [3] Archelaus (4 BC-AD

6) (Phase II). The building and its disposition hardly altered. The inkwells and the ‘writing desk’, which have become famous, are from this period. The size of the large assembly room in the south of the complex suggests that the population of the settlement in Phases Ib and II was about 200. The fact that the latest Phase II coins date to the 3rd year of the first Jewish War (AD 68) whereas the earliest Roman coins are from the years AD 67-68 and that in this period Roman troops were stationed in Jericho (Jos. Ant. Iud. 4,8,7, § 433) leads to the deduction that the settlement of Q. was destroyed

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by Roman troops in AD 68. A small part of the settlement was subsequently rebuilt as a Roman garrison (Phase III). Because the latest coins from this phase date to AD 72-73, the garrison may have been withdrawn again after the conquest of the fortress of -» Masada. On the basis of finds of coins from the second Jewish War the ruins were used in this period by Jewish resistance groups as a hiding-place.

IV. NATURE AND FUNCTION OF THE SETTLEMENT The rationale of the settlement at Q. has been understood variously as that of a military fortress [7; ro], a villa rustica {6], an Essene cult site built in a Hasmonaean villa [12], an Essene fine leather tannery and scroll factory [27], a Zadokid splinter group’s schooling centre [25] (> Zadok, sons of) and a fortified ‘customs station with associated road house and integrated hospice [4]. On the other hand, the collection of exceedingly sobre ceramics [16] and the water installations — which, e.g., in comparison to the Hasmonaean-Herodian villae of Jericho, were obviously oriented at the purity requirements of a religious community [17] — clearly indicate that the rationale for the settlement at Q. was for it to serve as the centre of a religious community, using at least some of the caves for homes and a library. The transfer, recorded by 4 Q477, of the community rules in the settlement of Q. speak to that sett-

III. SURROUNDING AREA

Immediately adjacent to the building complex there were cemeteries,

a main one (c. 1,100 graves) and two

secondary ones (each 15-30 graves), these latter, according to the most recent studies, of more recent date and of Bedouin origin [32]. In all, 51 graves [21; 26; 29] have been opened. The heads of the corpses are all oriented to the south. The bodies themselves lie in graves 1.2-2.0 m deep under the eastern wall in a hollow covered with stone slabs. Some graves contained more than one skeleton. Whereas it was originally assumed that, apart from a number of exceptions around the edge, only men’s skeletons were buried in the main cemetery [29], more recent anthropological studies of the skeletons have shown that women and children were not buried only in the secondary cemeteries. Grave 24 even contained the skeletons of both a man and a woman [21]. None of the most recently investigated skeletons belonged to individuals who had earned their livings by physical labour [21]. Cemeteries with the same type of grave have been found not only in ‘Ain al-Guwair, Hiyam al-Saga, Jericho (Tall al-Sultan) and in the south of modern Jerusalem (Bait Safafa) [1; 2; 9; 13; 225 33],

but are known also from the Nabataean region in the rst and 2nd cents. AD (Hirbat Qaistn, al-Faifa’ and

possibly Hirbat Sakina and al-Hadita) [19; 20]. Unlike the Q. sites, in a small number of the graves of Hirbat Qaisiin there are grave goods (jewellery and documents) and five tombstones. In the course of excavati-

ons in the neighbourhood of Q., DE Vaux found some 40 once-inhabited caves, with the ceramics of 27 caves corresponding to Q.’s ensemble of ceramics and, with some probability, having been made there [29. 54 f.]. It was in eleven of these caves that the Q. MSS were found — mostly by Bedouins and rarely by archaeologists (> Dead Sea (textual finds); Essenes). Some caves were artificially knocked into the marl terraces of Wadi

Q. (e.g, 4 Q 5 Q7 Q; 8 Q 9 Q; ro Q). Later excavations found further caves and the remains of a tent ({28] and H. EsHex in [24]), which shows that the characteristic living quarters were essentially caves and

tents. Besides the ceramic finds, an ostrakon very recently found in Q. [5] and a fragment showing that regulations from the community rules (1 QS; 4 QS*’; 4 QD*"*; 5 QD; 6 QD) of Q. (for 4 Q477 see [8]) had been transferred there also prove the connexion between the caves and the settlement. ‘Ain Fagha: At ‘Ain FaSha, about 3 km to the south of Q., a courtyard with workshops was found: a building, to which a pen anda shed to the south and basins in an enclosure to the north were connected.

QUMRAN

lement’s Essene character (> Essenes) (communis opi-

nio, esp. [27; 29]). The cemeteries of ‘Ain al-Guwair,

Hiyam al-Saga and Jericho make further Essene settlements around Q. likely; finds at Bait Safafa point to an Essene settlement in Jerusalem. The Nabataean parallels could point to Nabataean cultural influence on the Essene movement, possibly through members from the Nabataean diaspora, and this could be confirmed by the Nabataean manuscripts 4 Q235 and 4 Q343. > Dead Sea (textual finds);

Essenes (with map)

1 P.Bar-Apon, Another Settlement of the Judean Desert Sect at En-el-Ghuweir on the Shores of the Dead Sea, in: BASO 227, 1977, 1-25 2C.M. BENNETT, Tombs of the Roman Period, in: K.M. KENYON (ed.), Excavations at Jericho, vol. 2, 1965, 516-545 3P.R. CaLtaway, The History of the Q. Community, 1988 4 L.CANSDALE, Q. andthe Essenes,1997

from

Khirbet

6 R.DoNcEEL,

5 F.M. Cross, E.EsSHEL, Ostraca

Qumran,

in:

IEJ

47,

1997,

17-28

P. DoNcEEL-VoOTE, The Archaeology of

Khirbet Q., in: M.O. Wiss et al. (ed.), Methods of Inves-

tigation of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Khirbet Q. Site, 1994, 1-38 7G.R. Driver, The Judean Scrolls, 1965 8 E.EsHEL, 4Q477: The Rebukes by the Overseer, in: Journ. of Jewish Stud. 45, 1994, 111-122 9H.EsHEL, Z. GREENHUT, Hiam El-Sagha, a Cemetery of the Q. Type, in: RBi roo, 1993, 252-259 10 N.Go.s, Q., 1994 11 L. HarpinG, R. pE VAux, G. M. Crawroort, H. J. PLEN-

DERLEITH, The Archaeological Finds, in: DJD 1, 1955, 3-40 12 J.-B. Humbert, L’Espace Sacré a Q., in: RBi TOT, 1994, 161-211

13K.M. Kenyon, Excavations at

Jericho, vol. 3, 1981, 173f.

14 E.-M. LAPEROUSSAZ,

Qoumran, 1976 15 J. MaGness, The Community at Q. in Light of Its Pottery, in: see [6],39-50 16 Id., A Villa at Khirbet Q.?, in: Rev. de Q. 16, 1993/4, 397-419 171d.,

The Chronology of the Settlement at Q. in the Herodian Period,

in:

Dead

Sea

Discoveries

2,

1995,

58-65

18 J. Parricu, Khirbet Q. and the Manuscript Finds of the Judaean Wilderness, in: see [6],73-95 19K.D. Po.itis, The Nabataean Cemetery at Khirbet Qazone, in: Near Eastern Archaeology 62.2, 1999, 128 20Id., Rescue

Excavations at the Nabataean Cemetery at Khirbet Qazone 1996-1997, in: Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan 42, 1998, 611-614 21 O.ROHRER-

QUMRAN

368

367

Erti, F.RonRuirsScH,

D.Haun, Uber die Graberfelder

von Khirbet Q., insbesondere die Funde der Campagne 1956.1: Anthropologische Datenvorlage und Erstauswertung aufgrund der Collectio Kurth, in: Rev. de Q. 19, 1999/2000, 3-46 22 D. ResHer, P.Smiru, Two Skeletal Remains from Hiam el-Sagha, in: RBi 100, 1993, 260-269 23 F.ROHRHIRSCH, Wissenschaftstheorie und Q., 1996 24 A.RorrMan (ed.), ADay atQ.,1997 25 L.H. ScHIFFMAN, Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1994 26S.H.

STECKOLL, Preliminary Excavation Report, in: Rev. de Q. 6, 1967-1969, 323-344 27H.STEGEMANN, Die Essener, Q., Johannes der Taufer und Jesus, 41994 28R.DE Vaux, Archéologie, in: DJD 3.1, 1962, 3-36

chaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1973

29 Id., Ar-

30 Id., Fouil-

les de Khirbet Qumran et de Ain Feshkha, vol. 1, 1994

31 Id., Die Ausgrabungen von Q. und En Feschcha, vol. 1a,1996 32J.E. Zias, The Cemeteries of Q. and Celibacy: Confusion Laid to Rest?, in: Dead Sea Discoveries 7, 2000, 220-253 33 B.Zissu, ‘Q. Type’ Graves in Jeru-

salem: Archaeological Evidence for an Essene Community?, in: Dead Sea Discoveries 5, 1998, 158-171.

AR.L.

Call to follow. The main sources are - Minucius [II 1] Felix and > Tertullianus, Apologeticum (see also De spectaculis), as well as Lactantius (Divinae institutio-

nes, De ira dei, Epitome), Cyprianus (title based on Ad Fortunatum 1, conclusion based on Ad Demetrianum),

also pagan sources, e.g. Virgil. Since Hieronymus (Ep.

70,5.2, commendatory) and Augustine and into the 2oth cent. the ‘pocket-sized apology’ was thought to be the work of Cyprian. + Apologists EpiT1IoNn: W.HartTEL, CSEL 3.1, 19-31. LITERATURE: E. HECK, Pseudo-Cyprian, Q. und Lactanz, Epitome

divinarum

institutionum,

in: M. Wacut

(ed.),

Panchaia, FS K. Thraede, 1995, 148-155; A. WLOSOK, in: HL G48 2.3. E.HE.

Quodvultdeus. Born toward the end of the 4th cent., deacon from 417-421, and in 437 (according to [5] as early as 432/3) bishop of Carthage. He encouraged + Augustinus (Aug. Epist. 221; 223) to write De hae-

Qumran Aramaic. QA (= Hasmonaic) is the name given to the > Aramaic in which the texts found in > Qumran were written (rst cent. BC to 2nd cent. AD),

which, however, are not quite uniform in their language. QA has the characteristics of a standardized literary language (which also reappears later in Aramaic ~ Bible translations, such as Targum Ongelos, Targum Jonathan: note the pronouns and infinitives). Yet it also still had linguistic features based on > Official Aramaic and also the Aramaic of the Bible. QA shows the earliest indication for the development of the subsequent Western Aramaic dialects, especially the Christian-Palesti-

resibus (dedicated to Q.). After Carthage was conquered by + Geisericus (439), Q. was exiled to Campania because of his protests against Geisericus’ policy on religion (Victor of Vita 1,15 CSEL 7), where he died (today his tomb is in the Naples cathedral). At least 13 pseudoAugustinian sermons are currently attributed to him (see [3. 13-16]), along with the exegetical work De promissionibus et praedicationibus Dei, which was traditionally believed to have been written by — Prosper Tiro (arguing against Q.’ authorship: [4]). EDITIONS:

1R.BrRAUN, CCL

1964, 101-102

60,1976

2I1d., SChr,

3A.V. Nazzaro, Q., Promesse e pre-

nian Aramaic (-> Palestinian-Aramaic), for example in

dizioni di dio, 1989 (with It. transl. and comm.).

orthography (tendency towards plene spelling) and morphology. QA is still almost entirely free of Greek

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

and Latin words, but the Hebrew substrate, which sub-

5 W.SrroBL, Notitiolae Quodvultdeanae, Christianae 52, 1998, 193-203.

sequently became a characteristic feature of Western Aramaic, is already becoming more obvious in loan words and noun formation. Extant texts include translations of the books ofJob, Tobit and Enoch, a Genesis Apocryphon, and the Testament of Levi. Into the same linguistic group also belong the documents (papyri) found in Nahal Hever, Wadi Sayyal and Wadi Murabba‘at. No comprehensive study of QA exists. + Aramaic; > Nabataean; -» Palmyrene; > Papyrus K. Beyer, Die aramaischen Texte vom Toten Meer, vols 1 and 2, 1984/1994; J.A. Firzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls.

Major

Publications

and Tools

for Study,

1977;

J.T.

Mixik, Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, vol. 1, 1955.

CK.

Quod idola dii non sint (‘That idols are not gods’). An

apologetic treatise in rhythmic form from the mid—4th cent. AD, attributed to -» Cyprianus [2] but based on Lactantius [1]. Contents: 1-7: Rejection of the cult of the gods as a demonic illusion, not the cause of the greatness of Rome; 8-9: Discovery of the one God; ro-14: Mission, work, passion and resurrection of Christ; 15:

4M.SiMoneETTI, La produzione lette-

raria latina fra Romanie

barbari (sec. V—VIII), 1986, 35 f.

in: Vigiliae TF

Quotation marks see > Punctuation Qur’an (Koran) A. DEFINITION FORM

B. ORIGIN

— LANGUAGE

E. COMMENTARIES

AND

STYLE

C. STRUCTURE AND D. CONTENT

AND TRANSLATIONS

F. THE

QuR’AN WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE HISTORY OF ANCIENT IDEAS AND GENRES

A. DEFINITION The sacred book of the Muslims, the word of God, received through the prophet + Muhammad c. AD 610-632.

B. ORIGIN The divine revelations had already been collected in oral and written form by the faithful during the lifetime of the prophet, but it was the 3rd + Caliph> Othman (‘Utman; 644-56) who compiled them in their ultimate, unchangeable, canonical form.

369

370°

C. STRUCTURE AND FORM — LANGUAGE AND STYLE The 114 Suras (loan word from Talmudic Sarah ‘sequence, line’) are roughly organized according to length from the longest to the shortest, with the exception of the first one, the ‘opening? (al-fatiha), a short prayer. Each Sura consists of individual verses. It is only partly possible to establish a sequence of revelations based on thematic and stylistic criteria, even the distinction between the Mecca and Medina Periods (meaning before or after the + Hejira) is not entirely clear. The Arabic of the Qur’an is a formal standard language in rhymes. The text first consisted purely of consonants, which allowed different interpretations. In the 2nd half of the 8th cent., the text was completely furnished with added vowels and recitation signs.

both in form and content that the origins of Islam are to be found in Late Antiquity. In this context, it is debatable how much Christian and Jewish hymn poetry had been adopted into the Quran. This question, however, must not be dismissed altogether since the reception and further development of traditional Christian and Jewish themes in Islam has not only been known for a long time, but Islam regarded itself as the heir and, at the same time, as the genuine representative of the original monotheistic religion inaugurated by > Abraham [1]. The linguistic character of the Qur’an points into this direction as well: based on Old Arabic (prose rhymes sag‘ were also used by ‘pagan’ fortune-tellers, kuhban), the specific religious vocabulary is characterized by many borrowings from Hebrew (‘lliyun < ‘elyon ‘uppermost heaven’) and Syrian (salat < s‘luta, ‘prayer’, masgid < masg‘da, ‘place of prayer’), secondarily from Ethiopian and Old Arabic as well (rahman, ‘God the merciful’; original name of an old south Arabic god). Aside form these loan words, many concepts and stories apparently reached Muhammad by way of oral sources. Esp. obvious is the Qur’an’s christological docetism (+> Doketai) and the presence of several Haggadic stories (> Haggadah; thus in the only narrative Sura 12 ‘Yusuf’). The later, Medinensic Suras, on the other hand, were shaped after commentaries of the Jewish > Halakhah. In its entirety, however, the Qur’an presents an innovative and quite original unity and can be regarded as the successful attempt to newly formulate an Arabic religious identity in Late Antiquity based on the Jewish/Christian religions yet in constant dialogue with the latter.

D. CONTENT The Qur’an contains rules and instructions for all areas of life, thus it is the primary source of Islamic law, faith, and rules of conduct. Early on, the goodness and omnipotence of the one God (Allah), the Last Judgement, and notions of paradise were the main focus. Later, we find an increased engagement with specific Jewish and esp. with Christian topics, part of which are legends of prophets (i.a. Abraham, Moses, Salomon, Jesus). An original scripture from heaven is understood to be the origin of the sacred texts of Jews and Christians as well (‘owners of scripture’). In the Medinensic Period, the relationship to owners of scripture deteriorates and abrogations partially revise previous statements about them.

E. COMMENTARIES AND TRANSLATIONS The need for interpretation concerning some of the revelations soon gave rise to the Qur’an exegesis as an independent literary genre. On the other hand, translations were prevented at first due to the explicit reference to Arabic in the Qur’an itself and due to the dogma that it is literarily inimitable — despite a growing need for them due to the rapid expansion of > Islam. The first Latin translation of the Qur'an was completed in 1143 on Petrus Venerabilis’ initiative (Cluny). H.scHo. F. THE QUR’AN WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK

OF

THE HISTORY OF ANCIENT IDEAS AND GENRES The word quran is of Syrian origin (< geryana, ‘pericope reading’). Correspondingly, the Qur’an indicates

QUSAE

H. Boszin, Der Koran im Zeitalter der Reformation. Stu-

dien zur Friihgeschichte der Arabistik und Islamkunde in Europa, 1995 J.DAMMEN McAu_IFfz (ed.), The Encyclopaedia of the Quran, 1999 J.W. HirscHBERG, Jiidische und christlische Lehren im vor- und frihislamischen Arabien, 1939 J.Horovirz, Koranische Untersuchungen, 1926 T.NaGEL, Der Koran: Einfiihrung — Texte — Erlauterungen, 1998 A. NEUWIRTH, Koran, in: H. GATJE (ed.), Grundrifg der arabischen Philologie II (Literaturwiss.), 1987, 96-135 TH. NOLpDEKE, F.SCHWALLY, G. BERGSTRASSER, O.PRETzL, Geschichte des Qorans, *1938 (repr.

1961) R.PAReET, Der Koran.

Ubersetzung,

1963-

1966 W.M. Wart, Bell’s Introduction to the Qur’an: Completely Revised and Enlarged, 1970 A.T. WELCH et

al., s.v. Kur’an, EI 5, 400a-432b.

Qusae see > Kusae

JN.

R R (linguistics). In Greek and Latin, the letter R denotes a voiced alveolar trill (‘R rolled with the tip of the tongue’); however, the aspirated r in 6 90 ho yo (cf. Latin rhetor, Armen. xretor for Greek O4twe, Latin Trhaso for Greek Oodowv) was voiceless [1. 3.9 f.5 2. 3.25

3. 65, 204]. In inherited Greek and Latin words, r is derived from Proto-Indo-European r (Greek toes, Latin trés < Proto-Indoeuropean*tréies ‘three’). In initial position, Greek 6- can be traced back to sr- or ur-, which in Latin appears as fr- or r- (Greek Otyoc, Latin

frigus ‘coldness’ < *srig- became Polish sryz ‘drift ice’; Greek @a51§ ‘branch’, Latin radix ‘root’ < *urad-). In medial position, 6- becomes ee (6Hyvumt ‘break’, megueeayns ‘broken all around’). Unaspirated, initial r-

is lacking in Greek: Latin ruber < * (2,)rud'r6-'red’ corresponds to Greek égv0e6c, whose initial é- either results from a (regular) prothetic vowel or is a reflection of Proto-Indo-European a, (+ Laryngeal). The geminate rr in Lesbian and Thessalian Greek can be traced back to ri as well as sr in medial position (Lesb. p0éeoew ‘decay’, yéeeas acc. pl. ‘hands’ < *p 'ther-io, *kesy-as as opposed to Ion.-Att. 8etew, yetgas), in Attic and also in Latin to rs (Att. x0gen, Ion. xdgon’temple, forehead’,

Rabbath-Ammon (Rabbath bné ‘Ammon, LXX ‘Pappa/Rhabba; Pol. ‘Papatauava/Rhabatamana, Assyrian bit ammana; Philadelphia since the mid 3rd cent. BC; modern ‘Amman). I. THROUGH THE PERSIAN PERIOD TIC PERIOD AND LATER

Il. HELLENIS-

I. THROUGH THE PERSIAN PERIOD Capital city of the Ammonites ( Ammon [2]); the

oldest traces of settlement come from the Neolithic Age (7th-6th millennium BC). The earliest important remains with rich tombs on the citadel date from the Middle Bronze Age (1st halfofthe 2nd millennium BC);

settled continuously since then. In the 9th cent. BC, RA

was part of a coalition of small states that sought to prevent the Assyrian advance (remains of a city wall with a gate from this time); Ammon, however, became an Assyrian vassal state under Tiglath-Pileser II (744724). In the Neobabylonian and Persian Period (6th— 4th cent.), too, it remained under foreign control. HIN.

ad-r-, irrumpo < in-r-). Latin r newly emerged through

Il. HELLENISTIC PERIOD AND LATER After the conquest of the Levant by Alexander [4] the Great (333-331), the city was rebuilt and renamed Philadelphia by Ptolemy [3] II Philadelphus (285-247 BC). After its conquest by Pompey [I 3] (64 BC), it was

so-called + rhotacism from intervocalic s (classical Latin ivrat ‘swear’ < Old Latin iouesat) as well as through

with the > Dekapolis and (from the 2nd cent. AD on)

Latin terra ‘earth’ < *ters-d) [4. 309f., 322f.5 5. 61, 78; 6. 140, 210], and furthermore, in epenthesis between members of a Latin compound, to dr, nr (arripio
Rufus. On imperial coins R often stands for restitutor, the ‘restorer’ (of the empire, the unity of the empire etc.). A. CALDERINI, Epigrafia, 1974, 321-323; H. COHEN, J.C.

EGBERT, R.CaGnat, Coin-Inscriptions and Epigraphical Abbreviations of Imperial Rome, 1978, 71-74. W.ED.

se

Rabbi (Hebrew ‘my master’; Greek 6affU/rhabbi, Latin rabbi). Prior to 70 BC, documented only as a personal form of address (cf. Jo 1:38); in ancient > Judaism, the

title used for most scholars in Palestine. ‘Rabbi’ is frequently used to refer to the patriarch > Jehuda ha-Nasi, credited with the redaction of the Mishnah (+ Rabbinical literature). The Babylonian + Amoraim were called rab for linguistic reasons. The plural ‘rabbinim’ (‘rabbis’) encompasses both groups in their capacity as authors of rabbinical literature. In ancient inscriptions, rab denotes honoured men who in many cases were not part of the rabbinical movement. In English-speaking countries, the term ‘rabbi’ is still used today for modern congregational rabbis.

B75

374

The observation in Tosefta Ed 3:4 (2nd half of the 2nd cent. AD) - ‘Whoever has pupils who themselves have pupils is called rabbi; if his pupils have been forgotten, he is called rabban; if the pupils of his pupils have also been forgotten, he is called only by his name’ — shows that the title of rabbi emerged only after rabbinical Judaism had become established (after the destruction of the temple in AD 70), and that it demonstrated a

new self-concept that distinguished rabbis from the Pharisees (> Pharisaei). The argument of the continuity of the oral tradition, documented by specific teacherpupil relationships from the 2nd century on, a position found repeatedly in rabbinical literature and defended as late as the Modern period, should be viewed as a legitimating historiography produced in the course of the rabbinical standardization of Judaism that occurred later on. The ‘Synod of Jamnia’ (> Jabne, after 70 until c. AD 135) was a loose collection of scholars rather than a well-defined institution that succeeded the rule of the priests; authorization by the Roman rulers can be excluded in this period. The rabbinical movement was small at first (no more than 150-200 scholars in each generation) with little apparent influence on everyday life prior to the Bar Kochba rebellion (AD 132; > Bar Kochba); this is also evident from those parts of the Mishnah which go back to early times, as these do not relate to practical matters. In antiquity, the rabbi was a legal scholar and judge who issued authoritative decisions on civil and criminal law as well as on issues of religious law. Unless they had a position at the court of the patriarch or > exilarch, most rabbis lived off of farming or a trade, since payment for knowledge of the Torah was frowned upon. The rabbi was not the leader of the Jewish congregation, nor did he play a part in services at the synagogue. He devoted himself to the study and teaching of the laws documented in the - Bible and the Mishnah and to interpreting them in the light of hermeneutic rules (> Halakhah), and to some extent also to interpreting

the Bible (Midrash; - Haggadah). Teaching was particularly central to a rabbi’s identity; a pupil would usually ‘serve’ in the scholar’s household, learning not only content, but also ethics and proper behaviour. Education concluded with ordination, which entitled the individual to serve as a judge. In Late Antiquity, there were personal teaching households maintained by individual scholars in Babylonia, but also rabbinical academies under the leadership of a > gaon where a large number of scholars came together to study the Talmud during two months of study each year. In the Middle Ages, the rabbi was still primarily a legal and Biblical scholar who was increasingly entrusted with responsibilities within the community such as monitoring dietary laws and decisions on matters of family status and their execution. C.Hezser, The Social Structure of the Rabbinic Movement in Roman Palestine, 1997; S.SCHWARZFUCHS, A Concise History of the Rabbinate, 1993; G.STEMBERGER, Die Umformung des palastinischen Judentums nach 70:

RABBINICAL

LITERATURE

Der Aufstieg der Rabbinen, in: A. OPPENHEIMER (ed.), Jiidische Geschichte in hellenistisch-rémischer Zeit, 1999, 85-99.

E.H.

Rabbinical literature I. DEFINITION II. MISHNAH III. TOSEFTA IV. TALMUD V.MrprRAsH VI. SIGNIFICANCE WITHIN JUDAISM

I. DEFINITION Collective term for the literature of rabbinical > Judaism (AD 70 to ro40), traditionally considered the ‘oral Torah’ (tora se@-b“‘al-pe@) revealed to > Moses [1] on Mount

Sinai (mAb

1,1). In terms

of content,

a

distinction is made between > Halakhah, i.e. the legaljudicial tradition, and — Haggadah, which contains narrative elements. The essential literary works of this transmitted corpus are the Mishnah, Tosefta, Talmud, various Midrash works and the Targumim (> Targum). RL is not the work of individual authors, but a collective endeavour in which individual traditions, probably first transmitted orally, were compiled into larger literary works in a complex process over many centuries. Accordingly, it is important to distinguish between the dating of individual traditions and that of the respective work as a whole. Il. MISHNAH The term ‘Mishnah’ (Hebrew ‘teachings’, cf. Sand, ‘to repeat’, ‘to learn’) denotes the first authoritative col-

lection of laws in post-Biblical Judaism, believed to have been compiled from older materials by the patriarch > Jehuda ha-Nasi in about AD 200 (cf. the missive from > Gaon Serira, roth cent.). The Mishnah is divided into six ‘orders’ (Hebrew sed@r, plur. s“darim), which in turn consist of individual tractates (Hebrew masseekeet), again subdivided into several chapters. 1) The first order, Zera‘im (‘Seeds’), deals with laws

on agriculture, e.g., regulations governing agrarian duties, the tithing of the agricultural yield, the Sabbath year as well as the ban on mixing plants or animals of different kinds, or products derived from them (Kila@’im; cf. Lv 19:19; Dt 22:9-11). The first tractate, B ‘rakoth (‘Blessings’), which also deals with prayer and the order of the religious service, is included here be-

cause blessings are said prior to the consumption of fruits and other agrarian products. 2) In addition to addressing the various rules for the > Sabbath, the second order, M6‘éd (‘Festival Days’), deals with > Pesah, the Day of Atonement, the Feast of Tabernacles, the

New Year, Purim and fast days as well as pilgrimages and behaviour on festival days in general. 3) The third order, Nasim (‘Women’), is devoted to family law, dealing with the entire body of marriage, divorce and inheritance law. 4) The fourth order, Neziqin (‘Damages’), concerns damage and criminal law. Along with regulations regarding judicial proceedings, oaths, a variety of punishments and provisions for bearing witness, it regulates interactions with Gentiles (cf. the tractate

RABBINICAL

LITERATURE

376

375

‘Aboda Zara, ‘Idolatry’). 5) The fifth order, Qodasim (‘Holy Things’), is primarily a compilation of regulations governing sacrifices and the slaughter of animals not intended for sacrifice, along with rules about ransoming the first-born from the priest through a substitute (ch Ex 1312; sate Ly 27:26ts INm S:r6tt.; 18:15 ff.; Dt 15:19 ff.). The construction and furnishing of the temple are the subject of the tract Middot (‘Measurements’). 6) The sixth and final order, the tractate Toharoth (‘Purity’), is devoted to regulations concerning purity. It discusses not only the defilement of containers made of various materials, but also impurity caused by a corpse or leprosy, as well as the impurity of women during > menstruation and after childbirth. The tract Miqwa’oth (‘Ritual Baths’) deals with the rules for purifying persons who have become unclean.

missing, since they were either lost or not the subject of commentary. The first printing of this work was undertaken in 1523-1524, when it came from the press of Daniel BOMBERG in Venice. The Babylonian Talmud — most of which was written in East Aramaic — is some 6,000 pages long in its usual printed form, and far more comprehensive than the Palestinian Talmud. Since there were no separate literary works in Babylonia that assembled the Haggadah, it also contained much more of the Haggadic tradition than the Jerusalem Talmud; only a third of it is devoted to Halakhic issues. Here as well, entire orders are lacking any commentary (e.g., Zera‘Im except for B*rakoth and Toharoth except for Niddah). Particularly with respect to agricultural laws that were passed down in Zera‘im, this may be rooted in the fact that the agrarian regulations did not apply to the > diaspora.

Ill. Toserra The Tosefta (literally ‘addition’, ‘supplement’) is a collection of traditions from the first two cents. AD

As for the other tractates, however, the question must

(Tannaitic, > Tannaites). Its organization in six orders, each of which consists of individual tractates, corre-

sponds to that of the Mishnah. However, the Tosefta is approximately four times as large as the Mishnah. In respect to its relationship with the Mishnah, it has been suggested that the Tosefta may contain ‘non-canonical’ material not included when the Mishnah was edited, or that it represents a kind of commentary on the Mishnah. This question presumably needs to be considered separately for each tractate. IV. TALMUD The individual statements in the Mishnah provide the starting point for further traditions and discussions. The result is the so-called ‘Gemara’ (Hebrew gamar, ‘to complete’), which, along with the Mishnah, forms the Talmud (cf. Hebrew lamad, ‘to learn’). Since there were two centres of Jewish scholarship during the rabbinical period (Palestine and Babylonia), two different Talmudim emerged: the Palestinian (= Jerusalem) and the Babylonian Talmud. The structure of the Talmudim essentially corresponds to that of the Mishnah, with its orders and tractates.

However,

since the material is

often only loosely linked, and as it contains not only interpretation of the Mishnah, but also interpretation of the -» Bible, stories and illustrative anecdotes, the titles of the individual tractates offer only a rough indication of their content. The Palestinian Talmud, composed mainly in Palestinian Aramaic, probably took on its final form in +» Tiberias around AD 450; traditions from other centres of Mishnah study such as Sepphoris and » Caesarea [3] were included as well. The end of the Jewish patriarchate and the political uncertainty of that time presumably provided the impulse for setting the tradition down in writing. Most of the traditions concern legal decisions (‘Halakhah’), the remainder is Haggadah.

The orders Qodasim and Toharoth as well as certain tractates (e.g., *Aboth and ‘Eduyoth, among others) are

remain unresolved. The Babylonian Talmud probably took on its definitive form only in the 8th cent. AD. Since at that time the Babylonian diaspora was of far greater importance to Judaism than Palestine (cf. also the

first

— responsa

(rabbinical)),

the

Babylonian

Talmud eventually took on canonical significance. The entire work was first printed by Daniel BOMBERG in Venice in 1520-1523. V. MIDRASH Since the term Midrash (plur. Midrashim; from the Hebrew dara§, ‘to seek’, ‘to ask’; cf. Esr 7:10: ‘to ex-

plore God’s law; Is 34:16: ‘to inquire into the book of God’) may refer not only to the act of interpreting a text (mAvot 1:17), but also to the results of that act, namely

a single interpretation or a literary collection consisting of several individual interpretations, a number of other works of RL are also included in this concept. A distinction is made between various groups or genres. In the Halakhic Midrashim the focus is on questions of law; the most important representatives of this group are the Mekhilta de Rabbi Jismael (a cursory interpretation of a large part of Ex), Sifra (on Lv), Sifre Numeri (on Nm) and Sifre Deuteronomium

(on Dt). In contrast,

the

Haggadic Midrashim, which include most of the works of Midrash literature, contain for the most part textual interpretations of a narrative character. These are again formally divided into exegetical and homiletical Midrashim. Homiletical Midrashim — such as Genesis Rabba and Lamentations Rabba — provide a cursory, verse-by-verse interpretation of the biblical text of the respective book. However, the so-called sermon or homiletical Midrashim — including Leviticus Rabba, Pesiqta de Rab Kahana, Pesiqta Rabbati, Tanchuma, Deuteronomium

Rabba, Exodus Rabba and Numeri

Rabba — deal only with the first verses of the sabbath and festival pericopes read during synagogue services. It is extremely difficult to date such material, and some of the dating is controversial. It appears that the Halakhic Midrashim, probably written in the 3rd cent., were among the earliest Midrashim, followed by — to men-

Bia

378

tion the most important — Genesis and Lamentations Rabba (c. AD 400), Leviticus Rabba, Ruth Rabba and Pesiqta de Rav Kahane as well as the first Tanchuma collections (c. 500), the Midrash on the Song of Solomon (mid 6th cent.) and Pesigta Rabbati (6th-7th cents.). Certain Midrashim, such as the Midrash on the Pss and parts of Esther Rabba, were probably not written until the Middle Ages.

ian). It is not clear whether he was present at the Council of Ephesus (431), but his subsequent support for ~» Cyrillus [2] of Alexandria brought him into conflict with the school of Edessa and with > Hiba, who succeeded him as bishop. R. was unusual in that he wrote in both Greek and Syrian. However, only a few texts in Syrian survive.

VI. SIGNIFICANCE WITHIN JUDAISM

RL offers insight into nearly every sphere of Jewish life in Late Antiquity and provides impressive evidence of how synagogue Judaism sought to overcome the challenges arising from Roman rule and an increasingly powerful Christianity during the centuries after the destruction of the temple in AD 70. In view of the fact that RL transmits both valid laws and numerous decisions about the temple (albeit no longer in existence) and its cult, it can be seen as reflecting the self-image of synagogue Judaism as well as its perception of reality: where there had been a sacrificial cult that wrought atonement for the people and thus functioned to create and maintain life, the focus was now on the interpretation and the deeds of the Torah (bMen 110a; Avoth de Rabbi Natan A § 4 [r1a]). The study of sacrificial rules and temple regulations was regarded as a substitute for sacrifice, so that studying the teachings became the real foundation of Judaism. In addition, among its central theological tenets are the promise of God’s continuing presence among His people (-> Sekinah/S ‘kind), deliverance from Roman rule in the near term, and the return

of the exiles. Numerous Haggadic traditions also found their way into the works of several Church fathers (particularly — Origenes [2]; Hieronymus [8]; +» Ephrem; > Aphrahat); while these traditions may have been taken over directly, it is also possible that there was a common tradition. ~> Judaism; - Literature [IV] D. Boyar, Intertextuality and the Reading of Midrash, 1994; G.STEMBERGER, Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, *1r992; Id., Der Talmud. Einfiihrungen, Texte, Erlauterungen, 1982; Id., Midrasch. Vom Umgang der Rabbinen mit der Bibel. Einfiihrung. Texte. Erlauterungen, 1989; E.E. Ursacu, The Sages. Their Conceptions and Beliefs, 1979. B.E.

RABIRIUS

Epitions: G.BicKELL, Ausgewahlte Schriften der Syrischen Kirchenvater ..., 1874, 166-243 (Germ. transl.); M. GEERARD, CPG 3, 1974, Nr. 6490-6497; A. VOOBUS

(ed.), Syriac and Arabic Documents Regarding Legislation Relative to Syrian Asceticism, 1960, 78-86 (with Engl. transl. and comm.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: G.G. BLUM, Rabbula von Edessa. Der Christ, der Bischof, der Theologe, 1969; F. GRAFFIN, S. Vv. Rabboula, Dictionnaire de Spiritualité ascétique et mystique 13, 1988, 12-14. S.BR.

Rabirius. Latin nomen gentile. [1] R., C. Wealthy Roman equestrian with estates in Apulia and Campania. In 100 BC, he took part in the murder of the tribune of the people L. Appuleius [I 11] Saturninus, for which he was probably later rewarded with a seat in the Senate; in 89, he was on the staff of Cn. Pompeius [I 8] Strabo (ILLRP 515). Attacked on numerous occasions by the populares as a supporter of the Senate, in 63 he was accused of the murder of Appuleius. The judicial procedure chosen was an archaic one applied in cases when the accusation was of high treason (> perduellio) which was heard by > duoviri perduellionis (one of whom was > Caesar). R. was con-

demned to death and appealed to the popular assembly, before which > Cicero defended him against the prosecutor T. Labienus [3] (speech Cic. Rab. perd.). The assembly was interrupted by the Praetor Q. Caecilius {I 22] Metellus Celer, who raised the battle flag on the ~ Taniculum; Labienus may have initiated a further trial, but there was no conviction, since the prosecutors

had achieved their real purpose, which was to hamper the ability of the Senate to declare a > state of emergency in the throes of its confrontations with > Catilina. W.B. Tyrreti, A Legal and Historical Commentary to Cicero’s oratio pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo, 1978.

Keli.

Rabbit see > Hare

[2] R., C. Renowned epic poet of the Augustan period

Rabbula, Rabulas. Bishop of > Edessa [2] (AD 412-

(cf. [5. 83-89]; Testimonies: Ov. Pont. 4,16,5; Vell. Pat. 2,36,3; Quint. Inst. 10,90), whose poetry dealt with

435 or 436). Information on his life comes from a Syrian panegyric as well as occasional references found in other sources (e. g. the -» Edessa Chronicle). Born to wealthy parents in Qinnasrin (Chalkis), R. was brought up according to Greek custom; he was introduced to Christianity by the bishops Eusebius of Qinnasrin and + Acacius [3] of Beroea (Aleppo). With the help of the latter’s influence, he was elected bishop of Edessa in the year 412. He offered guidelines for the lives of clerics and monks in his Kanones (‘Rules’; preserved in Syr-

such themes as the death of —» Antonius [I 9] after + Actium in dramatic fashion; his influence did not outlast the rst cent. AD, as is indicated by the five surviving fragments. The widespread suggestion to attribute the papyrus fragment De bello Actiaco to R. (Ed. [1. 334-3403 2. 430-438; 33 5. 95—-100]) has recently [5. 89-92] been reiterated. -» Carmen de bello Aegyptiaco Ep.: 3 H.W.

1 COURTNEY, 332f. Benario,

The

2 FPL BLANSDORF, 301-303

‘Carmen

de bello Actiaco’,

in:

RABIRIUS

3 eo

ANRW

II 30.3, 1983, 1656-1662 (with English transla-

tion).

Lit.: 4 A. TRAGLIA, Gaio Rabirio, in: Cultura e scuola 26 (102), 1987, 47-54 5 G.ZEccHINI, I] Carmen de bello Actiaco, 1987.

PLS.

[3] R. Postumus, C. Roman equestrian and financier,

adoptive son and heir of R. [1], natural son of the publicanus C. Curtius (Cic. Rab. Post. 3; 47). From 58 BC, R. made substantial loans to the exiled Ptolemy (> Ptolemaeus [18] XII), esp. to bribe Caesar, Crassus and Pompey. On the king’s return in 55, R. was named + dioikétes of Egypt; he began to recover out of public funds his credits and the reward claimed by A. Gabinius {I 2] (Cic. Rab. Post. 22; 40). In 54 already the Alexandrians revolted (at the king’s instigation?) against the harsh regime. R. fled to Rome, where C. Memmius [I 4] sued him for restitution of the money of the previously convicted Gabinius [I 2]; the main target of the suit was Caesar, who advanced R. cash (Rab. Post. 39; 41-43). Cicero’s defence (Rab. Post.) was probably unsuccessful. During the Civil War, R. sided with Caesar: in 47(?) there appears a procos. Asiae by the name of Postumus (CIL I 773). In 46, R. secured Caesar’s supplies in Africa (Bell. Afr. 8,1; 26,4), and after Caesar’s death, in July 44, ‘Postumius’, a confidant of the dictator (Cic. Fam. 6,12,2), helped to organize the games of Octavian (> Augustus) (Cic. Att. 15,2,3).

JO.

Rabocentus. Prince of the rebellious > Bessi, who was

assassinated in 57 BC by the Macedonian governor L. Calpurnius [I 19] Piso Caesoninus at the command of king > Cotys [I 5] of Thrace (Cic. Pis. 84). UP.

Rabuleius. Roman gens of the early Republic, to which R. [1] — if historical - and R. [2] may be attributed; however, the tradition in Dion. Hal. (R. [1]: tr. pl., R. [2]: patrician) is contradictory. If one considers R. [1] unhistorical as does [1. 29] it becomes likely to view the gens Rabuleia as patrician, but a plebeian origin cannot be excluded. 1 F.Mtnzer, s. v. R. (1), RE 1A, 29.

[1] According to Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 8,72,1ff., R. attempted to mediate as tr. p/. in 486 BC in the dispute between Cassius [I 19] and his co-consul Verginius over the former’s agrarian law (cf. above).

{2] As a member of the second college of the decemviri [1] of 450 BC (MRR 1,46-48), R. is said to have been sent against the Sabines in 449, which was during their second (illegal) year of office (Liv. 3,41,9; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11,23,1). Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,58,4 implies that R. was a patrician, but it is possible that R. (like Antonius [I 13] Merenda) was in fact a plebeian. In that case, the second college would have been filled through equal representation (cf. MRR 1,47 n. 1). C.MU.

380

Rachgoun. A small island Tafna (Latin Siga) in western extensive necropolis of the » Siga and, on the southern

at the mouth of the Wadi Algeria, R. is the site of the Mauretanian Punic city of side, of a small Punic mer-

chant settlement dating to the 7th-sth century BC; according to the finds, there were particularly close links with Phoenician factories on the southern coast of Spain.

» Syphax S.LANcEL,

E. LrpiNski, s. v. R., DCPP,

369; G. VUILLE-

MoT, Reconnaissances aux échelles puniques d’Oranie,

1965.

H.GN.

Racilius. Italic nomen gentile. Known from L. R., aide of C. Verres in Sicily in 73-71 BC (Cic. Verr. 2,2,31). In

56 a people’s tribune of the same name (his son?) acted in the interests of the Senate against P. Clodius [I 4] (Cie. Fam 2,72 Cie Ad ©. Fe. 2505 Cics Pie .77

with scholia Bobiensia 165f. STANGL); probably the same R. conspired against Q. Cassius [I 16] Longinus in

Spain in 48 and was executed (Bell. Alex. 53,3; 55,2). JOF

Radagaisus (‘Podoydicod/Rhodogdisos). Goth king, crossed the Danube in AD 405 and invaded Italy (Zos. 55216333

OLros.

7.374072

[Eo 206-2172

2. VO.

aks

200 f.]). He divided his army into three groups (Chron. min. 1,652); one may have reached Gaul [2. vol. 3,2, 22f.]. While besieging Florence he was repelled by + Stilicho (Paulinus, Vita Ambrosii, ch. 50), surrounded at Fiesole, taken prisoner and executed (23.8.406: Chron. min. 1,299). The survivors evidently defected to the Roman side [3. 213]. PLRE 2, 934. 1 M.Cesa,

Romisches

Heer und barbarische Foderaten,

in: BJ 193, 1993, 203-217 2 F.PascHoup (ed.), Zosime, Histoire nouvelle, vol. 3,1, 1986; vol. 3,2, 1989 (with French transl.) 3 P. HEATHER, Goths and Romans,

1991.

WE.LU.

Radamistus (Podouiotod/Rhodomistos). The son of the Iberian king -> Pharasmanes [1] I; in AD 51, with the collusion of his father and the acquiescence of the Romans, he toppled his uncle, brother-in-law and stepfather -» Mithridates [20] from the Armenian throne. Despite governing cruelly, R. was unable to withstand the Parthian nominee -> Tiridates [5] I and had to retreat to > Iberia [1] in 54. His pregnant wife + Zenobia [1], whom R. initially dragged along on the escape and then wounded and threw into the Araxes, was rescued

and taken to Tiridates. She appears to have given birth to a son who later received a grant of land from Tiri-

dates. R. himself was executed for alleged treachery by his father a few years later. PIR* R 7. M.Scnortrky, Dunkle Punkte in der armenischen Konigsliste, in: AMI 27, 1994, 223-235, esp. 223-225.

M.SCH.

381

382

Radish (6apavic/rhaphanis, aavoc/rhaphanos, etymologically related to 6anv¢/rhdpys, oabvuc/rhaphys, ‘beet’; Lat. rhaphanus, radix), the species of crucifer probably bred in Asia Minor from the wild, jointed charlock (Raphanus raphanistrum L., Rhaphanus sati-

Raeti, Raetia

vus L., with the edible, thickened storage root; culti-

vated in Egypt from the 2nd millennium. The Greeks (from Aristoph. Plut. 544 and other comic writers, cited in Ath. 2,56d—57b) valued the salted root as an appetite-stimulating food and extracted oil from it. Theophr. Hist. pl. 7,4,2 mentions five Greek sub-species of varying hotness. Its cultivation in fertilized soil is described by Cato Agr. 35,2 as well as Columella 11,3,47 (sowing in February and August with occasional piling up) and in a quite similar manner by Palladius (Agric. 9,5). Pliny (HN 19,78-87) certainly personally has a negative view of the radish which causes flatulence and belching, but nonetheless reports on opposing opinions and methods of cultivation. The rich medical uses in Plin. HN 20,22-28

(similar Dioscorides 2,112 WELL-

MANN = 2,137 BERENDES) range — with references to several Greek doctors — from a bile purging and diuretic effect to an antidote against poisons. Similar applications, listed in the Gedrgikd of — Florentinus [2], are passed down to us by Gp. 12,22. F.OrtTH, s. v. Rettich, RE 1 A, 698 f.

C.HU.

Radius (literally ‘rod’). [1] (xeoxic/kerkis). In weaving (> Textiles, production of), the device with which the weft thread was intro-

duced to the opened ‘compartment’, and hence by which the threads of the chain were separated, was probably originally an elongated rod around which the weft thread was wound. Later, the weaving shuttle, which adopted the name, was used for this. The coil located in the shuttle was called mynviov/penion, aiyvv/ pené, Lat. panus (cula), panuvellium [1. vol. 1, 151 ff. Zeno 2 kta: 1 BLUMNER, Techn. 2R.J. Forses, Studies in Ancient Technology, vol. 4, 1956 (*1964).

[2] The little rod with which mathematicians and astronomers drew on the > abacus, used also for measurement and demonstration (Cic. Tusc. 5,64; Verg. Ecl. 3,41; Aen. 6,850).

[3] Radius most commonly denotes the spoke of the wheel (> Land transport with ills.). W.H.GR. [4] One of the three species of olive mentioned by Vergil (G. 2,85.) (also described by Cato Agr. 6,1f.; Varro, Rust. 1,24,1; Plin. HN Ci lit, weys well

15,4; 13; 20; Columella 5,3,3;

1 V. Heun, O.ScHRADER, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere,

Sto1x (repr. 1963).

Raeda see > Wagon, Chariot

K.Z.

RAETI, RAETIA

I. ETHNOGRAPHY

OF THE RAETI

Il. THE ROMAN

PROVINCE OF RAETIA

I. ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE RAETI The oldest, indirectly transmitted information about the R. comes from — Cato [1], who praises Raetian wine (Serv. Georg. 2,95; Plin. HN 14,16; 67; Str. 4,6,8;

Suet. Aug. 77); this was produced, as can be deduced from Plin. loc. cit., in the region of Verona. Ancient historiographers suggest repeatedly that the R. were in fact Etruscans who, having been driven out of Upper Italy by the invading Celts, had conquered the Alps under their eponymous ancestor Raetus and founded the race of the R. (Plin. HN 3,24). However, so far it has not been possible to identify without doubt a single tribe of the R. either historically, archaeologically or linguistically. Rather, the R. seem to dissociate into different tribes. According to the literary and epigraphical sources, the R. settled the central Alps, between Lake Maggiore, the River Piave, Lake Constance and the Lower Inn Valley. The names of several tribes living in this region can be obtained from inscriptions of the Imperial period [1]. An ethnic consolidation emerges from the 13th cent. BC in this region, connected with the zenith of copper ore extraction in the Alps. The six cultural groupings identifiable by archaeology (the Alpine Rhine Valley Group, the Alpine > Golasecca culture or > Lepontii; the Valcamonica Group; the Angarano-Garda or Magré Group; the Inn Valley Group; and the LaugenMelaun or Fritzens-Sanzeno Group [2. 11 with fig. 4]) show similarities in material culture, elements of dress, weaponry, modes of settlement, funerary customs and cults. After the expansion of the > Etrusci into the Po Valley in the 6th cent., Mediterranean influences on the Alpine cultures increased. In both western groups (Alpine Rhine Valley Group, Alpine Golasecca Group), a strong Celtic influence is perceptible from the 4th cent. BC (> Celts I, > Celtic Archaeology). Written evidence, especially votive inscriptions and funerary steles [3] show that the region was in no way linguistically uniform. Both Indo-European (Celtic) and Etruscan elements can be found. The origin and meaning of the name R. is as yet unclear, as is the issue of by what criteria a range of diverse ethnic entities was defined as the R. The possibility cannot be ruled out that the name of one tribe was transferred to the entire grouping. A more probable theory, however, presumes a common cultic identity (at least assumed from outside), the wor-

ship of a goddess Reitia, which formed the basis for the name. The name appears to have been invented by neighbours adjoining the territory to the south, and implies little in the way of cultural and/or political selfconsciousness on the part of the Alpine tribes. Il. THE ROMAN

PROVINCE

OF RAETIA

The first reference to Raetia as a territorial name

appears in Vell. Pat. 2,39,104. The tribes of the Alps

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and the northern Alpine foothills were conquered by the Romans in the course of the Alpine campaign of Drusus (> Claudius [II] 24]) and > Tiberius in 15 BC (Plin. HN 3,136f., cf. CIL V 7817) and were probably at first placed under the military supervision of a prefect (pralefe(ctus)| Raetis Vindolicis valli[s P\oeninae et levis armatur(ae), CIL IX 3044). The process of opening up the region with roads began immediately after the occupation. Apart from the main north-south artery, the + via Claudia, which connected the newly conquered regions with Upper Italy, the first important man-made road in the Alpine foothills to be built was the west-east axis from Brigantium (Bregenz) via Cambodunum (Kempten), Epfach, Gauting, Andechs and Seebruck to Iuvavum (Salzburg), which was for a long time the most important traffic route between the Rhenish and Danubian provinces [4. 50]. It was possibly under Tiberius, but at all events before the mid—rst cent. AD, that the Roman province of Raetia et Vindelicia (et vallis Poenina, until Claudius) was established [4. 69-73]. The northern frontier of the province was pushed forward to the Danube. The territory, comprising approximately 80,000 km’, in-

cum (Augsburg). Jn the rst cent. AD, Cambodunum may have been peripheral to the province: Augusta [7] was provincial capital at least from the end of the rst cent. and thus seat of the civil administration, while the stationing of the legion there made Regina Castra the military capital. In the mid—3rd cent., the region to the north of the Danube was relinquished to the — Alamanni. As is made clear by a quite recent inscription find from Augsburg [5], Raetia briefly (around 260) belonged to -» Postumus’ [3] so-called Gallic Empire, before it was recovered for the central power by > Gallienus in 265 [6]. From the 2nd half of the 3rd cent., the northern and western frontiers were arranged with orientation on the Danube, Iller and Rhine. In the course of the 4th cent. (after 297, before c. 370), the province was divided into the western Raetia I, with its capital at Curia (which was also a diocesan town from at least the

cluded south-eastern Switzerland, the modern Austrian

provinces of Vorarlberg and the Tyrol, large stretches of the central Alps and Alpine foothills between Lake Constance, the Danube and the Inn. To the east, it bordered ~ Noricum beyond the Inn, while the neighbour to the north was free Germania, that to the west the province of Germania superior (~» Germani [1] II) and

that to the south Italy. From the Flavian period (2nd half, rst cent. AD), the frontier was pushed farther to the north beyond the Danube, and the border was militarily secured with a chain of forts occupied by Roman ~ auxilia. The northern frontier was fortified in the 3rd cent. with a stone wall (German Teufelsmauer, ‘Devil’s Wall’), forming the Rhaetian Limes (> Limes IV). The

province, which was equestrian

procurator

originally administered Augusti,

was

governed

by an after

what may have been an administrative absorption into Germania superior between AD 172 and 180 by a senatorial officer of the rank of a legatus Augusti pro praetore. He combined his civilian governorship with the command of the /egio III Italica, which had been stationed at —

Regina Castra

(Regensburg)

since some

time in the mid—170s during the War of the + Marcomanni. This unit continued to form the military backbone of the province of Raetia into late antiquity. Owing to the meagre record in the sources, our knowledge of regional planning in the province is scanty. However, it may be assumed that the provincial territory of Raetia, too, was divided into autonomous units with various privileges (urban communities), imperial domains, military territories and probably also directly-governed provincial regions without communities. It is not clear to what extent pre-Roman structures were adopted in this regard. There were probably urban regional bodies at Curia (Chur), Brigantium, Cambodunum and, certainly, at Augusta [7] Vindeli-

RAETI, RAETIA

mid—5th cent.), and the eastern Raetia II, with Augusta [7] as its capital. Both provinces had their own civilian

governor (praeses), but remained in military terms subject to a single command (dux Raetiae primae et secundae, Not. Dign. Occ. 35,13, headquarters at Augusta [7]). The north-south boundary between the two provyinces ran along the line from Isny im Allgau, via the Arlberg Pass through Val Miistair to the Stelvio Pass [7]. During the 5th cent. AD, Raetia came increasingly into the sphere of influence of the Alamanni. After the fall of the Western Roman Empire (AD 476/80), large areas came under the dominion of the > Ostrogoths (Theoderic), while the degree of adoption of Romanic elements differed highly from region to region. The territory of Raetia I became the centre of the emerging tribe of the > Baiovarii. » Alpes (Alps); > Limes IV (with map) 1 R.FRreI-STOLBA, Die Rater in den antiken Quellen, in: ARGE ALP (ed.), Die Rater. I Reti, 1992, 657-671 2 P.GLEIRSCHER, Die Rater, 1991 3 S.SCHUMACHER, Die ratischen Inschriften, 1992 4 K. Dierz, Okkupation und Friihzeit, in: W. Czysz et al. (ed.), Die Romer in Bayern, 1995, 18-99 5 L. BAKKER, Der Siegesaltar aus

Augusta

Vindelicum/

Augsburg

von

260

n. Chr., in:

E.SCHALLMAYER (ed.), Niederbieber, Postumus und der Limesfall (Saalburg-Schriften 3), 1996, 7-13 (with bibliography) 6 E.SCHALLMAYER, Germanien und Raetien

im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr., in: Id. (ed.), Der Augsburger Siegesaltar (Saalburg-Schriften 2), 1995, 7-12 7 TH. FISCHER, Spatzeit und Ende, in: W.Czysz et al. (ed.), Die Romer in Bayern, 1995, 361.

K. Dierz, Einrichtung und Verwaltung der Provinz Ratien bis auf Kaiser Mark Aurel, in: Bayerisches Landesamt fur Denkmalpflege (ed.), Die Romer in Schwaben, 1985, 82-

86; Id., Die Provinz Ratien im 4. Jahrhundert n. Chr., in: ib., 257-261; Id., Das Ende der Romerherrschaft in Ratien, in: ib., 287-289; R. ROLLINGER, Raetiam autem et Vindelicos ... subiunxit provincias. Oder: Wann wurde Raetien ... als romische Provinz eingerichtet?, in: Id., P. W. Harper (ed.), Althistorische Studien im Spannungsfeld Universalgeschichte und Wissenschaftsgezwischen schichte FS F. Hampl, 2001, 267-315; F.ScHON, Der Beginn der romischen Herrschaft in Ratien, 1986; R. von Usiar, Zu Ratern und Kelten in den mittleren Alpen, in:

RAETI, RAETIA

388

387

BRGK 77, 1996, 155-213; W. ZANIER, Der Alpenfeldzug

Ragusa (Lat. Ragusium, Greek ‘Paovovov/Rhaousion,

1s v. Chr. und die augusteische Okkupation in Siiddeutschland, in: L. WAMSER (ed.), Die R6mer zwischen Alpen und Nordmeer, exhibition catalogue Rosenheim, 2000, II-17.

Slavic Dubrovnik; regarding the name cf. [1]), city on

BIBLIOGRAPHY

FOR

THE

MAPS:

W.Czysz

et al., Die

Romer in Bayern, 1995, esp. ills. 9, 10, 12, 16, 98; W.Drack, R.FELLMANN, Die Romer in der Schweiz, 1988, ill. 12; J.GARBScH, Der spatromische Donau-Iller-

Rhein-Limes (KS zur rémischen Besetzungsgeschichte Siidwestdeutschlands 6), 1970, ill. 2 und appendix; R. J. A. Tapert (ed.), Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 2000, 12, 18, 19, 20, 39f.; L. WAMSER (ed.), Die Romer zwischen Alpen und Nordmeer, exhibi-

tion catalogue Rosenheim 2000, ills. 13, 45, 49, 56, 173, 177, 180.

F.SCH.G.H.W.

Raetic is the name given to the language of a group of some 100 short inscriptions, almost all on small horn or bronze votive objects, written in variants of the northern Etruscan alphabet, and found on both sides of the Adige and Isarco rivers between Brenner and Verona [1]. The list of personal names is augmented by names found in Latin inscriptions, in an area including the surroundings of Brescia and the Oglio valley. The theory that the language is closely related to Etruscan — as had already been observed in Antiquity (Liv. 5,33,11), but was always disputed [2] — was proven by a comprehensive study by H. Rix [3]. — Italy, languages (with map and overview) Ep.: 15S.SCHUMACHER (complete). OVERVIEW OF RESEARCH: 25S.SCHUMACHER, Die ratischen Inschriften, 1992, 19-108 3 H.Rrx, Ratisch und Etruskisch, 1998. JU.

Ragonius [1] L.R. Quintianus Cos. ord. in AD 289, presumably only for the first two months of the year [1. 275 ff.]. He was a descendant of L. Ragonius Venustus, cos. ord. in 240 and of R. [2] and R. [3]. PIR* R 15. Probleme

the late Middle Ages. R., like the other coastal towns,

remained at least nominally with Byzantium (> Byzantium, > Constantinople) and in 866/876 was unsuccessfully besieged by the Arabs. Being part of the > thema of Dalmatia, it had its own archbishop from

Raga see > Rhagae

1 W.Ecxk,

the Dalmatian coast. The beginnings of the trading city that was to become so famous a rival of Venice on the Adriatic Sea were hazy already for the historians of R. at the time of Humanism so that they arrived at different legends of its origin reminiscent of the type of ancient aetiology (cf. the depictions in [2; 3; 4]). The report by -»Constantinus [1] Porphyrogennetus (Const. de administrando imperio 29) is already adorned with legends. The view presented here and also in more recent literature (e.g. [5], cf. also > Epidaurum) that R. was simply the settlement that followed Old Epidaurum (Italian Ragusa vecchia, Slavic Civdat < Lat. civitatem, situated c. 20 km south-east of R.; Epztaurum id est Ragusium in Geogr. Rav. 4,16) must be revised in the light of recent excavations (cf. [6]): These have revealed that as early as the 6th cent. AD, a basilica and a fortress existed at the site of the later R. It is uncertain, however, whether this suffices for the settlement to be termed an “important centre” [6]. As in the case of Venice, the process by which it turned into a city was probably a complex one, of which the flight of the Roman population (around AD 600) from Old Epidaurum and the Balkan interior from > Slavs and > Avares, that is also otherwise attested for the Dalmatian coast, represents only one component; perhaps the later information [4. 18] about Italian involvement is also not without historical foundation. The Slavic settlement of Dubrovnik at the bottom of Mount Srj was secluded from R. proper until the High Middle Ages, and the Romanic dialect survived until

der Konsularfasten,

in: ZPE

118,

1997, 275-280.

{2] L.R. Urinatius Larcius Quintianus. Senator, prob-

ably from Opitergium, cf. [1. 265 ff., 293]. His career took him via the juridicate in Apulia to the proconsulate of Sardinia, probably under Marcus Aurelius; as legion legate, he was awarded the dona militaria by Commodus; he ultimately became cos. suff. under Commodus. His son was R. [3]. PIR* R 17.

1022 (previously R. had been a diocese under the arch-

diocese of Split) and for a short time at the end of the r2th cent. it belonged to the Norman empire. From 1205 to 1358 it was subject to Venice; after that R. was an independent republic under Hungarian and then Ottoman sovereignty until 1808. 1 G.SCHRAMM,

334 1961 State,

Eroberer und Eingesessene, 1981, 3312B.Krexic, Dubrovnik (Raguse) au Moyen Age, 3 F.W. Carrer, Dubrovnik (R.). A Classic City1972 4S.M. Sruarp, A State of Deference:

R/Dubrovnik

in

the

Medieval

Centuries,

1993

5 A. KAZHDAN, B. KREKIC, s. v. Dubroynik, ODB 1, 665 6 B.Kreki¢, s.v. R. (Z. Rapanic), LMA 7, 399-401

7 L.SrernpoRFF,

Die dalmatischen

Stadte im 12. Jahr-

in der

hundert, 1984 8R.Karici¢, Literatur und Geistesgeschichte des kroatischen Friihmittelalters, 1999, 230-237. JN.

[3] L.R. Urinatius Tuscenius Quintianus. Son of R. [2], father of cos. ord. of AD 240 (cf. R. [1]). Of his offices, only the suffect consulate is known. PIR* R 18. W.E.

Rainbow cup . Folk term for a Celtic gold coin shaped

1G.ALFO6Lpy, Stadte, Gallia Cisalpina, 1999.

Eliten

und

Gesellschaft

like a small cup. According to folk belief RCs could be found where a rainbow touched the earth. RCs, which could often be found in ploughed fields after heavy rain-

389

390

fall, were thought to bring luck and had many different effects ascribed to them. On the obverse RCs have an abstract head or a smooth bump, sometimes a star, a hand, writing, an

his predecessors’ statues. R. had 7 chief wives and at least 45 sons and 40 daughters. He died in the 67th year of his reign, more than 80 years old. His mummy (moved to another grave several times in the 21st dynasty) has been preserved. His mortuary temple (‘Ramesseum’) was used by R. III as a model for his own; it is usually equated with the ‘tomb of Ozymandias’ described in Diod. Sic. 1,47-49 (Ozymandias could be a distortion of the throne name Wsr-m2?t-R‘). The power

ornament, a cross or a bird’s head. The reverse is con-

cave, often with a representation of a torque (> Torques) with spheres in it. It is esp. the Celtic tribes of southern Germany and the > Boii who are credited with RCs. Mostly dated to the rst cent. BC, they occur as staters (— Stater) (7-8 g in weight) or fractions thereof. 1K. CasTELin, H.-J. KELLNER, Die glatten Regenbogenschiisselchen, in: JNG 13, 1963, 105-130 2 SCHROTTER, s.v. Regenbogenschiisselchen, 555 3 B.Z1eGAus, Der Miinzfund von Sontheim. Ein Schatz keltischer Goldmiinzen aus dem Unterallgau, 1993

4 Id., Der Miinzfund von

Grofbissendorf. Eine numismatisch-historische Untersuchung zu den spatkeltischen Goldpragungen in Siidbayern, 1995. GE.S.

Ramesses. Name of eleven pharaohs, Egyptian R“msjsw (‘> Re (the sun god) is the one who gave him birth’), vocalized Riamasesa in Babylonian, rendered in Greek by ‘Pauéoongs and the like. [1] R. I (Throne name Mn-phtj-R‘). The founder of the 19th dynasty (c. 1292-1290 BC) came from a non-royal family (from the eastern Delta?) and was a high-ranking officer before he was named as vizier and heir to the throne by his predecessor - Haremhab. His son -» Sethos I was probably immediately designated as his successor. [2] R. IL (Wsr-m3‘t-R* Stp.n-R‘), Son of > Sethos I, 3rd king of the rgth dynasty, c. 1279-1213, crowned during his father’s lifetime (but not formally co-regent). In the first two decades, R. Il continued the expansive policies of his father, conducting several campaigns in the Near East. In the year 5 of his reign, the Battle of > Qadesh was fought against the Hittites, which is celebrated in numerous inscriptions and papyri as a great success, although it ended as a draw, at best. In the year 21, R. IL and Hattusili II (previously III), whose dethroned predecessor went into Egyptian exile, concluded a peace treaty, of which an Akkadian and an Egyptian version are preserved. In the year 34, R. II married a daughter of Hattusili, later another. An extensive correspondence between the royal courts concerning these events has been preserved in Akkadian. In contrast, the sources report only summarily on campaigns against Nubia,

Libya

and

battles

against

the ‘Sea Peoples’

(> Sea Peoples, migration of). R. Il had a chain of fortresses built against the encroaching Libyans. Domestically, he is known primarily as the greatest builder in Egyptian history. He had his father’s projects completed, e.g. the new residence in the eastern Delta was finished by R. and named after him (“House of R.’). In addition, R. built extensively in Egypt and Nubia, often in monumental dimensions; there is hardly a major location without a monument from him. He had countless royal statues made and also usurped many of

RAMESSES

and wealth of the rex Rhamses (probably R. II) were described to Germanicus [2] on his journey to Egypt (Tac. Ann. 2,60).

[3] R. I (Wsr-m3‘t-R‘ Mrj-Jmmn) c. 1183-1152 was the son of Setnakht, the founder of the zoth dynasty. He attempted to copy R. II in many regards, his sons even

bore the same names as those of R. II. In the first third of his reign, R. achieved great victories against the Libyans (years 5 and rr) and the ‘Sea Peoples ’(year 8), who had attempted to invade Egypt. Numerous prisoners were settled together in the country and served as mercenaries in the Egyptian army. There is no definite attestation of wars against Nubia and the Near East. R. was also a significant builder, above all in > Thebes. His mortuary temple in Medinat Habu was the centre of the Theban western bank into the 21st dynasty. R. assigned goods, staff and estates on a gigantic scale to the major temples in the country, many of which he had fortified. In the final years of his rule, there were supply difficulties and riots in Upper Egypt, presumably as the result of military defeats. R. died in the 33rd year of his reign, perhaps the victim of a harem conspiracy reported in several papyri. He was the last significant pharaoh of the New Kingdom. His mummy is well preserved. The kings of the zoth dynasty who succeeded R. III were all likewise named R. Under them, Egypt lost its possessions in the Near East and Nubia. Domestically, there was hunger, corruption and unrest. The cause may ultimately be the encroachment of external enemies on Egypt, although the sources provide only hints of this. [4] R. IV (Hqi-nbt-RS c. 1152-1145) like his predecessors planned building projects on a grand scale (a quarry expedition with 8400 men is recorded), but the majority of these were not carried out. His mortuary temple in Thebes was still in use in the 9th cent. BC. The plan of his tomb has been preserved on a papyrus. [5] R. V (Wsr-m3t-R° Shpr.n-RS c.

1145-1142). Dur-

ing his reign, invaders penetrated as far as Upper Egypt; a bribery scandal was revealed in > Elephantine. The king died of smallpox, as is shown by his mummy. [6] R. VI (Nb-m3t-R° Mrj-Jmn, c. 1142-1134) had himself depicted as the victor over the Libyans, but Egyptian rule over Palaestina ended no later than during his reign. His enormous tomb in Thebes is richly decorated and well preserved.

[7-8] Little is known about R. VII (Wsr-73‘t-R° Mrj-Jmn Stp.n-R c. 1134-1126) Jmn, c. 1126-1125).

and VIII (Wsr-m3t-RSb-n-

RAMESSES

391

392

[9] R. IX (Nfr-k3-R‘ Stp.n-RS c. 1125-1107). During the years 8-15 of his rule, Libyans and ‘foreigners’ (as enemies) are attested in Thebes. Numerous papyri record trials against tomb and temple robbers during the years 16-18. [10] R. X (Apr-m3‘t-R* Stp.n-R‘, c. 1107-1103). During his rule, foreign troops are recorded in Thebes again. [11] R. XI (Mn-m}t-R‘ Stp.n-Pth, c. 1103-1070). In the first period of his reign, the vice-king of Kush was a sort of military dictator of Upper Egypt, but in the year

the right of the first ballot (sex suffragia) in the + Comi-

17, he was driven to > Nubia after a major war; the

also be Granius. Legate of the procos. of Asia in AD 126/7, PIR* R 23. Perhaps identical with the cos. suff. Castus of the year 142 [1] whom fragment S of the Fasti

battle against him continued for c. ro years. Once again, there were tomb robber trials in Thebes. Beginning in the year 19, all of Egypt was controlled by Libyan military leaders, who formally respected R. XI, but (temporarily) introduced a new calendar, which indicates the break with the old regime. After his death, they officially took over the governance.

> Egypt A.-P.Zivie

et al., s. v. Ramses,

LA

5, roo-128;

Tu.

SCHNEIDER, Ss. v. Ramses, Lexikon der Pharaonen, *1996, 352-375. Zu R. Il.: K.A. KircHen, Pharaoh Triumphant, 1982.

Zu R. Ul.: P. GRANDET, Ramsés III, Histoire d’un régne,

tia Centuriata (on the historicity cf. esp. [4. 176-205]). 2 U. von LUstrow, Das romische Volk. Sein 3 B. Linke, Von der Verwandtschaft zum Staat, 1995 4M.STEMMLER, Eques Romanus — Reiter und Ritter, 1997. 5 L.HOLZAPFEL, 1 SCHULZE

Staat und sein Recht, 1955

Die drei altesten romischen Tribus, in: Klio 1, rg01, 228-

255

W.ED.

Ranius [1] C.R. Castus. Senator whose nomen gentile could

Ostienses mentions [2]. 1 W.Eck, P. Weiss, Tusidius Campester, cos. suff. unter

Antoninus Pius und die Fasti Ostienses zum J. 141/2, in: ZPE 134, 2001, 251-260.

2 FO? 52.

[2] L.R. Optatus. Senator; his career is known from CIL VI 1507 (cf. addenda in CIL VI Suppl. VII 3, p. 4707) and XII 3170. After his praetorship, he held posts as iuridicus of Asturia et Calaecia, procos. provinciae Narbonensis and ultimately cos. suff., probably under Septimius Severus. PIR* R 24.

1993.

[3] Q.R. Terentius Honoratianus Festus. Descendant of

Zu R.IV.: A.J. PEDEN, The Reign of Ramesses IV, 1994. KJ-W.

R. [2]. After his praetorship, he became praefectus aerarit militaris, legate of the procos. of Lycia-Pamphylia, legionary legate and ultimately procos. of Lycia-Pamphylia, presumably in the rst decade of the 3rd cent. PIR* R 25. WE

Rammius. Q.R. Martialis. Equestrian of whose offices only the praefectura vigilum between AD 111 and 113 and the praefectura Aegypti between 117 und 119 are attested. In Egypt he had to deal with the aftermath of the Jewish rebellion. PIR* R 20. WE. Ramnes. Ramnes, Titi(ens)es and Luceres (as in Liv. 1,36,2, but in 1,13,8 and Cic. Rep. 2,20,36: R(h)amnenses) are the Etruscan (Varro Ling. 5,55; see also [1.

218, 581]) names of the three > tribus established by + Romulus [1] (according to Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,14,2 and Gell. NA 15,27: organised by families) which were each divided into 10 > curiae and thus formed the primary structuring of the Roman people and army (30X10 equestrians, 30X10o infantry: Varro Ling. 5,89; Liv. 1,13,8). Ennius’s derivation of the term R. from Romulus (and Tities/Titienses from Titus Tat-

ius, his Sabine co-king) (in Varro Ling. 5,55, cf. Liv. 1,13,8) is a fiction. Equally speculative is the identification of the R. with the Latin, the Tities with the Sabine and the Luceres with the Etruscan populations of Rome (cf. [2. 39-45]). After the term tribus came to be used for local districts of Rome

(Liv. 1,43,13; Dion.

Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,14f.) and of the ager Romanus (Servius — Tullius), The names have lived on to denote the six equestrian centuriae of the R., the Tities, and the Luceres Priores and Posteriores (‘Earlier’ and ‘Later’; Liv. 1,36,2f.; 1,36,7f.; for the socio-political background see [3. 117-120]; + Centuria), allegedly

formed by > Tarquinius Priscus. They are said to have

Ranunculus (Batodyiow/batrdchion = oékwov tyo.ov/ sélinon agrion in Dioscorides), buttercup, crowfoot. The widespread family of the Ranunculaceae has more than roo species in Greece and Italy. The Greek and Latin names for the plant seem to be derived from’ frog’ (Bateaxoc/batrachos, Lat. rana), owing to its preference for damp locations. Dioscorides (2,175 WELIMANN = 2,206 BERENDES) and Pliny (HN 25,172f.) de-

scribe the appearance of four species; it is impossible today to determine exactly which. The leaves and stems in poultices were said to have a caustic effect, and therefore to remedy leprosy (/épra), scabies (ps6ra) and stigmata (stigmata), and to help against alopecia (aldpekia). On account of its purported curing of swollen glands (strumae), the buttercup was, according to Pliny (HN 25,174), also known to herbal experts (berbarii)

as strumus. The root was chewed against toothache and (dried and chopped) employed as a sternutatory. H.STADLER, s.v. R., RE 1 A, 230-232.

C.HU.

3}

394

Rape

an unimportant role. In Antiquity, rape was primarily condemned, because the perpetrator had claimed the status and right of a husband as part of the violent sexual taking of his victim, without being authorized to do so. This can be seen from, among other things, the fact that the rape of a married woman was usually perceived as > adultery (> adulterium; > moicheia). If the victim was still unmarried, the shame of a rape, which usually only became concretely apparent through a pregnancy and thus became manifest, could be averted by the perpetrator marrying his victim (Plaut. Aul. 791-793; Ter. Ad. 473; Sen. Controv. 1,5; 7,8; Quint. Decl. 262). Whether such ‘forced marriages’ of rapist and victim were actually practiced is controversially debated in scholarship [5]. Undoubtedly, the idea of forced mar-

I. CoNcEpT IJ. ELEMENTS OF THE CRIME III. JUDGMENTS AND LEGAL CONTROLS IV. MYTHOLOGICAL CONTEXT

I. CONCEPT In modern usage, rape denotes violent, forcible sexual intercourse which is declined by the person forced. A corresponding ancient term does not exist. The Greek and Roman terminology for describing the offence of rape only partially indicates the violence associated with the act (e.g. BuatecPaV/bidzesthai, Latin violare: to

use violence; aenayn/harpage, Latin rapina: robbery); it is not uncommon for the violent aspect to be obscured; sometimes the degradation associated with the rape of the victim is indicated (StapOeieeiw/diaphtheirein: corrupt; UBouc/hybris: abuse; vitium: taint; flagitium: disgrace). There are numerous references to rape in the literary sources, thus in myths, Homeric epics, plays, especially in the comedies of Menander [4], in Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses’, ethnography, __ historiography, poetry, philosophical and legal texts (Sen. Controv. 1,5;

7,8; Cod. Theod. 9,1,1; 9,2,55 958,15 95245 95253 9538545 9,38,6 f.).

I]. ELEMENTS OF THE CRIME Greek and Roman authors usually name free men as

perpetrators, while the rape victims mentioned are largely young, often unmarried women, less frequently young men. According to the literary sources, primarily situations in which women spend time outside of their houses and away from their relatives appear to have been used by the perpetrators. In the comedies of Menander, the rape of young women within the tumult of civic — festivals is mentioned repeatedly (e.g. Men. Epit. 486-490; 850-870). The sexual appropriation of one’s own slaves was in accord with the master’s absolute power of control (-> kyrios II.; > Slavery), while it was forbidden to assault another’s slaves. In war and civil war, one of the recognized rights of the victor was having the wives and daughters of the defeated at his disposal; rape in this context was understood by ancient authors as a triumphal gesture with the goal of dishonouring

the defeated

(Eur.

Tro.

665 f.; Tac.

Ann.

P4sa eA sa/5al eA cmAgt a4,0) el neerapeotdree women is a topical component of the portrayal of the seizure of power by brutal tyrants in Greece (Hdt. 3,80,5; Ath. 10,444f-445a; Diod. Sic. 19,8,3-5; ~ tyrannis). This topos was also applied to Roman emperors, who were thus described as brutal rulers and said to be comparable to tyrants (Suet. Tib. 44 f.; Suet. Cal. 24; Suet. Nero 28; Cass. Dio 80,13,1—4). II]. JUDGMENTS AND LEGAL CONTROLS

What motives prompted the perpetrator to rape and the extent to which he, a higher power (Eros) or the victim were made responsible for the act is debated in scholarship. In the framework of the ancient moral assessment of rape, the element of the use of force plays

RAPE

riage points to the enormous significance of legitimate,

i.e. offspring born within marriage, as part of ancient citizenship and inheritance law. The psychological damage to the victim of rape is only marginally examined by Greek and Roman authors; the situation of the raped woman is presented by Euripides [1] with the example of > Creusa [2] (Eur. Ion 859-906) and by Livius [III 2] in the story of > Lucretia [2], who commits suicide after the loss of her chastity (amissa pudicitia: Liv. 1,57,6-1,59,6; cf. also Suet. Tib. 45). A variety of legal regulations which determine the penalties for rape are recorded. In Athens, — Solon [rz] set the penalty for the rape of a free woman at 100 drachmai (Plut. Solon 23,1; cf. Lys. 1,32 f.; Aeschin. In Tim. 15 f.). Children, also including boys, were protected from rape or > prostitution by special legal ordinances (Aeschin. In Tim. 6-17). In the classical era, the rape of any person (free or slave, man or woman) could be prosecuted using a written indictment of > hybris (IL; cf. Aeschin. In Tim. r5 f.: yeadt tPoews/graphe hybreos) or a private action against violence (Six) Braiwv/dike biaion). In the municipal law of + Gortyn, differentiated monetary penalties are set out for a convicted perpetrator, depending on the social status of the rape victim (Leges Gort. 2,2-15). Plato [1] provides an exemption from penalty when a rapist is killed by a relative (father, brother, son of the person raped; PI.

Leg. 874c). In the Roman Republic and Imperial era, rapists could probably be indicted in accordance with the various laws for violence (leges de vi; Dig. 48,5,30,9; 48,6,3,4; cf. > vis). The prosecution and indictment of perpetrators were the obligation of the male relatives of women who had been raped. IV. MYTHOLOGICAL

CONTEXT

Rape is mentioned in numerous

myths, in which

gods (such as Apollo, Poseidon, Zeus or Hades)

or

heroes like Theseus and Peleus often rape mortal girls (Apollo: Eur. lon 436-451; for Peleus and Thetis cf. Hom. Il. 18,432-434). A series of Attic vase paintings from the period c. 5 50 to about 425 BC depict scenes of, primarily mythological, pursuit, which could be interpreted as portrayals of rapes known from myths, although the rape is not explicitly shown [8]. +» Marriage;

+ Woman; > Sexuality

RAPE

395

1S.Deacy,

K.W.ARarat,

Rape

in Antiquity,

1997

2 G.DoBLHOFER, Vergewaltigung in der Antike, 1994 3 J.F. GARDNER, Women in Roman Law and Society, 1986,

118-121

4 A.E. Latou, Consent and Coercion to

Sex and Marriage in Ancient and Medieval Societies, 1993 5 S. Large, Democratic Ideology and the Poetics of Rape in Menandrian Comedy, 2001

6 MACDOWELL,

124-126

7 A.RICHLIN, Reading Ovid’s Rapes, in: Ead. (ed.), Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome, *¥992,158-179

8 A.STEWART, Rape?, in: E.D. REEDER

(ed.), Pandora, 1995, 74-90.

E.HA.

Raphael (Literally ‘God heals’, Gr. Papar/Rhaphael; cf. the personal name in 1 Chr 26:7). In Jewish angelology, one of the four (or seven) archangels who have a

special role in the celestial hierarchy for their praise and glorification of God before His throne (1 Enoch 9,1;

20,3; 40,9). True to his name, R. is the angel of healing (cf. Hebr. rafa@, ‘to heal’), ruling over “all illnesses and all torments of the children of men” (1 Enoch 40,9). He plays a significant role in the Book of Tobit, where, disguised as Tobias’ travelling companion, he drives away the demon Asmodaeus and heals Tobias’ father from blindness. R. appears again as victor over a demon in r Enoch 10,4. His name is to be found in Greek and Coptic magic texts as well (PGM 35,2/4). ~» Gabriel [1]; > Michael [1]; > Sandalphon M. Macu, s.v. R., in: K. VAN DER Toorn, et al. (eds.), Dictionary of the Deities and Demons in the Bible, 1995, 1300 (bibl.); J. MICHL, s.v. Engel VIII. (Raphael), RAC 5, 252-254. B.E.

Rapidum. City in > Mauretania (III. B.) Caesariensis, about 24km to the west of Auzia on the Limes (> Limes VHI.C., with map), modern Sour Djouab (It. Ant. 30,7: Rapidi; 38,9: Rapido castra). In AD 122 ~ Hadrianus founded a castrum at R. (CIL VIII suppl. 3, 20833). In 167 the veterani et pagani consistentes aput R. (‘veterans and farmers at R.’) built the walls of the city adjacent to the castrum (CIL VIII suppl. 3, 20834f.). After being destroyed more than once, R., then a > municipium, was rebuilt by > Diocletianus (CIL VIII suppl. 3, 20836). Significant ruins of the city and the camp survive. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 91959226; suppl. 3, 20829-20844; 22548-22550; AE

1975, 9533 1992, 1910-1924; 1994, 190T. AAAlg, p. 14, No. 96; J.-P. Laporte, R., in: Bulletin de la

Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France, 1983, 253— 267; Id., R., 1989;

M.LeG ay,

Reliefs, inscriptions

et

stéles de R., in: MEFRA 63, 1951, 53-91 und pl. I-VIII.

W.HU. Rapina. Robbery in Roman law, originally contained in > furtum (‘theft’), then an offence (prosecuted separately by the > praetor) leading to actio vi bonorum raptorum (‘action for the robbery of goods by violence’) with the sanction of fourfold damages, simple damages after one year. The surviving edict text (Dig. 48,7,2 pr.) covers banditry (dolo malo hominibus armatis coactisque damnum datum, ‘injury done with evil intent by a

396 body of armed men’) and robbery (bona rapta, lit. ‘seized goods’). It is a matter of dispute whether the Edict of — Licinius [127] Lucullus (1st cent. BC) already contained both, or whether robbery was regulated independently and the amalgamation took place later (under Justinian, 6th cent. AD?). In the 1st—3rd cents. AD, prosecution for robbery was mostly treated as an -> actio [2] poenalis (private prosecution) capable of cumulation with actions in pursuit of the thing (actio in rem); later, the criminal and compensatory functions were combined in the > actio [2] mixta (combined action, Inst. Iust. 4,2). Along with these, there was the criminal prosecution as a crimen — vis (‘crime of violence’, Dig. 48,7,1,2). 1 U. Epert, Die Geschichte des Edikts de hominibus armatis coactisve, 1968 2M.BALZARINI, Ricerche in tema di danno violento e rapina, 1969 3 L. VAccA, Ricerche in

tema di actio vi bonorum raptorum, 1972.

CE

Rapinium. Small site fit for landing (positio, Itin. Maritimum 498,6f.) on the coast of Etruria between > Centumcellae and — Graviscae, modern Bagni Sant’Agostino. GU.

Raptus. In Roman law abduction (as a rule of a woman) for sexual purposes (also with the intent of marriage). In the Republican period an — iniuria (tort in civil law), later probably prosecuted as a crimen- vis (crime of violence). Reorganised by Constantine the Great (Cod. Theod. 9,24,1) with the death penalty for

all participants, the consenting woman as accomplice; even a reluctant one would lose the right to succeed to her parents (beginning of the 4th cent.). In the 6th cent., Justinian (Cod. lust. 9,13,1) abolishes the punishment of the abducted woman and (if there is no complicity) also awards her the property of the perpetrator. 1 $.Puxiattt, La dicotomia vir-mulier e la disciplina del ratto nelle fonti legislative tardo-imperiali, in: SDHI 61, 1995,471-529 2F.Gorta,s. v. Ratto (diritto romano), Enciclopedia del Diritto 27, 1987, 707-725. CE.

Raqqa (al-Raqqa/ar-Raqqa). Modern Syrian provincial capital at the confluence of the Balih and the > Euphrates. For its history up to the 4th cent., see + Nicephorium. Since 638/9, the town has been Arab. After al-Rafiqa was built west of R. by the caliph al-Mansur (772) there was expansion on a grand scale by Harun al-Rasid and a temporary (796-808) relocation of the Abbasid residence, which was only later named R. and further expanded. It was destroyed by Saladdin in 1182, and then came under Ayyubid rule. Archaeological investigation is concentrated on Islamic remains; the Byzantine city fortification has been mapped by sondages. To the northeast of modern R. is Tall Bi‘a/Tuttul with Bronze Age finds, a late Roman cemetery and a monastery (6th cent.), presumably Dair Zakkai. A. HAuSLEITER, Raqqa e Heraqla, in: F. M. Fags, Siria — Guida all’archeologia e ai monumenti, 1997, 209-211; M.AL-KHALAF,

K.KOHLMEYER,

Untersuchungen

zu ar-

398

a7 Raqga — Nikephorion/Callinicum, in; MDAI(Dam) 2, 1985, 133-162; M. MEINEKE, s.v. al-Rakka, EI 8, 404414; K. Tour, s.v. Raqqa, ar-, The Oxford Encyclopedia

of Archaeology in the Near East, vol. 4, 404-407.

ARHA.

Rarus. Otherwise unknown author of an aphoristic epigram (the Anthologia Planudea attributes it to Palladas): an unfaithful friend is more to be feared than an

open enemy (Anth. Pal. 10,121). The motif is quite common

(see, e.g., Anth. Pal. 10,36; 95; 11,3903 as

early even as Thgn. orf.).

M.G.A.

Ras Samra see > Ugarit

Rat. Graeco-Roman Antiquity did not distinguish between the > mouse and the rat. However, bone finds, excavations, etc. since 1975, in particular, have shown

the presence of rats in the ancient Mediterranean area and elsewhere in Europe outside the Mediterranean area. According to the current state of research, the following can be regarded as proven: a) The black rat (Rattus rattus L.), originating in

Asia, had arrived in the Mediterranean region by the Hellenistic or early Imperial Period ([1. 132; 2. 62-63]; on the considerably earlier incidence of the house rat in the Near East, cf. [5]). It was advancing by the time of the early emperors (at the latest) into central and northwestern Europe, too ([1]; [4. 265-267] argues a ‘prob-

ably’ much earlier incidence of the European house rat). The definite ancient finds farthest to the northwest and northeast respectively are in Britain and free Germania. b) The brown rat (Rattus norvegicus Berkenhout),

which also originated in the Far East, is probably the animal described in Ael. NA 17,17 and in the Babylonian Talmud [6. 277]. These texts refer to the region of the Caspian Sea and Mesopotamia. There is one definite find of the brown rat in Europe from the late Roman fort at Krefeld-Gellep [3. 387]. Ancient settlements, with their lack of refuse disposal and their houses often built of wood, offered ideal living conditions for the rat. Conditions were also thus created for the spread of certain human diseases (e.g., plague, murine typhus) to whose infection chain the rat belongs. 1 F. AupoIN-RouzeAu,

J.-D. VIGNE, La colonisation de

Europe par le rat noir (Rattus rattus), in: Rev. de Paleobiologie 13, 1994, 125-145 2J.Borssneck, Die Tier-

welt des Alten Agyptens, 1988, 62-63 3 G.SoRGE, Ratten aus dem spatantiken Kastell Krefeld-Gellep, in: Provinzialromische Forschungen, Festschrift G. Ulbert, 1995, 387-395 4M. Teicuert, Beitrag zur Faunengeschichte der Hausratte, Rattus rattus L., in: Zschr. fur Arch. 19, 1985, 263-269 5 E. TCHERNOV, Commensal Animals and Human Sedentism in the Middle East, in: J.CLurron-Brock, C.Gricson (ed.), Animals and Archaeology 3, 1984, 91-115 6G.E. THUry, Zur Infektkette der Pest in hellenistisch-romischer Zeit, in:

P. SCHROTER (ed.), Festschrift 75 Jahre Anthropologische Staatssammlung Miinchen 1902-1977, 1977, 275-283. G.TH.

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Ratae. Roman fort in Britannia, built before AD 50 at the site of an Iron-Age settlement on the present-day Soar River and held for c. 20 years. The fort and its vicus grew into the core of a prosperous town (It. Ant. 477,4; Ptol. 2,3,20: ‘Paye/Rhage; CIL VII 1169; cf. CIL XVI 160), present-day Leicester [1. 52 f.]. Already before AD roo, R. was the main city of the Coritani or Corieltauvi [2]. The forum and the basilica were built under Hadrian (AD 117-138), the baths in c. AD 150.

Parts of the baths have survived as the Jewry Wall, as it is presently called [3]. Fortifications were added prior to AD 200. In the late 4th cent., town life diminished, but it was revived again after AD 700. 1M.Topp, The Coritani, *1991 2 J.S. WacHEr, The Towns of Roman Britain, 71995 3 K.M. Kenyon, Exca-

vations at the Jewry Wall Site, 1948. M.Hespitcn,

J.E. MELtor,

Britannia,

vol. 3, 1974,

1-83.

M.TO.

Ratiaria. Roman colony in Moesia superior, later the capital of Dacia Ripensis (+ Daci, with map), modern Aréar (oblast Vidin, Bulgaria). The settlement lay on the right bank of the Danube on the important road from Singidunum to Oescus and further eastwards. R. was the camp of the Legio XIII Gemina and the port of ariver fleet (Not. Dign. Or. 42,43). There is evidence of an arms factory there (Not. Dign. Or. 11,38). Archaeological finds, inscriptions and coins. V. VELKOV, R. Eine romische Stadt in Bulgarien, in: Eirene 5, 1966, 155-175; TIR K 34 Sofia, 1976, 107.

J.BU.

Ratiocinatio see > Status Rationalis see > rationibus, a

Rationality A. DEFINITION B. ‘FROM MytTHOs To Locos’ C. SOPHISTS AND SOcRATICS D. PLATO AND ARISTOTLE E. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PHILOSOPHY F. CHRISTIAN RECEPTION

A. DEFINITION The ancient concept of rationality cannot be tied toa single Greek or Latin term. First of all it must be distinguished from modern notions. The modern mind — both in general and in the sciences — is moulded by technological, economic, and administrative structures, and tends to equate rationality with ‘goal-oriented rationality’ (a rationality which focuses on means to reach a purpose). Given M.WesBer’s sociological distinction between goal-oriented, value-oriented, emotional, and traditional social action, goal-oriented rationality has become natural for modern man. This purely formal concept of rationality has frequently been criticized as over-simplified and impoverished in method or substance. Such criticism has led to renewed attempts to differentiate or rehabilitate concepts of rationality, for

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instance by looking at the significance of language or history [21; 23; 44]. Yet, in all these variations, the modern philosophical conception of rationality (after HEGEL) differs from its ancient counterpart in that it refers to human abilities rather than to the essence of things. Rationality in the ancient sense denotes not only the specifically human capacity to think, which includes value-oriented, emotional or traditional elements, but also the ontological structure of the cosmos. The various ancient forms of rationality can, to a certain extent, be divided into the tripartite Aristotelian scheme of theoretical knowledge (theoria, episteme, nots, noésis), practical knowledge

400

399

sophia, (praxis,

phronesis), and the productive disciplines (téchne, poiesis). Theory (viz. > physics, mathematics and + metaphysics) deals with the eternal and necessary; practical and technical disciplines with the variable. From Plato onwards, reason or intuitive knowledge (noésis, Lat. intellectus) was distinguished from discursive reasoning (didnoia, Lat. ratio). The modern distinc-

tion between science and philosophy did not exist in antiquity. B. ‘FROM MyTHOs To Locos’ The historical transition ‘from mythos to logos’ (to use NESTLE’s [37] well-known phrase) was more diverse and less linear than assumed in earlier research [33]. It has been emphasized in recent years that various forms of rationality were also at the basis of mythical thought, even if they were not explicitly discussed or reflected upon. Although rationality as a philosophical discovery called into question the mythical mode of thought as can be found in the works of Homer and Hesiod, it remained, in part, dependent on religious tradition. Like the poets, the first Greek philosophers (called + Presocratics) were concerned with questions about Beginnings and Being (f0 6m) in its entirety (to holon) as the divine (to theion). Furthermore, these philosophers used existing literary genres (especially didactic poetry) and thus a mixture of story-telling (mythos) and argumentative reasoning (/ogos) [17]. In general, the imagery that is an essential part of philosophical language was is deeply rooted in the Greek poetic tradition. For example, the frequent use of the metaphor of ‘light’ bears witness to the close attachment of ancient thought to visible nature, as it is represented also in Greek poetry and art (Heracl. 22 B 6 DK; Pl. Phdr. 250d; Aristot. Metaph. 980a 25). There seems to have been a cross-fertilization rather than an opposition between mythos and logos. Logos does differ from mythos, however, by the demand for an argumentative account. Theoria, the admiring/observing gaze, typically the observation of stellar constellations, was considered an end in itself and was considered the highest human activity (Aristot. Protreptikos fr. 6; Cic. Tusc. 5,3,8-9).

Cosmic rationality, in the sense of a universal order, consists above all in the regularity of stellar and planetary motion and in the purposeful design of living be-

ings. These processes were explained by drawing analogies with the arts (téchnai) or human political phenomena such as war and justice [47].

In Presocratic thought, man did not have a unique position; an analogy between cosmic reason as macro-

cosm and human reason as microcosm was assumed (Democr. 68 B 34 DK; Aristot. Ph. 252b 26). In Heraclitus, logos is a common thing, and there can be no truth in isolation from it (Heracl. 22 B 2; 50 DK; Pl. Phd. go0c). According to the Eleatics (Parmenides, Zeno), purely conceptual knowledge reveals the identi-

ty of thought and being. Moreover, » mathematics — being non-empirical and rational — was regarded by the Greeks as the epitome of science. For this reason the Pythagoreans (~ Pythagorean School) strove to create a system formulated in purely mathematical terms. Such an idea of totality, however, was often accompanied by a certain awareness of the limits of human knowledge. For example, the discovery of irrational numbers led to a qualification of a purely rational world view [3]. One important achievement of the rational thought is in fact the distinction between the sensible and the non-sensible or intellectual (Heracl. 22 B 28 DK; Alcmaeon

24 B 1 DK). Furthermore, the phi-

losophers of the classical period (5th—4th cents. BC) were influenced by the recognition of the insecurity of the human condition as described by Greek poets from Homer to Euripides and Thucydides. For instance, the Orphic-Pythagorean movement introduced, by their dualism of body and soul, concepts of guilt and redemption and consequently the problem of evil (+ Orphism)

[14]. Concepts of rationality were also being developed outside of philosophy, for example in medicine. In the Hippocratic writings (> Hippocrates [6]), analyses of the natural causes of diseases led to the rejection of certain superstitions. This method of observation was, however, not completely empirical, but involved speculative generalization. Aristotle must be credited with initiating the systematic, empirical scientific research of

anatomy and physiology — albeit not devoid of theory either — that was to be developed further in the Hellenistic period. C. SOPHISTS AND SOCRATICS The Sophists were the first explicitly to deny man’s ability to know the essence of things (Gorg. Helena 82 B 11 DK, § 13). Consequently, they directed their attention to human/practical concerns, in particular rhetorical training. Thus the Sophists were the starting point of the enlightenment and the pedagogical revolution of the 5th cent. BC. The great debate of that age about nature (physis) and convention (n6mos) was an essential part of the sophists’ challenging of conventional morality. The crisis in science and ethics and the sophists’ preliminary work on language paved the way for > Socrates’ self-reflection and unbiased quest for the good —i.e. the virtuous and happy — life (areté, eudaimonia; > Virtue; > Happiness). The Socratic method of question and an-

401

402

swer had an ethical as well as a logical motivation. It exposes untruth and half-knowledge and exhorts to a common search for real knowledge (Pl. Men. 84a-c; Pl. Tht. 148d—151d). The possibility of a just life rests on ethical insight arrived at in discourse. After Socrates, most philosophical schools viewed rationality not only

Eth. Nic. 1140b 1-7; > Practical Philosophy; [21]). Aristotle’s classification of the various fields of knowledge included the formalization of logic; hence, later on, the Hellenistic division of philosophy into three parts, ~ logic, > physics and — ethics.

as characteristic of clear and coherent discourse, but

E. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PHILOSOPHY In the Hellenistic period, logic and the various sciences (e.g. geometry and — astronomy) made rapid progress. The more practically-minded Romans primarily adopted ethics. Epicurus’ materialism and his ideal of an apolitical life met with great reservation in Rome (with the important exception of > Lucretius {III x]), but the Stoic concept of rationality (ratio, sapientia) as constituting — virtue was eagerly adopted (Cicero, Seneca, Marcus [2] Aurelius). In this view, the purpose of human life is to live in accordance with nature, i.e. reason. A rational > cosmology is the necessary condition for the good life (M. Aur. 10,6). The absolute status of rationality in > Stoicism meant that the emotions were reduced to the status of mere disturbances of the soul (Cic. Fin. 3, 75-76), a thesis not found in Plato or Aristotle. Virtue (virtus) is the only thing of value for the happy life; freedom consists of complete self-control and peace of mind (— ataraxia, Lat. tranquillitas animi). This strict doctrine of affections resulted in an abundant and engaging literature on the care of the soul, which deeply influenced all subsequent moral philosophy and > popular philosophy.

also as the condition for the way of life aspired to and known as caring for one’s soul (therapeia psychés) [24]. D. PLATO AND ARISTOTLE From Socrates onward, the Pre-Socratic connection

between being, thought, and language was complemented by the further element of action. Cosmology and theology thus became inextricably linked with ethics. Man ought not only understand the cosmos, but emulate it. According to the Platonic and Aristotelian (as well as the Stoic) schools, the cosmos — understood as limited, animated, and teleological- culminates in the rational or the Mind (+ Cosmology, > World, > Theo-

logy) [30]. The mechanistic, non-teleological world view of the atomists (cf. > Leucippus [5], ~ Democritus [r]) remained very much a minority view in anti-

quity. According to this view, the rationality of the cosmos is very limited: the collisions of atoms moving in an infinite empty space occur at random.; According to Plato, action is less closely linked to the true essence of things than speech and thought (/dgos). It is only through language that men come to know of the transcendence of virtue (Pl. Resp. 473a). This is another reason why > virtue is knowledge (PI. Phd. 68c— 69c). Hence, language and thought necessarily result in the recognition of the transcendence of ideas (— Ideas, theory of) and the foundation of ethics. The close ties between thought and language implied for both Plato and Aristotle equally close ties with the world of the community opened by language (+ Language, philosophy and theory of). Hence Plato’s psychology of the affections, which is continued by Aristotle. Plato does not put forward an anthropology of pure reason as offered by the Stoics: conscious thought is the highest part of the soul, but does not constitute its entirety (— Psychology). Plato’s concept of rationality is not an abstraction from common experience, but emerges on the contrary from the forces of human striving (ér6s: Pl. Symp. 209e-212Aa; PI. Phdr. 250d). Lastly, rationality is for Plato the precondition of true political order: knowledge alone bestows political legitimacy (—> Political philosophy). Aristotle makes a fundamental distinction between theoretical and practical reason, between ontology (or metaphysics) and ethics (Aristot. Eth. Eud. 12147b 21218a 38). In this way, he marks the choice between two distinct ways of life, the life of the mind (bios theorétikos, Lat. vita contemplativa) and the active life (bios praktikos, Lat. vita activa). Theoretical knowledge (theoria) is an end in itself and is arrived at by deductive reasoning; practical knowledge (phronésis) focuses on action and is realized in individual decisions (Aristot.

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F. CHRISTIAN RECEPTION

The complex relationship between ancient philosophy and Christian revelation starts as early as the Pauline contrast between worldly wisdom and divine wisdom (1 Cor 1,18-25; 2,6—-9; Col 2,8 f.). Philo’s [12] and Origenes’ allegorical method of interpretation and their de-historicization of biblical texts played an important mediating part in the fruitful assimilation of Graeco-Roman philosophy into Christianity (Aug. Doctr. christ. 2,60). The appropriation of important elements of Stoic ethics was also part of this process. Mediated by the Neo-Platonic concepts of nous and logos, the Christian concept of God was expressed in Neo-Platonic categories (Plot. 1,6; 6,9). In Plotinus, the

eternal Platonic ideas became the thought of a primal mind (Urvernunft); in Augustine, they became ideas of God’s mind. This shift and new foundation of the intelligibility of Being in the infinite intellectus of God also limited Greek rationality through the concept of the unfathomable will of an omnipotent God. Important for the Middle Ages was Boethius’ Latin translation of the distinction between a higher intuitive faculty of knowledge (intellectus, intelligentia) and discursive knowledge (ratio, ratiocinatio). In general, the preference of the vita contemplativa over the vita activa had lasting consequences. On the other hand, by being made subservient to -> theology, philosophy was primarily conceived as logical, conceptual analysis. Philosophy — whether conceived as preliminary to theology

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or as an independent discipline — was detached from its practical dimension and objectives, and was no longer considered a way of life [25. 379-391]. This appears to be one of the causes of aggravation of the problem of the relationship, in philosophy, between theory and practice.

— Epistemology; -> Intellect; > Logic;

+ Logos

1A.H. ARMSTRONG, Plotinus’s Doctrine of the Infinite and Christian Thought, in: Downside Review 73, 1955, 47-58 2Id., Hellenic and Christian Studies, 1990 3 P.AUBENQUE, La découverte grecque des limites de la rationalité, in: [35], 407-417. 4J.BARNes et al. (eds.), Science and Speculation, 1982

5 R.Bopéus, Aristotle

and the Theology of the Living Immortals, 2000 6H.Boeper, Der frihgriechische Wortgebrauch von Logos und Aletheia, in: Archiv fiir Begriffsgeschichte, 1959, 82-112 7R.BRaAGuE, La sagesse du monde, 1999 8 L. Brisson, Philosophie du mythe, 1996 9 J. BRUNSCHWIG, G.E. R. LLoyp (eds.) The Greek Pursuit of Knowledge, 2003 10 W.BurRKERT, Weisheit und Wissenschaft, 1963 11R.BuxTon (ed.), From Myth to Reason?,

404

403

1999

12 P.COURCELLE,

Connais-toi

toi-

méme, 3 vols., 1974/1975 13 TH. DE Koninck, La “pensée de la pensée” chez Aristote, in: Id., G. PLANTYBonjour (ed.), La question du Dieu selon Aristote et Hegel, 1991, 69-151 14E.R. Dopps, The Ancient Concept of Progress, 1951 15 Id., The Greeks and the Irrational,1973 16 G.R. F. FERRARI, Logos, in: S. SETTIS (ed.), |Greci, 1997, 1103-1116 17 H. FRANKEL, Dichtung und Philosophie des friihen Griechentums, *1962

of Ideas 24, 1963, 473-496 48 Id., Intellectual Experiments of the Greek Enlightenment, 1975 49 TH. A.SZLEZAK, Platon und Aristoteles in der Nuslehre Plotins, 1979 50 P.A. VANDER WAERDT (ed.), The Socratic Movement,

1994

51J.P. VeRNANT, Myth and Thought among the

Greeks, 1983 52 P. VipaL-NAQueET, Greek Rationality and the City, in: Id., The Black Hunter, 1986 53 G. VLasTos, Ethics and Physics in Democritus, in: The Philosophical Review 54, 1945, 578-592; 55, 1946, 5364 (repr.: Id., Studies in Greek Philosophy, vol. 1: The Presocratics, ed. D.W. GRAHAM, 328-350) 54 Id., Socrates, Ironist and Moral Philosopher, 1991 55 M. Weer, Soziologische Grundbegriffe, in: Id., Gesammelte Aufsdtze zur Wissenschaftslehre (ed. J. WINCKELMANN), °1985, 541-591 56 W. WIELAND, Die aristotelische Physik, *1992 57 Id., Platon und die Formen des Wissens, 1982. F.R.

Rationibus, a. Head of the central financial administration of the Roman Emperor and his subordinates. In the financial administration of the > princeps, at first privately organised and evolving already under Augustus, the entire system of revenues and expenditures was

initially managed by a single > freedman. His title a rationibus is first attested for the reign of Tiberius; but

18Id., Wege und Formen frihgriechischen Denkens, 31968 19K.VvoN Fritz, Grundprobleme der Geschichte

the freedmen who managed the breviarium totius imperii for Augustus (Suet. Aug. 101,4) were probably already called like this. The functional importance of the department lent considerable weight to its director, as seen especially in the case of the Claudian freedman ~ Antonius [II ro] Pallas. From the reign of + Domi-

der antiken Wissenschaft, 1971

tianus [1] at the latest, when the freedman Ti. > Iulius

sche Logik, 1974.

20M.FREDE, Die stoi-

21 H.-G. Gapamer, Praktisches Wis-

sen, in: Id., Gesammelte Werke, vol. 5, 1985, 230-248

22 L.Gerson,

God

and

Greek

Philosophy,

1991

23 J. HABERMAS, Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns,

2 vols., 1981 24 P. Hapot, Philosophy as a Way of Life: Spiritual Exercises from Socrates to Foucault, 1995 25 Id., What Is Ancient Philosophy?, 2002 26 F. HEINIMANN, Nomos und Physis, 1945 (repr. 1978 and later) 27 M.HeENGEL, Judentum und Hellenismus, 31988 28 G.B. KERFERD, The Sophistic Movement, 1981 29P.KosLowski (ed.), Gnosis und Mystik in der Geschichte der Philosophie, 1988 30 H.J. KRAMER, Der

Ursprung der Geistesmetaphysik, 1964 31 Id., Platonismus und hellenistische Philosophie, 1971 32 Y.LAFRANCE,

1981

La théorie

platonicienne

de la Doxa,

33 A.Laxks, G. W. Most (eds.), Studies on the Der-

veni Papyrus, 1997. 34. G.E. R. Ltoyp, Methods and Problems in Greek Science, 1990 35 J.-F. Marre (ed.), La naissance de la raison en Gréce, 1990 36 G.W.

Most, From Logos to Mythos, in: [rr], 25-49 37 W.NestLe, Vom Mythos zum Logos, *1942 38 J.Pépin, Mythe et allegorie, 1958 39 Id., Idées grecques sur homme et sur Dieu, 1971 40 J. Rist, Eros

und Psyche, 1964 41 L.Rosin, La pensée grecque et les origines de l’ésprit scientifique, 1923 42 C.Rowe, God, Man and Nature, in: Eranos Jahrbuch, 1974, 255-291

43 Id., One and the Many in Greek Religion, in: ibid. 1976, 37-67. 44H.SCHNADELBACH (ed.), Rationalitat, 1984 45 Id., Rationalitatstypen, in: Id., Philosophie in

der modernen Kultur, 2000, 256-291 46 B.SNELL, Die Entdeckung des Geistes,*1946 47 F.SOLMSEN, Nature as Craftsman in Greek Thought, in: Journal of the History

[II 1] was elevated to the equestrian class in his office of a rationibus, the function passed to equestrian officials, who at first received the rank of a > ducenarius, under

Marcus Aurelius that of a trecenarius, and who lastly, in the 3rd cent. AD, were awarded the honorific title of vir perfectissimus. Late in the 2nd cent., the term rationalis began to occur; it became more widespread in the 3rd cent. The a rationibus must be distinguished from the procurator summae rei/ summarum, who was employed in the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. as his assistant. In Late Antiquity, the office of the rationalis was absorbed into that of the > comes rei privatae, and the title rationalis survived only in the dioceses (the most important was the rationalis Aegypti); the office of the procurator summarum was transformed into that of the > comes sacrarum largitionum. W.Apers,

Das

nachrepublikanische

Finanzsystem,

1995; R. DELMaIRE, Largesses sacrées et res privata. L’aerarium imperial et son administration du IVe au Vle siécle, 1989;

W.Ecx,

Die

Bedeutung

der claudischen

Regie-

rungszeit ftir die administrative Entwicklung des rémischen Reiches, in: Id., Die Verwaltung des r6mischen Rei-

ches in der Hohen Kaiserzeit 2, 1997, 147-165, especially

151 ff.; JoNEs, LRE 411-437; P.R. C. Weaver, Familia Caesaris, 1972, 259 ff., 282 ff. W.E.andK.G.-A.

405

406

Rations I. ANCIENT NEAR East

II. CLAssicaL ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT NEAR East In the Ancient Near Eastern oikos or palace economy, the majority or (large) parts of the population were integrated into the institutional households of > temples and/or - palaces as direct dependents (the extent varied according to region and period). They were provided with the rations of natural produce (grain, oil, wool) guaranteeing them the level of subsistence necessary for their reproduction. In Mesopotamia, these rations of produce were in part supplemented, and in certain periods replaced, by the allocation of areas of land (c. 6 ha.) assuring the subsistence of a family. Rations were generally graded according to status, gender and age, men of working age (with approximately 1.6 |. of barley/day = c. 365 kg p.a.; this equates to the usual dietary value in the Mediterranean region) receiving double those of a working woman. Children and the aged received still smaller rations. [3]. Similar conditions can be discerned for northern Syria, from documentation which, compared to Mesopotamia, is less plentiful (Ebla 24th cent., Alalah 17th/r 5th cents., Ugarit r4th/13th cents. BC). In Egypt too, the population, mostly dependent on the palaces, was supplied with rations of natural produce [4]. The Cretan-Mycenaean palace archives attest to similar cir-» Oikos economy; - Wages;

Ratomagus. Capital of the > Veliocasses, present-day Rouen, linked by the Sequana (Seine) and Autura (Eure) to the Liger (Loire) and inner Gaul (> Gallia/Gaul), an important harbour for exports to > Britannia in the 2nd cent. AD (Amm. Marc. 15,11,12; It. Ant. 382,3; 384,1; Ptol. 2,8,8: “Patowayoc; Tab. Peut. 2,2f.; CIL

XII 3475: Ratumagus vicus; Notitia Galliarum 2,2: clwitas Rotomagensium; Not. Dign. Occ. 37,10; 37,21:

Rotomagus). Originally, the Veliocasses fell within the area of Gallia > Belgica (Caes. B Gall. 2,4), and from the time of Augustus within the area of the > Lugdunensis (Plin. HN 4,107). From the reign of Diocletian (— Diocletianus), R. was the provincial capital of Lugdunensis IJ. Archaeological remains: amphitheatre, theatre, baths; city walls of the 4th cent. AD. P. HaLBout et al., Rouen ville gallo-romaine, in: Archéologia 180/181, 1983, 94-104; M. MANGARD, s. v. Rotomagus, PE, 772f.; I.ROGERET, Seine-Maritime (Carte archéologique de la Gaule 76), 1998; G.SENNEQUIER,

distribuzione dei cereali nell’Oriente Antico, 1989 2 R.K. ENcLunp, Administrative Timekeeping in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31, 1988, 121-185 31.J. Gets, The Mesopotamian

Ration

System,

in: JNES

1970;

M. WEIDE-

MANN, Kulturgeschichte der Merowingerzeit nach den

Woman; — Work

1R.Dotce, C.ZaccacGninI, Il pane del Re. Accumulo e

1965, 230-243

sponding calorific requirement. In the summer, during the season of working in the fields, more grain was issued than in winter; slaves doing physical labour received more grain than the > vilicus or a herdsman. Working slaves (winter): 4 modii (26 kg); (summer): 4 ‘/,modit (30 kg); vilicus/ vilica: 3 modii (20 kg) (Cato Agr. 56). > Wine, olives, oil and > salt (x modius p.a.; cf. ibid. 58) were also included in the sustenance of slaves. H.SCHN.

Rouen gallo-romain et Mérovingien,

cumstances [5; 6].

Ancient

RAURACI, RAURICI

24,

4M.GurTGESELL, s. v. Lohne, LA 3,

1072-1078 5R.Patmer, Subsistence and Rations at Pylos and Knossos, in: Minos 24, 1989, 88-124 6ST. HILterR, Dependent Personnel in Mycenean Texts, in:

M.Hetzer, E.Lrpinsxki, Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean, 1988, 53-68 7H.WAETZOLDT, Compensation of Craft Workers and Officials, in: M.A. PowELt (ed.), Labor in the Ancient Near East, 1987,

117-

Lav.

|.RE.

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY In Graeco-Roman antiquity, rations of provisions

were issued especially in the contexts of the Roman armed forces, the supply of urban populations and the operation by slave labour of country estates. In the 2nd cent. BC, Roman soldiers received */, médimnos wheat (c. 36 kg; Pol. 6,39) per month. 5 modii of wheat (around 33 kg) were distributed at reduced prices — after 58 BC, free of charge — to the > plebs urbana at Rome (Sall. Hist. 3,48,19). In the Augustan period, the number of recipients was set at 200,000. Rations for slaves on large estates were weighed, according to Cato [x], by the strenuousness of the labour and the corre-

Werken Gregors von Tours, vol. 2, 1982, 90; TIR Paris, 1975, 156.

M 31 Vals

Rauraci, Raurici. Celtic tribe, neighbours along with the Tulingi and Latobici of the > Helvetii (Caes. B Gall. 1,5,4). The R. migrated westwards from their homeland in 58 BC with the Helvetii. As Munatius [I 4] Plancus founded the colony of Augusta [4] Raurica (modern Augst (CH)) in the territory of the R. in 44 BC, it must be assumed that they lived between the Upper Rhine and the southern foothills of the Jura. The remark in Caes. B Gall. 1,1,4, according to which the Germani

and Helvetii shared a common frontier, incorrectly ignores the territory of the R. (cf. here [3]). The road link between Rhaetia and the Rhine ran through the tribal territory of the R.: it reached the territory of the Helvetii from Augusta [7] Vindelicorum by way of Cambodunum [1], Brigantium and Ad Fines (modern Pfyn), then passed the legionary camp of Vindonissa, crossed the Aare at Brugg into the territory of the R. and continued via Augusta [4] and Basilia on the left bank of the Rhine to Argentorate [2]. Until recently, there was dispute as to which caput viae the milestones in the territory of the R. were measured against: the stone at Nieder-Mumpf (CIL XIII 9077 = CIL XVII 2,596) with its inscription of the caput viae AR was expanded by MOMMSEN and HIRSCHFELD to AR(gentorate), but by F.STAEHELIN and E. MEYER to A(ugusta) R(aurica). In 1995, frag-

RAURACI,

RAURICI

ments of six more milestones were found [1], confirming caput viae

AVG(usta) RAVR(ica).

1H.SuUrrer.in, Miliaria in Augusta Raurica, in: Jahres-

berichte aus Augst 17, 1996, 71-87 2G. Wa.seER, Zu den RomerstrafSen in der Schweiz, in: MH 54, 1997, 5361 31d., Zu Caesars Tendenz in der geographischen Beschreibung Galliens, in: Klio 77, 1995, 217-223.

E. Meyer, Die romische Schweiz 1940, 305-315; G. WALSER, ROmische Inschriften in der Schweiz 2, 1980, 190276; F.STAEHELIN, Die Schweiz in romischer Zeit, +1948,

30-32, I15.

Raven.

The

GW.

common

raven,

Corvus

corax

(xdoa&/

korax, apparently derived from koros, ‘black’; the juvenile, xogaxivod/korakinos, e.g., in Aristoph. Equ. 1053; Lat. corvus), originally distributed throughout Europe and Egypt (Ael. NA 2,48; smaller in Egypt, according to Aristot. Hist. an. 9(8),28, 606a 23 f.) and at

least as large as a buzzard, is the largest of the European songbirds. Its characteristic call is ‘kronk’ or ‘prrruk’, but its vocalizations are otherwise highly varied (64 sounds, according to Fulg. 1,13, quoted in Thomas of Cantimpré 5,31, [1. 191]). In modern Egypt, only the smaller species (cf. Aristot. ibid.) the brown-necked raven (Corvus ruficollis) and the fan-tailed raven (C.

rhipidurus) occur. Aristotle knew the raven’s behaviour very well: the female, according to him, lays more than two eggs, in fact 4-5 (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),31,618b 13; Plin. HN 10,32); she incubates them for 20 days (correctly!) and appears to throw her young out of the nest (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,6,563a 32-b 3). The raven has its food taken from it by the kite (ixtivoc/iktinos) (ibid. 8(9),1,609a 20-23; Plin. HN 10,203), it pecks out the eyes of bulls and asses (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),1,609b 5), helps the fox against the hostile hawk (ibid. 8(9),1,609b 32; Plin. HN 1ro,205) and, like the > crow, lives in the vicinity of towns all year round (Aristot. Hist. an. 8(9),23,617b 13). When food is scarce, only one pair will inhabit an area. Among the Romans, too, this gluttonous (Aesop. 124 Perry; Aesch. Supp. 751; Hor. Epist. 1,16,48) devourer of carrion (Macrob. Sat. 7,5,11) was regarded as

a portent of calamity (e.g., Liv. 21,62,4 and 24,10,6; Aesop. 162 and 236 Perry; Ael. NA 1,48; Cic. Div. Te

and 85,2,06s hon Garm. 4,27,0 0).

Sacred to > Apollo (Fulg. 1,13), the raven was also a

weather prophet (Aristot. fr. 241,7; Lucr. 5,1085 f.; Verg. G. 1,381f. and 4rof.; Plin. HN 18,362). Anecdotes abound of its intelligence and helpfulness (Hdt. 4,15; Liv. 7,26; Plin. HN 7,174 and 10,121-125; Curt.

4,7,15). It was invoked in the execration éc¢ x6Qax«ac/es korakas, i.e. (go) to the devil (ravens)’ (Aristoph., e.g.,

Vesp.

51

and

982;

408

407

Nub.

789;

Alexis

apud

Ath.

13,610e), and it was sworn upon (Aristoph. Av. 1611).

The bird’s proverbial blackness (Aesop. 338 PERRY;

an. 3,12,519a 5f.; Aristot. Col. 6,799b rf.), a metaphor for impossibility (Anth. Pal. 11,436; Juv. 7,202). Its longevity (3,600 years in Hes. fr. 171 RZACH and Plin. HN 7,153; cf. Sen. Ben. 2,29,1 and Macrob. Sat.

7,5,11) was the stuff of fable.

In the field of popular medicine, Plin. HN 29,109 f. recommends the brain, blood or egg for blackening the hair; the raven’s droppings were said to be effective against toothache (ibid. 30,26; Ael. NA 1,48) and children’s coughs (Plin. HN 30,137). A relief on a sarcophagus of Late Antiquity from Trier shows Noah’s Ark and the raven which Noah sent out during the flood (Gn 8:6f.) for reconnaissance [2. 290, 262-264]. On coins

(3. pl. 1,1; 2,29; 5,23; 5,26] and gems (3. pl. 21,5-14; 23,22], the raven plays a solely decorative role. + Augures 1H.Bokse (ed.), Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de naturarerum,1973 2 TOYNBEE 3 F.IMHOOF-BLUMER, O.KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums, 1889 (repr. 1972). KELLER 2,92—109; D’ ARcy W. THOMPSON, A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1936 (repr. 1966), 159-164. C.HU

Ravenna. Harbour city in the territory of the > Boii on the Ionios Kolpos (Adriatic). I. FOUNDATION AND ROMAN TINE ERA

PERIOD

II. BYZAN-

I. FOUNDATION AND ROMAN PERIOD According to myth, R. was founded by > Thessalians (Zos. 5,27); however, it was actually founded by + Umbri in the 6th-sth cents. BC (Str. 5,1,23; 5,1,11; 5,2,1: ‘Pavevva/Rbduenna). The character of R.’s to-

pography includes its proximity to the sea and protection by the natural geographic conditions — swampy areas to the west and a small arm of the Padus (Po), the Fossa Asconis (lord. Get. 29) north of the city. R. was

built on piles and famous for its healthy location (Str. 5,1,7; Vitr. De arch. 1,4,11); however, the supply of

drinking water was inadequate (Mart. 3,56f.). The emperor Trajan (AD 98-117) was the first to have an aqueduct built, renovated under Theoderic (Excerpta Valesiana 71).

R. had lain on the road between Atria and Forum Popili since 132 BC; beginning in the Augustan Era, there was also a direct connection to > Ariminum (Mela 2,64). In 56 BC, R. held the status of a civitas

foederata (Cic. Balb. 50), later that of a municipium, tribus Camilia. Crucial for R.’s further development was the enlargement of the military harbour by Augustus beginning in 38 BC (App. Civ. 5,80; Suet. Aug. 49,1; Tac. Ann. 4,5,1). The harbour suburb was Classis (Procop. Goth. 2,29,31), whose position is confirmed

Petron. Sat. 43; Mart. 1,53,8) was explained as a pun-

today by S. Apollinare in Classe. Pliny [1] the Elder mentions a lighthouse (Plin. HN 36,83). Between R.

ishment for its garrulousness (Ov. Met. 2,53 5-541; cf.

and Classis, was the district Caesarea (Iord. Get. 29) at

Pind. Ol. 2,156). A white raven was, in spite of the

the location of the later Via S. Lorenzo in Cesarea. In addition, there was a commercial harbour, probably at

pigment’s supposedly fading in old age (Aristot. Hist.

409

RAVENNA

i a wo que. “Gy i 1 i \ t ™. / '

mare

Adriaticum

Soheels

Commercial port Flumisellum /fossa Lamisa (Canal)

porta Adriana

praetorium of the Praefectus classis Ravennae? (1

and 2nd cents. AD)

porta Aurea (AD 42)

inner harbour basin

(naval port)

SSS, Rubbish tip of} 4

craftmen’s quarter, “< arly Pees. up to the 2nd half

of the 1st cent. AD

~

~~ 1,

Wan yp

Po.

? Necropoleis

£ u's:

\

outer harbour basin of Augustan naval port; from 38 BC

| /

Classis (Harbour suburb)

Necropoleis

Ravenna, Caesarea, Classis: urban development (1st cent. BC—late 6th cent. AD)

and early Christian sacred and profane buildings (5th — 8th cents . AD) City wall (c. AD 42, Claudian/5th cent. AD;

partly preserved)

Early Christian sacred and profane buildings (5th—8th cents. AD)

Reconstructed street grid of Augustan town

1. S.Crucis (Santa Croce)

(verified / conjectural)

2. Mausoleum of Galla Placidia

Aqueduct (2nd cent. AD, Trajanic; restored under Theoderic)

3. S. Vitalis (San Vitale)

Shoreline cenaln .uncertaln)

Sea (permanently)

4. Anastasis Gothorum/ Cathedral of the Arians

5. Santa Maria in Cosmedin with Baptistery

of the Arians

Sea (temporarily)

6. S.loannis Evangelistae (S. Giovanni Evangelista), basilica

pocauoniuncertald Identification uncertain

7. S.Salvatoris (palatine chapel, San Apollinare Nuovo)

8. ‘Palace of Theoderic’

9. Basilica Apostolorum / Basilica of the Apostles (S.Francesco) 10. ‘Baptistery of the Orthodox’ (S. Giovanni in Fonte) 11. Hagia Anastasis/ Basilica Ursi(a)na (Cathedral S. Orso)

12. Mausoleum of Theoderic (unfinished) 13. San Apollinare in Classe (not exactly localized)

RAVENNA

412

411

S. Maria in Porto Fuori. The harbour facilities of R. influenced its social structure: known from inscriptions are several sailors (mautae: CIL XI 135; 138) and shipbuilders (faber navalis: CIL XI 139), accounting for the special significance of the collegium fabrum (-> Collegium [1]; CIL XI 126). Wood for > shipbuilding was transported on the Padus from all of upper Italy directly

no. 12) and the churches S. Apollinare Nuovo (c. 500, no. 7; originally Arian, » Arianism), S. Vitale (octagonal domed structure, consecrated 548, no. 3) and S. Apollinare in Classe (consecrated 549), all with significant mosaic decorations, among them the portraits of emperor > Iustinianus [1] I, empress > Theodora [2] and archbishop » Maximianus [3] in S. Vitale.

to R. (Vitr. De arch. 2,9,16). A canvas factory is indicated for the 4th cent. AD (Not. Dign. Occ. 11,63).

F.W. DEICHMANN, R., Hauptstadt des spatantiken Abendlandes, vols. 1.1 und 1.2, 1969; 2.1, 1974; 2.2, 19763 2.3, 19893 2.4, 19763 2.5, 1989; 3, 71969; V. MAN-

Even the civic administration was influenced by the navy: at its head — quite atypically for municipia—was a magister (CIL XI 863), probably the fleet commander (Not.

Dign.

Occ.

42,7). Its secure

location

recom-

mended R. for the internment of state prisoners (e.g., + Arminius’ son, Tac. Ann. 1,58, or ~ Maroboduus, who had sought refuge with the Romans, Tac. Ann. 2,63). Perhaps the secure location is also the reason that

Caesar had set up his headquarters in R. before the outbreak of the Civil War in 49 BC, and had had a gladiator school established here (Suet. Iul. 30 f.). However, there can be no doubt that the security offered by R. underlay the relocation of the imperial residence thither: in 404, Honorius [3] permanently relocated with his court from Mediolan(i)um [1] to R., which thus became urbs regia (lord. Get. 29).

The comprehensive improvement of the city began with the elevation of R. to the western Roman capital. The numerous church buildings played a prominent role: Hagia Anastasis (map no. 11) was the bishop’s

church (predecessor of the modern cathedral) with the octagonal so-called Baptistery of the Orthodox; S. Ioannis Evangelistae (no. 6); S. Crucis was a palace church (no. 1), with an oratory incorporated into the

narthex; the so-called mausoleum of > Galla [3] Placidia (no. 2); and the Basilica Apostolorum (today S. Francesco; no. 9). The scholars — Aspasius [3] and

+ Agnellus came from R., Maximianus [3] was bishop there beginning in AD 546. Il. BYZANTINE ERA

After the end of the western Roman empire in AD 476, R. became the capital of king - Odoacer, and capital of the > Ostrogoths in 493. Captured by the troops of > Belisarius in 540, R. soon formed an impor-

tant bridgehead in the reconquest of Italy and was later its administrative centre. After the invasion of the +» Langobardi in 568, R. remained in eastern Roman hands and became the capital of an -> exarchate first mentioned in 584 and left largely to its own devices due to the empire’s decline in power in the 7th cent. Of the exarchs sent from the east, several were murdered in R., others attempted usurpations (Eleutherius in 619,

Olympius in 65 1/2). R. participated in the Italian revolt against Byzantine rule in 726, fell temporarily to the Langobardi in 732, and conclusively in 751; in 756, the -» Franci conquered it and gave it to the pope. Buildings from the Gothic and Eastern Roman Era preserved in R. include: the mausoleum of > Theodericus [3] (octagon with monolithic dome, c. 520; map

ZELLI, R., 2000; T.S. BROWN, D. KINNEY, s.v. R., ODB 2,

1773-1775: Maps AND BiBLioGRAPHY: G.Bovinti, R. Kunst und Geschichte, 1978; E. Russo, s.v. R., EAA 2. Suppl., 19711994; vol. 4, 1996, 703-718. C.HEU. and AL.B.

Ravenna Annals (Chronica Italica in [1], better Chronicon Constantinopolitanum (cf. [7; 8. 41-43]). Originally simply an informative chronicle in Latin, based on the calendar structure of the Consularia Constantinopolitana [1. 197-245], written or expanded in + Constantinople in the 4th century AD for a ruling class, eager for knowledge, on the periphery of the court (for the images contained cf. [2; 3; 4]). An early phase extending as far as AD 387 is transmitted in the Fasti Vindobonenses posteriores (Cod. Vindobonensis no. 3416, 15th century) and Fasti Vindobonenses priores a (to 403) and in an Alexandrian Chronicle, initially Greek then translated back into Latin (+ Excerpta Barbari, cf. also [2; 3]). Expansions in the West go up to AD 455 (Fasti Vindobonenses posteriores b; cf. [4]) or begin in c. 455 (Fasti Vindobonenses priores b, to 496; ~+ Excerpta Valesiana 2, to 526) and continue as a rule in individual issues but no farther than the year 573. For the numerous users — as well as the excerpts expanded according to locale — of this important source of information on the end of Late Antiquity cf. [1. 251f.]. Ep1IT1oNns: 1TH. MoOMMsSEN, MGH AA 9, 1892, 249339 (Parallelausgabe der wichtigsten sieben Textzeugen). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 2 A.BAuER, J.STRZYGOWSKI Eine alexandrinische Weltchronik, 1906 3 H.LIETZMANN,

KS

1,

1958,

420-429

(eds.), ('1937)

4 B. BiscHorr, W. KOEHLER, Eine illustrierte Ausgabe der spatantiken Ravennater Annalen, in:

W. KOEHLER

(ed.),

Medieval Studies in Memory of A.K. Porter, 1939, 125138

5 G.Warrz, Die ravennatischen Annalen, in: Nach-

richten der Gottinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft 1865, 84-114 6 O. HOLDER-EGGER, Untersuchung 3: Die Ravennater Annalen, in: Neues Archiv 1, 1876, 214-368 7 O.SrecK, Idacius und die Chronik von Constantinopel,

in: Neue Jahrbiicher fiir Philologie 139, 1889, 601-635 8 S. MUHLBERGER, The Fifth-Century Chroniclers, 1990, 24-47.

P.L.S.

Ravenna Papyri. Collection, now dispersed but at the time comprising 61 items, of non-literary Latin texts on papyrus from the period AD 433 —c. 700, the predominant majority of which probably belonged to an archive in Ravenna. The RP are an important source for the social, economic and administrative history of Italy in

413

414

the transition period from Antiquity to the Middle

young man on the lotus flower (morning) and the fourheaded ram (midday). Re travels across the sky in a day and night barque. In his retinue are the deities of perception, Hu and Sia, who are said to have originated from the blood of Re when he cut into his own phallus. Attached to Re are 7 Kas ( Ka) and 14 Bas as well as 7 ancient Uraeus goddesses. His daughter is called the ‘Eye of the Sun’ (> Sothis). At night, Re moves with his retinue through the underworld so that he can care for the gods and the dead living there [4]. The arch-enemy of Re is Apopis, a monstrous serpent. To keep him off, apotropaeic rituals were composed that are preserved in the Bremner-Rhind papyrus. In its introduction, passed down in numerous variants [6], Apopis is called the ‘Umbilical Cord of Re’. Plut. De Is. et Os. 36 reports that Apopis was a brother of Helios, which fits well with this obscure kinship and is also attested in Egyptian sources [8. 206,rof.]. Re was the king of the gods and, in a mythical primeval period, had ruled over Egypt himself. According to the myth of the destruction of the human race, human beings revolted against the aged sun god who then withdrew from the earth and left its rule to other gods. In several texts, he is accorded his own era in view of his royal rule [9]. Re is regarded as the father of the Egyptian rulers who among their titles bore the name “Son-of-Re’ from the 4th dynasty onwards (2570-2450 BC). His most important cult site was in > Heliopolis [x]; a report on his paternity to the first three kings of the 5th dynasty (2450-2290) mentions Sachebu in the Delta as his place of origin. Typical of Re are special cult buildings, such as the ‘Sanctuaries of the Sun’ in the Old Kingdom, that in their architecture resemble the royal temples of the dead. It is presumably from the ‘Benben Stone’ that the + obelisk developed as a typical component in the cult of the sun. In the New Kingdom, the temples of the dead usually contained a Re complex, characterized by a special decorative programme (arcane texts, mainly of a cosmological nature) [8]. Numerous hymns as well as the ritual of the hours were addressed to the sun god [1]. His dominance in Egypt is still evident in the Greek magical papyri, which transmit even the names of the two barques of the sun (PGM VII, 518). » Amun; > Sun god

Ages. J.-O. TyApmr, Die nicht-literarischen Papyri Italiens aus der Zeit 445-700, 2 vols., 1955, 1982; Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. FS zum 100}. Bestehen der Papyrus-Sammlung der Osterreichischen Nationalbibliothek, vol. 1, 1983, 161; R.P. SALomons et al., Completio of a Deed of Donation, in: ZPE 123, 1998, 151-157.

HL.

Ravilla. Roman cognomen (‘grey-eyed’), byname of L. Cassius [I 17] Longinus R. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 228.

Ray see > Electric ray Razor

(Evedwxyron; Lat. novacula, cultellus, culter tonsorius). Razors were used from the early Greek period on for shaving the > beard and cutting hair from the head when in > mourning, for example; numerous examples survive. They could easily exceed 20 cm in length; materials used for blades were iron and bronze;

for handles bronze, ivory and wood. Razors are instanced in various forms: they could be shaped like a spatula or a crescent, long and slender with a straight or curved blade, broad and rounded, or broad and triangular. Handles were often decorated with animal protomai or ornamentation. After use a razor would be kept in an etui (Eveoddxn/xyrodoké, Evoobhun/xyrotheke; [curva] theca, cf. Mart. 11,58,9; Petron. Sat. 94,14) or hung up using a hole at the end of the handle. Razors are known predominantly from burial finds, but they were also taken to sanctuaries as votive gifts, cf. Anth. Pal. 6,61. ~» Barber; > Hairstyle; > Knives S.Marinatos, Haar- und Barttracht (ArchHom 1,2), 1967, 31-34;J.GARBSCH, Zu neuen Funden in Bayern, in: Bayerische Vorgeschichtsbl. 40, 1975, 68-89; E. OHLSHAUSEN, Eros mit dem Barbiermesser, in: AA 1979, 1724; V.Branco PERONI, I rasoi nell’Italia continentale (Prahistor. Bronzefunde 8,2), 1979; G.C. Boon, Razor and Toilet-Knife, in: Britannia 22, 1991, 21-32; C. WE-

BER, Die Rasiermesser in Sidosteuropa (Prahistor. Bronzefunde 8,5), 1996.

R.H,

Re (R‘), the most important god in the Egyptian pantheon. Essentially merely the word for ‘sun’ and as appellative still used as such in Coptic, translated into Greek as Helios. Re is the god who originated in himself, yet the primeval ocean Nun is considered to be his father. In Heliopolis he is linked with the god Atum, and his children are Shu and Tefnut ( Tefnut, legend of). Often the epithet ‘> Horus of the horizon’ (Harachte), is bestowed on him. The phases of the sun during the day are classified by the Egyptians as Chepre (morning), Re (midday) and Atum (evening). According to another system, ReHarachte is invoked every hour with a different name [3], and likewise he can assume a new form every hour. Particularly important here is the form of the

RE

1J.AssMANN,

Liturgische

Lieder

an

den

Sonnengott,

1969 21d.,R.und Amun, 1983 3 A.Gasse, La litanie des douze noms de Re-Horakhty, in: BIAO 84, 1984, 189-

a7

4E.HornunG, Agyptische Unterweltsbiicher, 1984 5H.Keers, Der Gétterglaube im alten Agypten, 1941 6A.Ktiasens, A Magical Statue Base, 1952, 37 7 J.F. Quack, Zwischen Sonne und Mond, in: H. FALK (ed.), Vom Herrscher zur Dynastie, 2002 8 S.SAUNERON, Esna III, 1968 95S. Voss, Ein liturgisch-

kosmographischer Zyklus im Re-Bezirk des Totentempels Ramses III. in Medinet Habu (Studien zur Altagyptischen Kultur 23), 1996, 377-396.

JO.QU.

RESEP

416

415

ReSep. Syrian (western Semitic) god, attested in the area between > Ebla, > Mari, > Byblus and > Ugarit from the 3rd millennium BC. In the Phoenician world of the Mediterranean, R. merged syncretistically with + Melgart (cf. the votive inscription KAI II 88f. of Ibiza, 5th/4th cent. [r]). As Smiting God adopted from Egypt in the well known pattern of ‘the king striking dead his enemies’, he inspired the iconography of fighting deities in the Mediterranean high and ‘fringe’ cultures [2], and was imitated in regions influenced by the Phoenicians [3] for a long time. The cult image of the helmeted, lance-brandishing Apollo of Amyclae [1] (cf. [4]) that was identified with R. in Idalion in Cypress

Reaping machines

Vallus, (Trier, Rheinisches Landesmuseum).

Drawing based on a relief.

is apparently a special case [5]. 1 M. FERNANDEZ-MIRANDA, Resef in Ibiza, in: Homenaje

al Prof. M. Almagro 2 R.Houston

Striding Zeus, 3M.AtmMacro

Basch, Vol. 2, 1983, 359-386

SmitH, Near Eastern Forerunners of the

in: Archaeology 5, 1962, Bascu, Uber einen Typus_

176-183 iberischer

Bronze-Exvotos orientalischen Ursprungs, in: MDAI(M)

20, 1979, 133-183 4E.GEORGOULAKI, Le type iconographique de la statue cultuelle d’Apollon Amyklaios. Un emprunt

oriental?,

in:

Kernos

7,

1997,

Carpentum (reconstruction).

95-118

5 E.Lipinski, Resheph Amyklos, in: E.GuBeEL (ed.), Studia Phoenicia, Vol. 5 (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta

(Plin. HN 18,296), consisted in savings of labour and

22), 1987, 87-100.

time (Plin. HN

P. XELLA, s. v. R., DCPP 373 f.; A.M. Bisi, s. v. Smiting God, DCPP, 419 f. H.GN.

Rea Silvia see > Rhea Silvia

18,300): a field could be harvested in a

few hours using RM (Pall. Agric. 7,2,4). An important factor in the distribution of RM in the northwestern provinces may have been the particular climatic conditions of Gaul combined with the scarcity of slave labour: the high precipitation levels at harvest time must have necessitated a rapid harvest, for which major

Reaping

machines.

RM

(vallus,

carpentum)

are

known from the descriptions of Pliny (Plin. HN 18,296) and Palladius (Pall. Agric. 7,2,2-4); there are some pic-

landowners in this region had only a few slaves and perhaps also little free labour available. + Agriculture; > Grain

torial depictions on reliefs from the Gallic and Germanic provinces, while the literary sources indicate only Gaul as the area of distribution. The RM consisted of a

im Romischen Reich, 1969, 130-139 2H.W. PLEKET, Technology and Society in the Graeco-Roman World

1 F.KreCcHLE,

Sklavenarbeit

und technischer

Fortschritt

box fitted with wheels on both shorter sides; the front

(Acta Historiae Neerlandica 2), 1967, 1-25, here 13-16

was open and fitted with a row of gripping teeth. The rear side had two bars, between which a harnessed ass or ox would push the machine across the grain field, helped by a man behind who steered using the bars. The ears were torn from the stalks by the teeth, and they fell into the box. Differences between the pictorial depictions and the description of RM given by Palladius imply that two different types of this equipment existed: one, a lighter type, pushed by one ass or mule and steered from the rear (vallus); the other, a heavier type, pushed by an ox and steered from the side (carpentum). Technically, RM represented a development of the hand rake (pecten) used in Gaul for the millet harvest (Plin. HN 18,297) and in Italy for the grain harvest (Columella 2,20,3). The use of RM was subject to certain limitations: the fields to be worked had to be flat (Pall. Agric. 7,2,2), the stubble left on the fields had to be foregone (Pall. Agric. 7,2,4). RM were particularly suitable for spelt grains, as these ears loosen easily from the stalk. The advantage of RM, whose usefulness was restricted to large estates

3 G, RAEPSAET, The Development of Farming Implements

between the Seine and the Rhine from the Second to the Twelfth Centuries, in: G. ASTILL, ]. LANGDON (ed.), Medi-

eval Farming and Technology. The Impact of Agricultural Change in Northwest Europe (Technology and Change in History 1),1997,41-68 4H.ScHNEIDER, Einfihrungin die antike Technikgeschichte,

1992,

61; 69

5K.D.

Wuire, Agricultural Implements of the Roman World, 1967, 157-173 and pl. 13-16 6 WHITE, Farming, 182f.

K.RU, Reason see -> Intellect;

Logos [1]

Reate. With Amiternum, main town of the > Sabini on the via Salaria (Itin. Anton. 306; Tab. Peut. 5,5), pres-

ent-day Rieti. From the 3rd cent. BC to at least 27 BC, praefectura (CIL IX 4677), afterwards municipium, tribus Ouirina, regio IV (Strab. 5,3,1: “Peate; Plin. HN 3,107; 109; Cic. Sest. 80; Cic. Att. 4,8; Suet. Vesp. 2,1). R. was protected by a town wall (opus polygonale; 3rd cent. BC). There is a viaduct dating back to the same period (restored in the first cent. AD), which connected

417

418

the bridge over the Velinus with the town wall. The forum is close to the modern Piazza Vittorio Emanuele. Statues, reliefs and honorary inscriptions dating back to the period between the first and 2nd cents. AD were found at this site (CILIX 4677; 4686). Here there was a temple dedicated to the Mater Magna [tr] in the Imperial Period (Sil. 8, 414-417). The gens Terentia and the gens Vatinia had settled in R. Inscriptions give evidence of veterans settlements there under Vespasian

commitment, the parties can (only) appeal to the praetor; a direct claim, to be enforceable via litigation and court decision, does not result. ( Arbitration jurisdic-

(but not of a colonia; CIL IX 4683 f.; 4689). M. Tore Lt, Ascesa al senato e rapporti con i territori di origine. Italia: Regio IV, in: Epigrafia e Ordine Senatorio 2 (Tituli 5), 1982, 165-199; M.C. SpaADONI A.M. REGGIANI MassarINI, R., 1992.

CERRONI, M.M.MO.

Rebilus. Roman cognomen occurring in the Caninii family (> Caninius [3-5]) until the Imperial period. Decrassl, FCIR, 265.

K.-L.E.

Reccared. Visigoth king 586-601 AD, son of > Leowigild; in 587 he brought about the conversion of the Visigoths to Catholicism (Chron. min. 2,218). D.Ciaupg, Adel, Kirche und K6nigtum im Westgotenreich, 1971, 77-91; PLRE 3, 1079f.

WE.LU.

RECHIARIUS

tion).

2. Receptum argentarit (receptum of a banker): Taking over of a debt by a ‘banker’ (not in the form of a stipulation, > stipulatio) in favour of a debtor which, in late antiquity, merges into the constitutum debiti (promise to pay a debt) and which, in economic terms, has a function similar to a guarantee/surety. 3. Receptum nautarum cauponum stabulariorum (receptum of the boatmen, publicans and stable managers): This receptum deals with the promise, arising without any special stipulation, to ensure that there is no damage to the customer’s goods. Starting with the original guarantee of liability, the development (cf. Labeo/Ulp. Dig. 4,9,3,1) leads to a liability for inadequate — custodia (‘monitoring’) only. This reduction in liability can be claimed via an — exceptio (‘exception’) in cases involving piracy or shipwreck. Soon, this claim is possibly (critical [1. 530f.]) established even without an express guarantee declaration by simply accepting the goods, and it can be explained with the risks attached to the contract, the risk of misuse and the low social status of boatmen, publicans and stable manag-

ers. Receptio nominis. In Roman criminal proceedings (quaestio procedure), the final acceptance of a complaint (— delatio nominis) by the presiding member of the responsible > quaestio, i.e. its ‘entry’ in the list of the proceedings pending with the court. If the accused confessed during the initial questioning by the responsible magistrate, the magistrate could immediately pronounce the punishment, the RN was thus superfluous. Only if the accused contested the charge did the RN occur and thus the preparation of the proceeding which could only occur in his presence. Therefore, in a further sense, the RN is also the disposition of the public summons of the accused to the hearing. W.KUNKEL, Ss. v. Quaestio (1), RE 24, 720-786, bes. 75 5759; Id., Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des romischen Kriminalverfahrens in vorsullanischer Zeit, 1962; M. BrANCHINI, Le formalita costitutive del rapporto processuale nel sistema accusatorio romano, 1964; B. SANTALUc1A, Diritto e processo penale nell’antica Roma, *1998. Z.VE.

All these rather different cases were incorporated into the praetorial edict [2. 130-13 5] under the title De receptis, probably because they normally have in common that the acceptance also includes a moral obligation. If an arbiter chosen by the parties had accepted to handle a dispute, he could be coerced by the praetor to deal with this undertaking (Ulp. Dig. 4,8,3,2); of course, litigation by the parties of the dispute to have the conflict resolved was not available to them. Against the argentarius, there was available an actio recepticia,

against shipowners and publicans the actio de recepto. In particular the liability of publicans has developed its effects up to modern times, as can be seen from § 701 BGB or § 970 ABGB in German law. 1 A. Bure, Fiktion und Wirklichkeit: Soziale und recht-

liche Strukturen des romischen Bankwesens, in: ZRG ro4, 1987, 465-558, esp. 527-536 20.LENEL, Das Edictum perpetuum, +1927.

Cu. H.Brecut, Zur Haftung der Schiffer im antiken Recht, 1962; KAsER, RPR vol. 1, 584-586; A.J. M. Meyer-TERMEER,

Die Haftung der Schiffer im griechi-

Receptum (past participle of > recipere, ‘receive/take

schen und romischen

on’, used as a noun) stands for ‘commitment, promise,

private Schiedsgericht im antiken romischen Recht, 1971; R. ZIMMERMANN, The Law of Obligations: Roman Foun-

guarantee’ in Roman law and is used for three different types of obligation business which have in common that they, as so-called pacta praetoria (praetorially recognized agreements; > pactum D.) — like the promise to repay debt (constitutum debiti, see below) — can be enforced under praetorial law. 1. Receptum arbitri (receptum of the arbitrator): The commitment taken on here involves to make a decision in a dispute. If the arbiter refuses to honour his

Recht, 1978; K.-H. Z1EGLER, Das

dations of the Civilian Tradition, 1996, 513-530.

NF.

Rechiarius. King of the Suebi in Spain, AD 448-455, Catholic [2. 21-23], married a daughter of the Visigothic king -» Theodericus I, plundered northern Spain 448/9 (Chron. min. 2,25) and concluded temporary treaties with the Romans in 453 and 454 (Chron. min. 2,27). R.’ expansionistic policies at the beginning of the

RECHIARIUS

reign of > Theodericus II (453-466) brought him into conflict with the Visigoths. During this conflict, R. was killed in 455 (Chron. min. 2,29). > Suebi 1PLRE

2, 935

420

419

2R.Co tins, Early Medieval Spain,

1983.

WE.LU,

Recreation A. THE CONCEPT OF LEISURE B, DIFFERENCES IN LEISURE C. LEISURE TIME ALONE AND IN COMPANY D. ATTENDING EVENTS E. VISITING FACILITIES F. WALKS, EXCURSIONS, TRAVELS G. LEISURE ACTIVITIES OF THE UPPER CLASS

A. THE CONCEPT OF LEISURE

Rechimundus see > Remismundus

ooh (schole; Lat. schola, scola) and otium express

the state of being free from work and professionalsocietal duties. The etymology of the terms is unclear. They are neutral, non-judgmental terms without negative connotation in the sense of ‘laziness’ or ‘idleness’.

Reciperatio see » Recuperatores Recipere see > Receptum Reciprocity. Reciprocity denotes a mechanism for exchange and social integration of particular importance in pre-market civilizations and based upon the normative obligation for an equalization of the given and received. The term had initially been used by ethnologists to describe exchange processes in primitive societies, and was later introduced by Karl POLANY1 (1886-1964)

into the debate about pre-industrial economies. POLANyI uses the term to describe the exchange principle between symmetrical relations in so-called ‘embedded’ economies not regulated by law or the market, but on the basis of social obligations. Closely linked to and often confused with the concept of reciprocity is that of the exchange of gifts, first described by Marcel Mauss (1872-1950). However, in contrast with the exchange of gifts, reciprocity does not presuppose the exchange of material goods, but refers only to the principle of mutuality. Characteristic for both, though, is the often explicit association of material, social and political importance, which on the whole no longer applies to modern market exchanges. Reciprocity as a social and moral structural principle has been convincingly proyen for the entire period of Greek Antiquity; as an economic exchange mechanism, though, it competed with forms of legally regulated market exchange once the > polis had developed. > Violence; Redistribution 1K.PoxLany1, The Economy as Instituted Process, in: Id. et al. (ed.), Trade and Markets in the Early Empires, 1957, 243-270 (German in: Id., Okonomie und Gesellschaft, 1979, 219-244) 2C.GiLvetal., Reciprocity in Ancient Greece, 1998 3M.Mauss, Essai sur le don, forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaiques, 1925 4B. WaGNER-HaASEL, Der Stoff der Gaben. Kultur und

Politik des Schenkens und Tauschens im archaischen Griechenland, 2000.

Recoining see > Small coins, shortage of

Swv.R.

Traditional translations, as the German Mufe (leisure, ease), one-sidedly take up the vivid philosophical-ethi-

cal discussion of antiquity about the meaningful content of scholé or otium. According to Aristotle, work is associated with feelings of listlessness, scholé, on the other hand, with zest, which is defined on an individual

basis. Activities vary depending on social status: for the people, mass entertainment is an appropriate pastime; for the educated upper class, scholé is associated with the obligation to develop oneself further by engaging in arts

and

sciences

(Aristot.

Pol.

8,7,1342a

16-29).

Slaves did not dispose of scholé, according to Aristotle (Pol. 7,15,1334a 20f.). The traditional otium-term of the Roman elite was based on the concept of duty toward the community. For the statesman, leisure did not exist (Cic. Planc. 66;

Off. 3,1), only other forms of public service outside of the megotium, such as reflections on and discussions of state and politics (Cic. Rep. 1,33) or historiography (Sall. Catil. 4). During the Imperial Period, the philosophical, stoically-influenced otium came to the fore as realization of meaningful leisure activity for the upper class. Man, according to Seneca, must serve man also in

his hours of leisure (Sen. Dial. 8,3,5); this results in the ‘duty’ to the intellectual otium litteratum, as opposed to the ‘vulgar’, unproductive amusement (Plin. Ep. 9,6).

These theoretical-idealistic concepts of leisure must be relativised from a perspective of the history of everyday life. Even among the social elites, they only describe the actual leisure activities of a minority. The social status certainly characterised the effort and intensity in time and material of the leisure activities, but overall, a non-class-specific, general leisure culture existed, which, in principal, even included the (city-) slaves (Columella 1,8,2 in connection with Cic. Arch. 13). B. DIFFERENCES IN LEISURE Clear differences consisted in the leisure facilities between the countryside and the city. The attractive distractions of the otium urbanum were juxtaposed to the unostentatious relaxation from hard farm labour, the occasional festivals or, for the upper class, the contemplative life in dignified ambiance (criticized in Sen. Ep. 5553-5). The idealizing praise of the simple joys of rural leisure (Aristoph. Pax 535-538; Verg. G. 2,523-531) must not belie the strong powers of attraction that

421

422

urban leisure facilities also held for the rural population. Some polemics against the ‘corrupting’ effect of the otium urbanum and the ‘inactivity’ (Colum. 12 pr. of.) associated with it, actually emphasise its appeal urban buildings of “general use”, Vitruvius characteristically names leisure facilities such as “market places,

ble fellowship with questionable elaborations of their own otium litteratum (Mart. 3,45; 50). Metrically linked graffiti, predominantly with ‘love’-themes (CIL 4,1898; 40913; 4971), reveal that aesthetic pastime was not entirely limited to the members of the upper class. Overall, the significance of the otium litteratum should not be overestimated in view of other types of leisure

public baths, theatres and foyers” (Vitr. De arch. 1,3,1).

(cia GiewArehian3)}:

The amount of time pended entirely on the material independence much greater freedom

Dancing, singing and playing music were hobbies mostly enjoyed in convivial gatherings. Parlour games (+ Games) were popular. Homer’s heroes already rejoiced in board games (Hom. Od. 1,107; amphora of the Andocides Painter from the 6th cent.); board, dice and knuckle games were an important part of leisure activities during all of antiquity — in all social classes, in

(Hor. Epist. 1,14,15-26; Calp. Ecl. 7,4-6; 23-72). As

spent on leisure activities desocial status. In principle, the of the upper class guaranteed in leisure activities (Theoc.

15,24-26), but on an individual basis, this freedom served in many different ways. Complaints about the ‘idleness’ of wealthy young men can be found in the Attic comedy (Aristoph. Equ. 1373-1383), as well as the disapproval of the ‘leisure stress’ of bored idlers from philosophical perspective (Sen. Dial. 10,16,3-5; Hor. Epist. 1,11,28: strenua inertia). A generalization however, as in the catch phrase of the ‘leisure class’, will

not do justice, given the diversity of economic, political and social activities. In view of the seemingly high number of holidays in antique states (Athens in the 5th/4th cents. BC: approx. 80; in Republican Rome: approx. 109; in the Imperial Period about 200), it is important to bear in mind that people worked on weekends (lack of understanding regarding the Jewish Sabbath rest: Tac. Hist. 5,4,2; Seneca in Aug. Civ. 6,11) and that work did not completely cease on holidays (least on the countryside: Verg. G. 1,268-272). The majority of the slaves certainly had the least amount of spare time available to them, but free small farmers, wage workers and tradesmen also had limited time for leisure (cf. Dig. 38,1,50). The equalisation of the approximately 200,000 crop recipients in Imperial Rome with ‘idlers’ alimented by the State, is a historical legend fed by the catchy slogan panem et circenses (cf. Juv. 10,81).

C. LEISURE TIME ALONE AND IN COMPANY Reading books as leisure activity is documented

from the early sth cent. BC onwards (vase illustrations; Aristoph. Ran. 52f.). One read alone or in company; Attic vases also depict female readers. Some individuals owned considerable book collections (Xen. Mem. 4,2,8; Ath. 1,3a; private library of Aristotle: Str. 13,1,54; > Library II.B.2). By the end of the Republic, a private library had become standard in the houses of the Roman upper class (Vitr. De arch. 1,2,7; Plut. Lucullus 42); Seneca refers to it as domus ornamentum (Sen. Dial. 9,9,7); newly rich abused it as status symbol

(Petron. Sat. 48,4). A sophisticated otium litteratum (Gell. 16,10), next to reading (Plin. Ep. 1,9,6) could also consist in writing activity of one’s own (Pliny refers to his occasional writing of poetry as /usus; Plin. Ep. 4,14,1). Translations were also included (Plin. Ep. 7,9,2), as were tragedies (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 3,5,7) and las-

civious verses (a list of known authors in Plin. Ep. 5,3,2-6). Notorious were hosts, who afflicted their ta-

RECREATION

domestic settings as well as in inns (CIL 4,3494), or in

public (cf. the playing fields scratched into the steps of the Basilica Iulia on the Forum Romanum). Some ado-

lescents (Herondas fr. 3 KNOx) were just as much victims of a passion for gambling as was the emperor (Suet. Aug. 7of.; Claud. 39); even the old Cato (in Cic. Cato 58) considers the dice game an appropriate leisure activity for old people. The — banquet (detxvov/deipnon; ovumdo.ov/ symp o6sion; convivium with subsequent > comissatio) occupied an important place among the leisure activities of the wealthy classes. Collective feasting appears as the ‘greatest delight in life’ in Homer’s epics (Hom. Od. 9,5-11); next to its important social function, it offers its participants relaxation and luxurious complacency while enjoying an abundance of food and wine, singing and music, recitals and games. During the Classical Greek Period, stimulated discussions during symposia were augmented with riddles and jokes (Aristoph. Vesp. 21-23; 1258-1261) or exercises in skilfulness, like the ~ kottabos-game. Lighter entertainment was provided by the performances of acrobats, dancers and flutists (+ Entertainer). Just as the hetaerae, the only women allowed to participate in Greek symposiums, they created a sometimes intensely erotic atmosphere. The Etruscan upper class also enjoyed superb banquets with a similar entertainment program; female Etruscans, however, were not excluded (cf. the grave

paintings of Tarquinia). The Roman convivium followed, to a large extent, the Greek model; during the Im-

perial Period, the participation of women became more and more common (Val. Max. 2,1,2). The ideal of the cultivated banquet with sophisticated table talk on a philosophical level, as described in the + symposium literature (especially by Athenaeus; comparatively realistic Plato’s and Xenophon’s Symposium; caricature in the dim-witted dialogues during the cena Trimalchionis, cf. Petron. Sat. 37-39), was probably rarely realized in practice. D. ATTENDING EVENTS For all classes of population, the celebration of festivals (> Festivals; Feasts), apart from their religious and political meaning, was a central aspect of leisure

RECREATION

423

activity. They were considered ‘recreations from the efforts’ of human existence, created by the gods (PI. Leg. 653d). Pericles defines the competitions and sacrifices associated with the festivals as a specific feature of the quality of life in the Athenian democracy (Thuc. 2,38; cf. Plut. Pericles 12; Aristoph. Nub. 306-313). Theatre performances, processions, musical and athletic agons (+ Sports festivals; -» Competitions, artistic) attracted large parts of the population, as did sacral feasts, where the meat of the sacrificial animals was

distributed among the people. The types of festivals ranged from rural, local celebrations and celebrations of regional significance to the great Panhellenic agons, attracting an audience of thousands from all over Greece. This type of leisure activity gained even further significance in Hellenistic times, due to the increasing number of festivals, the growing professionalism of the entertainment field as well as the increase in seating capacities in sport facilities and theatres. As an expression of the otium urbanum, theatre performances, chariot races and gladiator fights (introduced to Rome in 264 BC) enjoyed great popularity in the Roman sphere. The fact that the > ludi were rooted in cult (Tert. De spectaculis 5-13) tied them to the holidays, which were days off work for many. The political claim to this type of mass entertainment, already common in the late Republic, led to a rapid increase in number, duration, effort involved and appeal of the events (criticism regarding the ‘hardly tolerable madness’ of this dynamic in Liv. 7,2,13). In the Imperial Period, they were an inherent part of the imperial > euergetism; but the slogan of the panem et circenses mentality of the (city-/Romans (Juv. 10,78-81; Fronto, Principia historiae 17) should not lead to the false conclusion that the majority of the capital’s population was not gainfully employed. The histrionalis favor and the ‘gladiatorum equorumque studia’ (Tac. Dial. 29,3) engaged all parts of the population. Women and slaves were also permitted to the /udi publici (Ov. Ars am. 1,89-134); the ‘leisure-oriented’ slaves included, according to Columella and others, those “used to circus, theatre, dice games and taverns...” (Columella 1,8,2).

Despite some regional differences (the agonistic parts, for instance, were more popular in the Greek East than in Italy), the attendance of public games was an unquestioned standard recreational activity throughout the empire. At the same time, numerous

holidays without ludi

provided leisure hours for the entire population or individual groups, which were celebrated with collective feasts and dance (picnic of ordinary people at the festival of Anna Perenna; Ov. Fast. 3,523-542), exuberant parties (a day of Saturnalia also as ‘slave festival’; Ath. 14,639b) or festive processions, as in honour of the respective protector deity of a professional association (Warcon bins6, 07s \Cens-an2.2)).

424 E. VISITING FACILITIES In the Classical Period, sports activities in + gym-

nasium and -» palaistra were rather part of youth education than recreational activity. In the 5th cent. BC, the affiliated -» baths only attracted few visitors as locations of leisure activity (cf., however, Aristoph. Nub. 1044-1046). With greater comfort and an increase in numbers, the bath houses became popular meeting places in Hellenistic times, where, apart from doing physical exercise, social contacts could be cultivated. The antique bathing culture reached its peak with the construction of the great + thermal baths. The impressive ‘bathing palaces’ of the capital Rome had their counterparts in smaller, but equally well frequented thermal baths in every urban centre of the empire (cf. Plin. Ep. 10,23f.). Visiting the balnea was a self-evident expression of urban quality of life for all classes of the population (CIL 6,15258). Admission prices were very low (Juv. 6,447) and their decor and manifold recreational facilities — from sports fields and restaurants to libraries — enhanced the appeal. The comparison to modern ‘water parks’ suggests itself. One visited the thermal baths, which opened in Rome only at noon (Vitr. 5,10,1), either before the main meal (Petron. Sat. 27f.), or took a few hours time for ball play (Mart. 4,19; CIL 6,9797), exercise, body care (Sen. Ep. 56,7f.), conversations (Mart. 12,82) educational activities such as reading, for lectures or musical performances (Mart.

3,44,12f.; Ath. 1,1e) and, of course, for the bath itself.

Some thermal baths were divided into women’s and men’s baths, others had bathing hours separated by gender (CIL 2,5181,20). In the large Roman thermal baths, the ‘mixed bath’ was occasionally prohibited in

the 2nd and 3rd cents. AD, but the repeated prohibition of the balnea mixta suggests frequent violations. In many cases, rich people had — often luxurious — private baths available to them (Mart. 6,42; Stat. Silv. 1,5,59),

but this did not generally prevent them from visiting the more ‘leisure intensive’ public baths. In Greece, visiting taverns was predominantly limited to members of the lower classes; wealthier people usually met for symposia in private houses. > Inns and wine taverns did not enjoy a good reputation because of their ‘bad’ clientele and, in many cases, their brothellike operation. At least from the 4th cent. BC, however,

this would not keep young men from spending their free time there with wine, dice games and young girls playing the flute (Isoc. Or. 7,48f.; Ath. 13,567a). Roman taverns (cauponae and tabernae) had an equally bad

reputation. They offered, next to simple meals and wine, popular live entertainment in the form of dance and singing in a cheerful ambiance (Ps.-Verg. Copa 13-36). Some would also come for a game of dice (Mart. 5,84; CIL 4,34941) or sexual adventures; prostitution bloomed in the world of the taverns (Colum. 1,8,2; Dig. 23,2,43,9). Although popino (‘bar-goer’) was a cuss word, (Hor. Sat. 2,7,39; SHA Hadr. 16: popina), it hardly diminished the appeal of the inns, especially not for ordinary people (as well as slaves, cf.

425

426

Hor. Epist. 1,14,21-26). Members of the upper class

important destinations of wealthy Roman travellers (Plut. Mor. 976b; Str. 17,1,29); the capital itself was

also visited this milieu now and then (Cic. Pis. 13,1-8; Juv. 8,171-178), in individual cases incognito (Suet. Nero 26,1).

RECRUITS, TRAINING OF

also a prosperous tourist destination for visitors from

the countryside and the provinces (Mart. 7,30; Suet. Iul. 39,4).

F. WALKS, EXCURSIONS, TRAVELS

Urban dwellers enjoyed spending their free time strolling across the market place, in parks (+ Gardens) and porticoes (> Stoa), watching the performances of jugglers, artistes and other types of street entertainment (in Athens e.g. > cockfighting), talking with other ‘idlers’ out in the street or, in bad weather, in the work-

shops and stores (Lys. 24,20; during winter often at the blacksmith’s, because it was warm there: Hes. Op. 493; Alci. 3,40). Ayoodtew/agordzein (‘to stroll around the market’) also included the shopping spree. The more sophisticated counterpart was strolling while pondering philosophical questions, as did Socrates, who was frequently involved in discussions with his students on squares and near gymnasia (Pl. Phdr. 229b; Lys. 206d-e). Strolling around the city also became more and more popular in Rome with the continued construction of porticoes from the 2nd cent. BC (Plaut. Curc. 475f.). Although ambulator/ambulatrix (‘loafer’) was a cuss word for the tradition-conscious Cato, who was little leisure-oriented (toward slaves: Cato Agr. 5,2;

143,1), this relaxing indulgence gained more and more followers in all classes of the population (Hor. Sat. 1,6,110-128; Mart.

5,20,9; porticoes as apt location

for flirts: Ov. Ars am. 1,67-74; 491-496; with sun bath: Mart. 3,20,12-14). Store displays enticed to go on shopping sprees (Mart. 9,59; 10,80); in contrast to

Greece (cf. Cato Agr. 143,1), this leisure activity was also open to women (Juv. 6,153ff.; cf. Ov. Ars am. 3387-398; Catull. 55). As a possibility to ‘erect the soul’, Seneca recommends a walk in nature (Sen. Dial. 9,17,8). Popular among aristocratic Romans was the

ambulatio in the sense of meditative — or simply recreational — promenading in the porticoes of their country villas (Plin. Ep. 5,6,17f.5 2,17,14f.), a favoured retreat on their days off. These villas were sometimes country estates close to the city (villae suburbanae), sometimes exclusive ‘holiday residences’ in areas of scenic beauty, in the mountains (Plin. Ep. 8,17,3) or by the sea. Short trips to these estates as well as longer vacations were an integral part of the recreational activities of the upper class in the Imperial Period. In glamorous bathing resorts such as Campanian Baiae, one could enjoy life by the beach, boat trips, parties and amorous adventures (Cic. Cael. 35349; Sen. Ep. 51,4; Prop. 1,11,27-30). Ordinary people could only take part in the pleasures of the summery beach life (Cic. De or. 2,22; Min. Fel. 3) if they lived close to the coast (Plin. Ep. 9,33,2). Longer > travels were time-consuming and difficult, they could therefore not serve as leisure activities as an end in themselves. Educational tourism, however, began in Hellenistic times and intensified during the Imperial Period: Greece, Troy and Egypt were the most

G. LEISURE

ACTIVITIES

OF

THE

UPPER

CLASS

Hunting and fishing played a subordinate role as leisure activities and were, insofar as they did not serve as means of subsistence, limited to a small circle of wealthy and powerful people (cf. Plin. Ep. 1,6). Likewise, collecting valuable objects was only considered a hobby by very few. Some of the particularly rich spent money on the acquisition of precious dishes and their meticulous care, described by Seneca (Sen. Dial. 10,12,2) as desidiosa occupatio (‘idle occupation’); those may have included individuals who did not quite know what to do with their large leisure budget (Sen. Dialeo. 203)! J.M. ANprRE, Griechische Feste, romische Spiele, 1994; J.M. Anpré, L’otium dans la vie morale et intellectuelle romaine,

1966; J.H. D’ArMs,

Romans

on the Bay of

Naples, 1970; J.P. V. D.Batspon, Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome, *1974, 130-168; S. BARTHELEMY, D. GouREVITCH, Les loisirs des Romains, 1975; J. BURCKHARDT,

Griechische Kulturgeschichte, vol. 4, 1902, repr. 19773 R. FLACELIERE, Griechenland. Leben und Kultur in klassischer Zeit, *1979; FRIEDLANDER vol. 1, 240-266, 391461; vol. 2, 1-162; J.HEURGON, Die Etrusker, 1979; T.KLEBERG, Hotels, restaurants et cabarets dans |’Antiquite romaine, 1957; M.R. LerKowitz, M.B. FANT, Women’s Life in Greece and Rome, *1992, 163-205; O. Murray (ed.), Sympotica. A Symposium on the Symposion, 1990; K.Nico.al, Feiertage und Werktage in romischen Leben, in: Saeculum 14, 1963, 194-219; J.-N. Rosert, Les plaisirs a Rome, 1983; C.SCHNEIDER, Kulturgeschichte des Hellenismus, vol. 1-2, 1967/1969; W.E. SWEET, Sport and Recreation in Ancient Greece, 1987; M.Wesper, Antike Badekultur, 1996; K.-W. WEEBER, Panem et circenses. Massenunterhaltung als Politik im antiken Rom, 1994; Id., Alltag im Alten Rom. Ein Lexikon, 31997, 99-108, 242-253; E.CH. WeELsKopF, Pro-

bleme der Mufse im Alten Hellas, 1962, 209-277.

K.-W.WEE.

Recruits, training of I. GREECE

II. ROME

I. GREECE

See -» Ephebeia. Il. ROME

“Look at the training of legions (exercitatio legionum) ... From this comes that courage in battle that makes them ready to face wounds”. Cicero here expresses the traditional pride of Romans in their military training (Cic. Tusc. 2,37). In the early Republic rudimentary military training was probably carried on in the » Campus Martius. Later, when citizens living further away from Rome were recruited, the Romans rec-

ognized the value of more systematic training for sol-

RECRUITS, TRAINING OF

427

428

diers on campaigns or in the military camps. While commanding in Spain in 209 BC P. Cornelius [I 71] Scipio imposed his own training schedule. On the first day soldiers marched 30 stadia in full kit; on the second day they cleaned their weapons and equipment; on the third they rested; on the fourth day they practiced with wooden swords and javelins; on the fifth day they began the cycle again (Pol. 10,20). In the same way P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus prepared his men for the siege of Numantia in 134 BC by tough training, supervising the training personally (App. Hisp. 86). C. Julius Caesar was famous for carrying out military discipline with great severity in the war (Suet. Iul. 65). Clearly, individual commanders had a responsibility to make

also the case for mounted archers. Flavianus Arrianus (> Arrianus [2]), who was governor of Cappadocia be-

their troops fit for battle, but it is difficult to discover

when a general programme of military training emerged or if there was any kind of manual for training recruits. For much of Roman military practice we largely depend on statements by — Vegetius, who although probably writing in the 4th cent. AD used material from the late Republic and early Principate. He devotes to recruitment and training, whose significance he esteemed highly, a long section: ‘In every battle it is not in general the number of soldiers and innate bravery that bring victory so much as skill and training (ars et exercitium)’ (Veg. Mil. 1,1,1). The training described by Vegetius comprised instruction in marching, which depended on maintaining formation, running, jumping and swimming (during the summer months), carrying heavy packs and weapon training. Here the recruits used wickerwork shields and wooden swords, which

were heavier than real weapons (Veg. Mil. 1,9-11; 1,19). Indeed P. Rutilius [I 3] Rufus (cos. in 105 BC) had introduced trainers from the gladiatorial barracks to teach the soldiers how to deliver and avoid sword strokes more skillfully (Val. Max. 2,3,2). Weapons training involved a 6-foot-high stake fixed in the ground against which the recruit fought as if against a real opponent, learning to stab with the point of a sword rather than to strike with the blade (Veg. Mil. 1,11). After that the soldier was given the heavy weapons described as armatura; soldiers also practiced throwing the > pilum by using javelins heavier than the real thing. Practice fights between individual soldiers followed and finally training in battle formations. Exercitatores functioned as trainers (CIL VI 224 = ILS 2185); the campidoctores (‘drill masters’) are first clearly attested in the late 2nd cent. AD among the > equites singulares and the > praetorians (CIL II 4083 =ILS 2416; CIL VI 533 =ILS 2088). Soldiers also had to perform field service training, a route march in full marching order with all their equipment, and practise camp building (Veg. Mil. 1,21-27). Archaeological material shows the building of practice camps in Britain. Specialist > cavalry training aimed to break in the horses and provide basic skills for riders. Above all horsemen were to be capable of controlling a horse with their legs while simultaneously using weapons; this is

tween c. AD 131 and 137, wrote a manual on cavalry

training (Téchné Taktiké). Training could take place on the camp parade ground, but halls were also built for this purpose. The commanders of legions (-* Legio) were responsible for the enforcement of military discipline and the proper conduct of training. Thus Cn. Domitius [II 11] Corbulo restored discipline in the Roman legions stationed in Syria before the campaign against the Parthians by means of extremely strong leadership (Tac. Ann. 13,35). As princeps, » Hadrianus [II] set an example by visiting the Roman legions in the provinces to scrutinize

the state of training and discipline for himself. In AD 124, he addressed the legio III Augusta stationed in Lambaesis in Africa expressly praising their conduct of manoeuvres (ILS 2487; 9133-9135; cf. SHA Hadr. ro). Josephus [4] Flavius was also deeply impressed by the discipline of Roman legions; as a Jewish general during the Jewish uprising of AD 66/67, he had firsthand knowledge of the Roman army. Above all he stressed that practice manoeuvres were carried out with the enthusiasm of true warfare (Jos. BI 3, 72-76).

~» Ephebeia 2 R. W. Davies, 1 Y. LE BoHEc, L’armée romaine, 1989 3 K.R, in the Roman Army, 1989, 93-124 Dixon, P.SOUTHERN, The Roman Cavalry, 1992 4 A.HyLaNpD, Training the Roman Cavalry, 1993 5 L.Keppre, The Making of the Roman Army, 1984, Service

*1998

6G.R. Watson, The Roman Soldier, 1969. (Ket.

Recta. The first time the Roman boy donned the toga virilis, he wore the (tunica) recta as an undergarment;

for the sons of equestrians and senators, it was furnished with the insignia of rank (latus clavus). The long, white — tunica with tight upper sleeves which the Roman bride donned on the eve of her wedding, which

she slept in and wore on her wedding day was called recta or regilla (Plin. HN 8,194). > Clothing; > Toga BLUMNER, PrAlt., 336, 350f.; C.M. Witson, The Clothing of the Ancient Romans, 1938, 138-145; D. BaALsDoNn, Die Frau in der romischen Antike, 1979, 203-204. RH.

Recto/verso. In papyrology the definition of recto (r.) and verso (v.) has not always been straightforward and uncontroversial. R. normally refers to the side of the > papyrus on which the fibres run horizontally, in other words the inner side of the papyrus >> scroll which is thought to have been inscribed first; it is also the side on which the glued overlap (Rollésis) is visible. V. describes the outer side on which the fibres run vertically and which was not intended for writing. More recent papyrus editions indicate the fibre direction with > for horizontal fibres and J for vertical ones. For fragments or sheets of papyrus without gluing or recognisable fibre

429

430

direction the symbols + and ¢ are used. In contrast, the use of the terms 7. and v. for manuscripts in > codex form (and printed books) is unambiguous. R. refers to the right side and v. to the left in Western MSS (where the writing runs from left to right); in MSS where the script runs from right to left, in other words books that begin at the other end (e.g. in Arabic or Hebrew), the terms are reversed accordingly. E.G. Turner, The Terms R. and V. The Anatomy of the Papyrus Roll, 1978 (It.: ‘R’. e ‘v’. Anatomia del rotolo di Papiro, 1994).

P.E.

Recuperatores. From re-capere, literally ‘to obtain back’, for which purpose the recuperatores were originally appointed in support of Roman citizens within the framework of international legal relationships (Fest. 342 L.: rectperatio): they were meant to help the citizens get back what they had lost (probably above all in war) or had had illegally taken away from them. They then also came to a decision in the repetundae process (> repetundarum crimen), in which it was a matter of

the return of goods which the Roman magistrates had extorted in office, until they also gradually established themselves in the internal Roman court system as a special category of judges in the classical formula process (> formula). There they formed a branch of the court that was distinguished procedurally by a stricter and hence more accelerated procedural process and from the point of view of content by the fact that it had to rule on cases in which in comparison with the procedure with the judge sitting alone (> imdex), greater public interest was probably involved — e.g. procedures deciding whether a person was free or a slave, suits of the -» publicani, or certain serious offences. Consequently the recuperatores only had jurisdiction from a certain amount of dispute value onwards, and the parties had to agree on recuperatores (as a rule three) straight from

RED-FIGURED

VASE

PAINTING

1 E.-R. SCHWINGE, Kinstlichkeit von Kunst, 1986, 40-43 2 M.Crrront, Poesia e lettori in Roma antica, 1995 3 W. WimMEL, Kallimachos in Rom, 1960 4R.O. A. M. Lyne, Horace, 1995, 31-39 Verse, 1993.

5 D.WuiTE, Promised U.SCH.

Red Sea see > Erythra thalatta Red slip ware. Modern technical term for ceramic genres with a red finish, particularly from the Phoenician and Cypriot Iron Age. RSW is characterized chiefly by the use of illite clays (illite is a mineral constituent) and slips, which even at lower firing temperatures (8001000 °C) lead to sintering. Iron oxides are the colouring components. The surface is often given a lustrous decoration by means of an additional polish. In Spain beginning in the 7th cent. BC, Iberian potters adopted this technique through Phoenician influences. The Roman Imperial Era ceramics of North Africa and Asia Minor also exhibit similar characteristics, which explains the use of such designations as ‘African’ and ‘Sagalassos RSW’. + Bichrome

ware;

— Black-on-red

ware;

— Samaria

ware; > Terra sigillata E. GJERSTAD, The Swedish Cyprus Expedition, vol. 4.2, 1948, 80-82;

H.-G. BACHMANN,

Versuch zur Charakteri-

sierung phonizischer Rotschlicker-Keramik von Toscanos mit physikalischen Methoden, in: G. Maass-LINDEMANN, Toscanos (Madrider Forsch. 6.3), 1982, 225-2325 G.LEHMANN, Untersuchungen zur spaten Eisenzeit in Syrien und Libanon, 1996, 59-66, 79-81. RD.

Red Swan Group see > Xenon group Redemptor (from redimere, ‘repurchase’) describes in

the relevant judges’ list (cf. > reiectio), and so could not

Roman law: 1) a purchaser or acquirer, particularly a person, who buys claims and has the actions transferred to him (-> cessio) in order to collect when they are due and thus earn a profit (cf. Anastasius, Cod. lust.

by agreement appoint a judge who was not on the list.

43552252); 2) one who purchases another’s freedom

Rekuperatorenverfahren, B.SCHMIDLIN, Das 1963; M.Kaser, K.Hackt, Das rémische Zivilprozefrecht, *1996, 197; D.NOrr, Aspekte des romischen Volkerrechts, 1989, 76. CPA.

Recusatio (literally ‘refusal’). With the ‘rejection’ of epic poetry on aesthetic grounds, first formulated in the Hellenistic era, its affirmative-panegyric function also became obsolete [1]. In Rome, the recusatio was first found in neoteric poetry (> Neoteric poets; Catull. 68: [2. 87f.]). Under the Principate of Augustus, the Hellenistic tradition [3] of recusatio, justified with artistic arguments and the modesty topos, obtained special significance (e.g. Verg. Ecl. 6; Hor. Sat. 2,1, [4]; Hor.

Carm. 1,6 [2. 294]; Prop. 3,3). The attempt by Augustus, but also by Maecenas [2], to secure an epic glorification of Augustan policy was in vain. Despite political pressure, a recusatio apparently had no noticeable consequences for the authors [5]. — Literature V.

(from slavery, captivity or punishment; cf. the Christian term redemptor for Jesus Christ as ‘Redeemer’); 3) someone who gains something through bribery; 4) a tenant or lessee, especially a public lessee, who contracts with the state as the custodian (> manceps, conductor) for a leasing society (societas vectigalium; > publicani). HEUMANN/SECKEL, s. v. redimere.

F.ME.

Red-figured vase painting. Red-figured vase painting was invented most likely by the + Andocides Painter around 530 BC in Athens, where it continued to be used until near the end of the fourth century. The technique involved primarily drawing figures in outline on the orange-red Attic clay, then filling in the background with black gloss. Relief lines were employed for the more important contours, diluted gloss for the lesser ones and the drawing of the interior, with red and white used sparingly for other details.

431

432

During the fifth century BC Attic red-figure was the

rists, the > Pan Painter being its leading member, and the + Niobid Painter’s, whose disciples include + Polygnotus, the -» Cleophon Painter, and the + Dinos Painter. Cups were not as popular as earlier, although the + Penthesilea Painter’s workshop continued to produce large numbers of them. Early Classical figures tend to be stockier than before, and they exhibit less movement. They often display a sense of seriousness, even pathos, and their drapery is less linear and more plastic than before. The moment before the action is now often shown. Tragedy and wall-painting started to have an influence. The sculptures of the » Parthenon had a major influence on the High Classical vase-painters, particularly the way they rendered drapery as hanging naturally and exhibiting a greater variety of folds that indicate depth. Compositions became simpler, often displaying symmetry, harmony, and balance. The figures are slimmer, their expressions normally radiating a god-like calm. The vases by the painters of the late fifth-century, of

RED-FIGURED VASE PAINTING

most important fine-ware in the Mediterranean; many

other regional ‘schools’ owe their origin to it. Most important are the five main South Italian ‘schools’ of + Apulian, > Campanian, -> Lucanian, > Paestan and — Sicilian vases (> South Italian vases). Other areas of

Greece

making

red-figure

pottery

include

Boeotia,

Chalcidice, Corinth, Elis, Eretria, and Laconia. Etruscan red-figure and Faliscan in particular, was also

heavily influenced by Attic models. The earliest Attic red-figure painters (530-520 BC), the Andocides Painter and > Psiax, often worked on -» bilingual vases. Their figures are often stiff, involve a minimal amount of overlapping, and display clear vestiges of the black-figure technique, including some incised contours and the use of added red to color major areas. Their successors, the ‘Pioneer Group’ (520-500 BC),

the three most important of whom are > Euphronius [2], > Euthymides and > Phintias [2], were the first artists to fully explore the potential of the new technique. They drew new and varied poses, including back views and frontal faces, as well as experimenting with foreshortening. New subjects appear in their work; their compositions are often lively. Large vases, particularly kraters and amphorae (-» Pottery, shapes and types of [A7, C1-3]), were the forms they preferred to decorate, and they introduced new shapes, such as the > psykter and pelike (> Pottery, shapes and types of [C8, A8}]), for many were potters as well as painters. Inscriptions are commonplace on their vases, both as labels and as friendly challenges (— Euthymides). Contemporary with them are several important cup-painters, > Oltus and > Epictetus [1], who decorated many bilingual vases and were able to successfully manipulate their figures to artfully fill the circular tondo of a cup. The following generation (500-470 BC), most notably the pot-painters, the > Berlin Painter and the Kleophrades Painter, and the cup-painters, > Onesimus, > Duris [2], -» Macron, and the > Brygus Painter,

took red-figure to its highest artistic level, as production doubled. Foreshortening (> Perspective) was by now quite successful, so that figures appeared more natural in performing a range of actions. Less > ornament was used, and often fewer figures with less anatomical detail. A wide range of new subjects appear, most notably those connected with > Theseus. Painters tended more often to specialize in cups or pots, and a wide range of new shapes started to be decorated, including Nolan amphorae, lekythoi, type B cups, askoi, and dinoi (+ Pottery, shapes and types of [A5, E3, D3, Er3 and C9]). The Early and High Classical Periods (480-425 BC) saw the continuation of some of the earlier workshops,

most notably that of the Berlin Painter, whose followers include + Hermonax, the > Providence Painter, and the + Achilles Painter. The -> Phiale Painter was the student of the latter. Several important new workshop traditions developed, including that of the - Manne-

whom the

> Meidias Painter was the most influential,

often reflect the ‘Rich Style’ in sculpture. Characteristic are: swirling, diaphanous drapery displaying a multitude of folds, jewellery and other objects given in relief and colored with gold or white, and a sense of effeminacy, male bodies loosing their muscular definition. Women, domestic life and the worlds of Aphrodite and Dionysos are the preferred subjects. The best work is found on smaller shapes, such as squat lekythoi, pyxides and oinochoai (> Pottery, shapes and types of [E4, Erxz and B4-7]), all of which became popular at this time, as did lekanides, bell-kraters, and hydriai (— Pot-

tery, shapes and types of [E12, C4 and Br1—12]). Multi-levelled compositions became common. Escapism from the horrors of the > Peloponnesian War is often thought to be the impetus for these changes. Other painters,

however,

carried

on

the traditional

style;

some, such as the > Eretria Painter, display elements of both old and new. The same two trends continue in the beginning of the fourth century. The ‘Ornate Style’ is best exemplified by the work of the > Meleager Painter, the ‘Plain Style’ by the last major cup-painter, the Jena Painter. The succeeding > Kertsch style (370-330 BC) is a combination of the two, although tending more toward the Ornate.

The

> Marsyas Painter was its best proponent. Crowded compositions, with large, statuesque figures are typical. Other colors, such as blues and greens, are used, and dilute gloss can be employed as a wash to indicate volume and shadow. Entire figures are sometimes rendered in relief by applied clay. Fewer shapes are decorated; common are pelikai, calyx-kraters, squat lekythoi, skyphoi, hydriai, and oinochoai. Women are the most common subject, Heracles the most popular hero, and Dionysos and Aphrodite remain the favorite deities. BeazLey, ARV*; BEazLey, Paralipomena; BEAZLEY, Addenda’; J. BOARDMAN, Athenian Red Figure Vases: The

Archaic Period, 1975; Id., Athenian Red Figure Vases: The

434

433 Classical Period, 1989; G.M. A. RIcHTER, Attic Red-Figured Vases, 1946; M. ROBERTSON, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992. J.0.

Redistribution. Redistribution is an asymmetrical exchange or distribution mechanism based on the importation of goods to a centre and their distribution. As an economic principle of supply and political principle of integration, it was important in pre-market economy societies. Although K. PoLaNny! (1886-1964), who used

the term in his works on economic theory, appreciated that redistribution can function as an integrative principle in smaller groups such as institutionalized households or estates, too, his primary interest was in the large-scale economies of the Near East and ancient Egypt; in these cases, redistribution was connected with centralized, bureaucratic rule. The redistribution model has thus exerted particular influence on research into the palace and temple economies of ancient Mesopotamia. For Graeco-Roman Antiquity, however, M.FINLEy has stressed that the economy did not depend upon centralized centres of power and distribution, but on private ownership of land and private trade. ~ Palace [II B]; > Reciprocity; + Temple economy 1 K.Poranyi, The Economy as Instituted Process, in: Id. et al. (ed.), Trade and Markets in the Early Empires, 1957, 243-270 (German in: Id., Okonomie und Gesellschaft, 1979, 219-244) 2 J.GLEDHILL, M.T.LarseN, The Polanyi Paradigm and a Dynamic Analysis of Archaic States, in: C. RENFREW et al. (ed.), Theory and Explanation in Archaeology, 1982 3 FINLEY, Ancient Economy 4 J.RENGER, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, in: B.HRoUDA (ed.), Der Alte Orient, 1991, 187-215. Sw.R.

Redones. Celtic tribe in modern Brittany (Not. Dign. Occ. 42,36; Notitia Galliarum 3,3; Ptol. 2,8,2: ‘Phdovec #) ‘Pytdovec/Rhedones @ Rhéidones; Plin. HN 4,107: Rhiedones; CIL XIII 3151). Caesar (B Gall. 2,34; 7,75,4) mentions the R. among the civitates maritimae

or Aremoricae. Their capital was Condate (modern Rennes; Breton: Roazhon). In late Antiquity, they were part of the Provincia + Lugdunensis III. G. Lerroux,

A.Provost,

logique de la Gaule romaine, 1995.

Ille-et-Vilaine (Carte archéo-

35), 1990;

L.Papr,

La Bretagne Y.L.andE.O.

Reed (Greek xdAauoc/kdlamos (-» Calamus [2]), Lat.

(h)arundo). Phragmites communis and other species of grass are often mentioned in Theophrastus and Plinius (cf. the indexes of the Naturalis Historia s.v. harundo) as plants by and in lakes and rivers. The various applications of this ‘extremely useful water plant’ (Plin. HN 16,173: qua nulla aquatilium utilior) and related species — e.g., for thatched roofs and as arrows (see also

REFUSE

Refinements see > Optical Refinements Refuse. The urgency of the problem of large volumes of refuse is, historically speaking, a very recent phenomenon. In antiquity, much less refuse was created, because what was in any case a far lower density of population accumulated neither non-degradable materials nor significant quantities of packaging materials. For most, rather, the household was restricted to a lirnited number of possessions, and the natural recycling quota in the form of the reuse of expendable objects by new users must have been high. The lack of relevant source material probably reflects the far lower incidence of refuse. Organic waste was collected in rural areas on dungheaps, and was used on the fields as > fertilizer. For

solid substances, waste pits were probably dug in the vicinity of homesteads, as was usual at Roman camps and forts. In many cases there, former fortification ditches and wells were filled with refuse. Landfills were also set up, some of which were used for many decades (e.g. rubbish heap of 50,000 m? at the legionary camp of Vindonissa).

In cities, it was more difficult to dispose rapidly and hygienically of organic waste, including animal and human excrement. In the light of the tendency of many people to throw or pour all manner of refuse out of the window at night (Dem. Or. 55,22; Dig. 9,3; FIRA 3,185), disposal had to be regulated judicially and by means of organization. In many cities (e.g. Pergamum, Rome), private property owners were obliged to keep clean the section of street in front of their own house (Dig. 43,10). This was under the supervision of city officials (OGIS 483, Z. 49f., 95ff.; Plut. Mor. 8rrb). It is unclear where and how refuse was collected. In 5th- and 4th-cent. Athens, the koproldgoi were probably responsible not only for the disposal of excrement (xOmo0¢; Rdpros), but of all waste (i.e. probably ‘refuse collectors’), which they had to remove to a distance of at least ten stadia outside the city (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 50,2). These were probably private entrepreneurs working under the supervision of the — astynomoi (approx.: street/building police). In Imperial Rome, it is beyond doubt that a certain quantity of refuse was washed into the canalisation system in those streets that were continually swilled by excess water from the aqueducts. Reports of (failed) attempts to throw victims of politically motivated murders into drainage canals (SHA Heliog. 17,1f.; SHA Gord. 13,8) indirectly suggest another possibility of unburdening oneself of refuse. Much waste was also simply thrown into the Tiber (Suet. Aug. 30,1; cf. Tac. Ann. 15,18,2). Nevertheless, there must have existed a regular refuse collection, the control over which belonged to the aediles, as they were responsible for the cleanliness of the streets, as well as to the [Wiri viis purg-

+ Pen; > Musical instruments [V B]) — are compiled in Plin. HN 16,15 6-173.

andis, later the [Wviri viarum curandarum

— Graminea

carts for the refuse collection (CILI 593, |. 66f.: plostra

C.HU.

(> quattuorviri).

The Tabula

Heracleensis

mentions

REFUSE

... stercoris exportandei caussa), which were excepted from the daytime traffic ban in Rome (cf. also Tac. Ann. 11,32,3). Equally little is known about the more detailed modalities of this refuse disposal as about its efficiency; extrapolations cannot be made from occasional complaints about dirty streets (Suet. Vesp. 5,3; Juv. 3,268ff.). The most important refuse dump within the area of the city was certainly the - Mons Testaceus (‘Hill of Sherds’) in the vicinity of the city harbour; however, this hill, 35 min height and 850 m in circumference, consisted entirely of amphora sherds. J.D. HuGues, Pan’s Travail. Environmental Problems of the Ancient Greeks and Romans, 1994, 162f.; R. FREI-

STOLBA, StrafSenunterhalt und StrafSenreinigung in Rom: Zu einigen Paragraphen (ed.), Labor

der Tabula omnibus

Heracleensis,

unus.

Regendarius. Late ancient official in the > officium [6] of the praetorian prefect, who was responsible for issuing licences (evectiones) for the use of the > cursus

publicus

(Lydus.

Mag.

3,4 and

21; Cassiod.

Var.

11,29). It is not certain whether this office is identical

with that of a regerendarius, which the + Notitia dignitatum records in the offices of all praetorian prefects, the city prefect of Rome, magistri militum and a number of comites and duces of the West (Not. Dign. Or. 2,68; 3,29; Not. Dign. Occ. 2,52; 3,473 4,28; 5,280;

25544; 30,27 et passim). The latter also seems to have exercised control functions.

~» Environment, Environmental behaviour

H.HeErzic

436

435

in:

W.BiuM, Curiosi und Regendarii, 1969, 62-81, 88-116;

M.Crauss, Magister officiorum, 1980, 48-51; JONES, LRE, 566, 590-593, 597; W.G. SINNIGEN, Officium of the Urban Prefecture, 1957, 61f. K.P.

FS G. Walser,

1989, 25-37; E.J. Owens, The koprologoi at Athens, in: CQ 33, 1983, 44-50. K.-W.WEE.

Refutatio see ~ Argumentatio

Regae, Regisvilla (Pnyiwovitka/Rhégisouilla). Small landing site (positio, Itin. Maritimum 499,3 f.) on the coast of Etruria between > Graviscae and -> Cosa(e),

the residence of Maleus [3], king of Pelasgian colonists, who later returned to Athens (Str. 5,2,8). In the Hellenistic-Roman Period, R. was a port of the > Volci/Vulci (near modern Montalto di Castro). The place has been located at Le Murelle di Montalto di Castro; there is a

Roman villa of the period from the rst to the sth cents. AD there. E. Tortoricl, Regisvillae, in: Quaderni Ist. Topografia Antica 9, 1981, 151-165; D. BRIQUEL, Les Pélasges en Italie, 1984, 261-295. GU.

Reggio style see » South Italian minuscule Regia. A two-part building complex on the + via sacra on the edge of the Forum Romanum (-> Forum [III 8]) in Rome, which, according to the ancient Roman mythologizing historiography, was supposed to have been built as his residence and place of office by the legendary king Numa Pompilius (Ov. Fast. 6,263 f.; Tac. Ann.

15,41; Cass. Dio fr. 1,6,2; Plut. Numa

14;

Fest. 346-348; 439; cf. also [1. 328]). The excavated building of striking structure, with a three-roomed core facing the via sacra and a court annexe ([2] with illustration; presumably this court is what was meant by regium atrium in ancient sources), has its origin in the late 6th cent. BC, i.e. the period in which the Roman Republic was founded; in the Republican period it served as the place of office of the > pontifex maximus, contained sanctuaries to Mars and Ops Consiva (+ Ops [3]), and had spaces for cult apparatus. In addition, it was here that the archives of the priests, the

Regalianus. Imp. Caesar P. C[...] R. Augustus (RIC V/2, 586f.; [1]). Governor in Illyricum, probably of

Dacian descent. In AD 260, after the overthrow of Ingenuus [1] by > Aureolus at Mursa, he was proclaimed anti-emperor to ~» Gallienus by the Danube troops (SHA Tyr. Irie. ro,r; Psi-Aurs Vict. Epit, Caes: 320.35 Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,2; Pol. Silv. Chronica minora 1,521,45). He fought the - Sarmatae, who had already been threatening the lower Danube provinces for some time (SHA Tyr. Trig. 10,2). A short time later he was

defeated by Gallienus and killed by his own men (Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,2). His wife was probably > Sulpicia [5] Dryantilla, who is attested only by coins (RIC V/2, 588;

[r]). 1R.G6BL, R. und Dryantilla, 1970.

1 RICHARDSON, 328f.

KIENAST?, 223 f.; PIR* R 36; PLRE 1, 762; J. Frrz, Ingenuus et Régalien, 1966; B. BLECKMANN, Die Reichskrise

des 3.Jh. in der spatantiken

und frihbyzantinischen

Geschichtsschreibung, 1991, 237-241.

-~ calendar and annals of the city ( Annales maximi) were housed. Excavations in the 1960s showed that the striking constructional form, resembling that of an Etruscan house (> Acquarossa) in ground-plan, had been retained unchanged despite various destructions, alteration and extensions from c. 500 BC until late Antiquity (rebuilding e.g. 3rd cent. BC, 148 BC, 36 BC); previously, on that land there were small huts, which from the 7th cent. BC onwards were cleared away to make room for a public area (sanctuary?). The well-preserved late antique ruins were converted into houses in the Middle Ages and in the 17th and 18th cents., spolia of the greatest variety being used to that end.

TF.

2LTUR,s.v. R.

C.HO.

Regifugium. Roman civic festival, recorded in several + Fasti, held on 24 February (InscrIt 13,2 p. 65, 73, 165, 241, 265), consisting of a sacrifice by the > rex sacrorum on the comitium and his subsequent flight (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 63; [3. 197]). Ovid (Fast. 2,68 5—

489)

438

852) and Ausonius (Eclogae 23,13 f. p. 102 GREEN) interpret the festival as a commemoration of the flight of the Tarquins from Rome [r. 198 f.; 2]. However, it was probably rather a lustration ritual [5. 98 f.], which was connected with the course of the Roman year as a

well as parts of the camp wall are visible. West of the camp stretched a civilian settlement (canabae), and a small > vicus witha military base lay about 3 km up the Danube. There is evidence of several sanctuaries. The burial area, partially excavated in the roth cent., (attested continuously from the 2nd cent. to the early Middle Ages) is, with its burials calculated to have been c. 6000 in number, one of the largest known cemeteries north of the Alps. In the 3rd cent., it was destroyed on several occasions; in the 4th cent., the activities of the settlement were reduced to the interior of the camp and RC served both military and civil functions, with the Germanic population component increasing. Archeological and epigraphical indications (CIL III 5972; [3]),

ritual of closure, since the festival followed the intercalation of the pre-Julian calendar (Censorinus, DN 20,6;

[4. 208, 304-317]; > Calendar). The Regifugium fell on an even day, which is unusual for Roman festivals and represents a parallel to the days with the character QRCE (quando rex comitiavit fas; 24 March and 24 May), each of which followed a > tubilustrium. The most extensive interpretation assumes that these rituals are a reflection of rites which once took place every month at the waning of the moon ([4. 214-225], contra [6]). Other ancient flight rituals are the Roman -> Poplifugia and the Attic Dipo-

REGIO, REGIONES

however, lead us to believe that Romanic elements sur-

lieia (> Buphonia).

vived. An Elbe Germanic group that had migrated there from Bohemia (Friedenhain-Prestovice Group) possibly formed the crystallizing core of the tribe of the > Bai-

> Calendar; > Lustratio; > Ritual

ovarii. In the 6th cent. AD, R. was the residence of the

1 A. FELDHERR, Spectacle and Society in Livy’s History, 1998 2A.ROSENBERG, s.v. R., RE 1 At, 469-472 3 H.J. Rose, The Roman Questions of Plutarch, 1924

4J.Ripxe,

Kalender

5 A.SCHWEGLER,

und

Romische

Offentlichkeit,

1995

Geschichte, vol. 2.1, 1856

6 M. SEHLMEYER, review of [4], in: BMCIR 7, 1996, 157162. M.SE.

Regillensis. Roman cognomen

in the family of the

Postumii (> Postumius [I 13-15]); tradition has it that it was granted to the first Postumius to bear it for his victory in the battle at > Lacus Regillus in 496 BC. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 183.

K.-LE.

Agilolfingian dukes of the Bavarians (without a total interruption to settlement). 1 G. WALSER, Die romischen StrafSen und Meilensteine in Ratien, 1983, no. 36, 40, 42, 43 2K.DieTz, Ein neuer

Meilenstein aus dem Jahr 201 n. Chr. aus Késching, in: Das Archaologische Jahr in Bayern (1985), 1986, 110f.

3 G. WALDHERR, Martiribus sociata. Uberlegungen zur ‘altesten’ christlichen Inschrift Ratiens, in: K. Dietz et al. (ed.), Klassisches Altertum, Spatantike und friihes Chri-

stentum. FS A. Lippold, 1993, 553-577. K.Dietz, T.FiscHer, An der Grenze des Imperiums: Regensburg zur Romerzeit, in: P.ScHMip (ed.), Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, 2000, 12-48; TIR Castra Regina 33 f.; G. WALDHERR, Romisches Regensburg, 2001.

Regillus. Roman cognomen (diminutive of rex, ‘king’); in the Republican era, a byname of the family of the Aemilii (> Aemilius [I 3 5-3 6]); in the Imperial era, also in other families. 1 Decrassi, FCIR, 265

2 KaAjJANTO, Cognomina, 316. K.-L.E.

Regina see

> [uno; > Isis

Regina Castra. Legionary fortress on the Danube opposite the mouth of the river Regen, modern Regensburg (Tab. Peut. 4,4; It. Ant. 250,1: Regino; Not. Dign. Occ. 35,17; It. Ant. 259,33 6: ad castra; milestones [1; 2]: a legione; CIL V 32909: D(omo) Regino; name for

G.H.W.

Regina sacrorum see ~ Rex sacrorum Regio Zeugitana. The name of the northern part of the province Africa proconsularis (> Africa 3., with map) before Diocletianus and, later, of Diocletianus’ proyince Africa proconsularis (> Diocletianus, with map);

it derives from a native name (cf. mons Ziguensis, pagus Zeugius; Plin. HN 5,23; Mart. Cap. 6,669; Isid. Orig. 14,5,8; cf. Solin. 26,2; 27,1). The border ran from Tacatua (Takouch on Tunisia’s north coast) southwards to the area south of » Theveste and from there northeastwards via > Ammaedara, > Althiburus and > Abthugni to the region near -» Pupput (on Tunisia’s east

the appendant civilian settlement, only passed down in the Medieval period, but possibly going back to a Celtic root: Radaspona). Built in the 70s of the 2nd cent. AD as the garrison quarters of the legio II Italica (CILMI 11965: AD 179), RC was the successor of a cohort fortress which was built in at least two phases and was destroyed in about AD 166/7. It was situated c. 3 km further south

Regio, regiones. Originally a theoretical principle of classification of astronomical and augural (-» Augures)

(Regensburg-Kumpfmuhl, built around AD 80; with a civilian settlement and possibly a — mansio). Size:

practice (Cic. Div. 1,173 1,30; 2,3; 2,9; Ov. Ib. 38; Cic. Nat. D. 2,19; 2,50), elements of the division of Rome

543 X 452m,

into four parts by Servius — Tullius (Varro, Ling. 5,45;

the northern gate (porta praetoria) as

coast). AATun o50; AATun

100; J.Gascou, La politique muni-

cipale de empire romain en Afrique proconsulaire ..., 1972; K. ZIEGLER, s. v. Zeugitana regio, RE ro A, 251.

W.HU.

440

439

REGIO, REGIONES

46°

\

|

\

100

' 200 km

et

500

1000

2000

3000m

»

y u ‘

: Le

;

i

as

‘ \\ Florentiag

4

on cree?

hiv

yd

Trasimenus {4 .

if

Jo. oe

' volsiniif” ¢

42°.

6) v,

;

y), : \b

5;

Adriaticum

k

K /

(supernum)

,

Qf

42

>

Brundisium

Sardinia

{

nm

G)

oN

4

:

Locri Epizephyrii

a SY

——=

|

a es

Rhegium

|

Sicilia

The Italian regions at the time of Augustus |. ll.

Latium et Campania Apulia et Calabria

Il, IV.

Bruttium et Lucania Samnium

Vv. VI.

regio Capital of the Roman

® @®

viatulia Augusta via Aemilia

Empire Important town within

@ ©

via Aemilia Scauri via Aurelia

Picenum

oe

©

via Clodia

Umbria

(rare Romsey

@

via Cassia

hee onare Mountain range

®@ via Flaminia ©) vig’ Claudia

Vil. Etruria Vill, Aemilia

IX. Liguria X.

Venetia et Histria

XI.

Transpadana

|-Xl

@

er mons

beat Uae ae

ses ge @

via Postumia

via Valeria via Appia 8 via Annia

441

442

493; 51; 53; Liv. 1,43,13; Plin. HN

18,13; Paul. Fest.

506,5), which was transferred to the > tribus: I. Suburana, II. Esquilina, III. Collina, IV. Palatina (> Rome III

with map 3). Augustus partitioned the city, which had grown prodigiously in the meantime, into 14 regiones (10-4 BC; Suet. Aug. 30,1; [2]), still numbering them sequentially (from I to XIV). But he arbitrarily divided them into regiones within (II, II], IV, VI, VIII, X, XI, XIII) and regiones outside the walls (I, V, VII, IX, XII, XIV) —

probably with the intention of standardizing the administration, distributing public facilities such as baths and theatres equally, ensuring public order (vigiles), and finally of arranging in an ordered way the cult of the Lares Augusti, which had been shared among smaller vici (‘villages’) [1. 345 f.] (cf. + Roma III with map 3). Only in Late Antiquity [4. 444] were these regiones labeled with traditional place names: I. Porta Capena, II. Caelimontium, III. Isis et Serapis, [V. Templum Pacis,

V.Esquiliae, VI. Alta Semita, VII. Via Lata, VIII. Forum Romanum Magnum, IX. Circus Flaminius, X. Palatium, XI. Circus Maximus, XII. Piscina Publica, XIII. Aventinus, XIV. Transtiberim.

Augustus also arranged the classification of the Italian peninsula into 11 regiones, in the main following geographical conditions, but not always in line with the usual territorial names (Plin. HN 3,46-138; [33 5]; > Italia; cf. also map of the regions of Italy); the function of this partitioning — where it was not dictated by the > census —is unclear. The regions were numbered in irregular sequence, and they were later (except VIII and XI, owing to their generally undesirable Gaulish connections)

furnished with ethnic names:

I. Latium et

Campania, II. Apulia et Calabria, III. Bruttium et Lucania, IV. Samnium, V. Picenum, VI. Umbria, VII. Etruria, VIII. Aemilia, IX. Liguria, X. Venetia et Histria, XI.

Transpadana. 1 A. FRASCHETTI, Romaeilprincipe,1990 2 A. VON GERKAN, Grenzen und Groen der vierzehn Regionen Roms, in: BJ 149,

1949,

5-65

3 C.Nico.et,

regiones

Italiae

augustéennes,

Gustave

Glotz

2,

1991,

L’origine des

in: Cahiers

73-95

4S.B.

du Centre

REGIUM

8,23,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 19,2). In the mid—6th cent., the city of R. took part in the Battle of the Sagra against > Croton as an ally of Locri [2] (Str. 6,1,10). During the tyranny of Anaxilaus [1] (494-476 BC), R. was part of a complex system of alliances against Zancle, Gela, Syracusae and Locri. In the > Peloponnesian War, R. provided Athens with its first naval base (Thuc. 3,86,53 4,25,1-11). During the disputes between the

Greeks and the Carthaginians, > Syracusae gradually gained control over the cities on the Fretum Siculum (Diod. Sic. 14,44,3 ff.). R. was finally conquered by Dionysius [1] I in 387 BC, and the city was destroyed. Dionysius [2] II had R. rebuilt in 3 59/8 BC, naming the city Phoibia after Apollo (Str. 6,1,6). In 280 BC, R. was occupied on Roman orders by a garrison of - Mamertini under the tribune Decius Vibellinus, to guard against — Pyrrhus [3]. The Romans conquered the city in 270 BC, and freed it from its mercenary regime; R. thus entered the Roman sphere of influence with the conclusion of a treaty though it retained its own administration and cults as a > civitas foederata (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 20,16,1). From the end of the Social War [3] in 89 BC, R. was a municipium, tribus Cornificia (Diod. Sic. 37,2), and following the settlement of Roman naval veterans became a Roman colony in 36 BC as Regium Iulii. R. was conquered by Alaric (— Alaricus [2]) in AD 410 and by ~ Totila in 549. The uninterrupted occupation of the settlement from Antiquity to present has led to the almost total destruction of ancient remains (exception: wall from the late sth cent. BC). It may be inferred from the layout of the site that the Greek settlement was a small one. R. expanded under the Romans (large suburban villas). Prestigious buildings continue to be found into Late Antiquity. There is only tenuous evidence of the cults at R.: outside the city was a sanctuary of Artemis Phakelitis (Messenian influence: Str. 6,1,6; 8,4,9), in the vicinity of which the Athenians camped in 415 BC (Thuc. 6,44,3). Other cults included those of Apollo, Poseidon and Heracles Rheginos, attested from the 5th cent. BC

PLATNER,

into Late Antiquity (Paus. 5,25,2-4; CIL X 6). There is

T. Assy, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, 1929 5R.THOMSEN, The Italic Regions, 1947.

evidence of a temple of Isis-Serapis in the Roman Period (CIL X 1). The strong seismic activity in the region of the Fretum Siculum strongly influenced mythological

C. NIco_Let, L’inventaire du monde, 1988; O. ROBINSON, Ancient Rome: City-Planning and Administration, 1992. A.SA.

Regium (‘Prywv/Rhegion, Lat. Regium), modern Reggio di Calabria. City on the Bruttian coast of the + Fretum Siculum (Straits of Messina). Its strategic position and the lack of agriculturally useful territory committed the city to the lucrative control of the strait. Founded in the 2nd half of the 8th cent. BC shortly after Zancle (> Messana [1]) by settlers from Chalcis [1] and Messana [2] (Str. 6,1,6), R. was generally regarded as a

Chalcidian colony by virtue of its constitution deriving from > Charondas and its mint. Its foundation history shows considerable influence from > Delphi (Diod. Sic.

and religious beliefs (Diod. Sic. 4,85,3 f.; Str. 6,1,6; Sen. Consolatio ad Marciam 17,2; Claud. Rapt. Pros. 1,141-1513 Lib. Or. 18,291-293). The authors > Ibycus, » Lycus [12] and > Glaucus [7] came from R. G. VALLET, Rhégion et Zancle. Histoire, commerce et civilisation ..., 1958; P.G. Guzzo, Il territorio dei Bruttii, in: A. GiaRDINA, A. SCHIAVONE (eds.), Societa romana e pro-

duzione schiavistica, vol. 1: L’Italia —insediamenti e forme economiche,

1981,

115-136;

G.CAmassa,

La codifica-

zione delle leggi e le istituzioni politiche delle citta greche della Calabria ..., in: S$.Serris (ed.), Storia della Calabria antica, 1988, 613-656; Lo stretto crocevia di culture (Atti

26. Convegno

di Studi sulla Magna

Grecia, Taranto

1986), 1993; E.GuIDoBONI, et al., Territorial Archaeol-

ogy in the Area of the Straits of Messina ..., in: D. GRIF-

443

444

FITHS, et al. (ed.), The Archaeology of Geological Catastrophes, 2000, 45-70; M. Gras, et al. (ed.), Nel cuore del mediterraneo antico. Reggio, Messina, e le colonie calci-

I. THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM The Greek cities on the straits of Keré joined together c. 480 BC under the leadership of > Panticapaeum, probably originally as a protective alliance against the native -» Scythians. The first dynasty was the Archaeanactids, whose founder Archaeanax probably came from the Milesian nobility of Panticapaeum; this dynasty is said to have ruled c. 42 years (Diod. Sic. 12,31). Probably, they —like the first Spartocids (see below IL.) — did not hold the title of king, using instead arch6n. With this, the poleis lost their independence and their typical institutions, but still held certain powers at the communal level. In the 2nd half of the sth cent., the cities were built up and strongly fortified. At the same time, trade expanded, particularly with Athens, which installed a trading post with a chargé d’affaires in ~» Nymphaeum [II 4] toward the end of the 5th cent., probably along with - klérovichoi [I]; after the battle at -» Aigos Potamos (405 BC), Nymphaeum was again incorporated into the RB. Treaties for mutual military support were also concluded between Athens and the RB (IG II* 653). During and after the > Peloponnesian War, the Bosporan cities became the most important suppliers of grain and raw materials for Athens.

REGIUM

desi dell’area dello Stretto, 2000.

A.MU.

Regium atrium see > Regia Regium Lepidum. Celtic city halfway between +» Mutina and Parma [1] (Str. 5,1,6: “Pryyov/ Rhégion; Cic. Fam. 12,5,3: R. Lepidi; Tac. Hist. 2,50: R. Lepidum; Plin. HN 3,15; 115; Ptol. 3,1,46: “Prytov AeniSiow/Rhegion Lepidion; It. Ant. 99,3; 283,53 287,7; Tab. Peut. 4,4), modern Reggio nell’Emilia. The

» Etrusci conquered RL in the early 6th cent. BC, occupying it thenceforward (inscription finds from Rubiera in the southeast of RL). In the 4th cent. BC, RL deve-

loped into an agricultural centre. Roman RL was founded as Forum Lepidi in 175 BC, with the via Aemilia as its decumanus maximus, during the 2nd consulship of Aemilius [I ro] Lepidus (Fest. 332,25 L.), a fact con-

firmed by the most recent excavations. RL was at first a municipium, then a colonia, tribus Pollia. Archaeology: from the early Principate are a domus with mosaics (P1azza Cavour, Omozzoli-Parisotti Clinic) and streets of housing with trachyte paving. The main traffic route was the via Aemilia; irregular town plan. Evidence verifies a cult of > Isis (CIL XI 955) and the > ruler cult (CIL XI 971). G. AMBROSETTI et al. (ed.), Lepidoreggio, 1996.

M.M.MO.

Regni (Regini). Celtic tribe, who settled in the area of Hampshire and West Sussex and was part of the Kingdom of -» Commius (mid rst cent. BC) and of -» Cogidubnus (one cent. later). The main city was Novioma-

gus (present-day Chichester), home to a temple of Neptune and Minerva in the rst cent. AD [r. 91]. Located near Noviomagus and 1,6 km west of Chichester was the estate of Fishbourne, probably a governor’s residence from the Flavian Period (columns, mosaics, wall paintings) [2]. 1R.G.

CoLLiIncwoop,

R.P. Wricut,

scriptions of Britain, 1965 tions at Fishbourne, 1971.

The Roman

In-

2B.W. CUNLIFFE, Excava-

B. W. CUNLIFFE, s. v. Fishbourne, PE, 329; Id., The R., 1973.

M.TO.

Regnum Bosporanum. The ‘Bosporan kingdom’ on the northern coast of the Black Sea (> Pontos Euxeinos), the heart of which was the Keré peninsula on the

so-called Cimmerian -> Bosporus [2], called Kimmerikos Bosporos or simply Bosporos (Diod. Sic. 12,36; 20,22). Cf. the two maps below. I. THE FOUNDING OF THE KINGDOM Il. THE KINGDOM UNDER THE SPARTOCIDS Ill. THE KINGDOM UNDER THE ROMANS

Il. THE KINGDOM UNDER THE SPARTOCIDS Around 438/7, disturbances, probably internal, broke out (indications in Peripl. m. Eux. 77; Isoc. Trapeziticus 5), bringing the dynasty of the Spartocids to power in Panticapaeum (Diod. Sic. 12,31); they ruled until the end of the 2nd cent. BC. Their dynastic names have often led to the assumption that-> Spartocus [1] I as a commander of Thracian mercenaries rebelled, but

the names are Greek (e.g., Satyrus, Leucon) and Iranian (e.g., Paerisades, Camasarye). The Spartocids enlarged the Bosporan territory: Theodosia was captured by Leucon I after great efforts (schol. Dem. 20,33; Harpocr. s.v. Theodosia; IOSPE 2,343 Leucon is described as archon Bosporou kai Theodosiés). Peace with the Maeotian tribes was purchased with generous gifts (Polyaenus, Strat. 8,55; regular payments of tribute in the 2nd cent. BC: Str. 12,4,6; Lucian Toxaris 44). On the Asiatic side, the kingdom of the -> Sindi was annexed through diplomacy and dynastic marriage (Polyaenus, Strat. 8,55). Using Phanagoria, Hermonassa and other places as bases, Leucon quickly subjugated the lower Kuban. The titulatures on inscriptions illustrate the expansion of the borders (Leucon I: archon of Bosporus and Theodosia, king of the Sindi, Toretae, Dandarii and Psessi; his successor -> Paerisades [1]: ruler of the Sindi, all Maeotians, the Thateans and Dosci, IOSPE 2,8). Some of these tribes, e.g., the Thateans, may have been vassals, since they still had their own army (Diod. Sic. 20,22). Under Paerisades, a Milesian settlement was refounded as > Gorgippia. In the 4th cent., the Spartocids assumed the title of king along with that of archon, although only in relation to the ‘barbarians’. At first, they did not mint coins

in their name, but in that of the city of Panticapaeum.

445

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Nevertheless, their rule was equated with Greek tyrannis (Ael. VH 6,13). The kings were the largest landholders, held the supreme command over the (mercenary) army, control over the entire economy and judiciary and were high priests of Apollo. Brothers and sons of

(Str. 12,3,29); the cities became Roman bases. However, Roman dominance created security from the Iranian neighbours and the basis for new trading contacts, especially with the southern Pontic cities. From the 2nd half of the rst cent. AD on, an economic and cultural recovery gradually began. Under Aspurgus, the Scythians and Taurians in the Crimea were defeated; he married into the Thracian royal dynasty and may have been the first to take the name Tiberius Iulius (as founder of the Bosporan Tiberii-Iulii dynasty), which, however, is first recorded for his son (IOSPE 4,204). From the 2nd cent. AD on, the Sarmatian portion of the population also began to dominate in the cities, even though Greek was retained as the official language. In AD 193, the Scythian kingdom and the Taurians were defeated (IOSPE 2,423). In the 2nd and 3rd cents., Christianity spread in the RB; Bosporan clerics participated in the Councils of Nicaea [5] and Nicomedia (Sozom. Hist. eccl. 4,16). The decline of the RB began in the 2nd half of the 3rd cent.: c. 250, Goths, Herulians and their allies pressed into the territory of the > Maeotis and invaded the heartland of the RB, which then became the starting point for their raids; the Scythian and Tauric territories were lost. King Teiranes was able to free the RB from the Goths and Herulians c. 276; in the 6os and 70s of the 4th cent., the Huns (+ Hunni) destroyed it forever (lord. Get. 123; 126). For the history, see also + Chersonesus [3]. — Pontus; > Pontos Euxeinos; > Scythians; + Spartocus

the king were often co-regents (e.g., IOSPE 2,1; 2,2:

Pairisddés kai paides). Although Paerisades I fixed the succession to the eldest son (Diod. Sic, 20,22), there were serious conflicts, from which his son Eumelus [4] emerged victorious. He aspired to a common

Pontic policy against > Lysimachus [2] and generously helped the renegade city of > Callatis in the course of that policy. Good relations with Athens and strong trade were continued (cf. several Athenian decrees for Spartocids: e.g., Syll.3 206). In the rst half of the 3rd cent. BC, an economic and cultural decline set in, probably as the result of Egyptian competition in the grain trade, the Celtic incursions (> Celts [III]) and the decline of Athens. Coin issues in gold and silver are lacking; the import of luxury goods declined. Literary and epigraphic sources are rare; the names of the kings are known predominantly through coins, which bore their names from the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. on, and from brick stamps. The serious crisis was overcome only in the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. BC; Delos, Rhodes

and southern

Pontic cities, especially

Sinope, emerged as the most important trading partners. Toward the end of the 3rd cent., there appear to have been internal disturbances once again (king > Hygiaeon bore only the archon title); the 2nd cent. BC was

again distinguished by economic and political crises: wars with Scythians and Sarmatians are recorded (intermittent secession by the Asiatic tribes: Str.

11,2,11); in the Crimea, the Scythian state expanded with the capital at Neapolis (near modern Simferopol). After Diophantes, the general of Mithridates [6] VI, defeated the Scythians west of the RB, the Bosporan king Paerisades [6] V voluntarily surrendered his rule to the Pontic king c. 109 BC (Str. 7,4,4), to whom the RB

was required to pay high tribute (Str. 7,4,6). In the first

REGULA

N.A. Frotova, The Coinage of the Kingdom of Bosporus, vol. r: A.D. 69-238, 1979; vol. 2: A.D. 242-341/342, 1983; V.F. GAJDUKEVvIC¢, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971;

M.Rostowzew,

Skythien

und

der Bosporus,

vol. 2

(Historia Einzelschriften 83), 1993; S.R. ToKHTAS’EV, Iz

onomastiki Severnogo Pri¢ernomor’ja II.: Frakijskie imena an Bospore, in: A.K. GavriLoy (ed.), Etjudy po anticno} istorii i kul’ture Severnogo Pricernomor ja, 1992, 178-200; J.G. VINOGRADOY, Polemon, Chersones i Rim, in: VDI 202, 130-1393 Id., Die historische Entwicklung

of the > Mithridatic Wars against Rome (89-85 BC), the RB seceded from Pontus; after the second (83-82),

der Poleis des nérdlichen Schwarzmeergebietes im 5. Jh. v.

Mithridates subjugated it once again, placing it under

stie der Spartokiden, in: Historia 4, 1955, 412-444; A.N.

his son > Machares (App. Mithr. 67), who entered into

ZoGRAF,

diplomatic relations with Rome in 70 (Plut. Lucullus 24); at the end of the protracted third war (73-63), the complete cessation of all trade relations and the high taxes led to a rebellion against Mithridates by many Bosporan cities (63 BC).

from the Northern Black Sea Littoral, 1977.

Chr., in: Chiron ro, 1980, 63-100; R. WERNER, Die Dyna-

Maps:

Ancient

Coinage,

H.WaLpMANN,

vol. 2: The Ancient

Ostlicher

Mittelmeerraum

und

Mesopotamien. Wirtschaft, Kulte und Bildung im Hellenismus (330-133 v. Chr.) (TAVO B V 5), 1987 (detail); Id., Vorderer Orient. Die hellenistische Staatenwelt im

3. Jh. v. Chr. (TAVO B V 3), 1983 (detail).

III. THE KINGDOM UNDER THE ROMANS Pharnaces [2] of Pontus now received the RB (though without > Phanagoria) and + Chersonesus [3| from Rome; however, he was defeated in 47 BC by Asandrus (from the Spartocid dynasty?), who extended the kingdom as far as the Chersonesus. He bore the title archon and was officially confirmed by Rome in 42 BC. Beginning with Asandrus, the Bosporan kings remained dependent on Rome and were appointed from there

Coins

Ly.B.

Regnum Tolosanum see > Tolosa Regula (Lat. ‘slat’, ‘bar’, or ‘guideline’). Architectural

technical term used in Vitr. De arch. 4,3,4 et alibi to refer to a slat with > guttae on the > epistylion (architrave) of a building of Doric structure. In width, the regula corresponds to the ~ triglyphos and forms its lower end which structurally belongs to the architrave

451

452

(and not to the frieze). Furthermore, the regula corre-

upon him’. The other party, too, seized the thing, touched it with the staff and spoke the same formula. At the order of the president of the court to release the thing, there followed a further formal speech and reply, then the reciprocal challenge to stake the + sacramentum (Gai. Inst. 4,16). In the case of things such as a column, a ship or a herd of livestock, part of the thing would be brought before the court for the

REGULA

sponds to the blocks of the > geison that are resting on the frieze. D. Mertens, Der Tempel von Segesta und die dorische Tempelbaukunst des griechischen Westens in klassischer Zeit, 1980, 254, s.v. R.; W.MULLER-WIENER, sches Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 112-120.

GriechiCHO.

Regula Magistri (‘Rule of the Master’). Latin monastic rule from the early 6th cent. by an unknown author,

referred to as ‘Master’. It probably originated in Italy, although it is also claimed that the RM comes from southern Gaul; the oldest MS is from Italy (Paris, Latinus 12205, about 600). As the most comprehensive monastic rule, it is a very important source of information on the spirituality and lifestyle of > monasticism in late antiquity. In the mid-zoth cent. it became a central focus of scholarship on monastic rule, after A. GENESTOUT (1888-1969) identified it as the model for the rule

of + Benedict. Following a great deal of controversy and comparative scholarship in this field, the conclusion gained wide acceptance that the work of Benedict of Nursia was based on the ‘Master’. The Latin text is also significant for linguistic history. Ep.: A.DE VoGugf, La Régle du Maitre (SChr 105-106), 1964-65.; Transl.:; L.EBERLE, 1977; K.S. FRANK, 1989 (German). BIBLIOGRAPHY: P.B. CorBeETT, The Latin of the R. M., 1958; M.Dunn, Mastering Benedict, in: English Histori-

cal Review 105, 1990, 567-594; A. GENESTOUT, La Régle du Maitre et la Régle du S. Benoit, in: Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique 21, 1940, 51-112; B.JAspERT, Die Regula Benedicti-R.

M.-Kontroverse,

*1977; A.DE

VoGuE,

Le

Maitre, 1984; Id., A Reply to M. Dunn, in: English Historical Review 107, 1992, 95-103.

K.-S.F.

conduct of the ritual (Gai. Inst. 4,17). The party whose

right proved better received the thing (Gai. Inst. 4,48). As the concept of property shifted from a broad and vague definition to a narrow and clear one, the contest between the two pretenders to ownership gave way to the ‘classical’ RV, with the claimant’s one-sided asser-

tion of ownership. Such an assertion became an object of the RV in that the party in possession either (a) pledged a payment in the event that the thing in question belonged to the claimant (agere per sponsionem), amplified by a promise to relinquish it should the claimant be victorious in consequence of the main pledge (cautio pro praede litis et vindiciarum, Gai. Inst. 4,91,93-95), or (b) by means of a claim formula combining the assertion of the claimant’s Quiritarian ownership, the enforcement of relinquishment and possible pecuniary compensation (agere per formulam petitoriam, Gai. Inst. 4,91 f.). Success was dependent on the respondent’s being in possession. The conditions of possession were disputed among the Roman jurists. While Pegasus and others required possession by interdict (> interdictum), so that a mere safekeeper, for in-

stance, might not lay claim, Ulpian was satisfied for the respondent to have the thing and be able to relinquish it (Ulp. Dig. 6,1,9). According to the Sabinians (> Law schools), it was the time of initiation of the dispute (> litis contestatio) that was decisive for possession of the thing, while for the Proculians, it was the time of

Regulus. Roman cogn. (diminutive of rex, ‘king’), found in the families of the Atilii (> Atilius [I 17—23]) and Livineii (> Livineius [I 1-2]) in the Republican Pe-

riod; in the Imperial Period in other families as well. 1 DeGrassi, FCIR, 265

2 KayaNtTo, Cognomina, 316f. K.-L.E.

Rei vindicatio (‘laying claim to a thing’, still ‘Vindikation’ in modern German legal usage). Originally the (ritual) laying of a staff on an object or a slave; in Roman law of the Principate, the claim of a Quiritarian owner (1.e. one in possession of Roman citizenship), not

in possession, against the possessor for establishment of ownership, relinquishment and, where called for, pecu-

niary compensation.

The RV superseded the ancient sacramental action in rem (> legis actio sacramento in rem) with its solemn

rituals before the president of the court (king, consul, praetor): a claimant took hold of the thing, touched it with a staff (vindicta, festuca, > hasta) and said, for

instance, ‘I affirm that according to the rights of the Ouirites, this slave is my property. In accordance with his status in law, see for yourselves, I have laid the staff

verdict (Dig. 6,1,36 pr.; 27,1).

A former possessor had

to show that possession had been lost without malicious intent. Otherwise, he continued to be regarded as the party in possession (Gai. Dig. 44,2,17). The defeated respondent was sentenced to ‘restitution’ (restituere, > restitutio), 1.e. to relinquish the thing and those profits gained and to be gained from it since the initiation of the dispute (Paul. Dig. 6,1,33) and to compensate for damage to the thing having arisen since then, occasionally without regard to fault (Ulp. Dig. 6,1,15,3); otherwise in case of fault, e.g. if a slave had

been sent through dangerous districts or a ship put to sea in hazardous weather (Gai. Dig. 6,1,36,1). Conversely, in the context of the formula petitoria, to which an > exceptio doli (objection of malicious intent) had been appended, the respondent had in certain circumstances the right to retain the thing against certain expenditures, though sometimes (except in case of victimization, cf. Celsus, Dig. 6,1,38) this was a mere right of removal avertible by the claimant (Dig. 6,1,48; 65;

2735): Kaser,

RPR,

K.Hack1,

vol.

1, 126-131,

Das rémische

432-438;

ZivilprozefSrecht,

M.KasEr, *1996, 89-

453

454

107, 281f., 333, 346; K.HackL, review of: M. Wimmer,

Besitz und Haftung des Vindikationsbeklagten, 1995, in: ZRG 115, 1998, 564-569; D.LieBs, Rémisches Recht, 51999, 28-31, 178-187.

D.SCH.

Reiectio Reiectio civitatis refers to the relinquishment of civil rights, reiectio iudicis to the right of the parties in a civil or criminal suit to reject a certain number of judges who would be considered for deciding the case according to the list of judges,. M.Kaser,

K.Hackt,

Das

rémische

*1996, 195, 198.

Zivilprozefrecht,

CPA.

Reii. Celtic-Ligurian tribe in Gallia + Narbonensis in the area of the modern French department of Alpes-deHaute-Provence with capital Alebaece (Plin. HN 3,36, cf. Str. 4,6,4: AABtouovAlbioikoi; Caes. B Civ. 1,3 4,4; 56,23 2,2,6: Albici; modern Riez) [1] at the foot of the hill of Saint-Maxime between Forum [ulii (modern Fré-

jus) and Aquae [III 5] Sextiae (modern Aix-en-Provence), constituted beginning in Augustus’ time as colonia Iulia Augusta Apollinaris Reiorum, with quattuorvirt, aediles, flamen Romae et Augusti and pontifex (cf. inscriptions CIL XII 351; 358; 3673; 371f.; 983; [3]). In Late Antiquity, the town was called R. (Sid. Apoll. Epist. 9,9) or R. Apollinarium (Tab. Peut. 3,1). Ancient remains: temple, thermal baths, stelai [2. 39-43]. 1G.BarRuoL, Un centre administratif et religieux des Alpes du Sud: Riez, in: Archéologia 21, 1968, 20-27 2 P.-A.FévriER, Villes épiscopales de Provence, 1954

RELICS

1H.Bogse (ed.), Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de natura rerum, 1973 2 KELLER 1, 279-281 3 M. HILzHEIMER, s.v. Rentier, M. EBert (ed.), Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, vol. 11, 1927, 122. C.HU.

Relegatio. In Roman law, banishment, a milder form

of + exilium; imposed in the Roman Republic, by the — pater familias (head of the family) against members of his house, by the Senate and the magistrates; in the imperial era, also a status punishment without loss of honour for > honestiores (members of the upper class). There was a variety of degrees: relegatio from '/2— 10 years and relegatio perpetua (permanent relegatio) on the mainland and relegatio in insulam (on an island). In addition, stay in a specific place could be forbidden. Violation of the banishment was punished with a stricter form of relegatio. Starting with Hadrian (2nd cent. AD), the fortune of the banished person was confiscated only for permanent relegatio, partially for some offences (e.g. adultery). Relegatio was imposed for, among other things, fornication, defamation and sorcery. The emperor, the Senate, the — praefectus urbi and the > praefectus praetorio were responsible in general for its imposition, the provincial governors for it in their provinces. MomMstkn, R., RE

Strafrecht, 964-980;

G.KLEINFELLER,

rt A, 564f.; B.SANTALUCIA,

penale nell’antica Roma, 71998.

S. V.

Diritto e processo

Z.VE.

G. BERARD, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence (Carte archéologi-

Relics (Latin reliquiae, literally ‘material remains’ of mythical or holy objects or persons, particularly bones) gained increasing importance in pre-Christian as well as Christian antiquity, as material conveyors of super-

que de la Gaule 4), 1998.

natural power. The ancient cult of the dead (> Dead,

3 A. CHASTAGNOL

(ed.), Inscriptions latines de Narbon-

naise, vol. 2 (Gallia Suppl. 44.2), 1992. Y.L.andE.O.

Reindeer (Rangifer tarandus, 6 tagavéoc/ho tarandos, Lat. tarand(r)us; parandrus: Solin. 30,25, there [?] shifted to Ethiopia!). The deer-like animal, dispersed as far as northern Italy and southern France during the Ice Age, was known to the Greeks only from the land of the Scythians on the basis of plausible reports in Theophr. fr. 172,2-3; Ps.-Aristot. Mir. 30,832b 7-16 and Aristot. fr. 317 (Antigonus Carystius 25), as well as Plin. HN 8,123-124. A fantastic motif recurring in these sources, such as in Solin. 30,25 (whose report on the pirander was adopted in the Middle Ages by, among others, Thomas of Cantimpré 4,88 [1. 159f.]), is the alleged > chamaeleon [2]-like alteration of the colour of its fur to match the vegetation surrounding it, which makes it difficult to hunt. The Germani (Caes. B Gall. 6,21; Sall. Hist. 3, fr. r04f.) and Galli (Varro, Ling. 5,167) used its coat (reno) as clothing. From its strong hide they made breast-plates (Theophr. ibid. and Plin. ibid.) or covered their shields with it (Ael. NA 2,16). A herd of animals represented on an Odenburg urn from the Hallstatt period [2. 280], however, has been recently identified as a stag herd [3. 122].

cult of the) and its beliefs saw contact with the deceased as linked to the tomb (> Hero cult). Hellenistic cities revered their founding heroes in the midst of the city, hoping for protection and prosperity in return. In pri-

vate cult (e. g. in Calydon in the Greek region of Aetolia), the cultic hall of heroes was located directly above

the underground burial chamber. The meal held for the dead, particularly on the anniversaries of the deceased’s passing, is ona structural level reflected in the Christian veneration of the > saints. In the Martyrium Polycarpi (18,1), one of the oldest accounts of Christian martyrs, the bones of the bishop are described as ‘more precious than jewels’. Beginning in the 3rd/4th cent. AD, it was common for Christians to be buried near the tombs of saints (ad sanctos), so that holy > martyrs could intercede for them at the Last Judgement. In Rome, the Constantinian cemetery churches (early 4th cent.) made possible mass burials near the tombs of martyrs (+ Catacombs). In the centre of the old St. Peter (324), the tomb of — Petrus [1] was marked with a monumental porphyry shrine until around 600, when > Gregorius [3] I the Great built an altar podium over the tomb, under which access to the burial shrine was still possible through a circular tunnel crypt.

RELICS

455

The veneration of relics took on a new quality as bones were removed from their original burial context. This began in the mid—4th century, as emperors had the relics of the apostles and saints moved to Constantinople. While private individuals collected and traded in dubious relics, - Ambrosius (Epist. 22) discovered genuine bones in Milan and buried them under the altar of the Basilica Martyrum (present-day S. Ambrogio). It came to be common practice for the altar to be situated where the relics were buried (sepulcrum; Greek enkatnion), as described in Ape 6:9 (Paul. Nol. Epist. 32,8; Hier. Contra Vigilantium 8). Relics found a home (domicilium) in the altar tomb, as citizens and patrons

(patroni) of their city. Ambrosius also arranged for the relics he had found to be passed on to others; these were not bones, but the blood of martyrs, which was ab-

sorbed by a plaster-like substance when the tomb was opened; Gaudentius of Brescia and Victricius of Rouen mentioned receiving such relics. The idea, based on the Bible and philosophical teachings, that an individual’s entire strength (virtus) is present in every particle (cf. Victricius of Rouen, De

laude sanctorum, PL 20, 452c¢ and 453d) opened the floodgates to widespread cultic activity with third-class relics (brandea) of all kinds: cloths, bottles and boxes filled with dust, oil or stones were taken from the tombs

of saints as personal phylacteries and cures (> miracles brought about by relics). Increasingly, pictures and relics embodied the presence (praesentia) of the saints. The most important Christian relics included the cross of Jesus, the central legacy of the risen Christ, which was rediscovered by > Helena [2]; the relics of Stephen the Deacon, whose tomb was found in 415; and the cloak of + Martinus [x] of Tours, which came to be regarded as the main relic of the Merovingian period. At the transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages, the special position occupied by relics between this world and the hereafter made their possession a symbolic asset that lent supernatural legitimacy to power, law and privilege. ~» Martyrdom, literature of; - Martyrs; — Saints, Veneration of saints A. ANGENENDT, Heilige und Reliquien, *1997; P. Brown, The Cult of Saints, 1981; E. DASsMANN, Ambrosius und die Martyrer, in: JoAC 18, 1975, 49-68; Y.Duvat, Aupreés des saints, corps et ame, 1988; R. HAGG (ed.), Ancient Greek

Hero

Cult,

1999;

M.LAMBERIGTS,

P. VAN

DeEun (eds.), Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective. Memorial L. Reekmans, 1995; F.PrisreR, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum, 2 vols., 1909-1912 (repr. 1974).

RA.WA.

456 Relief I. Egypt AND ANCIENT NEAR EAsT AND

II. GREECE

ROME

I. Egypt AND ANCIENT NEAR EAST A. Ecyrr

B. MESOPOTAMIA

EAST (WESTERN)

C. ANCIENT NEAR

D. IRAN

A. EGYPT Egypt had a long tradition of the two-dimensional portrayal of individual scenes and substantial compositions, initially as paintings on pottery, later as + wall paintings and reliefs (e.g. Narmer Palette, Proto-dynastic Period, c.

3100 BC). At the latest from the time of the

Old Kingdom onwards, stone > steles could be added to these, erected in association with the cult of the dead (> dead, cult of), while the deeds of rulers were depicted in longer scenes on the walls of major buildings and tombs. In an effort to illuminate the overall context,

individual activities (of craftsmanship) and surrounding flora and fauna were also shown. Examples are the portrayal of the return of the fleet from Palestine in the temple complex of Sahure (5th Dynasty, 25th-24th cents. BC), and the accounts of e.g. shipbuilding in the long relief cycles in the tomb of Ptahhotep (5th Dynasty). Figurative scenes were almost always accompanied by long hieroglyphic inscriptions (~» Hieroglyphs), also in relief. Themes and techniques were preserved throughout the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. Egyptian reliefs were mostly worked in bas-relief or sunkenrelief. Even where no trace remains, reliefs will have

been painted. B. MESOPOTAMIA Reliefs — of stone, later metal and, esp. in the rst millennium BC, relief bricks — were part of the standard repertoire of the Mesopotamian decorative arts from

the beginnings of large-scale art, towards the end of the 4th millennium BC. Presented at first on free-standing or leaning steles, reliefs later covered large wall surfaces, esp. in the rst millennium BC. In earlier times, they had served to glorify the ruler (as victory monuments or in cultic contexts), while most rst-millennium examples were narrative stone reliefs to decorate the walls of Neo-Assyrian palaces (Dar-Sarrukin; —> Kalhu;

» Ninus [2]) or embossed copper reliefs ornamenting gates (> Balawat). The depictions of military expeditions showing the conquest of foreign cities (Lachish) and the lion-hunt reliefs of -» Assurbanipal from Nineveh are famous. Glazed bricks were used as wall decoration at Babylon in the time of +» Nebuchadnezzar [2] (604-562 BC; > Babylon; — Ishtar Gate). In the realm of objets d'art, hand-sized terracotta reliefs in particular are known from the 2nd millennium, and ivory reliefs from the Neo-Assyrian period (-» Ivory carvings I). From the 3rd millennium BC on, and increasingly in the rst millennium, Mesopotamian rulers had victory reliefs carved at important places, but sometimes also at inaccessible places in the remote mountains.

458

457 C. ANCIENT NEAR EAST (WESTERN)

Rock reliefs in particular are known from the Hittite period; these were carved in places of (cultic) significance. Especially important was the rock sanctuary of Yazilikaya near + Hattusa, decorated with processions of the gods. The custom of protecting walls with stone slabs that bore reliefs and were placed in front of the walls (+ Orthostats) is also datable to the Empire Period (14th-13th cents. BC); in the first cents. of the rst

millennium BC, this tradition spread to Syria and Assyria. The illustrations show the ruler, scenes of battle and

hunting, and animals. The numerous funerary steles from rst-millennium Syria are probably due to Egyptian influence; these show the deceased feasting. Besides rock and building reliefs, numerous embossed bronze sheets bearing reliefs are known from the region of Urartus (9th-7th cents. BC); these were originally fittings for shields, quivers or belts. D. IRAN In the Iranian region, too, a tradition of rock reliefs

and relief steles existed from the 3rd millennium BC. However, the widespread use of reliefs as building decoration only arose with the palaces of the > Achaemenids [2] at > Pasargadae, > Persepolis and > Susa, in the last of these using glazed relief bricks in the Babylonian fashion. Depictions show the Great King with his courtly retinue: endless ranks of dignitaries and soldiers and long queues of tribute bearers, whose diverse origins are indicated by their costume and the gifts they bring. Many rock reliefs date from the same period,

such as those above the rock tombs of the kings at ~ NagS-e Rostam or the victory relief of Darius at ~» Bisutun. The tradition of rock reliefs continued with the > Parthians and — Sassanids. R.S. Brancui, Ancient Egyptian Reliefs, Statuary, and Monumental Paintings, in: J.SAsson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. 4, 1995, 2534-2543; A. Ec-

GEBRECHT, Das Alte Agypten, 1984; J. BORKER-KLAHN, Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und vergleichbare Felsreliefs, 1982; A. SpyCKET, Reliefs, Statuary, and Monumental Paintings in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: J.SAsson (ed.),

Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, vol. 4, 1995, 2583— 2600; M.Roar, Sculptures and Sculptors at Persepolis, 1983; W.ORTHMANN, Hethitische Reliefkunst, in: PropKg 14, 1975, 426-432; M.Satvint, Geschichte und Kultur der Urartaer, 1995, 158-182. HJ.N.

I]. GREECE AND ROME A. TECHNIQUES AND AREAS OF APPLICATION B. GREEK AND ROMAN SACRED RELIEFS IN THE CONTEXT OF BUILDINGS AND MONUMENTS C. GREEK AND ROMAN FREE-STANDING MONUMENTS

D.ETRUSCAN-ITALIC

ART

E. SECULAR

ROMANRELIEFS

USE

F. RELIEFS ON OBJECTS OF DAILY G. STYLISTIC DEVELOPMENTS

A. TECHNIQUES AND AREAS OF APPLICATION The term ‘relief? (tix0¢/typos, éxtimmua/ektypoma; Latin opus caelatum) refers to a sculptural work in

RELIEF

which the illustration is made on a planar carrier which also serves as the relief’s background. The GraecoRoman relief, in contrast to the sunken relief of Egyptian art, was always raised. Depending on the degree of elevation from the background, a distinction is made between bas-relief and haut-relief. Reliefs in various forms, artistic genres and materials played an important part in Graeco-Roman > sculpture. Illustrations showed figurines, plants or objects, but seldom abstract ornaments. Whether in stone, ivory or wood, the technical process was the same: after incising the outlines, the contour was worked out to the desired depth, then the raised relief illustration was sculpted, and finally the remaining material of the relief was removed to the level of the background. The relief design could even penetrate into the relief background as scoring. Rock reliefs were worked in rock in situ. It was not uncommon to divide bold projections into single pieces and to add other material. In furniture and utensils, illustrations were often made in open-work bas-reliefs, then affixed to the relief mount as > appliqués. Reliefs in metal were also either made as appliqués or cast with the relief background or relief mount. Ornamental and votive plaques, in bronze, gold and silver, were stamped with pattern blocks; details were punched. As was generally the case in ancient > sculpture, reliefs were painted much more often than can be shown today. On very flat pieces, painting could replace sculptural detail, or provide visual support to it (> Polychromy). Reliefs emerged as early as the 2nd millennium BC in Minoan-Mycenaean art (> Minoan culture and archaeology, > Mycenaean culture and archaeology). At > Mycenae, there are illustrations of relief type carved in free-standing gravestones, while the so-called Lion Gate (14th cent. BC) bears a more powerfully fashioned building relief. Relief steatite vessels and embossed beakers in precious metals are known from Minoan Crete, as are stucco reliefs. Reliefs fall into the same three categories of use from the Archaic Period to Late Antiquity: structural sculpture in buildings, utensil decoration and independent monuments. In sacred architecture, the relief was an important conveyor of meaning, the ennobling function of which was later transferred to secular public buildings and private architecture. Among independent reliefs, funerary and votive reliefs were also especially connected with the religious sphere. The relief was a decorative or identifying image on utensils of all kinds. Coin images (> Coin production) and impressions of -> seals are also to be regarded as relief art.

B. GREEK AND ROMAN

SACRED RELIEFS IN THE

CONTEXT OF BUILDINGS AND MONUMENTS The quintessential venue for the relief is on Greek > temples of the 6th cent. BC. Reliefs, first made in terracotta, later in stone, appeared on tympana (+ Gable) from the late 7th cent., often depicting a > Gorgo [1]. The first figurative pediment sculptures were already, however, to some extent detached from

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their background, and by the late 6th cent. BC they were sculpted in the round. Still they remained reliefs in optical effect to the viewer. Other structural sculptures on temples were derived from the panels, originally

most widespread genres of sculpture in the Hellenistic and Imperial Periods, at all levels of quality and in all styles. The images, like the formal peculiarities, were often locally standardized. The so-called ‘banquet of the dead’ reliefs stand out as a special case in terms of content. They generally show a deceased individual on a kliné, his wife sitting on the kliné at his feet. Servants (male and female) and chattels complete the picture. The wide range of the genre allowed local variants to develop.

RELIEF

made of terracotta, used to clothe wooden structural elements, and were always made in the form of reliefs. The > frieze and the -> metopes [1] were in the entablature. The frieze presented substantial continuous narrative sequences (frieze of the Siphnian Treasury at > Delphi) or, more rarely, a single event suited to the pictorial format, such as a procession (-» Parthenon frieze at Athens). Metope reliefs, on the other hand, being circumscribed rectangular image fields, were suitable for showing individual scenes; at first, these were

not thematically interconnected, but in the sth cent. they usually catalogued the deeds of a hero. There were reliefs with vegetation motifs in the coffers of marble ceilings. In the Ionic architecture of the 6th cent. BC, reliefs can be found in unusual spots of wall surfaces, in architraves (— Epistylion), on pillars, and even winding around + columns. In the Hellenistic Period, columns were sometimes furnished with bas-relief illustrations,

the stylopinakia. In the ceiling area, antefixes of marble or terracotta generally bore decorative plant reliefs. Several other parts of buildings, such as parapets (Nike Balustrade, see + Athens [1] II 1), had borne reliefs from the Archaic Period onwards to enhance their splendour. During the Hellenistic Period, reliefs on small altars,

-» puteals and marble thrones became an indispensable form of decoration. All stylistic possibilities, ranging from painterly bas-reliefs to the free sculptures of hautreliefs, were now developed for use in accordance with the particular context (Altar of Zeus at > Pergamum).

All continued to be found together up to the Roman Imperial Period, e.g. on monumental foundations (socalled Ara Domitii) and altars (~ Ara Pacis Augustae,

Rome). The altar and the surroundings of the Ara Pacis at Rome exemplify the full gamut of stylistic and functional possibilities of the relief. C. GREEK AND ROMAN FREE-STANDING MONUMENTS The relief as a free-standing monument was widespread from the Archaic Period, in the form of the funerary stele in Attic art. From the early flat profiles on pillars, relief style developed by the 4th cent. BC into a three-dimensional depiction of figures, almost in the round, within a niche forming an architectural frame. Votive reliefs, smaller in size, also developed an architectural framing, forming an imaginary space. They generally stood free on pillars, and occasionally bore reliefs on both sides. In terms of form, the document reliefs (sth—3rd cents. BC) crowning inscription steles with images were derived from them. A special type of public document, the metrological reliefs (of which only two examples are hitherto known), allowed the viewer to examine and compare different length measures. Funerary and votive reliefs formed one of the

D. ETRUSCAN-ITALIC ART The relief was also an important characteristic of sacred architecture in Etruscan and Italic art. Terracotta panels decorated with reliefs were mounted on the mostly wooden temples from the Archaic Period. Rectangular panels with mythical scenes were placed on the front ends of purlins (the horizontal structural beams in the roof truss), while rows of panels forming friezes depicted repetitive chariot processions at the upper ends of the walls. Until the Hellenistic Period, mythical scenes, rich in figures and consisting of terracotta hautreliefs, were assembled in the tympanum (tympana of Telamone,

Orbetello).

Reliefs

were

widely

used

in

Etruscan sepulchral art, e.g. in tomb chambers (furnishings and goods fashioned from the rock), on so-called cippi (flat-profile portraits from the Archaic to early Classical Periods) and on columbaria (mythical scenes

in haut-relief of the Hellenistic style).

E. SECULAR ROMAN

RELIEFS

From the late Republican Period, reliefs, esp. in fu-

nerary sculpture, were one of the main features of Roman art. Funerary reliefs were often integrated into + funerary architecture, on the facade of which was a frieze bearing scenes from life ora full sculpture portrait of the tomb occupants. Such portraits could be full-figure or condensed, showing only portrait heads side by side. The depth of the relief has led to the appellation ‘box tombstone’. Funerary altars and urns were increasingly richly adorned with reliefs in the early Imperial Period, with architectural elements, utensils and vegetation being more dominant than figurative depictions. From the early 2nd cent. AD, one of the most important Roman artistic genres arose: the relief > sarcophagus; in the 3rd cent. AD, reliefs of mythical or contemporary scenes came to cover the sarcophagus box completely; it thus became primarily a relief-carriay In Roman structural sculpture, friezes remained common in their traditional function of decorating temples. However, reliefs gained new importance in public secular architecture, where all the relief styles already developed in the Hellenistic Period were used. The mostly figurative, but also botanical depictions soon covered the entire structure of buildings, in the form of friezes, relief panels, tondi, panaches, arch spans, coffers and individual figures almost in the round; trium-

phal and honorary arches thus became bearers of relief

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462

illustrations (Arch of Trajan at > Beneventum; —> Triumphal arches). From the foundations to the attic area, reliefs appeared on porticos (- Porticus), on curtain walls of — basilicas and stage structures of > theatres.

tive gear such as > armour and — helmets. Gladiators’ helmets had figurative fixtures; reliefs on body armour can be reconstructed with the help of reproductions in marble sculpture (e.g. statue of Augustus at Primaporta, Rome, Vatican Museums). The various elements of harnesses, chariot parts, ship fittings, scales, even water taps and spoons were decorated with reliefs. In Late Antiquity, a genre of high artistic quality developed in the small-format reliefs of the ivory diptychs (> Diptychon) that were used for enclosing documents sent for ceremonial purposes.

The spiral frieze column was invented as a special genre for relief images in the 2nd cent. AD (columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius, Rome; — Monumental columns). Among the motifs depicted, the so-called historical relief developed as a theme in its own right, with battle and ceremonial scenes of the imperial house (e.g. Arch of Titus at Rome, Arch of Trajan at Beneventum). In Roman Imperial domestic architecture, the relief is encountered as an ennobling element derived in content or form from Greek culture. Its location was determined by the desired decorative effect. The garden peristyle was particularly favoured. Decorative reliefs of mythical scenes were embedded in walls or set up on pillars in the open air of the garden; oscilla (> Oscillum) with reliefs on both sides were hung in architraves; foundations, marble candelabra and monumental

marble vessels were covered with reliefs. Themes were generally mythical or bucolic, and the relief style employed was classical, Hellenistic or archaizing, depending on the theme. Stylistic, thematic and iconographic repetition of entire reliefs or individual figures allow workshops to be identified, e.g. the so-called neoAttic reliefs from Athens (1st—2nd cents. AD). Another

group of small-format reliefs of bucolic theme and in a painterly style developed from toreutics is termed ‘bucolic reliefs’; these are also incorrectly referred to as ‘Alexandrian reliefs’. In the gardens of villas, these reliefs will have called to mind a certain sense of Greek culture; they are thus tantamount to sculpture in the round. In indoor spaces, high wall areas and ceilings were decorated with stucco reliefs, and clad with classical so-called Campana reliefs in terracotta. F. RELIEFS ON OBJECTS OF DAILY USE A gradual increase in the use of relief decor on

objects of daily use can in general be observed from archaic art to Late Antiquity. Reliefs developed particular characteristics in certain genres. On ceramic vessels,

rudimentary relief-work is a practice known since the Neolithic Period. As early as the Iron Age, it is found in more complex versions, already figurative, esp. on Etruscan > bucchero ware and on metal vessels. Toreutic relief vessels, in which depictions are applied as > crustae on to vessel bodies, were widespread in the Hellenistic Period and also survive in large numbers in silver from the early Imperial Period. On reliefs in pottery, see > Relief ware. Furniture, such as — chests, > thrones and klinai (> Kline), was adorned with ivory reliefs

(> Ivory carv-

ings) or wood carvings in appliqué techniques, esp. in sepulchral or sacred use, from the Archaic Period up to Late Antiquity. In the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, the fulcra of klinai in particular were furnished with boldly projecting bronze or silver reliefs. Reliefs are often prominent on ceremonial weapons, esp. protec-

RELIEF

G. STYLISTIC DEVELOPMENTS Fundamental stylistic developments in sculpture can be discerned in ancient reliefs. However, certain stylistic phenomena are especially noticeable in relief sculpture. In order to lend an impression of sculpture in the round to the volumetrically reduced relief, sculptural foreshortenings and perspective deformations were gradually developed, as can be seen e.g. on the archaic to classical metopes of + Selinus [4]. A specific spatial presence was achieved in the relief-work ofthe Classical Period by turning the figures from the original frontal views to three-quarter profile and by using layers of different depths; this trend can be observed in funerary reliefs. In the further development in the Hellenistic Period, divergent concepts of the relief background led on the one hand to haut-relief, in which the fully sculpted figures were merely affixed to the background, and on the other hand to bas-relief, in which the background was designed to give the illusion of space with the help of a sophisticated merging of shapes into the background. This lends to the late Hellenistic bucolic reliefs, for example, the stylistic quality of paintings. The range of stylistic possibilities for Imperial reliefs was provided by urns, later by sarcophagi. Phenomena such as the style shift under the Antonines, in which the sculptural reslution of the relief imparts a new expressiveness, can be traced esp. on > sarcophagi. Beyond issues of style, the ancient relief, being a medium for the pictorial com-

munication of explicit messages, furnishes a wealth of information material that has been used increasingly in historical research over recent decades. >» Relief ware; > Sarcophagus; > Sculpture W.Fucus, Die Vorbilder der neuattischen Reliefs, 1959; A.H. Borgen, Campanareliefs, 1968; H.MIELscn, Roémische Stuckreliefs, 1975; W.F. VoLBacn, Elfenbeinarbeiten der Spatantike und des frithen Mittelalters, 1976; E.PrunL, H.Méstus, Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs,

1977-1979;

G.NEUMANN,

Probleme

des griechischen

Weihreliefs, 1979; L. GluLIANI, Die archaischen Metopen

von Selinunt, 1979; C. REINSBERG, Studien zur hellenistischen Toreutik, 1980; H. FRONING, Marmor-Schmuckre-

liefs mit griechischen Mythen im 1. Jahrhundert v. Chr., 1981;

G.Kocu,

phage,

1982; M.Torexii,

H.SICHTERMANN,

Romische

Sarko-

Roman rischen 1983 — 1987;

Historical Reliefs, 1982; G. KOEPPEL, Die histoReliefs der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1-9, in: BJ 183, 192, 1992; F.SINN, Stadtromische Marmorurnen, M.Meyer, Die griechischen Urkundenreliefs,

Typology and Structure

of

1989; E.Rystepr (ed.), Deliciae fictiles. Proceedings of

RELIEF

the First International Conference on Central Italic Architectural Terracottas, Rome 1990, 1993; C.W. CLAIRMONT, Classical Attic Tombstones, 1993-1995; U. KREILINGER, ROmische Bronzeappliken, 1996; J. FABRICIUS, Die hellenistischen Totenmahlreliefs, 1999; M. W. JONES,

Doric Measure and Architectural Design I: The Evidence of the Relief from Salamis, in: AJA 104, 2000, 73-93. R.N

Relief ware. The plasticity of its raw material makes ceramics

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463

well suited to relief decorations,

either as

moulded shaping of the side of the pot itself or in the form of applied parts. RW is therefore represented in the pottery repertories of all periods. In the narrower sense, however, classical archaeology uses RW to denote luxury crockery of the Hellenistic and Roman Periods made in moulds. These wares represent early examples of ceramic mass production. I. ARCHAIC RELIEF WARE II. MOULDED POTTERY II]. HELLENISTIC RELIEF CERAMICS IV. ‘HOMER1c’ cups V. ROMAN IMPERIAL PERIOD AND LATE ANTIQUITY

I. ARCHAIC RELIEF WARE In addition to Bronze Age antecedents, there is also a rough-sided RW, particularly of the Greek Iron Age. From the late 8th cent. BC until about the middle of the 6th in several regions of Greece pithoi (— Pithos [2]) were decorated with relief patterns [1; 2; 3]. In Boeotia,

on Tenos and on Rhodes the relief was confined to the neck and the upper sides of pots, whereas in the case of pithoi from Crete and Laconia the whole body of the vase was decorated. Regional differences also appear in the scenes depicted and the ornamentations: mythological scenes predominate on pithoi from Boeotia and the Cyclades; on those from Rhodes, geometric and linear decorations. Cretan pithoi often show animals, fabulous creatures and religious scenes; the Laconian favour

hunting scenes, warriors and processions of vehicles. Attic and Corinthian louteria (~ Labrum) and perirrhanteria (> Perirrhanterion) of the 6th to 4th cents. BC were also decorated with typical > ornaments in relief [4. 218-220, table 89]. In Etruria, 6th-cent. BC -» bucchero pesante pots were decorated with relief friezes (e.g., [5]). Il. MOULDED

POTTERY By definition, RW includes also the various genres of moulded pottery that begin to appear in the Bronze Age in the eastern Mediterranean. Pots in the form of a pomegranate [6] are dated to the Geometric Period. The Orientalizing Period is represented particularly by Rhodian, east Greek and Corinthian > figurine vases and a genre of Cretan lion bowls [7; 8; 9]. Exhibiting a characteristic painting corresponding to the decor of contemporary archaic ceramics, they are inspired by vessels of other materials (fayence, stone or ivory) and date from the 7th cent. BC and the first half of the 6th. From the sth cent. BC on, figured rhyta (+ Rhyton) were pro-

duced in Attica [ro]; in Tarentum, local versions appear only in the second quarter of the 4th cent. and can be traced into the late 4th cent. [11]. On a number of Tarentine rhyta, the frieze combines a figure moulded in the side of the pot with an applied relief. This genre is characteristic of the period in which red-figured ceramics (> Red-figured vase painting) was replaced by » stamped ware and RW in a narrower sense. II]. HELLENISTIC RELIEF CERAMICS In the Classical Period, metal vessels already exercised great influence on the repertory of forms of finer crockery, and this tendency continued in the Hellenistic Period. This is shown particularly in the use of applied moulded decorative elements for feet (masks and shells) and of handle extensions on jugs and amphorae. These were produced in small moulds (e.g., [12. 253 table 11,113]: ivy leaf). Relief medallions (theatrical masks, male and female heads, loving couples) were also increasingly used to decorate drinking bowls, phialai (> Phiale) and > pyxis lids. In Attic + West Slope Ware there is a small group of drinking bowls with a portrait head of + Ptolemaeus [I 1] I Soter. They are dated to the short period between his apotheosis (282 BC) and the ~» Chremonidean War in 262/1 BC and hence form a fixed point in Attic Hellenistic ceramic chronology

[13]. Black-glaze (+ Black-glaze ware (Addendum)) ~» Calenian pottery of the 4th-2nd cents. BC from lower Italy sometimes also has relief medallions [14; 15; 16]. The most important group shows the nymph ~» Arethusa [7], whose picture reprises the depiction on ~» Evaenetus’ issues of Syracusan coins, which were already a century old at the time. But contemporary themes were also taken up in Calenian RW, e.g., elephants and Gauls. Of the same period are the Etruscan and Apulian relief askoi and gutti (+Pottery, shapes and types of) of black-glaze ware (chiefly of the second half of the 4th cent. [17]), late Classical and Hellenistic > Canosa vases, pottery of the Centuripe genre (— Centuripe vases) and a group of Etruscan vases which have relief decoration and imitate silver vessels by applying tin to the surface (vasi argentati [18]). In the 3rd cent. BC, workshops in Asia Minor, Alexandria and soon also other parts of the Mediterranean began to make lamps (— Lamp) in moulds. These were increasingly given reliefs on the reflectors and handles. From about 240 BC on in Athens hemispherical relief cups were produced; they were made on a potter’s wheel in a mould and their edges were turned separately. In the literature they have been incorrectly called ‘Megarian cups’ since O. BENNDOREF (1883) [19. 2-3]. Egyptian cups of this form in fayence precede clay relief cups [20]. RoTROFF suggests that Ptolemaic silver vessels that arrived in Athens as diplomatic gifts inspired Attic production of relief cups [19. 11-13]. Attic cups are decorated either with vegetal ornamentation (in the form of a pine-cone, scaled or criss-cross leaves and

465

466

RELIEF WARE

floral patterns) or with figured scenes (outline figures

In the late antique eastern empire, small ampoules

with fill-in ornamentation). A medallion at the centre of

were given relief decoration (-> Pilgrim flasks). North

the bottom will show a rosette or mask. Outside Athens, where the genre began, relief cups of this kind were also produced in other eastern Mediterranean regions: in the Peloponnese [21; 22], in the Black Sea area [23] and eastern Greece (Ionian or ‘Delian’ cups [24]). In Asia Minor, relief cups remained in favour during Roman rule. Important centres of production, particularly in and around Ephesus, served distant markets. Other smaller classes were produced c. 180-75 BC in Italy and Sicily [25; 26; 27; 28]. The use of black glaze in the east significantly differentiates its production from that of Italy. Sicilian and southern Italian cups are clearly derived from eastern models. Italian relief cups sometimes have Roman name stamps, probably relating to workshops [26]: Popilius, Lapius, Quintius, Atinius and Heraclides. A workshop not marked by name stamps was active in Cosa [25].

Africa was familiar in this period with a significant production of RW, which sometimes closely follows silver models [33]. + Pottery; > Pottery, production of; Stamped ware; ~ Terra sigillata

IV. ‘HOMERIC’ cups So-called “Homeric cups’ froms a separate genre of figured relief cups [29]. The term was coined by C. ROBERT, who in 1890 connected them with the drinking cups Nero is supposed to have called Homerii from their decoration with relief scenes from the Homeric epics (Suet. Nero 47) [30]. The main element of the system of decoration is a scenic frieze. Rings of > eggand-dart moulding and braiding complete the horizontal decoration scheme. The bottom medallion was a rosette of leaves. The scenes in the figured frieze each draw on a particular literary source, e.g., the cycle of Trojan legends, Greek tragedies, mythological texts and contemporary poetry (e.g. kinaidologoi; - Pornography). They manifest their close connexion with ancient literature by annotations of personal names, topographical allusions, information on the content and sources or even citations of whole verses. Homeric cups are dated to between the last quarter of the 3rd cent. BC and mid 2nd. The main area of distribution and production comprises, together with Macedonia and Thessaly, particularly the northern Greek region. V. ROMAN IMPERIAL PERIOD AND LATE ANTIQUITY The Graeco-Hellenistic tradition of RW continued without hiatus into the Roman

Period, e.g., in Asia Minor with flat serving dishes, so-called ‘grey’ plates from Ephesus with edges and handles in relief (rst cent. BC-tst cent. AD) and a genre of glazed relief vessels of the same period (> Glaze). In Corinth between AD 150 and 300, there is a class of deep bowls that depict in high-relief friezes primarily the 12 labours of > Heracles [x] [31]. The individual scenes were made in partmoulds and applied to the side of the pot. For Italy, with the adoption of Hellenistic relief motifs into Arretine ceramics, Marasini Moeys, in particular, has been able to show a continuity from the Hellenistic to the Roman period (> Terra sigillata) [25; 32].

1 J. SCHAFER, Studien zu den griechischen Reliefpithoi des 8.-6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. aus Kreta, Rhodos, Tenos und

Boiotien, 1957. 2L.H. ANDERSON, Relief Pithoi from the Archaic Period of Greek Art, 1975 3 E.SIMANTONIBourntA, La céramique a reliefs au Musée de Chios, 1992 4 B.A. Sparkes, L. Tatcort, Black and Plain Pottery of the 6th, 5th and 4th Centuries B. C. (Agora 12), 1970

5 R.D. De Puma, Nude Dancers: A Group of Bucchero Pesante Oinochoai from Tarquinia, in: J.CHRISTIANSEN, T. MELANDER (ed.), Proceedings of the 3rd Symposium on Greek and Related Pottery Copenhagen 1987, 1988, 130143 6 S.A. IMMERWAHR, The Pomegranate Vase. Its Origins and Continuity, in: Hesperia 58, 1989, 397-410 7 J.Ducat, Les vases plastiques rhodiens archaiques en terre cuite,1966

8 E. WaLTER-KaryDI, Die Themen ost-

ionischer figiirlicher SalbgefaSe, in: Miinchener Jb. der bildenden Kunst 36, 1985,7-16 9R.HampE, Kretische Lowenschale des 7. Jahrhunderts v. Chr., 1969 10 H.HOFFMANN, Attic Red-Figured Rhyta, 1962 11 Id., Tarentine Rhyta, 1966 1258.1. RotrorF, Hellenistic Pottery. Athenian and Imported Wheelmade Table Ware and Related Material (Agora 29), 1997 131Id.,A Ptolemaic Portrait in Athens, in: see [5], 516-523 14 R.PAGENSTECHER,

Die calenische

Reliefkeramik

(8.

Erg.-Heft JDAI), 1909 15 A.GALLATIN, Syracusan Medaillons of the Euainetos Type, 1930 16R.A. LunSINGH

SCHEURLEER, Euainetos in Amsterdam, in: Med-

edelingenblad. Vereniging van Vrienden, Allard Pierson Museum Amsterdam 53, 1992,14-15

17M.-O.JENTEL,

Les gutti et les askoi a reliefs étrusques et apuliens, 1976 18 M. MottTEsEN, A Group of Late-Etruscan Silver-Imitating Vases, in: see [5], 435-444 19S.I. Rorrorr, Hellenistic Pottery. Athenian and Imported Moldmade Bowls (Agora 22), 1982

20R.A. LUNSINGH SCHEURLEER, Fai-

ence from Memphis, Egypt: the Bowls, in: see [5], 5 58-567 21 G. SIEBERT, Recherches sur les ateliers de bols a reliefs du Péloponnése a l’epoque hellénistique, 1978 22 G.R. Epwarps, Corinthian Hellenistic Pottery (Corinth 7.3), 1975,151-187 23 S.A. KOVALENKO, Some Notes on the Production of Hellenistic Mould-Made RW in the Bosporan

Studies

Kingdom,

on

the

24 A.LAUMONIER,

in: G.R.

Black

TserskKHLADZE

Sea

Littoral,

(ed.), New

1996,

51-57

La céramique hellénistique a reliefs I.

Ateliers ‘ioniens’ (Exploration archéologique de Délos 31),1977 25 M.T. Marasini Moeys, Italo-Megarian Ware at Cosa, in: Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 34, 1980, 161-227

26 U.HaAusMANN, Phasen und

Werkstatten mittelitalienischer Reliefbecher, in: 3. Epistimoniki Synantisi gia tin Ellinistiki Keramiki Thessaloniki 1991, 1994, 275-281 27P.Puppo, Le coppe Megaresi in Italia, 1995 2858.1. Rorrorr, ‘Megarian Bowls’ in Italy and Sicily, in: Journ. of Roman Arch. 9, 1996, 316-

320

29 U.SinN, Die homerischen Becher. Hellenistische

Reliefkeramik aus Makedonien (MDAI(A) Beih. 7), 1979 30 C.RoBERT, Homerische Becher (50. BWPr), 1890 31 G. JuRRIAANS-HELLE, Vier werken van Herakles, in:

Mededelingenblad. Vereniging van Vrienden, Allard Pierson Museum Amsterdam 57, 1993, 1-5 32 C. Troso, Il

RELIEF WARE

ceramista aretino Publius Cornelius. La produzione decorata arilievo, 1991 33 J.W. SALOMONSON, Spatromische rote Ware mit Reliefverzierung aus nordafrikanischen Werkstatten, in: BABesch 44, 1969, 4-109. U. Hausmann, Hellenistische Keramik. Eine Brunnenver-

fiullung nérdlich von Bau C und Reliefkeramik verschiedener Fundplatze in Olympia (OIF 27), 1996; M.HerFORT-KocH et al. (ed.), Hellenistische und kaiserzeitliche Keramik des éstlichen Mittelmeergebietes, 1996. R.D.

Religion I. INTRODUCTION IV. OLD TESTAMENT

468

467

II. Mesopotamia AND

III. EGypr

SYRIA-PALESTINE

V. IRAN VI. MINOAN CULTURE CULTURE VIII. GREECE

VII. MYCENAEAN

I. INTRODUCTION A. DEFINITION OF THE CONCEPT B. PERSPECTIVES ON ANCIENT TERMINOLOGY C. APPLICABILITY OF THE TERM ‘RELIGION’

A. DEFINITION OF THE CONCEPT ‘Religion’, the substantive for describing the religious, denotes a system of common practices, individual ideas about faith, codified norms and examples of theological exegesis whose validity is derived chiefly from an authoritative principle or being. For the academic study of religion, conversely, the word is a purely heuristic category in which those practices, ideas, norms and theological constructs are examined historically; however, the indeterminateness of their content precludes a standard definition of what religion is and who or what gives it legitimacy [1]. The modern concept of religion developed linguistically from the Latin word religio (see below B); the term ‘religion’ is documented in French since the 11th cent., in English since the 12th and in German since the 16th, but it was still used until early Modernity in its (Late) Antique meaning of ‘careful worship’ or ‘precise fulfillment of religious duty’. Not until the rst half of the 17th cent. did religion develop into an abstract noun in the sense of the modern concept of religion; this process continued until the Enlightenment with the further modification of its meaning as a category dependent upon culture [2; 3]. Friedrich SCHLEIERMACHER (1768— 1834) went a step further with his definition of religion as a ‘feeling of absolute dependency’, and he reduced it to a world of belief that was internalized and thus nonsocial and non-communicable [4]. This location of religion at the level of individual feeling consequently leads to a bifurcation in the concept of religion among theologians and religious historians : religious ‘acts’ are less meaningful than religious ‘feeling’, ‘belief’ becomes more important than > cult and > ritual (similarly Sen. Ep. 95,50; 110,1; Sen. De superstitione frr. 38-39 HAASE = 71-72 VOTTERO).

B. PERSPECTIVES ON ANCIENT TERMINOLOGY

Classical Antiquity was no more aware ofa uniform and abstract concept of religion than the Middle Ages. Greek sacred language uses different terms to describe various aspects of the religious domain — e.g. tegdc/ hieros, ‘connected to the gods’, ‘holy’; &yvoc/hagnos, ‘pure’; &ytoc/hdgios, ‘dedicated to the gods’, ‘holy’; do.oc/hdsios, ‘pious’ or ‘profane’; [5; 6.2-16] — or the act of worship (e.g. the verbs oéPpeo0a/sébesthai, vouiCew Beovc/nomizein theous), piety (evoePera/ eusébeia) and a person’s ministrations to the deity (evAdBeva/eulabeia, Oeouneia/therapeta, émmeédera/

epiméleia, \enoxeialthréskeia; [7.402-412; 8]). In the Roman sphere, there is — next to the adjective > sacer (‘dedicated to the gods’) — as distinct from — sanctus (‘inviolable’) and religiosus (see below) [6.16-23; 9.5470|—a differentiated array of terms to describe both the performance of religious rites (caerimoniae, religiones, sacra facere) according to certain rules and procedures (ritus), and the proper spiritual attitude (—> pietas) that expresses itself in paying due attention (cultus) to the gods [9.30—-53]. All these ancient terms denote realms of religious behaviour, but none of them captures the meaning of the modern concept of religion. This also applies to the Latin word religio, paraphrased with cultus pius deorum (‘pious worship of the gods’) in Cic. Nat. D. 1,117 and with iustitia erga deos

(‘justice toward the gods’) in Cic. Part. or. 78. Beginning in the rst cent. BC, religio described the meticulous performance of religious acts — in contrast to + superstitio, their excessive and therefore ‘superstitious’ execution. In the literary sources (e.g. Cic. Nat. D. 2,71; Varro Antiquitates rerum divinarum fr. 47 CaARDAUNS; Sen. Clem. 2,4,1; Sen. Ep. 123,16), this

judgmental distinction between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ religious rites was influenced by the separation of religious activity into evoeBeta/eusébeia and derodatmovia/deisidaimonia (the Greek equivalent of superstitio) in Hellenistic moral philosophy (e.g. SVF III 394, 408-411; Cic. Nat. D. 1,117; [10]). Ancient Christian literature takes up this separation with ‘true’ and ‘false worship’ (vera or falsa religio) [3.vol. 1, 50-82] in order at the same time to distinguish itself, the Christiana religio, from Romana religio (Tert. Apol. 24,1; Acta Cypriani 1,1), the latter of which was a Christian coinage.

In Antiquity there was disagreement about the etymology and meaning of religio: Cic. Nat. D. 2,72 derives it from relegere (‘to peruse a thing carefully one more time’), Lactant. Div. inst. 4,28 from religare (‘to bind, tie (oneself to the god)’) (cf. Lucr. 1,931 f.; Liv.

5,23,10). Beginning in the roth cent., by erroneously equating religio and ‘religion’, scholars extrapolated from Cicero’s etymology a Roman understanding of religion that was ostensibly the scrupulous observance of ritual duties and not the expression of a deeper religious feeling. The influence of the modern dualism between religious action and emotion is clearly visible here. Nevertheless, Cicero’s etymology can neither be maintained on linguistic grounds nor was it representa-

469

470

tive of his contemporaries. The development of religio/ religiosus into a terminus technicus in religious language is, moreover, a phenomenon of the rst cent. BC at earliest [11; 12].

C. APPLICABILITY OF THE TERM ‘RELIGION’ ‘Religion’ is a modern European term to describe contemporary religious systems. It developed in a monotheistic tradition and, as a heuristic concept, it lacks a linguistic equivalent in many ‘foreign’ cultures, ancient as well as modern. Because of this, its applicability to the polytheistic systems of Antiquity has been been questioned. The modern concept of religion (as in ‘Jewish religion’ or ‘Christian religion’) suggests a coherence of religious actions and ideas not present in this form in ancient religious pantheons (> Pantheon [r]). As a consequence, scholars have merged the term religion with the more general concept of culture [13] in order to avoid imposing modern European ideas of religion on Antiquity. Thus, the concept of ‘polis religion’ posits that in Archaic and Classical Greece and Republican Rome, religious institutions, customs and ideas were not differentiated from and were embedded in the socio-political and cultural conditions within the city states (> Polis; [14; 15.42-54]; cf. [16]). The marginalization of individual religious awareness and personal ‘belief’ in favour of socially relevant ritual action in this model is a reaction to the one-sided emphasis placed on the other aspect in earlier research (see above). While this interpretation of ancient religion, focusing on its ritual and integrated character, constitutes first and foremost a criticism of Schleiermacher’s specific concept of religion, its calling into question the cognitive and emotional aspects of ancient religions is unconvincing [17.120-125].

The ancient cultures are understood more accurately through a two-sided concept of religion that both takes heed of the close connection of the religious with other social systems and takes into account the ancient differentiation between religious and ‘profane’ spheres [18.916]. Despite the problems inherent in the modern European concept of religion, ‘religion’ as the subject of religious historical research cannot be comprehended in the terms offered by the language of the culture under study or by an expanded concept of ‘culture’, but only by developing a metalinguistic concept of religion. -> Monotheism; — Polytheism 1 B.SALER, Conceptualizing Religion, 1993

2 P. BILLER,

Words and the Medieval Notion of ‘Religion’, in: Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, 1985, 351-369 3E.FEIL, Religio. Die Geschichte eines neuzeitlichen Grundbegriffs, 2vols.,1986,1997 4H.FirscHING, M. SCHLEGEL, Religion, Innerlichkeit und Geselligkeit, in: H. TyReELt et al. (eds.), Religion als Kommunikation, 1998, 31-81 5 W.R. Connor, 1988, 161-188

‘Sacred’ and ‘Secular’, in: AncSoc 19, 6A.DIHLE, s.v. heilig, RAC 14, 1-63

7 Burkert 8H.W. Prexet, Religious History as the History of Mentality: the ‘Believer’ as Servant of the Deity in the Greek World, in H.S. VersNEL (ed.), Faith, Hope

and Worship, 1981, 152-192

9R.SCHILLING, Rites,

RELIGION

cultes, dieux de Rome, 1979

10 J. SALEM, Comment tra-

duire ‘religio’ chez Lucréce?, in: Les Etudes Classiques 62, 1994, 3-26 11 G.LIEBERG, Considerazioni sull’etimologia e sul significato di ‘religio’, in: RFIC 102, 1974, 34-57 12 A.BERGMANN, Die ‘Grundbedeutung’ des lateinischen Wortes Religion, 1998

13 D.SABBATUCCI,

Kultur und Religion, in: HrwG 1, 43-58 14 C.Sourvinou-INwoop, What is Polis Religion?, in: O. Murray, S.R.F. Price (eds.), The Greek City from Homer to Alexander, 1990, 295-322 (repr. in: R. BUXTON (ed.), Oxford Readings in Greek Religion, 2000, 13-37)

15 M.Brarp, J.NortH, S.PricE, Religions of Rome, 1998, vol. x 16 M.LINDER, J.SCHEID, Quand croire c’est faire. Le probleme de la croyance dans la Rome ancienne, in: Archives de sciences sociales des religions 81,

1993, 47-61 Compromise:

17 A.BENDLIN, Looking beyond the Civic Religious Pluralism in Late Republican

Rome, in: E. BisPHAM, C. SMITH (eds.), Religion in Archa-

ic and Republican

Rome

and Italy, 2000,

115-135

18 J.ASsMANN, Agypten, *199r.

U. Brancui et al. (eds.), The Notion of Religion in Comparative Research, 1994; J.N. BREMMER, ‘Religion’, ‘Ritual’ and the Opposition ‘Sacred’ vs. ‘Profane’, in: F.GraF (Hrsg.), Ansichten griechischer Rituale, 1998,

9-32.

AN.BE.

II. MESOPOTAMIA

A. GODS AND PERCEPTIONS ABOUT THEM B. POLITICS AND RELIGION IN BABYLON AND ASSYRIA C, OFFICIAL CULT AND INDIVIDUAL RELIGIOSITY

A. GODS AND PERCEPTIONS ABOUT THEM The textual tradition of Sumerian literature from the mid 3rd millennium on documents a world of anthropomorphic gods of various shapes and sizes (— Polytheism). Several hundred names [11] are preserved, in lists of gods [4] and elsewhere; these lists are an early expression of theological systematization and reflection; cf. > lists. This divine world personified the forces of nature and civilization that life in Mesopotamia was based on. In the 4th millennium there are numerous hints of the representation of divine powers in the form of pennants as well as of theriomorphic images of gods. In later mythology these theriomorphic deities are

defeated by anthropomorphically conceived gods who turn the defeated deities into subservient creatures or the building blocks of the cosmos (-» Enuma elis). In principle the gods are conceptualized as gods who exist side by side with other gods. Their power was in each case restricted by the character of the natural phenomenon they embodied, by their position in the pantheon and by the scale and significance of the political unit they represented. Among the themes dealt with in the myths are the gods’ creation of the world, mankind and civilization (+ Myth [II]; - World, creation of the; -» Origin myths and theories on the origin of culture). They predetermine and uphold the order of the cosmos, and violations against it call forth the gods’ anger and punishment. Man, often designated as a servant (slave) of a deity, has been created to work for them and to ensure their well-being (+ Atrahasis). The gods were

RELIGION

471

historicized to explain historical events, as is evident in the tradition of the theft of the statue of Marduk by the Hittite ruler Mursili I (c.1604-1594 BC, middle chronology) and elsewhere [1]. Each of the municipal centres of Mesopotamia possessed its own — pantheon [r], as a rule headed by a god, more rarely a goddess [11]. The hierarchy within such a pantheon corresponded to the structure of a secular court; this at the same time legitimized the system of government |6.75—91]. From the first half of the 3rd, and particularly the early 2nd millennium BC, political, cultural and, with them, religious conditions of

Mesopotamia — hitherto essentially defined by Sumerian traditions — were shaped by the phased settlements of Semitic nomads who brought along their gods that had no local connections to the Mesopotamian cultural landscape: Sin (> Moon deities [II]); amas (> Sun god [I]); the goddess of the Morning star (Venus), — Istar; and Adad (-» Weather gods). These deities were wors-

hipped under the same names in other Semitic religions. As the settlers and immigrants lived and grew together, the religious ideas of both merged through competition, interaction, suppression and alteration in a syncretistic manner. An increasing reduction to a few pivotal gods and monotheistic tendencies can be observed mainly in the rst millennium BC [12], when the priesthood was also reorganized and changes made in the cult. B. POLITICS AND RELIGION IN BABYLON AND ASSYRIA As a result of the expansion of the city-state of

> Babylon into a territorial state under >»Hammurapi, Babylon’s city god + Marduk became the dominant figure in the Babylonian pantheon, for which the myth ~» Enuma elis provides an aetiology. The expansion of the Assyrian realm beginning in the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium, which came about essentially as a matter of economic necessity, was accompanied by the metamorphosis, encouraged by the Assyrian rulers, of > Assur [2], originally a mountain god, into a god with a claim to dominion over the entire world, thereby justifying the Assyrian rulers’ empirebuilding ambitions. Assyrian religion, directed very strongly towards the god Assur, differed on just this point from Babylonian religion: in the latter, the idea of a world ruled by one god did not exceed rudimentary stages at first. Because of this and important differences in cult practices, one can only to a certain extent speak of a unitary Mesopotamian (Babylonian-Assyrian) religion. C. OFFICIAL CULT AND INDIVIDUAL RELIGIOS-

ITY The witnesses to Mesopotamian religion refer largely to the official + cult [Il] and the rituals (> Ritual [III]) and manifestations which defined it: festivals of the gods, sacrifices (-» Sacrifice [II]), hymns and prayers (— Prayer [I]), cult images (> Cult image [I]) in which the deity was present, cult buildings (monumental tem-

472 ples (+ Temple [I]) documented by archaeology from the mid 4th millennium on), oblations, votive offerings and a hierarchically structured priesthood (— Priests [I]). Between the institution of the monarchy and the gods there existed an inseparable bond that derived from the > ruler’s original function in the 3rd millennium as the custodian of the real estate (patrimony) belonging to the deity (temple). Later, in the early 2nd millennium, the Sumerian list of kings documents the idea of the kingdom’s inauguration by the gods (TUAT 1, 330, col. 1, |. 1). The individual ruler relied on ritual acts of legitimation on the gods’ part. He represented the community in cult, in return for which the gods vouchsafed him well-being for his land (> Hieros Gamos [II]). Three dominant features of Mesopotamian religion can be more clearly distinguished towards the end of the 2nd millennium and particularly in the rst, than in the 3rd and early 2nd: (1) At the core of the official state cult which, in spite of all the changes in Babylon, had not completely broken away from the original idea of local pantheons, stood the divine legitimation of earthly sovereignty and the renewal of the cosmos in the cooperation of god and king at the annual New Year festival (> Akitu-festival, —» Enuma elis, New Year’s celebration). (2) As literary texts became increasingly individualized they took up the question of the meaning of life (+ Gilgamesh) and the theme of the sufferings of the righteous man (‘Job motif’) (TUAT 3, 110-163), and they articulated doubts about the deity’s ministrations and justice. People’s names are an important testimony for religious ideas which are not directly connected to the official > cult [II]. They express experiences and expectations such as those voiced on the occasion of a birth: gratitude for the birth of a son after previous children had died, a plea for protection in view of life’s manifold dangers or praise of a personal (protective) god as a support and help, usually a lower-ranking god seldom documented by a name. The perils of life such as illness or the destructive forces of nature were experienced as demonic powers and were fended off with incantations (cf. ~ Demons {I]). This was the task particularly of sorcerers who were not priests but who were experts ( Magic, Magi {I]) just as learned as those who ascertained the will of the gods from entrails or observation of astronomical and other ominous phenomena and predicted the future (> Divination [I]). The effects of negative omens were countered with elaborate magical practices. (3) Magical and divinatory expertise as they are documented in the 2nd and rst millennia express a ‘scholarly’ rationalism and represent the third dominant feature of Mesopotamian religion. > Apst; > Astral deities; + Chthonic deities [I]; > Cult [II]; > Divination [I]; + Divine kingship; — Enlil; > Esagil; — Festivals; Feasts [I]; -» Healing deities, healing cults [II]; + Horned crown; + Magic, Magi [I]; > Mylissa; + Nimbus [3]; > Pantheon [1]; > Polythe-

474

A73 ism [II]; + Prayer [I]; > Priests [I]; > Prophet; > Puri-

fication [B 1]; > Ritual; > Temple [I]

> Sacrifice [II]; > Tammuz;

1 R.BorGer, Gott Marduk und Gott-Konig Sulgi als Propheten, in: Bibliotheca Orientalis 28, 1971, 3-24 2J.S. Cooper, Assyrian Prophecies, the Assyrian Tree, and the

Mesopotamian Origins of Jewish Monotheism, Greek Philosophy, Christian Theology, Gnosticism, and Much More, in: Journ. of the American Oriental Soc.

120, 2000,

430-444 3J.vAN Dijk, Sumerische Religion, in: J.P. ASMUSSEN (ed.), Handbuch der Religionsgeschichte 1, 1971, 431-496 4Id., Le motif cosmique dans la pensée sumerienne, in: Acta Orientalia 28, 1964, 1-59 SLL. FINKEL, M.J.GELLER (eds.), Sumerian Gods and Their Representations, 1996 6 T.JACOBSEN, The Treasures of

Darkness. A History of Mesopotamian Religion, 1976 7 J. KLEIN, ‘Personal God’ and Individual Prayer in Sumerian Religion, in: AfO Beih. 19, 1982, 295-306 8 J. Lazssoe, Babylonische und assyrische Religion, in: J.P. AsMussEN (ed.), Handbuch der Religionsgeschichte

1, 1971, 497-525

9S.M. Maut, Zukunftsbewaltigung,

1994 10A.L. OppENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a Dead Civilization, ch. IV: Nah ist — und schwer zu fassen der Gott, *1977, 171-227. 11 G.SeLz, Unter-

suchungen zur Gotterwelt des altsumerischen Staates von Lagas, 1995 12 W.voNn SopEN, Monotheistische Tendenzen und Traditionalismus im Kult in Babylonien im 1. Jahrtausend vy. Chr., in: Studi e materiali di storia delle Religioni 51, 1985,5-19 13 J.J. STAMM, Die akkadische Namengebung,

1939

14 H. VORLANDER,

Mein Gott:

Die Vorstellung vom persénlichen Gott im Alten Orient undim AT,1975 15 A.ZGOLL,s.v. Sumerische Religion, TRE 32, 2000, 457-462. JRE.

Ill. Ecypt Egyptian religion did not develop as a state organ-

ized cult of the gods and the dead until the transition from the 3rd to the 2nd millennium. Previously there had been a large number of various local cults (~ Pantheon [x II]) over which the funerary cult for the king and his officials was set in place in a relatively unconnected way as the ‘state religion’. Only the kings of the 5th dynasty (c. 2500-2300 BC) built both shrines to the sun and -» pyramids; it was in this period that the idea that the king was the son of the sun god became accepted. There is a text that concisely summarizes the duties of the king towards the gods, the dead and the people: +» Re (the god of the sun and creation) has enthroned

the king on the earth of the living forevermore to put + Ma’at into practice and to drive out injustice, to dispense justice to the people and to please the gods. He offers sacrifices to the gods and to the transfigured dead. Religion is the duty of the king. In a wider sense it includes putting Ma’at into practice (order, truth, justice) and driving out Isfet (chaos, injustice, lies); in a

narrower sense it is the cult of the gods and the dead. In fulfilling this duty the king, the son on earth, continues the creation which the creator himself keeps going in the form of the sun’s course in the sky and the underworld.

RELIGION

Egyptian religion provided an indissoluble connection between the state, cosmos and the kingdom of the dead. The rites (+ Ritual [II]) performed in the temples maintained the course of the sun, integrated human society into the successful working of the cosmos and helped — Osiris (and therefore all the dead) vanquish death. The cult of the dead (+ Dead, cult of the [II]) and the trajectory of the sun formed the domains of Osiris, the god of the dead, and the sun god Re. These domains thus corresponded to the two ‘eternities’ in which the Egyptians brought their most all-embracing concept of ‘time’ to expression: the unchanging perpetuity of Osiris (D.t) and the unending time span of the sun-god (ahh) which renewed itself cyclically. All the ‘monuments’ — temples, pyramids, tombs, obelisks, stelae, sacrificial plates, etc. - were as a rule made from stone, designed for eternity. The enormous project of using stone to overcome human transience and bring about a sacred space of unlimited, continued existence shapes Egyptian religion as much as the belief that cosmic development would be endangered in its everyday success should the state and therefore the cult of sacrifices (+ Sacrifice) be impaired. In the Middle Kingdom (c. 2050-1800/1700 BC) the cult of the gods became a state monopoly wherein, alongside the old centres of > Heliopolis [1] (Re) and + Memphis (Ptah), > Abydus [2] (Osiris) especially achieved national importance with its festival, the ‘mysteries of Osiris’. The idea of a judgment after death when everyone had to account for himself before the standards of Ma’at was associated with the spread of the Osiris religion. Three sweeping innovations characterize the history of religion in the New Kingdom (1550-1170 BC): the ‘crisis of > polytheism [II]’, which culminated in the monotheistic revolution of Akhenaten (- Amenophis [4]) of Amarna, the ‘pantheism’ of the Ramesside Period (c. 1300-1170 BC) with its ideas of the hidden god

of the world who incorporates all the individual gods and finally the trend towards ‘personal piety’ with its concept of the personal god and helper in time of need. “The one who makes himself into millions” is a formula which in many permutations paraphrases the new idea of god as the hidden one manifesting himself in the world in millions of ways. The pantheism of the Ramesside Period was a reaction to the monotheistic revolution of Akhenaten who had also had millions emerging from the one god. The god of Amarna (— Aten), however, was not hidden. As the sun, he stood facing the world and gave it life from above, whereas the hidden god of Ramesside pantheism manifested itself as the world and animated it from within. Equally novel was the ‘personal piety’ movement. Two motifs were characteristic of this new form of a god-human relationship: decision and responsibility. People saw themselves faced with a choice and felt they had, by an act of internal attentiveness, to ‘place god in their hearts’, i.e. subordinate their lives to the will of

God and know that they were answerable in all their

RELIGION

doings to divine judgment. A new kind of sense of guilt also arose from this awareness. Known only from the Ramesside Period are stelae erected in fulfillment of a vow by people who interpreted a personal plight, mostly illness, as punishment from an enraged deity. This theological discourse flourished in the New Kingdom; it found expression in hundreds of hymns and is unrivalled in its breadth and intensity among the cultures of the ancient world. The ‘Books of the Dead’ (> Funerary literature [III D) in the tombs of the kings of the New Kingdom also reflect the evolution of theological ideas in this period.It has been suggested that the increasingly professional and literary priesthood (> Priests [II]) responsible for this, in particular the Theban priesthood of Amun; tomb inscriptions, however, show that large circles of people outside the priesthood were actively involved in this theological discourse. The momentousness of these debates can be seen from the fact that they twice led to far-reaching political consequences: the ‘crisis of polytheism’ overflowed into the monotheistic revolution of Akhenaten, and the ‘personal piety’ with its ‘theology of volition’ led to the introduction of a direct theocracy in the form of the Theban theocratic state ruled by the god > Amun through decisions made by the oracle.In the Late Period (664-332 BC), the state myth of the filial relationship of the king to the god turned into an annually commemorated temple festival celebrating the ‘birth of the god’ — the son whom the respective god of the town fathered with his divine wife. S. Morenz [18.104 f.] attempted to find the precursors of the Christian idea of the Trinity in these temple triads. During the period of foreign domination by the Persians, Greeks and Romans, there developed messianic ideas that prophesied the end of the ‘period of suffering’ and the arrival of a saviour sent by the gods (Demotic ‘Prophecy of the Lamb’, Greek ‘Potter’s Oracle’; Prophets [III]). In contrast to these parallels to Judaism and Christianity a distinctive animal and image cult ( Cult image) developed in Egypt in Late Antiquity. The images became guarantors of the closeness of the god — in an exact reversal of Jewish religion, which asserts that idolatry is the worst sin, i.e. it destroys the closeness of God. 1 J. AssMANN, Agypten — Religion und Frommigkeit einer frihen Hochkultur, *1991

= 2 Id., Ma’at. Gerechtigkeit

und Unsterblichkeit im alten Agypten, *1995 3 Id., Agyptische Hymnen und Gebete, *1999 4. Id., Tod und Jenseits im Alten Agypten, 2001 5 RARG 6 H. BRUNNER, Grundziige der altaglichen Religion, 1983 7 F.DuUNAND,

476

ATS

C.ZiviE-COCcHE,

Dieux

et

hommes

en

Egypte 3000 av. J.C.—395 apr.J.-C., 1991 8 A.ERMAN, Die Religion der Agypter, *1934 9 H.FRANKFoRT, Ancient Egyptian Religion, 1948 10 E.HorNuNG, Das

agyptische Totenbuch, 1979 11 Id., Der Eine und die Vielen, #1983 12 Id., Altagliche Unterweltsbiicher, *r984 13 H.Kees, Gotterglaube im alten Agypten, 1941 14 K.Kocn, Geschichte der agyptischen Religion, 1993 15 D. Meeks, C.FAVARD-MEEKS,

La vie quotidienne des

dieux égyptiens, 1993 16S. Morenz, Agyptische Religion, 1960 17 1d., Gott und Mensch im alten Agypten, 1964 18Id., Die Begegnung Europas mit Agypten, 1968

19E.Orro, Die Religion der alten Agypter, 1964 20 A.I. SADEK, Popular Religion in Egypt During the New Kingdom, 1987 21 B.A. SHAFER (ed.), Religion in Ancient

Egypt,

d’Egypte, 1992

1991

22 C. TRAUNECKER,

Les

dieux

23 D. WinpuNG, Imhotep und Amen-

hotep. Gottwerdung im alten Agypten, 1977.

JAS.

IV. OLD TESTAMENT AND SYRIA-PALESTINE The various religions of Syria-Palestine, though differentiated culturally and historically from one another, do however have factors in common due to their geographical location and the way of life dependent upon it (coastal location, artificial irrigation of crops, trade routes). Mythology and religious praxis were thus influenced by the sea and the rhythm of the vegetation cycles. Next to chthonic aspects, the sky and its stars with their visible signs and meteorological phenomena played a central role. As Near Eastern religions, the Syro-Palestinian religions shared in a lively cultural exchange in a kind of Syrian koine. After the decline of the city states of the Late Bronze Age (1500-1200/1000 BC) and their polytheistic systems, the religions lived on during the Iron Age under changed conditions in the small states of the Syro-Palestinian world (from c. 1200 or 1000 BC; the Arameans, Late Hittite towns (— Asia Minor [III C]), > Judah and

Israel,

the

Philistine

Pentapolis

(— Philistines),

— Edom [A], > Ammon [2], ~ Moab). Systematically constructed pantheons like those in Mesopotamia were no longer found here; instead, religion had diversified into state, regional and personal subsystems, each with

its characteristic forms of expression in gestures, pictorial representations and texts fulfilling different functions (correspondence, public inscriptions, myths, historiography). The structure of the states with its central control was largely reflected in the model of one supreme god, such as > Baal, ~ El, > Hadad, > Yahweh or a lord of the sky (Ba‘al Samém). This supreme god had kingly features, combined aspects and functions of weather and fertility deities and took over functions of the old > sun god as preserver and giver of law and justice (solarization). Regional religious subsystems can be ascertained in open-air or simple cult sites and buildings, so-called bullsites and Hebrew bamot (altars on high, consecrated places). Familial or individual reli-

gion comes to expression, apart from the texts, partially in tombs, models of temples and (votive) statuettes.

The religion of Israel and Judea occupied an exceptional position in the whole of the Near East with its development towards > monotheism, its initial prohibition against devotional images and subsequent universal ban of images and the direction it took to becoming a so-called book religion (sacred writings, canonization). The ancient Israelite and early Jewish > diaspora after 720 and 587 BC, internal conflicts (~ Samaria, Samaritans; > Qumran), and the later loss of the temple of Jerusalem (in AD 70), led to further differen-

tiations in religious concepts (> Judaism). -» Judaism; > Palmyra|[ II]; -» Phoenicians, Poeni [VI]; + Sun god; > Weather gods

478

Ae 1 R. ALBERTZ, Religionsgeschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit, 1992 2A.BERLEJUNG, Ikonophobie und Ikonolatrie. Zur Auseinandersetzung um die Bilder im Alten Testament, in: B.JaNowski, M.K6ckerr (eds.), Religionsgeschichte Israels. Formale und materiale Aspekte, 1999, 208-241 3 W.Drerricu, W. and M.A. KLOPFENSTEIN (eds.), Ein Gott allein? JHWH-Verehrung

und biblischer Monotheismus im Kontext der israelitischen und altorientalischen Religionsgeschichte, 1994 4M.W. Cuavatas (ed.), Emar: History, Religion and Culture of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, 1996

5 H. Gese, Die Religionen Altsyriens, in: C.M. SCHRODER (ed.), Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der Mandiaer, 1970, 1-232 6 B. JANowsktret al. (eds.), Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament, 1993 7 O. KEEL,

C.UEHLINGER, GOttinnen, Gétter und Gottessymbole. Neue Erkenntnisse zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels, 1992 8 H.G. KiprenBeERG, Religion und Klassenbildung im antiken Judaa, 1978 9 M.K6cKeRT, Vom einen zum einzigen Gott. Zur Diskussion der Religionsgeschichte Israels, in: Berliner Theologische Zeitschrift 15, 1998, 137-175

10E.LiprNsxki, Dieux et déesses de

Punivers phénicien et punique, 1995 11 J. MarER, Zwischen den Testamenten. Geschichte und Religion in der Zeit des Zweiten Tempels, 1990 12 H. NreHr, Religionen in Israels Umwelt, 1998 13 F.Stoiz, Probleme westsemitischer und israelitischen Religionsgeschichte, in: Theologische Rundschau 56, 1991,1-26 14K.VAN DER Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel. Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life, 1996 15 Id. (ed.), The Image and the Book. Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near East, 1997.

TH.PO.

V. IRAN A. GENERAL COMMENTS B. MEDES AND PERSIANS C. PARTHIANS D. ZARATHUSTRA E. SASSANIDS F, HELLENISTIC PERIOD

A. GENERAL COMMENTS Pronouncements, names and customs more or less shared by all Iranian religions and Vedic religion allow hypotheses to be made about the religion of the Iranian Ur-folk; the period from the second millennium BC on can be investigated through various methods. As early as c. 1500 BC, there existed a kingdom in northern Mesopotamia under a dynasty with an Aryan name, the ~» Mittani. They may have been only an enclave of the original Iranian people. It is here that 14th-cent. BC Aryan communities provide the linguistic clues for reconstructing the religious system. It included: a sun god (Surya); a cosmic-moral ‘law of the universe’ (rtd); a warrior god (Indra); two charioteers (the Nasatya)

who appear in the sky at daybreak at a daily -> sacrifice [II]; the ‘lords’ Varuna, with aspects of the god of the rainy sky, and Mithra

(- Mithras [I]), with a bias towards the god of the starry sky, who had emerged from the abstract concepts of oaths and contracts to become guarantors of the same; an upper nobility; forces of the charioteers; and a peasantry. A fire burned in the cult of the original and later Iranians. This fire

RELIGION

was thought of partly as a medium, partly as a recipient of godly veneration, and libations were offered in front of it. The use of a hallucinogenic drink (Iranian Haoma, Indian Soma) points to shamanism, and the gift of seeing visions and the experience of the multiplicity of ‘souls’, found among all later Iranians, probably also ultimately originate from shamanism. B. MEDES AND PERSIANS Among the Persians, the named ‘lords’ as well as the others appear as ahuras; along with them the powers of the universe such as wind (Vayu) and fire (dtar) were also significant. However, Indra, the NaSatya and others, who became gods among the Indians, were downgraded into evil spirits. The dualism thereby established came to be further embellished in myth and probably found a manifestation in the social contrast between order and truth (asa in place of rtd) and cheating and lies (drug). Among the > Medes, a special priestly office was delegated during the monarchy to one of their six tribes, the Magi. This was adopted as an institution by the > Achaemenids [2]. The Medean Magi created their own dualism by treating the earthly world in their ritual practice as two absolute spheres of purity and impurity placed inside one another. The human corpse counted as impure and its burial thus developed into the central concern of religion and society. As burial or incineration would have contaminated the pure elements of earth and fire, the only solution was to expose the corpses in specially prepared places where impure animals could eat them, thereby limiting the contamination of the air. C. PARTHIANS The religion of the > Parthians can be reconstructed from words documented after their time and the archaeology of early Steppe dwellers. Names of cult sites (including graves), priestly offices, rites and gods are known; in the worship of the latter, however, the social component appears to retreat behind an orientation towards nature.

D. ZARATHUSTRA Zarathustra (> Zoroaster) lived in the 7th cent. BC (other dates: roth, 9th, 8th, 6th—sth cents.), for more than 75 years in an eastern Iranian setting and before that probably in the region of Balh (modern Wazirabad, northwest Afghanistan). For around half that time he performed the priestly role in a religious ritual (Yasna)

and prophetically proclaimed a new divine relationship. In both roles he opposed the orgiastic religion of shepherd nomads and reformed a stock-breeders’ and farmers’ religion that centred on animals and plants. Soon after his death Zarathustra’s message was spread via > Arachosia (central Afghanistan) in a westerly direction. Bit by bit > Zoroastrianism was even accept-

ed by the Achaemenid rulers who bore the title King of kings. The cult practice of the Medean Magi became integrated into the new religion with consequences for

RELIGION

479

480

the burial of the dead in particular (exposure on funeral towers). Gods who had become uninteresting alongside the worship of > Ahura Mazda gained new significance

a cosmogony modelled on Zoroastrianism, and in its Middle Persian, Parthian and Sogdian versions it perpetuated peripheral, older Iranian traditions.

(e.g. Mithra or Anahita).

E. SASSANIDS In the period of the > Sassanids (AD 226-651), a

priesthood enforced Zoroastrianism as a state religion. The exercise of power by Ohrmazd (= the earlier Ahura Mazda) and the king as well as the rebellions of his opponents and of -» Ahriman (= the earlier Ahra Mainyu) were perceived as symmetrical. A network of funeral towers (dabmas) and hierarchically graded firetemples spread over the land. The religious tradition that had grown up since Zarathustra was collected and taken down in a form associated with its cult (+ Avesta script).

F, HELLENISTIC PERIOD Iranian territories and peoples became the quanti-

tatively most important carriers of Hellenistic culture (> Hellenization) through the successor kingdoms that followed Alexander [4] the Great: that of the > Seleucids (from 311 BC on), that of the self-proclaimed independent Diodotids (from 239 BC on; ~ Diodotus [2]) in the second most easterly satrapy and several Indo-Scythian successor states (up into the 3rd cent. AD; — Indo-Scythians). The Hellenic influence was strong and stylistically ‘pure’ only in the above-mentioned areas and the satrapies bordering on them, i.e. in Bactria (+ Graeco-Bactria), Areia [1] and Gandhara/

1K. Barr, C.Cotpe, M.Boyse, Die Religion der alten Iranier, 1972, 265-372 2G.GNOLI, s.v. Iranian Reli-

gion, M.Eiape

(ed.), The Encyclopedia of Religion, 7,

1987,277-280 3K.GreEusSING (ed.), Religion und PolitikimIran, 1981 4H.S. NyBera, Die Religion des alten Iran,

1938

(repr.

1966)

5 G. WIDENGREN,

Iranisch-

semitische Kulturbegegnung in parthischer Zeit, 1960 6 Id., Die Religion Irans, 1965. Go

VI. MINOAN CULTURE

Minoan religion is the collective term for the religion and cult of the island of — Crete in the Bronze Age (2600-1100 BC). It is known only through archaeological (including architectonic) and iconographic sources; the few religious inscriptions in > Linear A on altars and other cult objects are not yet deciphered while nothing more than the names of some Minoan deities appear in the > Linear B texts from + Knossos and Chania (> Cydonia).

The Prepalatial Period (2600-2000 BC) offers up only one known cult building in the small settlement of Myrtos (Phurnu Koryphi); an anthropomorphic cult vessel of clay, the so-called goddess of Myrtos, was found inside it. Otherwise, in this early phase religious cult took place in grottos and outside of the circular tombs on the plain of Messara. Broken drinking vessels among other things are witness to this. Sanctuaries located on hilltops from the Protopalatial Period (2000-

~ Gandaritis (roughly the modern Persian provinces of

1700 BC) are found everywhere on the island. Here,

Horasan, Afghanistan and North Pakistan); between

votive offerings consist of male and female clay statuettes (interpreted as human worshippers), animal figurines, amulets and anatomical ex-votos. The same period saw the installation of the first cult facilities in the

that territory and the equally Hellenized Semitic-Iranian contact zone to the west its hold appears curiously tenuous. Then there were the > Parthians, who take

front stage from the 3rd cent. BC on, when they reduced the size of the Seleucid kingdom in the east. Despite their role as political annihilators, they preserved Hellenistic culture in the towns and promoted the Iranian identity, including Zoroastrianism, in the countryside. It is thus for several reasons that Hellenistic religion in that syncretic contact zone (Adiabene to the east and Osroene, Hatra, Characene to the west of the Tigris) contained so many Iranian elements that further transmission of some of these elements to Mediterranean Hellenistic culture left behind there an admittedly small but clearly recognizable subset. The royal ideology of numerous Hellenistic dynasties and of several entire dynasties was shaped by the royal magnificence of the Iranian rulers (/varnah). Futuristic > eschatology probably developed in the 2nd cent. BC in a confrontation with the Hellenistic foreign rulers into an Iranian national apocalyptic. Structural analogies with the Jewish apocalyptic (+ Apocalypses) are explained by the fact that they originated in similar conditions. Gnostic > Sethianism (+ Gnosis) contained a doctrine on the ages of the world, Manichaeism (-* Mani, Manichaeanrs) included

large palaces (Cnossos, > Phaestus [4]); these, however, are understood to be something like sacristies or

preparation rooms rather than actual cult rooms, as the Minoan cult frequently took place in the open air. It is Neopalatial (1700-1400 BC) Minoan religion that is best known to us, thanks to the prolific amount of sources. Goddesses predominate among the anthropomorphically depicted deities. Correspondingly, women occupied a privileged position in the cult. With the possible exception of the so-called snake goddesses of Cnossos, the cult does not appear to have given rise to any three-dimensional devotional images. At its heart is the divine + epiphany, either an ecstatic visitation of the gods or a staging of the divine visitation by > priests or priestesses. Cult scenes are frequently represented in Minoan art, particularly in > wall paintings [III] (good examples are in the settlement of Akrotiri on + Thera which came under the powerful influence of the Minoans), as well as in seals, signet rings and stone vessels decorated with reliefs. In the palaces (— Palace [IV B]) and villas numerous rooms and facilities were

devoted to the cult (amongst them the so-called pillar crypts and sacred basins); nevertheless, large cult festi-

481

482

vals, including the spectacular bull games, continued to take place in the open air. The most important religious symbols were the double axe and the so-called sacred horns. In the Postpalatial Era (1400-1100 BC), great changes in religious life accompanied drastic social transformation. Clay idols of the so-called ‘goddess with the raised hands’ were worshipped in numerous small cult constructions (‘bench sanctuaries’), + Minoan culture and archaeology; > Palace [IV B}; ~ Wall paintings [III]

(Zeus, Hera, Poseidon, Artemis, Hermes and Dionysus), while other names (such as Marineus and sever-

G.GESELL, Town, Palace, and House Cult in Minoan Crete, 1985; R. Hacc, Die gottliche Epiphanie im minoischen Ritual, in: MDAI(A) ror, 1986, 41-62; Id., N. MaRINATOS (eds.), Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1981; J.A. MACGILLIvRAy et al., The Palaikastro Kouros, 2000; N. MarinaTos, Art and Religion in Ancient Thera, 1984; Id., Minoan Religion: Ritual, Image, and Symbol, 1993; F. Matz, Gottererscheinung und Kultbild im minoischen Kreta, 1958; B. RUTKOWSKI, The Cult Places in the Aegean, 1986; P.M. Warren, Minoan Religion as Ritual Action, 1989.

VII. MyCENAEAN CULTURE ‘Mycenaean’ is the modern umbrella term for the religion and cult of the Greek mainland in the Late Bronze Age (1600-1050 BC). Mycenaean religion is known from archaeological (including architectonic), iconographic and written sources; the latter consist of the > Linear B texts of the 13th cent. from Pylos [2] and Thebes (and those of the rsth-r4th cents. from + Knossos) that mention divine names, religious festivals, officials and supplies for the sanctuaries. While the religion of the Early and Middle Bronze Ages is almost unknown, religious symbolism with Minoan traits (see above, VI) first appeard in the transitional phase leading to the Late Bronze Age, especially in the shaft graves of + Mycenae. The first archaeological traces of cultic practice are to be found in the hill-top sanctuary of Apollo > Maleatas at Epidaurus (ash altar with animal bones and Minoan double axes) in the same period. The iconography of Mycenaean religion continued to be Minoan, even if the influence of Minoan religion on the Mycenaeans was rather superficial. Cult buildings, mostly small and of varying shape, did not appear until the Palatial Period (14501200 BC), best known from the so-called ‘cult centre’ of Mycenae and from -> Phylakopi on the Cycladic island of Melos that was dominated by the Mycenaean mainland. An official state cult also took place in the > megaron of the Mycenaean palaces. It is not certain, but likely, that actual cult images existed. The small, mostly female, terra cotta figurines found particularly frequently in simpler and rural sanctuaries (but also in tombs and houses) are typical. As in Crete, religious motifs appear in wall paintings in the palaces and sanctuaries. Processions, > libations, animal sacrifices and collective sacrificial feasts are the most important cult activities. Some of the gods found in the Linear B texts belong to the Greek pantheon

RELIGION

al goddesses with the name Potnia, unknown. ~ Mycenaean culture and archaeology G.ALBERS,

Spatmykenische

‘lady’)

Stadtheiligtiimer,

are

1994;

R. HAaa, Ritual in Mycenaean Greece, in: F. GRAF (ed.),

Ansichten griechischer Rituale, 1998, 99-113; R. HAGc, N. MarinatTos (eds.), Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1981; K.KiLian, Mykenische Heiligtiimer der Peloponnes, in: H.FRoNING, T.HOLSCHER (eds.),

Kotinos. Festschrift E. Simon, 1992, 10-25; A.D. Moore, W.D.TayLour, Well-Built Mycenae, vol. ro: The Temple Complex, 1999; G.E. MyLonas, Mykenae,

1981; C. RENFREW, The Archaeology of Cult: the Sanctuary at Phylakopi, 1985; B. RUTKOWSKI, The Cult Places in the Aegean, 1986; E.T. VERMEULE, Gotterkult (Archaeologia Homerica

3), 1974; H.WuiTrakEeR,

Mycenaean

Cult Buildings, 1997; J.C. Wricut, The Spatial Configuration of Belief: the Archaeology of Mycenaean Religion, in: S.E. ALCocK, R.OsBorNE

1994, 37-78.

(eds.), Placing the Gods,

RHA.

VIII. GREECE A. SUBJECT-MATTER B. GREEK RELIGION AS AN ARGUMENT C. BOUNDARIES OF ‘GREEK’ RELIGION/UNIVERSALIZATION D. INSTITUTIONS AND SUPPORTING ORGANIZATIONS E. FESTIVALS AND RITUALS F. RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE G. HisTORICAL CONTINUITY AND RUPTURE A. SUBJECT-MATTER

This encyclopaedia presents Greek religion differentiated in all its details, not only mythology (— Myth) and the individual gods and heroes, but also by each of the local city and town cults (+ Pantheon [1]), the complexity of its rituals (> Ritual, > Prayer, > FESTIVE PROCESSIONS/TRIONFI, > Sacrifice, > Oracles), its per-

sonnel (— Exegetai, ~ Priests, > Prophets) and its concepts (> Polytheism, + Atheism, > Eusebeia). Here, a summary of the history, contents, functions or even a definition of the ‘essence’ of Greek religion is not possible. Instead, by using the modern concept of religion (cf. [1]) and by starting from the experience of religion which modern researchers take for granted, the ‘subject under study’ is defined by the questions asked: Greek religion is seen either as a flawed preliminary stage or as a counter-image to our own religion.

B. GREEK RELIGION AS AN ARGUMENT Modern arguments are often linked to ancient religious discourses: (1) Greek religion as the old, i.e. ‘outdated’, religion.

The ostensible conservatism of Greek religion is often only superficial: traditional names and rituals conceal profound ruptures. That Greek religion did not reinvent itself, but ensconced itself into an already existing tradition is an argument used by > Herodotus [1] (Hdt. 2,54f.) to make a connection with the very ancient Egyptian tradition and by the same reasoning, the

RELIGION

483

Romans see themselves following in the tradition of Greek religion. Its primeval provenance is particularly emphasized by archaistic authors of the Roman Imperial Period like - Pausanias [8] or > Plutarchus [2]. On the other hand, one does not find the unsurpassable argument that religion is eternal. Religion and culture belong together. They are created at the same time and can be separated from a prehistory; the gods are ‘born’ (Hes. Theog. 453-500; Hom. h. 4). Not until quite late does an awareness develop that a new religion has defeated the old and surpassed it. The argument of the novitas Christiana [2] could be propagated only once the state guarantee in the 4th cent. AD lifted the reproach of the revolutionary implicit in the term ‘new’. Around AD 410, > Augustinus averted the criticism of breaking with tradition with his account of the two parallel civitates (‘citizenships’): both had existed from the beginning, the one overtly, the other latently (Aug. Ciy. Oe

Sate ChinaAle

(2) Nature religion. Greek religion as a cultural institution is opposed to the modern ‘nature religion’ argu-

ment; a historical development from tree cult to ‘plank idol’, graven image (xdanon, cf. Paus. 2,17,5) and finally to statues of gold and ivory is a construct that explains the contemporary as an archaic Uberlebsel (‘survival’). The apostle Paul (> Paulus [II 2]) combined his polemic against nature religion as the worship of the created in place of the creator (Romans 1) with the accusation that nature religion was also immoral and sexually perverse and thus incapable of setting any ethical standards. The Christian polemic against the old religion of the backwoodsmen (pagani) (> Tertullianus [2], Ad nationes) extended this argument. Greek religion, however, contains but a few elements of fertility rituals ({3]; differently [4]) and no nature worship; it is rather commitments to the -> polis and its social groups that are foregrounded. (3) Counter model to the so-called near-eastern saviour religion. Establishing ethical norms in a polytheistic system (-» Polytheism) is difficult to achieve with personal gods who each have their own interests. Personified principles (> personification), such as ~» Moira and - Diké and the welfare of the polis (worshipped in cult as > Tyché in the Hellenistic world) became prominent as final instances, to whom even the gods had to submit. The more complex question is whether Greek religion developed a soteriology (saviour doctrine). In the atmosphere of the fim de siécle c. 1900, the model of a universal saviour religion was developed: the individual person, thrown helplessly into the world, must be redeemed by a path of salvation or a heavenly saviour. Against this backdrop, Greek religion had to appear as a counter model into which “at a late stage, saviour religions were introduced from the Orient.” [5.3383 6]: + Orphism, the + mysteries and finally Christianity. The opposition reflects a 19thcent. problem; from a historical perspective, however, Christianity can only be examined as an ancient religion in its synchronous context. Thus, for example, the

484 longing for salvation is not a specific characteristic of ancient Christianity or Judaism; in Late Antiquity both were caught up in a dualistic movement that sought redemption and simultaneously embraced Greek religion [7]. Even prior to that, the ancient Christianities had shaped their language in the context of contemporary religious language; what A.DEISSMANN’S programmatic book title Light from the Ancient East (1927; German: Licht vom Osten, 1908, 41923) sought first to investigate was then superceded by G. KitrEL’s Theological Dictionary (1964-1976 [German: Theologisches Worterbuch, 1933-1979) [8]. Down to the present day, Christian pastors and priests learn Greek philosophy as a preparatory introduction to their vocational training when they learn the language of the New Testament from the texts of Plato.

C. BOUNDARIES OF ‘GREEK’ RELIGION/UNIVERSALIZATION Against the background of Napoleonic power politics, early rgth-cent. German culture found Greek religion attractive first as a role model of a self-organizing culture made up of a multiplicity of ethnic groups. Behind this lies HERDER’s concept of religion as suiting each nation’s character. And after the founding of the German nation-state, Greek religion as the model for a cultural nation was able to provide solace for the Lesser German Solution. All attempts to establish, in analogy to the religions of the book, a missionary centre of Greek religion only touch peripheral phenomena in the organization of Greek religion: Homerus [1], however important his ~ anthropomorphism seemed for the standardization of the image of god, is not the ‘Bible of the Greeks’, neither an authoritative Holy Scriptures nor a reflection of the local institutions and festivals. + Delphi plays a significant role as place of communication in the expanding Greek world of the Archaic Period, but no program of missionary work, such as the introduction of a calendar or an obligatory code of ethics [9], is documented. Thus the model of a commonality created from the multiplicity of local religions is to be preferred in its diversity: a system of self-organization that communicated through ‘markets’ like the Panhellenic games which provided opportunities both for competition and assimilation. Greek religion then becomes the choice to be Greek; coalitions between cities are struck by choosing identical rituals (Hdt. 2,52 f.; Aristoph. Lys. rr29— 1134; Thuc. 4,96-99) and could lead to an enduring alliance (ethnogenesis). In the Archaic Period it was not

tribes and it was only to a small extent ties of kinship, i.e. it was not ‘natural’ connections which created communities; rather, it was municipal settlements themselves that created a society through common cults and laws.

485

486

D. INSTITUTIONS AND SUPPORTING ORGANIZATIONS Greek religion is strictly local. As the embodiment of the community, the > polis was the vehicle of Greek religion in each of its local variations. Even guests from the neighbouring town were ‘strangers’ — and as such were excluded from performing a sacrifice under their

— Herms) or an altar at the entrance to the home were private as well as public. On the other hand, a personal religion was noticeably evident in moments of private crisis: rituals before and after journeys, votive offerings for recovery from illness, and admission to cult communities that promised a personal life after death. It is in this context that mystery cults were relevant and therefore did not destroy the polytheistic system. The echelon above the polis religion was represented by the panhellenic games. In addition, there were supraregional sanctuaries, established in scenic settings like the > Panionion of the Greek poleis in western Asia Minor or the Panboeotian sanctuary. The Eleusinion (— Eleusis) was another type of sanctuary; it replaced Delos at the end of the 5th cent. BC as the central cult of the > Delian League, later becoming the place visited worldwide by individuals seeking the security of salvation (-» Mysteries). The Delphic oracle was again of a different type; it provided knowledge going beyond human knowledge both to poleis and to individuals seeking advice on practical, single decisions.

own auspices (Hdt. 5,72,3; 6,81); they were ‘godless’

(cf. + Atheism). Greek religion’s local character is further revealed by the fact that the possessions in the sanctuary belonged to the local god and not to some panhellenic god. In Greek religion there was no institutionalization in the sense of a religious institution perceiving (and representing) its own interests as distinct from those of the state. In this sense the Greek religion was a religion without priests: priestess or priest (> Priests [V]) were social statuses that for the most part accorded with political and economic status. As a rule, a cult was an

enterprise supported by subsidy. It yielded no profit for priests and thus no priestly caste came to be formed around it. The cults were financed through donations from the wealthy (compulsorily if need be) or communally through the social group organizing the sacrifices. The purpose of cult calendars was to establish the responsibilities of the groups. The polis as a political entity accorded civil rights only to men, adults, and the indigenous. Religion in the polis went beyond that and was capable of integrating those without legal rights and indeed create for them a body of representation and thus give — from within and over against the polis of men —a public identity of their own to women, young people, métoikoi (> Metoikos), the Thracian police in Athens and slaves. The pantheon of a Greek polis featured several potential gods one could identify oneself with, but their number was still restricted. One such limit was the group of the ‘> twelve (Olympian) gods’. The social groups within the polis each chose their deity to represent their interests and often assumed several functions that differed from other local religions [10; 11]. New gods were foreigners, confused the relationships in the local pantheon and could be introduced only by consensus (e.g. Asclepius, Bendis; unsuccessful: Artemis Aristoboule).

RELIGION

But even in the case of > oracles there was choice, not coercion: one could question the same oracle several times or ask another oracle at a different site [12]. Belonging to one social group with its festivals did not exclude participation in others. On the contrary, religious elements were present almost everywhere in public so that religion was unavoidable in the polis. In the polytheistic towns, Jewish and Christian communities found ways for religious pragmatism (> Halakha) that avoid the exclusiveness of systematic monotheism [13].

F. RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE Without priestly training and with no central official institution for supervision and canonization, and since many priestly positions could be filled by virtually anyone in the town — either by lot (+ Lot, election by) or through purchase at auction — there was a lack of priestly knowledge, which is an essential part in many religions. Neither a theology (in the sense of a systematically worked out and maintained belief-system) nor a liturgy was handed down by experts to their successors. Instead, it was the helpers, lower down on the social scale, who knew the details. There was no normative

E. FESTIVALS AND RITUALS Even in political religion where religion represented

the polis, the various social groups, e.g. old and young, men and women, allies and strangers, were present, e.g. in Athens at the > Panathenaea or the urban > Dionysia (> Dionysus). Most of the festivals can, however, be interpreted as productions staged by the individual social groups. In their rituals (+ Ritual [VII]), both new and old members and both performers and spectators learned who belonged to and who was excluded from this cult. A special house religion was not highly developed in Greek religion. ‘My’ herm (Aristoph. Nub. 1478;

official channel by which matters might be verified and supervised. Theological ideas were offered by Greek tragedians (> Tragedy [I]) in the competitive atmosphere of the theatre before a general public and in the polyphonic medium of drama: the theological content will therefore never be systematic and unequivocal. When Plato replaces the multiplicity and anthropomorphism ofthe gods ofcult with the unity of the divine and equates this with goodness, he creates a space for a systematic > theology [I] that philosophical theology was glad to advance, but it remained distant from the reality of life and of cult.

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488

487

In contrast to Roman religion there was no disciplina of rituals (i.e. a repertory with trained experts). It would be necessary to examine to what extent cult associations were able to achieve that; it was not their main

aim. For this reason there could be only a small ritual uniformity in Greek religion, and certainly no rigorism. The cult statutes regulated only what the respective sanctuary was to undertake that was special and different from others (cf. e.g. the inscriptions in LSAM and LSCG); nowhere is there a cult liturgy fixed in writing. What prayers and gifts (votive offerings, sacrifices) were unable to do was achieved in the private sphere with the technique of > magic by invoking unnamable gods (curse, enchainment, harm or compulsion to love;

~» Magical papyri; > Defixio). Myths are not confessions of faith. They are not to be understood as equivalent to the revelation of the book religions, neither as the authoritative telling of the original epiphany of the Holy in nature, nor as the ambivalence of a biological pattern of behaviour and cultural transformation. Moreover, Greek myths seldom correspond to the type of the ‘charter myths’, which officially legitimize society’s institutions as having been established in this way either from the beginning or by the founding hero. On the contrary, most myths negate the authoritatively binding through its opposite. They act out an alternative: instead of authorizing everyday reality, they show it as being one among several possibilities — not the only one, not the best, but a realistic one. The utopias of the > festival are attractive, but not livable. The myths thus simultaneously convey in narrative form a fundamental agreement in society and the option of an alternative [15].

rituals, associations, peasant cults or magic, the old and the new, were accommodated: oriental and Italian in Greek religion; pagan in medieval Christianity. For Roman ‘imperial religion’, when the Romans organized their empire on a military and political basis, the reverse if anything can be observed: Roman ideas blended into the structure of Greek religion, not vice versa. In turn, > Christianity in Antiquity blended in and then largely took over the structure of Roman religion. It is only the philosophically oriented ‘religious’ discourse that bears a Greek stamp so that we should talk about the Romanization of Christianity and not its Hellenization. > Cult

Ill;

The modern construct of the one Greek religion requires differentiation not only on account of its geographical diversity also of its temporal diversity: the fundamental unity (vehicle) of Greek religion remains the polis. Its structures began in the last phase of Mycenaean culture (+ Mycenaean culture and archaeology [B]) with the breakup of the centrality of the palace in favour of a segmental social order. Its religion developed along with the formation of the polis beginning in the 8th cent. BC and lasting until the violent ruptures of city culture in Late Antiquity (6th cent. AD). Religious metaphors, images and rituals were adopted from the Ancient

Near

East and assimilated,

not only in the

intensely ‘orientalizing’ period during the Archaic Era

V;

- RELIGION,

HISTORY

OF;

1 E. Fe, Religio, vol. 1, 1986, 16-31 2 W.KinziIc, Novitas Christiana, 1998 3 B.GLapiIGow, Rezension W. Burkert, in: GGA 235, 1983, 1-16 4G. Baupy,

Antike Religion in anthropologischer Deutung, in: E.-R. SCHWINGE (ed.), Die Wissenschaften vom Altertum am Ende des 2.Jt. n. Chr., 1995, 229-258 5 E.ROHDE,

Religion der Griechen, in: Id., KS, vol. 2, 1901 1969)

(repr.

6 W.F. Orro, Der Geist der Antike und die christ-

liche Welt, 1923

7H.JoNAs, Gnosis und spatantiker

Geist, vol. 1, 1934, vol. 2, 1993 8 K. MU Lier, Das Judentum in der religionsgeschichtlichen Arbeit am Neuen Testament, 1983 9 Nitsson, GGR 1, 625-652 10 C. SouRVINOU-INWOOD, Persephone and Aphrodite at Locri, in: JHS 98,1978, 101-121 11 C. AUFFARTH, Aufnahme und Zuriickweisung neuer Gotter, in: W.EDER (ed.), Die athenische Demokratie im 4. Jh., 1995, 337-365 12 B.GLapiGcow, Chrésthai Theois, in: C.ELsAs,

H. G. KrppenBeErG (eds.), Loyalitatskonflikte in der Religionsgeschichte, 1995, 237-251 13 C. AUFFARTH, Die frihen Christentiimer als lokale Religion, in: Zeitschr. fir Ant. und Christentum 5, 2001 14Id., Der drohende Untergang,

G. HISTORICAL CONTINUITY AND RUPTURE

— Priests

> Ritual VII; > Sacrifice II]

Mythische

1991,

I-35;

Experimente

461-501

15 B. GLADIGOW,

— experimentelle

Mythen,

in:

R. SCHLESIER (ed.), Faszination des Mythos, 1985, 61-82 16 W.BuRKERT, Die orientalisierende Epoche, 1984 17 K. BRODERSEN, Manner, Frauen und Kinder in Grof-

griechenland, in: C. Dipper, R. H1EsTAND (eds.), Siedleridentitat, 1995, 45-60 18 R.M. Dawkins, Modern Greek in Asia Minor, 1916.

C. AUFFARTH,

Feste als Medium

antiker Religion, in:

C.Barscu et al. (eds.), Zwischen Krise und Alltag, 1999,

31-42;

P.BORGEAUD,

BREMMER,

La mére des dieux, 1996; J.N.

Gotter, Mythen und Heiligtiimer im antiken

Griechenland, 1996 (= Greek Religion, 2000); BURKERT (= W. Burkert, Greek Religion, 1985); Id., s.v. Griechi-

sche Religion, TRE 14, 235-253; E.R. Dopps, The Greeks and the Irrational, 1951; R. GARLAND, Introducing New Gods, 1992; F.GRarF, Griechische Mythologie,

(6th cent. BC) [16], but continuously in ever new sur-

1985; Id., Gottesnahe und Schadenzauber,

ges, partly consciously exotic, partly completely appropriated. What is true for the oriental elements is also valid for the indigenous rituals (e.g. in the colonies or for the question of the continuity of ancient ‘pagan’ religion); portions of them were placed into the context

HauL, Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity, 1997; T. Lin-

of another religion [17; 18]; in this contextualization it is of secondary importance whether it was a process of

integration or isolation and exclusion. Society and its religion formed the context and framework into which

1996; J.M.

DERS (ed.), Economics of Cult in the Ancient Greek World, 1992; Nitsson, Feste; Nitsson, GGR; R. PARKER,

Miasma, 1983; Id., Athenian Religion. A History, 1996; S.R. F. Price, Religions of the Ancient Greeks, 1999; P.STENGEL, Die griechischen Kultusaltertiimer, #1920; P. Verne, Did the Greeks Believe in Their Myths?, 1988 (French 1983). CA.

490

489 IX. ETRUSCAN AND ITALIC CIVILIZATIONS

see > Etrusci, Etruria; > Italia [II] X. ROME

A. THE STATUS OF SCHOLARSHIP B. CONCEPT AND CONSTITUTION OF THE SUBJECT MATTER C. DIFFERENTIATION OF RELIGION IN ROME D. Practices E. Discourses RY G. HISTORY OF EXPANSION

F. LOCAL HISTOH. GENERAL

ASSESSMENT

A. THE STATUS OF SCHOLARSHIP The differentiation between Roman and Greek religion was begun during Romanticism and further worked out in the course of the r9th cent. In 1902, this resulted in a handbook of Roman religion by G. W1ssowa [1]: it held ritual and law (cf. — Ecclesiastical/

Religious law) to be the hallmark of Roman religion, whereas mythology (~ Myth) was considered typical of Greek religion. The history of research of the 2oth cent. far beyond the borders of the German-speaking world consisted of a reappraisal of this duality. The attempt to recover a Roman mythology or to make its absence plausible [2; 3] and the endeavour on the other hand to fathom Greek influences on Roman religion (e.g. [4]) have been central approaches in this branch of the history of religion. The level of comparison implied therein presents a large problem because it sets an essentially transregional concept — ‘Greek religion’ — alongside a local religious culture — ‘Roman religion’. In this configuration Roman religion is obviously far easier to interpret as part of Greek religion than vice versa, as evidenced by the great text book on Greek religion by M. P. Nitsson [5], which is also one of the best works on history of religion in the Roman Empire. Further problems become evident: characterizing Roman religion as a local culture ignores the spatial extension of Roman imperial politics, and the concentration on > ritual marginalizes indigenous discourses about religion. The vacuum thus created is filled by modern constructs such as ‘oriental religions’, cults that are seemingly identical from region to region and offer attractive forms of community building and soteriologies [6]. Although ‘> Romanization’ is widely accepted by scholars as a cultural model, the questions connected to it are rarely applied to the sphere of religion although it is clear that the dissemination of law enforcement, language, exchanges of elite groups or classes of persons and other cultural processes, religious practices also spread in the whole of the Roman Empire.

B. CONCEPT AND CONSTITUTION OF THE SUBJECT MATTER Rome, like Greece, did not develop a concept of ‘religion’ (see above, I). Initially, religio (often in the plural religiones) described religious obligations. Only in the later Roman Empire was the term used in a Christian setting to encompass various non-Christian cultic com-

RELIGION

plexes into a coherent religious system (of a religio Romana) in opposition to Christianity (Tert. Apol. 24,1; Acta Cypriani 1,1; [7.203-234]). > Sacra or ius divinum (-> Ecclesiastical/Religious law II) described (specifiable) cults or rights of ownership, they did not distinguish an area ‘religion’ from other cultural areas. One approach to constituting ‘Roman religion’ is via the gods (di deaeque, di immortales) as the entire cultural practices related to these ‘symbols’. The differentiation between cult (sacra) and > divination (divinatio) plays an important role (e.g. Cic. Leg. 2,21 f.; 29-33) in reflection within Roman culture. This differentiation was still crucial during Late Antiquity when the Codex Theodosianus (> Codex II C) intervened in religion in favour of implementing a Christian monopoly; cf. the ban on divination in the Codex Theodosianus (16,10,7; 9; 16,10,10-12). However, experts in both spheres were

addressed as sacerdotes (— Sacerdos), which underlines their common ground in (pagan) Roman religion. Constituting ‘Roman religion’ via the gods does not mean structuring religion through their biographies: such an approach (all too frequently characteristic of the depictions of Roman and other religions; e.g. [1; 8]) presents several problems. (a) Various religious practices and discourses are related to a ‘symbol’ (a deity) which features within them in various forms and functions, and are explained solely through this symbol. (b) A specific discourse, ‘> theology’, that has come to be of paramount importance in European religious history, particularly Christianity, receives an undue emphasis, going beyond what the original language itself offers (for a critique, cf. - Polytheism). (c) In the mainly small-scale ancient communicative contexts, the gods may locally have quite distinct symbolic functions: it is not defining a common ‘essence’ (which is the focus of the phenomenology of religion), but establishing the spectrum of choices in certain contexts within a local ~» pantheon, that is of importance for the portrayal of Roman religion (in Rome, in Latin Praeneste, in Gallic Vienna) — though this is not meant to suggest that a religious system can be described even in a roughly adequate manner by approaching it from the category of the gods.

C. DIFFERENTIATION OF RELIGION IN ROME In Roman Antiquity — as in Antiquity generally — religion must be understood fundamentally as an ‘embedded’ practice, i.e. one integrated in various cultural, political and economic contexts. Religious roles were defined through social roles like that of the » pater familias or the magistrate; political activity also had religious aspects (— inauguratio, auspicatio). This embeddedness does not mean that a separate religious infrastructure was not developed early on. This is attested by the temple complex in Rome’s Forum Boarium which dates back to the 6th cent. BC (+ Rome III)

[9]. On the > Capitolium I, the temple of — Iuppiter (optimus maximus, ‘the best and the greatest’) dating

491

492

from the late 6th cent. BC, shows that, even early on, religion in Rome was expressed in urban monuments.

of saints); rigoristic stances (> Ascesis/Ascetism) now became a mass phenomenon (-» Monasticism).

RELIGION

The early history of the later priesthoods (-> Priests V C) is problematic; our sources do not show them as having an identity distinct from that of the magistracies before the 4th cent. BC (even if one accepts the existence

of the > rex sacrorum and the -> augures already in the Monarchy). The differentiation and separation of these roles runs parallel to the question of the political control of religion; tradition pictures Appius —» Claudius [I 2] Caecus (around 300 BC) as a person in whom the conflict between the spheres of religion and politics is concentrated: cf. for instance his ‘state take-over’ of the + Hercules cult of the Potitii, the publication of the ~» fasti, the lex Ogulnia on the participation of plebeians (+ plebs) in the public priesthoods. The so-called > Bacchanalia scandal in 186 BC, which entailed the persecution of several thousand followers of the Dionysus cult in Italy [10]; it shows better than any other event how much religious activities, practiced by groups outside the spectrum of the public ‘polis religion’ (for the concept see above, VIII), taking Greece as a starting point, had also taken hold in the Italian and Latin sphere. In social life in the following centuries, it is discernible how Roman — associations (collegia; + Collegium [1]), which are formed exclusively on account of the cult (which is always sociable), took up an important position beside the professional or family (slave) associations in the spectrum of groups that exhibited religious traits [11; 12]; likewise, religious ‘congregations’ were set up in the form of associations. Roman legislation on this point appears more restrictive than the Greek: in the minds of the political authorities the exclusion of the public from every form of religious activity was fundamentally suspicious [13]. Along with the associations, mention must be made of ‘those for whom religion was a full time occupation’, i.e. the upholders of religious authority who, during the Republic, repeatedly appeared in the sources as > vates (‘prophets’) and whose figure and pronouncements were in certain cases subjected to the process of inscripturation (— Sibyllini libri; [14]). This is especially evident in the case of the change in meaning vates underwent in Augustan literature as the ‘divinely inspired writer’ (e.g. Verg. Ecl. 7,28; 9,34). Their suppression in transmissional history and the rigorous, even if largely unsuccessful, supervision of the Sibyllini libri (i.e. canonization and stringent regimentation of access by the ~ quindecimviri sacris faciundis) show the marginal position of this alternative area of religious specialization in Rome. The resultant domestication and opened potential for legitimizing non-Roman religious specialists (+ Sibyl, > haruspices) is nevertheless part of the most amazing and characteristic traits of Roman religion. Only with the change in the sociopolitical structures in the 2nd and 3rd cents. AD did religion achieve a new and enormously enlarged general role as the external source of authority in the person of the (pagan as well as Christian) ‘holy man’ [15] (+ Saints, Veneration

D. PRACTICES Roman religion can be grasped primarily as > ritual, i.e. action. That is not typically Roman —contrary to the

historical perspective of scholars still dominant today (see above, A): even in the age of European Confessionalism (16th-17th cents.) the lack of religious discourse and theological reflection among the broader population was still deplored. The privileging of action was however not purely specific to levels of society but can also be presumed for the narrow strata of Roman culture — if need be, in the form of a ‘cognitive discord’ between action and thought [16]. The basic elements of Roman religion were the prayer (cf. > hymn) that accompanies every ritual activity, the — sacrifice, the — procession and games (-> Iudi). These practices both addressed and organized specific public events: it was characteristic of the ‘public? Roman sacrifice, i.e. one carried out and paid for by the local community, that the circle of participants at the meal is limited to the magistrates and priests who took part. Processions connect places and thus create sacred spaces; in Rome, sacred boundaries, often inconsistent

with development of the actual boundary, were especially lavishly emphasized [17]: the > pomerium separated the legally defined areas domi and militiae (‘home at Rome’ and ‘in the area martial law’ outside of Rome). As it lay outside the old city boundary, the Field of Mars (+ Campus Martius) was the place for numerous rituals involving armed citizens, and historically it was one

of scenes of the most far-reaching religious innovations: the > circus and theatre offered space here for ‘circus and theatrical games’, a type of ritual communication which, after the 3rd cent. BC, dominated Roman public life and, later on, increasingly that of the townspeople in the Roman provinces [18]. The games exhibited a processional aspect which, in carrying along statues and symbols of the gods on sacred vehicles (tensae), vividly demonstrates the barely hierarchical polytheistic structure of the Roman > pantheon [1] (— Polytheism). The > triumph of the victorious commander was foremost a processional ritual that led the army, the Jupiter-like imperator and the booty into the city via the > via Sacra and the > Forum Romanum to the temple of -» luppiter Capitolinus to redeem the vow they had made before they set out. The widespread ritual of the vow made in a crisis (votum, > Votive offerings) occurred in this ritual as an official religious act (as in the commencement of the duties of the > consules or jubilees of ruler and emperors); it was also frequently encountered in the sphere of private religion [19]. Temples were an important and imposing element of the religious infrastructure; as such they became the target of attacks against unwanted cults down to their expropriation in the late 4th cent. AD. According to real estate law, the templum (on which a building,

493

494

aedes, could be erected to the gods) was normally the property of a deity; an — altar marked the place of ritual communication with the deity in the sacrifice. Temple buildings and a central > cult image [III] (which could be extended for venerable images of more gods through donations) were not essential, but they provided further opportunities for establishing contact and emotional intimacy. The house made the temple site attractive for the deity; in a typical sacrifice special pieces of cooked meat were offered to the cult image on

ian environment played no less an important role in the history of social institutions. Roman constructs of foreignness reflected Rome’s interest in a controlling role, as for example, the introduction of the category ritus Graecus, an ensemble of cult-related rules and regulations for specific cults, by no means necessarily coming from Greece [26; 27]. From the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC, interests in systematization were reflected in the > fasti and the protocols (~ commentarii/— acta) of the Roman priesthoods. It was not until the rst cent. BC that Greek > philosophy was actively implemented ( Cicero, > Lucretius [III 1]); it remained restricted to a small circle in which the dominance of Epicurean positions (> Epicurean school C) at the end of the Roman Republic was replaced in the ensuing period by Stoic (e.g. » Cornutus [4]; > Stoicism) and finally Middle- and Neo-Platonist (+ Neoplatonism) approaches, which ultimately bestowed high status once again on ritual. Parallel to the reception of Greek philosophy went an upsurge in antiquarian research (dominated by M. Terentius > Varro [2]; generally: [28]) which provided traditional rituals and symbols with a ‘meaning’ (mostly created through genetic explanations). The interest in creating such ‘meanings’ stemmed from the philosophical leanings of the authors. On the other hand, the confusing presentation of multiple > aetiologies (— Propertius [1], > Ovidius) appears to be a Roman idiosyncrasy.

a table (mensa); the statue could appear to the worship-

per to be alive, nodding to him or declining to react [20; 21]. Even in the rapid expansion of the pantheon in a large town, the devotional image and its symbolism offered opportunities to identify the deities and create biographical sketches (e.g. on epithets: [22]) which are either conjectural or specific to the cult. Periods of time (days) could also become the property of deities. This is reflected in the relevant annotations in the > calendar (— Fasti). Setting the rhythm of everyday life (admittedly very restricted in comparison to modern times) by months (Kalends, Nones, Ides),

market days (~ nundinae) or assembly days (— comitia) included opportunities to earmark days for public rituals, which took precedence over the days celebrating the founding of the temple (— natalis templi) and comparable celebrations. Only scanty guidance for private cultic acts is associated with it if one overlooks the fact that days set aside for > birthday celebrations and symposia (~ Banquet; - Symposion) were especially popular. Personal religion in the case of a crisis (vows, sacrifices of supplication and gratitude) or in associations scarcely appears to fit in with the calendar guidelines [23; 24]. E. DISCOURSES From the beginning, i.e. since the period Rome be-

came a town, the development of Roman religion shows a concern not only with the material culture of the Ancient Near East (e.g. Phoenicia) and Greece (be it in the form of cult images, temple features, cult accoutrements, burial objects and votive offerings), but also

with its religious discourses. The anachronistic construct that > Numa Pompilius, the fictitious founder of Roman religion and second king of Rome, was a pupil of the southern Italian philosopher > Pythagoras (6th cent. BC), shows that the Romans were aware of this as early as the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC (‘discovery’ of Numa’s books: [25]). The media employed are manifold: in the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. BC, drama in its various forms (> comedy, > tragedy, not only as -> praetexta) was also used as a form of religious discourse. Hellenistic literary genres were received in Rome in quick succession even though their sustainability proved variable (+ Ennius [1], + Euhemerus; — Epic II B 3 A, > HistoRIoGRAPHY Ill). They offered fertile material for contemplating and constructing cultural differences and similarities. Although Greek ideas did dominate in literature, the Ital-

RELIGION

F. LOCAL HISTORY If one asks what distinguishes Roman religion from others, it is important to remember that its history can be addressed only in close connection with Rome’s political and social history. The role of ‘public’ religion as the religion of the ruling class of society (> nobility) is crucial, as is the restructuring of this class by the emperor who took on a central role in public religion both in his capacity as > pontifex maximus and by frequent memberships of several priestly collegia. Religious architecture and ritual were part of the central elements of the municipal infrastructure financed by — euergetism culminating in Hadrian’s enormous double temple to >» Venus and - Roma [1]. Only at the end of the 4th cent. AD did the non-Christian cults (though not religion per se) lose this support structure of state and private financial funding. As far as its religious spectrum is concerned, Rome’s religious history can —in spite of delays and examples of public intolerance (cf. > Patrii di; + Tolerance) — be written as a history of ‘accretion’. Moreover, the numerous annexes in Rome of non-local cults achieved special influence on the basis of the city’s prestige or its organizational predominance: the history of Roman » Christianity (Paul and Peter in Rome) is a perfect example of this. Furthermore, it was apparently in Rome itself that the transformation of specific rituals and symbols into educational and literary goods that could be handed was achieved — a transformation that was crucial for the survival of Roman religion in Christian times (cf. the poetess > Proba; cf. > Education D).

RELIGION

495

G. HISTORY OF EXPANSION

Roman religion is part of the history of religion shared throughout the Mediterranean where the advanced ancient oriental civilizations occupied a special status as prolific centres of religious culture over a long period of time (e.g. > Astrology, cults of -» Isis and ~ Serapis). As a result of Rome’s political and military expansion, the practices, symbols and material forms of Roman religion also acquired a particular influence over the religious history of the civilizations within the imperium Romanum. The accelerated dissemination and migration of religious options, cult’s ensconcement in writing (e.g. on votive and > funerary inscriptions) and Roman sacerdotal models of religious organization can only touch on the variety of ramifications and reciprocal effects; the need for research is great and stretches far beyond Roman > ruler cult or the religion of the Roman military and administrative machinery [29; 30]. H. GENERAL ASSESSMENT Taken as a term for a regionally and temporally limited religious system, it makes sense to speak of Roman religion; but taken as a concept indicating a ‘confession’, it is unusable. The ‘origin’ of Roman religion from the development of Rome as a city, its embeddedness in the social, economic and political changes of the succeeding centuries and its diversity in historical time make the search for the ‘essence’ of Roman religion futile, and consequently also its demarcation (based on a definition of its essence) from a Greek and ‘oriental’ religion. In the history of its reception, Roman religion was regarded, first in Late Antiquity and subsequently in the Renaissance and early modernity, as a synonym for ancient religion and thus as an alternative to Christianity. It was not until after the 17th cent. that this opposition was replaced by that of + monotheism versus > polytheism. Roman religion was subsequently portrayed as religion a ritualistic or primitive (dynamism, ~» numen), the latter also with recourse to earlier paradigms. Roman religion, due to its paucity of myths, its isolation in the western Mediterranean and it is restriction to one city, holds not nearly as much interest as Greek religion for the ‘school of religious history’, the debate over the primacy of ritual or myth (> Ritual) or the discussion about the polis religion (see above, VIII). Modern methodological depictions of it accordingly took second place to the hard work that marked the study of Greek religion. However, contemporary discussions about the juridification of religion and of legal concerns guiding religious issues in pluralistic societies or the current debates on globalization might betoken a renaissance for Roman religion as a subject of research. > Cult III; > Priests V; > Ritual VII; > Sacrifice IV; -» RELIGION, HISTORY OF 1G. Wissowa,

Religion und Kultus der Rémer, *1912

2J.N. BREMMER, N.M.HorsFatt, Roman Myth and Mythography, 1987 3 F.Grar (ed.), Mythos in mythenloser Gesellschaft,

1993

4 F. ALTHEIM,

Griechische

496 Gotter im alten Rom (RGVV 22,1), 1930 5 NILSSON, GGR, vol. 2 6 F.CuMoNT, Die orientalischen Religionen im romischen Heidentum, 1909 (31931) 7 A. BENDLIN, Social Complexity and Religion at Rome in the Second and First Centuries BCE (Diss. Oxford), 1998 8 R.Mutn, Einfiihrung in die griechische und romische Religion, 1988 (+1998) 9 F.COARELLI, Il Foro Boario, *1992 10 J.-M.PAILier, Bacchanalia, 1988

11 F.AuspUtret, Untersuchungen zu den Vereinen im Westen des Romischen Reiches, 1982 12 J.S. KLOPPENBORG, S.G. WILSON (eds.), Voluntary Associations in the Graeco-Roman World, 1996 13 B.GLApDIGow, Struktur

der Offentlichkeit

und Bekenntnis

in polytheistischen

Religionen, in: H.G.KippENBERG, G.G.SrRouMSA (eds.),

Secrecy and Concealment, 1995 14 T.P. WISEMAN, Lucretius, Catiline, and the Survival of Prophecy, in: Id., Historiography and Imagination, 49-53 15 P.BRown, Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity, 1982 16H.S. VERSNEL, Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion, vol. 1: Ter Unus, 1990 17 J. RUPKE, Domi militiae, 1990 18 F. BERNSTEIN, Ludi Publici, 1998 19H.S. VERSNEL (ed.), Faith, Hope and Worship, 1981 20 B.GLADIGOW,

Zur Ikonographie und Pragmatik romsicher Kultbilder, in: H. KeLier et al. (eds.), Iconologia Sacra, 1994, 9-24 217.S.

ScHEER,

Die

Gottheit

und

ihr

Bild,

2000

22 B.GLapiIGow, Gottesnamen (Gottesepitheta) I, RAC TI, 1202-1238 23 P.HERz, Untersuchungen zum Fest-

kalender der romischen Kaiserzeit nach datierten Weihund Ehreninschriften, 1975 24 J. RUpKE, Kalender und Offentlichkeit, 1995 25 K. ROSEN, Die falschen Numabiicher: Politik, Religion und Literatur in Rom 181 vy. Chr., in: Chiron 15,1985,65-90 26 J.SCHEID, Romulus et ses fréres, 1990

27 H. Cancik,

H. CANCIK-LINDE-

MAIER, Patria — peregrina — universa, in: C.ELsas et al. (eds.), Tradition und Translation, 1994, 64-74 28 E. Rawson, Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Repub-

lic, 1985 29 H.Cancik, J.RUPKE (eds.), RGmische Reichs- und Provinzialreligion, 1997 30 W. SPICKERMANN, Religion im romischen Germanien, 2001. RESEARCH

REPORTS:

N.BELAYCHE,

A.BENDLIN

et al.,

Forschungsbericht rémischer Religion(1990-1999), Archiv fiir Religions-Geschichte 2, 2000, 283-345. HANDBOOKs:

LatrEe;

M.BEARD,

J. NorTH,

in:

S. PRICE,

Religions of Rome, 2 vols., 1998. INTRODUCTIONS: J.NorTH, Roman Religion, 2000; J.ScueE1p, La Religion des Romains, 1998; J. RUPKE, Die Religion der Romer, 2001.

JR.

XI. CHRISTIANITY

See > Christianity; > Church.

Remancipatio. In Roman

law, the actus contrarius

(‘reversion’) of the > mancipatio (formal alienation). It

served, for instance, for the return of objects given for fiduciary safekeeping

(> fiducia). The

remancipatio

was also a constituent act in the complex ceremonies of the -> emancipatio (release from the family group). Above all, however, it was an important element in di-

vorce proceedings in the old > manus marriage (cf. also ~» Marriage III): if such a marriage was to be dissolved, the wife had to be released from the special authority of the husband. This remancipatio consisted of a ceremo-

AT

498

nial transfer (mancipatio) from the manus of the hus-

northern Gaul. The privileged status of the R. later at first slowed the process of > romanization, favouring the survival of archaisms. For example, in the matter of cults, there was along with the Celtic Camulus (associated with the Roman Mars) a three-faced or three-headed deity conceived in connection with Druidic lore (cf. —> Celts [V B], > Druids) which continued to be venerated (ESPERANDIEU, Rec. 3651, 3652, 3654-59, 3661, 3751; [4]). However, since the R. benefited greatly from Roman civilization by virtue of their situation on the main supply lines to the Rhenish legions, the will to political and financial autonomy was edged out beginning in the 2nd half of the rst cent. by priorities of material wealth, with a resultant economic boom. A society developed which conducted agriculture to high technological standards (harvesting machines), not on the basis of large-scale land ownership but of medium-sized and small farms with the help of a welltrained stratum of manual labour [7]. The land was fertile; onions and winter wheat were cultivated (Plin.

band or his — pater familias to the wife’s former pater familias or a fiduciary (fiduciae causa). The ‘recipient’ of the woman then released her from his authority through manumissio (> Manumission C.), although he

retained guardianship (— tutela) and the rights of the patron (+ patronus B.). HONSELL/MaAyYER-MALY/SELB,

401;

KaserR, RPR

S23 oie

vol.x,

GS.

Remi. Tribe in Gallia + Belgica that settled in the Aisne, Vesle and Suippe valleys, with a heavy concentration in the middle Aisne valley, i.e. in the present-day départements of Marne and Ardennes, and in parts of Aisne and Meuse [1. 127f.]. Encircled by forests, the territory of the R. nowhere bordered on neighbouring tribes. When the R. had become settled in this region, they drifted so far from their original ‘nomadic mindset’ that they identified their concept of the boundless world around them now with the space ‘beyond’ their area of settlement, and the space dedicated to the gods was thus no longer above them but around them [2; 3]. After the R. had become sedentary, their lands became a cultural crossroads for the Gallic northeast, where the

routes of the tribes of the east crossed those of the tribes of the north. Unlike the case of other Gallic tribes, the old contacts along the Sa6ne-Rh6ne axis to the Mediterranean world of the south along with pre-Celtic elements remained vital to the culture of the R. [4; 1. 67—82]. A spectacular economic upswing and socio-economic reorganization beginning in the 2nd half of the _ 2nd cent. BC are particularly clearly observable, e.g., in the archaeological remains of the region of Le Porcien: aristocratic farms with associated necropoleis in circular or rectangular enclosures, open group villages (AcyRomance, Nizy-le-Comte, Thugny-Trugny), oppida, either on steep plateaux (‘Vieux Laon’ at Saint Thomas,

HN

REMISMUNDUS

18,85; 19,97; Pan. Lat. Constantini I 8,69). The

political history of the R. is known to us only until AD 70, when the tribe undertook a peace initiative during the > Batavian Revolt (Tac. Hist. 4,68 f.). Funerary inscriptions of Remic soldiers (CIL III 4466; VI 46; XII 1844; 2615; 8309) and civilians (CIL XIII 628; 1055; TO9I; 1796; 2008; 8104) survive, as does a dedication

to Mars Camulus (CIL XIII 8701). 1S.Ficuti, Les Gaulois du Nord de la Gaule, 1994 2M.R. Lecros, Les frontiéres des Rémes, in: Caesarodunum 16, 1981,175-179 3 F.LEFEvRE, La partie sept-

entrionale de la cité des Rémes, Bull. Luxembourgeoises 20, 1989, 368-383 divinités indigénes chez les Rémes, in: Archéologique Champenoise 79,

des Antiquités 4 J.J. Hatt, Les

Bull. de la Soc. 1986, 51-56

5 B. Lamport, P. CASAGRANDE, Les Rémes a la veille de la

romanisation (Rey. archéologique de Picardie, special issue II), 1996, 13-38 6S.SCHEERS, Traité de numismatique celtique. II: La Gaule Belgique, 1977

‘Nadin’ at Chateau Porcien; ‘Moulin a Vent’ at Voncq)

7 R.Lecros, Ordre romain et techniques celtes au service

or on the plain with ditches and fortifications (‘La Cheppe’ Marne, ‘Vieux Reims’ at Conde-sur Suippe) and finally sanctuaries (e.g., border and nature shrines) [5]. Prior to the Roman occupation, the land thrived thanks to the R.’s capacity to adapt, with an agricultural production making maximum use of cultivable surfaces, considerable industry, highly-developed trade, an excellent monetary system [6. 139-143, 170-172] and

de la production agricole chez les Rémes, in: Latomus 30, 1971, 696-701. F.SCH.

access to ore deposits (Vallée de la Vence).

Throughout the Gallic Wars, the R. remained on the side of — Caesar (Caes. B Gall. passim; Cass. Dio

Remigius. From ~ Mogontiacum (Mainz), rationarius of the mag. militum Silvanus in Gaul in AD 355, mag. officiorum of > Valentinianus Ic. 365-371; in this period he covered up the machinations of his brother-inlaw > Romanus in Africa. This and the usurpation of the Moor > Firmus [3] led to his dismissal. In 373, when his misdeeds were discovered, R. hanged himself. Crauss 186f.; PLRE 1, 763.

K.G-A.

39,1,1—-3; 40,1 1,2), opening their towns to the Romans

(Caes. B Gall. 2,3), enduring the siege by a Celtic coalition of their city of > Bibrax (modern Vieux-Laon) in 57 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,6,1) and staying away from the

great gathering of Gallic tribes at + Bibracte in 52 BC (Caes. B Gall. 7,63,7). As > foederati and later as a civitas foederata (Plin. HN 4,106; CIL X 1705; CIL XII 1855; 1869; 1870), they made their territory available to the Romans as a supply and logistics bridgehead for

Remismundus. King of the Suebi in AD 465-469. R. was probably at the court of the Visigoths in 461. After the death of Frumarius [1. 486f.] he was elevated to king of all the > Suebi in 465 (Chron. min. 2,33). He was son-at-arms of king > Theoderic II of the Visigoths (Chron. min. 2,33). He is not identical [2. 667f.] to the pretender Rechimundus (AD 459-461) [1.936]. R.

499

500

was still alive when > Hydatius [2] ended his Chronicle (AD 468). > Suebi

selected by the + comitia (who were seen as magistratus designati from this moment on). The official decla-

REMISMUNDUS

1PLRE 2,938

2D.Crtaupe, Prosopographie des spa-

nischen Suebenreichs, in: Francia 6, 1978, 647-676.

WE.LU.

ration of a law (+ lex) passed by the comitia was called

renuntiatio legis. In military law, renuntiatio meant the betrayal of military secrets to an enemy — punished by death by burning (crematio). Tu. Mayer-Ma ty, R., in: M.J. SCHERMAIER

boni et aequi. FS W. Waldstein, 1993, 261-265.

Remmius {1] Commander of the guard for the Parthian king ~ Vonones I, who was detained in Pompeiopolis, Cilicia; in AD 19, he killed the king at the river Pyramus during an escape (Tac. Ann. 2,68; cf. Suet. Tib. 49,2).

He is probably identical to the C. R. Rufus mentioned in CIL V 2837 (= ILS 2022).

M.SCH.

[2] R. Palaemon, Q. Famous Roman teacher of grammar (cf. Juv. 6,451ff.; 7,215 ff.) of the rst cent. AD from — Vicetia (modern Vicenza; for his life see Suet.

Gram. 23, on this [2. 228-242; 3], bibliography [2. 228]). His students include > Persius [2] and > Quintilianus. His poems in Alexandrine manner (cf. Mart. 2,86,11) are lost, as is his primary work, a school grammar following Dionysius [17] Thrax, which served as the basis for late antique grammar (cf. primarily [4]). His lasting fame is attested to by, among other things, late antique and modern [5] ascriptions of various handbooks (Artes) and other grammatical texts

[6].

FRAGMENTS:

1GRF(add), 68-102.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

2R.KasTER

(ed.), C. Suetonius Tran-

quillus, De grammaticis et rhetoribus (with English translation and commentary), 1995 3 J.KOLENDO, Le gram-

(ed.), Ars

F.ME.

Reparatus [1] Late-Roman senator, brother of Pope > Vigilius, c. AD 527 praefectus urbis Romae under the Gothic king + Athalaric. In 536, he was interned by the Goths in Ravenna. He fled to Liguria, and in 538, > Belisarius appointed him praefectus praetorio (Italiae) in + Mediolan(i)um [1] (Milan), where he was assassinated in 539 by the victorious Goths (Cassiod. Var. 9,7; Procop. Goth 1,26,1f.; 2,12,34f.; 21,40).

~ Ostrogoths PLRE 2, 939f., 1323; RUBIN 2, 109, 126f.; CH. SCHAFER,

Der

westrémische

Senat

1991, roof.

unter

den

Ostgotenk6nigen, KP.

[2] Bishop of Carthage; in AD 535, he was in contact with popes John II and > Agapetus [2]. In the ThreeChapter Controversy (~ Synodos), he excommunica-

ted Pope — Vigilius; in 551, he was called to Constantinople by — Iustinianus [r] and in 552 exiled to Euchaita, where he died in 563. A. VICIANO, s. v. R., LThK? ogr.).

8, 1999, col. rr12f. (bibliS.L.-B.

maizen |) Re Py is Index 135 1985, nz7—187 4K.BarwWIck, R. P., 1922 5P.L. ScHMupT, in: HLL 4,

§ 432,219f. 6 G. FANTELLI, False attribuzioni medievali di opere grammaticali a Q. R. P., in: Aevum 24, 1950, 434-441. P.L.S.

Repetundarum crimen, literally ‘the crime (of the appropriation) of (things and monies) to be restored’, was the crime of extortion from subordinates and aliies

Remus see > Romulus [1]

by Roman officials, and derived its name from the money and goods which had been extorted and had to be returned (cf. lex de pecuniis repetundis, Cic. Brut. 106).

Renting see

The earliest reference (Liv. 43.2) is a civil repetundae

Renuntiatio

Housing conditions (literally ‘announcement’,

‘revocation’).

In Roman civil law, renuntiatio mostly indicates a uni-

lateral declaration requiring acknowledgement, by which a right (e.g. a legacy) was waived or a legal relationship was ended. This includes the unilateral termination of an engagement or marriage, but especially the cancellation of a commission (> mandatum) by the contractor (Paulus Dig. 17,1,22,11) and the dissolution of a society (— societas, cf. Paulus Dig. 17,2,65). The

legitimacy of a renuntiatio depended on the type of contract and the precise agreement between the parties: a renuntiatio contrary to the contract was effective, but led to claims for damages. Renuntiatio modt is understood as the description of the dimensions of a property by the > surveyor, who was liable for its accuracy. In constitutional law, renuntiatio means the act of announcing the officeholders

action before — recuperatores, which the Senate permitted in 171 BC in favour of Spanish soci against several former governors. The repetundae action received legal foundation by the lex Calpurnia (149 BC) and a later lex Iunia, which introduced a special, permanent

college of jurors for repetundae cases (quaestio perpetua, -» quaestio). The aim of such an action was to return the extorted sum. The repetundae action became a criminal procedure by the lex Acilia (1423/2 BC), which, among other provisions, imposed a punitive claim for the duplum (double) of the extorted amount

and which abolished the former introductory > sacramentum proceedings. In their place was now the filing of the injured party’s claim with the praetor responsible (— delatio nominis) and the application to be allowed to make the accusation. The lex Acilia describes the corpus delicti of the RC as seizure, confiscation, extortion, defalcation and misappropriation. A

5O1

jo2

Sullan repetundae law (between 81 and 79 BC) probably raised the fine to two-and-a-half-fold. A lex Iulia of Caesar (59 BC) introduced a fundamental reform and made serious cases of extortion capital offences (in the Roman sense). In simple repetundae cases, the provincials could, according to a SC Calvisianum (Augustus inscription from Cyrene, FIRA I 410, Z. 97ff.), apply to the Senate rather than the quaestio repetundarum. The repetundae case most notorious to this day is that against C. > Verres (7o BC), in which Cicero represented the Sicilian claimants against their former governor (propraetor). W.KUNKEL, s. v. Quaestio, RE 24, 720-786 (= Id., KS, 1974, 33-110); W.Eperr, Das vorsullanische Repetundenverfahren, thesis, Munich 1969; C. VENTURINI, Studi sul ‘crimen repetundarum’ nell’eta repubblicana, 1979;

B.SANTALuCIA,

Diritto e processo

Roma, *1998.

penale nell’ antica DLS.

Replicatio. As a counter-exception, the replicatio was the means in the Roman civil formula procedure for the claimant to rebut an exception (> exceptio) of the respondent. The latter then had recourse to a duplicatio, the former then to a triplicatio, etc. All these objections

were incorporated into the trial formula (+ formula) and thus constituted the dispute presentation debated and substantiated before the > index. An example of the replicatio is shown in Dig. 44,2,9,1, where the claimant is enabled to reply to the objection of legal force to the effect that the case had been decided in his favour. M.Kaser, *1996, 382.

K.Hack1t,

Das

romische

Zivilprozefsrecht, C.PA.

Reposianus. Author of an hexameter poem transmitted in the > Codex Salmasianus (Anth. Lat. 253 = 247 SHACKLETON

BAILEY), which contains a collection of

poems put together at the beginning of the 6th cent. AD in Vandal northern Africa. The poem’s theme is the love between Ares (Mars) and Aphrodite (Venus) (related in Hom. Od. 8), but the episode is given a moralizing turn. In the end, Venus plans to take revenge on the sun, who has tricked her: she inflames Helios with love (a motif

from Oy. Met. 4,190-195) and punishes his descendants, beginning with Pasiphae (cf. Serv. Aen. 6,14; Serv. Auct. Ecl. 6,47). However, this is not elaborated fur-

ther; the redactor of the anthology presumably excerpted only part of a longer poem and entitled the result De Concubitu Martis et Veneris (“The Nuptials of Mars and Venus”). The grove in which Mars and Venus come together is located near Byblus, which establishes a connection to Venus’ previous relationship with + Adonis (V. 33-36). Today, R. is generally thought to have been an African who — judging by the authors who imitated him — presumably lived at the time of > Dracontius [3] or shortly before; R.’ metres, however, are more correct than those of Dracontius.

REPRODUCTION

TECHNIQUES

Ep1Tion: U. ZUCCARELLI, 1972 (unsatisfactory); L. CRISTANTE, 1999

BIBLIOGRAPHY: K.SMOLAK, in: HLL 5, § 547.

ED.C.

Repositorium. Originally a Roman tray, then a stand or centrepiece used to arrange and serve food for a course (Petron. Sat. 33; 40; 49), introduced probably at the beginning of the rst cent. BC as luxury tableware. The repositorium could have simple, round or rectangular form, but it could also have several levels and be of considerable height; it was also decorated with figures (Petron. Sat. 36), veneered with valuable woods and fitted with silver on the corners and edges (Plin. HN 33,146). Carrying away the repositorium while a guest

was still drinking was considered a bad omen (Plin. HN 28,26, cf. 18,365). Alongside the repositorium, stands on which appetizers were brought in were also luxury items (gustatorium, Petron. Sat. 34,1, or promulsidarium, Petron. Sat. 31,9); they, too, could be made of precious materials (e.g., silver).

~» Table utensils

RH.

Reproduction techniques were used in antiquity from the Geometric Period on for the serial production of art. It exists when a model created specifically for the purpose is used to manufacture a not always specified number of repetitions. The intention may be economic, aesthetic (if identical products are desired) or, in the particular case of coins, dictated by the very purpose of the objects. It is crucial to distinguish this from the subsequent repetition of an original which is itself of value, as seen in the manufacture of —> copies of ancient ~ sculpture (cf. also > Portraits). The desire for uniform appearance demanded serial production ofcertain architectural elements such as antefixes, capitals and clay panels. In stone, RT do not cut the costs of manufacture, as the process is the same as in copying. The supply of prototypes for capitals, regularly demonstrated in the ancient building accounts, saved only work in planning without simplifying manual procedures. Similarity sought for religious reasons dictated the serial production of votive objects bearing the image of a particular deity ( Votive offerings). As these were modest products, the economic factor (cheaper mass production) may have been co-determinant. This also applies to small-scale terracotta (-> Terracottas) sculpture for the domestic and sepulchral spheres. Here, however, exact repetition was often neglected, with the final product being assembled from several parts that could be combined in different ways. As new female moulds were created each time from products at hand, and not from the original male mould, the moulds and thus the pro-

ducts gradually shrank due to firing losses. The serial manufacture of simple utensils and clothing accessories such as belt buckles and fibulae (> Pins), hair-pins,

thimbles, etc. was doubtless conditioned only by economic

considerations.

Weapons,

too,

were

at least

partly manufactured using RT for reasons of cost. The

503

504

manufacture of — jewellery, on the other hand, required RT for aesthetic reasons, in order to keep individual parts as uniform as possible. Technically speaking, all the conditions for the serial production of metals were already in place by the Bronze Age (reusable stone moulds for part casting procedure). The technique was widely used for small utensil parts and jewellery in the Greek Iron Age. Beginning

an (cf. Gell. NA 4,3,1f.); no later than the rst cent. BC, the initiative could also come from the woman. Repudium was then simply the declaration of the desire to divorce (regardless on whose part). In Late Antiquity

REPRODUCTION TECHNIQUES

in the Classical Period, and more so in the Hellenistic,

part casting moulds were used in -> toreutics for cheap reproduction. Casting moulds, in need of constant replacement, were perpetuated by using plaster casts, some of which survive. In ceramics, vessels and lamps (~» Lamp) were made using RT as cheap mass products from the Hellenistic Period on (cf. + Pottery, production of). For this, complete bowl moulds or mould stamps could serve to place a decorative element directly on to the vessel body. Relief decoration could also be manufactured separately in parts, and then applied as desired to the vessels. Among typical serial techniques was > coin production, which usually made use of stamping techniques (+ Minting) using dies. Individual coins were also cast. In Campanian > wall paintings, there are occasional precise replications of images. This, along with the problems of the transmission of ancient > book illustration and of imaging in > textile art, triggered early scholarly consideration of the possible existence of cartoons and template books. It stands to reason from practical considerations that these would have been used, but the evidence has yet to be found. B.SCHMALTZ, Terrakotten aus dem Kabirenheiligtum bei

Theben, 1974; E.D. REEDER, Clay Impressions from Attic Metalwork, 1974; C. REINSBERG, Studien zur hellenistischen Toreutik,

1980;

B. HOFFMANN,

Die Rolle hand-

werklicher Verfahren bei der Formgebung reliefverzierter Terra Sigillata, 1983; U. Genric (ed.), Toreutik und figiir-

liche Bronzen romischer Zeit (6. Tagung tiber antike Bronzen, Berlin 1980), 1984; C.GRANDJOUAN, Hellenistic Relief Moulds from the Athenian Agora, 1989; A. GEYER, Die Genese narrativer Buchillustration, 1989; M.-L. RurSCHOWSCAYA,

Arbeitszeugnisse

Tissus

coptes,

geometrischer

1990;

und

C.REINHOLDT,

archaischer

Schmuckwerkstatten, in: AA, 1992, 215-231; C. BEMONT (ed.), Les figurines en terre cuite gallo-romaines,

1993;

F. Rakos (ed.), Simitthus, vol. 2: Der Tempelberg und das

romische Lager, 1994;

A. MULLER (ed.), Le moulage en

terre cuite dans l’antiquite (Colloque Lille 1995), 1997.

RN.

Repudium. In Roman law, initially the unilateral repudiation of a wife by her husband. From the literal sense (from pudor, ‘shame’, ‘chastity’), repudium would have

had serious misconduct (especially adultery, ~ adulterium) by the wife as a prerequisite. According to the Twelve Tables, as reported by Gai. Dig. 24,2,2,1, for repudium, the man had to call upon the woman to leave (baete foras) and to take her things with her (tuas

res tibi habeto). As early as the 3rd cent. BC, repudium was possible without any fault committed by the wom-

(after AD 300), the notice of divorce (libellus repudit)

was elevated from a mere convention to a formal requirement. Into the Imperial era, the delivery of the repudium by messengers (nuntium remittere) may have been more common than the libellus. > Marriage III.; » Divorce E. Levy, Der Hergang der romischen Ehescheidung, 1925; HONSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 400f. GS.

Res mancipi. In Roman law, RM were objects which (Gai. Inst. 2,22) were transferred by — mancipatio to another

person.

RM

could

be slaves, cattle, horses,

mules, donkeys (the latter according to the Sabinian school from birth, according to the Proculian school only from being tamed: Gai. Inst. 2,15); also Italian land (Gai. Inst. 1,120), servitutes rusticae such as via,

iter, actus, aquae ductus (rights of way, right to drive cattle, water rights; Ulp. 19,1) and provincial land of the ius Italicum (Gai. Inst. 2,14a). With the disappearance of the mancipatio, the importance of the RM assigned to it also ebbed (Cod. lust. 7,31,5, AD 531). HOoNSELL/MAYER-MALY/SELB, 83, 104; KASER, RPR vol. I, 123f., 281f., RPR vol. 2, 245; D.LieBs, Romisches

Recht, 51999, 163, 169-173.

D.SCH.

Res publica (literally: ‘public matter’, in contrast to res privata, ‘private matter’) is the sum of the possessions,

rights and interests of the Roman state, where the term ‘state’ is understood not as an abstract concept separable from its citizenry, but as the concrete manifestation of the generality of its citizens: res publica est res populi (Cic. Rep. 1,25,393 ‘res publica is the affair of the people’; — Populus). Accordingly, res publica is not identifiable with the modern concepts of ‘state’ or ‘constitution’; in its original meaning it denotes differentiation from the sovereignty of the king (> Rex) on the one hand, and from the private interests of individual families and their > domus on the other. As opposed to the term > civitas, which can also refer to the citizens (cives) as a group, but in the course of time came to reinforce the territorial aspect in the sense of ‘that area to which citizenship applies’ (and thus approaching a modern definition of ‘state’), res publica comprises and emphasizes the aspect of political and social organization. But already at the end of the Roman Republic — at least in discussion of the theory of the state — the term had become so generalized, broadly conceived, and far removed from its origins as the description of a specific form of civil organization, distinct from monarchy (‘republic’), that Cicero could even speak of a res publica led by kings (regalis res publica; Cic. Rep. 3,35,47), provided that it was based on a generally ac-

595

506

cepted understanding of the law, and the common good was safeguarded (cf. 1,25,39). Discussions in the Senate during the Late Republic on the topic de re publica covered the current situation of the state: whoever acted on

publica libera, from the rule of the > princeps, who, for example in the > lex de imperio Vespasiani (Z. 17ff.), stood above publicae privataeque res (literally: ‘public and private affairs’; cf. Tac. Hist. 1,16,1; Ann. 1,3,7 et

tabulae communes (66). The terms publici for public slaves (72, 78) and publica for public taxes, on the other hand, were probably in such general use as to pose no problems. It is possible that we can see here the first effects of a school of thought formulated explicitly by the jurist Gaius [2] in the 2nd cent. AD, allowing the characterization publica only in respect of the finances of the Roman state, while the civil communities (civitates) were to be treated as private individuals (Gaius Dig. 50,16,16). If this interpretation was also meant to apply to the use of res publica, it did not prevail; communities of every legal status continued frequently to be described in inscriptions as res publicae. The use of res publica for a Latin city is attested for 159 BC (SC de Tiburtibus: FIRA 1, no. 33), for overseas communities like Athens from the last years of the 2nd

passim).

cent. BC at the latest (C. Gracchus Fr. 22 MALCOvATI).

Although the res publica was the bearer of rights, unlike in the case of the modern state it never became an

In the Greek world the term corresponding to the Latin res publica was > politeia; from the 2nd century BC onwards, Roman documents in Greek have ta démosia pragmata as a literal translation (Syll.3 646). > Constitution; > REPUBLIC

behalf of, or in the service of, the res publica (e re publica) represented the interests of the state. Augustus was thus able to maintain with some degree of justification that he had restored the res publica (in the sense of ‘national order’; Vell. 2,89,4 and Laudatio Turiae 2,25 = ILS 8393; cf. R. Gest. div. Aug., ch. 34). During the Imperial Period, res publica thus had to be qualified by the rider libera (‘free’), so as to be distinguished, as res

active entity: res publica Romanorum was not a consti-

tutional concept. In its manifestation as instigator of state action, the populus Romanus thus appeared in official pronouncements in terms of ‘the Senate and people of Rome’ (senatus populusque Romanus; ~» SPQR). In the censor’s prayer (in Varro Ling. 6,86),

in the formula res publica populi Romani Ouiritium, the res publica was set alongside the populus Romanus, virtually as belonging to it. But the res publica could also be lost, when — as in Late Republican Rome — the interplay of the constitutional organs of the state no longer functioned [5], or, as in Athens, when citizenship was stubbornly refused to loyal allies (C. Gracchus fr.

RESCRIPT PROCEDURE

1 A.ROSENBERG, s.v. R.p., RE 1A, 1914, 633-674 2 W.SUERBAUM, Vom antiken zum frihmittelalterlichen.

Staatsbegriff, 31977 3 R.KLEIN (ed.), Das Staatsdenken der ROmer,1966 4P.A. Brunt, Augustuselar.p., in: La rivoluzione romana: inchiesta tra gli antichisti (Biblioteca di Labeo 6), 1982, Amissa, +1997.

Resafa see

236-244

5 CHR.

Meter,

R.P. H.GA.

> Rusafa

22 MaLcovat)).

Rescript procedure. This type of Roman trial develo-

Just as the populus Romanus in the course of its expansion incorporated other populi, these latter, at least for the most part, also retained their character as res publicae within the all-embracing Roman res publica. Festus [6] cites a Late Republican jurist (Servilius or Servius [Sulpicius] filius) in evidence of the opinion that many municipes (> Municipium) received Roman citizenship (civitas) only on condition that they might retain their own res publica alongside (separatim) Roman res publica (Fest. 126), naming Cumanos, Acer-

ped from the reign of Hadrian (znd cent. AD) as a spe-

ranos, Atellanos, thus municipia of the so-called demi-

citizens. In another passage Festus mentions prefectures that enjoyed a kind of res publica without possessing their own officials (Fest. 262); here, too, besides Capua and others he names Cumae, Acerrae and Atella.

Use of the term publicus for the public affairs of civil communities expanded towards the end of the Republic: the city constitution of Tarentum and the -> lex Ursonensis both make frequent use of the term, with no evident restriction (FIRA I’ no. 18 = lex Tarentina, Il. 1,3,10 et passim;

FIRA

I* no.

21

= lex Ursonensis,

65,19; 66,1 and 7 et passim). In the Spanish city constitutions of the Flavian period the word is then for the most part avoided, at least in the context of public finances, to be replaced by communis (‘general’, ‘common’): pecunia communis

(-> lex Irnitana, 20,60,67),

cial form of the civil inquiry of cognizance (+ cognitio). Its peculiarity consisted in the fact that the decisive legal issue (i.e. not also the correctness of the facts) was clarified in advance for the specific case by the princeps, by means of a written response (— rescriptum) to the writ-

ten enquiry of the party who would henceforth be the plaintiff, with the consequence that henceforth all that required examination was the correctness of the circumstances, which had been assumed in the enquiry. In this way, the — princeps gradually established himself as the supreme judge, able to be called upon by anyone in the Empire, and he hereby consolidated his centralization of power. To what extent the rescripta functio-

ned as a precedent is not quite clear: on the one hand, the principes themselves constantly emphasized that they were merely making a ruling on the specific, individual case; on the other hand, many rescripta survive which state, with an almost weary indulgence, saepe saepissimum rescriptum est (‘the reply has been made again and again’). M.Kaser, K.Hacxt, Das roémische Zivilprozefrecht, *1996, 633; D. NOrr, Zur Reskriptenpraxis in der hohen Principatszeit, in: ZRG 98, 1981, 1-46. CPA.

RESCRIPTUM

507

508

While the ‘numerous and memorable’ responsa of > Coruncanius in the mid—3rd cent. BC had been

Rescriptum (the ‘reply letter’) is one of the most important sources for Roman imperial law. In Gai. Inst. 1,5,

Ti.

the rescriptum is simply called epistula (‘letter’), but

verbal (Dig. 1,2,2,38), the written responsum took hold

classed as belonging to the -» constitutiones (‘imperial laws’). Already in the Principate, the emperor received queries and proposals from officials and private persons on every matter imaginable. The emperor replied commensurate with the preparation in the chancellery ab epistulis with a rescriptum, a draft of which was archived. Starting with Hadrian (beginning of the 2nd

in the late Republic, to be followed from the time of » Augustus by the responsum in the form of a sealed

cent. AD), the rescripta more and more replaced the

opinions of the responding jurists (+ responsa) on judicial problems. Thus, from this period on, the jurists, as ~ adsessores and clerks of the chancelleries, took the

place of the earlier quasi-freelance, expert jurists, and their advice to the emperor, which was echoed, among other places, in the rescriptum, took the place of the

earlier advice to the magistrate (+ consilium). Legal writers from the 2nd cent. AD on, but especially > UIpianus and > Iulius [IV 16] Paulus at the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD, frequently cite the emperor’s rescripta. Many rescripta were included in the Cod. Theodosianus (AD 438) and the Cod. Iustinianus (AD

529/534). — Epistle; > Epistulis, ab; > Responsa DULCKEIT/SCHWARZ/WALDSTEIN,

241f.; D.NOrR,

Zur

document (Dig. 1,2,2,49; on this [2.561 f.]). The publication of responsa prudentium began with M. > Porcius [I 9] Cato Licinianus and M. > Iunius [II 1] Brutus

(2nd cent. BC), who still published their responsa verbatim and including the parties’ names (Cic. De or. 2,142; on this [2. 539]). From the end of the Roman Republic, a published version edited as literature became usual, as exemplified by the Digesta of > Alfenus [4] Varus [6. 141-146]. The responsa on real cases were written in more abstract form, blended with analysis of imaginary cases and annotated with grounds [r. 283 f.; 2. 562f.]. The particular literary genre of the responsorum

libri (books of responsa)

only dates back to

-» Antistius [II 3] Labeo around the time of the birth of Christ (but cf. [4. 85 f.]). B. IMPORTANCE AND DEVELOPMENT The judicial responsa prudentium formed the core of Roman juristic activity and the typical venue for the emergence of learned law (- interpretatio C.). However, since this only developed by incremental inter-

Reskriptenpraxis in der hohen Prinzipatszeit, in: ZRG 98,

pretation (Pomp. Dig. 1,2,2,12 interpretatio pruden-

1981, 1-46.

tium) and only became established by the consensus of the legal community (Papin. Dig. 1,1,7 pr. auctoritas prudentium), many legal issues remained unresolved. The stability of the law suffered in consequence of multiple contradictory responsa to the same case (Dig. 33,7,16,1; on this [2. 563]). Moreover, the social authority of the jurists of the rst cent. BC, overwhelmingly no longer of the nobility but the equestrian class [2. 595£.; 6. 173 f£.], could no longer enforce the bind-

GS.

Reshef see > ReSep Responsa A. TERM AND

FORM

B. IMPORTANCE

AND

DEVEL-

OPMENT

A. TERM AND FORM Responsa (lit.: ‘responses’, sing. responsum) were originally rulings or opinions of sacred law made by the Roman colleges of — priests (theaugures, fetiales, haruspices and pontifices) [1. 19-21; 2. 313 f., 560-563]. According to Dig. 1,2,2,6, the pontifical college (> pontifex; hence: responsa pontificum) issued preventative or cautelary responsa for the formulation and interpretation of legal transactions (cautio in the sense of a precaution) or suits (actio), and responsa for the organs of judicial administration in respect of past civil law cases (judicial responsa as responsa in the narrower sense). After the > iuris prudentia passed to the laity (from late 4th cent. BC), responsa at the request of disputant parties, lay judges or officials were provided free of charge by private legal experts (— iuris consultus; responsa prudentium, ‘responses of the learned’). Because the force of the responsa, which was confined to the actual case under consideration, depended upon the personal authority of the jurist (> auctoritas Il), grounds were already seldom given during the Republic, and this remained unimportant during the Principate (Sen. Epist. 94,27; on this [1. 147; 2. 576]).

ing power of the responsa. For this reason, Augustus, who was concerned for the ‘esteem of the law’ (Dig.

1,2,2,49) nationalized them to the extent that he granted some jurists the privilege of issuing responsa on his behalf (ius respondendi ex auctoritate principis) [3. 1-

24; 6.149]. The gradual bureaucratization of jurisprudence in the Principate caused the importance of the responsa as a legal source to dwindle. Hadrian (— Hadrianus), who codified the Praetorian edict (c. AD 130; — edictum [2]), stepped up imperial legislation [1. 131-135, 139] and managed the authorization of jurists restrictively (Dig. 1,2,2,49), allowed legal power only to accordant responsa in cases of dispute, though at that time all opinions of authorized jurists, even those only expressed in writing (sententiae et opiniones), were regarded as responsa (Gai. Inst. 1,7; cf. here [5. 98]). With

the

centralizing judicial reforms of Hadrian, the responsa in the technical sense yielded in the hierarchy of legal sources to the imperial — cognitio extra ordinem (extraordinary jurisdiction): the — decreta (‘decrees’) and -> rescripta (‘written replies’) [5. 84]. The last Roman work entitled Responsa was written in the 3rd cent. by > Iulius [IV 2] Aquila.

599

510

A creative jurist issuing responsa under his own name with imperial authority was a concept foreign to late antiquity. Knowledge of civil law was by now restricted to the academic erudition of the eastern > law schools. Thus, the AD 426 law governing — citations (Cod. Theod. 1,4,3) obliged the judge to obtain opinions not from contemporary legal experts but from the ‘Tribunal of the Dead’: the jurists of the Principate.

desired outcome, thus above all in actions in rem such as the > rei vindicatio (action for the restitution of goods by the owner): in the event of success, the plain-

Justinian I (> Iustinianus

[1] I) (6th cent.), who no

longer understood the interpretative nature of the responsa, also misinterpreted the privilege of the ius respondendi when he designated (const. Deo auctore § 4; Tanta § 20a) all the jurists included in his > Digesta as bearers of the imperial auctoritas conscribendarum interpretandarumque legum (‘authority to write and to interpret laws’) [1. 359, 365 f.]. 1ScHULZ

2 WrEACKER,RRG

3R.A. BAUMAN, Law-

yers and Politics in the Early Roman

4D.Liess,

Romische

Rechtsgutachten

Empire,

1989

und ‘Responso-

rum libri’, in: G. Voct-Sprra (ed.), Strukturen der Miindlichkeit in der romischen Literatur, 1990, 83-94 5Id., Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 83-101 6 M.BRETONE, Storia del diritto romano, 1987. T.G.

Responsa (rabbinical) (Hebrew §°él6t u-t Sabot, literally ‘questions and answers’; plural ‘responses’). Rabbinical genre name; correspondence, in which one party consults the other on a difficult question of > Halakha. While the Talmudic literature ( Rabbinical literature)

already indicates the existence of this genre (cf. bYebamot 105a), a scope more significant to responsa literature only developed in the Gaonic period (— Gaon, 6th-1rrth cents. AD), when Jews from the widespread

-» diaspora turned to the halakhic authorities of Jewish scholarship in Babylonia and received authoritative legal replies from them. Such questions could be sent many hundreds of kilometres via the long-distance trading routes. In the r1th/12th cents., when the centres of scholarship had shifted to Europe, this practice continued. Because even today such responsa are issued on difficult questions, this literature has developed a scarcely manageable scope (for the early Gaonic period, for example, there are several tens of thousands of such responsa); only a part of the material has been published to date. Because the responsa deal with questions from all areas of life, these texts provide a glimpse into the Jewish life, religion and culture of every epoch. SH. TAL, s. v. Responsa, Encyclopedia Judaica, vol. 14, 1971, 83-95 (literature).

B.E.

RETENTIO

tiff is to be treated as though he had already been given back the object at the moment of the > litis contestatio (pending suit). As a result, the defeated defendant must pay compensation for the subsequently damaged or lost object and restore the extant fruits. The formal restitutio —to this day called restitutio in integrum — means the ‘restoration to original condition’ (cf. Dig. 4,1). It represents a corrective to those severi-

ties that perforce result again and again — which are essentially unavoidable due to equal treatment as a precept of justice — from the blanket application of material and procedural law. In accordance with its exceptional character, the restitutio in integrum was granted by the praetor

(or in some

dctiones

in personam

by the

~ iudex) as part of the formula trial (> formula) only in the following situations, which were perceived as particularly worthy of protection: in the case of metus (fear), when a person was extorted or otherwise intimidated and, as a result, either wound up ina disadvantageous procedural situation or concluded an unwanted legal transaction, he could be restored to the original situation. The same applied when malice (> dolus) was used; when a person of age but nevertheless still young (minor aetas, see > minores) had acted; when the op-

posing party had a reduced legal status (capitis > deminutio); when an excusable mistake (error) had been made; when the result of a trial came about because the (later) matter in dispute had been sold to another — particularly to an influential person whose appearance was supposed to influence the judge — (alienatio iudicii mutandi causa); or finally, when someone did not attend (absentia) for excusable reasons and therefore

had forfeited a legal position — for instance, because he was travelling on public business (rei publicae causa abesse). In such cases, the praetor or judge either declared the prejudicial legal act to be invalid or if the disadvantageous effects could not be eliminated by this alone, he granted the protected person a legal remedy directed toward a refund. M.Kaser,

K.HaAckL,

Das

rémische

Zivilprozefsrecht,

*1996, 297 f., 422-426; B. Kupiscu, In integrum r., 1974;

W.SeLB, Das pratorische Edikt. Vom rechtspolitischen Programm zur Norm, in: H.P. BENOnR et al. (ed.), luris Professio. FS M. Kaser, 1986, 259-272; WIEACKER, RRG, 460. CPA.

Restitutio. In a general legal sense, restitutio means

Retentio. The retentio (literally ‘withholding’) of one’s own service in order to put pressure on an opponent to perform the service he owes is encountered frequently

‘restoration’. In the area of Roman

criminal law, it

in Roman law. In strict law actions (ius strictum, > tus

refers to the full or partial revocation of a legally binding conviction, as a result of which the condemned is restored to his former status (cf. Cod. Iust 9,51).

C.2.), the retentio was effected with a plea of bad faith (> exceptio dolt) in bonae fidei indicia (‘actions in good faith’, + fides Il.) through informal objection. For example, the bona fide foreman has a retentio against the owner (Cels. Dig. 6,1,38) for his expenses, as do the

In Roman

civil and civil action law, a distinction

must be made between a material and a formal restitutio. In certain actions, the material restitutio is the

custodian (Mod., Collatio legum 1o0,2,6) and the bor-

511

512

rower (lulianus Dig. 47,2,60). Similar to the retentio

tice as such (predominantly crimes relating to killing and sexual matters as well as bodily harm) than the loss of honour that called for revenge; as a rule the injustice was perceived as an — often ostentatious — offence. This act of offence evoked emotions such as anger and fury (doyt/ orgé, Latin ira, furor) which could be overcome only by revenge; it was only through revenge that one’s

RETENTIO

was a collateral pledge in which use was contractually excluded (Ulp. Dig. 13,7,4). The deductions which a husband could make from the dowry (> dos, e.g. propter mores, i.e. through fault of the woman, or propter liberos, ‘because of the children’) in a > divorce were also described as retentio. > Divortium;

honour, which in turn was essential for one’s social

A.BUrGe, R. im rémischen Sachen- und Obligationen-

standing, could be restored. Moreover, particularly in the Greek world, there was a strong tendency to outdo the act inflicted by means of ‘excess revenge’, so that even a simple talion (-» Talio) signified a restriction.

Commodatum;

+» Depositum;

> Pignus recht, 1979; Kaser, RPR, vol. 1, 338; Id., RPR, vol. 2,

192.

R.GA.

Retiarius see ~ Munus, Munera IIIL.E.

Reticulatum opus see Masonry Reudigni. Germanic tribe in the cult community of the + Nerthus tribes to the north of the > Langobardi (Tac. Germ. 40,2) in the area of modern Holstein and West-Mecklenburg. B. Rappaport, s. v. R., RE 1 A, 7oof.; A. GENRICH, Der Siedlungsraum der Nerthusstamme, in: Die Kunde 26/7, 1975/6, 103-146. RA.WI.

B. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT IN GREECE AND ROME

In the Homeric epics there is a distinctly perceivable mentality of revenge which determines a great measure of the action of both works; Achilles’ wrath can be understood as a displacement activity for renouncing his revenge on Agamemnon, his revenge on Hector in turn is excessive; Odysseus, too, takes revenge on the suitors who squandered his property and wooed his wife (Hom. Il. 24,33-54; Od. 22,45-67; 411-416). In

view of the burden on social life resulting from revenge, by quite an early stage in Greece and Rome ~as in other ethnic groups, too — ways had been sought to limit the phenomenon, e.g. by means of compensatory measures

Revenge (tuweia/timoria, tioic/tisis; Latin ultio,> vindicta, poena).

such as establishing weregeld

A. SOCIALCONDITIONS

writing and institutionalising it from the 7th cent. BC onwards also signified therefore a growing regularization of the revenge system, such as the precise limitation of groups obliged or legitimized to carry out revenge

B. HISTORICAL DEVELOP-

MENT IN GREECE AND ROME

A. SOCIAL CONDITIONS Revenge, a regular central element of relationships in human social structure, is encountered in Graeco-

Roman history in specific forms which are very similar in the two cultures. Revenge belongs in the general framework of an ethic of reciprocation, which shapes, both positively and negatively, mutual exchange between individuals and groups (exchange of gifts; > Euergetism). Under these premises, in Greece it was felt to

be equally just to avenge oneself on somebody who had done one harm as to in turn do good to one’s benefactor (Aristot.

Rh. Al. 1422a 36ff.; cf. also Xen. Mem. 2,6,35), and Theognis expressly regrets that he is not able to take revenge on those who took his property from him (Thgn. 341-350). The pursuit of revenge was the duty of particular persons or groups of persons in close relationship — ~ kinship, > friendship, > hospitality — to the injured party. Precisely because of the connection between revenge and family solidarity, esp. the father-son relationship, there was an aspect of inheritance of this duty and a general tendency, because revenge provoked counterrevenge, to permanence and perpetuity. The danger in this to social coexistence above and beyond the ‘revenge communities’ was strengthened even further by the objects and spheres of revenge. Here it was less a matter of the damage or the inflicted injus-

(Hom.

Il. 9,632-636;

18,497-500). The increase in committing the law to

(IG B 104,13 ff.; 4,79 ff.) and in the formalization of the

methods to be used. Structurally the solutions were very similar: the most important method viewed as legitimate in the community (> polis or > res publica) as legitimate was the legal method, the lawsuit

(+ Procedural law). This did

not replace revenge, therefore, but it allowed it to be carried out in a regulated way, with the minimum burden on the community. The Attic legal system of the Classical period (5th/4th cents. BC) exhibits this in the same way as the Roman -> quaestio, with which revenge can be taken ‘at the forum’. In Rome the process of institutionalization, however, took a very long time and was not firmly established until Cornelius [I 90] Sulla’s reforms (sexual crimes only under Augustus):

the aristocratic res publica interfered in matters of honour much less than the democratic polis. It was critical that the law and the legal process did not remove or repudiate revenge, but on the contrary integrated it. Without doubt this could strengthen social coherence, but not prevent revenge from also remaining a social explosive: Revenge and > justice remained connected to some extent also in philosophical discourse; the social norms of reciprocation and retribution as expressions of honour remained strong; ordinary political actions, both individually and in fixed

523

514

groups (> Hetairia [2], > Factio), also remained moulded by the ethos, exaction and rite of revenge, which

at Rome in his portrayal of the structure of the private + domus for society as a whole, together with his regina (‘queen’), his spouse wedded to him in the cultic ceremony (— confarreatio), and his virginal housedaughters (> Vestals). This sacral and magical character of the early Roman monarchy, which was further reinforced by the fact that the gods’ assent was required (— inauguratio) for the election of the king to be allowed to take place (Liv. 1,18,6—10), calls into question what is widely assumed to have been the wide range of competencies of the early Latin rex as high priest, judge and military leader. On the one hand, the sources give no direct reference to the dominant position of the rex, and on the other hand, a circular argument deduces the power of the rex from the > imperium of the later ~ consuls, the origin of whose power is then in turn derived from the monarchy (although the limited scope of the powers of the early consuls has long been known:

could develop unchecked precisely in times of crisis. It was in - stdsis that political actions were shaped by the desire for revenge (Thuc. 3,82,7; Lys. 18,18). Augustus was able to stylize the victory over Cassius [I ro] and Iunius [I ro] Brutus as revenge on Caesar’s assassins (R.

Gest. div. Aug. 2) and dedicate a temple to Mars + Ultor (Mars the Avenger Ov. Fast. 5,571-577). It

was not until the Principate that there also emerged a massive change in Roman law, dependent on the centralization of power and the influence of philosophical ideas, particularly Stoic ones (> Stoicism). — Atimia; > Poena; — Poine; > Procedural law; > Pu-

nishment, Criminal law;

> Talio;

~ Time; — Vindicta

1 H.-J. GEHRKE, Die Griechen und die Rache. Ein Versuch in historischer Psychologie, in: Saeculum 38, 1987, 121149 2L.Gernet, Anthropologie de la Gréce ancienne,

REX

3R.VeRpIER et al. (ed.), La vengeance. Etudes

[3]). Finally, such an assumption contradicts the results

d’ethnologie, d’histoire et de philosophie, 4 vols., 1980-

of ethnological research into comparable social systems (here v. [4. 52-56]). The early Roman monarchy, probably in place from the 8th cent. BC and traditionally embodied in > Romulus [1] (a mythological founder figure), > Numa Pompilius (a Sabine like Romulus’ co-king, Titus Tat-

1968 1988.

H.-J.G.

Revocatio (‘Revocation’) occurs in two special senses in Roman law: (1) as revocatio in servitutem (‘revocatio

into slavery’), the revocation of + manumission, probably only current in Late Antiquity (cf. Cod. Iust. 6,7,2 pr.); (2) in civil actions. There, the convicted party, having already paid, could demand retrial (— restitutio) only with the risk of being compelled to pay the claimant for the litigation a second time by revocatio in duplum (‘revocatio for double the value’) if the restitution failed. This applied for the formula procedure (+ formula) and the procedure under imperial law (> cognitio), but is no longer contained in the Corpus iuris (6th cent. AD). On the other hand, late antiquity saw the development of the revocatio appellationis (‘revocation of appeal’): Cod. Theod. 11,30,48 (AD 387) still excludes it, but Cod. Iust. 7,62,28 admits it without restriction. M.Kaser,

K.Hackt,

Das

rémische

71996, 376, 480, 498, 615, 621.

Zivilprozefrecht, Gs,

ius), Tullus > Hostilius [4] (the only Latin) and Ancus -» Marcius [I 3] (another Sabine), thus rather fulfilled

symbolic functions, and was considerably restricted in its power by the organization of the > curiae and the aspiring gentes (> gens) (thus [4. 56—-104]). A concentration of regal power seems to have occurred [4. 117— 131] only with the attempts at reform by the Etruscan reges ( Tarquinius Priscus, Servius — Tullius and ~ Tarquinius Superbus), who used every opportunity to expand their power base among the people and in the religious sphere. Nonetheless, the power of the rex remained overall less than that of the Roman noble families, who were able to drive out the last king in 509 BC with relative ease (Liv. 1,59,3-60,4; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,84,1-85,4; v. also > Porsenna). At the establishment of the Republic, a vow of the people allegedly banished the monarchy from Rome forever (Liv. 2,8,2). Only in the > interrex, the > rex

Rex [1] Rex (pl. reges; Indo-Germanic *reg-s, Old IndoAryan raj-, Celtic -rix) in Latin denotes a king; in the Greek world, the Indo-Germanic term probably gave way in the Mycenaean period to the ruler designations Fanax

(~ wanax)

and ~ basileus. The Imperial and

Byzantine word 67 (rhéx) was originally a mere Greek transliteration of the Latin rex and generally refers to tribal kings of foreign peoples. According to the root of the word *h,reg- (‘to straighten’, ‘to stretch out’), the job of the rex was to ‘rule’, i.e. to keep the world ‘upright’ and perpendicular, to establish the ‘appropriate’ harmony of society with the natural order (on the etymology: [1. 9-15]; on the Indo-Germanic meaning: [2. 160-165]). This assigns the rex above all a sacral task, which he fulfilled

sacrorum, the recollection of the so-called leges regiae, the residence of the pontifex maximus, the Regia on the Forum Romanum and in the festival of the > regifugium did relics of the monarchical period survived. The founders of monarchical structures during the shift to the

> Principate (+ Caesar; - Augustus)

avoided the title of rex out of respect for the old noble families. 1 E.BENVENISTE, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo2 W. MerD, Zur Vorstellungseuropéennes, vol. 2, 1969

welt der Indogermanen anhand ihres Wortschatzes, in: Id. (ed.), Studien zum indogermanischen Wortschatz, 1967,

155-166 3A.Heuss, Zur Entwicklung des Imperiums der romischen Oberbeamten, in: ZRG 64, 1944, 57-133 4 B. Linke, Von der Verwandtschaft zum Staat, 1995. W.ED.

REX

515

516

[2] Roman cognomen (‘King’), found only in the Republican period, in the family of the Marci (-* Marcius [I 21-23]), in reference to the supposed descent of the family from King Ancus Marcius [I 3].

only until 304 BC, the year of the publication of the + fasti by Cn. Flavius [I 2]: Macrob. Sat. 1,15,9-12).

KAJANTO, Cognomina, 316.

K-L.E.

Rex sacrorum. In literature also rex sacrificulus (e.g. Liv. 2,2,1), ‘king of the sacrifice’, or simply rex (e.g. Varro Ling. 6,12 f.). The great age of this Roman priesthood is evident from the requirement that the rex sacrovum belong to a patrician gens (Cic. Dom. 38; Liv. 6,41,9; exception: MRR 1,284 n. 8), be born of a marriage concluded by > confarreatio, and he himself be married by that ritual (Gai. Inst. 1,112). The rex sacrorum was nominated by the pontifical college, and, after being elected, inaugurated into the comitia calata (Antistius Labeo fr. 22 HUSCHKE in Gell. NA 15,27,1; Liv. 40,42,8; [1. 722f.]). The rex sacrorum resembled the — flamines maiores in the aspects of confarreatio, > inauguratio, and membership of the pontifical college, by virtue of which he too was subject to the disciplinary authority of the — pontifex maximus (Liv. 40,42,8-11; [2. 452f.]). Also, like the flamines maiores, the rex sacrorum was not allowed to see any work during > feriae (Macr. Sat. 1,16,9), and, again like the flamines maiores and the Vestals, he was permitted to ride on a cart to the performance of public rituals in Rome (CIL IP 593,62f.).

The rex sacrorum held his office for life. Until the early Imperial period, however, he was forbidden to take up magisterial functions (Liv. 40,42,8—11; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom 4,74,4; 5,1,4); not until the middle of the first century AD does this rule appear to have been relaxed [3. 567]. Although the rex sacrorum did not occupy a prominent position within the pontifical college (Cic. Har. resp. 6,12f.; Macrob. Sat. 3,13,10f.), antiquarian literature mentions a position superior to

both the flamines maiores and pontifex maximus (Fest. 198,29-200,4; Gell. NA r0,15,21; Serv. Aen. 2,2), but

there is not historical evidence for such a ‘priestly hierarchy’. Among the cult duties of the rex sacrorum was the sacrifice of a ram in the > Regia during the dies Agonales on 9 January (cf. Varro Ling. 6,12; Paul. Fest. 9; InserIt 13,2,393 f.). Itis possible that this was a piacular sacrifice

(+ Piaculum) to > Ianus (thus Ov. Fast. 1,317-334); however, from this one cannot conclude that the rex sacrorum was a priest of this god (cf. [4. 133, 265f.]). The precise details of the part played by the rex sacrorum in the -» Consualia on 15 December (InscrIt 13,2,136f.) are unclear. The rex sacrorum played an important role in rituals related to the kalendae; on these days of the month, he carried out a sacrifice in the curia calabra. He did this together with a pontifex minor who would then proceed to inform the people of the date of the monthly nonae, on the basis of observations of the new moon (cf. InscrIt 13,2,111; Serv. Auct. Aen. 8,654; supposedly

Also on the kalendae, his wife, the regina sacrorum, sacrificed a pig or a sheep to > Iuno in the regia (Macrob. Sat. 1,15,19f.), the coincidence of the two

rites probably being intentional. In the rst century BC, the rex sacrorum still proclaimed on the nonae the feriae for that month

(Varro Ling. 6,28; cf. 6,133 [5.

210-14]). During the > regifugium on 24 February he sacrificed in the comitium, then performed a staged flight from the forum. For the interpretation of this act as a rite of renewal, by which the rex sacrorum ritually ended the old year and prepared the beginning of the new on x March, cf. [5. 304-307; 6. 51f.]. The rituals recorded for 24 Marchand 24 May, each employing the calendar

symbol

O(uando)

R(ex)

C(omitiavit)

F(as)

(InscrIt 13,2,430; 461), were probably also related to the kalendae. Here too the rex sacrorum probably played a mainly ritual role: sacrifices and the (perhaps originally monthly) announcement of the end of a nefas period concluded by this day again took place in the comitium

(Varro Ling. 6,31; Paul Fest. 311,1~-3; cf.

Fest. 310,12-21; 346,22-36; [I. 723-5; 5. 214—-21]).

Most modern scholars accept the view of ancient historiographers — which itself is already a late interpretation — that the rex sacrorum was appointed after the expulsion of the last king, in order to take over the latter’s sacral obligations. The modalities of his appointment — subordination to the pontifex maximus and his political marginalisation —also point to the period of the change from monarchy to Republic (Liv. 2,2,1f.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,74; 5,1,4; Fest. 422,11-15).

Accordingly, the rex of the inscription on the + Lapis niger (CIL P 4,1 =[7. 58f. Nr. 39]) has been related to the years after 509 BC, and associated with the rex sacrorum [8], and a bucchero shard found in the regia bearing the legend REX (CIL I* 4,2830 = [7. 22f. no. 1.9]) attributed to the seat or home of an early Republican rex sacrorum. Both inscriptions, however, may in fact date from an earlier period [9. 119-138], and may therefore very well relate to a political king (further

speculations: [9. 161-188; 10. 166-171]). In the late Republican period, the rex sacrorum lived in a domus on the + Via sacra (Fest. 372,14; [11]). The attempt in [9. 56-79] to interpret these confusing finds have been criticized in detail ([12]; cf. [13. 239-41]). The theory that the rex sacrorum was the purely sacral counterpart of acontemporary political and military leader of Rome (in [13. 232-6] a magister), and was established before to the beginning of the Republic, therefore deserves attention. An origin of the rex sacrorum in the period of the monarchy might answer many questions, but for the time being it must remain speculation. Outside Rome, the rex sacrorum is attested in inscriptions from Central Italy (CIL X 8417; XI 1610; XIV 2089; 2413; 2634; EEpigr [IX 608; AE 1952,157) as a municipal priesthood of the Imperial period, either in reflection of an older cult structure [13. 236] or asa deliberate archaism of the rst century AD. Later it is

517

518

also attested in North Africa (AE 1933,57; 1946,80;

uted to R. (Pl. Leg. 1,625a 2): e.g. the oath of both parties to which the judge’s verdict had to be tied (PadaudavOvos xetoi/Rhadamdnthyos krisis, Pl. Leg. 12,948b-c). The strict law of retaliation (ius talionis) was traced back to R. (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1132b 25 f.), likewise the custom of swearing an oath, not by the names of the gods but by animals (Porph. De abstinentia 3,16). After the death of Linus, Hercules cited a law of R. and was not punished (Apollod. 2,64). Besides Crete R. has links with Boeotia: after he had killed one of his brothers (Tzetz. Lycophron 50) he fled to Ocaleia in Boeotia where he married — Alcmene (Apollod. 2,70). There was a tomb of R. in Haliartus. After his death R. lingered in + Elysium (according to Hom. Od. 4,563 f.; Pind. Ol. 2,83: on the islands of the Blessed) and ruled as the judge of the dead (PI. Ap. 41a 1-5; Pl. Grg. 523e-526d; Verg. Aen. 6,566). ~» Underworld

1987,1066). -» Calendar; + New Year’s celebration III. Greece and Rome; — Priests 1 A. ROSENBERG, s. v. RS, RE rA,1, 721-726

2 J. BLEICKEN, Kollisionen zwischen Sacrum und Publicum, in: Hermes 85, 1957, 446-480 3 W. KUNKEL, R. Witrmann, Die Magistratur (HdbA X,3,2,2), 1995 4 L.A. HOLLAND, Janus and the Bridge, 1961

5J.RupKe,

Kalender

und

Offentlichkeit,

1995

6 B.Linxe, Von der Verwandtschaft zum Staat, 1995 7 M.CrisTorani (ed.), La grande Roma dei Tarquini, 1990 (exhibitionin Rome) 8 R.E. A. PALMER, The King and the Comitium, 1969 9 F.Coare Lt, II foro romano, vol. 1, 1983 10C.J. SmitrH, Early Rome and Latium, 1996 11 E. Papi, s. v. Domus r.s., LTUR 2, 1r69f. 12 F. CASTAGNOLI, Ibam forte Via Sacra (Hor. Sat. 1,9,1), in: Quaderni di topografia antica ro, 1988, 99-114 13 T.J. CORNELL, The Beginnings of Rome, 1995. —AN.BE.

Rha

(P@/Rhd,

Ptol. 5,8,6ff.; 6,14,1; 4; Ra, Amm.

Marc. 22,8,27 ff.; modern Volga). Name of Finnish ori-

gin; in Scythian and Greek, the river was called Oarus in the 6th cent. BC (“Oagod/Oaros, Hdt. 4,123 f.). Early in time, the Greek geographers already had a vague knowledge of the R. They thought it flowed into the + Maeotis. Around the turn of the rst cent. AD, the R. became known to Roman geographers: > Marinus [1]

(and Ptolemy) drafted a surprisingly accurate cartographical picture of the river. The extensive Volga delta with its many tributaries however remained unknown to antiquity. E. KIESSLING, s. v. Rh., RE 1 A, 1-8.

Rhabdophoroi = (6afd0dQ0Urhabdophoroi,

CHR.D.

‘staff-

bearers’, also referred to as 6aBdo0tyoUrhabdotchoi, ‘staff-holders’). A term applied to various officials who carried a staff of office, in particular to officials at contests and other festivals, whether judges (Plat. Prot. 338a 8) or assistants of the judges who enforced discipline (for Athens: Aristoph. Pax 734; for Olympia: Thuc. 5,50,4). In Roman contexts the Greek words rhabdophoroi and rhabdotichoi are used of the lictores (+ lictor) who carried the fasces before holders of — imperium (Pol. 5, 26,10). PR.

RHAGAE

1M. Xacorart, s. v. R., LIMC 7.1, 626-628.

O.JESSEN, s. v. R., ROSCHER 4, 77-86.

K.SCHL.

Rhadine and Leontichus (‘Padivn, Aeovtyoc; Rhadiné, Leontichos). Unfortunate pair of lovers ina Greek folk legend, which according to our main source, Str. 8,3,20, was treated by > Stesichorus (PMGF Spur. 278 Davies). As the only discussion there is of matdec Lauwo/paides Samioi (‘children of Samos’), we cannot decide with certainty where the plot is set. Strabo places the legend in Triphylian Samos, but Pausanias knows of a gravestone of the lovers- a place of pilgrimage for unhappy lovers — on the Ionian island of Samos, on the route from the city of Samos to the temple of Hera (Paus. 7,5,13). R. loves her cousin L. but has been promised against her will to the tyrant of Corinth and on her sea journey is taken there by the west wind. Her lover follows on land in his chariot. The bridegroom has the pair of lovers killed but later he regrets and has them buried. The place of the tomb is not mentioned in Strabo. CA.BI. Rhaecelus (‘Paixndoc; Rhaikélos). According to Aristot. Ath. pol. 15,2, Peisistratus [4] and the Eretrieis (> Eretria [1]) colonised a ywetov/chorion (‘spot’) on the Thermaean Gulf (+ Thermaios Kolpos) called R.,

which, on the basis of Lycoph. 1236f., scholars have

Rhadamanthys (‘PaddauavOuc; Rhadamanthys). Judge in the Underworld of Greek mythology (together with -» Minos and > Aeacus; occasionally also -> Triptolemus: Pl. Ap. 41a 3f.). R. was regarded as the king of Crete before the advent of the Greeks and ruler over the islands of the Aegean (Apollod. 3,6; Diod. Sic. 5,84).

He was the son of Zeus and ~ Europa, brother of Minos and >Sarpedon (Hom. Il. 14,321f.; Hes. fr. 140f. M.-W.; Porph. De abstinentia 3,16 names Dike as his mother) [x]. R. was regarded as just (Pind. Ol. 2,83; Pl. Leg. 1,624b 5 f.) and prudent (Theognis 701; Pind. Pyth. 2,73 f.). Important principles in law, which were at the heart of Greek judicial proceedings, were attrib-

from time to time identified with > Aenea. In fact, how-

ever, it is probably the name of a region in the western » Anthemus, in which at the time the Eretrian colony of Dicaea came into being. There is no further mention of the place in a historical context. D.Viviers, Pisistratus’ Settlement on Gulf ..., in: JHS 107, 1987, 193-195.

the

Thermaic M.Z.

Rhagae (i) ‘Paya/bé Rhdga: Str. 11,13,6; fh “Payn/hé Rhage: Tobit 6,10; ‘PayoU/Rhdgoi: Tobit 1,14 et alibi; (ai) “Péya(hai) Rhagai: Str. 11,9,1; Arr. Anab. 3,20,2

etc.). City (and district with a large population) of east-

RHAGAE

ern > Media, today an expanse of ruins south of Tehran.

In the district of (Old Persian)

Raga

(Elamic

Rakka, Babylonian Raga’), » Darius [1] I captured the Median rebel Fravarti (+ Phraortes [3]) in 521 ([3. DB II 7off.]). In the summer of 330, -» Alexander [4] the Great rested his troops in R. for five days while in pursuit of + Darius [3] Ill. According to Str. 11,13,6, R. was refounded by ~ Seleucus I as Ev\ewmoc/Europos and renamed ‘Agoaxia/Arsakia by the Parthians; however, Ptol. Geog. 6,2,16f., Amm. Marc. 23,6,39 and Tab. Peut. 11,1-3 differentiate E. and A. (Tab. Peut.

equates A. and R.). Ath, 12,8,513f. reports, that the Parthian kings spent the spring in R. According to the Book of Tobit, Jews are also said to have lived in R. The name of the city and region survives in Middle and New Persian Ray (in the Sassadin period, R. was the provincial capital and residence of the Nestorian bishops [2. 72f.]). Most scholars also identify Median R. with the Raga zara6ustris of Avesta [1. 81f.]. 1 M.Boyce, A History of Zoroastrianism, Vol. 3, 1991 2 R.GYSELEN, La géographie administrative de l’empire sassanide, 1989

520

519

3 R.ScHmitT, The Bisitun Inscriptions

of Darius the Great. Old Persian Text, 1991.

LW.

Rhamnus (Payvotc; Rhamnois). Large Attic ParaliaDemos, phyle Aiantis, with eight (twelve) bouleutaz, in the northern section of the east coast of Attica (formerly Ovriokastro). The urban centre of ‘Pavovota/Rham-

nousia, strongly fortified during the 4th cent. BC and including a citadel from 413/2 BC [3. 77f., 80f.] for the garrison, first documented for 342/1 BC (SEG 43,71), lies on an isolated rocky plateau. Conquered in 295 BC by Demetrius [I 2] Poliorketes, R. soon fell to Athens again and was a base for the allied Ptolemaeans in the ~ Chremonidean War (268/262 BC) [1. 93, 134, 149], but it accommodated Macedonian troops again as of 262 [1.154]. From 229 BC on, building activity intensified [1. 188]. SEG 41,63 documents repair work on the fortifications continuing to the time of Sulla. Excavations in the inner area have uncovered a socalled Gymnasium, a small theatre and densely built-up living quarters. On the approach to the city, a representative road lined with tombs, there is situated an important extramural sanctuary with an intentionally unfinished temple from the Late Classical Period dedicated to -» Nemesis [25 5. 393 fig. 492; 6], who was closely associated with R. in myth. Like the cult statue of > Agoracritus (by Phidias: Paus. 1,32,2; Mela 2,46; Hsch s. v. “Payvovoia Népeots) in the style of the Kore Albani, the Nemesis temple has been reconstructed from tiny fragments during 430/420 BC [5. 390]. The statue of Themis by -» Chairestratus from R. (IG II* 3109) dated c. 300 BC and located in the adjacent early Hellenistic [7] treasury (SEG 40,178), follows the local artistic tradition [4]. More than 300 inscriptions, amongst them many deme- and honorary decrees of the garrison as well as grave and votive inscriptions, are of the greatest importance for the history of Athens in the Hellenistic Period and testify to the cult of + Amphi-

araus, Aphrodite Hegemone, Dionysus, the hero Archegetes, Zeus Soter and Athena Soteira. Antigonos [2], too, enjoyed cultic worship at the Great Nemesia until C1279, BS |. 1675908213 Initial excavations were carried out in 1813 and 1880-1892, new systematic investigations by V.PETRAKOS since 1975. Sources: Paus. 1,33,2-8; Str. 9,1,17; Mela 2,46; Plin. HN 4,24; 36,17; Ptol. 3,14,21; Anth. Pal. 16,221-224. Inschr. IG II* 1217; SEG 3,122; 15, ILI-113; 22,128-130; 24,154; 25 ff. passim. 1 Cu. Hasicut, Athen, 1995 27H. E.KaALpaxis, Hemiteles, 1986, 135-137. 3H.LAuTER, Some Remarks on

Fortified Settlements in the Attic Countryside, in: $. VAN DE

MagLE,

J.Fossey

(eds.),

Fortificationes

Antiquae,

1992, 77-91 4B.S. Ripaway, Hellenistic Sculpture, vol. 1, 1990, 55-57 ill. 31 5 TRAVLOs, Attika, 388-403 ills. 487-507 6A.TREVOR Hopce, R.A. TOMLINSON, Some Notes on the Temple of Nemesis at R., in: AJA 73, 1969, 185-192 7 W.ZSCHIETZSCHMANN, Die Tempel von R., in: AA 44, 1929, 441-451. P. KARANASTASSIS,

Wer ist die Frau hinter Nemesis?, in:

MDAI(A) 109, 1994, 121-131; V.PETRAKOS, R., 1991; Id., Avacxadh Papvovvtos, in: Praktika 147, 1992, I-41; 148, 1992, I-35; 149, 1994, 1-44; Id., Or tegeig Payvowv-

toc, 1997; J. PouILLOUx, La forteresse de Rhamnonte, 1954; IRAILL, Attica, 12, 22, 53, 62, 67, 75, 112 Nr. 125

ill. 9; J.A. DE WAELE, The Design of the Temple of Nemesis at R., in: M. GnapbE, C. M. ST1rBBe (eds.), Stips Votiva. FS

C.M. Stibbe, 1991, 249-264; WHITEHEAD, Index s. v. R.

H.LO.

Rhamphias (Payiac; Rhamphias). Spartiate, father of Clearchus [2] (Thuc. 8,8,2). Member of the last Spar-

tan delegation before the outbreak of the > Peloponnesisan War (431 BC) that in Athens signaled a willing-

ness for peace if the Athenians returned “independence to the Hellens” (Thuc. 1,139,3). R. was supposed to reinforce the army of > Brasidas in the summer of 422 but in Thessaly he received news of his death and returned to Sparta. K.-W.W. Rhampsinitus (‘Pa pivitoc; Rhampsinitos). According to Hdt. 2,121 f., R. was an Egyptian ruler. In scholarship, he is mostly (however, without conclusive argu-

ments) equated with - Ramesses [3] III. He is said to have been the successor of Proteus and the predecessor of -> Cheops. R. may be identified with a Remphis, who is mentioned in Diod. Sic. 1,62,5. The latter part of the name could contain the element s} Nijt, ’son of Neith’,

and possibly it should be corrected to Psammasinit, i.e. » Psammetichus, son of Neith.

R. is said to have constructed the western gateways of the Temple of Hephaestus (probably in Memphis) and to have erected two colossal statues in front of it. Particularly well known is the tale of the master thief who penetrated the treasury of the very wealthy R. This story probably originated from a (currently unidentified) demotic tale. Herodotus reports further that R. is said to have descended alive into the underworld where he competed with Demeter in a board game and re-

521

522

ceived to the which ter by

from her a golden cloth as a gift. From this visit underworld, the Egyptians derived a ritual, in a blindfolded priest is led to a sanctuary of Demetwo others wearing wolf masks.

A.LLoyb,

Herodotus,

1988, 52-60.

Book

II, Commentary

99-192, JO.QU.

Rhaphia (Pagic/Rhaphia, Egyptian Rpb, Akkadian Rapihu). First mentioned in Egyptian city lists of the 2nd millennium BC, to be found southeast of Gaza in

Hirbat Bir Rafah. The first dispute between the Assyrians and Egyptians took place here when Hantnu of > Gaza with Egyptian support unsuccessfully fought against — Sargon [3] II in 720 BC. In 217 BC in R., Ptolemy [7] IV Philopator was victorious over Antiochus [5] III (Pol. 5,82-86; 3 Macc 1:4). The latter established Seleucid rule in 200 BC and in 193 BC through the marriage of his daughter Cleopatra [II 4] to Ptolemy [8] V Epiphanes sought a settlement with the Ptolemies in R. In the post-Christian era, R. initially resolutely opposed christianization (Sozom. Hist. eccl. 7,15,11) but then even became a diocesan city. In the Byzantine Period, R.’s importance declined. O. Keer, M.KUcHLER, Orte und Landschaften der Bibel, vol. 2, 1982, 106-109. RL.

Rhapsodes (6opwdoi/rhapsoidot). Professional reciters of (as a rule epic) poetry. The profession emerged in Greece in the 8th cent. BC as a consequence of the transition from speech to writing as a medium for the transmission of information (> Literacy/Orality). A. MEANING AND CONNOTATION B. ROLZAND DEVELOPMENT IN HISTORY

RHAPSODES

‘composer’, who rearranged the predominantly old material each time ex tempore, was called the ‘singer’ (Gow8dc/aoidés; — aoidoi). With the introduction of writing around 800 BC (— alphabet), the traditional art of improvisation was combined with the new skill of writing during a short transitional phase; this combination, unique in European literature, made possible the epic masterpieces of > Homerus [1] (cf. [7]). As the creator of these works, he naturally always considered himself ‘a singer’. Like > Hesiodus, who still had the same self-conception (Hes. Theog. 94-103), and the writers of the oldest Homeric hymns (e.g. H. Hom. 3,165-173), Homer did not use the (metrically unobjectionable) word ‘rhapsode’. When the epics of Homer and Hesiod (as well as the Homeric hymns and other,

no longer extant epic poems) became fixed in writing, this created a textual basis which allowed rote learning and thus also the word-by-word repetition in the new technique of recitation (thus already [1]).

The first generation of reciters were probably the ~ Homeridai [6.206f.]. Either they or a later generation of reciters may have first been designated with the term rhapsode. The term is first attested in Herodotus (5,67) to denote a profession that featured in rhapsodic contests (+ Competitions, artistic) in a manner particularly effective for gaining publicity. Herodotus was referring to the period between 600 BC and 570 BC. Around 500 BC and earlier than Herodotus, Heraclitus [x] (22 B 42 DK) referred to such competitions (agones) at which Homer and Archilochus were recited as already firmly established institutions. Connected with this are the ancient reports about the introduction of an institutionalized recitation of Homer by rhapsodes every four years at the > Panathenaea in Athens during the period of the —> Peisistratids (2nd half of the 6th cent. BC) [9.29]. Taken together, these references point

A. MEANING AND CONNOTATION The first component of the word is the stem of the verb Oanteiw/rhdptein, ‘sew’ (cf. modern Greek 6astounxavi/rhapto-méchane, ‘sewing machine’); the second element the stem of the noun @d*/dide (< Go1dt/aoide), ‘song’, in the role of object effected. The meaning is thus: ‘he who sews a song/songs (from pieces of material which already exist)’ (on the compound type see [4. § 71a]; special study: [3]). Whether the original character of this coinage was ironic and derogatory (thus, among others, [2. 245; 3; 6. 206]) or not, there is certainly an intended contrast to Go1dc/aoidos, ’(crea-

tive) singer’, as a reaction to the emergence of a new type of professional (though see [8]). Originally, the word had nothing to do with 64Pdo0¢/ rhabdos (‘rod’).

B. ROLE AND DEVELOPMENT IN HISTORY During its early, most vital phase (at least from the 16th to the 8th cents. BC; > Epic [II B r]), Greek epic was poetry by singers, characterized by oral improvisational performance. In this phase it was, in principle, impossible to recite anything learned by rote since without writing there was no text to base oneself on. The

to the emergence of rhapsodes and rhapsodic competitions as early as the 7th cent. BC (and thus not only in reaction to modernizing adaptations of Homer in choral lyrics by > Stesichorus [1] (thus [6. 211f.])). In

the 5th cent., the rhapsode, his recitational and interpretive activities and the rhapsodic contest are taken for granted, cf. Plato, Jon (listing of known rhapsodic agones in [2.246-249]). Rhapsodic praxis on the one hand and the needs that arose when Homer was read in schools on the other led to the development of annotated literary texts [5.24; 10.3f.] (> Philology). » Aoidoi; -> Epic 1 F.G. Kleine

Weicker, AGden und Improvisatoren, in: Id., Schriften 2, 1845, |xxxvii-ci 2 W. ALY, s.v.

Obanpmddoc, RE 1 At, 244-249 3H.PatzerR, Rhapsodos, in: Hermes 80, 1952, 314-324 4E.Riscu, Wortbildung der homerischen Sprache, *1974 5 PFEIFFER, History of Classical Scholarship I, 1968 6 W.BurKERT, The Making of Homer in the Sixth Century B. C.: Rhapsodes versus Stesichoros (1987), in: Id., Kleine Schriften, vol. 1, 2001, 198-217 7 J.Latacz, Hauptfunktionen des antiken Epos in Antike und Moderne, in: AU 34.3, 1991, 8-17 8 C.O. PAvEsE, Un rapsodo chiamato Omero, in: AKR 38, 1993, 177-186

9M.L. West, Geschichte des Tex-

RHAPSODES

tes, in: J. Latacz (ed.), Homers Ilias. Gesamtkomm. Prolegomena, 2000, 27-38 10 J.Laracz, Zur HomerKommentierung, in: see [9], 1-26. ie

Rhascuporis (Name variations: ‘Paoximogu/Rhaskyporis, ‘Pa(in)oxovxooidRha(i,é)skouporis,

“‘Paoxovmodtc/Rhaskoupolis; Latin Rhascypolis, Rhascupolis,

R(b)ascipolis,

524

7)

R(b)escuporis,

Raescuporis).

Kings of the Sapaei dynasty in Thrace (cf. stemma 8 in RIRGIRS voleezanenpes Gs [1] R.I. He and his brother Rhascus succeeded their father Cotys [I 7] as rulers. In 48 BC R. fought at Pharsalus for Pompey [I 3] (Caes. B Civ. 3,4,3); however he was pardoned by Caesar due to the commendable qualities of his brother (Luc. 5,55; App. B Civ. 4,136). In 42 BC R. was an ally of Junius [I 10] Brutus and Cassius [I 10] in the civil war, whilst Rhascus supported M. Antony [I 9] (Cass. Dio 47,25,2; App. B Civ. 4,87;

103-104). R.’ son was Cotys [I 8] (IG III’ 3443). R. minted bronze coins with the inscription BaowWéws Patoxovmogews (RPC I 1702-1703). PIR* R 58.

[2] R. Il. He was married to a daughter of Rhoemetalces [rz]. R. and his brothers became wards of their uncle Rhoemetalces [1] (Cass. Dio 5 4,20,3) after the death of

their father Cotys (probably [1 6]) in 16 BC. In the struggle against the + Bessi R. was murdered by their leader Vologaises in 11 BC (Cass. Dio 54, 34,5). PIR*R

59. [3] R. If. In AD 6, he accompanied his brother Rhoe-

metalces [1] on the Pannonian campaign as an ally of Rome (Cass. Dio 55,30,6). After Rhoemetalces’ death around AD 12, Augustus divided Thrace up between R. and Cotys [I 9], Rhoemetalces’ son. R. was given the poorer land. After Augustus’ death and despite the intervention of the emperor Tiberius, R., whose character was described in a negative way by Tacitus (Ann.

it was the object of a combined military operation by Gortyn and > Knossos (Pol. 31,1) {1. no. 44]. A few remains from the Roman Period bear witness to the town’s continuing inhabitation. 1 A.CHANIoTIS, Die Vertrage zwischen kretischen Poleis in der hellenistischen Zeit, 1966. H. BEIsTeR, s. v. Hagios Myron, in: LAUFFER, Griechen-

land, 250f.; M.Guarpuccl,

Inscriptiones

Creticae

290-293; 1.F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 154.

1,

H.SO

Rhea Silvia (also Rea Silvia). Poetically also Ilia (for identity of both: Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,76,3 i.d.). Mother of > Romulus [1] and Remus. She is mentioned for the first time in Naevius (cf. Serv. Aen. 1,273; 6,777)

and in Ennius (Ann. 29,34-50), apparently as the daughter of -» Aeneas [1]. Later sources, however, identify her as the daughter of - Numitor and thereby move the founding of Rome several generations away from Aeneas and the ruin of Troy. The main version of the myth is essentially to be found in Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,76—79 and Liv. 1,3 f.: king Amulius of Alba Longa forces his brother Numitor from power, has Numitor’s son killed and compels his daughter RS to become a —> Vestal virgin, in order to thus ensure her lifelong celibacy and childlessness. However as she — being forewarned ina dream (Enn. [1. 193 f.]) —is fetching water one day in the grove of the god > Mars she is raped by the god and gives birth to Romulus und Remus. There were two versions concerning her further destiny (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,79): According to one

she is locked up by her uncle as a punishment and freed by her sons, and according to the other Amulius has her thrown into the Tiber, where however the god of this river, or the river god Anio, takes her as his wife (apparantly thus already in Enn. Ann. 39,61-62; Porphyrius

2,64,2), defeated Cotys and killed him. As a result, in

in Hor. Carm.

AD 19 R. was accused by Antonia [7] Tryphaena in Rome, exiled to Alexandria and killed (Tac. Ann. 2,64—67 3530;2; Vell. Pat. 2,129 )0;ouet. Lib. 37,4). Hisison Rhoemetalces [2] and the children of the murdered

trix of the Romans and additionally, as Ilia, represents

Cotys were given his kingdom. PIR* R 60.

Fast.

1,2,18). Thus RS becomes the progeni-

the link with their roots in Asia Minor

2,598;

Ov.

Am.

1 Cu. M. Danov, Die Thraker auf dem Ostbalkan von der

4,8,22;

hellenistischen Zeit bis zur Griindung Konstantinopels,

encounter with Mars [3].

3,647;

commentary)

Eastern Dynastic Network, in: ANRW

LIMC 7.1, 615-620; 7.2, 491f.

211

4M. Taceva, The Last Thracian Independent Dyn-

asty of the Rhascuporids, in: A. Fou (ed.), Studia in honorem G. Mihailov, 1995, 459-467. UP.

Rhaucus (‘Patxoc; Rhatikos). Town in central Crete,

c. 15 km southwest of - Heracleum [1], present-day Agios Myron (named after a 3rd cent. bishop of R.), with Minoan remains in the surrounding area. The acropolis had been inhabited since the Late Mycenaean Period. At the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC, R. formed an alliance with > Gortyn (Pol. 22,15,1) and in 166 BC

Hor.

Carm.

1,2,17;

3,9,8 etc.) [2]. The fine arts only depict her

in: ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 21-185, esp. 120-145 25.]. SAPRYKIN, Iz istorii pontijskogo carstva Polemonidoy, in: VDI 1993.2, 25-49 3R.D. SULLIVAN, Thrace in the II 7.1, 1979, 186-

(Troy/Ilium)

(always as Ilia: Verg. Aen. 1,273; 6,778 [to be distinguished from Rhea sacerdos 7,659]; Tib. 2,5,51; Ov.

1 O.SkuTscH

TA,I, 341-345

(ed.), The

Annals

2 A. ROSENBERG,

of Ennius,

1985

(with

s. v. Rea Silvia, RE

3 M. Haver-ProstT,

s. v. Rea Silvia,

Eke

Rhea, Rheia (‘Péo/Rhéa, ‘Pén/Rhée, ‘Peia/Rheia, ‘Pein/

Rheié). Greek goddess; daughter of — Uranus and » Gaia, sister and consort of her brother + Kronos, and by him the mother of -» Zeus, Hera, > Demeter, +» Hades, > Poseidon and Hestia (Hes. Theog. 453463). Kronos devours the children in order to avoid the danger of being deprived of his power by one of them. However R. hides Zeus in Crete and instead gives Kronos a stone wrapped in swaddling bands. When

526

525

Zeus is grown up he frees his brothers and sisters and with their help overthrows his father. Meanwhile, in order to protect Hera, R. sends her to + Oceanus and ~ Tethys (Hes. Theog. 453-506). R. appears in the Homeric hymns in connection with the birth of Apollo and Artemis and as Zeus’ messenger in connection with the fate of + Persephone (H. Hom. 3,93; 2,441-443); she also brings > Pelops [1] back to life (Bacchyl. fr. 42 SNELL-MAEHLER). In later times R. is frequently associated with -» Cybele and > Demeter (Melanippides, PMG 764; P Derveni) [1. 43f.], but also with the ~ Daktyloi Idaioi (Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 89) and the + Telchines (Diod. Sic. 5,55,1-3) [1. 149]. 1 T. Gantz, Early Greek Myth, 1993.

TK

Rhebas (‘Pipac/Rhébas). [1] River in > Bithynia (Apoll. Rhod. 2,343; 650; Tab. Peut. 9,2 written incorrectly as ad herbas), present-day

Riva Deresi; it discharges on the north coast of the Bithynian peninsula east of where the Bosporus flows into the > Pontos Euxeinos. IK 10,3, 1987, 141f.

[2] Left-hand tributary of the Lower — Sangarius, which rises on Olympus [13], present-day Gokcesu. Its valley formed the border region between Phrygia Epiktetos and Bithynia and after c. 65/4 BC was part of the province of Bichynia. S. SAHIN, Studien tiber die Probleme der historischen Geographie des nordwestlichen Kleinasiens, in: EA 7, 1986, 129-140; IK 10,3, 1987, 141 f.; K. STROBEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: E.SCHWERTHEIM (ed.), Forschungen in Galatien, 1994, 30-40; Id., Die Galater, vol. I, 1996, 192-196, 262.

K.ST.

Rhecusporis. Kings of the + Regnum Bosporanum with the name Tiberius Julius R. (for name variations see + Rhascypolis). [1] R. (II) Son of Cotys [II 1] I., ruled from AD 68/9 to AD 91/2 (IOSPE 2,52; 3553; 358); he minted gold stateres and pursued a policy which was more independent of Rome PIR* I 512; [1. 14-17, 93-103]. [2] R. (I1L.) Son of Ti. Julius Sauromates II., ruled as ‘king of Bosporus and the surrounding peoples’ (IOSPE 2,42f.; 4,194 i.a.) from AD 210/1 to AD 226/7; royal

graves in Keré (Glinissce). PIR* I 513; [1. 47-51, 197-

RHENUS

[5] Ruled from AD 3 18/9 to 334/s (at first as co-regent of Rhadamsadius), last Bosporanian coin issues (CIRB

PIT); (seqoute| 1N.A. Frotova, The Coinage of the Kingdom of Bosporus A. D. 69-238, 1979 2Id., The Coinage of the Kingdom of Bosporus A. D. 242-341, 1983 3 V.GayDUKEVIC, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971. _ 1v.B.

Rheneia (Prveio/Rheneia, ‘Phvaia/Rhenaia, ‘Pryvr/ Rhéné; Latin Rhene, Plin. HN 4,67). An island of the + Cyclades, consisting of two parts linked by a narrow isthmus (16 km’in all, highest point 150 m). At its narrowest point R., present-day Megali Dilos, is 600 m from the neighbouring island of > Delos to the east. The ancient polis of R. with its small territory lay on the west coast of the northern area. In 543 BC, Peisistratus [4] had graves transferred from Delos to R., inasfar as they were in sight of the temple of Apollo (Hdt. 1,64; Thuc. 3,104,1 f.). Around 530 BC, the tyrant Polycrates dedicated R. [1] to Apollo and his shrine on Delos, then connected the island to Delos with a chain (Thuc. 1,13,6; 3,104,2). During the > Persian Wars [1] R. was

under Persian rule, after which it became a member of the > Delian League (cf. ATL 1,392f.). In 426/5 BC, the Athenians carried out a ritual purification on Delos and had the remaining contents of the graves (the oldest dating from the Geometric Period, roth—8th cents. BC) laid to rest in a collective grave in the south of R. near present-day Hagios Kyriaki. From then on, the southern part of R. remained an area for necropoleis (Thuc. 1,8,1; 3,104,1 f.; Hdt. 1,64; Diod. Sic. 12,58,6f.), and is consequently often mentioned in Delian inscriptions. Sarcophagi, grave altars and votive altars can be dated until Roman times. To the north of the mass grave are the remains of buildings (for those giving birth and the dying from Delos). Strabo (around the beginning of our era) considered R. to be uninhabited (Str. 10,5,3; cf. also Hom. Il. 2,728; Scyl 58; Ptol. 3,15,28; Plin. HN 4,67; Mela 2,111; Steph. Byz. s. v. ‘Pyvn). L. BURCHNER, S. V. ‘Prveia (1-2), RE 1 A, 598 f.; PHILIPP-

SON/KIRSTEN 4, 114; H.KALETSCH, s. v. R., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 586; P.BRUNEAU, J.DucaAT, Guide de Délos, ?1983, 265. AKU.

Rhenus [1] River in Upper Italy, present-day Reno in EmiliaRomagna, right-hand feeding river of the Padus (Po),

221; 3. 443-445].

which rises in the Apennines above > Pistoriae (Pistoia)

[3] R. (IV.) Known only from the coinage (AD 233234), which is in part contemporaneous with that of Cotys [II 3] III. PIR* R 62; [z. 53, 231]. [4] R. (V.?) Ruled from AD 239/240 to AD 275/6 (IOSPE 2,44; 46), interrupted in AD 253/4-255/6 by

and flows past > Marzabotto through the region of Felsina (> Bononia [r]). In Etruscan times it flowed into the Padus near Voghiera to the southeast of Ferrara, in Roman times somewhat more to the west. Nowadays it flows via an artificial canal directly into the Adriatic Sea. In the time of the - Villanova Culture and in Etruscan times its river valley served as a natural link between > Italia and the Padus plain; Felsina’s development is thus defined from the 6th cent. BC by Marzabotto and from the 4th cent. BC by Voghiera.

the usurper

(?) > Pharsanzes.

The

invasions

of the

+ Goti and > Heruli led to a critical situation (Zos. 1,31). In the last year of his reign there appeared also coins issued by Sauromates IV. PIR* R 63; [2. 10-12, 18-29, 156-170; 3. 460f., 470].

527

528

S.Patirucci, Voghiera, in: Studi Etruschi 47, 1979, 93-

deployment line for the Roman campaigns into Germania Magna. After the wars of conquest had been abandoned, it remained in essence the frontier river to the north of the Vinxt (stream), which was the border between the Upper and Lower Rhenish region. How-

RHENUS

105.

GU.

[2] European river, present-day Rhine (‘Piyvoc/Rhénos; Celtic Renos), first made more familiar to the Romans

by > Caesar. Its importance was emphasized by ancient geographers, historians and writers because it was seen as being a wonder of nature as well as because of its political, economic and military significance. I. GEoGrapHy II. History I. GEOGRAPHY According to Caes. B Gall. 4,10,3 the R. rises near

the > Lepontii, according to Str. 4,3,3 and 4,6,6 near the > Helvetii on the Adula (an undetermined part of the Alps), and according to Plin. HN. 3,135 and Tac. Germ. 1,2 (cf. Avien. 430-434; Amm. Marc. 15,4,2) near the + Raeti. The sources of the - Rhodanus (RhO6ne) and > Ister [2] (Danube) were also located not

far away. From there the R. pours into the + Lacus Brigantinus (Lake Constance; cf. Str. 4,3,33 7,1,5, cf. 7,5,1; Mela 3,24). In ancient sources the stated, entire length of the R. as being from between 5 50 km to 1,100 km, is too short (in reality 1,320 km), and in many cases its course is quoted inaccurately. The steep incline is emphasized (cf. Caes. B Gall. 4,10,3; 17,2; Str. 4,3,3 f.5 Tac. Ann. 2,6,4; Amm. Marc. 15,4,2), whirlpools and great depths are mentioned (Cic. Pis. 81) as well as the water freezing over (cf. Hdn. 6,7,6; Pan. Lat.. 6,6,4). Up until regulation in the rgth cent. the riverbed has altered several times mainly in the region of the Upper and Lower Rhine. Varying numbers of branches are quoted. Vergil (Aen. 8,727) speaks of the R. bicornis, ‘the R. with two mouths’, an idea which was frequently seized on. The fossa (‘canal’) Drusiana (Tac. Ann. 2,81; cf. Suet. Claud. 1,2: fossae Drusinae) shortened the river’s course to the North Sea via the estuaries of the Amisia [1] (Ems) and the Albis (Elbe). Under the emperor Claudius in AD 47, Domitius [II 2] built a canal between the R. and the > Mosa [1] (Meuse), in order to facilitate the crossing to > Britannia but also to keep the soldiers occupied (Tac. Ann. 11,20,3; cf. Cass. Dio 60,30, 6).

Il. History

In pre-Roman times the R. was not a boundary which divided people. Caesar was the first to define it as a political border between ~ Gallia and Germania (+ Germani), although the ethnic background was not consistent with it. The two crossings of the Rhine in 5 5 BC and 53 BC (Caes. B Gall. 4,17-183 6,9,1-5; 29,2-3) served as a demonstration of power. Under Octavian, i.e. Augustus, Germanic tribes were relocated on the left bank of the R.: ut arcerent, non ut custodirentur (‘in order that they fulfill a defensive role, not in order that they be kept under surveillance’, Tac. Germ. 28 about

the Ubii). Caes. B Gall. 4,10 is the primary source of information about the people on the Rhine at the time of Caesar, after that Str. 4,3,3 f. is an important source until the time of Tiberius. The R. was temporarily a

ever, the North Sea coast and the frontier zone on the

eastern bank of the Rhine were monitored and militarily. Rome refrained from wide-ranging quests here in spite of rebellions by the ~ Frisit + Chauci as well as Teutonic plundering raids Gallia (Tac. Ann. 4,72-74; Suet. Tib. 41,1; Tac. 11,18—20). The

used conand into Ann.

- Batavian uprising in AD 69/70 and

the great destructions on the R. remained merely incidents. On the Upper Rhine the border was pushed forward from the R. to the Danube (- Ister [2]) under Claudius [III x]; in the Flavian period (AD 69-96) the right-hand frontier zone on the Middle and Upper Rhine which was kept under surveillance by Rome was annexed to the Empire and militarily safeguarded (— decumates agri). With the fall of the + limes around AD 260 these regions were lost again and the Rhine was once more the river forming the border with some bridgeheads (et al. -Lopodunum (Ladenburg); ->+ Mogontiacum (Mainz); > Divitia (Deutz)). At the beginning of the 5th cent. AD, increasing invasions by the > Alamanni and the > Franci led to the abandonment of the Rhine as a boundary river. From Augustan times the boundary of the Rhine was strongly protected by camps and forts which monitored in particular the rivers flowing into the eastern side of the Rhine and the invasion routes from Germania Magna

(i.a. — Nicer

(Neckar);

- Moenus

(Main);

+ Lupia (Lippe)). A Rhine fleet was involved in the Augustan and early Tiberian campaigns of conquest already. Later the classis Germanica protected the river traffic with bases in Mogontiacum, Colonia Agrippinensis (Cologne) and Fectio (Fort Vechten) among others, but gained greater military significance in Late Antiquity (cf. Zos. 3,6,2; Pan. Lat. 6,13,2; Amm.

Marc.

17,1; 18,2). Apart from pontoon bridges there were bridges of varying types spanning the R. (some on stone piers). In addition to, and independent from, the surfaced road running alongside it, the R. was a traffic route of great economic importance which was accordingly heavily used by ships for civil and military supply purposes. » Germani, Germania;

> Limes

F. Haug, s. v. R. (2), RE 1 A, 733-756; E.SANDER, Zur

Rangordnung

des rémischen

Heeres:

Die Flotten, in:

Historia 6, 1957, 347-367; R. Dion, R. bicornis, in: REL 42, 1964, 469-499; O. HOCKMANN, Romische Schiffsver-

bande auf dem Ober- und Mittelrhein und die Verteidigung der Rheingrenze in der Spatantike, in: JRGZ 33, 1986, 369-419; Id., ROmische Schiffsfunde in Mainz, in: U.L6BER,

C.Rost

(ed.), 2000

Jahre

Rheinschiffahrt,

1991, 49-64; F.FiscHER, Rheinquellen und Rheinanlieger bei Caesar und Strabon, in: Germania 75, 1997, 597606.

RA.WI.

579

530

Rhesis (4 6fjoic/hé rhésis), generally ‘speech’ (Hom. Od. 21,291). As early as the 5th cent. BC, rhesis was a technical term for a speech in a play, especially in a tragedy (for the concept cf. Aristoph. Ach. 416, Nub. 1371,

ofthe Trojans and dies on the first night, without having played any part in battle. Caught on his nightly tour of reconnoissance, > Dolon has betrayed R. and his men. Diomedes kills the men in their sleep, as R. has foreseen in a nightmare, and Odysseus makes off with the horses. R.’ cousin Hippocoon wakes up only when it is already too late (Hom. II. Bk. 10, probably post-Iliadic, see Doloneia). Variants: (a) R. fights for whole day with such great success that Hera and Athena decide to dispose of him with Diomedes’ help (Pind. fr. 262 = schol. bT Hom. Il. 10,435 ErBSE). This version exhibits clear resonances of motif (late arrival, aristeia, death) with the legend of + Memnon [1] [1. 28-40]. (b) An oracle foretells that R. will be insuperable if his horses drink water from the > Scamander (schol. A Hom. II. 10,435 DinporF, cf. Verg. Aen. 1,469-473). (b’) Athena prophesies that even Achilles and Ajax will not be able to prevent the destruction of the Greek ships if R. survives the first night ((Eur.] Rhes. 600-605). In the pseudo-Euripidean tragedy R. there is a rivalry (with-

Vesp. 580, Ran. 151; Aristot. Poet. 1454a 31, 1456a

31). The length of a rhesis varies from c. 7 to over 100 verses

(Eur.

Ion

1122-1228,

Phoen.

rogo-1199,

Bacch. 1043-1152). The most important function of rhéseis in the context of the storyline is to supply information. The requisite details which are important for the storyline are frequently explained by a god in the prologue rhesis (Eur. lon 1-81; Men. Dys. 1-49). In the comedies of Aristophanes a rhesis, spoken by the leading character, can open the play (Aristoph. Ach. 1-42, Nub. 1-24). More frequently the explanatory rhesis comes later on in the play, so that the audience are exposed to a situation which at first they cannot understand and which only becomes clear to them afterwards (Aristoph. Equ. 40-72, Vesp. 54-73, 87-135, Pax 5o59, Av. 30-48). The informative rhesis is most frequently found in the form of the messenger speech (+ Messenger scenes). Additionally rhéseis are found in scenes involving arguments or discussions which serve to prevent a person from a certain action or to motivate

him to do it (e.g. Soph. Aj. 430ff., Ant. 635 ff.). As a rule the clash of opposing views in dialogue ends up ina ~ stichomythia (dialogue in alternate lines). A third form of rhesis which is mainly contemplative is found primarily in Sophocles (e.g. Soph. Aj. 646-692, 815865, OT 1369-1415, Trach. 1-48, 672-722), who uses

it to portray the character of the person who is speaking (Aristot. Poet. 1450a 29 Onoets HOinad/rhéseis éthikds, - ‘speech which expresses character’, cf. Aristot. Rh. 1391b 21). The metre of rhéseis is usualy iambic trimeters, sometimes catalectic trochaic tetrameters (e.g. Aesch. Ag. 1654-1661, Pers. 697-758; > metrics). Asa

rule rhéseis demonstrate a clear rhetorical structure; the

end of a rhesis is clearly marked and serves as an immanent stage direction for a change of speaker. Long rhéseis are found as > prologues in the + comedies of Plautus (Plaut. Amph. 1-152, Aul. 1-39, Men.

1-76, Merc.

1-110); they are usually monolo-

gues, recited in long-line verses, and their principal function in the plays is reflection (Plaut. Amph. 463498, Aul. 587-607; cf. Ter. Ad. 26-81, 855-881). In

+ Seneca’s tragedies, rhéseis create rhetorical highlights especially in the form of the > ekphrasis (Sen. Herc. f. 658-829, interrupted by questions, Sen. Oed. 530-658, Med. 670-739). ~+ Comedy; > Tragedy A.ERcOLANI, Il passaggio di parola sulla scena tragica,

RHETORIC

out traces in the Doloneia) between + Hector and his

ally R. 1 B. Fentk, Iliad X and the Rhesus, 1964. M. True, s. v. R., LIMC Suppl. 8.1, 1044-1047; P. Wa-

THELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988, 959970. REN.

Rhetoric I. TERMINOLOGY II. PURPOSE AND SOCIAL FUNCTION III. HisTORICAL DEVELOPMENT IV. TRANSMISSION, CULTURAL LEGACY, PRESENT STATE V. THERHETORICAL SYSTEM VI. ANCIENT ORATORS AND THEIR ART

I. TERMINOLOGY Generic term: Greek téyvn Ontoomn/téchné rhétorike; from Plato onwards, the technical term is éntooxt/rhétorike [43]; Latin: ars oratoria, ars dicendi (rhetoric as an acquired skill), or eloquentia (as an ability). Performers: Greek 61two/rhétor (Homeric Oxty0/ rhetér); Latin orator (initially referring to any orator; later used in the specific context of rhetoric), rhetor (technical term for a teacher of rhetoric). Activity: Greek eigew/eirein (‘say’ in formal language) or more generally éyeww/légein (‘speak’); the Latin equivalent would be orare (‘pray’, ‘speak solemnly’), but in the context of rhetoric the plain dicere was the established technical term (for general information on terminology see [1; 16; 28]).

2000; B. MANNSPERGER, Die Rhesis, in: W. Jens (ed.), Die

II. PURPOSE AND SOCIAL FUNCTION

Bauformen der griechischen Tragédie, 1971, 143-181.

Be,

Rhesus (‘Pijco¢d/Rhésos, Latin Rhesus). King of Thrace, son of Eioneus (Hom. II. 10,138) or of the river god Strymon ({Eur.] Rhes. 279). R. and his snow-white horse appear only in the tenth year of the war as an ally

Along with philosophy, rhetoric as a whole is at the core of the Greco-Roman cultural heritage. It is true that some forms of rhetoric can also be found outside European culture [9; 23; 30], but they tend not to achieve the same degree of elaboration that is a hallmark of Greco-Roman antiquity. Ancient rhetoric was

RHETORIC

531

a metalanguage reflected in various forms of practice [2. 16], which in different epochs occurred either simultaneously or successively. (x) In terms of a technique (> téchné), rhetoric can be defined as the art of persuasion, as a given set of rules and prescriptions applied to persuade the audience. Since this technique made it possible to present an argument irrespective of its truth or falsity, a system of (moral) rules was established to limit demagoguery and the distortion of truth, which was a danger recognized in rhetorical theory itself. In this system, ambiguous language was monitored, legitimized and restricted. (2) Another aspect of rhetoric was the formal instruction by a master of rhetoric (rhetor) teaching a student or a client, which is still being practised in today’s schools (e.g. writing argumentative essays; ~ Rhetoric).

(3) Rhetoric is also the science of the effects and phenomena of language, describing language as a power issue and as one of the defining features of an educated class. Rhetoric is thus (among other things) a social practice, even though in its systematic form it frequently goes beyond mere practical aspects. These three subsets add up to a rich body of institutional knowledge, also including anti-rhetorical literary forms like subversive rhetoric, which deliberately makes use of ambiguities and dissonances (e.g. parodies). Factually and historically, the problems of rhetoric are closely related to the fundamental questions of poetics and > hermeneutics. The potential of ancient rhetoric had been realized as early as the Classical Period, and as it was put to the test in highly varied political and cultural environments, rhetoricproved highly adaptable, expandable and capable of adopting new approaches. In Hellenistic and Roman times, its use was no longer restricted to the political and forensic sphere as in its early phase in Greece; rhetoric began to blossom into an ars dicendi (‘art of speaking’), a comprehensive theory and practice of human communication examining all kinds of linguistic expression ([25]; see below IV.). Rhetoric was a meta-science that helped structure the education system, possibly even forming the very foundation of education, and remained one of the shaping forces of European civilization right into the 18th century. Subsequently its importance decreased (or at least seemed to do so, see below IV.), and the term ‘rhe-

torical’ acquired a largely negative connotation [46]. This simplifying derogatory connotation, which can be

traced to antiquity, is the product of prejudices about the nature of rhetoric: rhetoric was reduced to one field of application, the art of forensic oratory or even manipulative oratory. In fact, it helped to lay the foundations of modern linguistics and made significant contributions

to

memory

research

(-» Mnemonics;

+» MNEMONICS/MNEMOTECHNY), theory of language and psychology. In many respects rhetoric has acted as a ferment of democratization and enlightenment [38; 48].

532 Ill. HistoRICAL A. SOURCES C.

AND

DEVELOPMENT

SELF-IMAGE

B. GREECE

ROME

A. SOURCES AND SELF-IMAGE The great variety of ancient rhetoric and its aspects 1s aptly reflected by the heterogeneous nature of its records. There are numerous textbooks and manuals [133 45; 53], biographical records of the individuals who exerted a decisive influence on rhetoric as well as important speeches, which to some degree reflected the practice (see below VI.). Writings on specialized topics concentrated on individual aspects (e.g. Cicero’s De inventione, cf. > Inventio; > Rutilius [I] 6] Lupus on > figures). Furthermore, there are philorhetorical sophical and rhetorical writings discussing and defining the nature, the characteristics and the dangers of rhetoric (e.g. Aristotle’s Rhetoric; Plato’s Gorgias and Phaedrus; Cicero’s Brutus, Orator and De oratore; Quin-

tilian’s Institutio oratoria).

Although a history of rhetoric did not exist as a separate discipline in antiquity, an implicit historiography is evident from constant reflections about the nature of rhetoric (also in the manuals); an especially striking example is the digression in Plato’s Phaedrus about the textbooks available in the sth cent. BC (see also Aristot. Rh. 1,1; Cic. Brut. 46-48). From its beginnings in Sicily and Greece to Christian oratory (> Sermon) as propounded by > Augustinus, the development of rhetoric can be seen as a continuum [53 20; 35]. After an early establishment of the ‘system of rhetoric’ (see V.), there was a remarkable continuity in the fields outlined above (II.) although different his-

torical stages stressed different aspects of rhetoric. In ancient as well as in modern histories of rhetoric, the pattern is always that of a rise of rhetoric during the Athenian democracy of the sth cent. BC and in Republican Rome, and its decline in the Hellenistic period and in Imperial Rome [14; 52. 45-137]. In both cases, the flourishing of rhetoric is linked to circumstances in which oratory has a clear practical role within the framework of public political discourse and forensic speeches. This reduction to the field of politics does not do justice to the multifaceted nature of ancient rhetoric, the more so because a closer look at the alleged periods of decline will reveal new fields of activity and differences in detail. Thus the progressive complexity of rhetorical + figures (which is just one aspect of rhetoric) in the Hellenistic period cannot be dismissed as pointless hairsplitting, as in fact it reflects thorough scholarship and a profound understanding of language production and reception.

5)3)53)

534

B. GREECE 1. PRE-SYSTEMATIC FORMS 2. THE BEGINNINGS OF RHETORIC IN THE NARROWER SENSE (TISIAS TO

thereby achieve his objectives. Gorgias drew on the fictitlous > speeches of poetry and historiography [42. 15f.]. Even though his main emphasis was on the teachability of rhetoric by presenting examples, theoretical concepts are used implicitly, e.g. in dealing with the structure of the speech or in discussing the suitability and effectiveness of arguments. Gorgias differed from Tisias and Corax in that he attached more importance to questions of style, thus establishing the theory of expression as a central field of rhetoric. Figures of speech that Gorgias thought of as particularly effective in achieving persuasion, e.g. > antitheses and homoioteleuta used in short parallel sentence structures, were later called ‘Gorgianic figures’. Tisias and Gorgias are often mentioned in the same breath as masters of the stylistic device of brevitas (‘terseness’) and because they were capable of talking at length about any subject at hand, which the opponents of rhetoric took as proof that the demands of the subject were being neglected. As to the presentation of arguments, both of them gave priority to ‘what is likely’

ARISTOTLE)

3. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD

1. PRE-SYSTEMATIC FORMS The ability to make persuasive statements is based on empirical knowledge which in principle can be acquired and used by any human being who is capable of speech and social interaction. Even before rhetoric was established as a teachable skill, there are unsystematic remarks about the effect and affective power of language and about occasions where some proto-rhetoric of public oratory is discernible (prayers, speeches in court, assembly speeches, funeral orations, ceremonial

addresses and panegyrics). The numerous speeches in the earliest extant works of Greek literature, Homer’s

epics (> Homerus [1]), already showed a high degree of awareness of what was later to be labelled rhetoric [17]. This notion is best reflected in the term > Peitho (mev0w/

peitho, ‘persuasion’), which refers to the divine aspect of effective oratory (Hes. Op. 73; Hes. Theog. 349 et al.). In an act of posthumous projection, Homer came to be credited with the invention of rhetoric (Quint. Inst. r0,1,46ff.), and in particular the speeches of the

embassy to Achilles (Hom. Il. 9) and Priam’s request for Hector’s body (ibid. 24) were treated as sample speeches [20. 11-14]. 2. THE BEGINNINGS OF RHETORIC IN THE NARROWER

SENSE (TISIAS TO ARISTOTLE)

The origins of ancient rhetoric as a teachable art of persuasion can be traced to Sicily and Greece at a time when political and social pressure necessitated and promoted the emergence of a more sophisticated kind of public speech [54]. Although a lack of reliable records leaves us largely in the dark about the early days of rhetoric, there is a certain consensus

that Tisias and

~ Corax [3] from Syracuse were the first to deal with rhetoric as a teachable art as opposed to knowledge based on individual experience (Aristot. Rh. 1402a 17; Pl. Phdr. 272c-273¢; [20. 58-68; 15]). Tisias is said to have coined the definition of rhetoric as meWotc dnutoveyds (peithous démiourgos, ‘artificer of persuasion’; Prolegomenon Sylloge 277, 16ff. RABE vol. 14).

Rhetoric was introduced to the Greek motherland by the sophist > Gorgias [2], who was a disciple of Tisias and follower of Empedocles [1], and due to the great linguistic awareness of that age, rhetoric quickly spread all over Greece. In 427 BC Gorgias came to

Athens as an ambassador from Leontini. Being a foreigner, he was barred from getting involved in politics or pleading in the law courts. He compensated for this, however, by establishing himself as a teacher of rhetoric for young Athenians. The innovation Gorgias introduced was that his sample speeches, which he composed especially for his classes and which had no direct application to any specific case, demonstrated how an orator could win over the judges and the audience and

RHETORIC

(eixdc/eikds) and abandoned the concept of absolute,

timeless truth in the philosophical sense (Pl. Phdr. 266d 1-267d). Viewed from the perspective of the practice of rhetoric and in the context of of everyday communication, this emphasis on what is likely bears witness to a well-developed realism and insight into the nature of man. Nevertheless, this emphasis introduced certain inconsistencies into the rhetorical system, which were mercilessly caricatured by the opponents ofthe sophists in an often distorting way (see below). Gorgias overshadowed the other sophists who made important contributions to rhetoric alongside Gorgias or after him (cf. Pl. Phdr.

266ff.). In this context, ~ Thrasymachus of Chalcedon and > Hippias [5] deserve special mention, as does > Antiphon [4], who was the first to publish court speeches, and + Theodorus {1 3] of Byzantium, whose main achievement was the division of speeches into parts. The 5th cent. BC also witnessed the development of a specific rhetoric of advocates, which ran parallel to sophistic rhetoric (Pl. Grg. 471); specialists would compose court speeches for less well educated or eloquent clients. The most famous orators of that age - from — Lysias [1] to » Hypereides — probably did not owe their skill and success to the teaching of rhetoric or the influence of rhetorical textbooks, whose existence at the time is not attested (sample speeches were used for instruction). In

all probability, it was simply the political necessity of public speaking and the admiration of eloquence inherent in Greek culture which triggered a process in which large segments of the Athenian population developed a great interest in language and its means of expression.

The influence of the + sophists led to an increase in professionalism and theorizing characteristic of the 5th century. Alongside the deepening of individual aspects of theory and practice, the debate focused on the status of rhetoric and its importance for human society.

RHETORIC

535

536

At that time the highest authority on the theory and practice of rhetoric was ~ Isocrates, a pupil of Gorgias. Following the sophists, he propagated rhetoric as a tool of education (> paideia; |24]). He aimed to teach his students philosophia, which encompassed both academic pursuits and practical wisdom, with the aim of enabling them to conceive and articulate the right political and moral principles (- enkyklios paideia). Rhetoric is an essential part of this ultimately political concept focusing on the common good. To the philosopher > Plato [1], this synthesis was as inacceptable as all the earlier varieties of sophistic thought and rhetoric. Especially in the dialogues Gor-

es and areas of application. He defines rhetoric as “the faculty of discovering the possible means of persuasion

gias and Phaidros (271c-273¢), he attacks the sophists

and their rhetoric as corrupters of truth. His criticism of rhetoric, which is partly driven by his distrust of its potential for enlightened criticism, is at the same time a sketch of a philosophical rhetoric. Firstly, he criticizes the substitution of truth with the concept of eikds (‘what is likely’); secondly, he demands that all speeches should have organic coherence and that their length should be determined by the requirements of the subject; thirdly, he claims that as oratory is a type of ‘guidance of the soul’ (psychagogia: Pl. Phdr. 261a), orators should have psychological knowledge, which in turn requires knowledge of the cosmos as a whole (270¢). The speaker needs to know which type of oratory affects which parts of the soul (271b). He also needs to be familiar with the nature of his audience

(273d).

While in the Phaedrus Plato still believes rhetoric can be transformed to satify the demands of philosophy, he no longer takes that conciliatory stance in the Gorgias. From then on, philosophy and rhetoric were seen as (in some respects irreconcilable) antagonists [24; 54]. In

the everyday practice of rhetoric, Plato’s criticism was simply ignored, and his influence on the theory of rhetorical systems was minimal (but see Quint. Inst. 12,1,33 ff.). Nevertheless, all subsequent critics and discreditors of rhetoric took recourse to Plato, with varying degrees of awareness (ibid. 2,15,24 ff.). Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]) wrote his Rhetoric after thoroughly studying Plato’s viewpoint. Since he was less involved in the political situation that had provoked Plato’s condemnation, he could take a more balanced view of the art of rhetoric in terms of its anthropological dimension. His Synagoge technén, which gives a sketch of the history of rhetoric introducing the most important writings through excerpts, is unfortunately lost, but we have a general idea of its contents from excerpts and quotations in, e.g., -» Cicero (Brut. 46-48). In his Rhetoric, Aristotle displays a scholarly interest in prose oratory and rhetoric as a phenomenon relevant to the history of ideas, and it also served a practical purpose as a collection of notes (if somewhat unsystematic ones) for his lectures on rhetoric. Toning down Plato’s hostility towards rhetoric, Aristotle takes up Plato’s demand for a psychology of rhetoric, but at the same time he also attempts to identify the differences between rhetoric and philosophy in their approach-

in reference to any given subject” (1355b 25-26), and

limits the application of rhetoric to public speaking in political and religious assemblies as well as the law courts. He marks it as the antagonist and counterpart of » dialectics; whereas dialectics is concerned with general questions, rhetoric deals with questions that arise from a particular occasion. As a result, book one of Rhetoric outlines the differing logics of argumentation characterizing philosophy and rhetoric (> Topics; [51]); book two turns to the psychology of the audience and the manipulation of opinions and emotions; book three consequently describes the three genres of oratory (+ genera dicendi), their qualities and characteristics in the process of persuasion and the theory of > metaphor. Aristotle’s Rhetoric exerted a strong influence on the Peripatos, especially his pupil + Theophrastus (see below B.3.), and it combined poetics, rhetoric and psychology in an exemplary manner. 3. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD Hardly any rhetoric manuals or theoretical writings have come down to us from the age commonly known as the Hellenistic period (from the death of > Alexander [II 4] the Great in 323 BC to 29 BC [39; 52. 45137]). We do know, however, famous orators such as

+ Hegesias [2] of Magnesia (4th/3rd cent. BC). Furthermore, Egyptian papyri document the practice of teaching rhetoric at school. The Greek city states and colonies of the ~+ oikouméne (the entire Greek-speaking world) were dominated by a political and cultural elite of Greeks and Hellenized non-Greeks. In order to be admitted to that elite, a comprehensive education was necessary which included rhetoric. Even though these cities were subject to the power of the king, their political institutions and law courts were largely autonomous in their decision-making on a local level. In the royal bureaucracy and in diplomatic negotiations with the kings or other city states, public oratory continued to be used on a wide range of occasions, even though its use may not be quite as obvious as it was in the Athenian democracy. Despite the lack of rhetorical manuals, there must have been crucial developments in the theory of rhetoric in that age, just as > literary theory, must have taken a significant step forward. The general trend was to introduce more elaborate distinctions and categories (as regards e.g. the parts of speech, style differences and the theory of figures), as evidenced in highly specialized textbooks on numerous applications of rhetoric. Important contributions were made by -» Theophrastus, Aristotle’s successor as head of the Peripatos, and » Hermagoras [1] of Temnus, whose rhetorical works have been completely lost in both cases. Theophrastus elaborated on some topics Aristotle only hinted at, such as the theory of the genres of speeches (~ Genera dicendi; > Officium [7]) and the virtues of style (+ virtutes dicendi); he also examined > prose rhythm and developed a theory of delivery (+ actio). Herma-

538

587

goras

is considered

the originator of stasis-theory

(— Status [1]).

In the period after Aristotle and Theophrastus, there was some rapprochement between rhetoric and philosophy. Teachers of rhetoric taught the philosophical basics of > logic and > ethics in their classes; the fundamentals of rhetoric were taught alongside philosophy by the Platonic + Academy (Akadémeia), the Stoa (> Stoicism) and, to a lesser extent, the Epicureans

( Epicurus). The rhetoric developed by the Stoa was committed to the philosophical concept of truth and to ethics. Although this rigorous re-definition stripped rhetoric of stylistic embellishments, one of its fundamental tasks (Cic. Fin. 4,7), the Stoic model continued

to be an important reference for subsequent rhetoricians. Apart from the treatise On style (Peri herméneias) ascribed to > Demetrius [41] of Phalerum, which draws on peripatetic teachings, there is no evidence from Hellenistic times that philosophical schools dealt with rhetoric. The > Rhetorica ad Alexandrum (4th cent. BC), which probably is to be attributed to Anaximenes [2] (Quint. Inst. 3,4,9), is the oldest extant rhetorical

manual and was written even before Aristotle’s Rhetoric. It was composed for a clientele of ambitious and wealthy people who wished to be successful orators in the politics of the Hellenistic kingdoms. For this reason, the foundations of sophistic rhetoric (logon téchne) were entirely directed to an application in politics and law to satisfy the needs of that clientele. The focus was thus on the art of conclusive argumentation and the choice of the most effective stylistic devices required by a given situation.

PERIOD

2.IMPERIAL

PERIOD.

3. CHRISTIAN RHETORIC

1. REPUBLICAN PERIOD Before the sophisticated Hellenistic theory of rhetoric was introduced in Rome, there was already (very much like the situation in 5th cent. Greece) a welldeveloped culture and practice of public speaking [1o. 49; 52. 71-137] within the framework of politics, the military, the excessively politicized jurisdiction and on certain public occasions (e.g. funeral ceremonies;

duced in Rome by philosophers as well as rhetoric teachers, who met with rejection as they were suspected, like the sophists in 5th century Greece, of spreading novel and subversive ideas. Although there were also democratic elements in Republican Rome, politics was essentially based on the principle of seniority; power was largely in the hands of old families who were able to enforce decisions by simply referring to their status. Nevertheless, as Cicero’s career exemplifies, it was possible for young upstarts (novi homines; — Nobiles B.) from lower status groups to gain political influence, primarily through success in the main arena for public speaking, the extremely politicized law courts. To all probability, the initial rejection of rhetoric was due to the status conflicts caused by the introduction of rhetoric within the entrenched social hierarchy [35]. It was for this very reason that rhetoric teachers found a profitable market among the Roman middle and upper classes, who aimed at even greater political power by honing their rhetorical skills. Marcus > Antonius [I 7], consul in 99 BC, wrote a textbook that focused exclusively on the political practice in Rome, emphasizing the rhetorical stasis theory (cf. Cic. Brut. 163; Quint. Inst. 3,6,44).

The best example of this ambivalent attitude towards Greek education and rhetoric in particular is the famous politician and orator ~ Cato [1] the Elder (cf. Cic. Brut. 65-69). While he rejected the idea of rhetorical training, arguing that a combination of moral superiority and natural eloquence was sufficient, he is said to have been the author of the first Latin rhetorical treatise as part of an > encyclopaedia he wrote for his son (Quint. Inst. 3,1,19). As we learn from > Seneca [1] the Elder (Sen. Controv. 1, praef. 9), his definition of an

orator does not focus on verbal dexterity but on the speaker as ‘vir bonus, peritus dicendi’ (‘a good man

C. ROME 1. REPUBLICAN

RHETORIC

>—

laudatio funebris). Before rhetoric was accepted as a teachable skill, the political elite (and those aspiring to be part of it) simply imitated role models from the military, the law and politics. The dominant role of oratory in public life, which conferred status in Roman society, facilitated the transition from acquiring skills merely through experience to studying the effectiveness of the spoken and written word by including theoretical reflection. In the course of the > Punic Wars, Rome developed a more open attitude towards Greek education, although rhetoric in particular had to overcome stiff resistance from conservative groups (Suet. Gram. 1). It was intro-

skilled in speaking’). This definition and his demand ‘rem tene, verba sequentur’ (‘keep to the subject, and the words will follow’) are closely related to the Stoic concept of rhetoric, which required that the content should be based on the moral good and that the speaker should be a man of integrity (> Ethos). Initially, Greek was the language for rhetorical instruction and Greek models were used, but there was

a rapid process of appropriation, which transformed rhetoric into something specifically Roman. From Cicero’s youth onwards, there were also Latin rhetoricians: L. > Plotius [I 1] Gallus is said to have founded the first Latin school of rhetoric in Rome just before the turn of the rst cent. BC [44]. In the language of rhetorical theory, Latin terminology was increasingly used alongside the Greek terms [1]. Within the uniform socio-cultural framework of the Roman empire, treatises on rhetoric were written both in Latin and Greek. The education system, which basically followed the Greek model, also remained bilingual. Cicero e.g. attended rhetoric classes by > Gorgias [4], an influential expert on the theory of figures. +» Cicero was the great mediating figure of rhetoric

RHETORIC

540

539

whom subsequent orators regarded as the embodiment of the very rhetorical ideals he propagated (see below VI.B.2). Although he was an exceptional figure in many respects, his achievement has to be seen in the context of a time when there was a great interest in language and when the political and cultural elite were devoted to Latinitas (> Virtutes dicendi) and to mastering the grammar of Latin (cf. Caesar’s De analogia), which established itself as a literary language at that time. The oldest surviving Latin manuals of rhetoric, which may however be based on earlier Latin textbooks, are the anonymous Rhetorica ad Herennium and Cicero’s De inventione, one of his earliest writings. As far as we know, these two rhetorical textbooks are chronologically closest to the works by Anaximenes [2] and Aristotle [6] mentioned above (III. B). Up to the 15th century, both of them were attributed to Cicero, and they exerted a tremendous influence on European culture. The Rhetorica ad Herennium (ca. 86-82 BC) is the type of legal manual tailored to the demands of a specifically Roman clientele of advocates. Its four volumes cover the complete field of rhetoric based on the so-called officia oratoris (> Officium [7]). Although the work condemns the excessive sophistication of Greek approaches to rhetoric and philosophical dialectic, the subject is treated with rigorous formalism and a certain degree of differentiation. However, well-chosen examples from mythology and Roman poetry as well as the emphasis on the stasis theory of > Hermagoras [1] mark it as a work written for practical use (Rhet. Her. iit).

The Rhetorica ad Herennium, which does not yet have a standardized Latin terminology, and Cicero’s De inventione seem to offer useful insights into the kind of Hellenistic rhetoric that had been adapted to Roman conditions. De inventione, one of Cicero’s early works (ca. 89 BC), is more concerned with the political dimension. His original intention had been to present the full range of rhetorical theory, likewise following the model of the officia oratoris, but he never advanced beyond the first step, the — imventio. Perhaps influenced by > Philo [I 9] of Larisa, Cicero tries to establish a philosophical foundation of rhetoric, arguing that oratory and rhetoric are necessary for human beings living together in society, and consequently also for civilization; but these skills had to be backed by a highly developed sense of responsibility and political commitment. The ‘good man’ (vir bonus) had to be actively involved in public welfare, which required profound knowledge of rhetoric. Based on this clearly defined field of application, Cicero rejects all l'art pour l’art rhetoric. Consequently, he never wrote a comprehensive textbook of rhetoric later in life. In the Partitiones oratoriae (ca. 53 BC), Cicero attempts to teach his son the fundamentals of rhetoric,

especially the theory of stasis; his Topica (ca. 44 BC) deal with topoi in the Aristotelian-Hellenistic tradition and with stasis theory. In the Brutus (ca. 46 BC) he provides a history of rhetoric, also including an account

of his own education (Brut. 283-291). This work and

the Orator (ca. 46 BC), which reflects the controversy between

~ Atticism

and — Asianism,

were

unknown

from Late Antiquity until the 15th century. Cicero’s De Oratore (ca. 55 BC) on the other hand is a work of outstanding importance for the role of rhetoric as an educational ideal within the European tradition [6]. Being the revival of an idealized sophistic rhetoric as conceived by Isocrates filled with new Roman content, it is also the first record of the reception of Aristotle’s Rhetoric in Rome; influences of the later Peripatos, especially Theophrastus, are also clearly detectable. Heavily emphasizing political and legal oratory, he attempts to reconcile rhetoric and practical philosophy [24. 12-42]. He portrays the ideal orator as a Romanized sophist who is guided by political ambition paired with a sense of responsibility (e.g. Cic. De or. 1,8,30-34) and who wants to apply his skills in law courts and public assemblies. The creativeness of rhetoric, which cannot be reduced to a teachable set of rules, must be rooted equally in an extensive general education (rhetorical theory, poetry, history, philosophy, law etc.) and in moral responsibility. De Oratore is an essential contribution to the ideal of orator-statesman prevailing in Greco-Roman antiquity (as opposed to the theological or academic conception of medieval and modern ideals [22. 145]). This educational ideal was only to fully flourish in subsequent generations, in an era that was frequently deplored as an age of rhetorical decline, first by contemporaries such as > Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, ~ Tacitus [1] (in his Dialogus), > Seneca [1] the Elder an > Petronius [5], with modern scholarship following suit. Cicero’s broad concept of rhetoric allowed for a depoliticization of rhetoric, which made it a veritable educational tool with a wide range of application. This shift of emphasis secured the survival of rhetoric in subsequent centuries [50]. The Ciceronian ideal was formed in a socio-political environment which, unlike

the individual city states of early Greece, encompassed almost the entire known world of that time. Thus rhetoric became the hallmark of a cosmopolitan education. Cicero, who had been one of the most famous practitioners of rhetoric of his own time, had become the personification of rhetorical perfection by the time of > Seneca [1] the Elder and > Quintilianus [1]. Up to the 17th century, the history of rhetoric in Western Europe can largely be seen as the history of Ciceronianism (see also > CICERONIANISM).

2. IMPERIAL PERIOD Cicero’s educational ideal facilitated a relatively smooth transition of rhetoric from the Republic to the Empire [52. 45-137]. In fact, it was only within the new socio-political framework that rhetoric attained its great educational importance, which shows how misleading it is to speak of a decline of rhetoric. Even though there was a decline in the importance and presence of oratory on the Forum and in public show trials due to the re-structuring of the political and legal sys-

541

542

tem, rhetoric was applied even more widely in the imperial bureaucracy, in foreign policy and within a judicial system that had been standardized and codified. The popularity of public declamations, both on prepared and ad hoc topics, was not a symptom of a debased rhetoric but proved a great interest in language, verbal skills and situational intelligence, qualities that are promoted by the intensive study of rhetoric. In Rome, the school syllabus (> School) came to be dominated by rhetoric classes even more than in Greece because greater importance was given to the integration of rhetoric into a school context. Alongside grammar classes and the study of exemplary texts, the main focus was on practical exercises such as a range of declamations (> declamationes) of varying degrees of difficulty depending on the students’ age group. These could be > controversiae or — suasoriae. Although there were some precedents in Greek rhetoric (~ Progymnasmata), this practice was only introduced towards the end of the Republic according to Seneca the Elder, a witness of the times (Sen. Controv. 1, praef. 11-13; [44]). The few surviving testimonies of the practice of declamation (— Quintilianus [1], > Calpurnius [III 2] Flaccus, > Seneca [1] the Elder) display an affinity of rhetoric and poetry, which has not yet been sufficiently researched. These exercises were criticized by some ancient writers like + Petronius [5] as being out of touch with real life and therefore useless as a tool for professional training. But probably they did achieve their purpose: abstracting from real cases, which means having to put oneself in an arbitrary situation, promotes creative thinking as well as cognitive transfer and integrated thinking, which are useful in volatile communicative situations such as law courts [52. 94-109]. The high prestige of rhetoric in Imperial Rome led to a flourishing of rhetorical theory and textbooks in an essentially bilingual environment. The emperor > Vespasianus (69-79) capped this development by creating two publicly funded chairs of rhetoric in Rome, a Greek

Numerous minor Latin orators (known as Rhetores Latini minores [53 13]) adapted the rhetorical system to the demands of the classroom, each emphasizing different aspects, which testifies to the continuing great relevance of rhetoric as a mark of status and education right into Late Antiquity. Important authors and works include -» Aquila [5] Romanus and _ his successor > lulius [IV 20] Rufinianus (3rd/4th cent.); the Carmen de Figuris; all writings about the > Artes liberales by > Consultus Fortunatianus; > Sulpicius {I 17] Victor; + Iulius [IV 24] Victor; + Martianus Capella (4th/5th cent.); Emporius, who lived even later, and Iulius > Severianus [2], who favoured a more practical approach. This later period was characterized by the shift of the Empire’s centre of gravity from Rome to provincial centres such as Gaul, (> Massalia, > Burdigala, > Au-

one and a Latin one (Suet. Vesp. 18).

synthéseos) are both extant. Tiberius’ teacher,

A) LATIN RHETORIC

The first holder of the Latin chair was > Quintilianus [1], whose Institutio oratoria (‘Education of the Orator’) presents the system of rhetoric in an encyclopedic and systematic fashion. With his main focus on forensic oratory, he expands Cicero’s concept of the ideal orator and gives even more weight to ethics in his attempt to overcome the fundamental critique of rhetoric by philosophy. His definition of rhetoric as a scientia recte dicendi (“the science of speaking properly”, Quint. Inst. 2,5,24) ties in with both the Stoic conception of bene dicere (“speaking well” in a moral sense) and Roman values, which are similar to Stoic ones. The best-known representative of 2nd cent. Latin rhetoric is Marcus Cornelius > Fronto [6], tutor to the emperors Marcus [2] Aurelius and Lucius Verus. The Declamationes of -> Calpurnius [III 2] Flaccus date from approximately the same time.

RHETORIC

gustodunumetc.), Spain (— Ilerda), and Africa ( Car-

thage), which meant that rhetoricians set up shop in all major provincial towns (cf. > Ausonius). B) GREEK RHETORIC:

THE SECOND

SOPHISTIC

From the first cent. BC, there was a call for the imitation (uiunou/—> mimesis, Lat. imitatio) of the main authors that represented Attic purity of language and style (esp. > Lysias [1] and + Demosthenes [2]; cf. Quint. Inst. 10,2,24 ff.). Greek rhetoric of that time was dominated by the debate about > Asianism and > Atti-

cism,which possibly originated from Roman rhetoric. The canon of the ten most important Attic orators was perhaps compiled by > Apollodorus [8] of Pergamum, but it was his pupil > Caecilius [III 5] of Cale Acte, also the author of a work on figures of speech, who made it popular. The treatise On the Sublime by — PseudoLonginus, which is of great importance for — literary criticism, is an attack on Caecilius. The main protagonist of the Atticist movement was > Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, whose stylistic appraisals of Attic orators and his most important work On the Arrangement of Words (Meoi dvoudtwv ovvOéoewc/Peri onomaton

> The-

odorus [I 16] of Gadara, was also an Atticist.

This concentration on the stylistic models of the Classical Period, combined with a strong commitment to the ideal of a comprehensive education (—» enkyklios paideia) resulted under Hadrian (— Hadrianus [II], 117-138) to an even greater revitalization of Greek rhetoric in the so-called —» Second Sophistic, with the emperor himself serving as a rhetorical role model. During this period there was a great interest in public declamations (Aelius

> Aristides [3]; [3; 26; 35; 42]; see

below VLA.4.) Hadrian also created chairs of rhetoric in Athens, which among others were held by > Lollianus [II 2] of Ephesus and > Minucianus [1]. Both of them wrote important textbooks of rhetoric, as did > Zeno [15] of Athens and > Hermogenes [7] of Tarsus (ca. AD 160 -

ca. AD 230); being the last theorist of importance, the latter became the most distinguished authority in Byzantine rhetoric up to the 15th cent.

544

543

RHETORIC

The system of ancient rhetoric Matrix of technical terms

Greek terms

Latin terms

English terms

I. presuppositions a) natural ability b) training

1. (byposchéseis) a) physis

1. (praesuppositiones)

I.» presuppositions ofrhetoric

c) experience

2. teaching methods

b) > paideia (epistemé, + téchne) c) empeiria (meléteé)

a) natura

a) natural ability

b) doctrina (scientia, ars)

b) training (knowledge, art)

c) usus (-» exercitatio)

c) experience (practice)

2. teaching methods

2. méthodoi a) + téchné b) > mimésis

2. res (rationes) a) ars

b) imitatio

a) art (‘technique’) b) imitation

c) practice

c) dskeésis

c) exercitatio

Cc) practice

3. branches of oratory a) forensic oratory b) deliberative oratory

3. gene ton logon a) génos dikanikon

3. > genera causarum a) genus iudiciale b) genus deliberativum

3. branches of oratory a) forensic oratory b) deliberative oratory (political speeches)

c) epideictic oratory

c) génos epideiktikon

c) genus demonstrativum

c) epideictic oratory (ceremo-

a) art b) imitation (-> Intertextua-

lity)

b) génos démeégorikon (symbouleutikon)

nial address)

(panégyrikon)

4. canons/parts of rhetoric

4. érga ton rhetoros (stoicheia)

4. officia oratoris (> Officium [7]; res, partes, opera, elementa)

a) collecting key ideas also involves (5.) proofs, (6.) legal issues, (7.) parts of

4. canons/parts of rhetoric (individual stages in the production of a speech)

a) heuresis

a) > imventio

a) collecting key ideas

b) taxis

b) > dispositio

b) arrangement (disposition)

c) léxis (herméneia)

c) > elocutio

c) style (phrasing, expressions,

oratory b) arrangement (disposition) also involves: (7.) parts of oratory c) style

diction) also includes (8.) virtues of style, (9.) levels of style,

(ro.) types of word arrangement d) memory

d) mneme

d) memoria (+ Mnemo-

_ d) memory (memorizing)

nics)

e) delivery

e) hypokrisis

e) pronuntiatio (+ actio) — e) delivery

5. proofs (cf. 4.a)

5. pisteis (see > pistis)

5. probationes (see > Pro-

5. proofs

batio)

a) ‘artless’ (extrinsic) proofs

b) pisteis éentechnot

a) probationes inartificiales b) probationes artificiales

6. staseis

6. constitutiones (see

6. legal issues

» Status) a) constitutio coniecturalis

a) question of fact

a) pisteis dtechnoi

6. staseis (cf. 4.a)

a) stochasmos b) horos c) pototes

d) metalepsis 7. parts of a speech (cf. 4.a-b)

7. meré tou logou a) prooimion (see > Prooemium)

b) diegésis c) prothesis (prokataskeue)

b) constitutio definitiva c ) constitutio generalis d ) constitutio translativa 7. > partes orationis a) + exordium b) narratio

c) (propositio) divisio

b) ‘artful’ (intrinsic) proofs

b) question of definition c) question of quality d) question of jurisdiction

7. parts of a speech a) introduction b) statement (of the facts) c) division

(partitio) d) pistosis (apodeixis, kataskeue) — pistis

e) élenchos (lysis, anaskeue) ~— pistis

f) eptlogos

d) confirmatio (> probatio) — argumentatio e) confutatio (refutatio) — argumentatio

d) positive proof

e) negative proof

f) epilogus (peroratio, con- f) conclusion clusio; see + Epilogue)

546

35)

RHETORIC

Matrix of technical terms

Greek terms

8. virtues of style

8. aretai tés léxeds a) hellénismos b) saphéneia Cc) prépon d) kosmos e) syntomia

a latinitas (puritas) b perspicuitas c > >= = dae ~ ornatus ame

9. charaktéres tés léxeos

9. > genera dicendi (elo-

9. levels of style

English terms

Latin terms

8. virtues of style a) correct grammar and diction b) clarity c) propriety d) adornment e) brevity

8. > virtutes dicendi

c

~» brevitas

9. levels of style

cutionis)

a) charakter ischnos b) charaktéer mésos (mikt6s)

c) charakter megaloprepes (hypsélos) 10. arrangement of words

10. (harmoniat) synthéseis

a) genus subtile

a) plain style

b) genus medium (mixtum) c) genus grande (sublime)

b) middle (mixed) style c) grand style

10. structurae (composi-

10. arrangement of words

tiones) (8.), (9.), (x0.) are also

dealt with in (4.c)

a) synthesis glaphyra b) synthesis mésé c) synthesis austera

3. CHRISTIAN RHETORIC The transition from the pagan to the Christian era placed rhetoric into a changed cultural environment, where it again displayed a great capacity for adaptation and re-formation [7; 33]. The process itself, however, was characterized by dissonances and doubts. In the 4th cent., rhetoric retained its function as a status charac-

teristic and an instrument of communication, e.g. in the imperial service or in the law courts [4; 18]. A certain

distrust of rhetoric arose from the fear that these worldly or purely intellectual status distinctions might be transferred to the emerging clerical hierarchy, which was supposed to have different values. In Late Antiquity, the Christian elite became part of the ruling elite of society; parallel to this, bishops and the clerical hierarchy replaced secular rulers and local decision-making bodies. In the course of time, more and more bishops came from the traditional elites such as senatorial families (e.g.

> Ambrosius).

In this context,

rhetoric re-

mained essential for social advancement and for the communication between the clergy and their parishioners, who — especially in the cities — expected a high standard of rhetorical skill ([29]; » Sermon, Homily).

Since rhetoric was placed between an established role in society and the demands of Christian doctrine, it

was marked both as an undesirable adversary and an indispensable social tool. The dilemma was that a sermon had to please God and at the same time be convincing and effective rhetoric. In other words, the preacher needed to have profound faith and a charismatic aura (potentially inspired by God), but at the

same time he needed language skills to communicate with his parishioners, non-Christians and his fellow clerics. However, he was on no account to derive narcissis-

tic satisfaction from his performance. Furthermore, the congregation had to avoid submission to the persuasive powers of a human preacher. These restrictions led to

a) smooth arrangement

a) structura polita b) structura media

b) medium arrangement c) rough arrangement

c) structura aspera

an ideal that was hard to achieve in practice: the dispassionate orator-preacher was to deliver effective sermons that would please God [29]. Two slightly different solutions to the dilemma were offered by — Iohannes [4] Chrysostomus (De sacerdotio 4/5) and by — Augustinus (Doctr. christ. 4), a former rhetoric teacher who was familiar with the rhetorical traditions. Both of them used > Paulus [II 2] as their model of Christian rhetoric. They also stressed the usefulness of rhetoric in parish life. Whereas Chrysostomus emphasized the orator’s faith and charisma, Augustine rejected the charismatic ideal; closely following Cicero, he pleaded for adopting essential elements of pagan rhetoric, albeit strictly within the framework of homiletic practice and the doctrines of Christian faith. This paved the way for the transition of rhetoric into the Middle Ages [7; 20; 33]. IV. TRANSMISSION,

CULTURAL

LEGACY,

PRESENT STATE Modern

thought owes

much

to ancient rhetoric,

whose impact was at times obscured by polemical criticism on the part of philosophy, especially in the German-speaking world (see above II.). In the Middle Ages rhetoric was one of the seven ~ artes liberales of ~» Martianus Capella, which made it an undisputed part of education. Along with grammar and logic, it was part of the trivium. Pictorial representations of a personified Rhetoric usually show her as a female figure standing next to Cicero (e.g. in the Spanish Chapel of Santa Maria Novella in Florence). Despite its high esteem, the importance of rhetoric started to decline in the Middle Ages as it was frequently reduced to the theory of > figures and — tropes. Rhetoric remained a central discipline at grammar schools and universities for centuries, with chairs of its

own and faculty representation. Up to the early modern

547

548

period, school textbooks and progymnasmata (e.g. in Prussia) were based on the ancient manuals (esp. Rhet. Her. and Cic. Inv., later on also Quint. Inst.). Following the pattern of > Latinization, the theories and stylistic models of ancient rhetoric were adapted in the modern European national languages. In that respect, rhetoric remained a seminal influence. Nevertheless, rhetoric became less significant due to

genres, of styles). This classification itself is the object of discourse: announcement of the plan of the treatise, sharp criticism of the classification proposed by predecessors’ [2. 47]. Bearing this in mind, the terminological table of the rhetorical system (see below) is not to be viewed as absolutely binding, but only as comparatively binding. The impression of overwhelming rigidity and pedantry as created e.g. by LAUSBERG’s manual [28] can be softened by adding a diachronic perspective to the systematic presentation, which takes into account the numerous variations and nuances each of the individual rhetorical terms went through in the course of the centuries

RHETORIC

the growing appreciation of rationality in post-Car-

tesian philosophy, the critique of rhetoric in the Age of Enlightenment and (in the German-speaking areas) KANT’s verdicts on rhetoric [19; 55]. Only in modern and post-modern times, as the unquestioning acceptance of scientific and technological rationality was thrown into doubt, it was realized that human communication is governed by specific rules. The subsequent rehabilitation of rhetoric in broadly Aristotelian terms was also indebted to the contribution of academic disciplines like systematic linguistics, semiotics and literary theory. The excesses of violence in the 2oth century have led to the insight that an intensive study of rhetoric might be the best way of fighting demagoguery. If we take into account modern approaches like the consensus theory of truth and the so-called linguistic-communicative turn taken by numerous disciplines inside the humanities (including philosophy), rhetoric cannot easily be denied its truth claim. The rigid concept of truth in the philosophical tradition is in fact completely unsuited to provide a practical guide for political debate or everyday actions. The philosophical rehabilitation of rhetoric has opened the path to a revival of ancient rhetoric in the context of the humanities at large (although classical philology is not very much involved [38; 41]); cf. the HWdR (Handworterbuch der Rhetorik, ‘Encyclopedia of Rhetoric’ [16; 47]), a large-scale interdisciplinary project that is fuelled by the need to take stock and re-formulate rhetoric and its history to steer it away from the mechanical petrifaction of LAUSBERG’s dictionary [28], which in all other respects is a work of great merit. V. THE RHETORICAL SYSTEM In the Hellenistic period, the rhetorical system developed only a relatively canonical form. This form was characterized by many terminological divisions and distinctions and lays down the tasks, functions and spheres of action for both the orator and the language [2. 47-94]. Each special question and each individual problem is assigned a precise context and significance. This system traces in great detail the processes and transformations which an as yet unarticulated thought has to pass through until at last a linguistic utterance is formed that is lucid in argumentation, brilliantly formulated and appropriate to the occasion. In other words, the rhetorical system can be seen as a ‘programme’ designed to produce discourse’ [2. 17]. In the rhetorical system, rhetoric ‘openly offers itself as a classification (of materials, of rules, of parts, of

(for more detailed information follow the cross-references marked in the table). >» Communication

E.;

Controversiae;

> Declama-

tiones; > Education; - Education/Culture; —> Figu-

res;> Genera __ dicendi;— Literary _ theory; > Paideia; > School; + Sophists; -» Status; > Style, stylistic figures;

—> Suasoriae; > Topics; - Tropes; + FIGUREs,

THEORY OF; ~> RHETORIC 1R.D. Jr. ANDERSON, Glossary of Greek Rhetorical Terms Connected to Methods of Argumentation, Figures and Tropes, 2000

2 R. BARTHES, The Semiotic

Chal-

lenge, 1988 (L’aventure s¢miologique, 1985) 3 G. Bowersock, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire, 1969 4P.BRowN, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity, 1992 5D.C. Bryant (ed.), Ancient Greek and

Roman Rhetoricians. A Biographical Dictionary, 1968 6 St. BITTNER, Ciceros Rhetorik — eine Bildungstheorie, 1999

7A.CAMERON, Christianity and the Rhetoric of

Empire. The Development of Christian Discourse, 1991 8 R.E. ENos, Roman Rhetoric: Revolution and the Greek Influence, 1995 9 M.V. Fox, Ancient Egyptian Rhetoric, in: Rhetorica 1, 1983, 9-22 10 M. FUHRMANN, Die antike Rhetorik.

Eine Einfiihrung,

1984

11 Id., Das

systematische Lehrbuch. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der

Wissenschaften in der Antike, 1960

12 K.-H. GOrreERT,

Einfihrung

Grundbegriffe

in

die

Rhetorischen

Geschichte — Rezeption, 1991 13 K. HALM tores Latini Minores, 1863 (reprint 1964)

—

(ed.), Rhe-

14 K. HELDMANN, Antike Theorien tber Entwicklung und Verfall der Redekunst, 1982 15 D.A. G. Hinks, Tisias and Corax and the Invention of Rhetoric, in: CQ 34, 1940, 61-69 16HWdR_ 17K.-J. HOLKESKAMP, Zwischen Agon und Argumentation. Rede und Redner in der archaischen Polis, in: [3 5], 17-43 18 M. Hose, Die Krise der Rhetoren. Uber den Bedeutungsverlust der institutionellen Rhetorik im 4. Jahrhundert und die Reaktion ihrer Vertreter, in: [35], 289-299

19 S. IjssELING, Rhetoric

and Philosophy in Conflict. An Historical Survey, 1976 20 G.A. KenNebDy, Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modern Times, 1980 21Id., The Art of Persuasion in Greece, 1963 22 Id., A New History of Classical Rhetoric, 1994 23 Id.,

Comparative Rhetoric: An Historical and Cross-Cultural Introduction, 1998

24 B.A. KIMBALL, Orators and Phi-

losophers. A History of the Idea of Liberal Education, 1986

25 ].KopreRsCHMIDT (ed.), Rhetorische Anthro-

pologie. Studien zum Homo rhetoricus, 2000 26 M. Korenjak, Publikum und Redner. Ihre Interaktion

in der sophistischen Rhetorik der Kaiserzeit, 2000 27 W.KROLL, s. v. Rhetorik, RE Suppl. 7, 1940, 1039-

550

ae? 1138 28LausBERG 29H.LeEppin, Der Prediger und der Monch. Zur Bewertung christlicher Rede in der Spatantike, in: [35], 301-312 30 U.Macen, Rede und Redner in Sumer und Akkad, in: [35], 1-16 31 J.Martin, Antike Rhetorik. Technik und Methode, 1974 32 A.MOnnicH (ed.), Rhetorik zwischen Tradition und Innovation, 1999

33 J.J. Murpuy, Rhetoric in

the Middle Ages. A History of Rhetorical Theory from Saint Augustine to the Renaissance, 1974

34 Id. (ed.), A

Synoptic History of Classical Rhetoric, 1983 35 C. NEUMEISTER,

W.RAECK

(eds.), Rede und Redner.

Bewertung und Darstellung in den antiken Kulturen, 2000 36 R.T. OLIveR, Communication and Culture in Ancient India and China, 1971 37 C.Otrmers, Rhetorik, 1996

38 H.F. Prerr (ed.), Rhetorik. Kritische Positionen zum Stand der Forschung, 1970 39 S.E. Porter, Handbook

of Classical Rhetoric in the Hellenistic Period 330 B.C. -— A.D. 400, 1997 40P.PReEsTEL, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in De Doctrina Christiana, 1992 41R.H. Roserrts, J.M. M. Goop (eds.), The Recovery of Rhetoric: Persuasive Discourse

and Disciplinarity in the Human Sciences, 1993 Russet,

Greek Declamation,

1983

42 D.A.

43 E. SCHIAPPA,

Did Plato Coin Rhetorike?, in: AJPh 111, 1990, 457-470 44 P.L. Scumiprt, Die Anfange der institutionellen Rhetorik in Rom, in: E. LEFEvre (ed.), Monumentum Chiloniense, 1975, 183-219

45 SPENGEL

46 ST. TOULMIN,

Die Verleumdung der Rhetorik, in: Neue Hefte fiir Philosophie 26, 1986, 55-68 47 G.UeEpING (ed.), Rhetorik zwischen den Wissenschaften: Geschichte, System, Praxis als Probleme des HWdR, 1991 = 48 Id., B. STEINBRINK,

Grundrif§ der Rhetorik. Geschichte — Technik —- Methode, 31994 491d., Klassische Rhetorik, 1995 50 G. VocrSpira, Rednergeschichte als Literaturgeschichte. Ciceros Brutus und die Tradition der Rede in Rom, in: [3 5], 207— 225 51 P. von Moos, Geschichte als Topik. Das rhetorische Exemplum von der Antike zur Neuzeit und die historia im Policraticus des Johann von Salisbury, 1988 52 J. WaLker, Rhetoric and Poetics in Antiquity, 2000

53 WaLz

54R.Warpy, The Birth of Rhetoric. Gorgias,

Plato, and Their Successors, 1996

55 A. WEISCHE, Ss. v.

Rhetorik, HWdPh 7, 1989, ro14—1025.

CW.

VI. ANCIENT ORATORS AND THEIR ART A. GREEK ORATORY B. ROMAN ORATORY

A. GREEK ORATORY 1. ARCHAIC AND EARLY CLASSICAL PERIOD

2. ORATORY OF CLASSICAL GREECE 3. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD 4. ATTICISM AND THE SECOND

SOPHISTIC.

5. LATE ANTIQUITY

1. ARCHAIC AND EARLY CLASSICAL PERIOD Even before rhetoric was established as a literary genre in Greek civilization, good orators were held in high esteem and there was a sophisticated appreciation of skillful public speaking. The Iliad repeatedly praised eloquence as a heroic quality on a par with military prowess. In Hom. Il. 9,443, the objective of the education given to Achilles, the ideal hero, is described as “training him in all excellence of speech and action”. The Iliad also distinguished between different kinds of style and delivery, which would not be described in a

RHETORIC

fixed terminology until several centuries later (Hom. Il. 1,247-49: Nestor; 3,213-15: Menelaus; 3,216-23: Odysseus). With its decision-making political institutions, law courts, festivals and funeral ceremonies, early Greek society offered a wealth of opportunities to develop and apply oratorical skills in a real-life context. This is reflected in the surviving texts of various literary genres, e.g. in Hesiod and even in choral songs. The Salamis elegy by > Solon [1] (fr. 2 GENTILI-PRATO) is a political speech composed in elegiacs, as the poet himself says (1. 2). In the sth cent. BC, there is a marked increase in the frequency and importance of oratory in

other literary genres, especially in — tragedy and —> HISTORIOGRAPHY. 2. ORATORY OF CLASSICAL GREECE Athens was predestined by several factors to become the flourishing centre of rhetoric in the second half of the 5th cent. BC (> Demokratia; > Athens [1] III.-IV.).

The radical democratization of all political and judicial decisions from 462/1 onwards made public speaking the most powerful and frequently indispensable means of exerting influence. This created a desire to acquire a skill through systematic instruction, which had up to then been considered the product of natural talent and experience. This made Athens highly susceptible to rhetorical theory, which had been developed in Sicily around the middle of the century according to ancient sources (that have recently been called into doubt [3]) and had quickly been taken up by the — sophists. Rhetoric teachers like > Gorgias [2], who was the first to make massive use of rhetorical > figures and two of whose model speeches have survived, and > Thrasymachus, who was credited with the invention of > prose rhythm, were much in demand. The rapid development of rhetoric may also have been fuelled by the Greek penchant for competition, the restlessness and openness to anything new attested to the Athenians by their contemporaries (e.g. Aristophanes, Thucydides), and the need for pomp and circumstance in Athens, the centre of power. Rhetoric quickly reached a peak and continued to flourish for about roo years. Its manifestation in the history of literature is the > canon [1] of the ten Attic orators (see below), a Hellenistic selection of exemplary representatives of the genre which was compiled before the middle of the first cent. BC in analogy to other canons (lyric and tragic poets). The canon includes all branches of oratory (yévy/géne, Lat. genera; cf. > genera causarum). Forensic speeches are most frequent (com-

monly the product of a > logographos, more rarely of a » synegoros or speeches composed by the orators themselves); the second-most frequent genre are political speeches to be delivered before the council (+ boule) or the popular assembly, the > ekklésia; ceremonial addresses and other epideictic speeches are least frequent. The ten Attic orators in chronological order (for details follow the cross-references): the extant speeches of > Antiphon [4] comprise three pleas composed for

RHETORIC

551

real murder trials and three > tetralogies for fictitious murder trials, in which prosecution and defence present their case in two controversial pleas each; they are probably products of Antiphon’s teaching —he is said to have written a Téchné (‘Rhetorical manual’) — and highlight the possibilities and limitations of proof based on probability (eixdc/eikos). Four speeches have come down to us under the name of > Andocides, including two pleas on his own behalf. Of all Attic orators, he is judged least favourably by posterity (cf. Hermog. Peri idé6n 2 p. 403 Rabe; Philostr. VS 2,1,14; Quint. Inst. 12,10,21).

The pleas of — Lysias [1], a metic, are masterworks of ~» ethopoeia (favourable depiction of character by the orator) and are also distinguished by a subtle, seemingly artless technique of argumentation. Being a protagonist

of the plain style, he was preferred to all other orators especially by the Roman Atticists of the rst cent. BC. The artistic prose in the tradition of Gorgias reached its peak with — Isocrates, who personally never performed on the rostrum; he wrote six of his surviving 21 speeches as a logographer (— logographos), and the others were composed exclusively to be circulated in written form. The rain issues are political questions and Isocrates’ concept of education (> Education/Culture; > Education; > Paideia) as an alternative to sophistic and Socratic models. > Isaeus [1], a logographer and rhetoric teacher, avoided politics. His surviving work comprises twelve pleas in legacy cases, which display great skill in legal argumentation. The five Attic orators of the younger generation share a vigorous involvement in Athenian politics. — Lycurgus [9] in his only speech that has been preserved stays far from all sensationalism and attempts to convince his audience by establishing and evaluating facts. Hypereides was ranked second to Demosthenes by ancient critics; since his work is not extant in the manuscript tradition, it was only through the discovery of papyri that he can be studied again. Six speeches have survived almost complete or in large fragments. From about the rst cent. BC, -» Demosthenes [2] was unanimously considered the most significant orator, which is why his work constitutes the largest extant rhetorical corpus (61 speeches, 56 prooimia, 5 letters, though some of the works are spurious). Although the majority of these speeches are legal pleas, his fame derives mainly from his speeches before the popular assembly. The fact that the policies he propagated ended in failure never diminished the admiration for his rhetorical brilliance. Three lengthy speeches by > Aeschines [2] have come down to us; all of them were delivered at trials where Demosthenes supported the other party either openly or behind the scenes. In two cases we even have his counter pleas. Today the dismissive judgment of Aeschines has been replaced by a more balanced view. According to Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, > Dinarchus did not develop a distinctive style of his own, but modelled himself on Lysias, Hypereides and Demosthenes. This imitation anticipated a trend that would be characteristic of Hellenistic oratory, to which Din-

Ply

archus already partly belonged. Three rather short speeches of his have been preserved, all of which are con-

nected with the > Harpalus trials. The number of further active orators in the 4th century was considerable and the production and publication of speeches must have reached enormous dimensions. However, hardly anything has survived (exceptions: -» Alcidamas; some speeches of -> Apollodorus [rt] within the Corpus

Demosthenicum;

anonymous

authors of other pseudepigrapha, e.g. in the Corpus Lysiacum). 3. THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD

When Athens had lost its political importance and temporary restrictions had been imposed on democracy, Athenian oratory continued to exist but lost its exemplary status and as a result left hardly any surviving traces. The same goes for the genre as a whole throughout the Hellenistic period and the early Empire; nothing has been preserved apart from a large number of names, short fragments and equally short, mostly dismissive verdicts on their literary value (main sources: Cicero’s rhetorical writings, Seneca the Elder, Dionysius [18] of

Halicarnassus, Quintilian). But there can be no doubt that throughout the Hellenistic period speeches were composed and published, not only in great numbers but also of high quality. The reason why all rhetorical works of the new political era could be labeled decadent was a strong metropolitan bias towards Athens, which prevailed from the rst cent. BC and was willingly adopted in our time. There was an unbroken continuity of all branches of oratory. Pleading continued in the law courts of the Hellenistic cities, and political oratory did not vanish either even though the political bodies of Athens had become insignificant. It was still common to make political speeches both at the regular meetings of the confederations of cities and tribes (+ koinon) and in the communal framework of the poleis (city states), which had retained considerable powers. Epideictic oratory (> epideixis) even expanded its range of topics through > panegyrics en rulers and cities. As rhetoric had been firmly entrenched as a powerful educational institution from the time of Isocrates, schools of oratory sprang up everywhere (e.g. Rhodes, Pergamum, Tarsus, Athens, Alexandria), producing a wealth of progymnasmata (practice speeches) and declamations. The claim that rhetoric had in its entirety taken refuge in schools is an exaggeration. > Demetrius [4] of Phalerum was considered by the ancients as the protagonist of Hellenistic rhetoric, which was rated as inferior to classical Greek rhetoric in subsequent periods; at least, though, he was considered Attic (Quint. Inst. 10,1,80). A small number of fragments give us a vague idea of the Asianism of > Hegesias [2]; the large royal inscription at Commagene (rst cent. BC) is a striking example of stylized rhetorical prose of the Hellenistic period [vol. I, 141 ff.].

553

554

4. ATTICISM AND THE SECOND SOPHISTIC The second period from which complete texts of Greek oratory have come down to us in a considerable number lasted about 150 years (from the Flavian to the Severan dynasty ca. AD 70-220). It was completely dominated by > Atticism, which had been the prevailing ideal of style from > Caecilius [II] 5] and ~ Dionysius [18], but may well have its beginning in the 2nd cent. BC. Atticists only accepted the Attic orators of the 4th and sth centuries as their stylistic role models, and its historical origins are still debated today. The majority of orators and rhetoricians are only known to us through > Philostratus [5—8], who also coined the term ‘Second Sophistic’ (Philostr. VS 1; cf. IlI.C.2.). The following summary only includes authors of surviving works. Alongside deliberative, paraenetic and epideictic speeches, > Dion [I 3] left us treatises on moral philosophy and the history of literature, cynic dialogues and sophistic ‘jeux d’esprit’ (matyvia/paignia). Most of the surviving writings of Lucian (> Lucianus [1]) are not at all typical of the mainstream literature of the Second Sophistic. The artistic merit of Second Sophistic orators (at least as they and their audience saw it) was to compose carefully crafted, memorized or improvised ceremonial addresses and practice orations (uehéta/ melétai; > exercitationes) treating topics from 4th and 5th cent. Greek history or mythical subjects in a highly stylized language. The greatest quantity of good examples can be found in Aelius > Aristides [3]. Three orations by > Favorinus are preserved (two of them under the name of Dion), one by > Herodes [16] Atticus and two by M. Antonius > Polemon [6]. But Second Sophistic oratory also dealt with issues of that time (e.g. the Smyrna orations by Aristides), paid homage to the emperor and other important personalities in exquisite panegyrics, produced brilliant welcome and celebratory speeches, literary descriptions (&poaoic/> —

> Libanius, the most important Greek rhetorician of Late Antiquity, left a large number of genuine orations as well as model declamations for use at school. The amount of surviving writings by his contemporary > Himerius is considerably smaller. His pompous style, laced with generous amounts of poetic diction, was the target of criticism even in his lifetime. Other orators of the age combined rhetorical skills with philosophical knowledge; of - Themistius, e.g., we have speeches directed at members of the imperial family but also explanatory paraphrases of Aristotelian works. Other notable authors include > Iulianus [11], > Synesius [1], who was made bishop of his hometown of Cyrene, and > Eunapius, who wrote a history of the rhetoricians and philosophers of the 4th cent. AD. However, it was in the school of Gaza in Palestine that the tradition of ancient Greek rhetoric was kept alive longer than anywhere else, up to the beginning of the 7th century. Here, Christian scholars like > Procopius [2] and > Choricius continued to teach their students the correct usage of classical Greek Kunstprosa after the

ékpbrasis) of buildings and works of art, hymns to the

Gods, > encomia and funeral orations. This archaizing and rhetorically stylized Kunstprosa had taken almost complete possession of a territory that had once been occupied by other literary genres, including poetry. 5. LATE ANTIQUITY The 4th cent. BC saw the last flourishing of Greek rhetoric. At that time, the models of style included both the orators of classical Athens and the orators of the Second Sophistic (esp. Aelius Aristides [3]), who two centuries earlier had achieved great perfection in imitating classical models. In the changed economic and cultural circumstances, the great popularity and social standing of the best sophists of the second century was beyond the reach of their successors. Among other reasons, this was due to the fact that the social classes

that were open to traditional education had considerably declined and that the representatives of traditional rhetoric were mostly of the old school with regard to religious attitude as well. Christian rhetoricians like > Proaeresius, who taught in Athens, are the exception to the rule in the 4th century.

RHETORIC

model of Demosthenes, Aelius Aristides and Libanius,

who had been included in the canon by that time. The prosodic changes in the Greek language (isochrony, expiratory stress) were reflected by the fact that clausulae were no longer based on quantitative metrical units but on rhythmical units (Meyer’s law, cf. > Prose rhythm). Apart from ascetic monasticism, which radically rejected all education, the tendency was gaining ground among 4th-cent. Christians to appropriate Greek education, which meant first and foremost rhetoric, for Christian purposes. Christians readily acquired a thorough rhetorical training from pagan teachers like Libanius, and classical rhetoric is an unmistakable feature of the best products of homiletic literature, like the sermons of > Johannes [4] Chrysostomus, > Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus and > Basilius [3] of Seleucia. Thus at the end of its development, just as 800 years before in democratic Athens, Greek rhetoric was directed again at the popular masses instead of participants of school courses or elite circles of the educated. B. ROMAN ORATORY rt. EARLY REPUBLIC 2. CICERO

3. PRINCIPATE

4. LATE ANTIQUITY

1. EARLY REPUBLIC Orators and oratory played a central role in the insti-

tutions of the Roman Republic (popular assembly, Senate,

law

courts;

cf.» Comitia,

> Senatus,

—> Prae-

tor, ~ Advocatus) and the rituals and customs of the

aristocracy (esp. funerals; > Laudatio funebris). Nevertheless, for a very long period the Romans relied purely on talent, imitation and practical experience. They never developed a rhetorical theory of their own, and systematic instruction by Greek teachers was accepted only very late (from the second quarter of the 2nd cent. BC; cf. If.C.1.), and grudgingly (expulsion of Greek orators in 161 BC). Evidence suggests that speeches

pays)

556

were written down from the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC. Cicero still had copies of a public address by Appius -» Claudius [I 2] Caecus from 280 BC (Cato 16; Brut. 61f.) and of a > laudatio funebris by Q. > Fabius [I 30] Maximus Cunctator for his son (Cato 12; aristocratic families generally recorded funeral orations, see

C. > Licinius [I 31] Macer, who would only accept the plain style of Lysias as a model, classified Cicero as a representative of the Asian style, but entirely without foundation. Cicero cannot be labelled an adherent of any single style; instead, he could choose between a range of means of expression, which allowed him to be most effective and to find the right tone for any topic, any audience and any part of speech. Besides his talent, his industry and his experience, Cicero’s success was mainly due to his Greek education in rhetoric and philosophy, as he himself emphasized repeatedly (the first Roman orator to do so). This is perfectly in line with his attempts to use Latin in his disquisitions on rhetorical theory and philosophy since he was not satisfied to equal the Greeks only in the field of practical oratory (where he more or less openly compared himself with Demosthenes). Quintilian’s summary (Quint. Inst.

RHETORIC

Cic. Brut. 62). M. Porcius

-» Cato [1] seems to have

been the first Roman to edit and publish his speeches; Cicero was still familiar with 150 of them (Cic. Brut. 65), but today we only have a few snippets, including one longer fragment (HRR fr. 95; Gell. NA 6,3). As domestic conflicts intensified from the era of the Gracchi onwards (2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC), oratory

became an ever more important tool in the struggle for political power. The brothers Tiberius and Gaius ~» Sempronius [I 12; 16] Gracchus stood out above the many orators of that era who are mentioned and briefly characterized in Cicero’s Brutus. Both of them had been trained in Greek rhetoric, which had by then been firmly established in Rome, and at least part of their success can be attributed to skills they acquired in their rhetorical training. Significant orators of the time of the Gracchi seem to have included C.~— Papirius [I 5] Carbo, Q.-—> Aelius [116] Tubero and especially C. + Scribonius [I 2] Curio. With the next generation of orators, whose performances Cicero was still able to witness in his youth, we approach a flourishing period of Roman oratory that coincides (not by coincidence) with the piecemeal dissolution of the Republican government (Tac. Dial. 40). Great orators of that time include M. > Antonius [B. I 9] (the best orator Cicero ever heard, Tusc.

5,55), L. — Licinius [I ro] Crassus

(being censor in 92 BC, he banned the Rhetores Latini from teaching because they ignored Greek theory), C. > Julius [I 11] Caesar Strabo, the two Q. Lutatii Catuli (father and son; — Lutatius [3-4] Catulus), Q.— Mucius [I9] Scaevola and the demagogue P. + Sulpicius [I 19] Rufus. They are known to us almost exclusively through Cicero, who characterizes and compares them and introduces some of them as interlocutors in his rhetorical writings. 2. CICERO While in the Greek sphere, Demosthenes started to be worshipped only centuries after his death, and this cult never became so exclusive as to obliterate all other orators from public awareness and prevent the transmission of their works, to the Romans, the high point of Latin oratory was synonymous with only one name: M.

Tullius > Cicero. This already applied to his younger contemporaries (cf. Catull. 49; the irony does not invalidate the point), but to an even greater extent to the

following generations. He received a very thorough training that was capped by a study visit to Greece, and first appeared as an orator under the dictatorship of ~» Cornelius [I 90] Sulla. Cicero made his breakthrough in the > Verres trial (70 BC), when he convincingly prevailed over his opponent Q. > Hortensius [7] Hortalus, who had been the most celebrated orator of the age. The Roman Atticists like M.—> Iunius [I ro] Brutus and

10,1,112:

‘... ut Cicero iam non hominis nomen, sed

eloquentiae habeatur’, ‘...that Cicero is no longer seen as

aman’s name, but as the name of eloquence itself’) is

reflected in the transmission of Cicero’s works: there are no extant complete speeches by earlier or contemporary orators and only few by later orators; in marked contrast, we have no less than 58 complete speeches by Cicero (some of them with lacunae) plus fragments and the titles of another roo. Among the many orators who were active in Cicero’s time, there was also C. Iulius > Caesar, whom Quintilian considered to be a potential equal with Cicero if he had focussed all his energies on rhetoric (Quint. Inst. 10,1,114).

3. PRINCIPATE

Very few Latin speeches of the time from Cicero’s death (43 BC) to the almost total decline of Latin literature in the third century have come down to us. Three theoretical treatises, whose authors were also practitioners of oratory, are our sources for the development of the genre till the end of the first century AD. Although + Augustus [1] and most of his successors kept a more or less Republican fagade, there was a general awareness that political decisions were no longer being made in the traditional bodies. Political oratory had not been stripped of its complete sphere of activity, but it had become inconsequential. Its importance declined rapidly, especially as it turned out to be unwise and even possibly life-threatening to exercise the freedom of speech, which is indispensable for political oratory. (Whereas the early Augustan orators > Asinius {1 4] Pollio and > Valerius {II 16] Messala were seemingly able to ply their trade unhampered by censorship, the late Augustan historian and orator T. > Labienus [4] was banned from publishing his speeches; the same thing happened to -» Cassius [III 8] Severus under the reign of Tiberius). Like in the Hellenistic world three centuries earlier, oratory did not disappear entirely from public life (forensic oratory continued to flourish as ever), but it increasingly focussed on a domain where it was not subject to restrictions: the rhetoric schools, the obligatory final stage of any thorough education. The standard

557

558

practice in teaching was to compose pleas for fictitious cases ( controversiae) and speeches for equally fictitious political decisions (> suasoriae), which met with much criticism by contemporaries (e.g. Petron. Sat. 1,1). The Suasoriae of - Seneca [1] the Elder are still extant and provide us with glimpses of this practice, including many names and brief quotations from otherwise completely unknown orators. Orators from Gaul ruled the roost in Rome from the reign of Tiberius to the end of the first century (+ Votienus Montanus; > Domitius [III r] Afer, Quintilian’s teacher; > Iulius [IV 1] Africanus); some of them adhered to the model of Cicero’s style, others cultivated a fundamentally unCiceronian style which was reminiscent of Greek Asianism and which is exemplified in the treatises on moral philosophy and letters of Seneca the Younger. Among the orators of the Flavian period (AD 69-96)

bodies of texts. The collection of the > Panegyrici Latini comprises twelve panegyrics by different authors praising different emperors. Pliny’s above-mentioned Panegyricus, which opens the collection, is much earlier than the rest of the collection; nine of the remaining eleven speeches date from the years between AD 289

were

~—lulius {IV 7] Gabinianus, > lulius [IV 21] Secundus (Tacitus’ teacher) and M. > Aper [1]; the last two of these are characters in the Dialogus of > Tacitus [1]. This work, which was composed around the turn of the second century, presents a contentious debate about the whether and why of the decline of Roman oratory. This topic was also discussed in a lost treatise of the Spaniard > Quintilianus [1], Rome’s first publicly salaried professor of rhetoric. His main work, the Imstitutio oratoria, provides us with the most comprehensive and detailed overview of ancient rhetoric as it was seen in that time: as the basis and medium of education and literary culture. Quintilian’s style is Ciceronian. The two collections of declamations which have come down to us under his name are most probably spurious. The Panegyricus on the emperor > Traianus [1],

RHETORICA AD ALEXANDRUM

and 321, the other two are from the second half of the 4th century. While these speeches may sport the trappings of the rhetoric of praise, they remain valuable sources of history and of the history of literature. Two panegyrics (on Valentinianus I and Gratianus) can also be found among the eight surviving speeches of > Symmachus [II 4], a senator who in an increasingly Christianized environment tried to preserve the values of the senatorial aristocracy and deserves credit for re-editing Latin authors from the classical period (in parchment codices; see also > Textual history). Since the positions he held included > praefectus urbi, he made official reports to the emperor (relationes), which testify to his rhetorical skills. A high degree of skill is also displayed in his most famous relatio, which was a petition (albeit an unsuccessful one) to re-erect the altar of > Victoria in the Senate chamber (Symmachus, Relat. 3). Gaul’s important contribution to Latin rhetoric is one last time reflected in ~ Ausonius, who taught rhetoric at Burdigala (Bordeaux); besides other works there is only one extant speech, in which he thanks emperor Gratianus for being made consul. Ausonius, a professing Christian, personifies the synthesis of ancient rhetorical education and a new faith, which was completed in the 4th cent. The masters of Christian prose of that age, esp. Aurelius > Augustinus (Augustine), are perfect examples of this tradition.

which was delivered in the Senate in AD 100, is the first

~+ Asianism; > Atticism; > Elocutio; — Literary activ-

surviving full-length Latin speech after Cicero’s time not composed for teaching purposes. It was written by Pliny the Younger (-> Plinius [2])to express his gratitude for being made consul; like many of his contemporaries (e.g. Tacitus, » Herennius [II 11] Senecio), Pliny also wrote a large number of pleas, all of which are lost. Pliny’s panegyric was the cornerstone of a new and, as it turned out, prolific genre of speeches (-» Panegyrics) — at least as it is seen today. Stylistically, the larger part of the second century was dominated by > archaism, temporarily marginalizing Ciceronianism. Its most important representative, the celebrated orator M. Cornelius > Fronto [6] (the teacher of » Marcus [II 2] Aurelius), has left a collection of letters; only a few fragments of his speeches have survived. However, one complete speech by Apuleius (+ Ap(p)uleius [III]), another representative of archaism, has come down to us (Apologia or Pro se de magia), and also 23 excerpts from epideictic speeches (Florida). These are the last surviving examples of Latin rhetoric before the break that occurred in the 3rd cent. 4. LATE ANTIQUITY When literary production increased again towards the end of the third century, rhetoric also flourished

ity; > Presuppositions of rhetoric; > Prose rhythm; — Techne;

once

more,

which

is documented

in two

surviving

1 BLAss 2M.L. Crarxe, Rhetoric at Rome, 1953 3 TH. Cote, The Origins of Rhetoric in Ancient Greece, 1991 4H.HommeL, Griechische Rhetorik und Beredsamkeit, in: E. Voct (ed.), Griechische Literatur, 1981,

337-376

5R.C.JeBB, The Attic Orators from Antiphon

to Isaeus, 2 vls., *1893, reprint 1962

6 G.A. KENNEDY,

The Art of Persuasion in Greece, 1963 7 1d., The Art of Rhetoric in the Roman World, 1972 8 Id., Greek Rheto-

ric under Christian Emperors, 1983 ry of Classical Rhetoric, 1994

9 Id., A New Histo-

10 NORDEN, Kunstprosa

11 D.A. Russet, Greek Declamation, 1983 12 R. Warpy, The Birth of Rhetoric, 1996 13 I.WoRTHINGTON (ed.), Persuasion: Greek Rhetoric in Action, 1994.

Rhetoric textbooks see

M.W.

- Rhetoric

Rhetorica ad Alexandrum. Greek rhetoric textbook, amounting to some 100 pages of modern print, recorded in the MSS (none earlier than the 14th cent.) as a work of Aristotle (> Aristoteles [6]), but not appearing in the ancient title lists of the Corpus Aristotelicum (e.g. in Diog. Laert. 5,22—27). The earliest surviving attribution to Aristotle is by Syrianus (In Hermog. comm. 2,

RHETORICA

AD

ALEXANDRUM

p. 11,17-21

Rae).

According

to Quint. Inst.

559

560

3,4,9,

taries [9] confirm the fundamental importance of this text for medieval rhetorical teaching.

Anaximenes [2] of Lampsacus (znd half 4th cent. BC) distinguished types of speech (et6n/eideé) in his rhetorical textbook (téchné); the same distinction occurs at the beginning of the RA, including the yévoc &&etaotixdv/ génos exetastikon (speech for the exposure of contradictions) also mentioned by Quintilian and nowhere else. For this reason, in spite of the fact that, according to Quintilian, » Anaximenes [2] only distinguished two genres (géné) of speech, whereas three are discussed at the beginning of the RA (was there a secondary adaptation to agree with the tripartite system current since Aristotle?), Petrus Vicrorius identified the RA with the treatise by Anaximenes as early as 1548, and this has generally been accepted since. The work takes its name from a letter of dedication to > Alexander [4] the Great added later (but before c. AD 200, as it is quoted in Ath. 11,508a). Chs. 1-5 deal with the attainable effects, areas of application and practical handling of the seven types of speech (persuasion/dissuasion, praise/censure, accusation/defence, exposure of contradictions); there follows a treatment of the rhetorical means applied in all the types of speech (chs. 6-28), a discussion of the parts of speech and their ordering, and a short appendix (2938). By virtue of its structure, the way in which the subject matter is presented, the lack of terminological rigour and its disregard of the theories regarding > ethos and staseis (> Status), the RA proves itself uninfluenced by Aristotelean rhetorical theory and should probably be dated somewhat earlier (between 340 and 330 BC; a papyrus sets a terminus ante quem of c. 290 BC). It is thus probably the oldest surviving textbook of rhetoric, still thoroughly rooted in Sophistic thought. EDITION: M. FUHRMANN, 1966. BIBLIOGRAPHY: K.BARwIcK, Die ‘Rhetorik

ad Alexandrum’ und Anaximenes ..., in: Philologus 110, 1966, 212-245; G.La Bua, Quintil. ‘Inst. Or.’ 3,4,9 e la ‘RA.’, in: Giornale Italiano di Filologia 47, 1995, 271-282; M.FUHRMANN, Untersuchungen zur Textgeschichte der

| Alexander-Rhetorik,

nos, in: Lustrum

1964;

A. Marri, L’exetastikon eidos nella RA, in: A. PENNACINI (ed.), Retorica e storia nella cultura classica, 1985, 29-43.

M.W.

3, 1958, 81-100

5 A.E. DouGLas,

Clausulae in the Rhetorica ad Herennium, in: CQ 54, 1960, 65-78 6J.ADAMIETZ, Ciceros de inventione und die Rhetorica ad Herennium, 1960 7 T.ADAMIK, Basic Problems of the ad Herennium, in: Acta antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 38, 1998, 267-285

8P.R.

TaYLor, Post-Classical Scholarship as Evidence of Textual Authority, in: Rev. d’histoire des textes 25, 1995, 159188 9 J.O. Warp, Ciceronian Rhetoric in Treatise,

Scholion and Commentary, 1995.

PLS.

Rhetorius (‘Pytogios; Rhétdrios). R. was the last Greek-writing expert on astrology in Egypt before the Arab conquest in AD 640,. He played an important role in the transmission of older theories to the Middle Ages. His work, which has been preserved in compilations, probably even incomplete, of 90 and 117 chapters, draws in particular on > Antiochus [23] and > Teucer of Babylon, as well as on Claudius > Ptolemaeus [65], + Vettius Valens, — Iulianus [19] of Laodicea and ~ Olympiodorus’ [4] commentaries on Paulus [I 2] of Alexandria. In AD 884, an anonymous Byzantine writ-

er produced an excerpt from R.’ work (CCAG 5.1, 1904, 217), which was included in the Syntagma Laurentianum and was used by Demophilus in the early 11th cent. The compilation De stellis fixis, in quibus oriuntur gradibus signorum, whose Greek source text probably dates from the roth cent., also integrates R..’ theories. In the 12th cent., Johannes Kamateros put a

large part of R.’ theories into verse in his didactic poem Eloaywy

~» Genera causarum; > Rhetoric

pseudo-aristotelischen

EDITIONS: 1F.Marx, 1894, 71923 2G.CALBOLI, 1969 (with comm., bibl.: 445-456) 3 G.ACHARD, 1989. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4D.Martrues, Hermagoras von Tem-

Goteovouiac/Eisagogeé

astronomias,

‘Intro-

duction to astronomy’. > astrology SouRcES: CCAG 1, 1898, 140-164; 7, 1908, 192-226 (variants 5.4, 1940, 122-133); 8.4, 1921, 115-225; 8.1, 1929, 220-248; 5.4, 1940, 133-154; W. HUBNER, Grade und Gradbezirke der Tierkreiszeichen, 1999, vol. 1, 126—

127 (and comm., vol. 2, 94-103); vol. 1, 221-251 (and comm., vol. 2, 198-221).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: H.G.GunpeL,

F, BOLL, Sphaera, 1903, 5-21; W.UND Astrologumena,

1966,

249-251;

W.KROLL, s. v. Rhetorios, RE Suppl. 5, 731; D. PINGREE,

Rhetorica ad Herennium. Latin textbook of rhetoric from the late Republican Period (dating to c. 50 BC compellingly argued in [5. 65 ff.]). It deals in 4 books with the canon of the officia oratoris (-> officium |7]). Its source was a Latin textbook also used by -» Cicero for his De inventione (|4; 6]; [7. 271 ff.] newly adopted the old idea that Cicero used the Rhetorica ad Herennium). Attributed to Cicero from Late Antiquity on, the work is today — although with insufficient proof — often attributed to an author by the name of Cornificius named by Quint. Inst. 3,1,21 after Cicero (again in [7. 279 ff.]). Numerous MSS (latest [8]) and commen-

Antiochus and R., in: CPh 72, 1977, 203-223; Id., Classical and Byzantine Astrology in Sassanian Persia, in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 43, 1989, 227-239. WH.

Rhetra

(6)t9ea/rhetra,

Ionian

Oytor/rhétré,

Elean

Foatoa/wratra; related to eigeww/etrein (‘speak’)).

[1] Generally ‘ceremonial utterance, something said with a claim to authority’, figuratively also ‘agreement, contract’ (e.g., Hom. Il. 14,393; Syll.3 9, Elis, 6th cent. BC), later ‘resolution, law’ [1. 17-22; 2. 43°; 3. 120°%3], The phrase evOetat 6ftoaveutheiai rhétrai (‘legal covenants’) attested in Tyrtaeus fr. 1,6 = °14,6

561

562

GENTILI/PRATO (2nd half of 7th cent. BC) expresses an

In this sense, then, a connection between the Rhétra and the many attested inner tensions among rival noble factions and with the mass of the people (Doric daémos) in the 7th cent. seems plausible. Individual issues, such as the role of the damos in the Rhétra (enhanced status from institutionalization in the Apella or negligible importance owing to the possibility of its dissolution in the ‘supplement’?) or the practical function of the institutional framework, remain matters of dispute. It seems possible to infer from Tyrtaeus (fr. 1° = °14 GenrTILi/ Prato) that the Rhétra arose in a situation of conflict as a kind of compromise. In referrring to the text (although this has recently and probably wrongly been disputed [1o]), he calls for a willingness to compromise.

ideal of a consensus extending to all political interest groups by evoking the epic associations of evOeta (iNeia) dixnfeutheia (itheia) diké (‘straight judgment’; e.g., Hom. Il. 16,387; 18,508; Hes. Op. 219; 221; 225f.). It thus emphasizes the normative character of a rhetra even in the Archaic Period. + Sparta 1

V.EHRENBERG,

Neugriinder

2 Buso_t/SwoBopDa, Sparta, 1962.

vol. 1

des

3G.L.

Staates,

Huxizy,

1925

Early

[2] The Spartan ‘Great Rhétra’ in specific (as distinct from the other rhétrai mentioned in Plut. Lycurgus 13) represents probably the oldest and most controversial document in Greek constitutional history. Its incorporation in Plutarch’s legendary vita of > Lycurgus [4] allows no direct answers to questions of authenticity, date, function or historical context (cf. [2. 116]). Its

interpretation is thus controversial and always depends on subjective attempts at reconstructing early Spartan

history. Plutarch presents the text, estimated to date from c. 650 BC, as the utterance of the Delphic oracle ( Oracles) to Lycurgus in the context of the establishment of the > gerousia, and divides it into a main section (Plut. Lycurgus 6,2) and a later ‘supplement’ (Plut. Lycurgus 6,8), which, however, was probably originally part of the complete document [11. 45]. The clauses provide for the foundation of sanctuaries to Zeus and Athena, the establishment of > phylai and obai and of a gerousia consisting of 30 members, including both kings. A popular assembly (— Apella) was to meet at a fixed location on a regular basis to rule on motions presented. Gerontes and kings could also dissolve the apella in case of a ‘flawed’ decision (‘supplement’). The remainder of the text can no longer be reconstructed with certainty. The latterly important > éphoroi are, however, not mentioned. The importance of this community code is twofold. First, for the first time ever, it tangibly institutionalized the organs of political decision-making and regulated the decision-making process in a rudimentary way. Second, it established criteria for belonging to the citizenry and for a communal identity. The order to found sanctuaries could thus have been aimed at creating points that would crystallize a shared Spartan identity through participation in a cultic association [4. 192-194]; the clause on the establishment of phylai and obai as personal units of organization among the Spartans sketches out basic conditions for citizen status (each citizen

must be a member), replacing older links of cohesion (as later did the reform of — Cleisthenes [2] at Athens) [4. 194-201]. Regular scheduling of meetings of the apella removed it from aristocratic control (under which it clearly remains in Homer), while the gerousia created a clearly delimited leading group among the nobility in which even the kings had to integrate themselves.

1K. BrincMann,

RHIANUS

Die GrofSe Rhetra und die Entstehung

des spartanischen Kosmos, in: K.Curist (ed.), Sparta, 1986, 351-386 2M.CLrauss, Sparta, 1983 3 S.LINK, Das friihe Sparta, 2000 =0.4. M. Meter, Aristokraten und Damoden, 1998, 186-207. 5 M.Narissi, La nascita del kosmos, 1991, 51ff. 6 D.OGDEN, Crooked Speech, in: JHS 114, 1994, 85-102 + 7P.Ottva, Sparta and Her Social Problems, 1971, 71-102 +=8 L. THOMMEN, Lakedaimonion Politeia, 1996, 30ff. 9 U. WALTER, An der Polis teilhaben, 1993, 157-165 10H.vAN WeEs, Tyr-

taeus’ Eunomia: Nothing to Do with the Great Rhetra, in: S.Hopkinson, A.PowELL (ed.), Sparta, 1999, 1-41 11 K.-W. WeLwet!, Die spartanische Phylenordnung im

Spiegel der Groen Rhetra und des Tyrtaios, in: Id., Polis und Arché, 2000, 42-63.

M.MEI.

Rhexenor (‘PnEtvwo/Rhéxenor). [1] Son of > Nausithous [1], brother of > Alcinous [1]. He dies shortly after his wedding, leaving as his only child his daughter > Arete [1], the later wife of Alcinous (Hom. Od. 7,63-66; 146; Schol. Hom. Od. 7,56; Eust. ad Hom. Od. 7,63-65). [2] Father of > Chalciope [1], the second wife of + Aegeus (Apollod. 3,207; Tzetz. Ad Lycophr. 494; Phanodemus FGrH 325 F 5). Alternatively, Chalcodon (Schol. Eur. Med. 673; Athen. 13,556f.) and > Alcon

[x] (Proxenus FGrH 425 F 2) are also named as fathers. SLA. Rhianus (Piavoc/Rhianos) of Crete. Epic poet, writer of epigrams and Homeric philologist of the second half of the 3rd cent. BC. A. Lire B. Works A. LIFE The only coherent source is an entry in the Suda consisting of only three sentences (according to [3. 781] they go back to Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus). According to this R. comes from Bene (near > Gortyn; exact ancient situation unknown) or

> Ceraea in Crete

(Bene was probably his place of birth and Ceraea where he went to school: [8. 85]). R. is apparently said to have risen from being an attendant in a gymnasium with slave status to a grammatikos (a man of letters), possibly in Alexandria [1], at the time of Eratosthenes [2] ({8] argues comprehensively against previously suppor-

563

564

ted earlier dating of R.; the entire profile of what is still recognizable of his body of work confirms the date as given in the Suda).

Rhinoceros. The Indian rhinoceros (Rhinoceros uni-

RHIANUS

B. Works Very few are preserved and these are mainly short fragments: (1) Epics (historical and mythical): 1. Achaikd (at least 4 books), 2. Eliaka (at least 3 books), 3. Messéniaka (at least 6 books), 4. Thessalika (at least 16 books), 5. a Herdkleia (or Herakleids; 14 books), 6. a Pheme, subject matter unknown. (2) Epigrams: 10 epigrams are preserved in the Anthologia Palatina, predominantly on the subject of pederasty, and one (21 hexameters) in Stobaeus (4,34) in the chapter ‘On the Foolishness (of Men)’ (comprehensively analysed by [6]). (3) An edition of Homer (cited in the Homer scholia as ‘that of R.’ or ‘that according to R.’), forty-five good readings of which are still known (discussed by [3. 788f.] and acknowledged as a separate strand of tradition by [7. 186f.]). His best-known work was the epic Messéniaka, which told of the fight for freedom of the Messenians (> Messana [2]) under their folk-hero — Aristomenes [1]. > Pausanias [7] used this work, alongside a second main source, the Messéniakd of + Myron [4] of Priene, as the basis of his depiction of the > Messenian Wars. Various attempts to reconstruct the outlines of R.’ epic from Pausanias can yield only uncertain results regarding the size and sequence of events of the story, since Pausanias was no longer drawing on the epic itself, but on a “manual of the early Imperial Period” [3. 783], which itself combined numerous sources. Still identifiable, though, are, on the one hand, considerable borrowings of motifs from Homer’s Iliad and, on the other hand, the erotic and romantic features typical of Hellenistic-Alexandrian literature (including the glorification of Aristomenes, whom R., according to Pausanias, put on a par with Homer’s Achilles). The influence of Callimachus [3] is tangible, but in the Alexandrians’ fundamental dispute between large and small forms (> Hellenistic poetry D.) R. was obviously on the side of the anti-Callimacheans. R. was also quite wellknown in literary Rome; he was even the favourite author of the emperor Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 70,2). EpiT1ons: 1 CollAlex 9-21 (cf.SH715f.) 503-508 (with comm.). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

wovoxeowc/monokeros (literally ‘unicorn’ and translated as unicornis in Isid. Orig. 12,2,12), Latin rhinoceros, MONOCerOS. r. Indian rhinoceros: in literature, the Indian rhinoceros was known only from Ctesias (fr. 14; Phot. Bibl. 72,48b 1off. BEKKER), used by Aristot. Hist. an. 2,1,499b

2of.;

Aristot.

Part.

an.

3,2,663a

18-23

(thence Plin. HN 11,128 and 255), Megasthenes fr. 13 (thence Ael. NA 16,20), Str. 15,710, Plin. HN 8,76 and

Ael. NA 4,52. The rhinoceros was said to be a swift and dangerous animal the size of a horse, with a multicoloured horn on its brow approx. 30-60 cm long, which it used to attack elephants. Magical powers against incurable diseases and poisons were attributed to the horn, which was therefore highly valued as a drinking horn. The difficult hunt of the animal was undertaken solely for the sake of the horn. In older sources, the rhinoceros is called the ‘Indian donkey’ (6voc Ivétx0c; onos Indikos). The literature surrounding Alexander brought

new

information

(Ps.-Callisthenes

3,17,19;

Curt. 9,1,5). A Greater Indian rhinoceros appears on a Pompeiian marble relief [1. 1,388, fig. 135] and another on the mosaic of the ‘Great Hunt’ at Piazza Armerina fi2e marl: 2. African rhinoceros: the sources — Hdt. 4,191; Agatharchides 71 (GGM 1,158) and Artem. (in Str. 16,774) — are plausible, but are embellished in Plin. HN 8,71;

Diod. Sic. 3,35; Ael. NA 17,44; Opp. Cyn. 2,5 51-565 and Isid. Orig. 12,2,12. The animal was shown off to the people both at Alexandria (2nd cent. BC; Callixenus in Ath. 5,201c) and at Rome (55 BC, Games of Pompey: Plin. HN 8,71; 29 BC: Suet. Aug. 43,4; Cass. Dio 51,22,5; AD 5: Cass. Dio 55,27,3: battle in the arena between an elephant and a rhinoceros; frequent in the 3rd cent. AD). Pausanias (9,21,2) mentions having seen it in Rome himself. P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemi-

lianus Africanus (Numantinus) and his retinue first encountered the rhinoceros in Egypt in 144/3 BC, the first to mention it at Rome, comparing it to a bad man, is Lucilius (117; 159). The saying ‘to have a nose like a rhinoceros’ (rhinocerotis nasum habere) in Mart. t 3356

2GAL2,

3 W.ALy,s. v. Rhianos, REI A, 781-

790 4F.KiECHLE, Messenische Studien, 1959 5 K.Z1EGLER, Das hellenistische Epos, *1966 6M.M.

KOKOLAKIS, ‘P. 6 Kors, 1968 7 PFEIFFER, History of Classical Scholarship, 1968, 148f. 8 C. CASTELLI, Riano di Creta: Ipotesi cronologiche e biografiche, in: Rendiconti Ist. Lombardo 128, 1994, 73-87 (with further

bibliogr.).

cornis L.) and the two African species, the Black rhinoceros (Diceros bicornis L.) and White rhinoceros (Ceratotherium simum Burch.), were referred to without distinction as Owoxeowd/rhinokeros, more rarely

LL.

suggests a wider familiarity with the animal. The horn, an expensive import, was used in the manufacture of oil flasks or pots (Plin. HN 6,173; Juv. 7,130; Mart. 14,52). There are illustrations on Roman Imperialperiod mosaics in Praeneste (present-day Palestrina) [2. fig. 51] and on coins [3. pl. 4,8] and gems [3. pl. 19,46]. The rhinoceros lived on into the Middle Ages as the > unicorn [4], rich in Christian symbolism, drawing upon the ancient sources. Timothy of Gaza 45 confuses it with the -> hippopotamus [5]. 1 KELLER

2 TOYNBEE, Tierwelt

3 F.IMHOOF-BLUMER,

O.KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder

auf Miinzen

und

565

566

Gemmen des klassischen Altertums 1889, repr. 1972 4J.W. Emnuorn, Spiritalis unicornis. Das Einhorn als Bedeutungstrager in Literatur und Kunst des Mittelalters, 1976 5 F.S. BODENHEIMER, A.RaBINOWITZ, theus of Gaza on Animals, no date

A. STEIER, s.v. Nashorn, RE 16, 1781.

Timo-

C.HU.

Rhinon (‘Pivwv; Rhindn). Attic politician, who was a member (— Paredros) of the Hellénotamiai in 4147/6 BC and after the fall of the Thirty (> Triakonta) was one of the committee of the Ten (> Deka), which in 403 achieved the democrats in reconciliation with > Piraeus and their return to the city. After democracy was restored, R. accounted for his actions in office and

was elected — stratégds for 403/2 and treasurer of the goddess > Athena and the other gods for the year 402/r (ML 77,26f.; [Aristot.] Ath. pol. 38,3 f.; Aristot. fr. 611 Rose’; Isoc. Or. 18,6; 18,8; IG IVI? 1371). > Aeschines [1] named a dialogue and > Archippus [1] a comedy after R. (Diog. Laert. 2,61; Poll. 7,103; Ath.

15,678e = PCG

2 Archippus fr. 42-44; Poll. 2,183;

MOLL 77).

A. Fuxs, Notes on the Rule of the Ten at Athens in 403 B.

RHIPAIA ORE

Rhion (‘Piov; Rhion). Flat coastal projection in Achaea,

about 8 km to the northeast of modern Patras [1. 226— 227; 2. 199f.], modern Rhio, which, with Antirrhion (or also R. or ‘Piov t0 Moduxeixdv/Rhion to Molykrikon after > Molycrium; modern Antirio) to the north across the approximately 2 km wide sound (also called R., cf. Pol. 4,64,2; Liv. 27,29,9; Mela 2,52), forms the western entrance to the Gulf of Corinth (> Corinth, Gulf of) (Thuc. 2,86,3; Ps.-Scyl. 35; 42; Scymn. 478; in Str. 8,2,3, as in Ptol. 3,15,5 incorrectly identified with + Drepanon

[2]; Plin. HN

4,6; 4,13; Paus. 7,22,10;

r0,11,6). There was a sanctuary to -» Poseidon here,

where agones (‘Pieta/Rhieia) were held [3. 403; 4. 65]. Today there is a large Venetian-Turkish castle (Kastro tis Moreas) on the site of a Roman military base built

after the battle of Actium (31 BC). 1 Y.LaFonpb, Espace et peuplement dans |’Achaie antique, in: Studi Urbinati 66, 1993/4, 219-263 21d., M.Casevitz (ed.), Pausanias. Description de la Gréce, vol.7,2000 3 L.MoretrT1, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche, 1953 4P.Casanes, Les concours des Naia de Dodone, in: Nikephoros 1, 1988, 49-84. K. FreitaG, Der Golf von Korinth, 1996, 280-284. Y.L.andE.O.

C., in: Mnemosyne 6, 1953, 198-207; U. HACK, Die olig-

archische Bewegung in Athen am Ausgang des 5.Jh. v. Chr., Thesis Munich 1960, 126f.; RHODES, 458-462; M.CHAMBeERS,

Aristoteles.

Staat

(Germ. transl. and comm.), 313 f.

der

Athener,

1990

WS.

Rhinthon (‘PivOwv/Rhinthon). Poet, composer of literary > Phlyakes plays (of which he is said to have written 38 [z. test. 2 and 3]), from Syracuse [t1. test. 1], active at Tarentum [tr. test. 2 and 3] in the reign of Ptolemy I (> Ptolemaeus [1]) (322-283 BC, reigned from 305). Of nine surviving titles, eight are identifiable as parodies of tragedies by > Euripides [1]: Auditobwv/ Amphitryon, Hoaxdid/ Heracles, Ipvyéveva. & év AVAOU Iphigeneia at Aulis, \pvéveve & év Tadeots/Iphigeneia among the Taurians, Aotiog Mehéayooc/Meleager the Slave, Mydevw/Medea, “Ogtotac/Orestes, Thhedoc/ Telephus). Among the total of 28 fragments, there are only four literal quotations, comprising six verses in all; fragment 10 shows a pointed and playful use of the choliamb (containing also a learned reference to >» Hipponax) in a iambic environment. Later sources have R. as the creator of a novel dramatic form, the so-called hilarotragoidia (‘burlesque tragedy’, also called phlyakographia |x. test. 3]) or fabula Rhinthonica |. test. 5). The sparse surviving extracts do not permit further speculation as to whether there was more to this than the parodying or travestying of Attic tragedies, as was already commonplace in the Attic Middle Comedy. The equally late statement [1. test. 6] that R. wrote comedies in hexameters and thus provided > Lucilius [I 6] witha model for his satires is scarcely credible. ~ Parody; > Phlyakes 2 M.Gicante, Rintone e il teatro in 1 CGF 183-189 H.-G.NE. Magna Grecia, 1971.

Rhipaia oré (‘Piraia den; Rhipaia 6ré). Mythical chain of mountains on the northern edge of the world, already known from Alcm. fr. 90 PMGF with a somewhat different name form. Sophocles, who used it to denote the north (Soph. OC 1248 with schol.; cf. Aesch. TrGF 3 F 68), also knew it as Rhipai. Both these authors, and others as well, associate the Rhipaia oré (RO) with

night (+ Nyx). This has its roots in speculations about the path of the sun: according to a commonly held theory, the sun goes around the Earth after setting, but in doing so is hidden from sight by a high range of mountains in the north (Anaximen. 13 A 7 and 14 DK, without naming the RO); this was thought to be the RO. They were located near the -» Arimaspi and the -» Hyperborei, who were closely associated with the RO throughout Antiquity. This tradition probably traces back to the epic poem Arimadspeia by — Aristeas [x] of Proconnesus [1; 2]. The RO were said to always be covered in snow and fanned by rain-laden winds, for which reason they were considered to be uninhabitable. The > Boreas wind was also supposed to blow from there (Damastes

FGrH

5 F 1; Hellanicus FGrH

4 F

187a; Hippoc. Peri aéron hydaton topon 19). Their name was derived in Antiquity from the blowing winds (Serv. Georg. 3,382: from Ointew/rhiptein, ‘hurl’; cf. also Hom. Il. 15,171). At first, the RO as the northern

boundary of the - Oikoumene were probably imagined as stretching from its western end to its eastern end. With increasing knowledge of the north and west, the RO shifted farther and farther to the north-east and were regarded, with other mountain ranges, as the border between Europe and Asia (Plin. HN

5,97-99;

6,33; Mela 1,109) [3. 312-316]. The RO were also considered to be the origin of large rivers, for example

567

568

the Tanais/Don (Aristot. Mete. 350b 7-11; Plin. HN

ches; Artem. in Str. 4,4,8; Plin. HN 3,33: three branches; Avien. Ora maritima 688, there 622-688 a great deal of mythical material; Timaeus FGrH 566 F 70: five

RHIPAIA ORE

4,78). Just as with the Hyperboreans, the existence of the RO was also doubted. Herodotus is sceptical of information about the Hyperboreans and other peoples in the extreme north (Hdt. 4,31-36). Aristotle doubts tales of the extraordinary size of the RO, but without calling their existence into question (Aristot. |.c.). In Strabo, the RO and the Hyperboreans are expressly dismissed as inventions arising from ignorance (Str. 7,3,1). On the other hand, Poseidonius is convinced of the existence of the RO; he identifies them with the Alps and supposes that the Hyperboreans are there; he also reports that, during forest fires, rich sources of silver in the RO come to light by themselves (Posidon. fr. 240a and b; 270). 1J.D. P. Boxtron, Aristeas of Proconnesus, 1962 2 F.Jacosy, Kommentar zu Hekataios FGrH 1 F 194

3 D. Timpg, s. v. Entdeckungsgeschichte I, RGA 7, 307389. J.STE.

Rhithymna (‘PiOvuve/Rhithymna). City on the northwest coast of Crete (Plin. HN 4,59), modern Rethymnon, settled already in the Minoan period (temple and necropolis in the south of the city). Its temporary renaming as Arsinoe (after the wife of Ptolemaeus [7] IV) in the 3rd century BC indicates Ptolemaic influence. No remains from the Classical and Hellenistic periods survive, but one building from the late Roman period does. M.Guarbuccl, Inscriptiones Creticae 2, 268-277; I.F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 163; R.SCHEER, s. V. Rethymnon, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 584f. H.SO.

branches; Apoll. Rhod. 4,634: seven branches). For the Fossae Marianae, the modern Bras Mort, a canal cut by

Marius [I 1] through the delta starting from Arelate, cf. Plin. HN 3,34. D. VAN BERCHEM,

Les routes et l’histoire, 1982; A.L. F.

Rivet, Gallia Narbonensis, 1988.

Y.L.

Rhodaspes (Pwddonycs; Rhoddspés). Son of the Parthian king » Phraates [4] IV. In order to secure the royal succession of + Phraates [5] V, his father sent him in 10/9 BC, with other sons and grandsons, to + Augustus in Rome (R. Gest. div. Aug. 32; Str. 16,1,28; Vell. Pat. 2,94,4; Tac. Ann. 2,1,2; Suet. Aug. 21,3; 43,4) where he

died (tomb inscription: ILS 842). 1 E. NEDERGAARD, The Four Sons of Phraates IV in Rome,

in: Acta Hyperborea 1, 1988, 102-115 2K.-H. Z1EGLER, Die Beziehungen zwischen Rom und dem Partherreich, 1964, 51f. jw.

Rhode

(Pd5yn; Rhddé).

Presumably

identical

with

Rhodos (‘Podoc; cf. the form of the name in Pind. Ol. 7,71b and schol. Pind. Ol. 7,71b), the eponym of the

island of > Rhodes (Diod. Sic. 5,56,3; schol. Pind. Ol. 7,24g), daughter of > Poseidon and ~ Amphitrite (Apollod. 1,28) or > Aphrodite (Pind. O. 7,14; schol.

Pind. Ol. 7,24 f) or + Halia [2] (Diod. Sic. 5,55,4), alternatively of > Oceanus (Epimenides FHG 4,404) or Asopus (schol. Hom. Od. 17,208); wife of Helios (— Sol; Pind. Ol. 7,14), the main god of the island, also

of Poseidon (schol. Lycoph.

923). Issue of her union

Rhizon see > Risinum, Rhizon

with Helios are their seven sons - Ochimus, Actis, ~ Cercaphus, - Candalus, > Triopas, Macareus and

Rhodanus (Podavoc/Rhodanods). The biggest and, at 812 km, the second longest river in Gaul (> Gallia), modern Rhone, with an extremely fertile drainage basin of 99,000 km’, navigable up to and above Lugdunum (for an unsuccessful attempt to connect the R. and the Rhenus/Rhine by means of a canal, cf. Tac. Ann. 13,53), an important axis of commerce with trade centres at > Massalia (Marseilles), Arelate (Arles) and + Lugdunum (Lyon) between the Mediterranean (+ Mare Nostrum) and the interior of Gaul. It rises near the springs of the Rhenus [2] (Str. 4,6,6) in the territory of the > Lepontii (Plin. HN 3,135) or in the Alpes Poeninae (Amm. 15,11,16; cf. Pol. 3,47,2-5), flows through the valley of the -» Vallenses, turns

~» Phaethon [3] (also called Tenages) and their daughter + Electryone [2] (Pind. O. 7,71b—74b; schol. Pind. Ol.

northwest at Octodurus, continues through

—» Lacus

Lemanus, in the territory of the Allobroges winds through the western foothills of the Tura, in its southern turn below Lugdunum receives from the right the voluminous Arar and then from the left the Alpine tributaries Isara [1], Druna, Sulga (modern

Sorgue) and

Druentia, finally disgorging in a number of branches through an extensive delta region into the Mediterranean at Arelate (Pol. 34,10,5; Ptol. 2,10,2: two bran-

7,24h; 7,131¢; Diod. Sic. 5,56,5), according to schol. Hom. Od. 17,208 Phaethon, - Lampetia, Phaethusa

and — Aegle [2]. In the Hellenistic Period Rhodos is worshipped as the goddess of the island. H.vaAn

GELDER,

Geschichte

der alten

Rhodier,

(repr. 1979), esp. 356f.

Rhodian vases see Rhodiapolis southeastern

1900

SU.EI.

> East Greek pottery

(‘Podiamodtc;

Rhodidpolis).

Town

in

Lycia, c. ro km north of modern Kum-

luca. According to Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 103,15, it was named after Rhode, a daughter of Mopsus. R. was probably a Rhodian (+ Rhodos) colony. Rock-cut tombs and inscriptions testify to its significance in the Classical Period. Coins show R. as a member of the -» Lycian League since 167 BC. Its most significant citizen was Opramoas, an -> evergéteés of influence in all of Lycia under the emperors Hadrianus (AD 117-138) and Antoninus Pius (AD 138-161). His tomb bears one of the longest inscriptions in Asia Minor (TAM 2, 905).

570

569 W.RuGE,

s. v. ‘Podia (4), RE 1 A, 955f.; G.E. BEAN,

Lycian Turkey, 1978, 148 f.; H. A. TROXELL, The Coinage of the Lycian League, 1982, 62; C.KoKkintA, Die Opramoas-Inschrift von R., 2000. AT,

Rhodius (‘Podi0¢/Rhédios). River in the Troad (Hom. Il. 12,20), modern Koca Cay. It rises in the Ida [2] mountains and flows into the Hellespont between Abydus and Dardanus (Str. 13,1,28). The towns of Gordus and Cleandrea were in its source region (Str. 13,1,44). Coins from Dardanus that date to the Roman period show the river god R. (SNG Danish Nat. Mus., Troas, no. 310). L. BURCHNER, s. v. R. (2), RE 1 A, 956; W. Lear, Strabo on the Troad, 1923, 207f.; J.M. Cook, The Troad, 1973,

552

E.SCH.

Rhododendron = (0508évde0w/rhododéndron — or 05064aovr/ rhododaphneé, in Latin for the first time in Ps.-Verg. Culex 402, viguov/nérion e.g. in Dioscorides 4,81 WELLMANN = 4,82 BERENDES, Latin nerium, rododafne in Pall. Agric. 1,35,9), the rosebay, the oleander (Nerium oleander) or the alpenrose (R. ferrugineum and hirsutum L.), appears only in the rst cent. AD in Plin. HN 16,79 (and Dioscorides, see below) with all three names (rhododendron, rhododaphne and nerium)

and hence is presumably of Greek origin. This evergreen plant with rose-like flowers, which grows in bushes on river banks, is rightly described in Antiquity as poisonous to animals (e.g. dogs, mules, sheep and goats). For people, drunk with > rue in wine its flowers and leaves are good for snake bites (Dioscorides 4,81 WELLMANN = 4,82 BERENDES; Plin. ibid.). The rhododendrun was allegedly particularly common in forests on the Black Sea (according to Plin. HN 21,77, after enjoying honey from it the people of the Sanni become frenzied, cf. for Trebizond Ael. NA 5,42). A kind with yellow flowers, R. flavum, is still widespread today in the Pontic area of Asia Minor and on the island of Lesbos [1. 167 and fig. 344]. According to Pall. Agric. 1,35,9 (= Gp. 13,5,3), mice are killed by rhododendrun leaves plugging their holes. It may be that the ‘wild laurel’ (ayota daqvr/agria daphne) in Theophr. Hist. pl. 1,9,3 is identical with the oleander, which is evidently indigenous to the Mediterranean (cf. [2. 420]). 1H.BAUMANN, 2 V.HEHN, ADER, ?1911

Die

griechische

Kulturpflanzen

Pflanzenwelt,

und Haustiere, ed.

1982

O. ScHR-

(repr. 1963), 416-420.

C.HU.

Rhodogune (‘Podoyobwn/Rhodogoune). [1] Wife of + Hystaspes [2], mother of > Darius [1] I (Suda and Harpocr., s. v.). [2] Daughter of > Darius [1] I? (Hier. Adversus lovinianum 1,45; PL 23, p. 287). [3] Daughter of > Xerxes I (Ctes. FGrH 688 F 13).

[4] Daughter of Artaxerxes [2] II, wife of - Orontes [2] I (Plut. Artaxerxes 27,7; cf. Xen. An. 2,4,8) and

RHODOS

as such the connecting link in the paternal line of the ancestors gallery of > Antiochus [16] I of Commagene between the Orontids and the Achaemenids (OGIS

392) [3. 39]. [5] According to Polyaenus 8,28, a Persian female army commander whose deeds were based on the model of ~» Semiramis. [6] Daughter of the Parthian king > Mithradates [12] I, sister of —> Phraates [2] II, wife of the Seleucidian ~» Demetrius [8] If Nikator (App. Syr. 67f.; Justin. 38,9) [2], heroine of the tragedy of CORNEILLE named after her. 1M.Brostus,

Women

in

Ancient

Persia,

1996

2 E. Dasrowa, Konige Syriens in der Gefangenschaft der Parther, in: Tyche 7, 1992, 45-54 3 W. MESSERSCHMIDT, Die Ahnengalerie des Antiochos I. von Kommagene, in: J.WAGNER (ed.), Gottkonige am Euphrat, 2000, 37-43. JW.

Rhodope (‘Podd6xn/Rhod6pé). Mountain range stretching from the northern shores of the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean Sea) to the Thracian plain around > Philippopolis, mostly high, up to 2000 m in height, and inaccessible, modern Rhodopi, east of the mountain chain border between Greece and Bulgaria. According to ancient tradition R. also included the modern Rila and Pirin chains (Hdt. 4,49; 8,116; Thuc. 2,96—98; Str. 755513 7, fr. 36). Rich ore production (gold, silver, copper). R. was the area where Dii, > Satrae and > Bessi settled in Thrace; in Late Antiquity, R. was particularly densely settled (Philostr. Heroikos 62). TIR K 35,1, 1993, 51.

Rhodopis (Podamic/Rhodépis, ‘of rosy appearance’). Legendary hetaera in Naucratis (1st half of the 6th cent. BC), Thracian (?), slave of ladmon of Samos, then taken

by the Samian Xanthus to Egypt, where Charax, brother of + Sappho, is supposed to have bought her freedom (Hdt. 2,134,3; 135,1f.); her identification with Doricha, the object of Charax’ fatal love (Sappho fr. 26,11

DieHL; cf. fr. 7 LOBEL/PAGE),

is unclear (Hdt.

2,13 5,5; Stt. 17,1,33; contra: Ath. 13,596b-d). R. acquired a fortune by her beauty, a tenth of which she donated to Delphi in the form of iron spits for roasting oxen (Hdt. 2,135, 3-4); the pyramid of Mycerinus at Gizeh has incorrectly been assigned to her (Hdt. 2,134,1 f.; 13 5,2). In Str. 17,1,33, R. becomes entirely a

fairy tale character.

L-M.G.

Rhodos (‘Pod0c; Rhddos). I. GEoGrapHy II. EARLY PERIOD CLASSICAL PERIOD TO THE ROMAN TIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE

TURE

III. FROM THE IV. LATE AN-

PERIOD

V. CUL-

VI. ARCHAEOLOGY

J. GEOGRAPHY Island in the southeastern > Aegean Sea, off the southwestern coast of Asia Minor, now part of the

RHODOS

571

57%

Dodecanese archipelago, with an area of 1400 km*. A good part of the ancient history of the island was shaped by its geographical situation: its location on an important navigation route from Greece to Asia and Egypt, and its closeness (just to km) to the coast of Asia Minor made R. both a focus of ancient trade and a significant strategic factor in the calculations of foreign powers (e.g. the > Ptolemies, > Seleucids). The topography of the island itself —apart from a chain of mountains running north-south with Atabyrium (modern Attaviros, 1215 m) as the greatest elevation, a broad

keep political independence. A monumental bronze statue of Helios, the god of the city (known as the ‘Colossus of R.’), served as a memorial to this event and became one of the Seven -» Wonders of the World [2. 84-91]. In a devastating earthquake in 227 BC the Colossus, like whole parts of the city of R., was destroyed. The unprecedented action by the Hellenistic kings (Pol. 5,88-90) of giving help in reconstruction was similarly evidence of royal euergesia (> Euergétes) and of general appreciation of R. as a powerful trading partner [3. 195-199]. In 220 BC, R., the ‘foremost sea power of the period’

coastal

strip, lush

vegetation,

forest

and

water

re-

sources — provided its inhabitants with the best conditions for economic prosperity. Il. EARLY PERIOD Already densely settled in the Mycenaean period, after the Dorian occupation and settlement (end of the roth cent. BC) three main cities, > Ialysus, - Camirus and -» Lindus, developed on R., which with — Cos, +> Cnidus and — Halicarnassus formed the Dorian Hexapolis (federation of six Dorian cities around the cult centre of Apollo at Triopium; Hdt. 1,144). From the 7th cent. BC, R. maintained far-reaching trading activities as far as the western Mediterranean (ceramics from R.), and the founding by colonists from Lindus of + Gela in Sicily (c. 690 BC) should be seen in this context (Thuc. 6,4,3). Under Persian rule for a short time, the three big cities and other Rhodian poleis, as well as those of the > Peraia in Asia Minor, became autonomous members of the > Delian League (ATL 1,248 f.; 262f.; 290f. 296f.; 360f. 370f.). The founding, brought about in the last phase of the > Peloponnesian War in c. 408/7 BC by means of — synoikismos, of the new capital of R. at the extreme north of the island (Diod. Sic. 13,75,1) was probably primarily a contemporary measure to group forces against Athens, but also marks a prelude to a generally more unifying policy on the island. Furthermore the magnificence of the city, laid out according to the Hippodamian system (-» Hippodamus, > Town planning) [1], with an artificial harbour (Str. 14,2,5) demonstrated its wealth.

(Pol. 4,47,1), was involved in a conflict with

became evident in the third of the + Macedonian Wars, Rome reacted with harsh sanctions, with the confisca-

tion of the Lycian and Carian territories (in 167 BC) having less economic effect on R. than the elevation of + Delos to a free port (in 166 BC).

The legal basis of future relations with Rome was laid by a treaty of alliance concluded in 164 BC (Pol. 30,31,19 f.; Liv. Per. 46), which was not, however, able

to compensate for the loss of political and maritime significance. In 88 BC an attack by a fleet of Mithridates [6] VI was successfully repelled. Manoeuvring between the fronts in the Roman Civil War (supporting both ~» Pompeius [I 3] and > Caesar: Caes. B Civ. 3,102,7; 3,106,1), the city of R. was seriously affected in 42 BC

by Cassius [I 10] (App. BCiv. 4,72-74; Cass. Dio 4753354). In the Imperial period, R. was always de facto dependent on Rome, even though there was a relatively frequent alternation, which admittedly can not unam-

biguously be reconstructed from the sources, between having freedom granted (Augustus, Nero, Domitian) and withdrawn (Claudius, Vespasian).

III. FROM THE CLASSICAL PERIOD TO THE ROMAN

After temporarily siding with Sparta, R. also became a member

of the > Athenian League (Syll.} 147,82),

came for a short time under the power of the Carian dynast - Mausolus, initially opposed Macedonian expansion under Philip [4] Il, and from 332 BC belonged to the empire of Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab. 2,20,2; Curt. 4,5,9; 4,8,12f.; Diod. Sic. 18,8,1), whose

most persistent opponents in the first phase of the campaign included Memnon, a Rhodian leader of mercenaries in the service of the Persians [3]. During the wars of the Diadochi (> Diadochi, wars of the), after with-

standing a siege by Demetrius [2] in 307/6 BC (Diod. Sic. 20,81-100), R., with a moderately democratic organization (Pol. 27,4,7; Diod. Sic. 20,93,7), was able to

> Byzan-

tium over the imposition of tolls on navigation through the Bosporus [1] (Pol. 4,47-52). During the Roman expansion into the Hellenistic east, which began in c. 200 BC, R. proved a loyal partner of the Romans (alleged earlier contacts between Rome and R.: Pol. 30,5,6-8 = Liv. 45,25,9) and in the Peace of Apamea (cf. > Antiochus [5]) in 188 BC was rewarded with the expansion of its possessions on the mainland (Caria, Lycia). To the Rhodians’ efforts towards greater independence, which

H.SO.

IV. LATE ANTIQUITY AND THE BYZANTINE PERI-

OD The picture of R. that emerges at the end of Antiquity is the same as that of many Aegean islands: flourishing in the late Roman period, when the city of R., lying at the crossing-point of important trading routes, formed the centre of the Nijoo/Nésoi province, suddenly interrupted in the middle of the 7th cent. AD (break in the issuing of coins in 65 5/6 until the middle of the 9th cent. [4. 138]: Theophilus), economic and demographic decline [4. 242f., 434 et passim], which did not abate until a renewed upturn in the 9th cent., shifting of trading routes, and concentration of settlement in fortified xaotea/kdstra (in the city of R. and > Lindus). An important factor in this was repeated Arab raids and

574

S73

RHOIKOS

plundering (in AD 654 under > Mu‘awiya; in AD 807 under > Harun al-Rashid), connected with which was

P.M.

also the removal of the remains of the famous Colossus (Theophanes 3 45,9-11: removal of the bronze allegedly by a Jew from Edessa), which led, however, neither to lasting Arab rule as in the case of > Crete nor to a Byzantine and Arab condominium as in > Cyprus. The military defences had collapsed and could not be reorganized until the 8th cent., initially at a local level

Islands, 1954; P. FUNKE, R. und die hellenistische Staatenwelt an der Wende vom 4. zum 3. Jahrhundert v. Chr., in: E.Dasrowa (ed.), Donum amicitiae ..., 1997, 35-413 V. GABRIELSEN et al. (ed.), Hellenistic Rhodes (Studies in Hellenistic Civilization 9), 1999; H.vAN GELDER, Geschichte der alten Rhodier, 1900; T.E. GREGORY, s. v. Rhodes, ODB 3, rr9rf.; J. KODER, s. v. R., LMA 7, 795797; C.MEE, Rhodes in the Bronze Age, 1982; M. RIEM-

14. 599 ff.].

SCHNEIDER, R., 1974; H.H. Scumitt, Rom und R., 1957; A. WITTENBURG, s.v. R., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 588-593. H.SO.

R. then belonged to the Cibyrrhaeot > théma and in the roth cent., according to information from AlMas‘udis [4. 600], was an important Byzantine naval base and arsenal. In the rrth cent. R. became part of an international trading network now controlled by western traders, and this also explains the short-lived conquest by Venice in 1124 [4. 98]. The end of Byzantine rule over the Greek island world led in the case of R. after 1204 to rule by the family of Leon Gabalas, then to alternating rule by the kingdom of Nicaea, the Genoese and, after 1309, the Knights of St. John (cf. most recently [5]), who were able to hold the island until 1523. IN. V. CULTURE R. was among the most important cultural centres of Antiquity. Famous works of art produced in R. are, apart from the Colossus (by Chares [4]), the Nike of Samothrace (Paris, LV) and the Laocoon group (Rome, VM). Prominent writers and scholars from R. or active in R. include > Apollonius [2], > Panaetius [4] and

-» Poseidonius [3] of Apamea. Furthermore, the poets + Antagoras,

- Aristodicus,

Dionysius

[33],

+ Konstantinos [2], > Simias, the philosophers ~ Melanthius [7], > Andronicus [4], and > Eudemos [3], the mathematician Attalus [7], the orator > Aristocles [3] and the historians > Antisthenes [2] and ~ Castor [2] were all from R. Among Romans of a certain standing of the late Republic and the early Imperial Period, spending some time at R. for educational purposes was the done thing (e.g. Lucretius, Pompeius [I 3], Cicero, Caesar, Tiberius). The maritime law developed in R. when it was a maritime superpower continued to be important up to Byzantine times.

VI. ARCHAEOLOGY The archaeology of the cities of > Ialysus,

> Camirus and > Lindus has been well investigated. In the city of R. modern over-building prevents corresponding prospection; remains (of temple sites) can be found on the acropolis, a stadium and a theatre have been fancifully reconstructed, and the Hippodamian system can still be easily reconstructed from the modern city layout. ~» RHODES 1 R.E. WycHeRLEY, Hippodamus and Rhodes, in: Historia 13, 1964, 135-139 2K.BRODERSEN, Die Sieben Weltwunder, 1996 3 H.SONNABEND, Naturkatastrophen in der Antike, 1999

4 E.Matamut,

Les iles de

empire Byzantin, 2 vols., 1988 5 N. VaTin, Rhodes et ordre de Saint-Jean-de-Jérusalem, 2000.

R.M. BERTHOLD, Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age, 1982; Fraser,

G.E.

Bean,

The

Rhodian

Peraea

and

Rhoikos (‘Potxoc/Rhoikos). [1] One of the > Centaurs. R. is killed together with his companion > Hylaeus by > Atalante for importuning her (Callim. H. 3,221 with schol.; Apollod. 3,106; Ael. VH 13,1). Possibly identical with the Centaur Rhoetus (Ov. Met. 12,271-301; variants Rhoetus/Rhoecus e.g. Verg. G. 2,456; Luc. 6,390; Val. Fl. 1,1415 3,65). [2] Cnidian, who has an oak which is threatening to topple propped up, thereby saving the life of the tree’s nymph (+ Hamadryads), who grants him a wish as thanks. R. wishes for a tryst with the nymph, and she promises that if he stays abstemious she will send him a bee as a messenger. When it comes to him, however, R. is in the middle of a board game and his reaction is surly. At this the nymph blinds him in anger (Charon of Lampsacus, FGrH 262 F 12a = schol. Apoll. Rhod. 2,476-483; cf. schol. Theoc. Epigr. 3,13). According to Pind. fr. 252 SCHROEDER (= Plut. Quaestiones naturales 36) R. is stung by the bee because of his infidelity. Such punishments of humans for not keeping to agreements with (semi-)divine beings are a recurring motif in Greek legends [1; 2]. 1 P. FRIEDLANDER, Ss. Vv. ‘P. (3), RE 1A, toozf. 2 PRELLER/ROBERT 1,719,2.

NLJO.

[3] Greek architect of the Archaic Period from Samos, son of Phileas. In ancient writings (Paus. 10,38,5; Hdt. 1,51; 3,413; 3,60,4; Plin. HN

8,198; 34,90; Vitr. De

arch. 7 praef. 12) he is frequently mentioned together with the architect and sculptor - Theodorus [I 1], a family relationship is ascribed to the two by some and numerous technical inventions are traced to them. However, it looks here as if various persons of the same name have been conflated, so that e.g. a bronze statue in the Artemisium in Ephesus was probably erroneously described as a work by R. from Samos (Paus. 10,38,6). Similarly, it has been presented as certain (Plin. HN 36,90), although in fact it remains unclear, that R. par-

ticipated in building the Lemnian labyrinth. In contrast, it is undisputed that R. was the architect of the great > dipteros in the Heraeum of Samos, although opinions differ as to whether this is the first or the second Samian monumental temple. Whereas earlier scholars and the related literature [1] present the idea that R. designed the first dipteros of Samos, more recent scholarship regard R. as the architect of the temple which

RHOIKOS

575

576

Hdt. 3,60 describes as the greatest temple he has ever seen; by which, on chronological grounds, he can only mean the second Samian dipteros, known as the

(IOSPE 2,33 =IGR 1,877), reigned AD 133~-153/4. In

‘Temple of Polycrates’, [2]. 1 E.BuscHuor, Heraion von Samos: Frihe Bauten, in: MDAI(A) 55, 1930, 49-5t 2 A.E. FURTWANGLER, Wer

entwarf den grofsten Tempel Griechenlands? in: MDAI(A)

99, 1984, 97-103. H. Svenson-Evers, Die griechischen Architekten archaischer und klassischer Zeit, 1996, 7-49. H.KN.

Rhoemetalces (Poymtadxne/Rhoimetalkés). Kings of Tihracen(ci stemma oon PIR VPS volG. wpu 2st; — Thraci, Thracia). [1] R. [In 31 BC, he changed sides from Mark Antony (> Antonius [II I 9]) to Octavian (+ Octavianus [r]) (Plut. Mor. 2074; Plut. Romulus 17,3). Around 22 BC, he succeeded his brother-in-law — Cotys [I 6] as Roman vassal prince, taking guardianship of his son Rhascuporis [2]; in 19/8 BC, he assisted M. — Lollius {II 1] against the > Bessi (Cass. Dio 54,20,3), who succeeded in driving him back on to the Chersonesus in 11 BC (Cass. Dio 54,34,5). In AD 6, R. supported the Romans in the Pannonian War (Cass. Dio 55,30,3; 30,6; Vell. 2,112,4). In AD 13, Rome divided his legacy between his son - Cotys [I 9] and his brother Rhascuporis [3] (Tac. Ann. 2,64,2). R. minted silver and bronze coins (RPC I nos. 1704-1720, 1774 f.)—some also bearing the image of his wife, whose name is unknown. PIR* R 67. [2] R. Uf, C. Iulius R. King of Thrace, reigned AD 19-36. Son of Rhascuporis [3] (EEpigr 9, p. 696; IGBulg 2,743), after whose condemnation he received the ripa Thraciae (Tac. Ann. 2,67,2; 4,5,3). Married to Pythodoris [2] (IGBulg 27,399). In AD 21 and 26, R. supported the Romans against mutinous Thracian tribes (Tac. Ann. 3,38,3-393 4,47,1; IGR 1,777 = OGIS 378). He minted coins under Tiberius (RPC I 1721). PIR* I

517 and R 69. [3] R. MI Son of + Cotys [I 9] and > Antonia [7] Tryphaena; following the murder of his father in AD 18/19,

[4] Ti. Iulius R. Bosporan king installed by Hadrian the dispute with the subsequent successor to the throne, Ti. Iulius + Eupator, Antoninus Pius confirmed the regency of R. (SHA Antoninus Pius 9,8; otherwise [2. 351]). His son, Ti. Iulius + Sauromates, only attained the throne in 173 (SEG 45,1017). The city of » Chersonesus [3] sought to achieve autonomy, but was forced to agree to a military alliance with R. owing to the Scythian threat (IOSPE 1,423 = IGR 1,865). R.

minted gold and copper coins from 131, while his predecessor — Cotys [II 2] stili lived [1. 37f., 143-156]. PIR* I 516 and addendum in PIR* R 69, vol. 7.1, p. 68. 1N.A. Frotova, The Coinage of the Kingdom of Bosporus A. D. 69-238, 1979 Bosporanische Reich, 1971.

2 V.F. GajpuKEVviC, Das UP.

Rhoeo (‘Pous; Rhoid). Daughter of + Staphylus and + Chrysothemis [1], sister of - Molpadia [1] and ~» Parthenus [2]. After the sisters fail to guard their father’s newly produced wine, they throw themselves into the sea and are rescued by > Apollo, who fathers + Anius with R. Staphylus locks the pregnant R. in a chest, which comes ashore in Delos (or Euboea, Tzetz.

Lycoph. 570), where Apollo tends to his son (Diod. 5,62f.;Dion. Hal. De Dinarcho 11,17; Lycoph. 570). In the story of the Argive Lyrcus, R. and her sister Hemithea (> Molpadia [1]) fall in love with him, R. being unsuccessful (Parthenios 1). For the cultic connection

between pomegranates (OouWrhoia) and _ grapes (otapuar/staphyle) see Clem. Al. Protreptikos 19. G. WEICKER, s. v. Rhoio (1), RE rA,1, 1004-1006.

Rhoeteum

(‘Poitetov;

Rhoiteion).

Coastal

town

RHA.

in

Troas in the foothills of the same name, probably founded by > Astypalaea (Str. 13,1,42), about 4 km to the southwest of Ophryneum, 9 km south of Kepez on the Baba Kalesi [1. 79 f., 87-89]. In 480 BC Xerxes marched past R. (Hdt. 7,43). In 425/4 BC R. paid eight talents in the + Delian League (ATL 1,393; 544; 2,82;

he grew up at Rome under the guardianship of > Trebellenus Rufus along with his brothers -» Polemon [5] and — Cotys [I ro] (Tac. Ann. 2,64-673 3,38,3; Syll.* 2,798-799 = IGR 4,145-146). Around AD 38, his friend > Caligula installed him as King of Thrace (Cass. Dio 59,12,2). After R.’ murder at the hands of his wife in AD 46 (Syncellus 631), Thrace finally became a Roman province. R. minted coins under Caligula (RPC

4,108).

I 1722-1726). PIR* R 68.

Antonius [I 9] carried off to Egypt and Caesar had

1 Cu. M. Danoy, Die Thraker auf dem Ostbalkan von der

Its favourably

sited harbour

seems

to have

made R. rich (Thuc. 4,52; 8,101; Diod. Sic. 17,7,10), but its prosperity waned in the Hellenistic Period. In the » Syrian War (191-188 BC) the Romans landed here in 190 BC, because entry to the harbour of -» Abydus was barred to them (App. Syr. 10,23). There is no more

mention of R. in the Ephesus toll law [2]. Near R. were the monument

and temple of Ajax [1], whose statue

brought back (Str. 13,1,30; Luc. 9,963).

hellenistischen Zeit bis zur Griindung Konstantinopels,

1J.M.

in: ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 21-185, esp. 120-145 25S.]J. SAPRYKIN, Iz istorii pontijskogo carstva Polemonidovy, in: VDI 1993.2, 25-49 3R.D. SuLLivan, Thrace in the Eastern Dynastic Network, in: ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 186-

D.KnipBeE, Das Zollgesetz der Provinz Asia, in: EA 14, 1989, 1-206.

211

4M. Taceva, The Last Thracian Independent Dyn-

asty of the Rhascuporids, in: A. For (ed.), Studia in hono-

rem G. Mihailov, 1995, 459-467.

Coox,

The Troad,

1973

2 H. ENGELMANN,

L. BURCHNER, s. v. Rhoiteion (3), RE 1 A, 1007; W. Lear,

Strabo on the Troad, 1923, 155-157.

E.SCH.

a7

578

Rhomaea (‘Pmyoia; Rbomaia). The Rhomaea were quinquennial or yearly festivals, which were celebrated in the Greek world from the early 2nd cent. BC onwards in honour of > Roma [IV.]. Their model were the traditional indigenous cults of deities and heroes (+ Hero cult); in individual cases the Rhomaea were celebrated together with an already existing local cult. The Rho-

from its scholarly revival since the r2th cent.) can be dated to the end of the roth cent. and the events surrounding the severing of Greece from the Osman Empire and the emergence of the Greek national state with its ideological links to classical antiquity.

maea comprised processions, sacrifices and agones (cf.

SEG 30,1073: Chios) — e.g. athletic and musical competitions (Xanthus, SEG 28,1246) and games on horseback (Oropus and Magnesia: [1. 169f.]). The Rhomaea underwent expansion in the Imperial period as Rhomaia Sebastd, a festival of the shared cults of Roma

and > Augustus. The Sebasta Rhomaia organised in Pergamum by the > koinon of the province of Asia were even exempt from taxation (SEG 39,1180 Z. 128— 133; [2. 114-116]).

Under the emperor Hadrian the > Parilia of the city of Rome were also called Rhomaea (Ath. 8,36rf). 1R.MELLoR, 165-180

Thea

Rome

2 S.J. Friesen,

(Hypomnemata

42), 1975,

Twice Neokoros.

RHOMBOS

B.MULteER, Bezeichnungen fur die Sprachen, Sprecher und Lander der Romania, in: G. HoLtus, et al. (ed.), Lexikon der romanistischen Linguistik. vol. 2.1: Latein und Romanisch. Historisch-vergleichende Grammatik der romanischen Sprachen, 1996, 134-151; B. MULLER, Zum Fortleben yon LATINU und seinen Verwandten in der Romania, in: Zeitschrift fir romanische Philologie 79, 1963, 38-73; J.KRAMER, Antike Sprachform und moderne Normsprache, Teil 1: Rumanisch und Ratoromanisch, in: Balkan-Archiv N. F. 10, 1985, 19f.; Id., Antike Sprachform und moderne Normsprache, Teil 2: Griechisch, in: Balkan-Archiv N. F. 11, 1986, 117-210, especially 121-134; Id., Lingua latina, lingua romana, romanice, romanisce. Studie zur Bezeichnung des Lateinschen und Romanischen, in: Balkan-Archiv N. F. 8, 1983, 8194. VB.

Ephesus,

Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family, 1993. SLPR.

Rhomaioi (‘Papciot). Rbdmaios is the original Greek

name for ‘Romans’, found in this sense especially in Greek historiographers (e. g. Polybius [2] or Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus). As the imperial capital moved to Byzantium (— Constantinople), however, Rhomaios came to be increasingly used for the Greek-speaking Byzantines; an initially still existing differentiation between ot é@o1 ‘PwuatoW/hoi edioi Rhomaioi (‘the eastern R.’) and oi éonéouot “PouatoW/hoi hespérioi Rhomaioi (‘the western R.’) finally became obsolete with the decline of the western empire in AD 476 and R. became a specific name for the (Byzantine) Greeks; that it was actually rooted in linguistic usage and was in no way just official terminology can be seen from the fact that it shared in the sound change of everyday language (>

Rhomanos see > Romanos

Rhombites (“PouBity¢/Rbombités). Two rivers flowing from the east into the > Maeotis, where they are abundant in fish, distinguished by their epithets ‘the Great’ and ‘the Lesser’ (Str.

11,2,4; cf. Ptol. 5,9,3 f.; 26; Amm.

Marc. 22,8,29).

[1] R. Megas (6 péyas “P./ho mégas R., ‘the Great R.’). Further north, modern Jeja; according to Str. ibid., 800 stadia from the mouth of the > Tanais (Don). [2] R. Elatton (6 2dttwv “P./ho elatton R., ‘the Lesser R.’). Further south; according to Str. ibid., 800 stadia from R. [1]; the modern Beisug or Kirpil’skiy Liman. B. KIESSLING, s.v. R., RE 2 A, 1067f.; V.F. GAIDUKEVIC, Das Bosporanische Reich, 1971, 71; N.V. ANFIMOV, Kurganiy kompleks Sarmatskogo vremeni iz basseyna r. Kirpili, in: V.I. MarKovin (ed.), Novoe v archeologii

Severnogo Kavkaza, 1986, 183-190.

Lv.B.

modern Greek owioc/romids), formed its own Greek

derivatives, for instance modern Greek owptoobvn/ romiosyné ‘Greekness’, and was customary until well into the modern age. By contrast, the term Owuatxy

yM@tta/rhomaike glétta for the Greek language appeared with a slight time delay (e. g. for Athanasius Rhomaioi are Greeks, but rhomaike glétta means the Latin language), nor did it prevail with the same exclusivity; nevertheless, the first evidence occurred as early as the 4th cent. AD (Acta Pilati 287 T1scHENDORE).

Parallel to this, the expression “EAAnvec/Heéllenes as an ethnic designation became increasingly less customary; the change in meaning of Héllén to ‘non-Jew’ isalready intimated in Paulus [2]. It later came to mean ‘nonChristian, heathen’ (Latin Vulgate translation of Acts 16,1: gentilis; in > Ulfila the feminine haipno) and,

finally, in everyday modern Greek the name of primeval ‘giants’. The only remaining refuge of Héllénes as an ethnicon was in Greek literature, which used archaic, elevated language; the renaissance of this term (apart

Rhombos (66ufoc/rhombos, Lat. rhombus, ‘bull-roarer’), a wooden object which, when attached to a string (Schol. Clem. Al. Protrepticus 2,17,2) and twirled in the air (Eur. Hel. 1362), produced a loud (Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,1139), hissing (Schol. Clem. Al. ibid.) sound, the volume of which depended on the force of the motion (Archyt. fr. 1). It was used in the > mysteries of Dionysus (Anth. Pal. 6,165), Cybele (Ath. 14,636a) and Demeter (OF 110). The rhombos as a tool of magic —

often connected with the wryneck (— iynx) — is barely distinguishable in the sources (e.g., Theoc. Id. 2,30) from the musical instrument [1]. 1 A.Gow,

TYrZ=,

POMBOY,

JHS 54, 1934, 1-13. 1969, vol. 2, 357.

RHOMBUS,

TURBO,

in:

2 R.Kannicut, Euripides Helena, RO.HA.

579

580

Rhombus (66uBo0¢/rhémbos). [1] In the plane, a rectangle with four sides of equal length but with unequal angles (i.e., with two acute and two obtuse angles; Euc. 1, Def. 22; Censorinus, DN 83,14 JAHN). In three dimensions, a rhombus is the solid of revolution consisting of two cones with the same base (Archim. De sphaera et cylindro 1, def. 6).

manic *maizo (Gothic maiza) > Old High German mero ’more’, > Old English mara ‘more’. Furthermore [I] > [r]: Vulgar Latin gula(m) > Romanian gurad ‘mouth#, Vulgar Latin sale(m) > Romanian sare ’salt’; [n] > [r]: Vulgar Latin bene > Old Romanian binre {bire] > bire; Vulgar Latin arena(m) > loan word Gheg Albanian rané > Tosk Albanian réré ’sand’. » Phonetics and phonology

RHOMBUS

1 7T.L. Heatu, The Thirteen Books of Euclid’s Elements, vol. 1,*1925,189 2A.HuG,s.v. “Poupos (rhombus), RE 1 A, 1069.

MP.

[2] see > Top

[3] see

C.D. Buck, Greek Dialects, 1955, 56f.; M. LeEJEUNE, Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien, 1972, § 88 (2), 96", 118, 136, 353, 355, 357; LEUMANN, 176, 178-180; SOMMER/PFISTER, 14 6f. CH.

> Rhombus Rhoxane (‘PwEavn/Rhboxdne).

Rhomphaia (G0ugaia/rhomphaia). A big, doubleedged iron sword similar to a halberd. It had a long wooden handle and was worn over the right shoulder. In the Hellenistic Period, it was the characteristic weapon of the Thracians (Plut. Aemilius 18,3; Liv. 31,39,11: rumpia); Phylarchus FGrH 81 F 57; Arr. FGrH 156 F 103; Gell. NA 10,25,4; Val. Fl. 6,98). In Jewish-Christian literature, however, rhomphaia refers to any big double-edged sword (LXX Gn 3,24; 1 Sam 17,51 (Goliath’s sword); Le 2,35; los. Ant. Iud. 6,190). H. O. FIEBIGER, s. v. Gbondaia, RE rA, 1072f.

LB.

[1] Wife of + Cambyses [2] II (Ctesias FGrH 688 F 13). [2] Daughter of Hydarnes, half-sister of Terituchmes, fell victim with her whole family to the vengeance of -» Parysatis [1] (Ctesias FGrH 688 F 15) because Teri-

tuchmes had turned away from his wife Amestris and devoted himself to R. [3] According to Julius Valerius 2,33 among others, daughter of — Darius [3] II] who in 332 offered her hand in marriage to Alexander [4] the Great (obviously confused with — Statira).

[4] Daughter of — Oxyartes, fallen into the hands of Alexander [4] the Great in 327 after the capture of the fortress of Ariamazes (Arr. Anab. 4,19,5); soon there-

Rhoptron see > Musical instruments (V. D.)

Rhosus (‘Pwodc/Rhosoés). Small town on the Gulf of + Issus in Syria (Str. 14,5,19; Ptol. 5,15,2: P@oooc/

Rhéssos), 31 km to the southwest of Alexandria [3] on the coastal road to Seleucia Pieria, first recorded in the

late 4th century BC. From the later Augustus, R. received the title igo, Govhoc xai adtovouoc/hierd, dsylos

kai autonomos (‘sacred, entitled to grant asylum and autonomous’). In the 5th cent. AD, however, Hierocles

(Synekdemos 705,7) counts R. among the cities of Cilicia Secunda. Hi1LD/HELLENKEMPER,

392.

M.H.S.

Rhotacism (6mtaxtopoc/rhotakismos), technical term used by Greek grammarians and referring to the (fre-

after he married her using a local ritual. After the death of her husband, with the support of > Perdiccas [4], she had Darius’ daughter — Statira, married to Alexander in 324, removed, along with her sister Drypetis (Plut. Alexander 77). She was taken together with Alexander’s posthumously born son — Alexander [II 5] IV (Justin. 13,2,5; Curt. 10,6,9; with regard to an earlier child, see Epitome Mettensis 70) to Macedonia by - Antipater [1] after whose death she fled to Epirus and was returned to Macedonia by > Polyperchon [1]. At the capture in 316 of > Pydna, R. fell into the hands of + Cassander who had her and her son killed in 310 in Amphipolis by Glaucias (Diod. Sic. 19,105,2; Justin. 15,2,5; Paus. 9,7,2 among others). 1M.Brosrus, {1-2])

Women

in Ancient

Persia,

1996

(on R.

2 BeERveE, vol. 2, 1926, no. 688 (on R. [3-4]). J.W.

quent) use of the sound [r] represented by the letter referred to as 60/rho; coined in analogy with imtaxtopoc/i0takismos, —> Itacism). Rhotacism involves

the change of a voiced dental or alveolar consonant in an intervocalic position into the liquid [r], or more precisely its replacement by [r]. Rhotacism sometimes leads to the alternation of /s/ and /r/ observed in inflexion and/or word formation. The typical and most frequent case is ([s] >) [z] > [r]: Latin *eset > eget (ESED, CIL I* 1) > *eret > erit, : est,

esse; *arbosem > arbozem (arbosem, Paul. Fest. 14,9 L)

> arborem: arbos, arbustus; Greek generally mauoiv, dyuooiwv > West Lonic maotv (Eretria), dynogiwy (Oropus); Greek generally GAhous, Atog > Elean (Olympia) Goro, Atog with generalization of final -9; Proto-Ger-

Rhoxolani (‘PwEoAavo/Rbéxolanot, Lat. Roxolani). Sarmatic tribe or group of tribes (— Sarmatae; Str. 2,557, Cf. 7,2,43 7,3,17 in connection with Hipparchus

[6], Eratosthenes [2]) that lived in the period approximately up to the time of Christ in the steppes between Tanais (Don) and Borysthenes (Dniepr) north of the » Maeotis (Plin. HN 4,80; Ptol. 3,5,19; 24f.). In the battle against Diophantus [3], general of Mithridates [6] VI, the R. fought under their king Tasius on the side of Palacus, king of the Scythians (113 BC?; Syll.3 709). In the rst cent. AD, the R. settled on the lower Istros [2] (Danube). There during Nero’s reign (probably after AD 60) they were forced into conflict with the legate

581

582

Platius [II 14] (ILS 986). In AD 69 they invaded Moesia with 9,000 men (Tac. Hist. 1,79f.; 3,24). Under the emperor Hadrian (AD 117-138), Rome had to pay tributes to the Rhoxolani (SHA Hadr. 6,8). In the 2nd cent. AD, they moved further west on the lower Istros. The rebellion against Roman rule incited by them together with other tribes under Marcus [2] Aurelius in AD 177 was put down by the latter (SHA Aur. 22,rf.). ~ Regalianus, proclaimed emperor against Gallienus, died in AD 260 at the instigation of the R. (SHA Tyr. Trig. ro,1f.; put differently in Aur. Vict. Caes. 332; Eutr. 9,8,1). Under Aurelianus [3], the rebellious R. were again defeated (SHA Aurel. 33,4). The last mention of the R. in Iordanes (Get. 74 f.) positions them east of Alutas (modern Olt) (Iord. Get. 74).

Rhypes (‘Pixec/Rhypes). Town in Achaea (> Achaeans, Achaea [1], with map), probably to be identified with the few ancient remains (including traces of Mycenaean settlement [2. 123-127; 3. 35]) on the plateau of Trapeza at Koumaris, c. 6 km southwest of > Aegium. The find sites on the fortified hill on the left bank of the Phoenix, c. 8 km northwest of Aegium [1. 193, 417418] and on the right bank of the Tholopotamus, 5.2 km north west of Aegium, have also been suggested. With eleven other cities, R. was a member of the first Achaean League (Hdt. 1,145; Str. 8,7,4). The city was abandoned at an early date (Str. 8,7,5; Paus. 7,18,7; 23,4; [5.203f.]), and its territory (Pumic/Rhypis; cf. Thuc. 7,34,1: ‘Puma/Rhypike) incorporated into Aegium. Sole inscriptional mention, 4th cent. BC

E.DieEHL, s.v. Roxolani, RE Suppl. 7, 1195-1197; A.Mocsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia, 1974. Lv.B.

RHYTHM

[4. 402-407]. 1 W.M. Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. 3, 1830 (repr. 1968) 1939

Rhubarb

(reubarbarum

sive reuponticum

in Isid.

Etym. 17,9,40, usually 6@/rha, éfjov/rhéon in Dioscorides 3,2 WELLMANN and BERENDES, rhecoma in Plin. HN 27,128, in the Middle Ages rhabarber), plant of the knot-grass family (Polygonaceae) Rheum rhabarbarum L., R. officinale L., R. rhaponticum L., named rha pon-

ticum after the river Rha (= Volga) on the Black Sea (Amm. Marc. 22,8) and hence probably introduced from Asia. Plin. HN 27,128—130 (similarly Dioscorides 3,2) recommends the ground-up root externally for its warming and astringent effect (e.g., for healing wounds and inflammations) and with cold water internally for gastric weakness, persistent coughing, and also for diseases of the liver, spleen and kidneys. H. STADLER, s.v. Rhabarber, RE 1 A, 726-728.

C.HU.

2 E.MeyeR, Peloponnesische Wanderungen, 31.J. PAPADOPOULOS, Mycenaean Achaea, 1979

4 J. BINGEN, Inscriptions d’Achaie, in: BCH

MULLER, 84rf.

Megara

[2] (Paus.

E. MEYER, s. v. Megara (2), RE 29, 152-205, esp. 163.

KF.

Rhyndacus (Pivdaxocd/Rhyndakos). River in the Troad, not regarded as a single body today (Koca Cay, Kocasu Cay1, Orhaneli Cay1). It rises in -» Mysia Abbaitis and flows through Phrygia ( Phryges). It formed the frontier between Mysia and > Bithynia, forms lacus Apolloniatis (Uluabat Gélii), exiting the lake at the northwest and flowing into the > Propontis south of the island of Besbikos (modern Imrali Adasi). During the Roman Period, it formed the boundary between the provinces of + Asia [2] and Bithynia. In 73 BC, Licinius [I 26] Lucullus defeated Mithridates [6] VI here (Plut. Lucullus rr). L. Ropert, A travers l’Asie Mineure, 1980, 89-100.

E.SCH.

Y.L.andE.O.

Rhythm I. TERMINOLOGY

II. ANCIENT THEORY

III. VERSE

RHYTHM

I. TERMINOLOGY In Greek Antiquity, OvOmxh, sc. téexvn (rhythmike, sc. techné) was, from Aristoxenus [1] on, the theory of

rhythm. The original meaning of 6vOud¢ (rhythmos), long controversial, seems to have been ‘flowing’, ‘a stream’ [12]. Rhbythmos referred to bodily and tonal movements,

Rhus (Potc; Rhots). Place near 1,41,2; Plut. Theseus 27,8).

78, 1954,

395-409 5 Y.LAFOND, M.Casewitz (eds.), Pausanias. Description de la Gréce, vol. 7, 2000.

but also to immobile bodies and statues

(Arist. Quint. 31 MEIBOoM). Rhythmos is attested in Archil. 67a 7 DreHL, in the context of povomnh (> mousike; Pl. Leg. 665a: xwvioews téHEc/kineseds taxis, ‘order in movement’), in rhetoric (Aristot. Rh. 3,8,1408b-1409a), and as a theoretical concept (Ari-

stox. Rhythmica fr. 3 PEARSON). Latin technical works used rhythmus as well as numerus to designate rhythm (Quint. Inst. 9,4,45).

Il. ANCIENT THEORY In the Hellenistic age, Aristoxenus [1] developed, against the background of ancient theories (Damon in Pl. Resp. 400b; Aristoph. Nub. 651), a fragmentarily preserved theory of rhythm ‘PuOyixd otoiyeta/Rbythmika stoicheia (Lat. Elementa rhythmica), which was used by later authors (Porph. Comm. in Ptol. Harm. 4,78 f.(2?), cf. [1. 32]; Arist. Quint. 31-43, 97-100 M.; Bacchius, MSG 313-316), in Byzantium by Michael » Psellos ({1. 20-26]), and among the Romans by Augustine, albeit indirectly (De musica). Like Aristotle (Poet.

1447a

26, Ph.

245b

9), Aristoxenus

distin-

guished between rhythm and the rhythmizomenon (‘that which is made rhythmic’, ‘medium of rhythm’:

583

584

diction, melody, and bodily movement). He assumed

led to a less strict application of metrical rules (lengthening of long syllables, parodied in Aristoph. Ran. 1314, 1348; rhythmopoiia as a new doctrine) and to the musical-rhythmic reshaping of metres (Seikilos song; pauses in Arist. Quint. 40f. M.). Owing to the lack of confirmed information, rhythm is usually omitted in modern handbooks on ancient -» metre, yet the problem of its interpretation begins with verse recitation. A line is often made to end with a prolonged syllable or a pause. In theoretical approaches, verse rhythms are reconstructed with the help of modern musical notation, with prolonged syllables and pauses occupying assumed gaps to fill the ‘bars’ (a controversial notion) [x. XXINI-LIV; 8. 133-157]. Alternatively, ancient triseme symbols may be taken to indicate the temporal compensation of syncopated metra [9. 103]; or significant deviations from the basic rhythm can be interpreted as emphasizing particular words (marching ana-

RHYTHM

the prétos chronos (‘primary duration’) as the smallest unit of time, corresponding in the respective medium to the minimal duration of a syllable, of a syllable-bearing tone, or of a dance movement. The durations measured could be 2, 3, 4 or multiple units long (di-, tri-, tetrdsemos); later, the same applied to pauses as well. In sung verse, the ‘short’ was considered as in principle being one unit long, the ‘long’ as two units long, while durations were regulated less strictly in spoken verse. Rhythm was determined by the foot (pous), the smallest regularly repeated unit (> Metre). The relation of raising (drsis, dno) to setting down (basis, thésis, kato) pro-

duced the three elementary rhythmic genres (cf. Aristot. Rh. 1409a 4 ff.): 1. ‘equal’ (ison): 1:1, dactylic (and anapaestic); 2. ‘double’ (dipldsion): 2:1, iambic (and tro-

chaic); 3. ‘one-and-a-half times’ (hemi(h)olion): 3:2 paeonic. There was no consensus on 4:3 (epitriton; Ari-

stox. Rhythmica fr. 35 versus fr. 9 PEARSON) and 3:1

paests

(triplasion; ibid. fr. 32 versus fr. 9). Irrational durati-

XXXV]). From another angle, based on similar struc-

ons, insignificant for metre, were measured only roughly; the choreios dlogos (‘irrational choreios’) was fixed at between 2:2 and 2:1 (Aristox. Rhythmica fr. 20

tural characteristics, new light was shed on Greek verse rhythm from the ‘additive’ quantitative rhythm of modern Greek folk music [2], which cannot be reconciled with the historical concept of ‘bars’ [ro].

P.; [2. 98-121; 3. 49]).

Rhythm, which concerned man as a whole in the ancient view, was eminently the bearer of -> ethos, and

each genre had its own ethos [4. 53-55, 121-165; 8. 157-159]. Equal measures had an appeasing affect, while the combination of different rhythms was agitating and passionate. Tempo (agogé) was regulated according to the character of the text or dance (rapid = agitated; slow = solemn), and according to the frequency of shorts or longs (spondees). Distinct from rhythm, rhythmopotia (its realization in a specific medium) could modify musical and rhythmic elements of metrical verse, for instance by drawing out long syllables (fr. Neapolitanum 21 P.; cf. Longinus, Prolegomena ad Hephaestionis Enchiridion 83,14 CONSBRUCH), and occasionally through pauses (ken0os chronos, literally ‘empty time’, Arist. Quint. 40f. M.). Other sources provide similar testimony (Dion. Hal. Comp. 64 = 11,23; the song of Seikilos with its diseme and triseme rhythmic symbols [5. 54]). Augustine expanded the theory of pauses for Latin verse recitation, on the basis of the aequalitas (‘equality’) 1:1 (Aug. De musica 3,8). Il. VERSE RHYTHM Highly developed in Greek lyric and Attic drama asa poetic-musical art, verse rhythm has been the subject of heated debate since ([6. X XI]: ‘aller Tact muf$ bey Seite gesetzt werden’, ‘all division into bars must be set aside’). In modern times, the ‘possibility of empathy’ (‘Moglichkeit der Einfiihlung’, [7. 2]) with ancient rhythms is obviously lacking, but so is even a consensus over what such understanding might mean. There can nevertheless be no doubt about the change in verse rhythm. Rhythm and metre were not distinguished in

[11. 157-161];

for another

view

[1. XXXI-

— Metre; > Music IV. 1 L.PEARSON

(ed.),

Aristoxenus,

Elementa

rhythmica,

1990 (with introd., Engl. transl. and comm.)

2TH.

GEORGIADES, Der griechische Rhythmus, 1949 3L.E. Ross, Metrica e critica stilistica, 1963 4H.ABERT, Die Lehre vom Ethos in der griechischen Musik, 1899 (reprint

1968) Musik, 1799

5 E.POHLMANN, Denkmiler altgriechischer 1970 6 G. HERMANN, Handbuch der Metrik, 7P.Maas, Griechische Metrik, 1923 (English

1962)

8M.L. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992

Greek Metre, 1982

Rhythmus

9Id.,

10 TH. GEORGIADES, Musik und

bei den Griechen,

1958

11 F. ZAMINER,

Musik im archaischen und klassischen Griechenland, in: A. RIETHMULLER, F. ZAMINER (eds.), Die Musik des Altertums, 1989 12 FRISK. FZ.

Rhytium

(Pitiov/Rhytion).

City in southern central

Crete (Plin. HN 4,59), today’s Rhotasi. Traces of settle-

ments from late Minoan to Venetian periods. First literary mention at Hom. Il. 2,648 (reference to its being

well populated). Rhytium was important beyond its borders as a cultic site for Zeus Skylios [1. 141]. Politically, R. was dependant on > Gortyn (Str. 10,4,14). 1 H. VeERBRUGGEN, Le Zeus crétois, 1981. H. BEISTER, s. v. Pyrgos, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 580; M.Guarbuccl, Inscriptiones Creticae I, 1935, 303f.;

I. F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 150.

H.SO.

Rhyton (16 6vt6v/t6 rhyton). I. Opject IH. ANCIENT NEAR EAstT III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY I. OBJECT

(+ Metre). Toward the end

Funnel-shaped vessel for dispensing and drinking,

of the 5th cent. BC, the influence of the ‘New > Music’

usually ending in the head, or protome, of an animal;

Archaic and Classical times

585

586

the name is derived from Qvotc/rhysis (‘stream’) because

placed by red-figure painting [9]. Hellenistic rhyta show teams of two horses and chariots, winged horses, elephant protomes and other fantastic novel forms. + Figurine vases; > Toreutics

the liquid could run out through a small hole at the bottom as long as it was not held closed [1; 2]. 1F.voN Lorentz, s.v. Rhyton, RE Suppl. 2 W.H. Gross, s. v. Rhyton, KIP 4, 1426f.

6, 643 LS.

1 W.MuULLER,

RICIMER

Kretische

Tongefafe

1997, 63-75, 319, 360-381

Keras (3), RE 11, 263f.

Il. ANCIENT NEAR EAsT The only evidence of rhyta in the Ancient Near East and Egypt before the Achaemenids is in Anatolia, where ceramic drinking horns were found as early as the early 2nd millennium BC (Beycesultan Layer V; Kiiltepe Layer II). Numerous rhyta designed as animal protomes from the period of the Hittite Great Empire have been found, either in ceramic or in richly ornamented silver [2 no. 123 and 124]. This tradition continued in Iran among the Achaemenids and in the following periods of the Parthians and Sassanids. The Parthians and Sassanids also used ivory as material. 1U.B.

Arxim,

Anatolien,

vol.

1,

1968,

178,

183

2 O.MuscareLLa, Ancient Art, The Norbert Schimmel Collection, 1974. 3 R.GHIRSHMAN, Perse. Proto-iraniens, Médes, Achéménides, 1963 4 Id., Iran. Parther und Sasaniden, 1962. HJ.N.

III. CLAssicaL ANTIQUITY

A slender, smooth form from the Cretan-Mycenaean period was used exclusively for — libations [x]. Later rhyta were used for drinking as well; the wine, as shown in pictorial representations, flowed out of the hole at the bottom in a stream into the mouth. In contrast, the conventional drinking horn (xéoas/kéras), which at first glance appears to be related, did not have a hole at the bottom [2]; nor did most examples of the red-figured style > kantharos and goblet ending in a protome (‘pseudo-rhyta’), which in antiquity were usually named after the animals concerned or in general called mootoutyprotome. When not in use, they were placed upside down on the rim of the mouth or in a separate stand (the tx60nn0/hypothema or the meoquoxedic/periskelis); more rarely a foot was directly worked on to it. Some sources suggest ritual use in cults of heroes and the dead [3; 4]. Treasury catalogues and finds from sanctuaries attest rhyta made of precious metal and glass [5.32], although most of those preserved are made of clay. Rhyta in the form of animals originated in the Ancient Near East (Anatolia), where there were actually numerous variants ([6; 7]; cf. above II.). Archaic Greek

art adopted the form but did not produce it in large numbers until c. 500 BC, in imitation of Achaemenid rbyta made ofprecious metals. Attic red-figured pottery in particular now produced rhyta and ‘pseudo-rhyta’ with the heads of rams, mules or boars and other sculptural motifs [8]. In the 4th cent. BC, potteries from lower Italian Magna Graecia adopted the protome type, preferring the head of a griffin or horse; the relief decoration at the edge of the funnel, as customary on contemporary metal rhyta, was also now sometimes re-

mit

Meeresdekor,

2 L. FRANKENSTEIN,

3H.HOFFMaNN,

8.V.

Rhyta and

Kantharoi in Greek Ritual (Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum 4), 1989, 131-166 41d., Sotades. Symbols of Immortality on Greek Vases, 1997. 5 M.STERN, Ancient Glass in Athenian Temple Treasures, in: Journal of Glass Studies 41, 1999, 19-50 ~=—6 K. TUCHELT, Tiergefafse in Kopf- und Protomengestalt, 1962 7 Id., s.v. Rhyton, EAA 6, 675-683 8 H.HorFMann, Attic RedFigured Rhyta, 1962

9Id., Tarentine Rhyta, 1966.

15.

Rice see > Grain

Richomeres. Frank in Roman service. As comes domesticorum sent by - Gratianus [2] from Gallia to Thracia in AD 377/378 (Amm. Marc. 31,7,4); he became + magister militum per orientem in 383, consul in 384. In 388 he took part in the campaign against > Maximus [II 7]. R. introduced > Eugenius [1] to his nephew + Arbogastes (Zos. 4,54,1) who installed Eugenius as emperor on 22 August 392. R. returned to the East. He died in 393 prior to the campaign against Eugenius. R. was in contact with > Libanius (cf. Lib. Ep. 972) and ~» Symmachus (Symmachus Ep. 3,5 4-69). 1PLRE1,765f. 2F.PascHoup (ed.), Zosime, Histoire nouvelle, vol. 2.2, 1979, 454 (with French translation).

WE.LU.

Ricimer. > Magister militum et > patricius AD 457472, de facto ruler in the Western Roman Empire in this period. R.’s father was a Suebian, his mother a Goth, daughter of — Vallia. Born c. 419 (?) [5] (possibly related through his mother to the Frankish kings: [2. 16f.], contra [5. 380]). A sister of R. married the

Burgundian > Gundiok in c. 450. In 456, R. defeated the > Vandali (Chron. min. 2,29) with his fleet, acting as > comes on behalf of the Western Roman emperor > Avitus [1], then he became magister militum. Together with > Maiorianus [1] he rose up against Avitus, defeating him in 456 at Placentia (ibid. 1,304). Under the emperor Maiorianus,

R. became magister militum et patricius (ibid. 1,305: appointed by > Leo [4] | or + Marcianus [6]? [6. 38]), consul in 459. After the failure of this emperor against the Vandali R. had him executed in 461 and installed Libius > Severus (ibid. 1,305), who died in 465 (assassinated by R.: ibid. 2,158; but cf. Sid. Apoll. Carm.

2,317f.). There may have been coinage bearing R.’s name ([3. 251]; contra RIC ro, 19o0f.]). R.’s interregnum until the installation of + Anthemius [2] by Leo I in 467 (Chron. min. 2,158). In 467 R. married Alypia,

the daughter of Anthemius (Sid. Apoll. Carm. 2,484503), but fell out with him in 470 (Chron. min. 2,158),

587

588

probably chiefly because of Anthemius’ anti-Gothic policy in Gaul [4. 125 f.]; after a temporary reconciliation in 471 (Ennod. Vita Epiphanii 5 1-75), they came into conflict again in 472. R. laid siege to Anthemius in Rome in the sequel of which Anthemius was captured and killed (loh. Antiochenus fr. 209 FHG 4, p. 617). During the siege already R. had made Flavius Anicius

163-180], and is therefore a phenomenon common throughout human civilization that has not only been shaped by historical influences [4. 74-87], but may be

{II 15] Olybrius emperor (Chron. min. 1,306). R. died

bibl.) 4 W.SCHULTZ, s.v. Ratsel, RE 1 A, 62-125 5 V.Scuupp, s.v. Ratsel, in: W.K1Lty (ed.), Literaturlexi-

RICIMER

on 18 August 472 (ibid. 1,306), his position was taken over by his nephew, the Burgundian -» Gundobad. 1PLRE

2, 942-945

2H.Casrritius,

of spontaneous origin. 1 W.EISMANN,

Semiotische

Studien

3 P.Pucci,

Segreto Oracolo,

Enigma

1996 (most recent

kon 14, 1993, 240-265.

H.A.G.

Zur Sozialge-

I]. ANCIENT ORIENT A. CONCEPT

1984, I-33

CONTEXT

3 J.M. O’FLYNN, Generalissimos of the

Western Roman Empire, 1983 4 1d., A Greek on the Roman Throne: The Fate of Anthemius, in: Historia 40,

5 A.GILLerrT, The Birth of R., in: Histo-

ria 44, 1995, 380-384

(ed.),

2 A.JOLLEs, Einfache Formen, *1958

schichte der Heermeister des Westreiches, in: Mitteilungen des Instituts fiir Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung 92,

1991,122-128

P.GrzyBeEk

zum Ratsel, 1987

6 D.HENNING, Periclitans res

publica, 1999 7S. KRAUTSCHICK, R., in: B. und P. ScarDIGLI (eds.), Germani in Italia, 1994, 269-287. WE.LU.

Riddles I. DEFINITION IJ. ANCIENT ORIENT III. CLassicaAL ANTIQUITY

B. SOURCES

C. SITUATIONAL

OF USE

A. CONCEPT There is no known or documented word for riddle in

the Sumerian or Akkadian languages. It is possible the Sumerian a-da, which is found mainly in the lexeme a-da-min (‘a-da between two’ = dispute; cf. the Provencal tenzone), is a Sumerian term for riddle [5. 18]. Riddies may be marked by the term ki-bur-bi, ‘its solution’,

which precedes the answer.

I. DEFINITION a) A riddle is an encrypted formulation, related to the figurative speech of > metaphor and posing a ques-

B. SOURCES Riddles were compiled in collections; we know of two in Sumerian and one in Akkadian. One of the oldest riddle collections (24th cent. BC) with 31 riddles pre-

tion; its answer (= solution) requires — indeed, provokes

served in Sumerian is from Laga§; these riddles, whose

—the memory and imagination of the person addressed; an analogical inference is generally helpful to finding the answer [1. 261]. The person who poses the riddle has superior knowledge; hence the addressee concedes expertise to that person or authority (e.g., the seer or oracle); at the same time, the guesser seeks to demonstrate that he is equally knowledgeable by solving the riddle. This element of competition [2. 145] is particularly evident in the ‘neck riddle’ [2. 132f.]: the life of a condemned person depends on his ability to pose a rid-

respective solutions are the name of a city, are constructed according to the pattern ‘Its canal ..., its city god ..., its fish ..., its snake ...’ [4]. Another collection

dle his judges are unable to solve; or, conversely, solving

found their way into other genres of Sumerian school

a riddle may mean life and happiness for the one who succeeds in doing so (e.g., when encountering an oracle or seeking a bride) [3. 59-63]. Riddles are not limited to a certain social class; today we speak of artful riddles and popular riddles [2. 147], with the latter being the focus of particular interest in riddle scholarship [4. 73 f.

literature

(18th cent. BC) with 25 riddles has been documented in

texts from Ur and Nippur, e.g.: ‘An open house, a closed house, he sees it, but it remains closed. The solution: a deaf man’ [6. 17-35]. An Akkadian collection of six riddles of unknown origin dates from the 18th cent.

BC, e.g.: ‘It is a high tower, it is high, it has no shadow: the shining sun’ [7. no. 53]. Isolated Sumerian riddles (such as lexical — lists and collections of >» proverbs [1]). Riddles as an intellectual competition are documented in the Sumerian legend ‘Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta’ [3. ro5]. C. SITUATIONAL CONTEXT OF USE

and passim; 2. 1373 1. 191-223; 5]; however, there is

Riddles were part of the school curriculum. They

evidence that even in ancient times riddles were a game the educated classes engaged in socially (see II, below). Since the solution to a riddle is always surprising, it is related to literary forms containing a witticism: the > apophthegm, > aphorism, -» epigram and anagram [r. 81-190], as well as the > gnome. The riddle’s inherent powers serve in literature to focus the audience’s interest, like metaphor [1. 1f., 135-146]. b) Riddle also denotes a hitherto unexplained phenomenon. The riddle is found also in non-European cultures,

served to entertain; in narrative contexts they were used to underscore climactic moments.

e.g., in Africa [4. 125], Japan and Java [1. 147-161;

> Scribes; - Proverb 1B. Aster,

The Instructions of Suruppak, 1974, 94f.

2 Id., Studies in Sumerian Proverbs, 1975, 17f.

31d., An

Aspect of ‘Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta’, in: RAssyr 67,1973, 105

4R.D. BicGs, Presargonic Riddles from

Lagasch, in: JCS 32, 1973, 26-33 5 M.Crvit, Sumerian Riddles: A Corpus, in: Aula Orientalis 5, 1987, 17-35 6 J.VAN Dijk, Texts from the Iraq Museum 9, no. 53. BA.BO.

589

xe

III. CLassicaL ANTIQUITY A. GENERAL REMARKS C. LATIN LITERATURE

B. GREEK LITERATURE

A. GENERAL REMARKS As ‘cryptic speech’, the archaic Greek narrative form aivos (> ainos [2]) may encompass the riddle; the etymologically related aiviywa (ainigma), Lat. aenigma, refers specifically to the riddle (first found in Pind. fr. 177d). A wider range of meanings is included in yeipoc (griphos), ‘weir, creel’ [3.s.v.], which is used in a figurative sense for ‘cryptic speech’ (first in Aristoph. Vesp. 20), probably because one is caught up in the web of its formulation [6. 88], Lat. griphus; calque: scirpus (Gell. NA 12,6,1-3) [6. 116; 4. 144f.]. In the LXX (Judges 14) teoPAnua (problema) stands for riddle. B. GREEK LITERATURE Enigmatic mythical figures and circumstances like the Chimera (Hom. Il. 6,179) and the 350 cattle of Helios (= the number of days in the lunar year; Hom. Od. 12,127-130) may have their origin in riddles [6. 90], but in Greek epic they have the literary function of highlighting the amazing within the mythical world. This marked the beginning in Greek literature of the riddle’s function as a trope (— Tropes), also incorporated into rhetorical theory. Aristotle associated riddle with > metaphor (Aristot. Rh. 1405a 37-1405b 6;

1394b 33-1395a 2). Riddles at the centre of a work’s structure are found in, e.g., the tragedies of > Sophocles [1], like ‘The Trachinian Women’ (Soph. Trach. 1159-1163); + Oedipus (in Soph. OT) in particular is well known for having successfully solved the riddle of the + Sphinx but subsequently coming to his demise. Among the riddles shaped by an author, even taken over by others and integrated into a literary and argumentative context, are, e.g., Hesiod’s riddle on the ~ elpis (‘hope’) that remained in Pandora’s box (Hes. Op. 96-100) and the riddles by individual authors in the collection of Athenaeus [3] (10,69-88, 448b—459b). After a first intimation (in Pind. fr. 177d), in Soph. OT 33-39, the riddle of the Sphinx becomes an important motive for that tragedy; the developed form is found, e.g., in Ath. 10,83,456b = Anth. Pal. 14,64. The flea riddle impervious to Homer’s attempts at a solution is interpreted in Heracl. fr. 22 B 56 DK as proof of man’s blindness to the visible [5. 20-23]. Historiographers describe the influence of > oracles on political decisions, particularly the sayings of the Delphic — Pythia [1], whose frequent riddlings were taken to reflect her dignity. Solving an oracular riddle was existentially significant. In a kind of competition, the Lydian king > Croesus presented the Pythia with a riddle that she solved (Hdt. 1,47); he himself, however, failed to find the answer to the oracle’s riddle (Hdt. 1,533 71,1) and was defeated in his war against Cyrus. By contrast, Themistocles was successful in both riddle solving (Hdt. 7,141; 143) and politics [4. 139].

RIDDLES

Theoretical considerations on the riddle have been transmitted from the Hellenistic Era. Aristotle used the example of the cupping-glass riddle (Aristot. Poet. 1458a 25-29) to define ainigma: “The reference is to something that actually exists, but it is linked to something that is impossible”; this, however, is “possible only through the figurative use of language (metaphord)”. For his pupil > Clearchus [6] of Soli, a riddle (griphos; cf. Ath. 10,69,448c) is “a playfully given assignment to solve (naotimov medPAnua/paistikon

probléma); it requires that (the solution) to the question (t6 teoPdnVEév/to probléthén) be found by wit (ti d.avota/téi dianoiai); it is formulated with the goal of honour or punishment”. According to comments by ~ Athenaeus [3] in his riddle collection (ibid.), riddles were practiced as an intellectual parlour game (Ath. 10,69,448e; 10,86,457¢-f; 10,88,458f-459b) — particularly in the case of riddles based on language (10,87,458) — but also prized for their affinity to philosophy: the ancients had viewed them as evidence of being educated (10,86,457¢). The 53 riddles included in the riddle collection of the epigrams of Book 14 of the Anthologia Palatina (> Anthology [B]) along with arithmetic problems and oracles (along with a few in Book 9) are also relevant. Likewise 81 riddles collected by [2] whose simple solutions come mainly from daily life; their origin may lie in popular riddles (e.g., 14,40 and 41: day and night; 52: wine; 56 and ro8: mirrors) or mythology (e.g., 18: Hector and Achilles; 32 and 33: Heracles and Nessus) [1. 33-50]. In the NT (x Cor 13:12) ainigma is a metaphor for knowledge that has not yet become perfect. C. LATIN LITERATURE The riddle on the terminus (‘border stone’; Gell. NA 12,6,1-3) as well as that on ice and water (Diomedes and Pompeius, GL 1,462,17-24 and 5, 311,5-12) may well be of Roman origin; Petron. Sat. 58 [6. 116f.] may

describe the Roman custom of a riddle competition held at the market for money, but Greek influence predominates. Of essential importance for the literary structure in Liv. 1,56,12 is the success of > Iunius [I 4] Brutus in solving the riddle of the oracle of the Pythia (cf. II.B). Riddles shaped by authors or taken from the tradition and integrated into other works include the riddle in the shepherds’ contest (Verg. Ecl. 3,104-107), the demand by Jupiter taken by Numa as a riddle (Oy. Fast. 3,339-346), the riddle of Antioch (> Historia Apollonii regis Tyrii 4) and the ten riddles posed by Tarsia to her father, transmitted also in + Symphosius (Historia Apollonii regis Tyrii 42-43, SCHMELING). Theoretical reflections on riddles are found in Diomedes and Pompeius, among others, using the example of the riddle of ice and water (see above); the preface by Ausonius to the griphus ternarii numeri (Auson. 15 GREEN) shows that he took griphus to mean not ‘riddle’, but a ‘tricky, ingenious game (with the number 3)’. Elements of such games are found in Symphosius’ riddle collection; however, these riddles focus on aspects of

RIDDLES

592

daily life to an even greater degree than do those in the Anthologia Palatina. Symphosius had a substantial influence on the Middle Ages by way of Aldhelm of Malmesbury [6. 120-122].

S92

pia consisted of two circuits of the Hippodrome (2,624 m including start section), while for foals (from 256 BC

included at Olympia, and from as early as 314 BC at > Delphi)

it was

one

circuit

(1,472 m,

see above)

Rider. Chief town of the > Dalmatae, about 45 km

[3. 104]. Victory was even recognized if the winning horse had thrown its rider prior to completing the course, as happened to the jockey riding the mare of Pheidolas of Corinth [4. no. 6]. The last round was indicated by a trumpet call (Paus. 6,13,9). From 496 to 444 BC, there was a second riding contest in the Olympic programme, the kdlpé (xGAxn, ‘trot’) in which the rider had to run alongside the horse for the last part of the race. The riding contests of the Hellenistic period [5] at the > Panathenaea were particularly diverse (including spear-throwing at a target from horseback) (e. g. IG

west of > Salona and to km southeast of Scardona,

II* 965b), as they were also at the Theseia at Athens

near modern Danilo Kraljice in Croatia. Originally built on an elevation, in the Roman Period R. was relocated to the plain (Danilsko polje). Initially a simple vicus under magistri, in the early Imperial Period R. was given a vexillatio from the Legio VII Claudia (CIL Il 2772) to protect the road between Salona and Scardona. Not later than under the Flavians (end of the rst century AD) R. became a municipium, whose duoviri were given Roman citizenship (CIL III 2026; 2774; 12815a). The Riditae had Illyrian (Bato, Epicadus, Pines, Plator, Tritus) or Dalmatian (Dasas, Pladomenus, Scenobarbus, Sestus, Titus, Turo, Turus, Varro, Verzo) names or personal names encountered exclusively in R. (Aplis, Baezo, Bubas, Celso, Culo, lettus, Kabaletus, Platino, Toitmio, Tritano) [1. rr9f.]. As a result of the > Constitutio Antoniniana there were many people here with the name Aurelius. Some Italian families migrated from Salona to R. or to the surrounding cities, e.g. the Rutilii (recorded in Tragurium and R.).

[6. 185f.]. Riding was a theme of Egyptian [11] and Greek art (vases [7. 188-190]; sculpture: horse with rider from the sea, from Marathon, Athens, NM 15177) as well as of Etruscan art [8. nos. 21, 44, 74, 155], in which a discipline appears [8. nos. 25, 83; 9. 97-106], whose practitioners at Rome were called desultores (‘leapers’) [10. 20-22]. This consisted of jumping from one horse to another brought alongside at a gallop. Roman art, too, employed the theme of riding [12]. ~ Horse; + Horsemanship

1 F. Burriere (ed.), Anthologie grecque, Anthologie Palatine (Livres 13-15), 1970 (with French trans.) 2 E.Coueny (ed.), Epigrammatum Anthologia Palatina

cum Planudeis et appendice nova, vol. 3, 1890, 563-585 3 FRISK

4A.JoLLes,

Einfache

5 P.Pucci, Enigma Segreto Oracolo,

Formen,

*1958

1996 (most recent

bibl.) 6 W.SCHULTZ, s.v. Ratsel, RE 1 A, 62-125 7 V.ScHuPp, s.y. Ratsel, in: W. Kitty (ed.), Literaturlexi-

kon 14, 1993, 240-265.

H.A.G.

1D. Renpi¢-MI0C€evIc, Grecs et Illyriens dans les inscriptions grecques d’Epidamne-Dyrrhacchion et d’Apollonia, 1993

21d., I] Municipium Riditarum ..., in: G.ROSADA

(ed.), La Venetia nell’area padano-danubiana, 1990, 471485.

1 W.Decker, s. v. Reiten, LA 5, 223f.

2L.Moretm,

Olympionikai, 1957 3 J. EBERT, Neues zum Hippodrom und zu den hippischen Konkurrenzen in Olympia, in: Nikephoros

2, 1989, 89-107

4Id., Griechische Epi-

gramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972, 46-48 5 St. V. Tracy, The Panathenaic Festival and Games: An Epigraphic Inquiry, in: Nikephoros 4, 1991, 133-153

6D.BeELL, The Horse Race (xéAn¢) in

Ancient Greece from the Preclassical Period to the First Century BC, in: Stadion 15, 1989, 167-190 7 O.TZACHOU-ALEXANDRI (ed.), Mind and Body, 1989 8 S.STEINGRABER,

Etruskische

Wandmalerei,

1985

schen Provinz Dalmatien, 1965, 97f.; Id., s.v. R., RE Suppl. 11, 1207-1214; J.J. WiLkes, Dalmatia, 1969,

9 J.-P. THUILLIER, Les jeux athlétiques dans la civilisation etrusque, 1985 101d., Le sport dans la Rome antique, 1996 11A.R. SCHULMAN, Egyptian Representations of Horsemen and Riding in the New Kingdom, in: JNES 16, 1957, 263-271 12 M.JUNKELMANN, Die Reiter Roms,

240f,

vol. 1, 1990.

G.ALFOLDy,

Bevolkerung

und

Gesellschaft

der rémi-

PLCA.

Riding (Sport; xéAy¢/kélés). Although there is evidence, for instance from Egypt [1], of riding on > horseback as early as the mid—znd mill. BC, it was only in Greece that it became a sporting discipline, riding competitions having apparently taken place at the Olympic Games (> Olympia IV) from 648 BC. Like chariot-racing (> Circus II, > Hippodromos [1]), riding was the province of the nobility. Among the 31 preserved names of Olympic victors in riding are well-known names such as ~ Hieron [1] I, tyrant of Syracuse [2. no. 221, 234] (on his mount Pherenicus), to whom Pindar (-> Pindarus [2]) dedicated his first Olympian and - Bacchylides his 5th Ode, and Philip (-» Philippus [I 4]) Il of Macedon [2. no. 434]. For full-grown horses, the course at Olym-

W.D.

Rigging. From the Archaic Period on, Greek trading ships were no longer propelled by oarsmen but had a large sail attached to a yard (éixovov/epikrion; Lat. antemna/antenna), allowing them to use wind power.

Even the long warships had a mast with a yardsail; as these ships, however, had to be used regardless of wind

conditions and in naval battles required great manoeuvrability, oarsmen could not be dispensed with; they used the sail on longer journeys in favourable wind. Greek warships in the 5th—4th cents. BC not only had the big sails (ueyahka totia/megdla histia; Xen. Hell. I,1,13; 2,1,29) but also a smaller topsail (axdtevov/ akateion; Xen. Hell. 6,2,27).

593

594

During the Principate, trading ships often had dual masts, with the shorter foremast protruding forward diagonally across the bow and bearing a yardsail (artemo). Triple-masted ships are only rarely attested, but Pliny nonetheless declares that additional sails were set on the bow and stern (Plin. HN 19,5). The rigging was already provided with a multitude of blocks so that the sails could be adjusted well to the respective wind

[2] Place in the + Alpes Maritimae (Notitia Galliarum 17,3: civitas Rigomagensium). Location unknown (Briangonnet? [r]).

conditions (cf. the relief of the harbour of Ostia, 2nd cent. AD; Museo Torlonia, Rome). During storms the

sail area was made smaller by reefing the yardsail, as shown in a relief on a sarcophagus from Ostia (3rd cent. AD; Copenhagen, NCG). Aside from the yardsail, reliefs also attest to ships with a sprit sail or a Latin sail; these were normally smaller ships that were mainly used in the eastern Mediterranean Sea in coastal shipping. The sails were usually made of > linen (Plin. HN mQeoudits)s -» Naval warfare; > Navigation; > Shipbuilding (with fig.) 1 Casson,

Ships, 229-245

Seefahrt, 1985

2 O.H6ckmann,

Antike

3 1.PEKarRy, Repertorium der hellenisti-

schen und rémischen Schiffsdarstellungen, 1999.

H.SCHN.

Rigodulum. Town located on the right shore of the ~» Mosella, present-day Riol; its name is Celtic. In AD 70, during the > Batavian Revolt, it was the location of the battle between the entrenched Treveri under Iulius {Il 43] Civilis and the Romans who had been brought there from

Mogontiacum

(Mainz)

by Petilius

[II r]

Cerialis. During this battle, the most prominent of the Belgae were taken prisoner by the Romans (cf. Tac. Hist: 4571.4 &): J. Keung, s. v. R., RE 1 A, 803 f.; H.HEUBNER, P. Corne-

lius Tacitus, Die Historien - Kommentar, vol. 4, 1976, 160.

RA.WI.

Rigomagus [1] Roman fort in Germania Inferior (-*» Germani [1] II.) on the road from Colonia Agrippinensis (Cologne) to Confluentes [1] (Koblenz), modern Remagen. At least from the Claudian era a wood and earth fort existed; from the Flavian era, a stone fort stood in the same place. Numerous stone inscriptions are extant. R. wasa > beneficiarii station from the 2nd half of the 2nd to the middle of the 3rd cents. AD. A hoard of coins from AD 270/280 (274/5?) has been connected with the occupation of the fort by > Franci. A little later, R. was refortified with strengthened walls. For 365, R. is named by Amm. Marc. 16,3,1 as the only undestroyed location down the Rhine from Brocomagus (modern Brumath). D. Haupt, R., in: J.E. BoGagrs, C.B. RUGER (eds.), Der Niedergermanische Limes, 1974, 208-213; H.-H. Wec-

NER, Remagen, in: H. CUppers (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 529-531; R.W1£GELS, Inschriftliches aus dem rémischen Remagen, in: F.E. Konic (ed.), Arcu-

liana. FS H. Bogli, 1995, 529-544.

RA.WIL.

RING

1G. BarRuoL, Les peuples préromains du sud-est de la Gaule, 1969, 347-356.

H.GR.

[3] Town in Gallia Transpadana, > mansio on the road from Ticinum to Augusta [5] (CIL XI 3281-3284, Vicarello goblets; It. Ant. 340,5; 360,10; It. Burd. 557,33

Geogr. Rav. 4,30). It is possible that R. is to be located near the modern Trino Vercellese [1. 227]. 1 MILLER.

G. CAVALIERI

d’Aosta,

MANASSE

Liguria,

et al. (ed.), Piemonte,

Lombardia

Laterza, vol. 1), 1982, 78-80.

(Guide

Valle

archeologiche A.SA.

Ring (daxtbAoc/daktylios, Gnagéc/akarés; Latin anu-

lus). In the following, ring refers exclusively to finger rings (for earrings, see > Ear ornaments). The rings in

the Aegina and Thyreatis treasures from the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC already display outstanding technical command and high artistic quality. From the early Mycenaean period, gold wire and silver rings deserve note, along with the so-called shield rings, which developed into a leading form of Mycenaean jewellery. They take their name from the oval sheet gold plate which sits perpendicularly on the ring. Initially, hunting and warrior scenes were part of the pictorial repertoire, then also sacral motifs, which were engraved, embossed or worked in relief on the plate. In the post-Mycenaean period, rings are quite rare

and usually consist only of a closed band-like hoop, sometimes with multiple grooves. Bronze is the primary material in this period, rarely iron or silver, gold only in exceptional cases. From the 7th cent. BC onwards, the so-called cartouche ring is a typical finger ring. It was adopted from the Egyptian and Phoenician cultures. Its basic form is an oval plate set lengthwise between the ends of a hoop. In the 6th cent. BC, this plate changed to a rectangular or rhomboid form, in which an image, usually an animal, was engraved. At the end of the Archaic period, the plate was also manufactured separately and placed between the ends of a narrow hoop. This form continued to the end of the 4th cent. BC. Occasionally the ends of the hoops take the shapes of lion protomes, which hold the plates in their paws. Gemstones were worked into rings as early as the 6th cent. BC. Rings in which a revolvable > scarab was mounted between the ends of the gold or silver hoop were also popular; in Greece and Etruria this form survived into the Classical period. In around 500 BC, cut gems were set in a box-like mounting. The characteristic Greek ring of the 5th and 4th cents. is a solid hoop with a flat plate into which a pictorial representation is engraved. Otherwise, the ring forms of the sth and 4th cents. BC essentially correspond to those of the Archaic period, although the plates of signet rings became increasingly rounder and

RING

595

596

the hoops sturdier. In addition, there are simple spiral rings made of flat gold bands and snake rings, a scaleddown version of the corresponding arm rings, which were worn into the Roman period (-» Bracelets). In the Hellenistic era, rings with stones set in a round or oval plate became popular. The plate holding the stone can be remarkably broad, alternatively the mount can be stepped. Sometimes the hoop is now altered by being interlaced into a Hercules knot or by being replaced by small figures. According to the literary sources (Liv. 9,7,8;

comitatenses in the case of a medical discharge. It is 7,4,14) were originally employed on or adjacent to a riverbank (Lat. ripa) in a frontier area. The -> Notitia dignitatum mentions legiones riparienses on the Danube (Not. Dign. Or. 39f.), and several Roman provinces in the west are described as ripensis or ripariensis (Noricum: Not. Dign. Occ. 34,13). Subsequently, the RM perhaps came to be informally identified with the > limitanei and hence were regular troops permanently stationed in a frontier zone.

23,12,2; 46,12; Plin. HN 33,8-36), the wearing of gold

-» Auxilia;

rings by Romans in the Republic appears to have been permitted only to the ~ nobiles and equestrians (> equites Romani) as a sign of their rank. Ordinary citizens had to be content with iron rings. The women of the Republican aristocracy may have used gold rings as jewellery without them being a defined sign of their rank (Plin. HN 33,21). In the Imperial period the wearing of gold rings became a general practice (e.g. Petron. Sat. 32), with several rings being worn at the same time, e.g. Mart. 11,59. Unlike the Etruscans and Greeks, the Romans knew iron or gold engagement rings, which the groom gave to the bride (Plaut. Mil. 957; Juv. 6,27; Plin. HN 33,12; > Wedding customs III.). In the case of Roman rings, the simplest form was a smooth or grooved wire or metal hoop. Rings with gem stones or glass paste set in a plate are common, with the mounts for the stones and the width of the hoops varying widely. Snake rings also continued to be very popular. From the 2nd cent. AD, rings with several stones mounted next to each other were also frequently made. From the end of the 3rd cent. AD, rings were manufactured using the opus interrasile (open work) technique (— Jewellery). The mounting of coins with imperial portraits was also very popular. One distinctive feature among Roman rings are those with clasped hands, which have been interpreted as engagement or wedding rings.

possible that the ripenses or RM (Cod. Theod. 7,1,18;

» Comitatenses; > Limitanei

1 B. Isaac, The Meaning of the Terms limes and limitanet, in: JRS 78, 1988, 125-147 2 Jones, LRE, 649-654. J.CA

Risinum (Rhizon). City and river on the Dalmatian coast in the territory of the Ardiaei (Ps.-Scyl. 24f.: “Pitotd/Rhizots; Pol. 2,11,16: ‘Pifwv/Rhizon, city and river; Str. 7,5,7: 6 “PiCovixdog xddm0g/ho Rhizonikos

koélpos and ‘Pilwy m6dtc/Rhizon polis; Plin. HN 3,144: Rhizinium, mentioned among the oppida civium Romanorum;

Ptol.

2,17,5:

“‘Piowov/Rhisinon

on

the

“Pilovixoc xodmoc/Rhizonikos koélpos; Ptol. 2,17,12: “‘Pitava/Rhizana; Tab. Peut. 7,1: Resinum; Geogr. Rav. 5,379: Rucinium; Steph. Byz. s.v. Bov8on, polis and river), modern

Risan (in Montenegro)

on the Bay of

Kotor. With its well-protected harbour R. was of great use to the Illyrian pirates under the rule of Agron [3] and Teuta. After her defeat fighting the Romans in 229 BC, Teuta found refuge in R. (1st Illyrian War; Pol.

2,11,16). Since the city had allied itself with Rome before the fall of > Genthius in 167 BC, it was given ex-

Bronze Age to Late Classical, 1975; B. DEpreRT-LipPirZz,

emption from taxation but, like the coastal city of Olcinium (modern Ulcinj) some 40 km to the south, had to accept a Roman garrison under C. Licinius [I 8]. The propr. Anicius [I 4] divided > Illyricum into three administrative districts — R. assigned to the third — and incorporated it into the province of Macedonia (Liv. 45,26). The Romans took over in Illyricum only slowly.

Griechischer Goldschmuck,

A.Furtas, Der Ring in der Antike und im Christentum,

1971; J. BOARDMAN, Greek Gems and Finger Rings: Early A. ALEss10, Anelli, in:

Thus, as coins show (HN 316), R. at times fell under the

E.M. pe Jus (ed.), Gli ori di Taranto in eta ellenistica, Exhibition Milan 1984, Hamburg 1989, 249-308;

control of the Illyrian king Ballaeus. Italian traders settled in R. (Italian families: Serveni in CIL III 8402, Tifa-

F.FaLk,

tii in CIL Ill 12785, Minidii in CIL III 8398). R. was

1985;

Gold aus Griechenland,

Exhibition

Pforzheim,

1992; J.SpieR, Ancient Gems and Finger Rings. Catalogue of the Collections. TheJ.Paul Getty Museum, 1992; A.B. CuHapow, Ringe. Die Alice und Louis Koch Sammlung 1,

1994.

RH.

Riparienses milites. RM are first mentioned (in the form ripenses) in a decision of Constantine I in AD 325 (Cod. Theod. 7,20,4), where they are distinguished from the — comitatenses, the field army. Ripenses ranked just below the comitatenses, but above the sol-

diers of the alae and cohorts, who made up the auxiliary troops (> Auxilia). They obtained exemption from the poll tax for themselves and their wives after twentyfour years’ service, but were less privileged than the

raised to the rank of colonia Iulia (CIL Il 12748), tribus Sergia (cf. 1717; 1730). The stone dedicated to

the god Medaurus by M. Lucceius Torquatus, legate of legio III Augusta, is from AD 167 (ILS 4881). G. ALFOLDY, Bevélkerung und Geschichte der r6mischen Provinz Dalmatien, 1965, 141 f.;Id., s.v. ‘Pi€wv, RE Suppl. T1,

1214-1217; J.J. WiLkES, Dalmatia, 1969, 254f.; TIR

K 34 Naissus, 1975, 114; P.Mtyovic, A Few Remarks Concerning the Reconstruction of the Antique and Late Antique Roads through Montenegro, in: Putevi i komunikacije u antici 133-144, 1980, esp. 136-139.

PLCA.

598

597

Ritual I. Term

II. Ecyrer

IV. Hittites

Ill. MesorporTamMia

V. OLp TESTAMENT AND SyRIA

VI. JuDAIsm VII. CLAssicaL ANTIQUITY VIII. CHRISTIANITY

I. TERM Ritual refers to an elaborate sequence of individual rites which, following an established ritual syntax, are logically connected within a certain functional context. Rituals are not limited to religious contexts but exist in other cultural contexts, political as well as social. The significance of rituals for those who participate in them can be reduced neither to an integrative function (legitimation ritual) nor to a temporary disabling of the regular structure — the two extreme positions held by scholars of ritual. Instead, in each particular historical instance, the enormously wide range of ritual functions must be contextualized against its performative content and by taking into account the cognitive and emotional impact of the ritual action on the participants. A.BELLIGER, D.J. KRIEGER (eds.), Ritualtheorien, 1998; B. LANG, Ritual/Ritus, in: HrwG 4, 1998, 442-458; R.A.

Rappaport, Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity, 1999

AN.BE.

II. Egypt

Egyptian religion bore, in its essence, the stamp of ritual, and its conduct was fixed in writing. The actions that belonged to it can be derived from the texts; in cases where the texts have been lost they can to some extent be deduced from depictions on the walls of temples and tombs, i.e. the so-called ‘sacrificial tableaus’ [1;

3]. Although the arrangement of such scenes on a wall does not necessarily reflect the actual sequence of individual actions, there is almost always a direct connection between the sacrificial tableaus in a particular space and the function or symbolic meaning of the space [2]. They thus intimate the actual performance of the rituals in the temple. Rituals were almost always complex, i.e. they consisted of various sequences that could be combined in new ways over and over again. Thus very different rituals often incorporated identical elements, some of them very ancient. Isolated sacrificial formulas can be traced all the way from the pyramid texts (> Funerary literature [[II]) to the Roman Era [6]. Purification rites (> Purity) played an important role in most rituals, as being either prerequisite for or an element of the rituals. Other more or less prominent elements of complex rituals were e.g. the elaborate opening and closing of a sanctuary, fumigation, libation, presentation of various sacrifices (> Sacrifice), and decking out the leading character (a human being ora statue) with crowns, sceptres and jewellery. Each of the objects, e.g. various crowns or collars, had its particular symbolic meaning. In addition to official rituals that had to do with the gods and the king, there were funerary and medicinal

RITUAL

magical rituals that could also be performed for private individuals. Little is known of the rituals featuring the king (e.g. coronation). Noteworthy is the celebration of the jubilee of the rule (Sed Festival cf. [8]), attested from early in history (c. 3050 BC) on. Apotropaic rituals (+ Apotropaic texts) directed against external and internal enemies served to maintain the order of the state [12].

The liturgical handbooks for most of the great festivals of the gods are lost, but depictions and texts in the temples provide insights into the customs, which varied greatly depending on place and deity [5; 11]. In the funerary domain there is evidence for ritual instructions on embalming humans and the bulls of Apis

(> Apis [1]) [105 13]. In the cult of the gods (and the dead), the most

important distinction is that between food rituals and statue rituals. In a food ritual the offerings were presented to the god, in a statue ritual his statue was made up and adorned with garments and jewellery. These elements were part of daily cult practice as well. Common to both types of ritual was the transfiguration of the objects used in them into a mythical and divine reality by spoken formulas [14. 8-14], often wordplays. Ideally the king was the officiant, but in reality it was a priest, upon whom it was incumbent to maintain a continually renewed legitimation of himself before the god. He also had to assure the god that he would not harm him. The most important of the rituals that have survived in their entirety is the so-called ‘daily temple ritual’, a blend of statue and food ritual [7; 9]. It is attested from the New Kingdom to the Roman Period and clearly represents a compilation of even older material with new elements. Another important ritual was the ‘Opening of the Mouth Ritual’ (> Funerary literature [II]]). 1M. Axio, Le culte d’Horus a Edfou au temps des Ptolemées, 1949/1954 2D.ARNOLD, Wandrelief und Raumfunktion in agyptischen Tempeln des Neuen Reichs, 3 R. Davin, A Guide to Religious Ritual at Aby1962 dos, 1981 4 P. DERCHAIN (ed.), Rites é€gyptiens, vols. 1-8, 1962-1995 5 H.GaurTuier, Les fétes du dieu Min,

1931 6E.Grarre, Uber die Verarbeitung von Pyramidentexten in den spaten Tempeln, in: U. VERHOEVEN (ed.), Religion und Philosophie im Alten Agypten, Festschrift P. Derchain, 1991, 129-148

7 W.GUGLIELMI, K. Buron,

Die Eingangsspriiche des Taglichen Tempelriten nach Papyrus Berlin 3055, in: J.vAN Dijk (ed.), Essays on Ancient Egypt, Festschrift H. te Velde, 1997, 101-166 8 E. HorNuNG, E. STAEHELIN, Studien zum Sedfest, 1974

9 A. Moret, Le rituel du culte divin journalier en Egypte, 1902

10 S. SAUNERON, Rituel de ’embaumement, 1952

11 Id., Les fétes religieuses d’Esna aux derniers siécles du paganisme, 1962 12 K.SrrHe, Die Achtung feindlicher Fursten, Volker und Dinge auf altaglichen Tongefatsscherben, in: Abh. der PreufSischen Akad. der Wiss., Phi-

lol.-histor. Klasse 5, 1926, 5-74 Embalming Ritual, 1993 Heqata, 1996.

13 R.L. Vos, The Apis

14 H. WILLEMS, The Coffin of A.v.L.

RITUAL

599

II]. MESOPOTAMIA A. Sources

B. RITUALS

A. SOURCES Almost no primary sources for rituals in Sumerian have survived. Secondary sources such as literary texts (myths, epics, royal inscriptions, hymns) and esp. administrative records provide detailed information. There are abundant primary sources for Akkadian rituals: rr ritual handbooks with a fixed number of tablets and titles [15]. Secondary literature in Akkadian (literary texts, administrative records, letters) also contains important information.

600

(> Sacrifice [II]) can be reconstructed from administrative texts and literary sources [11. 183-198]. From the rst millennium BC two rituals are known (mis pi, ‘mouth-washing’, and pit pi, ‘mouth-opening’). They were at least two days long; the incantation priest was responsible for performing them [21]. B) NON-CYCLICAL RECURRING RITUALS Human realm. In the rst millennium BC, when a lunar eclipse was imminent, which in ancient Mesopotamian

belief announced

a disaster, a substitution

ritual for the king was performed (Akkadian sar pahi; see

[20. 282-285]

for a Hittite

ritual). A prisoner

replaced the king on the throne for roo days to attract the evil; he was then executed, and the ruler was reins-

B. RITUALS Rituals reflect the perception of space and time. Events in time can be experienced as recurring (both cyclically and non-cyclically) or non-recurring. It is helpful to distinguish between the participants (human: king, priest, individual, group; non-human: statues, objects, temple, animal) and agents (> Priests, exorcists or incanters, seers and lamenters). 1. SPACE: PROCESSIONS 2. TIME

1. SPACE: PROCESSIONS Seven hymnic compositions in Sumerian (1st half of the 2nd millenium BC) tell of the sea voyages of deities to > Enlil and Enki, the primary deities of the Sumerian pantheon. The purpose of these ‘divine journeys’ was to affirm the relationship between a particular god and the primary god and to ask for fertility for the following year [19]. The processions of statues of gods on the occasion of the so-called > New Year’s celebration [I] (> Akitu Festival, rst millennium BC; > Festivals; Feasts [I]) had a different purpose. In Babylonia they proclaimed the god + Marduk as the highest god and in Assyria > Assur [2] [13]. There is also evidence for processions of statues on holidays (-> Festivals; Feasts [I]) lismexval 2. TIME A) CYCLICAL RITUALS Human realm. The ruler could apparently be confirmed in office during a ‘divine journey’ [20. 175-189], although there are no primary sources in Sumerian for confirmation rituals of that sort. Among the secondary sources (so-called ‘divine journeys’) there is a unique reference to the confirmation of the king |1r9]. Literary texts mention the union of the king and the goddess Inanna (> Hieros Gamos [II]); but it is doubtful whether the myth reflects a ritual reality [17]. The primary source in Akkadian for cyclical rituals is the » New Year’s celebration [I] in Babylonia and Assyria in the rst millennium BC (-> Festivals; Feasts [I]). Information about seasonally restricted calendar rituals of this group can only be deduced (names of the months, administrative records) [18]. Non-human realm. In the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC, the daily and monthly worship of the gods, the creation of statues and supplying them with food and clothing

tated [12. xxiiff.]. Sources are abundant for purificatory (> Purification), apotropaic, exorcism and healing rituals ( Medicine [I]) [14]. > Demons [I] were driven from the house of a sick person by placing clay and wooden figurines in and around the house (1st millennium BC, bit meseri, ‘house of enclosure’; [22]). Anoth-

er ritual handbook addressed itself to averting the influence of the demon Lamastu who was responsible for all kinds of sicknesses, esp. for childbed fever and infant death [6]. The effects of witchcraft were countered by the maq/u ritual (‘burning’) performed at night in the month of Abu (rst millennium BC; [1]). In the month of Abu fell also the so-called Istar-Dumuzi ritual directed against illnesses caused by demons or sorcerers, some of which caused impotence (1st millennium BC; [7]}). It is not clear whether these two rituals were non-cyclical or cyclical. A handbook of c. 100 tablets specified how to avert evil presaged by any kind of omen. In that case the ritual had apotropaic and purificatory character (1st millennium BC, so-called namburbi, aversion rituals;

[9]). The incantation priest was responsible for performing these rituals in times of crisis. Non-human realm. There are secondary sources in Sumerian for temple construction rituals [16]; in Akkadian there are several rituals for house and temple construction performed by the lamenter [2; 20. 241-244]. The lamenter was also responsible for the ritual construction of the /ilissu kettledrum [20. 234-236]. Cc) NON-RECURRING RITUALS Human realm. An Akkadian enthronement ritual for the king is known from the middle of the 2nd millennium BC [ro]. Priests were chosen by way of extispicy (attested in Sumerian year names, 3rd and 2nd millennium BC). An Akkadian ritual text discusses the ordination of priests [8]. Non-human realm. In the animal realm there were sacrifices (-> Sacrifice [II]) and the associated extispicy (-» Divination [I]) practiced by a diviner. 1 T.ABuscu, Mesopotamian Anti-Witchcraft Literature. The Nature of Maqli, in: JNES 33, 1974, 251-262 2

R.BorGer, Das Tempelbauritual

1971,72-88

K. 48+, in: ZA 61,

3 M.Crvin, Another Volume of Sultantepe

Tablets, in: JNES 26, 1967, 200-211 4M.E. Couen, The Cultic Calendars in the Ancient Near East, 1993 5 S.W. Coie, P. Macuinist, Letters from Priests to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, 1998

601

602 6 W.FARBER, s.v. Lamastu, RLA 6, 439-446 Beschworungsrituale an Ischtar und Dumuzi,

7 Id., 1977

8 W.G. LAMBERT, The Qualifications of Babylonian Diviners, in: S.M.Maut (ed.), Tikip santakki, Festschrift R. Borger, 1998, 141-158 95S.M. Maut, Zukunftsbewaltgung, 1994 10 K.F.MULLER, Das assyrische Ritual, 1937. 11A.L. OppeNHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a Dead Civilization, *1977 12 S. ParPora, Letters from Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal II, 1983

13 B. PONGRATZ-LEISTEN,

Die

kulttopographische und ideologische Programmatik der akitu-Prozession in Babylonien und Assyrien im tr. Jt. v. Chr., 1994 14E.REINER, Astral Magic in Babylonia, 1995 15 W.ROLLIG, s.v. Literatur, RLA 7, 62-64 16 W.H. P. Romer, Studien zu den Texten Gudeas von Lagas: Die aus Anlafs des Baues des neuen Eninnu durchgefuhrten Riten, in: Jb. fiir Anthropologie und Rel.-Gesch. 5, 1984, 57-110 =17 W. SALLABERGER, ‘Heilige Hoch-

zeit’ — Mythos oder Ritus?, in: Id., A. WESTENHOLZ, Mesopotamien, 1998, 155f. 18Id., Der kultische Kalender der Ur Ill-Zeit, 1993 19 A.W. SyOBERG, s.v. Gotterreisen, RLA 3, 480-483 20 TUAT 2, 163-292 21C.B.F. WALKER, M.B.Dicx, The Mesopotamian mis pi-R., in: M.B. Dick (ed.), Born in Heaven Made on Earth, 1999,

55-121 22 F.A. M. WIGGERMANN, Mesopotamian Protective Spirits, 1992. BA.BO.

IV. HITTITES A. GENERAL B. FESTIVALS C. PURIFICATORY, APOTROPAIC AND HEALING RITUALS D. RITUAL SCHOOLS

A. GENERAL Hittite texts are significant for scholars of the history of religion because they document a great number of rituals. Almost two thirds of the c. 25,000 frr. of cuneiform clay tablets from the Hittite capital + Hattusa are ritual literature. Various ritual traditions can be identified in them: depending on the political situation, the official pantheon consisted of Hittite, Palaic, Hattic or

Hurrian deities. Incantations, mythologemes and liturgies addressed to these deities in their original language were sometimes recited along with a Hittite translation. An analysis of the extensive Hittite rituals which lasted several days reveals that they were based on a long tradition going back to the time of Hattusili I (c. 15651540 BC). This is demonstrated by the length of the rituals, their consummate form, their rigorous and logical structure, the consistently similar sequence of specific ritual actions, the consistently similar use of materia magica and their ritual language, i.e. specific technical terms and syntactic phrases which are stereotypically used in various rituals. B. FESTIVALS Festival rituals and instructions for rituals together with the myths that were an integral part of them (such as aetiologies), liturgies, prayers and incantations provide a comprehensive insight into the cults and popular religious customs of ancient Anatolia. The rituals of cult festivals that were put in writing were passed down

RITUAL

from the Old Hittite Period to the end of the Hittite Empire (16th-12th cents.). Sometimes there are Old, Middle and New Hittite tablets for one and the same ritual instruction; variations are rare and may come with their own explanations. The ritual instructions are detailed scripts for the correct performance of all the ceremonies that were part of the festival and could be complicated and ambiguous, such as directions for the appearance of the royal couple and their court in the court ceremonial. They specified the wording of the myths to be recited, the liturgies or ceremonial songs and regulated the technical conduct of the ceremonial sacrifice, the relevant rites and the meals for the festal community. To ensure that the cult could be performed correctly outside of the capital, as well, copies of the tablets were sent to provincial towns. The festivals of the calendar year were grand events both for cult and religion as well as for society and secular life. Their purpose was to activate the powers that resided in the deities to ensure plentiful rain and abundant crops, to increase the flocks and game, to strengthen the charismatic power of the king and to fulfil the wish for numerous offspring in the royal house. Since human existence, dependent as it was on agriculture,

pasturage and hunting, was directly affected by the performance of the festivals, celebrating the festivals served a collective goal of the community. The larger community was represented by the festal community and consisted not only of people but also of the gods (in the form of their statuettes). Through the ritual man established a direct connection to the gods which only diligent observation of rites could provide and maintain. Careful performance of the ritual was thus of vital necessity.

A ritual provided the rules for the form of communication with the gods whose presence found expression in the combination of ceremonial sacrifice and cultic meal. At the feast, men and gods shared a table and fellowship in food. The shared act of consuming the meat of the sacrificial animals joined man and god together in harmony. This rite of cohesion produced a union between the royal couple and the deities, which culminated in the sacred act of ‘drinking the divinity’. At the great festivals, the king (or royal couple) was high priest as well as celebrant, and sometimes the crown prince oversaw the sacrifices. The actual leaders of the ritual were the + priests [I[V] assisted by numerous other cult agents (such as incantation priests, priestesses, cult attendants, metal workers, shepherds and

hunters and a large number of palace employees, e.g. singers, musicians, dancer, cupbearers and cooks).

Considered from the perspective of the sociology of groups, the festival rituals as condensed representations and repetitions of the social situation of Hittite society seem like a tightly organized, comprehensive political system represented only by the king. This is suggested by the distinct ritualistic character of the cult, the rigorous observation of ceremonies, the almost complete absence of any ecstatic elements and — with a few excep-

603

604

tions — of any kind of spontaneity and individuality of the festal community. Over time the great festivals served more and more to demonstrate royal power. Festivals were portrayed on relief plates on the exterior walls of palaces [1. 592] and on Old Hittite ceremonial vessels (c. 1450 BC [1. 523f. and ill. 94a,b]). The high point of the portrayed festival was the sexual union of the royal couple intended to increase the fertil-

ditional notion of ritual as a rigid conformism devoid of meaning. Life-cycle rituals (birth, marriage, death), initiation rituals (ordination of priests: Ly 8-9, puberty) and political rituals (enthronement, conclusion of peace or an alliance: Ex 24) existed alongside crisis rituals such as communal fasts of mourning (war, drought). One of their characteristics was a representation of order and disorder in relation to the body which was creatively balanced in the ritual. Of central importance is the system of rituals in the Priestly Source, best documented in Exodus and Leviticus. In addition to the daily

RITUAL

ity of the land, something likewise articulated in the

festival ritual. C. PURIFICATORY, APOTROPAIC AND HEALING

RITUALS These rituals employed magical and iatro-magical practices. The most elementary requirement for a suc-

cessful magical procedure — and also an irreducible part of even the most complex rituals — was the combination of manual gesture and recitation. In the course of their transmission the rituals became more complicated: curse gestures and words of incantations that were originally simple evolved into complex manipulations and long recitations which sometimes were obscure to the patient. These rituals were directed against the seven types of spells and curses and served to avert bad omens. Someone who was afflicted was in a state of impurity or ‘blockage’ which could result in fear, nightmares,

paranoia,

impotence,

miscarriage

and

even

death. The ritual restored the state of > purity , i.e. of ‘release’, by removing from the patient’s body spells etc., thought of as being material. D. RITUAL SCHOOLS In the ritual literature from Hattusa there are various ritual traditions and sometimes also ritual schools that

employed various techniques and materials. In addition to a central Anatolian circle based on Hattic (pre-Hittite), Palaic and Luwian traditions there was also a Hurrian circle for which both west Syrian as well as Ninevite elements are attested. After the Middle Kingdom (c. 1450 BC) there was also a distinct Babylonian Assyrian ritual tradition. V.Haas, grt.

Hethitische

Religionsgeschichte,

1994,

674V.H.

temple ritual with its sacrifices (Nm 28), the focus is on the purity and sanctity of the desert sanctuary, of the ~ priests [III] and of every individual. Of particular importance are the hatta’t and the ’asdm rituals and their rites of sprinkling and painting blood that had the effect of purging sinful matter (— Purity [III]). In the OT this falls under the concept of ‘atonement’ (Hebr. kipper, LXX: é#&thaoac8aVexildsasthai; Lat. expiare, expiatio) as a cultic requirement, effected by the priest, for the forgiveness of sins vouchsafed (by God). Part of the complex hatta’t ritual were also elimination rituals for disposing of rubbish from purificatory sweeping and for banishing sinful matter by way of a scapegoat (Lv 16).

In > Ugarit the best known rituals are those of the royal cult of the dead (> Dead, cult of the), often com-

bined with necromantic practices. There is no agreement on the extent to which the Ba‘al cycle itself preserves elements of rituals or should be understood in a ritual context [11. 34-85]. Furthermore there are extensive linguistic and factual overlaps between the Ugaritic corpus of rituals and the Hurrian, Hittite and other

Anatolian contexts. The situation is different in Emar (modern Meskene) on the mid-Euphrates where in the numerous ritual texts (13th cent. BC) hardly any Hittite and so far no Mesopotamian influence at all can be discerned. In the (festival) rituals from Emar the population represented in family groups played a central role; neither is the ruler a priest nor does he play any central role as agent in the cult. 1M. Dietricn,

O.LoReETz, Studien zu den ugaritischen

Texten, vol. 1: Mythos und Ritual in KTU

1.12 ..., 2000

2 D. FLEMING, The Emar Festivals, in: M.W. CHAVALAS

V. OLD TESTAMENT AND SYRIA There are fundamental differences between the OT and Syria in the tranmission of rituals. While in the Syrian area there are ritual texts with instructions for performance, in the OT there are mainly stories about the foundation, establishment and procedure of rituals. For example, in the Pesah-Massoth ritual (Ex 12-13; Dt 17) formerly agrarian nature-related connotations and their historicizing reinterpretation can be discerned. The latter was a reaction to the demands of a particular historical situation (centralization of the cult, destruction of the temple) or theology (Deuteronomism). The concept of ritual dynamics emphasizes this aspect of their malleability and thereby corrects the tra-

(ed.), Emar: History, Religion and Culture of a Syrian Town in the Late Bronze Age, 1996, 81-121 3 Id., Time

at Emar: The Cultic Calendar and the Ritual from the Diviner’s Archive, 2000 4 F.H. Gorman, Jr., The Ideology of Ritual: Space, Time and Status in the Priestly Theology,r990_

5 K.-P.

Képpina, U. Rao (eds.), Im Rausch

des Rituals - Gestaltung und Transformation der Wirklichkeit in kérperlicher Performanz, 2000 6 O.LORETZ, P. XELLA, Beschworung und Krankenheilung, in: Ras Ibn Hani 78/20, Materiali Lessicali ed Epigrafici, vol. 1, 1982, 37-46 7A.Matramart, A Note on the Ritual of Treaty Making in Mari and the Bible, in: IEJ 45, 1995, 226-229 8 G. DEL OLMO LeTrE, Catalogo de los festivales regios de Ugarit, in: Ugarit Forschung 19, 1987, 11-18 9 D. PARDEE, Les textes rituels (Ras Shamra-Ougarit 12), 2000 10 J. QUAEGEBEUR (ed.), Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 55),

605

606 1993

11 A.ROSENGREN PETERSEN, The Royal God. En-

thronement Festivals in Ancient Israel and Ugarit, 1998 12 J.M. DE TaRRAGON, Le Culte a Ugarit, 1980 13D.P. WRIGHT, Ritual in Narrative: The Dynamics of Feasting, Mourning, and Retaliation Rites in the Ugaritic Tale of Aghat, 2000

14 P. XELLA, Itesti rituali di Ugarit, vol. 1,

1981.

TH.PO.

VI. JUDAISM A. INTRODUCTION B. PREHISTORY AND EARLY BIBLICAL PERIOD C. First TEMPLE PERIOD; NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN KINGDOMS D. BaByLONIAN EXILE E. DIASPORA COMMUNITIES; FOUNDATION AND SUCCESS OF THE SYNAGOGUE F. Post-Ex1Ltic PER10op G. THE SECOND TEMPLE PERIOD H. EMERGENCE OF RABBINIC JUDAISM AND THE TALMUD J. PALESTINIAN TRADITIONS K. BABYLONIAN TRADITIONS L. LITURGICAL LANGUAGES

A. INTRODUCTION

The history of Jewish worship is characterized by dichotomies: institutional vs. individual; obligatory vs. spontaneous; tradition vs. innovation; unifying vs. localized; temple vs. synagogue; study vs. prayer; oral vs. written transmission. Throughout Jewish history the weighting of these various trends produced a wide variety of modalities, texts and contexts, some of which

became standard. Others were abandoned as no longer applicable, while yet others were rejected as sectarian. It is important to stress three facts: liturgy identifiable as ‘Jewish’ is predominantly shaped by the rabbinical tra‘dition; nearly all of the details about liturgical practices and their formation during the Second Temple period are known to us primarily through the Talmud (> Rabbinical literature); finally, and paradoxically, rabbinical Judaism was not a centralized institution. In the 2oth century, Jewish liturgical studies have been dramatically affected by two major discoveries: the recovery of Medieval fragments in the Cairo > genizah and the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls ( Qumran; > Dead Sea (textual finds)). The former has provided insight into the early development of the contemporary liturgical canon, while the latter sheds a — not always clear — light onto sectarian practices of worship during the late Second Temple period. Both corpora point to heterogeneous evolutions, which began to consolidate only in the late 8th cent. AD. B. PREHISTORY AND EARLY BIBLICAL PERIOD

Israelite cults prior to the period of the Davidic Kingdom (c. tooo BC; > David [1]) revolved around the Yahwist cult ( Yahweh). The primary cult centre was not yet > Jerusalem, but Shiloh, where the ark was kept

(x Sam 3:3), and worship was focused on sacrificial practices (> Sacrifice [V]). There is also evidence for other sacrificial sites dedicated to the Yahwist cult (cf.

+ Judah and Israel). Liturgical texts that could give some indication of prayer practices accompanying the

RITUAL

sacrificial cult have not been transmitted. It is also not clear to what extent Elohist or other cults were distributed among the tribes. In any case, the transmission and inclusion of the Song of Moses (Ex 15:21) and the Song of Deborah (Judg 5:13) by early redactors of the Bible demonstrates that personal and spontaneous — prayer [II] did indeed exist. The ancient Israelite > calendar appears to have had both a national and a ritual character and was oriented around agrarian cycles. The major festivals celebrated in the sacrificial cults appear to be the New Year (Ros ha-sannah), the Day of Atonement (Yom Kippur), Tabernacles (Sukkoth), the > Pesah Feast of Unleavened Bread (Passover, Hag ha-Massoth) and Pentecost (Sabu‘6th), which were invocations for rain and thanksgiving for fruitful harvests. Special sacrifices were also offered upon the commencement of the new month (Ros Hodes) during the new moon. While not a major festival, Hanukkah could be derived from a popular winter solstice celebration. In addition, fasts independent of the sacrificial cult were organized in times of crisis, particularly during drought and famine. It is likely that liturgical petitions and lauds, (so-called s Tihoth, ‘petitions for pardon’) accompanied such fasts. No s‘Tihoth texts appear to have survived from this period, but the litany tradition was upheld by rabbinic and other Jewish groups and survives to the present day. C. First TEMPLE PERIOD; NORTHERN

AND

SOUTHERN KINGDOMS With the founding of the Davidic dynasty, the centre of the Yahwist cult shifted to Jerusalern (2 Sam 6:2 ff.; -+ Solomon [1]; development of > psalms [I] is tradi-

tionally attributed to David). Following the reign of Solomon, the kingdom split into the Northern Kingdom of Israel (922—- 722 BC), with its capital at -» Samaria, and the Southern Kingdom of Judah. The

Northern Kingdom appears to have shifted to worship of the > Ba‘al pantheon (1 Kg r2:1rff.), suggesting Phoenician-Canaanite influence. The tensions created by the Ba‘al cult also extended to Judah (2 Kg 8:27), causing political and social rifts affecting internal cohesion. D. BABYLONIAN EXILE With the exile into Babylonia (beginning in 586 BC) the Yahwist cult of Judah was decentralized both symbolically and practically. The royalty was overthrown and played no role in upholding the state religion, and without the sanctuary, priests and > Levites were unable to perform the sacrificial cult. Royalty and temple functionaries, however, were not the only exponents of Judean religion. In the absence of their leadership, scribes and > prophets [II] transmitted texts and upheld cultic and moral values. It is likely that within this context public readings of Torah and the pre-Exilic canon were first organized and that organized public prayer as a substitute for the sac-

607

608

rificial cult was first instituted. The adoption of the Babylonian calendar had far-reaching consequences (Ex 29:1 ff.).

Stobi (3rd to 4th cent. AD), > Sardis [VIII] (destroyed AD 616), » Dura-Europus (known for its ornate fres-

RITUAL

E. DIASPORA COMMUNITIES; FOUNDATION

AND

SUCCESS OF THE SYNAGOGUE Israelite congregations loyal to Jerusalem existed already during the First Kingdom, most notably in Egypt. Some may have performed their own local sacrifices in consonance with the temple (e.g. Elephantine). It is likely that they independently organized s‘liboth prayers on fast days, had readings from the Bible and observed communal ritual meals. It is not certain whether the earliest literary citations use the term > synagogue (ouvaywyt/synagoge,Hebrew (beth) ha-k‘nesset, literally’ gathering, commu-

nity’) for the community or for the place of the communal gathering. The earliest literary sources to mention the institution are the Misnah, the NT, > Iosephus [4] Flavius and > Philo [I 12]. Other terms for it include beth ha-t*phillah (‘house of prayer’, Greek meooevyt/ proseuché or noooevxtoiov/proseukterion), beth hamidras (‘house of study’) or ‘place of the Sabbath gathering’ (oafPatelov/sabbateion). The earliest archeological evidence for the institution in Jerusalem comes from an inscription of the rst cent. BC. It relates that Theodotos, a son and grandson of archisynagogoi, founded a building for reading Torah and studying the commandments and to provide accommodations for wayfarers. Ironically, the destruction of Jerusalem and of the Second > Temple [III] by the Romans under Titus in AD 68-70 probably contributed more than any other event to the success of the synagogue and the survival and development of rabbinic Judaism. The central sacrificial cult was irrevocably obliterated along with the priestly and patrician classes involved in it. This resulting gap was filled by the Judaean -> Tannaites. The synagogue now became the sole centre of community, cult, and study (Palestinian synagogues e.g. in > Beisan (béeth-se’an),

+ Tiberias, > Maon

cos; destroyed AD 256), > Priene (3rd to 4th cents. AD) and Bet Alpha (6th cent. AD).

[1] and — Seppho-

ris). Philo relates the existence of numerous synagogues in Alexandria [1] and in particular mentions the ‘Great Synagogue’ (see also Acts 6:9). He also provides references to a number of synagogues in the city of Rome, including a ‘Synagogue of the Hebrews’ which likely indicates the presence of a Judean rather than a Greekspeaking congregation. In the NT a number of synagogues are mentioned, both in Judea and throughout the Hellenized world, e.g. in Capernaum (Mk 1:2129), > Nazareth (Le 4:16-38), » Antioch {5] in Pisidia (Acts 13:14-42), > Iconium (Acts 14:1), -» Thessalo-

nica [1] (Acts 17:1-17) and > Ephesus (Acts 18:19). Josephus provides information corroborating the existence of the ‘Great Synagogue of Tiberias’ (Jos. BI

2,14,4f.) and relates that the synagogue of -> Sardis was granted the unique right of offering sacrifices (Jos. Ant. Iud. 14,10,24). Archaeological research has recovered synagogue sites, most notably at Gamla (destroyed c. AD 67), > Delos (1st cent. BC to 2nd cent. AD),

F. Post-Ex1Lic PERIOD With the return of the Judean exiles to Jerusalem, the sacrificial cult was restored. At the same time, > dia-

spora communities continued to thrive. Elephantine was the centre of a sacrificial cult, which, while loyal to Jerusalem, also appears to have performed sacrifices to other deities. In Alexandria, an especially Hellenistic and hellenizing form of Judaism arose. There is no evidence for a separate sacrificial cult, but the — Septuagint, ‘The Wisdom of - Sirach’ and the historical information passed down by Philo [12] point to lections from and study of sacred texts and certain liturgical uses. Alexandria was also the centre of the + therapeutai. They, like the communities of + Qumran (> Essenes), rejected the politics of the Jerusalem temple cult and organized daily practice around prescribed prayer and study. G. THE SECOND TEMPLE PERIOD The liturgy that supplemented the sacrificial rites in the Second Temple Period (5th cent. BC —- AD 70) consisted of doxological readings. These readings, as transmitted through the Mishnah (Tamid 5:1), were the S‘ma‘ Yisra’él (Dt 6:4), the Decalogue (Ex 20:2-14) and the Priestly Blessing (Nm 6:24-26). Additionally, the Psalms of Ascent (Ps 120-134) were probably recited during the approach to the sanctuary. According to the Mishnah (Tamid 7,3) those presenting offerings prostrated themselves during the sacrifice. Brief responses by the congregation (cf. Ps 136:1) may have been part of this ritual. A confession of sins was recited by the congregation upon the offering of the first fruits (widduy Bikkurim) and tithes (widduy Ma‘*sér); communal fasts

were conducted in times of crisis (cf. Est 4:16); and, according to the Mishnah (Ta’anit 2:1-5), there were special liturgies for times of drought. According to the Mishnah (Ta’anit 4:2) and the Jerusalem Talmud

gatherings during the took place though not

(Berakhoth

4:1, 7b; 26b) communal

known as Ma‘*nadoth became customary Second Temple Period. These gatherings in both private homes and synagogues, for prayer, but to read the opening chapters

of Genesis (> Bible). The institution of the Ma‘4nad

seems to have been the basis of the organization of the liturgical day, and thus of the synagogue service as well. At that time the term for the sacrificial service, ‘aboda

>

started to be applied to non-sacrificial prayer services held outside the temple. Finally, the Mishnah (Yoma 7:1; So‘a 7:7, 8) refers to the existence of a synagogue in the Temple.

609

H. EMERGENCE OF RABBINIC JUDAISM AND THE TALMUD The — Tannaites (+ Rabbinical Literature) are re-

sponsible for recording the order and schedules of prayers connected with the temple service and for providing the order of the basic prayer service, although usually not the prayers themselves. The Gemara (Babylonian Talmud Berakhoth 33a) lists four types of liturgy: B‘rakoth (‘benedictions’), T%philloth (prayers), O‘dussoth (‘prayers for the new moon’), Habdaloth (‘transition from the Sabbath to weekday’).

J. PALESTINIAN TRADITIONS Poetic additions to the liturgical cycle began to emerge in > Palaestina between the 4th and 6th cents. AD. This genre, known as piyyit (derived from Gk. moutys/poiétes), was characteristic of the liturgy of Palaestina and areas under its influence (essentially the areas under Byzantine rule). Various explanations have

been offered for the great success of piyyitim in the area of Byzantine influence. Some scholars have attributed it to the oppressive policies of Justinian [1] I, particularly the decree of AD 553 that prohibited Jewish exposition of the Bible, while others see it as a more spontaneous development. Although the Babylonian academies (+ Pumbedita and > Sura) emphatically opposed any embellishment of the liturgy, the piyyutim later became characteristic of the Persian rite as well. It is possible that the Sassanid oppression (> Sassanids) of Jewish teaching activity during the years AD 450-589 caused the Persian Jewish communities to look towards Palestinian liturgical modes. Typological characteristics of the early piyyatim are the use of alphabetic acrostics, isometry, bilateral symmetry, anadiplosis, alliteration and rhyme. Many sections of the prayers were revised by the paytanim so that although some particular liturgical pieces may be typologically ancient, their form underwent some significant changes in this period. The early piyyutim are almost exclusively derived from biblical sources and models. Rabbinic and Midrashic elements were rarely incorporated. Interestingly, however, themes derived from early rabbinic esotericism were incorporated (e.g. Merkhabah mysticism based on Ez 1:4 ff.; Hekhaloth mysticism). In addition to the extension of the liturgy through piyyut compositions, the Palestinian rite appears to have preserved a triennial cycle for the reading of

610

RITUAL

K. BABYLONIAN TRADITIONS

As mentioned, the Babylonian Jewish tradition, in contradistinction to the Palestinian tradition, rejected embellishment of the traditionally prescribed liturgy. The academies of > Sura and - Pumbedita were of the view that the forms of prayer were strictly defined and that any divergence from the norms prescribed in the Mishnah could potentially lead to heresy. The obligation of prayer was communal and, defined as such, it should not distract the Jewish community from its main task, the study of Torah and the fulfillment of the commandments (miswoth). In addition, the doxology and the prescribed prayers in the Mishnah were considered extensions of the oral tradition, and as such they were recited from memory rather than being committed to writing (bTShab rrsb). The liturgy therefore appears to have been less comprehensive and remained relatively unchanged from the Tannaitic period on. Since study was valued so much higher than prayer, sections of the Mishnah and Midrashic discourse probably played a significant role in the Babylonian service. The supremacy of Babylonian Judaism begins c. late 8th and early 9th cents. under the Gaonim (— Gaon), the successors to the > Amoraim. The rise of the Arab caliphate (— Caliph) significantly contributed to its spread and acceptance in the Jewish world. Iberian Judaism, which through cultural ties extended into northwest Africa, turned to the Babylonian Gaonate as a model. In the Adriatic region and eastern Mediterranean, particularly in southeastern Italy, Greece, and Asia Minor, proponents of Babylonian Judaism revitalized the isolated and politically oppressed communities. In Egypt, Babylonian Jews had established a community at least as early as the first half of the 9th cent. and coexisted with the older Palestinian community until they finally absorbed it in the 13th cent., probably under the Maimonidean dynasty, whose founder, Moses ben Maimon of Cordoba, was a strict proponent of Babylonian practice. Regarding the actual text of the liturgy, the Babylonian Gaonate was equally important. The earliest codifications of the Jewish liturgy are indeed Babylonian (e.g. the responsa of Natronai ben Hilai, 8th cent., and of Sa‘adia Gaon, 882-942). These Babylonian codices directly influenced the Jewish liturgies of Iraq, Spain, Provence, North Africa, and to varying degrees played a role in the development of the Franco-German liturgies.

ous benedictions for a number of parts of the service,

L. LITURGICAL LANGUAGES While Hebrew was the predominant language of prayer, other languages have also played a significant

including the reading of Torah. The officiants for the service were a hazzan/paytan, often acting as both precentor and resident poet, and the meturgeman (‘interpreter’), who repeated the readings of Torah and the prophets in the vernacular. Most of the information about the liturgical texts of the Palestinian rite has come to light through the discovery of the Cairo genizah in the roth and early 2oth cents.

role in the Jewish liturgy. The Mishnah states that the Sma‘ (the ‘confession of faith’) may be recited in any language. Greek may very well have been the language of the Great Synagogue of Alexandria, although there is no direct evidence. From the 2nd cent. BC on, it became clear that at least for the ritual, public readings of Torah and the prophets, translations were needed to make them intelligible to the broad population. The earliest is

Torah, a separate recension of the ‘Amidabh, additional

benedictions recited before and after the $ma‘ and vari-

RITUAL

611

the > Septuagint (LXX). In both Judea and Babylonia, forms of western and eastern Aramaic were the vernacular of most of the Jewish population. The + Targum Ongelos and subsequently the Targum Jonathan were Babylonian responses to the need of congregation members to comprehend the text of Torah and the prophets. Dating to the rst and 2nd cents. AD, both works are expository rather than literal translations and provide the listener or reader with dogmatically correct exegeses. Besides the fr. of John Rylands Greek Papyrus 458 there is no evidence for Jewish use of the LXX. Rather, the 2nd cent. translation by + Aquila [3] was likely used within Greek-speaking Jewish communities — for how long is unclear. A Greek translation in Hebrew characters of the book of + Qoheleth (influenced by Aquila’s translation), traditionally read during the Festival of Sukkoth, was found in the Cairo genizah (Cambridge: T-S Misc. 26,74).

Information on the languages of the liturgy itself is sparse. Perhaps the vernacular was the predominant language of prayer, but one must also bear in mind the success of the Hebrew piyyatim from at least the 6th cent. on, particularly in the areas of Palestinian influence where Greek or Latin were the daily vernacular. With the exception of Aramaic and Greek translations, no early Medieval Jewish translations have survived, either directly or through secondary citations. With the expansion of > Islam Arabic became the daily vernacular in Jewish communities from Iraq to Andalusia. Sa‘adias’ expository translation of the Bible into Arabic undoubtedly filled both didactic and ritual needs. Much of the prescribed liturgy was to be recited by heart, and the most important prayers and doxologies were most likely transmitted orally well into the Gaonic period. Public participation in the service may also have been limited, with the precentor acting on the part of the congregation. Nonetheless, the success of the piyyutim in Italy and Byzantium as well as the excellent Hebrew works of Italian authors such as Amittai ben Shefatiah (9th cent.) and Shabbetai Donnolo (c. 913982) suggest that Hebrew was far from being a neglected and forgotten language outside of Palestine. However, it is likely that while Hebrew continued to play a central role in the service, it was understood and studied by a select group only. W.F. AvBricut, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel, 1956; I.ELBOGEN, Judischer Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung, +1931 (repr. 1995; Engl. trans.: Jewish Liturgy - A Comprehensive History, 1993); D.K. FaLk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the

612

VII. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

‘Ritual’ is a modern umbrella term denoting both simple religious and non-religious actions and interrelated sequences of actions (see above, I); as such, just

like > cult and > religion, there is no term in Antiquity that matches this concept [1; 2]. ‘Ritual’ is derived from Lat. ritus, although in Roman religious language ritus refers to the ‘usage’ to be followed in religious actions (caerimoniae, religiones, sacra), not to those actions

themselves [2]. As a metalinguistic category the modern term ‘ritual’ has the advantage of assembling under the heading of religious action both less complex ones such as > oath, + curse, > prayer, vows (votum; -» Votive offerings), + purification or -> votive offerings and more complex sequences like — Festivals, —» sacrifice, + procession, games (-» Ludi), along with sequences of Christian religious practice (+ Liturgy; > Missa; > Blessing; + Baptism). Thus the modern term ‘ritual’ bundles together on an abstract level the variety that exists at the level of the original languages [3. 38f.]. At the same time, the term ritual is used in the typology and classification of religious actions according to form, structure and possible layers of meaning: e.g. calendrical, cyclically returning group ritual (— Feriae; > Calendar; + New Year’s celebration [III]; for the Christian Christmas, see ~» Sol) or individual ritual (> Birthday); crisis ritual of

the individual or the community (e.g. > Healing deities [IV B]; > Expiatory rites; + Supplicatio); status-defining ritual (e.g + Consecratio; + Inauguratio; > Lustrum) and life-cycle or transitional rituals(— Initiation; ~ Mysteries; — Baptism; - Dead, cult of the) [4. 450f.]. Such modern structural functionalist typologies are necessarily never entirely clearly defined. As early as classical Antiquity [5] a distinction was made between religious action on the one hand and interpretive (+ Aetiology) or critical reflection on this action on the other. In addition, the (external) action was contrasted with the (internal) attitude as the thing that really mattered ([6. 96f.]; Sen. Ep. 95,50; 110,1).

This suggests that difference between a Judeo-Christian Christian authors

there is no proof for a fundamental a pagan religion based on ritual and religion based on belief, even if later (e.g. Lact. Div. inst. epitome 53,1)

also used this argument. In the late rgth cent., scholars

of religion examined this dichotomy and by applying the concept of ritual to religious conduct they arrived at a narrowed definition of action. According to W.R. SMITH, J.G. FRAZER andJ.E. HARRISON, ritual, i.e. reli-

gious action, is primary in ancient pagan religion, whereas > myth as exegesis is secondary [7. 14-24;

Dead Sea Scrolls, 1998; S. FINE (ed.), Jews, Christians, and

8. 145-192]. As late as the second half of the 2oth cent.

Polytheists in the Ancient Synagogue: Cultural Interaction

the functionalist (or ‘ritualist’) direction in research still

During

maintained the primacy of ritual and cult as action versus cognitive reflection and belief in Greek and Roman religion as a conscious antithesis to the modern

the Greco-Roman

Period,

1999;

E. FLEISCHER,

Eretz-Israel Prayer and Prayer Rituals, 1988 (Hebr.); L.1. Levine (ed.), The Synagogue in Late Antiquity, 1987;

S.C. Retr, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives on Jewish Liturgical History, 1993; L.J. WEINBERGER, Jewish Hymnography: A Literary History, 1997; L. ZuNz, Literaturgeschichte der synagogalen Poesie, 1865 SJE.

notion of > Religion (I C).

More recent scholarship has begun to break down the categorical distinction between ritual and cult on

613

614

the one hand and myth on the other, as well as between action and belief. Attention was focused on the flexibility of rituals and their relatively vague definition of content, form and meaning - especially poignant in polytheistic religions (> Polytheism) [9. 210-252; 10; r1]. The understanding that neither any fixed nor an autonomous meaning or communicative function can be assigned to ritual may help to rehabilitate cognitive or emotional elements in Greek and Roman religion. When ~— tragedy interprets and questions ritual [12] and when the experience of the participants outside of the ritual re-codifies ritual communication [13], the forms and contents of the ritual are again and again imbued with new meaning and thereby change. Reflection itself thus becomes an important element of religious action, and ritual is always also reflection.

prayer (du‘@’), it is a cult act at clearly specified times

1 C.CaLaME,

‘Mythe’ et ‘rite’ en Gréce: des catégories

indigénes?, in: Kernos 4, 1991, 179-204 2 J.-L. DuRAND, J.SCHEID, ‘Rites’ et ‘religion’, in: Archives de sciences sociales des religions 85, 1994, 23-43 3J.N.

BREMMER,

Greek Religion, 1994, 38-54

4 B. LANG,

RITUAL

(five times a day) with a precise sequence of gestures and formulas. Although often practiced communally in the mosque, salat can take place anywhere. Its prerequisite is a state of ritual purity (tahdra), related to similar ideas in + Judaism but usually less rigorously applied. Among the regulations of the tahdra are food prohibitions (pork, wine) and the prohibition against touching things considered impure. Ritual ablutions (wudi* or gusl) ensure the required state of purity before prayer. Of special importance is the noon prayer on Fridays in the mosque, reminiscent of the Christian service on which it is partially based. At the core is the special Friday sermon (Hutba). 3) Alms-giving (zakdat < hebr.

zakuta, ‘alms’ [3]): originally a voluntary exercise of piety, it gradually became a de facto tax for all Muslims collected by the state for charitable purposes. 4) Fasting (saum, cf. Hebr.; Syr. sauma) was among the practices which > Muhammad took over from Christians and Jews. At first he had chosen the Jewish day of reconciliation (‘Asura’) [4], but after his dispute with the Jews

Ritual/Ritus, in: HrwG 4, 1998, 442-458

in Medina

5 A. HENRICHS, Dromena und Legomena. Zum rituellen

Ramadan which already in pre-Islamic time had had cult significance in Arabia [5]. During Ramadan no food and drink of any kind is to be consumed from dawn to dusk, and good deeds are recommended (e.g. reciting the Koran). Fasting is also considered commendable outside of Ramadan but it should not be practiced on certain holy days. 5) > Pilgrimage (Hagg) to Mecca includes a series of ritual actions which are reminiscent of pre-Islamic practices. This is especially true of the communal ceremonies in the holy places

Selbstverstandnis der Griechen, in: F.GraF (ed.), Ansich-

ten griechischer Rituale, 1998, 33-71 griechischen Kultusaltertiimer, 31920 ‘Religion’, ‘Ritual’ and the Opposition fane’, in: see[5. 9-32] 8SCHLESIER Perspectives and Dimensions, 1997. Naturalness of Religious Ideas, 1994 An Anthropologist’s View of Ritual, C.SmitTH

(eds.),

Religion

Rome and Italy, 2000, 19-33

in Archaic

6 P.STENGEL, Die 7 J.N. BREMMER, ‘Sacred’ vs. ‘Pro9 C.BELL, Ritual: 10P.BoyeErR, The 11 N. BoURQUE, in: E.BisPHAM, and

Republican

12 R. PARKER, Gods Cruel

and Kind: Tragic and Civic Theology, in: C. PELLING (ed.),

Greek

Tragedy

and

the

Historian,

1997,

13 M.BLocu, Prey into Hunter, 1992, 99-105

143-160 AN.BE.

VIII. CHRISTIANITY See > Cult; > Liturgy II; > Missa; > Ritual [VIII].

IX. IsLAM Being a religion of daily practice, -> Islam strongly affects its adherents’ everyday life in a normative way since its religious law (Sari‘a) imposes many ritual obli-

gations. Different legal practices and local traditions have led to great regional variations in the observance of these duties. In general, the ‘five pillars of Islam’ are the essential cult duties (“badat); they apply to every Muslim (man or woman) physically and financially able to fulfil them. Stipulations and precise regulations are the subject of numerous legal treatises. These treatises rely chiefly on the corpus of Islamic traditions (adit) that tends to set itself apart from Christian and Jewish institutions even more than the > Qur’an does [1]. The preIslamic roots of the rituals are nevertheless clearly discernible: 1) The confession of faith (Sahdda), an act of recognizing the essential dogmatic principles. 2) The ritual prayer (salat < Syr. s‘ota [2]): in contrast to the free

(> Yatrib) he decided

on the month

of

around

Mecca (‘Arafat, Muzdalifa and Mina), e.g. throwing stones at the devil (originally a sun demon). There are pre-Islamic models also for the time period (month of pilgrimage Da’l-Higga) and the Ka‘ba cult. However, it was Muhammad who first associated it with the cult of Abraham in a borrowing from the Judeo-Christian tradition. In addition to the ‘five pillars’ there are many other cult customs (e.g. circumcision) which, although not required by law, in practice have become an essential characteristic of Islamic identity. Grave cult and veneration of saints are also common; Sufi orders (> Sufism) have special rituals [6]. 1G.Vaypa, s.v. Ahl al-Kitab, EP, CD-Rom 1999 2 A.JerFery, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Quran, 1938, (repr.1977),197f. 3 T.H. Weir, s.v. Sadaka, EI’,

CD-Rom

1999

=4. A.J. WeNsINCK, s.v. ‘Ashara’, in EI’,

CD-Rom

1999

5 M.PLEssNeER, s.v. Ramadan, EI’, CD-

ROM

1999

C.H. Becker, Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus, in: Id., Islamstudien, vol. 1, 1924, 472-500; F.M. DENNY,

Islamic Ritual: Theories and Perspectives, in: R.C. MarTIN, Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies, 1985; $.D. GoireIN,

Studies

in Islamic

History

and

Institutions,

1966, ch. 3, 73-89; K.Lecu, Geschichte des islamischen Kultus, vol. 1: Das ramadanische Fasten, 1979; G. MonNOT, s.v. Salat, El’, CD-Rom 1999; I.R. Nerron, Sufi Ritual: the Parallel Universe, 2000; M.RASHED, Das

RITUAL

616

615

Opferfest im heutigen Agypten, 1998; E.pE VirrRayMeyerovircu, La priére en Islam, 1998; For further lit-

erature see under Pilgrimage [III].

LT-N.

River. Terrestrial relief and climate and direction of river courses; and major river valleys of the inhabited the trade and commerce of those whose regions they passed, offering tructural and economic advantages.

determine the size for their part, the world determined societies through them both infrasThey seldom rep-

resented insurmountable obstacles to traffic. Rather, in

varying degree they directed traffic flow over particular routes (fords, bridges). The economic usefulness of riyer valleys was, in the long term, seldom a given without

B. MYTHOLOGY

In Hesiod’s Theogony, the rivers are sons of > Oceanus and ->+ Thetys, brothers of the Oceanides (Hes. Theog. 337-370; also Hom. Il. 21,196f.); Oceanus is regarded as the ‘first river’ (cf. Theog. 242). Hesiod mentions as the only function of rivers and Oceanides that ‘they, together with Apollo, make men of youths’ (xovoitovev/kourizousi), i.e. they are responsible for the

initiation rituals of puberty (Theog. 347). In Homer, too, the river gods play an important mythological and ritual role. Together with the nymphs, but without -» Oceanus, they take part in the assembly of the gods (Hom. Il. 20,7—-9). While they are usually sons of Oceanus, Xanthus-Scamander

is a son of Zeus (Hom.

II.

artificial interventions. Recurrent annual floods (due to

14,343 t.a.; for the double name, see Hom. Il. 20,74).

seasonal rainfall or snow melt) were often damaging to

He takes on a human form to warn Achilles (Hom. I. 21,213, cf. 16,716), but then attacks him in the form of a rising river, ‘roaring like a bull’ (Il. 21,237), and only the flames of + Hephaestus stop him. In the local myths of Greece, river gods often mark the beginning of regional and local genealogy, for example — Scamander in the Troas, > Inachus in Argos and > Peneius in Thessaly. They are first kings (in

agriculture unless artificial controls (dams, canals) were

successfully introduced and nutrient-rich alluvium stabilized (Mesopotamia, Egypt). Rivers’ economic utility increased where they were navigable and themselves presented an opportunity for conveying traffic (inland shipping in Gaul). Where local wells did not provide sufficient water, rivers served directly as water reservoirs; it therefore stands to reason that most ancient cities were built on river banks. There — and esp. at such locations as river loops (Vesontio) or forks (Thebes, Sparta), or on a sea coast between two river mouths (Trapezus, Pergamum)

— rivers also offered settlements defensive advantages. J.-F. BERGIER (ed.), Montagnes, fleuves, foréts dans |’histoire, 1989; J.LE GALL, Le Tibre, fleuve de Rome dans Pantiquite,

1953; M.Parp#£,

Fleuves et riviéres,

F.RatzeL, Anthropogeographie 2, 1891, 477ff.

1955;

E.0.

River gods I. Ecypt

IJ. GREECE AND ROME

Jie Mien aie see > Nile. Il. GREECE AND ROME A. GENERAL

NOGRAPHY,

B. MyTHOLOGY

C.CuLT

D. Ico-

ANTHROPOMORPHISM

Rome the Tiber: Liv. 1,3,8) or fathers of local heroes by

raping a local heroine (Alpheius, Spercheius, Strymon), and are often themselves the eponym of towns, especially in southern Italy (Gelas, Taras). On the other hand, the myth of the fight of > Achelous with Heracles over the local nymph — Deianira possibly reflects resistance against foreign influence.

Cl Gonr River cults are already well developed in Homer. In Troy, Scamander has his own priest (Dolopion: Hom. Il. 5,77£.); cows are sacrificed to him and horses are lowered alive into his waters (Il. 21,13—132); bulls are sacrificed for - Alpheius (Il. 11,727), and Peleus promises 50 rams to > Peneius to be sacrificed in his source (Il. 23,147). Such sacrifices were made regularly by Greek cities to their local river gods (Ephorus FGrH 70 F 20), who occasionally could even bear the epithet of ster (Hdt. 8,1 38). This is also the case for Italy where,

for example, we can find the cult of - Clitumnus (he received white cows),

A. GENERAL The > personification of conditions from the physical environment is part of many myths and religions in antiquity. Apart from the sun and the moon, the mountains and rivers are of special significance: they firmly belong to a particular local environment, and thus define identity and home. Whereas the mountain gods in the Greco-Roman world have only mythological and hardly any cultic reality, the worship of the local river gods is firmly anchored in the cult of many Greek and Italic cities. Their political and social functions were more important than their role as water suppliers. As the quintessence of a town’s local identity, representations of river gods are frequently found on Greek coins, including, as early the Archaic period, the colonies of Magna Graecia.

-- Numicus or > Padus pater [r]. Tiberinus pater had a sanctuary on the Tiber island with a foundation feast on 8 December [2; 3]. River gods had sacred districts with an altar, cult image and temple, e.g. the Spercheius at its source (Hom. Il. 23,148: altar), the Erymanthus near Psophis (Paus. 8,24,12), the Chrysas in Assorus (Cic. Verr. 4,44: temple and statue), the Cephisus

in Athens

(LSCG

Suppl. 17), or the Clitumnus whose source sanctuary is described in detail by Pliny the Younger (PI. Ep. 8,8). There is archaeological evidence of the > cave sanctuary of Eurymedon in Pisidia [4]. At the Styx in Syria, votive offerings placed on the river sank to the bottom if they pleased the deity, if displeasing they floated on the surface and drifted to the banks (Damascius [5]). Sacrifices were given to the god of a foreign river before one

617

618

crossed it (diabatéria); Hesiod recommends this (Op.

the representation of river gods, anthropomorphic shapes — Anapus in Syracuse or Porpax and Crimissus in Segesta as men, Acragas asa boy (Ael. VH 2,33) —can be found alongside mixed forms with the figure of a bull as the embodiment of the water’s raging force, either as a man-bull (+ Achelous) or as a (young) man with horns; the bull’s head is mentioned and explained in

737{f.: prayer and ablution). There is evidence for a number of such sacrifices within the context of military campaigns, including Cleomenes at the Erasinos (Hdt. 6,76: bulls), Xerxes at the Strymon (Hdt. 7,113: horses), the Ten Thousand at the Centrites (Xen. An. 4,3,18: sphagia, ‘blood sacrifice’) and Lucullus at the Euphrates (Plut. Lucullus 24,5,507f: bull). The only supralocal cult recipient is Achelous (Ephorus FGrH 70 F 20), who in Athens, for instance, together with the

local river gods Ilissos and Eileithyia, received a dedication in the sanctuary of Cephisus (LSCG Suppl. 17 Bs), while on Myconos, he received sacrifices in the local river (LSCG 96,37).

Of more specific rites, the sacrifice of ephebes’ hair is already attested in Homer. - Peleus promised the hair of > Achilleus, should he return, to Peneius in his sanctuary (Hom. Il. 23,141f.). Hesiod (Theog. 346f.) generalises the custom and connects it with river gods as well as nymphs and Apollo. Accordingly, Orestes on his way home dedicated his hair to the local Inachus as a threpterion (‘reward for rearing’; Aesch. Cho. 6). There is historical evidence for hair sacrifices to a local river, e.g. in Athens (to the river Cephisus, Paus. 1,37,3), or Phi-

galeia (Paus. 8,41,3: Neda). Rivers played the role of a> kourotrophos: they ‘rear children’, or rather, young men

(and women). (didaskalia)

various ancient authors (especially Str. r0,1,19 p. 458

and Cornutus 22). 1G. Wissowa,

224

Religion und Kultus der Romer, *1912,

2M.Besnier, L’ile Tibérine dans l’antiquité, 1902

3 A.MoMIGLIANO, Thybris pater, in: Id., Roma arcaica,

1989, 347-370 4D.Kaya, The Sanctuary of the God Eurymedon at Thymbriada in Pisidia, in: AS 35, 1985, 39-56 5 M.Tarpieu, Les paysages reliques, 1990, 6567 6A.BRELICH, Paides e Parthenoi, 1968, 367f., 378 7 E.Srrt1G, De Graecorum nominibus theophoris, 1911.

FARNELL, Cults, vol. 5, 420-424; O. WASER, s.v. Flussgotter, RE 6, 2774-2815; F. Matz, Die Naturpersonifikationen in der griechischen Kunst, 1913, 90-117; F. W. Hamborg, Griechische Kultpersonifikationen der vorhellenistischen Zeit, 1964, 12-16, 80-83, no. 79-136; C. WEISS, Griechische Flussgottheiten in vorhellenistischer Zeit, 1984; C. Weiss, s.v. Fluvii, LIMC 4.1,

139-148;J.A. Ost-

ROWSKI, Personifications of Rivers in Greek and Roman Art, 1974; H. Brewster, River Gods of Greece. Myths and Mountain Waters in the Hellenic World, 1997. FG.

For example, around 400 BC, a

woman founded a sanctuary of Cephisus for the education

ROADS

of her son

(LSCG

Suppl.

17).

Remains of old initiation rituals are preserved here, as is shown e.g. by the rites of Patras, with an annual procession of boys and girls to the river Milichus (Paus. 7,20,1), or the procession from Sicyon to Sythas (Paus. 2,7,8) [4]. From this derives the connection of the local river with wedding rites and births: in the Troad, girls about to be married go to the Scamander and wash off their virginity in its waters (Aeschin. Ep. 10). Conversely, Hera regains her virginity by bathing in the spring of

Rivers, names of see > Ancient European; > Geographical names

Ro (7, literally ‘cup’) is an Egyptian measure of capacity for fluids and dry goods at '/;2> Hin (c. 0,48 1) and corresponds to c. 0,015 I. 1 W.HELcK, S. VLEMING, s. v. Mae u. Gewichte, LA 3, r201f.

H-J.S.

Roads I. GENERAL

II. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGYPT

+ Canathus near Argos (2,38,2). This finds expression

II]. IRAN: ACHAEMENID

in a custom occurring in Asia Minor in particular, but also in Athens and Boeotia: to name a person after a

V. ROMAN

local river (pattern: Cephisodorus) [5].

I. GENERAL The construction of a network of roads and ways and the creation of long-distance roads always correlates with settlement construction and structure. A mixed settlement structure comprises compact settlements and dispersed homesteads in large number and is in evidence across wide areas of the ancient world for the most varied epochs. Such a settlement structure produces an especially dense network of traffic routes. Ancient roads were staked out on the principle of creating the shortest possible route with minimum inclines and avoiding natural obstacles with the least possible technical complexity, i.e. avoiding use of engineered structures such as causeways, bridges [2] and tunnels. H.Lo.

As local numina, rivers are called upon as witnesses of an oath, first in Agamemnon’s oath (Hom. Il. 3,278, together with — Gaia; cf. Soph. Aj. 862), later, for ex-

ample, in the oath of the Cretan city of Drerus (Inscr. Creticae IX no. x A 34) or in the Athenian oath of the ephebes. A specifically Italic development is the function of rivers as oracle deities; there is such evidence for the Clitumnus (PI. Ep. 8,8,5). D. ICONOGRAPHY,

ANTHROPOMORPHISM

In the Homeric narrative of Scamander and Achilles,

elemental forms and anthropomorphic shapes mingle. This mixture lasts throughout antiquity: the Phrygians punished the Maeander when it broke its banks (Str. £2,8,19), a Christian monk attempted to keep the Sangarius in its bed by erecting crosses on its banks in order to banish the river god (now regarded as a demon). In

EMPIRE

IV. GREECE

EMPIRE

Il. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGyPTt see > Traffic

ROADS

620

619

Ill. IRAN: ACHAEMENID EMPIRE The renowned road system of the Persian Empire [2; Il. 75-79, 269 f.] is documented only fragmentarily, esp. in Greek sources, Babylonian texts from Mesopotamia (cf., e.g., cuneiform text London, BM 79746 [8]) and Elamite tablets from — Persepolis (esp. series Q 17. 365-440]; cf. [5]); the term refers primarily to the great imperial roads (on the itinéraires secondaires, whose own importance ought not be underestimated, cf. [2. 371-373, 952]). While connected with a tried and tested concept (> Royal roads), its expansion (cf. the dSonovo/hodopoior: Xen. Cyr. 6,2,36; Hdt. 7,131; on bridges and pontoons, cf. [2. 374-376, 952 f.]), survey, monitoring and maintenance all introduced new ideas and thus ensured its adoption elsewhere (see IV, below). The road system was used for military conveyance (transport of soldiers, war chariots, matériel and baggage trains, cf. Curt. 5,8,5; [2. 384-389, 953 f.]), for civilian traffic — people, livestock and goods — and for the transmission of messages [2. 382-384, 953] (cf. ~ Communications). The most important — and very comfortable (duwakitéc/amaxitos: cf. Hdt. 7,83; Xen. Cyr. 6,2,36; Diod. Sic. 18,26 ff.; Curt. 10,10,20) — roads of the Empire, the so-called ‘Royal Roads’ (on the western section, cf. esp. Hdt. 5,52-54), were permanently secured by forts and protected by ‘road guards’ (Od0pvAaxec/hodophylakes, Hdt. 7,239; cf. [1. 123 £5 5. 35], Elamite datimara) and military escorts (‘outriders’: Elamite barrigdama; cf. Xen. An. 1,9,11 ff.) [2. 380-953]. ‘Royal stations’ (ota8pol PBaoidniol stathmoi basiléioi; cf. also Ctes. FGrH 688 F 33), ‘inns’ (xatadboetc/katalyseis) and depots (Onoaveoi/thésaurot: Aristot. Oec. 2,2,38) located along the roads were able to provide rations, horses and relief to emissaries, couriers or relay riders (Elamite pirradazis; cf. on the royal couriers Hdt. 5,14; 8,98; Aesch. Ag. 282; Xen. Cyr. 8,6,17 f.), runners (Nicolaus [3] of Damascus FGrH go F 4) and others travelling or trading in the service of the Great King, i.e. in possession of a sealed document (Elamite halmi). Measured in stadia (— Stadion [1]) and parasangs (> parasdngés; on the etymology: [8.138]) (Hdt. 5,52 ff.; Ctesias FGrH 688 F 33; Xen. An. 1,2,5 f.) and possibly also furnished with road markers (‘milestones’) (Str. 15,1,50; but cf. the discussion in [3. 80 f.]), the best-known of these imperial roads were the ‘Royal Road’ from > Sardis (or Ephesus) to Susa (on the route, cf. the somewhat controversial literature in [2. 370 f., 9523 3. 78; 4. 125]), often referred to in classical sources, and the links between Susa and >> Persepolis [1; 11], Persepolis and -» Ecbatana and Susa to Ecbatana via > Babylon (cf. Diod. Sic. 19,19,2; both of the latter connecting to the > Silk Road). The texts from Persepolis bear witness to travellers from Susa and Persepolis to Media, Egypt, - Bactria, Kirman, + Areia [1], Sagartia (> Sagartii), Babylonia, Maka, > Arachosia and Hindush, and/or vice versa (on individual roads, road sections and stations on roads, cf. the literature mentioned in [2. 952 ff.; 3. 78 ff.3;4. 125 ff.]).

Marching speeds are documented for the Hellenistic Period: 22 days were needed for the c. 360 km from Babylon to Susa (Diod. Sic. 19,55,2), c. 30 from Susa to the Persis (19,17,6), 40 from Susa via Babylon to Ecbatana (19,19,2), 9 from Susa to Ecbatana through Luristan (19,19,8), and 20 from Ecbatana to Persepolis (19,46,6).

The Hellenistic powers and the Romans after them adopted the Persian road and communications system (mounted ‘postal service’: éryyaomov/angareion Hdt. 8,98;cf.Xen. Cyr. 8,6,17; etymology: [10. 97 ff.] under an dotdivdnc/astandés: Plut. Alexander 18,2; Suda, s.v.]) both as an institution and, to some extent, also its

terminology (see below IV). » Achaemenids; ~» Wagon, Chariot 1G. APeRGHIS,

>» Communications;

— Iran;

Travel Routes and Travel Stations from

Persepolis (unpubl. M. A. Thesis University College London), 1997 +2 BRIANT, Index, s.v. routes 3 P. BRIANT, Bulletin d’histoire acheménide I (Topoi, Suppl. 1), 1997, 3-127. 41d., Bulletin d’histoire achéménide I], 2001

5 G.G1ovINAzzo, Les documents de voyage dans les textes de Persépolis, in: Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, 1994, 18-31

6 D.Grar, The Per-

sian Royal Road System, in: AchHist, vol. 8, 1994, 167189 1969

7R.T.HALLOCK, Persepolis Fortification Tablets, 8M.Jursa, Von Vermessungen und Strafen, in:

Archiv Orientalni 63.2, 1995, 153-158 9R.SCHMITT, Medisches und persisches Sprachgut bei Herodot, in: ZDMG

sance

117, 1967,

altiranischen

119-145

10 Id., Zur Méconnais-

Sprachgutes

Glotta 49, 1971, 95-110

im

Griechischen,

in:

~=—11 C. TupLIN, The Seasonal

Migration of Achaemenid Kings, in: AchHist, vol. rz, 1998, 63-114 12J.WIESEHOFER, Ancient Persia, 2001. |W

IV. GREECE In spite of the pioneering work of [18], the preRoman Greek road network remains insufficiently researched. Surveys since the 1980s have identified significant remains of ancient roads in, e.g., Arcadia [19;

20; 21], Boeotia on Cithaeron [14. vol. 4, 88-102] and Laconia [1; 3]; these are mostly confined to mountainous regions, as all traces have long since been obliterated in the plains. Individual Greek areas have been researched to varying degrees, the best being Attica and the Megarid [4; 13; 14; 15; 16; 22]; however, a comprehensive up-to-date treatment is lacking. High standards had already been set by the early high cultures of Egypt and the Near East for the construction of roads (Latin via, strata: ‘paved road’; Greek 1 686c/hé hodos, orig. ‘footpath’, vehicular roads are denoted with the addition of Gyakmny/hamaxike) as fixed traffic routes designed according to a plan and intended for vehicular transport. Long-distance roads, as they existed in Asia Minor in connection with the Assyrian trading colonies and the Hittite Empire (+ Royal Roads, > King’s highway), are postulated to have existed in Greece no later than the Mycenaean Period. > Linear B tablets give evidence of numerous wagons at Knossos and Pylos [2] (on Mycenaean roads

621

622

and bridges in the Argolid, see [7; 9; 23. 131-133]; in Arcadia, [x1]; in Phocis, [8]). By the Classical Period,

the Greek road network had been considerably developed, enabling the journey from Athens to Oropus (Heraclides the Critic 1,6; [4. 126]) or Megara to be completed on foot within a single day (> Travels [I D]). According to Thuc. 7,28,1, grain transport was quicker by the land route from Oropus to Athens than by sea via Sunium ([4]; on the military import of roads, see [6; 13]). However, the mountainous topography of Greece and the profusion of autonomous poleis in the Classical Period, as well as settlement regression and unstable political conditions, all prevented a greater expansion of the network of long-distance roads; mule tracks and narrow, single-track roads were thus the rule. The road from Corinth to Megara was enlarged to a vehicular road first under Hadrian (117-138) (Paus. 1,44,6; remains [3]).

In the Archaic Period, Peisistratus [4] the Younger had > herms erected midway along the roads linking Athens and the individual Attic demes [13]. The distances were determined from the Altar of the Twelve Gods on the Athenian Agora, built in 522/r BC (Hdt. 2,7; 1G II* 2640). In the Classical Period, Attica’s dense network of vehicular roads and well-constructed mule tracks (e.g., over the Hymettus [12]) opened up not only the mining region of > Laurium, linked to the polis centre by the astiké hodos and the sphettia hodos [10] (> Sphettus), but also purely rural areas and Attica’s mountainous north [13]. There were also roads to transport > marble from the quarries of Pentelicon and Hymettus [5]. Another special category of road was the > diolkos (see addenda) on the Isthmus of Corinth. As yet, there is no real evidence of pre-Roman roads in western Asia Minor, except in the Latmus Mountains

[x7]. There were roadside guesthouses (xavdoxetov/ pandokeion) for travellers (+ Travels [I G]; — Inn). Road maintenance was the responsibility of the 660so.ot/> hodopoioi (‘roadmasters’) in 4th cent. Athens, and generally of the -» astynomoi in the Hellenistic cities. The sources classify as a ‘sacred road’ (igo 660c/ hiera hodos) those which served even intermittent processions (— Procession [II B]) to particular sanctuaries,

e.g., the sacred road from Athens to > Eleusis, or from Miletus [2] to -» Didyma. However, not every processional route and not every road to an extra-urban sanctuary is explicitly referred to in the sources as a hiera hodos. + Athens [II 7]; — Pilgrimage [IA]; -» Roads and bridges, construction of; > Traffic; > Travels; > Via Egnatia 1 P. ARMSTRONG et al., Crossing the River. Observations on Routes and Bridges in Laconia from the Archaic to Byzantine

Periods,

2 J.BrieGiep,

in:

ABSA

87,

1992,

293-303

Briicken im StrafSenverkehr der antiken

Welt, in: E. OLsHausEN, H.SONNABEND (eds.), Zu Lande

und zu Wasser. Verkehrswege in der antiken Welt (Stuttgarter Kolloquium zur Historischen Geographie des

ROADS

Altertums 7, 1999), 2002, 105-108 3 J. CHRISTIEN, Les liaisons entre Sparte et son territoire malgré l’encadrement montagneux, in: J.-F. BERGIER (ed.), Montagnes, Fleuves, Férets dans |’Histoire, 1989, 18-44 4 P. FUNKE, Grenz-

festungen und Verkehrsverbindungen in Nordost-Attika, in: P. FLENSTED-JENSEN et al. (eds.), Polis & Politics. Festschrift H. M. Hansen, 2000, 121-131 5 H.R. GoeTTE, Quarry Roads on Mt. Pentelikon and Mt. Hymettos, in: Id. (ed.), Ancient Roads (International Symposium Athen 1998), 2002, 93-102 6 F.GSCHNITZER, StrafSen, Wege und Marsche in Xenophons Hellenika, in: see [2], 202208 7R.Hope Simpson, The Mycenaen Highways, in: Echos du Monde Classique 42 (N. S. 17), 1998, 239-260 8 E.W. Kase, Mycenaean Roads in Phocis, in: AJA 77, 1973,74-77. 9J.Knauss, Furt oder Briicke. Hydrotech-

nische Aspekte des mykenischen Strafsenbaus in der Argolis, in: see [2], 323-359 10C.J. Korres, R.A. TOMLINSON, Sphettia Hodos — Part of the Road to Kephale and Sounion, in: see [5], 43-59 11E.J. Kricas, AMOTA and ROTA: Road-Transport in Mycenaean Arcadia, in: Kadmos 26, 1987, 74-83 12M.K. Lancpon, Hymettiana IV: Ancient Routes through Hymettos, in: see [5], 61-71 13 H.LoHMann, Antike Strafen und Saumpfade in Attika und der Megaris, in: see [2], 109-147 14S. VAN

DE Mae LE, La route antique de Megare a Thebes par le defilé du Kandili, in: BCH 111, 1987, 191-205 39015 Id., La route antique du port mégarien de Pagai a la forteresse d’Aigosthénes, in: Echos du Monde Classique 8, 1989, 183-188 16 A.MUuLLER, Megarika, in: BCH 108, 1984, 249-266 17 A.PEscHLOW-BINDOoKaT, Das StrafSennetz der Latmia, in: E.-L.SCcHWANDTNER (ed.), Stadt und

Umland (Bauforschungskolloquium Berlin 1997), 1999, 186-200 18 PRITCHETT, vol. 3-4;6-7 19K. TAUSEND, Ein antiker Weg iiber den Chelmos? in: JOAI 63, 1994, 41-52 20Id., Von Artemis zu Artemis? Der antike Weg von Lousoi nach Pheneos, in: JOAI 64, 1995, Suppl., 1-20 21 Id., Der antike Weg von Pheneos nach Orchomenos, in:

JOAI 67, 1998, 109-116 = 22 E.VANDERPOOL, Roads and Forts in Northwestern Attica, in: Classical Antiquity II, 1978, 227-245 23 B. WELLS, C. RUNNELS, The Berbati-Limnes Archaeological Survey 1988-1990, 1996. H.R. Goerte

(ed.), see

[5]; E.OLSHAUSEN,

ABEND (ed.), see [2]; PRITCHETT, vol. 3-7.

H.SONN-

H.LO.

V. ROMAN EMPIRE A. GENERAL AND ITALY B. GALLIA, GERMANIA AND BRITANNIA C. ALPINE PROVINCES, RHAETIA AND Noricum D. Corsica, SARDINIA AND SiciLty E. IBERIAN PENINSULA F. NORTH AFRICA G. EGyPt AND THE LEVANT H. Asta MINOR

J. BALKAN PROVINCES

A. GENERAL AND ITALY Among the Roman empire’s great achievements in civilization were the creation and maintenance of a network of public roads (-» Viae publicae). Rome was able to make use of existing traffic networks in almost all the regions it conquered, here esp. in the Hellenistic East, the Carthaginian regions and Gaul. Given the posture of the sources, there was little initiative on the part of the Romans of the Republican Period to expand the existing road network in the conquered provinces. This

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500

1000

2000

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626

changed with the reign of Augustus, who introduced extensive road-building schemes throughout the imperium. By the mid 2nd cent., a comprehensive road network encompassing the entire Roman empire had developed, esp. under Tiberius [1], Claudius [III x], the Flavians, Trajan (Traianus [1]), Hadrian (Hadrianus) and Antoninus [1] Pius. Scholars variously suggest administrative, economic (+ Commerce) or military motivati-

ons (— Limes) for this.

Along with > milestones, itinerary-style milestones giving the distances to several places (CIL VII 22247; XVII 2, 291; 298; 489 f.; 675), itineraria (- Itinerare)

and map-like route depictions (> Tabula Peutingeriana) were available as aids to orientation during > travels. It is beyond doubt that Roman road construction (+ Roads and bridges, construction of) must

be seen in direct correlation with urban development, and thus also finally with > Romanization. In Italy itself, the network of > viae publicae set up by Rome had developed only since the 3rd cent. BC. In the early Republic, Roman road construction bore the strong stamp of the Etruscan road system. There were apparently no new installations in the course of Roman expansion before the end of the 4th cent. BC. Rather, the existing traffic structures were used. The oldest Roman viae publicae followed old trading routes (e.g., the > via Salaria, > via Latina) or served the direct es-

tablishment of control (> via Appia to Capua). Only when contact was established with the Hellenistic east, with its excellent network of roads, do such initiatives

seem to have begun in Italy. With the extension of the via Appia to Brundisium and the > via Aurelia through the via Aemilia Scauri, as well as the construction of the ~ via Flaminia, > via Aemilia, > via Annia and > via

Postumia, a network of great viae publicae stretched across the Italian peninsula by the end of the Roman Republic (cf. map). Erection of > milestones also seems to have been inspired from the Hellenistic east. The Italian road network was further extended during the Imperial Period (cf., e.g., via Traiana, > via Claudia Augusta).

On the urban streets of Rom, cf. -» Rome [III] (with maps 1 and 4), ~ via Sacra and -> Town planning [IV]. + Cartography;

~+» Communications;

> Commerce;

Communication;

Cursus publicus; > Infrastruc-

ture; — Itinerare; -» Mobility;

— Political administra-

tion; > Postal services; > Roads and bridges, construction of; — Traffic; + Travels; - Via Aemilia; — Via

Annia;

+ Via Appia; - Via Aurelia;

Augusta; > Via Flaminia; > Via Latina;

mia;

> Via Claudia Via Postu-

> Via Salaria; > Viae publicae

W.Eck, Die staatliche Organisation Italiens in der hohen Kaiserzeit, 1979, 25-87; H.E. Herzic, Probleme des romischen Straffenwesens, in: ANRW II 1, 1974, 593648; R.LaureNnce, The Roads of Roman Italy, 1999;

T.P. WisEMAN, Roman Republican Road-Building, PBSR 38, 1970, 122-152. ANCIENT

Maps:

in:

E. WeBer (ed.), Tabula Peutingeriana,

Codex Vindobonensis 324. Complete facsimile edition;

ROADS

original format, 1976; A. and M.Lev1, Itineraria picta. Contributo allo studio della Tabula Peutingeriana, 1967. MOobDeERN Maps: R.J. A. TaLBertT (ed.), Barrington Atlas

of the Greek and Roman World, 2000, esp. 39-48. BIBLIOGRAPHY: (Rome), in: DS

M.BESNIER, V.CHAPOT, s.v. via 5, 781-817; K.BRODERSEN, Terra Cognita. Studien zur romischen Raumerfassung, 1995; R.CHEVALLIER, Roman Roads, 1976; Id., Les voies romaines, 1997; FRIEDLANDER I, 318-390; V.GALLIAZZO, I ponti romani, vol. 1, 1995; vol.2, 1994;

K.Grewe, Licht am Ende des Tunnels, 1998, 124-135; Mitver; E.OrsHauseEn, Einfiihrung in die historische Geographie der Alten Welt, 1991; E.OLSHAUSEN, H. SONNABEND (eds.), Zu Wasser und zu Land. Verkehrs-

wege in der antiken Welt (Geographica Historica 17), 2002. B. GALLIA, GERMANIA AND BRITANNIA

In the first decades after the conquest of > Britannia, a Roman road system developed northwards only as far as the ‘Fosse Way’. On the whole, epigraphical evidence of road works is scanty. Only in the reign of Hadrian do milestones begin to appear ([1. nos. 32, 51, 61]; in total

c. 110 milestones are known). As these do not divulge a great deal of information, and since moreover the first page of the Tabula Peutingeriana with the ‘map’ of Britannia is missing, a Roman road network can be reconstructed only with the help of archaeological information and the Itinerarium Antonini. In the Gallic-Germanic regions, the via Domitia (CIL XVII 2, 294; Cic. Font. 18) between the Rhodanus (modern Rhone) and the Pyrene [2] (modern Pyrenees),

dating from 118 BC, is the oldest via publica. It formed part of the route from Rome to Hispania through the south of Gaul (Pol. 3,39; CIL XI 3281-84). The road network in Gaul was already well-developed prior to the Roman conquest, as is evident from, e.g., Caesar’s

De bello Gallico [z. 19-43]. The first information on Roman road construction north of Gallia Narbonensis comes from Str. 4,6,11, according to which Agrippa [1] built four roads from > Lugdunum (modern Lyons): one to Massalia (modern Marseilles), a second to Aquitania, a third to the Channel coast and a fourth to the Rhenus [2] (modern Rhine). There was expansion

under Claudius [III 1], who made much use of the Gallic-Germanic road network: e.g., the Rhine Valley roads were constructed (CIL XVII 2, 567; 573). Extensions,

such as the connection from -> Argentorate (modern Strasbourg) through the Black Forest (— Abnoba mons) into Rhaetia (CIL XVII 2, 654) in the Flavian Period, completed the road network as did the construction activities under esp. Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus [1] Pius [3. map 1]. Milestone finds (c. 700 known examples) attest to the active maintenance of these roads into Late Antiquity (CIL XVII 2, 53). One peculiarity of the organization of Roman roads in Gallia and Germania was the use of the > leuga on milestones from the time of Trajan and Hadrian, initially only in Aquitania, but later throughout almost the entire Gallic and Germanic region.

ROADS

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dom (616-509; > Etrusci). However, the seemingly ex-

threatened (for the end of the Roman Monarchy, see ~ Porsenna).

act data regarding the life and deeds of the Roman kings (Liv. 1; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1-4) should not be taken as reliable. As founder, R.’s first king > Romulus [1] is as mythical as his alleged political achievements: the people’s assembly, the Senate, the client system, the division of the population into > patricii (cf. > Aristocracy [3]) and plebeii (> plebs), three > tribus (cf. + Ramnes) and 30 > curiae. The same applies to the institution of priestly colleges and cults by his successor -» Numa Pompilius and also to the expansion of R. under Tullus — Hostilius [4] and Ancus > Marcius [I 3]. Nevertheless, these reports reflect the political and social structure of a community whose economy was based on agriculture and that was led by an elected king, a religious figure with limited political powers (> rex). The social structure of the community

was

even then divided into aristocratic families (gentes/ + gens; patres) and free peasants (> plebs), some of whom associated themselves with aristocratic families as their > clientes. In addition, there were strictly organized associations of men (> curiae); as personal membership associations under the leadership of a + curio [2] and with their own specific cults, they ensured the continuance of society by assisting with wills and adoptions. Collectively, the curiae also formed the basis for military organization as well as that of the earliest people’s assembly in the > comitia curiata (see also [8. 45-104]). The 7th cent. BC most likely also saw the fusion of the separate hilltop settlements into a single community, as indicated by the kings’ Latin or respectively Sabine descent (> Sabini) and also by the expansion of Roman territory to the Alban Hills (Tullus Hostilius) and along the lower reaches of the > Tiber (Ancus Marcius).

Under the subsequent rule of the three Etruscan kings (-* Tarquinius [11] Priscus, Servius > Tullius [14], > Tarquinius [12] Superbus), R.’s position in

Latium was strengthened. In the view of most historians, R.’s integration into the Etruscan cultural sphere had a positive effect on its urban development; R. became one of the largest cities in Italy [9. 198-212] and attracted craftsmen and tradesmen. Against this backdrop, especially the reforms attributed to Servius Tullius gain in plausibility: the division of the city into four tribus, which as territorial districts operated alongside the traditional tribus according to gentes, the division of the population fit for military service into property classes (> census) together with the increased integration of plebeii into the army now based on centuriae (+ Centuria) and no longer curiae, are all indications

that the Etruscan kings attempted to expand their power base beyond the gentes and thus to achieve a centralization of power [8. 117-124; 9. 173-197; 10]. The attempt by the last of the kings to provide a religious legitimization for this concentration by building a monumental temple to Jupiter [8. 124-131] may well have led, in 509 BC, to the abolition of the monarchy by an aristocracy who felt that their political status was

ROME

D. REPUBLIC (509-30/27 BC) 1. GENERAL REMARKS 2. EARLY REPUBLIC (509-287/6 BC) 3. MIDDLE REPUBLIC (287/6-133 BC) 4. LATE REPUBLIC: PERIOD OF

REVOLUTION, CRISIS OF THE REPUBLIC

(13 3-30/27 BC) 1. GENERAL REMARKS The customary subdivision of the total of about 500 years of the Republican Period into the Early Republic or the Struggle of the Orders (509-287), the Middle or High Republic (c. 287/6-133) and Late Republic or Crisis of the Republic (13 3-30/27 BC) again follows the development of the Roman constitution. At the beginning was the development of the constitutional institutions in the > Struggle of the Orders, i.e. the magistrate (> magistratus), the Senate (— senatus) and the

people’s assembly (— comitia, > concilium (2]). They were tried and tested during the years of the High Republic and declined in the Late Republic. On the other hand, this tripartition also describes R.’s ascent to a global power and the price that had to be paid by the aristocracy: at about the same time as the Struggle of the Orders ended, R. achieved supremacy over Italy (c. 270 BC). The balanced interaction of the constitutional institutions then formed one of the foundations for the establishment of Roman power across the entire Mediterranean region by the middle of the 2nd cent. BC (cf. Pol. 6). Ultimately, though, the new demands on state and society in the wake of the global empire led to a loss of consensus amongst the ruling classes and thus to a constitutional crisis which became apparent towards the end of the 2nd cent. BC and in its conclusion led to the Republic being superceded by the Principate. 2. EARLY REPUBLIC (509-287/6 BC) According to Roman tradition (Liv. 2,1), the mon-

archy was abruptly replaced by a patrician system. At its head were two > consuls with kingly > imperium, elected annually by the people’s assembly and advised by a patrician Senate. This system immediately came

under pressure from the > plebs, who in 494 disassociated themselves from the patrician Senate in the first secession (> secessio plebis), even though at that time R. was threatened externally by the Latini; the plebs appointed their own officials (> tribunus |7] plebis), whose ability to act was guaranteed by oath (— sacrosanctus). The resulting Struggle of the Orders (494-287/6) led to a gradual and successive reintegration of the plebeians. The Law of the Twelve Tables (451/0; > Tabulae duodecim) gave legal security to the plebs, in 445 the ban on intermarriage between patricians and plebeians was abolished, in 444 plebeians were admitted to the consular tribunate (— tribunus [5] militum consulari potestate), from 421 they could take the office of + quaestor, in 400 a plebeian commanded the army in the war against > Veii, and finally, in 367,

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676

the leges Liciniae-Sextiae (> Licinius [I 43] Stolo) stipulated the appointment each year of a plebeian as one of the two consuls. It was only a question of time for other appointments to become open to plebeians (3 56: » dictator; 351: > censor; 336: —> praetor), until the lex Ogulnia (300) finally also admitted them to the priestly offices of > pontifices and > augures. The lex Hortensia of 287/6 (+ Hortensius [4]) concluded this process by ruling that from then on decisions by the plebs in the concilia plebis (i.e.plebiscita) were to be equal to those of the entire population in the comitia

troop contingents. At the same time, both patricians and plebeians had learned from the Struggle of the Orders the exploitation of success in war as a primary means to define and secure social status. In that way, war had become a social imperative for the meritocratic elite of the nobiles [15. 10-53]. 3. MIDDLE REPUBLIC (287/6-133 BC) This was the situation when R. entered into the second period of the Republic. In a seemingly systematic progress, victories in the three + Punic Wars (264-241, 218-201, 149-146 BC), the three » Macedonian Wars

centuriata (leges).

(217-205, 200-197, 171-168 BC), in the war against » Antiochus [5] III (192-189; > Seleucids) and the vic-

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This picture of the Struggle of the Orders (especially its early phase) has since been challenged; the plebs and their tribunes are seen as fulfilling a rather more constructive role in the balance between patricians and plebeians, because the plebs with its notion of involving the entire public prevailed against the particular and federative concept of the patrician gentes, whose main concern was their own independence [11]. Whatever the view of the process, the end result of this struggle was the fully-fledged republican constitution (with magistratus, senatus, comitia) and a new elite of patricians and leading plebeians, the nobility (+ nobiles), who formed a consensus in the Senate, admitted only a small number of social climbers (homines novi; [12]) and basically gave the constitution a distinctive plutocratic-aristocratic note [13]. This new elite was horizontally interconnected through marriages, adoptions and political friendship (-» amicitia) and vertically linked through the fiduciary relationship with their clients (— cliens) to all social strata below the aristocracy,

thus exerting a strong influence on the will of the actual sovereign, i.e. the people’s assembly [14. 244-324]. This internal development cannot be seen in isolation from R.’s expansion in Italy. The threat posed by the — Latini, > Volsci and - Aequi not only provided the plebeians with the opportunity to use their military achievements for the legitimization of their demands, it also created the potential for reducing the economic pressure on the plebs: in the wake of the victories over Fidenae (426) and Veii (396), R. doubled its territory (ager Romanus) to c. 1500 km’; despite the setback resulting from the Gallic invasion of 387/6 (-» Celts II. C.), it increased to c. 3000 km’ after the Latin War of 340-338, and then to 27 ooo km* after the three Samnite Wars (+ Samnites) and the victory over -» Pyrrhus [3] (275) through the regular requisition of some parts of enemy territory. As the population barely doubled during this period, a huge land reserve was built up, providing both Romans and Latins with the option of settling in > coloniae. At the end of this first phase, R. had not only achieved internal political and social stability but also gained supremacy in Italy, based on numerous colonies ( Socii (Roman confederation), map) and secured by the personal interconnections between the Roman and Italian elites, in addition to a second army from the Italian allies, who were contractually obliged to provide

tory over Numantia (133), which temporarily concluded a series of campaigns in Spain, gave R. direct rule (> Provincia) or at least supreme influence in all regions bordering the Mediterranean Sea. However, a strong argument against a systematic progression towards global supremacy is the way in which the expansion actually happened, particularly the initially rather uncertain way in which R. dealt with territorial gains; the latter was in contradiction to the Romans’ principal readiness for war and their stubborn insistence to finish any war victoriously once it had started. With every military success, R. expanded further into existing zones of conflict, willingly engaged in these conflicts and used them to its military advantage, but apparently without any clear notion regarding forms of political organization or the economic exploitation of territories thus gained. With the capture of the Greek cities of Lower Italy early in the 3rd cent. BC, R. entered a zone with century-old links to Sicily and Greece (> Dionysius [1] and [2], > Agathocles [2], + Pyrrhus [3]), also the reason for its entry into the rst Punic War (cf. also > War guilt, problem of); however, in a clear deviation from tried and tested forms of political organization in Italy, > Sicily, though captured in 241, was only set up as a province 14 years later (227), i.e. on the basis of martial law (-» Provincia). R. exhibited similar hesitation in Spain, where in the 2nd Punic War

territory was gained in fact as early as 206 (cf. > Cornelius [I 71] Scipio) but was only followed nine years

later by the establishment of two provinces in 197. The conflict between Roman readiness for war and Roman need for territorial annexation was even more strident in the Greek sphere. The alliance between > Hannibal [4] and + Philippus [I7] V (215) drew Roman attention, more than before (+ Teuta), to the Adriatic and north-western Greek region. This led to a web of treaties in the rst-» Macedonian War (215-205; > Aetolians) and subsequently to contacts with > Pergamum, ~> Rhodos and > Athens [1]; however, victory over Philip in the 2nd Macedonian War (197) did not lead to an annexation of » Macedonia, but to R.’s declaration of freedom for the Greek cities (196; > Quinetius [I 14] Flamininus). As a guarantor of this freedom, R. entered the extensive conflict zone of the > Hellenistic states as an active player and did not avoid the associated military and diplomatic involvement; how-

677

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ever, it used neither the victory over Antiochus [5] III (189) nor that over Perseus [2] (168) for the establish-

170-150); subsequently, its most important representatives amongst the early annalists were Calpurnius [III x] Piso, Cassius [III 5] Hemina, Cn. Gellius [2] and Coelius [I 1] Antipater. An indication of their importance was the possibly contemporary edition of the priestly records in the - Annales maximi. Thus it seems an obvious suggestion that even as early as by the 2nd cent. BC, the structural framework of the events of early Roman history had been defined; later Annalists may have added to and blurred the narrative, but could no longer change the essential framework [19]. Important progress was achieved by Roman jurisprudence (+ Law; > luris prudentia): whereas it had already reacted to the requirements of a global empire with the development of a ius gentium (> Ius A.2.), the ius civile (> Tus A.2.) now underwent its first systematization in the Tripertita by Aelius [I 11] Paetus

ment of provinces as zones of direct rule and economic exploitation. However, in around 168, R. showed a new attitude to power and rule. The dissolution of Macedonia and the Macedonian monarchy (-> Perseus [2]), the severe damage to Rhodes by a reduction of its territory combined with the establishment of a free port on > Delos (x66) and the ultimative demand that the pro-Roman king > Antiochus [6] IV in Eleusis (Alexandria) withdraw his army (-> Popillius [I 2] Laenas) are indications of the change from a tentative striving for hegemony to an imperialistic policy, culminating in a brutal policy of annihilation as evident in the razing of > Carthage and ~ Corinth (both 146 BC) as well as > Numantia (133) (on the change in foreign policy [16]; on Roman imperialism in general [15; 17; 18]). This change in foreign policy was accompanied by significant changes in R.’s culture, economy and social structure. Stronger links with Greece awakened an interest in art (— Art, interest in); its main manifestation,

however, was in the large-scale theft of artifacts (Syracuse 211, Macedonia/Greece 167/146) as well as the copying of Greek works on an industrial scale rather than the development of an indigenous artistic style. Greek philosophy, by contrast, found little popular acclaim, least of all the — Scepticism of the Academy (+ Academy III.,IV.) and the Epicurean School. On the other hand, the moral codex of the Stoics (> Stoicism) with its demand for political activity was closer to the Roman mentality; through > Polybius [2], > Panaetius [4] and > Cicero, it became part of Roman political thinking. Despite the patronage of some Roman nobiles, the moving forces behind the beginnings of + literature (V.E.) and — literary activity (II.B.1.) were not Roman. + Livius [Il 1] Andronicus, who translated Greek

works into Latin as early as the 3rd cent. BC (including Homer’s Odyssey), arrived in 272 as a slave from Tarentum (— Taras [2]); > Naevius [I 1] from Campa-

nia wrote the earliest epic poem in Latin (on the rst Punic War), which then influenced — Ennius [1] (from Messapia), the author of the earliest Roman history in form of a narrative poem (Annales). > Plautus, father of the Roman comedy based on Greek models, hailed from Umbria; his successor > Terentius [II] 1] was a slave from Africa; the dramatic poets > Pacuvius and -» Accius came from Campania or respectively Umbria; Campania was also the home of > Lucilius [I 6], who gave -> satire, originally developed by Ennius, its typical Roman form. Only - historiography (III.A.) remained throughout the domain of politically experienced members of the Roman elite; its works were originally addressed at a Greek audience. Fabius Pictor [135], Cincius [2] C. Alimentus and others (+ Annalists) used Greek prose to write about the history of R. from its earliest beginnings. Latin historiography only became established with the Origines of Cato [1] (c.

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(cos. 198).

This widening of the cultural and academic horizon was accompanied by an amazing narrowing in the perception of internal developments. The nobility was not blind to the economic opportunities proffered by the empire. As early as 218 BC, a lex Claudia (> Claudius

[I x]) had sought to separate commerce and politics by barring senators from the ownership of vessels suitable for wholesale trade; this was followed after the 2nd

Punic War by a series of laws regulating the use of luxury items and public manifestations of individual wealth in order to maintain the appearance of aristocratic equality and to remember the > mos maiorum |20; 21]. However, the trials of the Scipiones (+ - Cornelius [I 71-72]) in the r80s BC against the victors over Hannibal [4] and Antiochus [5] III showed only too clearly the extent to which the prestige of an Africanus or Asiagenus threatened the equal opportunities of the nobiles. The Senate tightened the control over provincial governors by legates (— legatus) and repetundae trials (+ repetundarum crimen), but these half-hearted

measures remained largely ineffective. The fate of peasants received little concern: prevented by long military service from working their farms properly and threatened in their livelihood through the competition from the masses of imported slaves (- Slavery), they now also came under pressure from landhungry equestrians (> equites Romani) and senators.

As a result of this, > latifundia, largely managed by slaves, developed in Italy, and peasants ruined by war and the sons of large peasant families rushed to Rome, but their demands to be allocated land were not listened to (> Rural exodus). A legal limitation of the occupation of ager publicus in the 170s BC [22. 51-66] was not effective, especially as at about the same time the foundation of citizen colonies was abandoned. The attempt by Laelius [I 2], consul in 140 BC, to establish a settlement programme for Italian farmers, met with little enthusiasm by his peers and was abandoned. The storm was brewing.

679

680

This period began with the attempts by the two

it became particularly apparent how thoroughly the once balanced interplay between magistrate, Senate and popular assembly had collapsed. This development

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4. LATE REPUBLIC: PERIOD OF REVOLUTION, CRISIS OF THE REPUBLIC (143 3-30/27 BC)

Gracchi brothers, Tib. and C. > Sempronius [I 11;116] Gracchus (1434/3 and 124/122, respectively), by means

of a land redistribution to reverse the concentration of land ownership in the hands of the upper class, as had become apparent in the course of the 2nd cent. BC, and also the associated decrease in the numbers of landowning peasants eligible for military service (though it has to be assumed that political interests of the Gracchi and their backers also played a part [23]). The comprehensive reform plans by Gaius Sempronius Gracchus in particular highlight the backlog of reforms as a result of the almost exclusive focus of the nobiles on imperial foreign policy while neglecting internal affairs. All areas addressed by the Gracchan reforms became foci of controversy during the final century of the Republic. A temporary solution to the problem of excessive military demands on the population of Rome was the lowering of the census threshold and finally, by > Marius [I 1], the admission of unpropertied classes to military service against the - Cimbri and > Teutoni (104-101 BC). However, the subsequent provision of > veterans with

cultivable land created a very close bond of the soldiers to their military commander, which extended beyond the period of active service (military clientele); the result

of this was a militarization of internal politics, and ultimately culminated in the establishment of the professional army of the Imperial Period. The conflict-riddled attempts to enforce the provisions for veterans (— Agrarian laws) as well as the supply of the capital’s population with cheap grain (+ Grain laws; see below II.C.) dominated these latter years of the Republic. C. Sempronius Gracchus’ aim of integrating the Italian allies (> socii) into the Roman citizenry only became reality after a bloody war (-» Social Wars [3]); however, with the number of citizens swelling to almost

was taken even further in the Triumvirate of Antonius,

Lepidus and the future Augustus (43 BC; 2nd Triumvirate); they had themselves legally authorized by the lex Titia to reorganize the state. Both triumvirates ended in civil wars: the first in the power struggle between Pompey and Caesar, from which the latter emerged victoriously and was appointed dictator for life until he was assassinated on 15 March 44 BC; the 2nd Triumvirate led to the civil war between Antonius and the future Augustus, which ended in the battle of ~ Actium; the victor gained the military monopoly and thus the power over the empire. In a somewhat surprising contrast to the complications and confusions of the internal situation, which

culminated in excesses bordering on all-out civil war (> Catilina; > Clodius [I 4]; > Annius [I 14] Milo), the stability of the empire remained unaffected. The empire even grew in size, particularly in consequence of Pom-

pey’s wars in the East and Caesar’s conquest of Gaul. New provinces were added to the ten in existence at the time of Sulla: examples include Cyrenae (74), Creta (67), Bithynia et Pontus and Syria (64), Cyprus (58), Gallia (50), Africa nova (46), Aegyptus (30). The organization of the empire was partly stabilized by Pompey’s re-organization of the East after the + Mithridatic Wars (63 BC; see > Pompeius [I 3], map), partly by tightened controls over the provincial government as the result of the repetundae laws introduced by Sulla and Caesar; because of their detailed stipulations, these laws became de facto the administrative laws of the empire. E. IMPERIAL PERIOD 1. GENERAL

AD 284)

REMARKS

2. PRINCIPATE

(30/27 BC -

3. DOMINATE

one million, social bonds weakened, and thus also the

stability of the constitution. Of little effect were the reforms forcefully implemented by L. > Cornelius [I 90] Sulla during his dictatorship, focusing on the functional separation of internal politics and the administration of the provinces, the strengthening of the Senate and the weakening of the people’s tribune. On the contrary, Sulla was succeeded by a long line of military leaders who fought each other bitterly; some of them managed to transfer their military successes into politics, turning the history of the Late Republic into that of individual leaders who gradually dissolved the interplay and balance of power between the constitutional organs: > Aemilius [I 114] Lepidus, > Sertorius, > Licinius [I 11] Crassus, -> Pompeius [I 3] (with map), > Caesar (-» Gallia, with map) and finally » Antonius

[I] [Lo], > Aemilius [I 12] Lepidus and the future + Augustus. In the rst > Triumvirate (60 BC), an alliance of Pompey, Crassus and Caesar with the aim of a joint private control over R.’s internal and external politics,

1. GENERAL REMARKS The end of the Roman Republic also marked the end of the rivalry of ambitious military leaders who had stripped politics of any clear direction. The Imperial Period saw an increase in power tied to individuals because there was no concept of a hereditary monarchy, and thus any usurpation had the potential to lead to legitimate power [24]; but neither the > Principate nor the Dominate (-» Dominatus) can be seen as an unconnected series of individuals. This is the merit of the men at the outset of these two epochs (-» Augustus [1] and » Diocletianus, > Constantinus [1] I), who had a lasting impact due to their notion of political power and their organizational measures.; 2. PRINCIPATE (30/27 BC — AD 284)

A) ESTABLISHMENT AND PRINCIPLES The founder of the Principate, the future > Augustus, who as + Caesar’s heir had ruthlessly fought for the consulate and thus a position within the > triumvirate (+ Augustus B.), in his conflict with Antonius [II]

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Claudius [II 42] Marcellus, Gaius — Iulius [II 32], Lucius -> Julius [II 33], > Tiberius [II 1]) were awarded by the Senate. For that reason, the Senate claimed the right to officially bestow the imperial title to the princeps. It was already obvious in the case of -» Caligula (37-41) that this right had degenerated to little more than a mere confirmation of a decision taken by the + Praetorians or later the legions; nevertheless, both Senate and emperor upheld this principle until the late 3rd cent. Through the dynastic notion, Augustus had introduced a stabilizing element to the Principate. Although descent from the imperial family did not bestow an automatic right to the throne, it fostered continuity because both citizens from time immemorial and sol-

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» Actium (31) and the deaths of Antonius and Cleo-

patra (30), he held all power in the state (‘potitus rerum omniumy’, R. Gest. div. Aug. 34); for that reason, it was

necessary for him to establish his position within a Republican framework. He was so convincing in achieving this aim that the development towards a monarchy is obvious in hindsight, but his contemporaries could well have interpreted his actions as a return to Republican rule: between 30 and 28, he discharged more than half of his 500,000 soldiers, settling them in Italy and in the provinces (+ Romanization; rans), repealed

a number

> Coloniae; — Vete-

of questionable

decisions

from the triumviral period, purged the Senate of ‘unworthy’ elements and constituted the citizen body in a new census. In his chosen title of > princeps, he referred back to Republican traditions, and early in 27, he handed his mandate back to the Senate and the people. In return, he was awarded the honorary title of Augustus and given the command of the legions in the unpacified (imperial) provinces, while the Senate assumed control over the pacified (senatorial) provinces with only a few legions (for the division, see map > Legio). In 23 BC, he re-

nounced his perpetual consulship, and in 19 BC, he was given an imperium consulare for life. Augustus had thus become a > privatus and could therefore claim to hold neither honours nor official powers (> potestas) that were irreconcilable with the Republican system and/or were not bestowed on him by the Senate or the people; he could maintain that his position was solely based on > auctoritas, a power to act with Republican roots which gave him social and thus in Roman understanding also political power, but was not constitutionally defined (R. Gest. div. Aug. 34). In reality, his power was based on four very concrete pillars: the legions in his provinces; the loyalty of his helpers and allies (~ Agrippa [1]; » Maecenas [2]; particularly emphasized by [25]); his immense wealth, permitting him to commission buildings, to act as patron of the arts (> Horatius [7], > Livius [III 2], » Ovidius; > Vergilius; cf. [26]) and benefactor (see below IILF.)

and to become an omnipresent patron and > pater patriae [27; 28]; finally a good relationship with the Senate based on mutual respect, because Augustus could not do without the Senate in the administration of the empire and because in turn the Senate was to be kept in the belief that the role of the princeps was only due to the Senate’s authorization. With his attempt to pass his tailor-made position in the state, made to fit him alone, to a successor, Augu-

diers after > Marius [I r] had been accustomed to loyalty towards the family of the patronus. The collapse of a dynasty could result in unrest (as in 68/9 after the death of — Nero [1] and in 192/3 after the death of —+ Commodus) because a new focus for the army’s loyalty had to be found. Even in the chaos of the 3rd cent., there is plenty of evidence of attempts to use dynastic continuity as a means of crisis management [29. 185188].

More important for continuity was the objectification of power through the development of an imperial administration with very close links to the emperor [30]. Augustus may have lacked a firm concept at the outset — to the extent that the only reason for his suc-

cessful integration into the - res publica was his very hesitance and experimentation — but by the end of his life, he had established a stable pattern which in its essential features prevailed for centuries, surviving psychopaths on the throne, usurpers and civil wars. Senators retained their high-ranking positions as governors ofthe senatorial provinces in the rank of proconsuls, but also as legati Augusti pro praetore (+ Legatus 4.) in the provinces of the princeps, where they were indebted to him for their careers. Members of the equestrian order (— ordo II.; > equites Romani), by

that time clearly distinct from the senatorial class, increasingly accepted salaried military, financial or economic positions in the service of the emperor (> procuratores; > praefectus;

+ tres militiae). Their power

at times exceeded that of senators (— praefectus praetorio; > praefectus Aegypti; > cura [2]; > cura annonae). In R. itself, an administration divided into different departments (a -> libellis, a studiis, ab ~ epistulis, a -» rationibus) developed in the princeps’ palace under the direction of imperial > freedmen. Their power became a constant source of friction with the Senate until (under Domitianus [1] and particularly under Hadrianus [II]) these posts, too, were given to members of the equestrian order. Despite this expansion, the total number of such office holders did not exceed 200; while this was four times as many as the approx. 50 magistrates of the Republican administration, it was

685

686

still an insignificantly small number for an empire of about 3.5 million km’*, a population of 50 million and

(> Artabanus [5] II). > Caligula (37-41) was the first to discredit the Principate with his murderous obsession with power and the demand to be worshipped as a god. His uncle + Claudius [II 1] (41-54), an erudite eccentric, again proved himself a capable ruler. He streamlined the administration through the establishment of central offices under the direction of his freedmen (> Narcissus [II 1], ~ Antonius [II] [II ro] Pallas), integrated client states into the empire as provinces (Iudaea: 44; Lycia and Thracia: 43), set up new provinces (Mauretania: 42; Britannia: 43) and significantly improved the Italian infrastructure. — Nero (54-68) started promisingly (— Afranius [3] Burrus, > Seneca [2]) but then devoted himself entirely to his artistic interests. Because of his megalomania, he was thought capable of having caused the fire of R. in 64; the Christians were then accused of arson and brutally persecuted. A conspiracy against him failed (in 65; > Calpurnius [II 13] Piso); his disinterest in the fate of the empire (> Iulius [II 150] Vindex) finally cost him the loyalty of the legions and of the Praetorians and forced him to commit suicide. The tensions particularly between Tiberius and the

more

than

1,000 cities (+ municipium;

— coloniae).

These cities bore the main administrative burden. Enjoying local autonomy, they were led and advised by a town council (+ decurio [1]) and municipal officials (+ duoviri; + quattuorviri) who could rise to the equestrian or senatorial order. The contact to the emperor was through respected citizens or the regional councils of the provinces (+ concilium 3.) which organized the imperial cult (> Ruler cult) and communicated through legations [31]. The financial administration was given a new foundation through the periodical assessment (> census) of the financial power of the individual provinces, resulting in a fairer taxation and for the first time ever creating a state budget. The > aerarium populi Romani (Saturni) continued as treasury under the supervision of

the Senate; however, of far greater importance was the aerarium militare with its regular flow of income from taxes, being an imperial treasury to fund the provisions for the > veterans. The > fiscus Caesaris, the emperor’s private fund, dealt with far greater sums and, with its

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various branches (e.g. the > fiscus Iudaicus), constitu-

unnerved Senate, which led to the infamous lése-maje-

ted the actual treasury of the empire. Even though new taxes had been introduced, the population generally suffered less under the burden of taxation during the first two centuries of the Principate than under Repub-

sté trials (— maiestas C.3.), were caused not least by the absence of any regulation regarding the succession. The fact that basically every leading senator was a contender for the throne became very clear in the > year of four emperors (68/9) after the first dynasty had died out [24. 240-416]. The legions on the Rhine proclaimed + Verginius [II 1] Rufus, those in Spain and Gaul favoured - Galba [2], to whom Verginius then also gave his support; the Praetorians supported their praefectus> Otho, while the legions on the Rhine then hailed - Vitellius [II 2]. The ultimate victor to emerge from this conflict was Flavius Vespasianus, the candidate of the legions in the East and on the Danube. The Senate had confirmed each of these pretenders as princeps. The legions thus joined the Praetorians as emperor-makers, with an early indication of the regions from which most of the soldier emperors of the 3rd cent. were to hail: Rhine, Danube and Euphrates. With Vespasian, a family had risen to power (Flavian

lican rule (> Taxes IV.).

Financial security was particularly important for the army, who swore their oath of allegiance (— sacramentum)

to the emperor

himself and whose

loyalty had to be ensured as the basis of imperial rule. Even at times of peace, the standing army, reduced after the battle of Actium (31 BC) from about 60 to 28 legions (c. 150,000 men), gobbled up more than half of the national income through > soldiers’ pay (minimum of 900 denarii per annum), the » donativum as well as the gratuity payable after 20 years of service. In addition, there were payments for the Praetorian guard (who served for 16 years at three times a legionary’s pay), for the 6,000 men of the cohortes urbanae (> Cohors) inR. as well as for naval crews. Augustus used the army to achieve a significant increase in the empire’s territory and to safeguard its frontiers, particularly in Spain, the Alps and along the Danube [32. 395-416]. It was only towards the end of his life that he advised a consolidation of the empire within the borders defined by the Rhine, Danube and Euphrates rivers. B) EARLY AND HIGH PRINCIPATE (14-96 AND 96-192)

In this division into periods, the first two centuries AD appear as a unit even though the first group of principes (from the family of Augustus; Julio-Claudian dynasty 14-68; for genealogical table see > Augustus) already exhibited a kaleidoscope of virtues and vices. > Tiberius [II 1] (14-37) was exemplary in his care for empire and provinces and demonstrated exceptional foreign policy skills in the conflict with the Parthians

dynasty: 69-96) who was not of Roman but of Italic

nobility; for that reason, they had to strive for consensus and also place particular emphasis on their own position. Vespasian (69-79) continuously held the of-

fice of consul, generally together with his elder son > Titus [II 2] (79-81), and it is not mere chance that the law concerning his appointment (— lex de imperio Vespasiani), bestowing on him all of the princeps’ rights, survives as an inscription. It may be for the same reasons that as princeps and censor for life (censor perpetuus from 85), his younger son + Domitianus

[1]

(81-96) extended the powers of the emperor to their utter limits, to the particular detriment of the Senate. His erratic rule in R. led to conspiracies and ultimately to his murder in 96; but to the last he could count on the

support of loyal legions, and in the provinces he was seen as a capable and just ruler.;

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For that reason, the rule of his successor > Nerva [2] (96-98) was immediately threatened by tensions with

the Praetorians, who did not want to accept Domitian’s assassination. By adopting

-» Traianus [1], then commander of the army of the Rhine, Nerva gained the support of the army and created a new dynasty, that of the > adoptive emperors (98-192). Adoption as a means to pass on power and rulership had already been practiced by Augustus within his family and by Galba outside of it (-* Calpurnius [II 24] Piso). A new aspect was the ideological stylization of adoption as a means to select the best, irrespective of family ties —an obvious reaction to the dynastic policy of the Flavians, which had resulted in Domitian’s tyrannical reign. However, the weakness of that concept is apparent on the one hand in the frequency of adoptions from inside the imperial family (+ Adoptive emperors, with stemma) and on the other hand in the casualness with which ~ Marcus [II 2] Aurelius, the first emperor of this dynasty with an adult son of his own blood, designated him (+ Commodus) as his successor (co-ruler from 177).

In the 2nd cent. AD, the Roman empire experienced its furthest expansion and also its greatest stability. In two wars, Trajan (98-117) conquered Dacia (> Daci)

and its gold mines (ro1-102; 105-106) and later achieved considerable success against the > Parthians (113-117), but was unable to consolidate these gains in the longer term due to uprisings flaring behind his back. He promoted the integration of the nobility from the whole empire (he himself was from Spain), organized the alimentary scheme (— alimenta) for the support of Italian children (originally set up by Nerva), and assisted the provinces in difficulties. His successor -» Hadrianus [II] (117-138) abandoned the territorial gains in the East; like Augustus before him, he wanted the empire protected by river frontiers and, if necessary, by artificial barriers (Hadrian’s Wall in northern England; > Limes II.). His focus was entirely on the empire’s internal organization; Hadrian spent more than

half of his reign travelling in the attempt to turn the empire into a unified structure. By contrast, his successor > Antoninus [1] Pius (138-161) never left R.; uprisings in Britannia (hence the building of the Antonine Wall) and in the East (> Parthian and Persian wars B.) had hardly any effect on the general state of peace. + Marcus [2] Aurelius (161-180), though, who immediately appointed his adoptive brother Lucius + Verus as co-ruler (161-169), found himself forced

from 161 to fight against the Parthians in the East and along the Danube against the > Iazyges, Quadi and + Marcomanni, who in 166 managed to advance as far as Verona. The pressure on the Danube had increased because the tribes living there had themselves been driven from the lands beyond. After his father’s death near > Vindobona (Vienna) in 180, > Commodus (180-— 192) did not continue with the former’s plans to secure the Danube frontier, but the situation there had eased somewhat. Commodus fancied himself as a gladiator and Hercules Romanus, until in 192 his closest confi-

dants put a violent end to his murderous excesses.

688

687

The empire had become a unified entity within comparatively secure borders. Provinces and cities flourished, and trade routes were safe. The high degree of Romanization is also evident in literature, many of whose proponents were from the provinces: Tacitus [1] probably hailed from southern France, the two Senecas from Spain, as did Lucanus [1], Martialis [1], Columella, Hyginus and Pomponius [III 5] Mela. Africa (+ Africa 3.) was the home of Fronto [6] and Ap(p)uleius [III], probably also of Florus [1]. The Greek sphere, too, flourished anew in the writings of authors such as Pausanias [8], Arrianus [2] and Plutarchus [2]. Lucianus [1] from Syria dazzled with his satirical dialogues, while Dion [I 3] Chrysostomus, Herodes [16] Atticus and Aelius Aristides [3] impressed with their polished language as ‘concerned orators’ (~ Second Sophistic). Scientific literature was written in the East as in the West: Plinius [1] (natural history), Vitruvius [2] (architecture), Pedanius [1] Dioscorides (botany), Galen (medicine), Ptolemaeus [65] (mathematics, geog-

raphy) and Aelius-> Herodianus [1] all produced works oflasting influence, as did philosophers such as the Stoic Epictetus [2], whose teachings were widely accepted in the West (e.g. by Seneca, Plinius [1]) and even met with interest from the emperor (— Marcus [II 2] Aurelius G.).

However, there were also darker sides: imperial interventions increased in frequency and initiated a process of diminishing municipal autonomy; the increasing planning and regulatory authority of the imperial offices inevitably led to the autocratization of the Principate; the aim of achieving legal equality of all inhabitants of the empire weakened the special position of Italy and also of Roman citizenship (— civitas); the potential influence of the senators decreased in line with the growing number of equestrians serving as department heads, in the imperial councils (+ consilium 3. principis) and in the jurisdiction; the emperor’s word increasingly became law (cf. > edictum [2] perpetuum); the

social division between upper and in law (> honestiores/humiliores); peasants regarding their poverty ditions had even been brought

lower classes was set early complaints by and deplorable conto Hadrian’s notice

(> colonatus).

Cc) THE CRISIS OF THE 3RD CENT The victor emerging from the wars following the murder of Commodus was -> Septimius [II 7] Severus. The dynasty that he founded (193-235) created stability for a short period but then crumbled under the pressure from outside threats and civil wars. The years from 235 to 284 saw the rule of more than two dozen regular emperors and almost twice as many usurpers. The crisis began to abate after 260. D) THE SEVERAN

DYNASTY

(193-235)

In the fight for the appointment to the throne, the Praetorians discredited themselves by murdering ~» Pertinax (Dec. 192 — March 193), the candidate approved by the Senate, and by subsequently selling the position of princeps to the wealthy — Didius [II 6]

689

690

Iulianus (April/May 193). Still in April, the legions made their choices: the Syrian legions opted for > Pescennius Niger, the legions on the Danube wanted + Septimius [II 7] Severus and those in Britannia — Clodius [JI 1] Albinus. Septimius Severus (193-211) ultimately prevailed as an emperor who made no secret of the Principate’s true power base in the legions and who made that unmistakably clear to the Senate. He was able to maintain the loyalty of his soldiers by opening career paths to them allowing a rise to equestrian rank (and thus access to positions within the imperial administration), by increasing their pay and privileges, and through his military successes in the wars against the Parthians (197—

ened to fall apart with the secession of two areas which formed military-strategic unities: the Gallo-Celtic West and the East between the Mediterranean and the > Euphrates [2]. The Gallic empire was developed from 260 under the rule of + Postumus [3], who succeeded in repelling the Germanic tribes; he found recognition in Gaul, Brit-

202) and in Britannia (208-211). He thus gave up the

civilian pose upheld by his predecessors; at the same time, he linked himself and his dynasty to earlier principes through fictitious adoption (— Antonines), sharing their sense of duty, particularly in the areas of jurisdiction and towards the lower classes. In Antiquity, he was portrayed as the devious African on the throne who was driven by his hatred of the Senate, was married to the Syrian > Iulia [12] Domna and despised Roman values; this image has largely been corrected in recent research [33]. The situation in the empire demanded efficiency. Taxes were ruthlessly collected, particularly the annona militaris levied on grain and natural produce to supply the army; the municipal nobility was personally liable for their payment. Transport and trade corporations were conscripted; the first signs of restrictions in the choice of profession were discernible. Septimius had stabilized the empire after the civil wars, reorganized its finances and established an efficient legal administration under the direction of jurists (> Papinianus); his energy and determination and the

loyalty of the army were of lasting benefit, not only for his direct successor Caracalla (211-217) but also for the extravagant > Elagabalus [2] (218-222) and the

militarily unsuccessful — Severus [2] Alexander (222235), both influenced by ambitious and intelligent women (-> Iulia [17] Maesa, > Iulia [9] Mamaea). E) THE CRISIS OF THE EMPIRE

In the 3rd cent., it became obvious that from Marcus Aurelius onwards, Roman foreign policy had been reduced to reaction to external threats. In the East, the + Sassanids (in the ideological tradition of the -» Achaemenids [2] from the rule of > Ardashir [r]) tried from 230 onwards to expand their empire’s borders westward. In the West, powerful confederations of Germanic tribes had developed (> Franci and > Alamanni) while on the Danube the + Quadi had been joined by the > Goti. As a result of this pressure, the legions increasingly proclaimed their own commanders as emperors; the subsequent civil wars then weakened the empire’s defensive strength. The loyalty of the soldiers was paid for by a higher tax burden and heavier demands on the population. The situation became desperate when the plague broke out in 250, decimating the army and the population. In 260, the empire threat-

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ain and Spain. His successors were — Victorinus [2] (269-271) and > Esuvius [1] Tetricus (271-274). In the

East, the Palmyrene empire (-> Palmyra) was set up by ~» Odaenathus [2] and his son — Vaballathus after ~ Valerianus [2] was captured by the Sassanids in 260; Vaballathus’ mother + Zenobia [2] ruled on her son’s behalf, ultimately as self-proclaimed empress. But the very disintegration of the Roman empire saved it because the separated smaller empires were strong enough to maintain their positions; this made it possible for ~ Gallienus (253-268), > Claudius [III 2] Gothicus (268-270) and > Aurelianus [3] (270-275) to concen-

trate on the protection of Italy and the defence against the Goths along the Danube. After the victory over the Goths in 271, Aurelian abandoned Dacia; as restitutor

orbis he reunited the Roman empire, first the separated empire in the East (272) and then the one in the West

(274). The crisis was not universally apparent; whereas Gaul and the provinces along the lower Danube suffered devastation, Britain, Africa, Syria, and even Pannonia prospered. Cultural life, too, continued to thrive. Cassius [III 1] Dio, Herodianus [2] and Dexippus [2] wrote historical works; philosophy was the field of the Platonist Origenes [1] and the Neoplatonists Plotinus and Porphyrius; Christian literature saw its first period of bloom with the works of Origenes [2], Tertullianus [2], Minucius [II 1] Felix, Cyprianus [2] and Novatlanus. 3. DOMINATE A) GENERAL REMARKS The crisis could only be overcome by a total concentration on the military requirements. The autonomy of of the cities as well as freedom and citizenship (already weakened by the > Constitutio Antoniniana of 212) took second place. Aurelian’s attempt to link the legitimization of his rule to Sol Invictus (— Sol [I D]) is an early move in the direction of the emperor’s sacrally exalted position [34]. The persecutions of the Christians (> Tolerance [II D]) by ~ Decius [II 1] and -» Valerianus [2] and the advance of Eastern cults (e.g. » Mithras, - Sabazius) revealed a deep uncertainty towards the Roman deities. > Diocletianus and > Constantinus |r] I, the founders of the Dominate, did not have a coherent concept for dealing with this multitude of problems; they only reacted to current requirements. However, just as under Augustus earlier, all of these individual measures combined to a coherent new structure.

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691

692

B) ESTABLISHMENT AND PRINCIPLES OF THE

[r]) and stationed along the empire’s frontiers, and a

DOMINATE

mobile army (+ comitatenses), which under the com-

Diocletian established a system of collegiate rule (cf. > Tetrarches) as a reaction to the usurpations that had dominated the 3rd cent. In 285, he approached -» Maximianus [1] to help him as Caesar for Gallia and the Rhine frontier; in 286, he made him a second Augu-

stus for the region comprising Italy, North Africa and the upper reaches of the Danube while he himself took care of the East and the > Euphrates frontier. In 293, he appointed two further Caesars for assistance: > Galerius [5] for the lower Danube and the Balkan, and Flavius + Constantius [1] I for Gaul, Britain and the Rhine frontier. The Caesars adopted by the Augusti were their sons-in-law and designated successors. This parallel dynasty proved itself both militarily and politically under the aegis of its founder but crumbled after his long-planned retreat in 305. After long civil wars, the dual emperorship of — Licinius [II 4] and Constantinus [1] I emerged in 312, but Constantine returned to sole rule after his victory over Licinius [II 26] Valerianus in 324. The imperial family held on to the notion of a

territorial division of imperial rule until the middle of the 5th cent. (see Constantinus |r] and > Theodosius {II 2] I for stemma).

One of the consequences of the Tetrarchy was an enlargement of the army, the costs of which necessitated a fundamental reform of the collapsed tax and currency system. A fairer distribution of the burden was achieved by Diocletian’s system of > capitatio-iugatio, a combined tax on the produce of land and on human and animal labour, which was assessed periodically (> indictio). The currency was not successfully consolidated until Constantine, who introduced the > solidus (a gold coin); it was also under his rule that laws were

passed preventing farmers and other productive workers from leaving their homes and professions in order to secure the tax income. Diocletian’s Price Edict of 301 (— edictum |3]| Diocletiant), which set prices for goods and services in minute detail with the aim to prevent further inflation, was of little impact despite the threat of severe punishments. In view of this flood of regulations, controls had to

be intensified in the interest of maintaining the state’s authority. Asa result, the 50 provinces that had existed in the 3rd cent. were split up into 100 smaller and more manageable units. A new intermediate level of 12 dioceses (> dioikésis Il.) was set up; these had their own

administration under the direction of a> vicarius [1] as the official deputy of the praetorian prefect, thus ensuring the link to the imperial central bureaucracy (for map and diagram see > Diocletianus). It is assumed for the 4th cent. that about 25-—30,000 civil servants of various rank and pay were involved in maintaining this system (+ Bureaucracy IIl.; -» Notitia dignitatum; -> Scrinium).

A significant factor in the stability of the empire was the restructuring of the army, i.e. its division into a frontier force (— limitanet), commanded

by duces (> Dux

mand of a -> magister militum — increasingly of Germanic descent — could be rapidly dispatched to trouble hotspots (> Armies III. C.). Such a rapid response force had already been envisaged in Gallienus’ army reforms and was significantly expanded by Constantine; in Late Antiquity, it became the most important part of the army. This clearly defensive concept proved flexible enough to pursue aggressive aims as well, e.g. in the Persian campaign by - Julianus [rr]. In their religious policies, Diocletian and Constantine pursued opposing aims. The reasons for Diocletian’s persecutions of the Christians (from 303; > Tolerance) were presumably his trust in the power of the Roman deities (he referred to himself as Jovius, after

» Juppiter) and his desire to leave to his successors a state with a unified religious structure. His persecution became the largest threat that the Christians had to face to that date. Even though there had been local pogroms from Nero’s time, the emperors had generally shown little interest in the Christians; Trajan had forbidden to search them out (‘conquirendi non sunt’, Plin. Ep. 10,97). It was only during the crisis of the 3rd cent. that in 250 Decius issued a general order to make sacrifices (— supplicatio), which then sparked the first empirewide persecution of Christians. However, it came to an end soon after, when the emperor died in 251. The persecutions initiated by Valerian in 257 were stopped by his son Gallienus in 260. Diocletian’s persecution edict of 303 was particularly dangerous because the well-organized Christians (— Christianity C. and D.) by then openly confessed their faith and because the tight bureaucratic control made it possible to register and identify them. The effect of the edict in the West was negligible. In the East, however, the persecution was carried out with

considerable bloodshed until Galerius gave up there, too, and in 311 reluctantly agreed to tolerate the Christian religion (Lactant. De mort. pers. 34). Constantine maintained that his 312 victory over Maxentius was

due to the aid of the Christian God; subsequently he went far beyond mere tolerance by not only recognizing Christianity as a religion of equal standing but by making it his preferred cult. He did not make it the compulsory religion, though. This was soon to change, particularly in the East with a downright persecution of pagans: in 381, Gratianus [2] (367-383) issued a ban on sacrifices to the old deities; in 392, + Theodosius

[II 2] | (379-395) expanded this ban to all private sacrifices and made Christianity the state religion; a law issued by -> Zeno [18] (474-491) compelled all citizens to be baptized (+ Baptism; Cod. lust. 1,1r1,r0,1). Emperor > lulianus [11] (360-363) failed in his attempt to restore the attraction of the ancient religions by remodelling them on the charity, hierarchical structures and priestly moral codex of the Christian Church. The last hope for a revival of the ancient cults was shattered in 394 with Theodosius’ victory over the usurper > Eugenius [1], who appeared as a supporter of the Senate.

693

694

In all these developments, the Christian Church appeared by no means asa unity. Constantine was the first to learn that as soon as the Church was liberated from state pressure, it would not shy away from violence in dealing with its theological disputes, and also expected him to make decisions and support them with the means of his secular power (+ Arianism; + Donatus [x]; > Heresy). The involvement of the emperor in religious battles remained a constant feature throughout Late Antiquity. In the long run, it was bound to be harmful to the independence of the Church if the emperors determined what the faith was to be, particularly as they, too, did not follow a consistent line (~ Nicaenum; — Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum; Monophy-

frontier remained comparatively stable up to the rule of ~ Justinianus [1] I (527-565), despite fierce battles with - Chosroes [5] I (531-579). Attacks launched by > Chosroes [6] II (590/591-628) advanced far into the territory, resulting in the siege of Constantinople in 626. The counterattack by > Heraclius [7] (610-641), deposing Chosroes from the throne, was successful but came too late. The expansion of > Islam began in 630 and essentially left the Eastern Empire only the rule over Asia Minor and Greece, which was under threat from Slavic tribes. In the West, the deployment of troops against the Persians led to more frequent invasions by Germanic tribes as well as usurpations (~ Magnentius). Despite this, Constantius [2] IJ managed to hold the Danube frontier, and his Caesar, Iulianus [11], repelled the > Alamanni near Argentorate (Strasbourg) in 357. However, the situation changed fundamentally when the > Hunni advancing from the East pushed the Germanic tribes, who had gathered north of the Danube, in a wide front across the lower reaches of the Danube (Visigoths from 375; — Fritigern), then across the Rhine (Vandals, Alani, Suebi, Burgundiones 406/7; + Migration of peoples). The treatment of the > Visigoths after their peaceful crossing of the Danube was at best undiplomatic, if not heavy-handed, leading to their uprising and ultimately the defeat and death of Valens at > Hadrianopolis [3] (the modern Edirne) in 378. It was only in 382 that Theodosius I achieved a temporary settlement with a treaty which made the Visigoths > foederati; in consequence, they were obliged to provide armed assistance while retaining their autonomous status under international law (for the first time within the empire’s bor-

sitism).

Even more than the imperial > ruler cult, Christianity permitted the religious elevation of the emperor, who in the Christian view was fashioned as the ruler appointed by God in succession to Christ (+ Eusebius [7]), also justifying any arrogant and often brutal changes to legislature and jurisdiction. The emperor’s vestments as well as the imperial ceremonies were a combination of traditional, Christian and Hellenistic elements together with some borrowed from the Sassanids. The immediate surroundings of the emperor were

seen

as

‘sacred’

(sacrum)

or even

‘sacrosanct’

(sacrosanctum). The polarization of society into a few rich and innumerable poor was also mirrored by the distance between the masses of subjects and the remote emperor in his palace, rigid and immovable as the law itself. This was the basis on which the Byzantine empire developed, particularly in the capital of - Constantinople (founded in 324 by Constantine and inaugurated in 330). c) LATE ANTIQUITY

After Constantine’s death in 337, the empire remained in fragile unity under his two sons, who fought each other fiercely. The forthcoming separation into an Eastern and a Western Empire was already indicated when the areas of authority were divided between the brothers + Valentinianus [1] I (364-375) for the West and — Valens [2] (364-378) for the East. This became even clearer in the way that after the death of Theodosius I (395) his sons defined their spheres of control: ~ Arcadius (in the East until 408) and - Honorius [3] (in the West until 428). This division was subsequently consolidated through political intrigue and religious differences. Foreign affairs remained focused on the defence against threats posed by the Sassanids and Germanic tribes. In the East, Diocletian achieved a military success against the Persians, sealed in 298 with a peace treaty. After the death of Constantine, > Sapor [2] I increased the pressure, to which > Constantius [2] II could only respond with limited means. In 363, the Persian campaign by ~ Iulianus [11] failed, and his successor + Iovianus (363-364) had no choice but to abandon the territories beyond the Tigris as well as the city of Nisibis. After another peace treaty in 3.98, the eastern

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ders).

The Germanic tribes who had moved into Gaul in 406 could not be driven back, either. Nominally under the authority of the emperor, they generally settled as foederati in closed groups in Spain and Gaul: the > Suebi in north-western Spain, the > Vandals initially in southern Spain, then from 429 in Africa. From 418, Visigoths under > Ataulfus began to settle in southern and south-western Gaul (later also in Spain); after the attack on R. in 410 (> Alaricus [2]), they had failed in

their attempt to cross over to Africa. With the aid of strong military commanders (— Constantius [6] III; » Aetius [5]), Gaul remained in Roman hands. In 451, Aetius even succeeded in defeating the Huns under ~» Attila on the > Campi Catalauni. Britannia was lost. Aetius’ murder in 454 by the distrustful Valentinianus [4] Ill (425-455) and the end of the Western Roman empire facilitated the accumulation of power by individual people in Gaul (— Aegidius) and, more importantly, the expansion of Franconian rule (> Childeric I; -» Clovis I; Merovingians). In the general dissolution of imperial authority in the West, the disposal of the last Roman emperor > Romu-

lus [2] Augustulus by > Odoacer in 476 passed almost unnoticed, particularly since > Nepos [3], who was

695

696

recognized as heir by the Eastern Empire, continued to reside in Dalmatia until 480. As the death of Theodosius I (395) was followed by a succession of -» child emperors, actual power had for long been in the hands of courtiers (> Eutropius [4]; — Chrysaphius; + Eunuchs) and Germanic military commanders

pagan: > Ausonius, > Rutilius [II 1] Namatianus; cf. also the letters of + Symmachus [II 4] to > Flavianus [2] Nicomachus) flourished anew, praising R., its em-

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(> magister militum). It was not uncommon

for these

to attract the fatal mistrust of the imperial family, with whom they were frequently linked by marriage, or of the emperor himself (> Stilicho; > Aetius [5]). After the dynasty of Theodosius had died out in the West (455), > Ricimer and Orestes [4] engaged in a veritable juggling act with emperors (— Avitus [1], Maiorianus [1], Libius > Severus [II 5], Anthemius, Anicius [II 15] Olybrius, Glycerius, Romulus Augustulus).

The East only just escaped a similar fate because Ardabur [2] Aspar, who after the death of Theodosius [II 3] Il (408-450) had initially appointed Marcianus [7] (450-457) to the throne, followed by Leo [4] 1(457474), was successfully removed in 471 by > Zeno [18] with Leo’s consent. The rule of the Byzantine emperors was consolidated again under Anastasius [1] (491-518) and lustinus [1] I (518-527), allowing Iustinianus [1] I (527-565) to consider the restoration of a unified empire. His generals - Belisarius, Bonifatius and ~» Narses [4] successfully reintegrated the Vandal kingdom in North Africa (534), the Ostrogoth kingdom (> Theodericus [3], > Witigis) in Italy (553) and a small part of the Visigoth kingdom in southern Spain (555), but by the end of the 6th cent. most of these gains were lost again to the Langobardi, Visigoths and Moors. Lasting testimonies of his attempts to make the ‘New Rome’ the new centre of the Roman empire are the > Hagia Sophia and the Codex Iustinianus (> Codex II. C.; > Novellae C.). Architecture, art and craft were promoted by the emperors’ need for prestigious representation, the wealth of the senators and that of the Church, the third-largest landowner (+ Church property). In the large churches in R., Antioch [1], Jerusalem, Ravenna and Constantinople, mosaics glittered above the columns of the ancient temples, and pagan and Christian motifs were combined in the sophisticated sarcophagus sculptures and in the artefacts made by ivory carvers, gem cutters and goldsmiths. Ancient knowledge continued to be taught at the universities of R., Mediolan(ijum [1] (Milan), Carthage, Burdigala (Bordeaux), Athens, Antioch, Alexandria [1] and Constantinople, and it lived on in the works of Christian authors (-» Sidonius Apollinaris; -» Boéthius, -» Cassiodorus). From the 4th cent., historiography still written in the pagan spirit (~ Ammianus Marcellinus; cf. Aurelius > Victor [7]; > Eutropius [1]; ~ Festus [4]; > Historia Augusta) was joined by Christian historiography (- Lactantius [1]; Eusebius [7]; ~» Orosius), and later, in the course of the 6th cent., by an interest in the new peoples (Goti: —» Cassiodorus, -» Iordanes [1], > Procopius [3]; Franci: Gregorius {I 4] of Tours). Poetry (in the 4th cent. still mainly

perors and military commanders (-> Panegyrics, » Panegyrici Latini, Claudianus [2], > Ennodius, » Corippus). > Libanius’ letters attest to the impact of ancient rhetoric. The most indicative sign of a dawning age are the sermons and writings of the - Church Fathers in the West (+ Hieronymus [8], -» Ambrosius, » Augustinus, >» Gregorius [II 3] the Great) and in the East (+ Athanasius, — Basilius [1] the Great, - Gregorius [I 3] of Nazianzus, > Johannes [4] Chrysostomos); in this new age, political influence continued to

play its part, but the focus had already shifted to spiritual control [35]. 1 R. WERNER, Der Beginn der romischen Republik, 1963 2 W.EpeEr, Augustus and the Power of Tradition, in: K.A. RAAFLAUB, M. TOHER (eds.), Between Republic and Empire, 1990, 71-122

nat, 1978

3 J.BLEICKEN, Prinzipat und Domi-

4 P.E. HUpInGeR

(ed.), Kulturbruch oder

Kulturkontinuitat im Ubergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter,1968 5 Id. (ed.), Zur Frage der Periodengrenze zwischen Altertum und Mittelalter, 1969 6 K.CHRIST (ed.), Der Untergang des rémischen Reiches, 1970

7 DEMANDT Staat,1995 1995

8 B.LINKE, Von der Verwandtschaft zum 9T.J. CORNELL, The Beginnings of Rome,

10D.KiENAST, Die politischen Emanzipation der

Plebs und die Entwicklung des Heerwesens Rom, in: BJ 175, 1975, 83-112

im frithen

11 W.EpeER, Zwischen

Monarchie und Republik, in: F.GaBrtewi (ed.), Bilancio critico su Roma arcaica fra monarchia e repubblica (Atti dei convegni Lincei 100), 1993, 97-127

12 L.BURCKHARDT,

The Political Elite of the Roman

Republic ..., in: Historia 39, 1990, 77-99

13 HOLKESKAMP 14 J. BLEICKEN, Lex publica, 1975 15 HARRIS 16 R. WERNER, Das Problem des Imperialismus und die romischen Ostpolitik im 2. Jahrhundert v. Chr., in: ANRW

11, 1972, 501-563.

17 D. Fracn, Der

sogenannte Romische Imperialismus, in: HZ

222, 1976,

I-42 18 D. VOLLMER, Symploke, 1990 ~=—-:119 T. J. CorNELL, The Value of the Literary Tradition Concerning

Early Rome, in: K. RAAFLAUB (ed.), Social Struggles in Archaic Rome, 1986, 52-76 20 1. SHATZMAN, Senatorial Wealth and Roman

Politics, 1975

21 E. BALTRUSCH,

22 K. BRINGMANN, Das Licinisch-Sextische Ackergesetz und die gracchische Agrarreform, in: J. BLEICKEN (ed.), Symposium fiir Alfred Heuss, 1986 23 K.BRINGMANN, Die Agrarreform des Tiberius Gracchus ..., 1985 24 E.FLarc, Den Kaiser herausfordern,1992 25 SYME,RR_ 26 A. PowELL, Roman Poetry and Propaganda in the Age of Augustus, 1992 Regimen

morum,

1988

27 P. ZANKER, Augustus und die Macht der Bilder, 1987 28 C. BGHME, Princeps und Polis, 1992

29 F,HARTMANN, 1982

Herrscherwechsel

und

Reichskrise,

30D.Timre, Untersuchungen zur Kontinuitat des

fruhen Prinzipats, 1962 31 J. DEININGER, Die Provinziallandtage der rémischen Kaiserzeit, 1965 ey oaSs GRUEN, The Imperial Policy of Augustus, in: K.A.RAAFLAUB, M.TOHER (eds.), Between Republic and Empire, 1990 33 A.R. BirLey, Septimius Severus. The African Emperor, 1988 34 G.H. HALSBERGHE, The Cult of Sol Invictus,1972 35 H.Leppin, Die Kirchenvater und ihre Zeit, 2000.

697

698

Il. POPULATION AND ECONOMY OF THE CITY OF ROME A. PopuLATION B. Economy C. Foop suppPLy

to the local > malaria. Under these social conditions,

A. POPULATION In Antiquity, R. was the largest city in the Mediterranean; its size was not exceeded in Europe before about 1800 (by London). Under Augustus, R.’s population had reached about a million following its rapid growth during the expansion of the Imperium Romanum, but it had already been a major city by the end of the 6th cent. BC. The size of its territory as well as the information regarding its military strength point to a civitas of about 25,000-40,000 people. The much higher — census figures from the Early Republic are not reliable. Up to the mid 4th cent. BC, the urban population had grown to an estimated 30,000 people, and then quickly doubled to 60,000 people by the end of the century; by the time of the war against > Pyrrhus [3] at the beginning of the 3rd cent., it had even reached 90,000. Such rapid growth in population presupposes significant immigration. This development into a population centre necessitated the building of aqueducts in order to ensure the city’s water supply (Aqua Appia: 312 BC; Anio vetus: 273 BC; Aqua Marcia:

144 BC;

+ Water supply II.C. and E.). Over subsequent decades, the population continued to increase until the free population numbered about 150,000 in 225 BC and 600,000 in 8 BC. In addition, there was an ever increasing number of slaves (> Slavery IV.). From the Augustan period, population growth in R. stagnated and increased — if at all — only insignificantly. There are some indications that epidemics broke out from time to time, with a high death toll (AD 66: Tac. Ann. 16,13). Nevertheless, it seems as if the city managed to maintain its population of about one million for a long period of time, possibly into the 4th cent. AD. Even in the middle of the 5th cent., the population is assumed to have numbered about 400,000; but after that the figures for the city of R. dropped rapidly.; The consensus amongst historians regarding the population of one million during the Early Principate is largely based on the number of about 200,000 adult male inhabitants who received publicly distributed grain ( Cura annonae). In order to take into account

women and children, this figure is multiplied by 3 or 4. However, it remains questionable whether most citizens living in R. were actually married and had children. In addition to the free citizens and the freedmen,

there were several hundred thousand slaves (> Slavery

IV).

The expansion and dominance over the Mediterranean had not only made R. the capital of an almost immeasurable empire, but also the capital of > disease. Hygiene conditions were gruesome; bad housing (+ Housing conditions) and the sheer density of population facilitated the spread of infectious diseases. In addition, new immigrants were particularly vulnerable

ROME

the life expectancy of the majority of the population was extremely low. It is quite likely that the age distribution within the city was significantly different from that of the rural population; furthermore, there might have also been significant differences between the various social groups: slaves, > freedmen (liberti), and freeborn citizens (ingenui; > Ingenuus [2]).

This population concentration, which remained unique until the roth cent., can only be explained by the fact that the city as the centre of a large empire provided livelihoods to many people. R.’s population growth strikingly mirrored the expansion of the empire. Immigration was by no means always voluntary: the ruling classes brought droves of domestic slaves into the city to run their extensive households, a practice which after Augustus also applied to the > princeps. R.’s exceptional status was particularly evident in the social composition of its population. The city was home to several thousand senators (> Senatus) and ~ equites Romani, the empire’s political elite. Members of this ruling class had households with several dozen slaves. In addition, there were the slaves and freedmen who were employed in the household or the political administration of the princeps, as well as the great number of slaves who worked as craftsmen, in the shops, on building sites and at the port. Altogether, slaves represented a significant part of the urban population, a fact also reflected in inscriptions of R., which show a high proportion of slaves and particularly freedmen. Furthermore, attention should also be drawn to population groups such as artists, rhetoric teachers, physicians, soothsayers etc., who flocked to R. in the hope of patronage by wealthy citizens, but who were expelled from the city at times of grain shortages (Suet. Aug. 42,3). Since people from all of the provinces moved to the centre of the empire, R.’s population came froma wide range of ethnic backgrounds, a fact critically reflected in Roman satire (Juv. 3,60-80). + Migration; > Population, demographic history; ~ Rural exodus; — Slavery 1 BRUNT, 367-388 2 T.J. CORNELL, The Beginnings of Rome. Italy and Rome from the Bronze Age to the Punic Wars (c. 1000-264 BC), 1995, 204 ff.; 380-393 3B. W. Frier, Demography, in: CAH, vol. 11, *2000, 787-816 4 K. Hopkins, Death and Renewal, 1983

5 P. HurruneEN, The Social Strata in the Imperial City of Rome. A Quantitive Study of the Social Representation in the Epitaphs Published in the Corpus Inscriptionum Lati6 F.G. Maier, Romische Bevolnarum, vol. 6, 1974 kerungsgeschichte und Inschriftenstatistik, in: Historia 2, 1953/4, 318-351 7 W.SCHEIDEL, Emperors, Aristocrats and the Grim Reaper: Towards a Demographic Profile of the Roman Elite, in: CQ 49, 1999, 254-282

8ld.,

Progress and Problems in Roman Demography, in: Id. (ed.), Debating Roman Demography, 2001, 1-81 9 Id., Quantifying the Sources of Slaves in the Early Roman Empire, in: JRS 87, 1997, 156-169

10A.Scosir, Slums,

Sanitation and Mortality in the Roman World, in: Klio 68,

1986, 399-433.

699

70o

B. ECONOMY An account of the economy of the city of R. has to be made in due consideration of the fact that immense public and private funds were available in that city as the capital of an empire comprising the entire Mediterranean region. Like other pre-industrial cities, R. had a great demand for food. For the majority of its population, > grain was the staple food. The public distribution of grain (> cura annonae), later of bread and other food, was a significant contribution to feeding the population. Slaves were fed by their owners, frequently with products from their country estates. A private enterprise market supplemented the frumentum publicum (‘publicly distributed grain’) and supplied the house-

own (trained) craftsmen who produced a variety of products for the use of the household. The craft production in R., supplemented by imports, mainly served to meet the demands of the urban population itself; on the whole, R. was no export centre for craft products.; Many people were also employed in the service sector. The household of a rich Roman could include seyeral hundreds of domestic slaves, from the lowest do-

ROME

holds of the elite. In addition, the demand for other food, such as > wine, oil (> Oils for cooking), > vegetables and meat (+ Meat, consumption of), was also met

by the free market. Quite a number of R.’s inhabitants enjoyed high incomes, allowing them to consume a varied diet and the luxury of exquisite expensive dishes.

mestic staff to private secretaries or asset managers (Tac. Ann. 14,43,3; Sen. Ep. 47,5-8). Baths, theatres

and other public buildings required a great number of slaves in order to carry wood, keep the fires burning and cater for visitors. In the Roman world, such jobs were generally done by slaves or possibly freedmen. It is most likely that several hundred thousand slaves (including children) worked in the service sector. R. was an import centre, and a wide range of several goods came into the city, amongst them precious metals, but also public ~ taxes as well as produce from the estates of the princeps and the senators in the Mediterranean and the East (Plin. Pan. 29; Aristid. 26,11-13); as a result, many peo-

For that reason, there was an intensive cultivation of

ple worked in R. and its port (> Ostia; > Portus [r]),

fruit (+ Pomiculture) and vegetables as well as intensive rearing of poultry (pastio villatica; > Breeding, of small domestic animals) in the vicinity of R. Some kinds

mainly slaves and freedmen, as sailors, carriers (— saccarius), store supervisors, scribes or accountants

of meat, fish sauce (garum), wine and oil —i.e. products

that kept longer — came from more distant regions; animals were often transported alive. Of all the other economic sectors, the — building trade (II) was undoubtedly the most important. The city enjoyed the attention and generosity of its rulers; in a wealth of public building projects of hitherto unknown extent, which was to remain unrivalled in Europe until the onset of industrialization, aqueducts were built for the supply with drinking water (cf. + Water pipes; ~ Water supply II.), as well as — temples, palaces (> Palace IV.), fora (> Forum III.) and > thermal baths (R. Gest. div. Aug. 19-21; Plin. Pan. 51). The construction and maintenance of the aqueducts alone required an immense budget and the work of many people. According to modern estimates, the construction of the baths of Caracalla cost the equivalent of 120-140,000 tons of wheat, enough to feed more than 500,000 peo-

ple for a whole year. The provision of enough housing in the large tenements also required great building activity. The internal decoration of the houses of wealthy citizens triggered further economic activity. Some of the sculptures and artefacts were imported, but > mosaics and -» wall paintings were done on site. Decay, alterations and ever changing fashions ensured a considerable and continuous demand in these areas, which also at-

tracted many craftsmen from the provinces to come to R.

The extensive demand for quality craft products led to the development of differentiated craft and trade (> Crafts, Trade V.) of a high standard; more than 200 different job titles are attested. Many craftsmen were organized in professional associations (collegia; > Collegium). The households of R.’s elites eraployed their

in commerce, others in administration and banking. The capital was at the centre of a network of tax and financial transactions that spanned the entire empire.; R. depended on the empire to a significant degree, particularly in respect of grain supplies from the provinces of Sicilia and Africa, and after 30 BC also Egypt. From an economic point of view, R.’s balance of payments was thus decidedly negative. Whether and to what extent R.’s wealth stimulated the economies of other cities, thus benefiting Italy and the provinces, remains a topic of controversial debate amongst historians. > Banks; — Building trade; -- Commerce; > Crafts, Trade; — Cura annonae; > Grain trade; > Market; > Slavery; > Work 1 J. ANDREAU, Banking and Business in the Roman World, 1999 Rome,

2P.A. Brunt, Free Labour and Public Works at 1980, 81-100 3 J.DELAINE, The

in: JRS 70,

Baths of Caracalla. A Study of the Design, Construction and Economics of Large-Scale Building Projects in Imperial Rome, 1997. 4 K.Hopxins, Rome, Taxes, Rents and Trade in: Kodai. Journal of Ancient History 6/7, 1995/6, 41-75 5 Id., Taxes and Trade in the Roman Empire (200 B.C. — A.D. 400), in: JRS 70, 1980, 101-125 6 F.KoLB, Rom. Die Geschichte der Stadt in der Antike, 1995 7N.Mortey, Metropolis and Hinterland. The

City of Rome and the Italian Economy 200 B.C. — A.D. 200,1996 8 J.R. PATTERSON, The City of Rome: From Republic to Empire, in: JRS 82, 1992, 186-215 9S. TREGGIARI, Urban Labour in Rome: mercennarii and tabernarii, in: P. GARNsEy (ed.), Non-Slave Labour in the Graeco-Roman World, 1980, 48-64.

C. FooD suPPLY Supplying food for a population centre of more than one million inhabitants created considerable problems.

7O1

702

The staple food was —> grain, generally consumed as porridge until the early 2nd cent. BC, later in form of ~ bread. The consumption of grain was the cheapest way to satisfy the daily allowance of calories; in addi-

were then included in the distribution. From the late 2nd cent. AD, the principes introduced free distributions of oil and pork which they had purchased from private merchants. In Late Antiquity, large bureaucracies developed both in R. and Constantinople to admin-

tion, grain contains most of the important nutrients.

From the 2nd cent. BC, bread was increasingly baked in +> bakeries (Plin. HN 18,83f.; 18,105-108). The amount of grain required by the population of R. could no longer be produced in the vicinity of the city or in central Italy; from early on, R. was thus dependent on supply from the provinces, initially from Sicilia and Sardinia, later also from Africa (~ Grain trade); > Cato [x] had already coined the phrase of Sicily as the ‘nutrix plebis Romanae’ (‘provider for the Roman > plebs’; Cic. Verr. 2,2,5). Crop failures, unrest in the provinces

or disruptions of sea trade by pirates (> Piracy) could result in grain shortages, price rises and > malnutrition/ famine in R. Because of these potential consequences, > grain laws were passed in the Late Republic to regulate the grain supply. Roman citizens living in the city probably received 5 modii (> modius [3]; c. 33 kg) of grain at a fixed price and free of charge from 58 BC; from the time of Augustus, the grain supply was organized by its own dedicated administration (> cura annonae). We do not really know what the remaining diet of R.’s poorer inhabitants was like. Wealthy citizens with greater purchasing power also consumed + vegetables, oil (+ Oils for cooking), wine and meat (~ Meat, consumption of) in addition to grain.

There are many references to other > food. Romans had a great liking for garum, a fish sauce generally imported from Spain. Wine consumption

amounted to about roo litres per head per year. As evident from the Monte

Testaccio

(~ Mons

Testaceus),

a

gigantic

mound of shards of oil amphorae on the banks of the Tiber, large quantities of oil were consumed in R. From the mid rst cent. AD, oil was generally imported from ~» Hispania Baetica (southern Spain), but also from North Africa. Pork was supplied through private suarii (‘pig dealers’) from Italy. The region immediately surrounding the city provided vegetables, + cheese and poultry. The food market of the city of R. was undoubtedly a free » market: trade was mainly in the hands of private business men, and the > navicularii did not work exclusively for the cura annonae but also as private traders. There are frequent references to mercatores and negotiatores frumentarii; some of them accumulated considerable wealth. It seems that they also worked for the cura annonae. Food for the households of the wealthy came from their country estates close to the city (+ latifundia). Many ordinary citizens probably bought their grain, wine, oil, vegetables and other food for domestic consumption in shops, at the food markets (-» macellum) or on market squares (fora). There is an indication that public distributions did not only trigger considerable demands for food other than grain, but also that more and more of such foods

ROME

ister the distribution of bread, wine and meat. + Food; > Malnutrition 1 GarNSEY 21d., Food and Society in Classical Antiquity, 1999 3 A.GIOVANNINI (ed.), Nourrir la plébe, 1991 4P.HeERz, Studien zur romischen Wirtschaftsgesetzgebung. Die Lebensmittelversorgung, 1988 5 G.E. RickMAN, The Corn Supply of Ancient Rome, 1980 6C.pE Ruyt, Macellum: marché alimentaire des

Romains, 1983 7 B.S1rKs, Food for Rome. The Legal Structure of the Transportation and Processing of Supplies for the Imperial Distributions in Rome and Constantinople, r991

8 A. TCHERNIA, Le vin de I’Italie romaine,

1986.

WJ.

III. TopOGRAPHY AND ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE City OF ROME A. GEOGRAPHY B. BRONZE AND IRON AGE (LATIAL PERIOD), C. 1400-700 BC C. ‘REGAL ROME’ (7TH/6TH CENTS. BC) D. EARLY AND MIDDLE REPUBLIC (§5TH-3RD CENTS. BC) E. LATE REPUBLIC (2ND/IST CENTS. BC) F. CAESAR AND THE PRINCIPATE OF AUGUSTUS (48 BC-AD 14) G. EARLY AND MIDDLE IMPERIAL PERIOD (1sT/2ND CENTS. AD) H. LATE ANTIQUITY AND

EARLY CHRISTIANITY (3RD—5TH CENTS. AD)

A. GEOGRAPHY The city of R., located about 30 km upstream from the mouth of the Tiber, was founded on the eastern

bank of the river near a ford of great importance for the long-distance trade, probably situated in the area of the Tiber island. The original nature of the terrain was less than favourable for the development of a large settlement. R. is located on the jagged foothills of a tuff plateau into which the Tiber has cut to a depth of about 50 m. The reference to these elevations as the seven hills, inconsistently used even in Antiquity, is not entirely appropriate. Only the oldest settlement locations closer to the river, i.e. the > Mons Palatinus and the > Capitolium (Capitol) as well as the later addition of > Mons Aventinus, actually formed separate hills with steep slopes in some places. The other elevations, traditionally counted amongst the classical hills of R. (~ Mons Quirinalis, — Viminalis, — Esquiliae, + Caelius Mons [1], cf. Rome map 1), are only spurs of the plateau further away from the river, being the result of erosion; these elevations are themselves split into various ridges (including Fagutal, Cispius, Oppius). In between were wooded valleys with rivers. The central basin in the area of the later fora was a swamp fed by water from the valleys conjoining in the > Subura and drained into the Tiber through the > Velabrum, which cut through between the Palatine and the Capitol. The > Campus Martius (cf. Rome map 2), initially outside of the town,

703

704

as well as the > Ager Vaticanus on the other side of the

imported from Greece. These events clearly confirm that the development of the settlement had entered a new era, with a central power that was competent to make decisions and a previously unknown dynamic in R.’s urban development. It is impossible to decide at this stage whether this new development was the result of a synoecism (synoikismos) of several initially sepa-

ROME

river and also the Transtiberim

(modern

Trastevere)

were flat alluvial plains that were swampy in places. All of these low-lying areas were regularly inundated by the > Tiber: B. BRONZE

AND IRON AGE (LATIAL PERIOD), C.

1400-700 BC

Our knowledge of R.’s earliest settlement phases remains patchy, even though recent studies of the northern slope of the Palatine and the Capitol have yielded new insights [1]. The oldest finds from Roman city territory date back to the middle Bronze Age. Pottery deposits have been found in various locations (Palatine, Capitol, Sant? Omobono, Esquiline) as well as most recently late Bronze Age hearths on the Capitol; all of these finds at least point to a continuous occupation of these areas from the 14th cent. BC, although the actual existence of a settlement has not yet been attested by archaeological finds. This picture changed at the latest from the early Iron Age onwards. Evidence of an early oval pole house, dating back to the roth/gth cents. BC, has been found on the south-western side of the Palatine (Cermalus). It seems that it was part of a settlement of simple farmsteads which subsequently spread irregularly across the Palatine and its northern slopes. At the latest from that period onwards, the Capitol also seems to have been inhabited, as indicated by the most recent discovery of a child burial from the early Iron Age (these are generally found close to habitation). It is possible that there were also settlements on other hills. An extensive necropolis with wealthy burials developed in the valley of the forum. Altogether, the settlement at this time was most likely irregular and still proto-urban in character. From the middle of the 8th cent. BC onwards — and thus in agreement with the mythical date of R.’s foundation (753 BC) — various measures point to a comprehensive restructuring of the settlement. An early mud brick wall was built at the foot of the Palatine (along the + via Sacra; map 2, no. 45) with gates (Porta Mugonia) and preceded by a ditch, which also involved the destruction of older huts. Amongst the huts destroyed in the process was also the older wooden pole house on

rate settlement scattered across the various hills, or the result of immigration of new settlers. C. ‘REGAL ROME’ (7TH/6TH CENTS. BC)

During the Roman Monarchy, particularly under the rule of the Etruscan Tarquinu {616-509 BC; > Tarquinius), urbanization seems to have progressed quickly (see above I.C.). Parallel to the expansion of the

territory under R.’s rule, the town itself developed into one of the most important centres of central Italy. Etruscan culture became a dominant influence (> Etrusci, Etruria). Initially, the settlement area seems

to have expanded considerably and also encompassed the entire area between the Quirinal and Mons Caelius. The first extensive fortifications were built under the rule of Servius — Tullius [I 4]; this wall was 9 km in length and roughly identical with the Servian Wall (cf. map 1), which dates back to the early 4th cent. BC and which is still preserved today in several sections. In terms of area, R. had thus become one of Italy’s largest settlements, but it is a justified assumption that large areas within the wall remained undeveloped. In administrative terms, the town was divided into four regions (+ tribus): Palatina, Collina, Esquilina, Suburana; cf.

Rome map 3). Several new temples were built on Capitol hill (> Fides, > Ops [3], > Veiovis; map 2, no. 2, 3 and 63); one of them, the temple of > Iuppiter Optimus Maximus (map 2, no. 1), towered above all previously

known Etruscan religious buildings. Capitol hill and its minor northern summit (the Arx) were enclosed by walls, thus gaining the character of a fortified hill as the cultic centre of the city. A new religious centre developed on the southern slopes of the Capitol with the temples of > Fortuna and - Mater Matuta (modern Sant’ Omobono; map 2, no. 12). Encouraged by the first wooden bridge over the Tiber (Pons Sublicius; map 2, no. 13) and a landing stage on the river bank, this area

the Palatine. In its place, two new huts were built and

around the Forum Boarium (map 1, no. 75; map 2, no.

deliberately maintained in subsequent cents.; for that reason, they were interpreted as the ‘House of Romulus’ (casa Romuli; map 2, no. 37). Earliest votive finds confirm the existence of sanctuaries on the Capitol as well as within the area later occupied by the temple of Vesta (Atrium Vestae; map 2, no. 44), which were linked by streets. The -> Velabrum was partially drained, and an earliest urban square developed in the area of the + Forum; this was followed a little later by the Comitium (rst half of the 7th cent. BC). As a consequence of this expansion, the necropoleis moved further towards the peripheral areas on the Quirinal and Esquiline. The increasing importance of this new settlement is also evident in the sudden increase in goods

17) developed into an important trade centre.; The construction of a complex sewer system (including the -» Cloaca Maxima; map 2, no. 18) made it possible to completely drain the valley of the Forum and the Vallis Murcia; the latter was possibly the location of a forerunner to the Circus Maximus (- Circus I.C.; map I, no. 76 and map 2, no. 25). Important changes affected the city centre: both the > Forum [III 8] Romanum (map 2, no. 55) and the Comitium, being central meeting and market places, were paved. According to tradition, the Curia Hostilia (map 2, no. 57) was built next to the Comitium as the Senate’s first > assembly building. In its vicinity, further temples were erected (+ Lapis niger, Volcanal). In c. 525 BC, the wall on the

12>

706

northern slope of the Palatine, which had been renewed on a number of occasions, was finally abandoned. A wealthy residential area of stone houses developed along the via Sacra, possibly the living quarters of the aristocracy. Close to the temple of Vesta was the ~ Regia (map 2, no. 51), originally the home of the Roman kings, later the residence of the > pontifex maximus; in its vicinity, further sacred places were established (+ Mars, > Ops [3]), as well as the house of the > rex sacrorum. The suburbium also underwent changes. The necropoleis now were outside of the new city walls; until the Augustan period, these walls also marked the city’s sacred border, the > Pomerium. Tradition has it that for strategic reasons Mons Ianiculus on the western bank of the Tiber was occupied and a bridgehead formed in the Transtiberim area (map 1,

the city by the Gauls (387 BC; > Brennus [1]), also led to a stagnation in public building activities. However, in the immediate aftermath, the city experienced a new heyday. The most impressive large construction project were the city’s fortifications, erroneously known as the ‘Servian Wall’; this wall followed the course of its ancient predecessor over large distances, but it also encompassed the Aventine, having a total length of 11 km (377-350 BC; cf. map x). After that, the Circus Maximus was expanded (329 BC), and the censor Appius > Claudius [I 2] (312 BC) commissioned the building of the > via Appia (cf. map 1), named after him, and likewise the first aqueduct (Aqua Appia; > Water pipes; cf. map 4). Both the Capitol and the Forum saw further building activity. In the course of time, the Forum obviously ceased to serve as a market place and became a purely political centre; the new market place was the Forum Piscarium, probably to be located north-east of the Forum. On the western side of the Forum, next to the Comitium, the large speaker’s platform of the rostra (+ Rostrum) was built; it took its name from the ram bows (rostra) of the ships captured in the naval battle at Antium (338 BC) which adorned the platform, thus making it at the same time an impressive victory monument. The western side of the Forum had already found its visual completion in the temple of > Concordia (map 2, no. 60), first mentioned in 367 BC. From the middle of the 4th cent. and particularly during the 3rd cent., there was an exceptional boom in temple constructions across the entire city, many of them forming large temple complexes, as e.g. at the Forum Boarium or its neighbouring Forum Holitorium (map I, no. 73 and map 2, no. 1r) or on the Campus Martius (the modern Largo Argentina); they also displayed an astonishing variety of forms. Greek influence

XIV.). On the Aventine, a shrine to > Luna [1] (map 2,

no. 24?) is said to have been built. In the wider environs of the city, stone-built farmsteads developed from as early as the 6th cent. BC, as recently confirmed by archaeological finds not far from the Pons Mulvius [2]. D. EarLy AND MIDDLE REPUBLIC (5 TH-3RD CENTS. BC)

The city seems to have continued its dynamic development throughout the decades immediately following the expulsion of the kings, even though there is no archaeological evidence for the majority of buildings mentioned in the records of that period. However, the building of at least ten new shrines in various parts of the city is well documented; the most significant of these were the temple of — Saturnus (national treasury, — aerarium: 493 BC; map 2, no. 58) and that to Castor and Pollux (484 BC; + Dioscuri; map 2, no. 43) at the — Forum [III 8] Romanum. Several other shrines were built between the Palatine and the Aventine (—~ Mercurius [II], - Ceres).

Due to the lack of large open spaces at the centre of the city, the Field of Mars became increasingly important from the late 6th cent. onwards as a place for large assemblies, processions and military exercise. At its westernmost end was the > Tarentum [2], an important sacred precinct with an access road from the Porta Carmentalis (map 1, ii.) and the endpoint of many important processions. Along this road, in the area of the trigarium, contests and chariot races were held, which may also have been the reason why the Circus Flaminius was later built there (221 BC; map 1, no. 71). There was a temple of Apollo (431 BC) at the start of the road. The remaining part of this plain seems to have been developed over time, as is evident in the building of the + Villa Publica (+ Census; 435 BC), an early > Saepta (mid sth cent. BC) in the middle part of the area and a shrine dedicated to the god of war (Ara Martis). Throughout, the Campus Martius retained its character as an explicitly public space well into the Imperial Period despite some changes in subsequent years. The political crisis of the 2nd half of the sth cent., culminating in the capture and partial devastation of

ROME

increased remarkably; in some instances, even the workshops were Greek. The main driving force behind this boom in temple building seems to have been a fierce rivalry between the leading aristocratic families; most of these temples (50 of them are documented) were private endowments by Roman military commanders to commemorate victories in the conquest of the Italian peninsula. In most cases, these temples were built on land owned by the founder. The townscape thus became ever more dominated by triumphal monuments commemorating the various stages of Roman expansion and also the families and individuals linked with it. The fact that - temples became the preferred vehicle for this kind of self-representation was less motivated by particularly strong religious feelings than the clever undermining of strict Republican social norms, which in the very sensitive balance of power between social groups placed severe restrictions on individual aristocrats standing out from their peers. This situation ultimately also explains the various urban deficits of Republican R. Public building activity was based to a large extent on the initiatives of individuals, but it was restricted by the social self-control

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placed upon them. At that time, any long-term urban building projects would have been almost impossible to

tion to these commercial buildings, the urban infrastructure was significantly improved with the construction of two further aqueducts (~» Aqua Marcia, Aqua Tepula), the paving of roads and the extension of the highways. Bridges opened up the Tiber island for devel-

realize. For that reason,

R.’s features in Hellenistic

times remained dominated by narrow winding streets without large urban squares or architecturally unified shrine complexes. The Forum and the Capitol formed an unstructured conglomeration of individual buildings that had evolved over time. Furthermore, strict Republican moral concepts prevented the building of gymnasia and permanent theatres as they were feared to promote the baleful influence of Greek culture. Writers of the time (Liv. 6,4,6) did not fail to notice the rather

backward state of affairs compared with contemporary Greek cities. E. LATE REPUBLIC (2ND/1ST CENTS. BC) Internal tensions increased in the 2nd/rst cents. BC,

resulting in progressive social disintegration, particularly of the leading elite, and finally in civil war. In this situation, active building policy became a propaganda tool for the respective contenders. At the same time, the massive expansion of R.’s territory brought it into immediate contact with Greek culture and way of life, both of which were readily adopted by the aristocracy. There was also a rise in available funds, accompanied by an increase in available manpower due to the great influx of slaves (— Slavery). Population growth was rapid; by the end ofthe rst cent. BC, it had exceeded the one-million mark, with all the associated implications for urban infrastructure. New technologies revolutionized the building trade; fast completion times were essential in a situation of such fierce competition. This building competition between the leading families focused largely on the city centre. The 2nd cent. BC saw the construction of four large > basilicas in quick succession

(+ Basilica

Porcia,

> Basilica

Sempronia,

~ Basilica Opimia, > Basilica Aemilia; map 2, no. 54),

which for the first time provided the Forum with some, albeit still inhomogeneous, architectural framework. At about the same time, the temples of Concordia and

of the Dioscuri were rebuilt on a larger scale. After a fire in 83 BC, » Cornelius [I 90] Sulla devoted his attention to the restructuring of the Capitol; the > Tabularium (national archive; map 2, no. 62), whose fagade dominated the Forum, was an architectural masterpiece. The

traditional market places near the Tiber (Forum Boarium, Forum Holitorium) also underwent gradual change. They became more monumental in appearance through private temple foundations, and from the 2nd cent. their original functions as trading places gradually shifted to a newly developing commercial quarter south of the Aventine, where a landing stage, an emporium (> emporion; map 1, no. 85) as well as market halls and warehouses (Porticus Aemilia, Horrea Galbana, Horrea Lolliana: map 1, no. 86-88, Horrea Ani-

ciana, etc.) were built. The accumulation of potsherds over many centuries (~* Mons Testaceus) is evidence of

the intensity of trade. A + macellum developed in a central location next to the Forum Romanum. In addi-

opment (Pons Fabricius, Pons Cestius; map 1, E. and

F,).

Whereas initially individual temples and public infrastructure buildings were mainly expressions of competitive building activity, a general trend towards ever more spectacular buildings and fittings became apparent, with the Campus Martius as the main venue. Not only were a considerable number of new temples built in quick succession to the east and north of the Circus Flaminius (for the first time made entirely of » marble) but also several shrine complexes in close vicinity. Like the temple precincts in the East, these were enclosed by large colonnades in which looted Greek artefacts were put on display (i.a. Porticus Metelli, Porticus Octaviae, Porticus Minucia; map 1, no. 66 and 69; map 2, no. 4). These colonnaded squares

were popular lobbies to stroll and meet, always receiving particular attention. This development culminated in the construction of the city’s first stone > theatre built by + Pompeius [I 3] Magnus (61-55 BC), additionally adorned with a luxurious portico (map 1, no. 65). These prestigious buildings increasingly turned the southern part of the Field of Mars into an area for entertainment and promenading, further enhanced by the subsequent construction of more public entertainment buildings and baths. The influence of Greek culture also had a deep impact on the private accommodation of the aristocratic elite. Particularly from the early rst cent., a circle of

luxurious villas and — gardens developed all around the city outside the Pomerium, where the aristocracy cultivated Greek manners (e.g. theHorti Sallustiani, Horti Luculli, Horti Maecenatis, cf. map 1; -> Villa).

Even within the city, where the 0s maiorum continued to ban the construction of such villas, many houses were transformed into opulent urban palaces, the most distinguished of which were located on the Palatine and on the Forum (-> Palace). Location, size and fittings of a patron’s house became a gauge for his social standing and an instrument in his political career because of their role in the Roman system of patronage (+ Cliens; + Salutatio).

In contrast with the residential luxury of the upper classes, the housing situation of the > plebs in their crowded quarters became ever worse. Although population growth had been accomodated with the building of multi-storey tenement blocks (- House II.D.z.; >Insula),

the

timber-frame

construction

of these

houses was inadequate because they were lucrative objects of speculation, leading to frequent collapses and devastating fires. The sanitary infrastructure remained underdeveloped. The narrow, noisy and dark alleyways of the Subura were places of fear.

713

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Templum Apollinis House of Augustus

‘House of Romulus’ House of Livia Aedes Matris Magnae Domus Tiberiana Horrea Agrippiana Complex of S. Maria Antiqua Aedes Castorum Atrium Vestae

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ROME

715

716

A similar contrast can be observed even after death in the cemeteries of the suburbium. Again fuelled by the intense competition within the upper classes, all of R.’s main exit roads, most of all the via Appia, became lined with ever more elaborate tombs vying for the attention of passers-by (—» Funerary architecture). By contrast, most of the population were laid to rest in simple burials, and the bodies of paupers and slaves often ended up in the infamous huge burial pits (puticuli) of the Esquiline.

new eastern boundary was formed by the temple of the deified Caesar (Divus Iulius: map 2, no. 53), flanked by triumphal arches dedicated to Augustus himself and his predestined successors. Along the long sides of the Forum, the Basilica Iulia and the Basilica Aemilia were completely refurbished; the former was to be named after Augustus’ grandsons, who had preceded him in death. The temples of the Dioscuri and of Concordia (map 2, no. 60) were refurbished by -> Tiberius [JI r] in his role as heir to the throne. The > Forum [III 1] Augustum with its ideologically conceived design and the imposing temple of + Mars [I.C.] Ultor (map 2, no. 69 and 70) was to become the most important public monument and symbol of Roman military might.; Alongside these state buildings, an extensive building programme for public entertainment venues was realized on the Campus Martius. The Baths of Agrippa (map 1, no. 60) were the first large public facility that also included an artificial lake (stagnum Agrippae) and a canal named after the > Euripus [1]. In its immediate vicinity, Agrippa [1] also built a predecessor to Hadrian’s - Pantheon. These were joined by the thea-

F. CAESAR AND THE PRINCIPATE OF AUGUSTUS (48 BC-AD 14) In terms of urban development, >» Caesar’s dictatorship marked a significant break. Ignoring ancient political and moral restrictions, he was the first to work out

comprehensive plans for R.’s urban development aimed at restructuring entire city districts, following the examples of Eastern rulers. The most significant of these — also as a clear symbol of the new power structures — was the development of the > Forum [III 5] Iulium (map 2, no. 66) with the temple of ~ Venus Genetrix, the family deity of the gens Iulia. The radical nature of these measures, which were aimed at making the old Forum less densely covered with buildings, is evident in the demolitions they necessitated, including the Comitium, the Basilica Porcia and the Curia Hostilia. The latter was replaced by the Curia Iulia, no longer the focus but a mere annex to the new Forum. The Rostra were turned around to face the Forum. The — Basilica Iulia (in place of the > Basilica Sempronia; map 2, no. 56), the construction of which had begun under Caesar, made the eastern side of the Forum more monumental. Caesar’s assassination put a halt to further plans such as the large-scale diversion of the Tiber or razing part of the Arx to make way for the construction of a large theatre. + Augustus’ approach during the years of civil war and his subsequent dictatorship were far more cautious and subtle. His construction policy set the standard for the entire Imperial Period. His building projects during the years of his struggle for power —the huge > Mausoleum Augusti on the northern Campus Martius (map 1, no. 49) and the temple of Apollo on the Palatine (map 2, no. 35), connected to his own residence (map 2, no. 36) — were still in the tradition of the Late Republic as symbols of dynastic power, but his attitude changed fundamentally during his Principate. During the long rule of Augustus, R. thus underwent a comprehensive programme of urban renewal, whose focus was closely linked to contemporary political trends. A new aspect in this was that public building activity was largely monopolized by the princeps or his closest advisers

tres of Marcellus (map 1, no. 72 and map 2, no. 7) and

Balbus (map 1, no. 67; > Theatre) as well as the amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus, the first permanent building of its kind. New porticoes were built and older ones restored. Several — libraries opened. The restored ~ Saepta Iulia (map 1, no. 61) was stripped of its political function and became a luxurious shopping centre and also a venue for gladiatorial contests (~~ Munus). To the south of the > Mausoleum Augusti, two unusual buildings were constructed with meaningful reference to the new Golden Age proclaimed by Augustus: the ~ Ara Pacis Augustae and the + Horologium (Solare) Augusti (map 1, no. 51 and 50). In the Trastevere area, a large water basin was built to stage naval battles (+ Naumachia).

Radical restructuring programmes affected the entire city area; it was divided into 14 — regiones (cf. map Rome

3) and 265 vici (— Vicus). In the latter, small

neighbourhood shrines (> commpitalia) were set up to worship the > Lares [1] and the > Genius Augusti; this gave the city a new systematic ideological orientation. At the same time, the urban infrastructure was improved. The bank of the Tiber was consolidated, and new bridges were built (Pons Agrippae; map 1, C.). Large store houses were erected in many places, including the vicinity of the Forum (Horrea Agrippiana; map 2, no. 41; > Store houses III. C.), where they played an important role in the distribution of grain donations to the public (> cura annonae). Additional aqueducts were built (Aqua Iulia, Aqua Virgo, Aqua Alsietina)

(> Agrippa [r]).

and a fire service was set up (> vigiles), Augustus, who

As symbols of -> pietas and the restoration of the old order, Augustus ordered the restoration (mostly in marble) of 82 ancient shrines, whose maintenance had been neglected during the later years of the Republic. The Forum was systematically adorned with monuments associated with the gens Iulia and their achievements: its

himself lived in comparatively modest circumstances on the Palatine, made a point of destroying the luxury villa of > Vedius [II 4] in the Subura and had it replaced with a colonnaded garden for the public (Porticus Liviae; map I, no. 33).

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These changes also affected the suburban burial grounds. Augustus banned the puticuli and introduced

This building was the first to be described as an imperial palace residence: incorporating some of the imperial administration, it was functionally divided into a wing for public representation with audience rooms (known as Domus Flavia) and into more private living quarters (known as Domus Augustana, Stadium and Domus Severiana; map I, no. 11-12; map 2, no. 27) with large

ROME

large columbaria for all members of his household, a

new kind of tomb which became exemplary (-» Funerary architecture). By contrast, large tomb monuments disappeared from the architectural repertoire; under the new rule, attention-seeking tomb designs were no longer appropriate. On the whole, Augustus’ building and reform policies improved conditions for the plebs, undoubtedly a significant contribution towards the stability of the new political system. G. EARLY AND MIDDLE IMPERIAL PERIOD (1ST/2ND CENTS. AD)

The complicated construct of the ideology of the Principate had an inherent contrast between the claim to be the sole ruler while retaining — albeit nominally — the > res publica, which implied a number of conditions and restrictions for the emperors’ building policy. Fundamentally, the initiative for any public building activity rested solely with the emperor. Only the Senate could be active to a limited extent by voting for monuments honouring the emperor’s achievements (e.g. the ~ triumphal arches of Titus or Septimius Severus; map 2, no. 47 and 59; map 1, no. 4 and 6). Because every emperor was measured against his predecessor, this process developed a dynamic of its own, resulting in ever more costly building projects.; It is possible to identify certain focal points in theme, time and topography. A particular problem in the rst cent. was the search for an appropriate residence for the emperor. > Tiberius [II 1], Caligula and > Claudius [II x] all expanded the area occupied by the imperial residence, ultimately laying claim to the entire area of the northern Palatine, but recent research has shown

that they still very much adhered to traditional housing patterns [3]. The Domus Tiberiana (map 1, no. 10; map 2, no. 40) was the first straightforward representative building, built by Nero [1] before the fire of AD 64 on the site of the earlier imperial houses. Nero then laid claim to the entire Palatine as well as the > Velia [3] with the slightly later -- Domus transitoria, which apparently involved the destruction of several senatorial houses (including the Casa dei Grifi). After 64, the -» Domus Aurea (map 1, no. 29) and its extensive gar-

dens, built by Nero at the foot of Mons Oppius, expanded the imperial estate further to the east. A storm of protest was caused by the dispossession of several long-established owners and the country-villa style of the palace and the gardens, which in Roman tradition was only appropriate outside of the city. Consequently, Nero’s successors made a point of returning the area to the public by building the baths of Titus and Trajan (+ Thermal baths; map 1, no. 30-31) and the Flavian + Colosseum (map 1, no. 16; map 2, no. 29). This de-

velopment was finally concluded with the > Palace of Domitian, which according to recent research covered the entire southern part of the Palatine and was at least in parts built over the earlier Domus transitoria [4].

formal gardens (the modern Vigna Barberini; map 2, no. 32). It underwent a number of alterations (in the

Antonine-Severan period: remodelling of the gardens of the Vigna Barberini into a large portico with temple), but remained in use up to Late Antiquity. Another focus was on the various public and representative buildings, most of which were concentrated in the city centre. It is striking that in the post-Augustan period, emperors took hardly any interest in the ancient Forum Romanum. The only exception to this was -» Domitianus [1]; after a fire, he significantly changed the appearance of the Forum’s periphery with the complex of buildings around Santa Maria Antiqua (their function as yet unidentified; map 2, no. 42), the new

House of the Vestal Virgins, large grain stores (horrea) along the > via sacra and an equestrian statue. The imperial fora took over some of the functions of the Forum Romanum and were built east of it as a series of splendid urban squares in the tradition of Caesar and Augustus, furnished mostly with the spoils of war. The first of these was the Forum Pacis (+ Templum Pacis; ~ Vespasianus; map 2, no. 68), which replaced the older Macellum, followed by the > Forum [III ro] Transitorium (— Domitianus [1], > Nerva [2]; map 2, no.

67), a monumental arrangement of the passage to the Subura (> Argiletum). The largest was the > Forum [III 9] Traiani with the Basilica Ulpia, libraries and Trajan’s Column (— Monumental columns; map 2, no. 71-74); in the construction of this forum, parts of the hill between Arx and Quirinal were removed. According to recent research, however, there was no temple to Trajan, as had previously been assumed for the west of the Forum. Its site is now assumed to have been occupied by a large propylon, whereas the eastern side was apparently occupied by a hypaethral religious site [5]. The orientation of the entire layout was thus towards the Campus Martius. Apart from these large fora, which provided splendid places for promenading and an impressive venue for official ceremonies, various emperors also took an active interest in the restoration or building of temples. Amongst these, Domitian and + Hadrianus [II] were particularly outstanding and also revealed some obvious preferences: Domitian e.g. with the Iseum (map 1, no. 62), luppiter Optimus Maximus, Minerva Chalcidica; Hadrian e.g. with the temple of Venus and Roma (map 2, no. 48); the > Pantheon [2] with its associated square (map 1, no. 59) was rebuilt. From the time of Augustus, a peculiar aspect to the ideology of the Principate was the > deification of deceased predecessors (unless these had fallen victim to the > dammnatio memoride) as a means of legitimizing the successor’s

721

ae

rule. This resulted in specific building tasks; almost every emperor built a temple dedicated to his predecessor (less often for family members). With the exception of the temple to the Divine Claudius (map 1, no. 18; map 2, no. 28) on the Caelian Hill, these temples concentrated in the centre (Palatine: Augustus; fora: Vespasian/Titus; Antoninus Pius and Faustina) and on the Campus Martius (Matidia, Hadrian, Marcus Aurelius).

This was also the place of monumental cremation sites (> ustrinum) with associated squares and monumental columns (Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius) to stage the ritual cremations and apotheoses. Together with the Mausoleum of Augustus, these dominated the northern part of the Campus Martius. The counterpart to the former was the Mausoleum of Hadrian (map 1, no. 95) on the western bank of the Tiber, linked to the Field of Mars by its own bridge (Pons Aelius; map 1, A.).

Whereas in the Republican Period military presence in the city had been forbidden, the emperors stationed large troop contingents on the periphery of the city to secure their rule. On the plateau to the east of the ~ Viminalis, Tiberius had built the large barracks of the > Praetorian guard (— Castra [I 5] Praetoria; map I, no. 37); together with its associated parade ground and numerous infrastructure facilities (baths, temples),

it formed military ~ Castra Equitum

a military city on the periphery of R. Similar facilities were built in the south-east: the [I 4] Peregrina as well as the > Castra [I 2] Singularium vetera (— Traianus [1]) and nova

(— Septimius [II 7] Severus) on Mons Caelius (map 1, no. 25 and 20). In addition, smaller stationes of the paramilitary > vigiles were set up in the city’s various regiones.

By far the greatest share of the emperors’ activities was dedicated to the provision and entertainment of the + plebs. In the understanding of the Romans, the > princeps had become the - patronus of the people and had thus assumed a general duty of care, which under the notion of -> liberalitas was also used to keep the politically incapacitated masses calm. The initial requirement was for massive infrastructure facilities in order to guarantee basic provisions for the more than one million inhabitants of this large city. Most important was the provision of grain. To this end, the storage capacities in the port town of > Ostia were expanded, complemented by the more efficient facilities of the new harbour (under Claudius and Traianus; > Portus [r]}).

Both banks of the Tiber were consolidated with towpaths, while in R. itself the river port and the emporium district were further extended. New warehouses were built close to the centre: on both sides of the via sacra (Horrea Piperataria and Horrea Vespasiani, under Domitian), on the Campus Martius at the start of the via lata (Hadrian) and at the Forum Holitorium. Various markets were set up, including the Macellum Liviae (map 1, no. 35), the Macellum Magnum (map 1, no. 19?) under Nero, and Trajan’s markets. The city’s > water supply was further improved (Aqua Claudia, Aqua Traiana, Aqua Alexandrina, Anio Novus); several

ROME

draw wells and ornate fountains (~ Nymphaeum I.C.) were built (+ Septizodium; map 2, no. 26; Trofei di

Mario). Improvements were also made to sewage disposal and hygiene (public —> latrines). A further focus was on building more entertainment venues to stage ever more elaborate games (—> /udi; > Spectacles). Caligula had a large circus built in the area of the Vatican, while Nero ordered the building of a wooden amphitheatre on the Campus Martius. The latter was succeeded most splendidly by the Flavian Colosseum with its associated gladiator schools (i.a. Ludus Magnus, map 1, no. 17). The Field of Mars was also the location of a stadium built under Domitian (the modern Piazza Navona) as well as an -* odeum (map 1, no. 57-58). Under the Severan emperors, the Amphitheatrum Castrense and the Circus Varianus were built on the eastern periphery of the Campus Martius as annexes to a new imperial residence (Sessorium; map 1, no. 21 and 24). The costliest and most splendid buildings were undoubtedly the large > thermal baths, which developed into one of the most important social meeting places in the city. While the first such complex, built by ~ Agrippa [1], was still comparatively modest, subsequent baths outdid each other in size and luxury of interior design. The locations of these baths are strikingly decentralized across various city quarters. The baths of Nero (map 1, no. 56) on the Campus Martius (restored by Alexander Severus) seem to have been the prototype for later imperial baths. They were followed by the baths of Titus and Trajan in the area previously occupied by the Domus Aurea (map 1, no. 30-31), the Thermae Commodianae and Thermae Severianae (location uncertain), and ultimately Caracalla’s Thermae Antoninianae (map 1, no. 83) in the south of the city. Along-

side these, there were a large number of exclusive private baths all across the city (> Baths).

The building of private accommodation (- House II.D.) underwent a radical change, not least in reaction

to several devastating fires (7.4. in AD 64 and 80). Asa result, the familiar tenement blocks (> insula) were subsequently made of brick or of opus mixtum, thus improving general safety. These multi-storey buildings generally had shops on the ground floor and on the upper floors standardized flats (mediana), which were at times very well appointed. Living conditions for the plebs thus improved considerably in the Imperial Period. Compared with the Republican Period, the residential area of the city spread further; in some places the area of continuous settlement extended beyond the line of the later Aurelian wall. For the first time, tenement

blocks were built on the southern and eastern parts of the Campus Martius, and several of the older horti were subdivided and covered with buildings. Craftsmen settled in the Transtiberim area in simple dwellings, while a number of new, mostly privately owned horrea were built close to the river. In the suburbium, funerary monuments along the exit roads turned them into veritable streets of tombs; with increasing distance from the city, there was a transition to extended burial grounds

ROME

for the poorer classes. In between, large villa complexes were built, particularly in the 2nd cent. (Villa dei Quintilii, Gordian villa). In the rst to 3rd cents. AD, R. be-

came enclosed by an about 50 km wide dense belt of small villae rusticae, which played an essential part in the food supply of the capital (see above II.C.). H. Late ANTIQUITY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY

(3RD-5TH CENTS. AD) In the decades after the Severan emperors (from AD 235), public building activity came to an almost complete standstill, with the only exception of new baths built on the Aventine (map 1, no. 82) under > Decius

[II 1]. This situation did not change before the time of -» Aurelianus [3], who ordered the building of a new city wall, razing several residential buildings in the progress. This 19 km wall was frequently restored later (AD 270-275; cf. map r). On the Field of Mars, he built a large temple dedicated to > Sol (map 1, no. 47) and large barracks in its vicinity (Castra Urbana). The period of the Tetrarchy was the last golden age of building activity. Following a large fire, + Diocletianus had ordered the restoration of several buildings in the centre, including the Curia, the Forum Caesaris and the Basilica Iulia. On the eastern side of the Forum, a sec-

ond speaker’s platform was columns were placed on the Rostra. In addition, the large built in the densely populated

built, and monumental square and at the older Baths of Diocletian were area east of the Viminal

(map I, no. 36).

During the conflict between — Maxentius and ~» Constantinus [1] 1, building policy once again became an instrument of political power. Maxentius attempted to secure his rule through various prestigious building projects, including the Basilica Maxentii (map 2, no. 50), the temple of Divus Romulus, thermal baths on the Quirinal, and doubling the height of the city walls. Furthermore, his villa on the via Appia resembled a suburban palace complex with a circus and a sepulchral monument, modelled on other Tetrarchic residences. After Constantine’s victory, the building projects initiated by Maxentius were given a new programmatic framework and were inaugurated under the name of the new ruler. At the same time, a comprehensive church building programme was started; out of respect to the predominantly non-Christian Senate, this was realized outside of the ancient Pomerium and on private land of the emperor. The only ecclesiastical buildings within the city walls were the Lateran complex as the seat of the bishop of R. (the site of the former Castra Nova Equitum Singularium) and a palace chapel in the Sessorium

724

723

(Santa

Maria

in Gerusalemme).

Along

the

important exit roads, large funerary basilicas were built over early Christian — catacombs or over graves of martyrs (San Sebastiano, San Lorenzo, Sant’ Agnese, Santi Marcellino e Pietro); the latter two were connect-

ed to imperial mausoleums. The largest church building in the Christian world for centuries to come was the Vatican Basilica, erected on the alleged prave of St.

Peter. Constantine was voted a large triumphal arch by the Senate in line with earlier Roman emperors; it 1s indicative, though, that this arch, located next to the Colosseum, was mainly built from > spolia [I] (map 1, no. 15).

After Constantine, the most notable feature (apart from the general crisis of the empire) was the shift of political power to other centres. The emperors lost interest in the old capital. Instead, buildings were increasingly commissioned by the Senate (> senatus) or the > praefectus urbi. However, most of their commissions concerned the renovation and maintenance of older buildings, including a number of old temples (e.g. the temple of Saturnus, around AD 400). This phenomenon can be seen as a deliberate attempt by some members of the senatorial aristocracy to hold on to ancient Roman traditions. Alongside, a number of smaller churches were built in various parts of the city, generally from private donations; they were erected on older tituli, the earliest Christian house churches (including San Clemente [map 1, no. 28], Santi Giovanni e Paolo, San Vitale, Santa Sabina).

The number of inhabitants of the city began to decline from as early as the late 3rd cent. In the private residential areas, many insulae were abandoned and their interiors converted to frequently luxurious single dwellings. An extant 4th-cent. register of the regiones lists 44,000 insulae as well as 1,790 domus. From the 4th cent. onwards, ruins came to dominate the cityscape, and for the 5th cent. there is even evidence of burial grounds within the city walls. It is remarkable that despite all problems, the Gothic kings tried to maintain the urban infrastructure. Bricks bearing the stamp of > Theoderic [III] can be found in many public buildings, in churches and in aqueducts. It is only from the 6th cent. AD that public building activity ceased almost completely. Due to the massive decline in population, large parts of the city’s territory were abandoned. By Carolingian times, simple dwellings were built on the imperial fora (Nerva, Trajan), or the area was used for agriculture (Forum of Caesar). The decline of the old city centre thus paved the way for the medieval shift of the urban centre towards the Field of Mars. 1 A. CARANDINI, P. CaRAFA (eds.), Palatium e Sacra Via I, vol. 1,1 (Bollettino di Archeologia 31/33), 1995 (excava-

tions on the Capitol conducted in 2000 not published yet) 2 A.CARANDINI et al., La villa dell’Auditorium dall’eta arcaica all’eta imperiale, in: MDAI(R) 104, 1997, 117148 3 C.Krause, Domus Tiberiana I (Bollettino di Archeologia 25-28), 1994, 213-228

4A.HOFFMANN et

al., Grandiose Ausblicke. Neue Einblicke in das Palastleben der romischen Kaiser, in: AW 31, 2000, 445-457 (pre-

liminary; project not finished in 2000)

5 R. MENEGHINI,

L’architettura del Foro di Traiano attraverso i ritrovamenti piu recenti, in: MDAI(R) 105, 1998, 127-148 (preliminary; excavations not finished in 2000).

J.C. ANDERSON Jr., The Historical Topography of the Imperial Fora, 1984; TH. AsHBy, The Aqueducts of Ancient R., 1932; I.M. Barron (ed.), Roman Public Buildings, 1989; B. Brizz1 (ed.), Mura e porte di Roma antica, 1995;

726 A.CARANDINI, La nascita di Roma, 1997; Id., R.CapPELLI (eds.), Roma: Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della citta, exhibition catalogue Rome 2000; P. CaRAFA et al., s. v. Roma, EAA, 2nd supplement 1971-1994, vol. 4, 1996, 784-996; F.CASTAGNOLI, Topografia e urbanistica di Roma antica, 1969; Id. et al., s. v. Roma, EAA VI, 1965, 764-939; F.COARELLI, Rom, 2000; Id., Forum Romanum, 2 vols., 1983-1985; Id., Forum Boarium, 1988; Id., Campo Marzio, 1997; Id., Public Roman Building in R.

between the Second Punic War and Sulla, in: PBSR 45, 1-19; M.CrisTorani

(ed.), La Grande Roma

dei Tar-

quini, exhibition catalogue Rome 1990; I. DONDERO, P. PENSABENE (eds.), Roma repubblicana fra il 509 e il 270 a.C., 1982; D.R. Duprey, Urbs Roma. A Source Book of

Classical Texts on the City and Its Monuments, 1967; L. Durer, J.P. NERAUDAU, Urbanisme et métamorphoses

de la R. antique, 1983; A.P. Fruraz, Le piante di Roma, 1962; G.GatTI, Topografia ed edilizia di Roma antica, 1989; E.GyEeRsTAD, Early R., 4 vols., 1953-1973; P.Gros, Architecture et société a R. et en Italie centro-

méridionale aux deux derniers siécles de la République, 1978; L.Homo, R. impériale et ’urbanisme dans |’antiquite, 1951; H.Jorpan, TH. Asusy, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient R., 1929; A. Kors, Die kaiserliche Bauverwaltung in der Stadt Rom, 1993; F.Koxs, Rom. Die Geschichte der Stadt in der Antike, 1995; R. KRauTHEIMER, Rom, Schicksal einer Stadt: 312-1308, 1987; R.LANCIANI, Storia degli scavi di Roma, 6 vols., 1984-

ROMULUS

from the sale of the booty to the Aerarium, according to Dion. Hal., R. ordered > Siccius Dentatus, out of ill-

will toward him, to undertake an apparently hopeless expedition in the battle against the Aequi, and was prosecuted by him. That R. was sentenced may be historical, the details are annalistic embellishments. R.’ later

suggestion in Dion. Hal. (Ant. Rom. 10,50,3-52,4) to send an embassy to Greece to study the laws is obviously meant to explain his membership in the collegium of the decemviri as an expression of his change of heart. C.MU. Romula. Mother of the emperor > Galerius [5] Maximianus. According to Lactantius, her devotion to the mountain gods strongly influenced her son’s anti-Christian politics (De mort. pers. 11,1f.). Her significance in Galerius’s dynastic self-presentation is evident in an anecdote about his conception (Ps.-Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 40,17) which was modelled after that of Alexander [4] the Great (> Olympias [1]) as well as in the fact that he named the imperial residence Romuliana (modern Gamzigrad) after her. Galerius was supposed to be buried there but this did not come to pass (ibid. 40,16 with

[1]). 1 D. Sreyovic, C. VAsié, Emperor Galerius’s Buildings in

2000; G. LuGLt, Imonumenti antichi di Roma e suburbio,

Romuliana

3 vols., 1931-1940; Id., Fontes ad topographicum veteris

Tardive 2, 1994, 123-141.

urbis Romae pertinentes, 7 vols., 1952-1969; E.La Rocca, I Fori Imperiali, 1995; P. LivVERANI, La topografia antica del Vaticano, 1999; L’Urbs. Espace urbaine et histoire. Conference in R. 1985 (Collection de PEcole Frangaise de Rome

98), 1987; Nasu; D.PaLomsi,

Tra

Palatino ed Esquilino: Velia, Carinae, Fagutal, 1997; J.R. PATTERSON, The City of R.: from Republic to Empire, in: JRS 82, 1992, 186-215; RICHARDSON; G. RICKMAN, The Corn Supply of Ancient R., 1980; O.F. Ropinson, Ancient R.. City Planning and Administration, 1992; E.RoprIGUEZ ALMEIDA, Forma Urbis Marmorea. Aggiornamento

generale

1980,

1980;

R.Ross

HoLLoway,

The Archaeology of Early R. and Latium, 1994; L.SpERa,

(Gamzigrad,

Eastern Serbia), in: Antiquité

B.BL.

Romulea (‘Pwwiia; Rhomylia). Samnite city in the region of the > Hirpini, located on the La Toppa mountain (988 m) near present-day Bisaccia (Prov. Avellino) (Steph. Byz. s. v. ‘P.). In 296 BC, R. was badly affected in the 3rd Samnite War (Liv. 10,17,6f.; 11: Romulea). Situated below R. was the statio Subromula on the via Appia (It. Ant. 120,3; Tab. Peut. 6,5; Geogr. Rav. 4,20:

Submurula), 16 Roman miles from Aec(u)lanum and

11 miles from Aquilonia [2]. + Samnites, Samnium

GU,

Il paesaggio suburbano di Roma dall’antichita al medioevo, 1999; LTUR; U. VenrriGiia, La geologia della citta di Roma, 1971; P.ZANKER, Der Kaiser baut fiirs Volk, 1997; A.Z1oLKowsk1, The Temples of Mid-Republican

R. and Their

Historical

and Topographical

Context,

1992. Periodical publication of excavations in: Archeologia Laziale; BCAR; NSA; Lavori e studi di archeologia

(Roma. Archeologia nel centro).

MLH.

Romilius. Name of an old, patrician family, which had already died out in the 5th cent. BC, for which the tribus Romilia on the ager Vaticanus (cf. Vaticanus as cognomen for R. [1]) is named. [1] R. Rocus Vaticanus, T. According to tradition, cos.

in 455

and decemvir (> Decemviri [1]) in 451 BC (MRR 1,42; 45 f.; InscrIt 13,1,24 f.5 93; 362-65). Livius (3,31,3—-6) and Dion. Hal. (Ant. Rom. 10,44-46; 48,2— 49,6; cf. Plin. HN 7,102) report that, after his consulate in which he achieved a victory over the Aequi, R. was sentenced to a fine of 10,000 asses, but they disagree as to the reason: according to Livius, R. paid the proceeds

Romulus [1] The legendary founder of Rome. Perhaps literally ‘the Roman’. A possible correspondence between the Etruscan

nomen gentile Rumelna (Volsinii, 6th cent. BC: ET Vs 1,35) and the alleged Roman nomen gentile » Romilius — the name is securely attested only in an old tribus Romilia/-ulia (Paul Fest. 331 L.) — and between R. and an Etruscan praenomen *Rumele [1. 31f.] proves nothing about the historicity of the figure of R. Also problematic is the attempt [2. 491-520; 3.95-150] to connect the finds from the Roman » Mons Palatinus, datable to the 8th cent. BC, with literary information about R. (allegedly written reflections of a reliable oral tradition) and with the ancient date of the founding of Rome in order to reconstruct the so-called Romulian era as the historical date of Rome’s foundation. In literature, R. is not attested before the 2nd half of

the 4th cent. BC: in Alcimus (FGrH 840 F 12), a Rho-

ROMULUS

727

mylus is the son of ~ Aeneas [1] and father of cityfounder Rhomus; according to later authors (cf. FGrH 840 F 21f. = Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,72,rf.), he is the brother of the latter along with Ascanius and Euryleon or is himself the first founder of Rome (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,73,3a). In Callias (FGrH 840 F 14), being a grandson of Aeneas (likewise Eratosthenes FGrH 241 F 45; Naevius and Ennius in Serv. Auct. Aen. 1,273), R. is

the son of > Latinus [tr] and Rhome along with Rhomus and Telegonus and thus the grandson of + Telemachus and > Circe (cf. Galitas FGrH 818 F 1). This Greek attempt of the late 4th cent. BC tries to incorporate R. and thus to reconcile a probably older, Central Italian Roman tradition (one possible version in Promathion FGrH 817 F 1; [4. 57-61]) with the interpretation of early Italic history as the occupation and settlement of Aeneas and his descendants — apart from this, the Greek tradition mentions Rhome, Rhomos or Rhomanos as founders of Rome. The late 4th cent. BC thus provides a terminus ante quem for a Roman figure called R. The fairytale-like motifs of the story of R. and his twin brother Remus [5] — their divine parentage, exposure and miraculous rescue, youth and manhood, but also the violent death of Remus — have Greek, Italic and further parallels [6. 62 f.; 7; 8; 9], which is no compelling evidence, however, that the story is very old. In Rome, R. and Remus are first definitely recorded as a pair in 296 BC when a statue of the she-wolf suckling the twins was set up by Cn. and Q. > Ogulnius at the Ficus Ruminalis (~ Rumina), probably near the Lupercal (Liv. 10,23,11f.; cf. RRC p. 137 no. 20: 269/266 BC). This iconographic pattern was then also adopted in Greece, for example on Chios (SEG 16, 486) at the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC and in Cyzicus (Anth. Pal. 3,19 preface) in the middle of this century. Based on this, [4. 103-128] locates the origin of the myth of the twin brothers in the final period of the Roman struggle of the orders in the 4th/3rd cents. BC. Individual elements, however, are considerably older: it is certainly possible to associate a bronze she-wolf statue of unknown origin from the 6th cent. BC with R. and Remus (the twins being added in the early 16th cent.); but dating the myth to the 6th cent. BC [10; 6. 60f.; 11. 48-50] must certainly remain hypothetical. An Etruscan mirror with a she-wolf suckling two boys belongs to the 2nd half of the 4th cent. BC [12]; a reference

to R. and Remus,

at first glance obvious, is

doubtful [4. 65-71]. In literature, the twin version of the story was first established in the second half of the 3rd cent. BC by Fabius [I 35] Pictor (fr. 5a-b P. = 7 CHASSIGNET), who was said to be imitating - Diocles [7] of Peparethos (FGrH 820 F 1) because of the multitude of versions of the city’s founding (doxography: Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,71-73; Plut. Romulus 1-3; Fest. 326-329 L.). Subsequently, the story was extended in historiography, poetry and antiquarian literature [15], often in a rationalizing manner or bringing in circumstances of the

728

authors’ time [13. 199-208; 14. 88-100]: > Numitor,

the rightful king of + Alba Longa, was expelled by his brother > Amulius, and his daughter -> Rhea Silvia/Ilia was made a vestal. After she bore R. and Remus to + Mars, Amulius abandoned them in the Tiber. Since the river was in full spate, the twins floated ashore near the Ficus Ruminalis at the Lupercal; there, a she-wolf (lupa) fed them — together with a woodpecker (picus) according to Plut. Romulus 4, but with the Laurentine » Picus in another tradition — before they were adopted and reared by > Faustulus and his wife -» Acca Larentia. After their reunion with Numitor, they killed Amulius and re-enthroned their grandfather as the ruler of Alba Longa. Both brothers took auspices for the foundation of Rome: R. saw 12 vultures on the Aventine appearing

from the northeast, flying over the Palatine as a positive sign (— praepes: Enn, Ann. 72-91 SKUTSCH; Liv. 1,7,1;

Plut. Romulus 9,5; Suet. Aug. 95; [3. 119-121]). Thereupon he founded the city of Rome on that hill by ritually ploughing the first furrow, the sulcus primigenius. When Remus jumped over this mark, he was killed by R. or one of his followers [4. 9-13]. The rape of the Sabine women (> Sabini) lead to a double kingdom with the Sabine T. > Tatius. After his death, R. ruled alone until his miraculous disappearance; this is described by the sources as an assassination, but also as

the apotheosis of R. announced by > Iulius [I 3] Proculus. His identification with > Quirinus [1] is not securely attested before the rst cent. BC (Cic. Rep. 2,20; Cic. Leg. 1,3; Cic. Att.

12,45,2); it is possible, however,

that there was an apotheosis and an identification with the god as early as the 3rd cent. BC [14. ro1-104]. After the fixation of the myth by Fabius Pictor, R. and Remus were aetiologically connected in ancient literature with places such as the Remuria, the Lupercal and the Ficus Ruminalis, two legendary huts of R. (on

the southwestern slope of + Mons Palatinus and on the — Capitolium; see > Rome III with map r), rituals such

as the rites of the foundation of the city (Ov. Fast. 4,821-824;

Fest.

310 L.) and

festivals such as the

+ Lupercalia (C. Acilius FGrH 813 F 2), > Parentalia (C. Licinius [I 30] Macer fr. 1 P. = 2 Watt), > Lemuria, » Matronalia and > Consualia. As a king, R. reportedly founded an asylum (-» Asylon), pledged a temple to »Tuppiter Stator (Liv. 1,12,6) and established the Roman cults of -» Hercules and Iuppiter Feretrius (Schol. Bernensia Verg. G. 2,384) as well as the Capitoline Games (-> Capitolea; Calpurnius Piso fr. 7 P. = 14 Forsythe); he was also said to be responsible for the introduction of the quaestorship (Iunius Gracchanus in Ulp. Dig. 1,13,1), the twelve-month calendar and inter-

calation (C. Licinius [130] Macer fr. 3-4 P. = 5-6 WALT, cf. > Calendar, B 4), the establishment of the -» Senate, and the foundation of three original > tribus and 30 — curiae. From the 2nd cent. BC on, R., the founder of Rome, was presented in political propaganda [14. 107f.] not only as a model for individual claims of giving a new

729

730

political foundation to the res publica [16. 14-39; 17. 175-199], but also as a paradigm of the tyrant (Sall. Hist. 1,55,5; Plut. Pompeius 25,4; Cass. Dio 43,45,3) and, in the period of the civil wars (Hor. Epod. 7,1720), as a symbol of fratricide.

Maxentius’ part of the empire), cos. IJ in 309. R. died in 309 while still a child (as > nobilissimus vir) and was proclaimed Caesar afterwards. He was buried as divus (RIC VI, 381, No. 239-240) in the mausoleum of Maxentius on the via Appia. B.BL. [5] R. was the fictitious author’s name connected with the only extant Latin prose collection of Aesopian -» fables. This collection of 98 works [1] was written in late Antiquity, probably at the end of the 4th cent. or the beginning of the 5th cent. AD, and has come down to us in a variety of sometimes widely divergent recensions. There is much scholarly debate about the interrelationship of the recensions, the reconstruction of the archetype and the question of the sources [1; 4; 5. 404431; 6. 61-67; 8. vol. 2, 473-509; 10. 105-116]. The debate has reached a consensus, however, that the majority of those works are prose paraphrases of the verse fables of + Phaedrus; the anonymous author either produced the paraphrases himself or took them from a hypothetical intermediate source and edited them. This core base of the collection was expanded with further

1 C.DE Simong, Il nome di Romolo, in: A. CARANDINI, R. CaprE.ti (eds.), Roma: Romolo, Remo e la fondazione della citta, 2000, 31f. 2A.CARANDINI, La nascita di Roma,1997 3 Id., Variazioni sul tema di Romolo, in: see [t],95-150 5 G.BinpeR,

47.P. Wiseman, Remus, 1995 Die Aussetzung des Konigskindes,

1964

61.J. Cornett, The Beginnings of Rome, 1995 7 A. MEuRANT, Romolo e Remo, gemelli primordiali, in: see [1], 33-38

8 D. BrIQuEL, Perspectives comparatives

sur la tradition relative a la disparition de R., in: Latomus 36, 1977,

253-282

9Id., Trois études sur R., in:

R.BLocu (ed.), Recherches sur les religions de l’antiquité classique, 1980, 267-346 10J.N. BREMMeR, R., Remus and the Foundation of Rome, in: Id., N.M. HorsFaLt,

Roman Myth and Mythography, 1987, 25-48 11T.J. CoRNELL, La leggenda della nascita di Roma, in: see [1], 45-50 12R.Apam, D. BRIQUEL, Le miroir prénestin de

PAntiquario comunale de Rome et la legende des jumeaux divins en milieu latin a la fin du IV® siécle av. J. C., in: MEFRA 94, 1982, 33-65 13 J.Poucer, Les origines de Rome, 1985 14 J.vON UNGERN-STERNBERG, R.-Bilder: Die Begriindung der Republik im Mythos, in: F.GRAF (ed.), Mythos in mythenloser Gesellschaft, 1993, 88-108

15 H.J. KRAMER, Die Sage von R. und Remus in der lateinischen Literatur, in: H. FLASHAR, K. GaIsER (eds.), Syn-

usia.

Festschrift

W.

Schadewald,

1965,

355-402

16 A. ALFOLDI, Der Vater des Vaterlandes im romischen Denken, 1971 17 S. WEINSTOCK, Divus Iulius, 1971.

C.J. Classen, Zur Herkunft der Sage von R. und Remus, in: Historia 12, 1963, 447-457; I.J. CORNELL, Aeneas and the Twins, in: PCPhS 21, 1975, 1-32; R. WEIGEL, s. v. Lupa Romana, LIMC 6.1, 292-296.

AN.BE.

{2] R. ‘Augustulus’ was elevated to emperor by his father > Orestes [4] on 31 October AD 475, while still a

child, after the deposition of -» Nepos [3], but he was not recognized by Constantinople. -» Odoacer deposed him without a struggle after his victory in 476; R. received a residence near Neapolis [2] (modern Castel

d’Ovo) and a pension, and appears to have still been alive under > Theoderic the Great. Despite Nepos, who was recognized as emperor by the East and died as late as 480, he is widely considered to be the last Roman emperor; his deposition, which did not seem spectacular to his contemporaries, is considered as the end of Antiquity and the beginning of the Middle Ages (PLRE 2,949f.). HLL. [3] Flavius Pisidius R. From Africa, consularis Aemiliae et Liguriae in AD 385, proconsul or vicarius from 385 to 392, comes sacrarum largitionum in Constantinople

in 392, praefectus urbi Romae in 405/6 (403?). R. held large estates in Africa. He was criticized by Augustine, who called him a Christian, for exploiting his tenants. JPDIRYEhne /zasunin (Oey)

KGeAL

[4] Valerius R. Son of > Maxentius and > Maximilla [x] (ILS 666), cos. I in AD 308 (recognized only in

ROMULUS

material from other collections (comparable, for exam-

ple, to those of Pseudo-Dositheus), once again either by the author himself or his model [1; 4; 10. ro5—109]. In language and style, the fables of R. are written ina simple narrative prose without ambitious literary claims; the diction of Phaedrus is frequently adopted or merged with the late antique Latin of the author, which shows traces of influence of Vulgar Latin grammar [x. XCII-CXV; ro. 112]. In subject matter, R. often attempts to expand what he thinks to be abridgements and condensations in the presentation of Phaedrus’ fables and to develop the plot further. Moreover, his adaptations are driven by an effort to lessen and tone down the moral of the works, which in Phaedrus is often critical of society, and to aim at more general teachings and moralization [6. 62-66; 7; 9]. The wide diffusion and influence of R. is impressively documented by the large number of medieval prose and verse collections of fables, which adorned them-

selves with the name ‘> Aesop’ and which almost exclusively drew from R. as a source [6. 61, 67-85]. Like the verse fables of + Avianus, which indirectly transmitted the fables of > Babrius to the Middle Ages, the collection of R. transmitted the fables of Phaedrus. Avianus and R. thus represent the most important guarantors that the ancient stock of fables could live on in the Middle Ages, and they are indispensable links in the European fable tradition. -» Fable; > Phaedrus EDITIONS,

TRANSLATIONS:

1G. THIELE, Der lateini-

sche Asop des R. und die Prosafassungen des Phadrus, r9ro0 (critical text with commentary; reprint 1985) 2L.MaAper, Antike Fabeln, 1951, 335-348 (German translation) 3 J.IRMscHeER, Antike Fabeln, 1978, 343404 (German translation) 4C.M. ZANpER, Phaedrus

solutus vel Phaedri fabulae novae, 1921. BiBLIoGRAPHY: 5 M.NojGAarp, La fable antique, vol. 2: Les grandes fabulistes, 1967 6 K.GRUBMULLER, Meister Esopus, 1977 7 K.SPECKENBACH, Die Fabel von

ROMULUS

der Fabel, in: Friihmittelalterliche Studien 12, 1978, 178229 8F.R.ApDRADOS, Historia de la fabula greco-latina, 3 vols., 1979-1987 9 J.KUppers, Zu Eigenart und

Rezeptionsgeschichte

73%

731

der antiken

Fabel-Dichtung,

E.KONSGEN (ed.), Arbor amoena comis, 10 N. HoLzBerG, Die antike Fabel, 1993.

1990,

in:

23-33 |.KU.

J.-C. MARGUERON,

Recherches sur les palais mésopota-

miens de l’age du bronze, 1982; P.A.Mictus, Stadtische Wohnarchitektur in Babylonien und Assyrien, 1999, 1921; W.Ketss, Darstellungen urartaischer Architektur, in: AMI 15, 1982, 53-77; L. TRUMPELMANN, Ein Weltwunder der Antike: Persepolis, 1988, 23-27; G. HAENY, s.v. Dach, LA 1, 974-976.

AR.HA.

Roofing I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT Il. GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT

Because of the state of preservation of buildings, roofing methods in the ancient Near East can generally only be inferred from pictorial representations. Depictions on cylinder seals and remains of beams (“Temple

C’ in + Uruk; end of the 4th millennium BC) are early evidence for flat roofs as the normal roofing method for public and private buildings in southern Mesopotamia and other parts of the Near East. In mountainous parts of the Near East, the existence of ridged roofs is not ruled out. The ground-plan of the Uruk ‘Columned Hall’ (end of the 4th millennium BC) suggests a unique clay vault roof for a free-standing building; otherwise (true and cantilever) vaulting (— Vaults and arches, construction of) is attested in subterranean constructi-

ons, e.g., the (royal) tombs of Assur, Nimrud and Ur.

Rounded reed roofs are known from depictions from the 4th millennium onward. Stone roofs on circular buildings have been reconstructed as tapering to a point; a combination of various materials is also conceivable, however. In all regions of the Near East in all periods flat roofs consisted of roof beams and reed or brushwood mats laid parallel and topped with clay puddle that had to be added to or replaced every year. In southern Mesopotamia palm trunks were used (limiting the span to 4 m); for greater distances, wood had to be imported: ‘conifers’ are attested in “Temple C’ in Uruk, end of the 4th millennium BC; cedar beams are literarily recorded in the temple hymns of Gudea of > Lagas (end of the 3rd millennium BC). Roof surfaces were used as additional living and working spaces. Of the roofing on the stone architecture of -» Urartu there are only pictorial representations, showing flat roofs and crenellated towers and projections. The roofing of the great columned halls of the Achaemenid palaces at -> Pasargadae and > Persepolis (> Palace) must have been of impressive monumentality: flat wooden roofs over stone columns up to 16 m high (pictorial representations on the tomb fagades of the Achaemenid rulers in ~» Naqs-e Rostam). In Egypt, too, flat roofs were normal; for the most part they were surrounded by raised outer walls. Public buildings often had roofs of stone slabs on top of rafter structures, slanting and lavishly provided with gutters for drainage. Ina > temple, portions of the rituals may have taken place on the roof, and for this roof chapels were also sometimes used. ~» Architecture; > Funerary architecture; » House

Il. GRAECO-ROMAN

ANTIQUITY

The covering of Graeco-Roman

-> architecture is a widely discussed subject in the archaeological study of construction; here, however, we should make reference

to the state of the evidence: various stone space-coverings have survived (primarily in > funerary architecture and sporadically in temples (~ Temple [V])), but quantitatively, compared to roofing of materials which are transitory or particularly susceptible to external influences such as fire, these were significantly in the minority. Roofs of quite complicated and expensive wooden constructions (> Materiatio) were the rule; for the most part, however, they do not survive and can be

reconstructed only to a limited extent in the form of traces of techniques (inserts for cross-beams in a wall; foundations of vertical supports, etc.) or on the basis of generally not very detailed depictions of ancient buildings in pictorial media. The numerous, often contradictory and incoherent views of scholars in this problem area must therefore be critically examined and correlated. Early Greek architecture of the 8th—7th cents. BC usually had a flat roof resting on beam supports (+ Megaron); but as early as the 8th cent. BC, clay model houses document sloping saddleback roofs with gables (-> Gable), along with lean-to and hipped roofs. From the late 7th cent. BC on, Greek temples were regu-

larly covered with gable roofs; the wooden construction (purlin- or rafter-roof) needed for this bore the roofing surface, for the most part consisting of tiles (> Bricks); the limited slope of the roof, initially to about ro (later

no more than 16), was to prevent the tiles slipping off. Details of roof structures can be inferred only vaguely

from the various lengths of span. Larger spans of up to 12 m would require complicated roof-frames — in part ‘self-supporting’ by means of a triangular truss-construction — (e.g., Selinus [4], maiskos of Demeter Malo-

phorus); their precise reconstruction remains disputed, however. In the larger Greek temples (+ Temple [V A]) the roof structure was supported by the outer ring of columns, the walls of the cella (> Cella [r]) and the placement of columns within the cella, i.e. in respect to

the transverse axis of the building, on six vertical points in all. The required strength of the wooden beams grew exponentially with the distance spanned; at the limestone temple at Delphi, a span of just ro m implies a beam thickness of about 3 50 x 350 mm, which explains the high costs of materials as well as the great requirement for quality materials and the standard of handicraft in working them.

734

733

The outer roof covering of the temple consisted of laid tiles, which at 0.4 m x 0.8 m? were clearly larger than nowadays; just like the other terracotta roof decorations (ridge, > sima, water spouts, etc.), roof tiles were items of value and often marked with engravings or inscriptions as a dedication (like, e.g., the roof tiles of the Doric temple in Histria). Various systems of laying roof tiles have been discovered (Laconian, Corinthian, and Sicilian-hybrid systems, each with different kinds of overlapping or differently shaped linking tiles: kalypteres; > Bricks). The manner of fixing tiles to the roof frame is disputed (by simply laying them on a bed of clay or reeds and/or attaching them with a mortise-andtenon joint). A sign of a particularly high-quality construction was roof tiles of thin > marble (e.g., on the Temple of Zeus at Olympia and on the > Parthenon; an invention credited by Paus. 5,10,3 to a > Byzes from Naxos) and, similarly, the replacement of wooden beams, at least where visible, by imposing marble beams (common in the architecture of the Cyclades: Delos, Oikos of the Naxians; Naxos, Sangri Temple). The constructional complexity of the roofing of Greek column structures is clearly shown in a comprehensively sophisticated Greek terminology which found application in ancient building craft (details in

[x. 35-52]).

ROSALIA nen der antiken Welt. Festschrift H.G. Niemeyer, 1998, 147-163; G. Husner, Zur Forschungsgeschichte griechischer Dachziegel aus gebranntem Ton, in: Archaiologike Ephémeris 134, 1995, 115-161; W.HOEPENER, E.L. SCHWANDNER, Haus und Stadt im klassischen Griechenland, *1994, 352 (s.v. Dach); S.E. Iakovipis, Mycenaean Roofs, in: P. DARCQUE (ed.), L’habitat égéen préhistorique (Conference, Athens 1987), 1990, 147-160; N.L. Kein, Evidence for West Greek Influence on Mainland Greek Roof Construction, in: Hesperia 67, 1998,

335-374; A.Matiwitrz, Walmdach und Tempel, in: BJ 161, 1961, 125-140;

R. Martin, Manuel d’architecture

grecque, vol. 1: Matériaux et techniques, 1965, 65-112; R.MeiGGs, Tree and Timber in the Ancient Mediterranean World, 1982; W.MULLER-WIENER, Griechisches

Bauwesen in der Antike, 1988, 94-104; A. OHNESORG, Inselionische Marmordacher, 1993; T.SCHATTNER, Griechische Hausmodelle, 1990, 177-190; U. WALLAT, Orna-

mentik auf Marmorsimen des griechischen Mutterlandes, 1997; O. WIKANDER, Ancient Roof-Tiles. Use and Functions, in: OpAth 17, 1988, 203-216; Id., Archaic RoofTiles — The First (?) Generation, in: OpAth 19, 1992, 151-

161; C.K. WittiaMs, Demaratus and the Early Korinthian Roofs, in: Stélé. Festschrift N. Kontoleon,

1980,

345-353; W.F. Wyatt, C.EpMonpson, The Ceiling of the Hephaisteion, in: AJA 88, 1984, 99-112. C.HO.

Rorarii see — Velites

The principle of a hypaethral, i.e. open, roof is a rather rare but documented exception in Greek temple building (e.g., Didyma, Temple of Apollo; Selinus [4], Temple G). There is controversy on the extent to which religious traditions are reflected in this building structure (somewhat like a ‘hearth-house temple’ along the conceptual lines of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi) or whether it ought rather be seen as a technically moti-

ing of > roses to the dead. The Rosalia were a private parentatio (- Parentalia), not a festival of public religion (they appear only in one late Roman calendar, which may not even refer to the traditional Rosalia: Philocalus, InscrIt 13,2 p. 247, for 23 May), but were sometimes celebrated in connection with the > ruler

vated solution for spans which are (or are felt to be)

cult (24-26 May: [Pergamon no. 374). The connection

unbridgeable. Various buildings (e.g., the Olympiea at Acragas and Athens) have been represented, neither on fully convincing grounds, as hypaethral. On other forms and principles of Graeco-Roman

between the Rosalia and the decoration of military

procedures involving the standards are recorded in inscriptions [1. no. 1262f.; 2. 115-120] and iconography

roofing,

[3].

cf. —» Atrium; domes; - Pantheon [2]; tion of [II].

-» Dome, Construction of Vaults and arches, construc-

1 EBERT

M. BELL, Stylobate and Roof in the Olympieion at Akragas, in: AJA 84, 1980, 359-372; N.K. Coopgr, The Development of Roof Revetments in the Peloponnese, 1989;

F.W. DeEICHMANN, Untersuchungen zu Dach und Decke der Basilika, in: K.SCHAUENBURG

schrift E. Langlotz,

1957,

(ed.), Charites.

249-264;

Fest-

W.B. DINsMooR,

The Roof of the Hephaisteion, in: AJA 80, 1976, 223-246;

Rosalia (also Rosaria). The Roman festival of the offer-

standards with roses (R. signorum) is unclear; ritual

The date of the Rosalia varied according to the availability, dictated by the season, of the various species of > rose. It was probably mostly the species Rosa damascena which was used for the festival. Its first bloom comes in May and June; however, a second bloom can occur in the Mediterranean climate during the course of the summer (Plin. HN 21,20); accordingly, the Rosalia are also recorded as having taken place in July (ILS 7235). Roses were cultivated using methods akin to greenhouse

forcing (Mart.

4,22,5f.; 8,14; Plin. HN

B. Fenr, The Greek Temple in the Early Archaic Period, in: Hephaistos 14, 1996, 165-192; M. Y.GOLDBERG, Greek Temple and Chinese Roofs, in: AJA 87, 1983, 305-310;

21,20f.), and were also imported from the provinces (Crinagoras Anth. Pal. 6,345; Flor. 1,24; Mart. 6,80,9 f.); there is evidence of a roaring trade in roses at

G. GRuBEN, Weitgespannte Marmordacher, in: Architectura 15, 1985, 115-129; J. HEIDEN, Die Tondacher von Olympia (OIF 24), 1995; A.T. Hopce, The Woodwork of Greek Roofs, 1960; C.H6cKER, Sekos, Dipteros,

e.g. Paestum (Verg. G. 4,119; Auson. De rosis nascen-

Hypaithros — Uberlegungen zur Monumentalisierung der archaischen Sakralarchitektur Ioniens, in: R.ROLLE, K.Scumipt (ed.), Archaologische Studien in Kontaktzo-

tibus 11 f.) and Pompeii, the roses then being used in the Rosalia [4. 203-206]. Literary (Prop. 1,17,21f.) and epigraphical (IGR 3,1444,3 f.) sources show that roses were available for cultic purposes all year round.

Tops

736

The earliest evidence of the Rosalia dates from the reign of Domitian (ILS 3546) in the late rst cent. AD. The use of roses as cultic gifts is recorded as early as the 2nd cent. BC (ILLRP 99). There is then regular documentary evidence of the Rosalia from the 2nd cent. AD. Although early Christianity displayed an ambivalent attitude towards the practice of offering roses (Clem. Al. Paedagogus 2,8,78; Greg. Tur. Liber in gloria confes-

T.R. Magnus: Capito was given three estates (from which time he actively hindered R.’ efforts: Cic. Rosc.

ROSALIA

sorum 40), they were also used in connection with the Christian martyrs (Passio Perpetuae 11,2; 13,2) and

with the honouring of the dead (Aug. Epist. 158,1-3). Roses

are

depicted

on

Christian

296) and wall decorations

gravestones

(ILCV

[5. 76-80]. The emperor

Constantine (-» Constantinus [1]) is even said to have presented Marcus, the Bishop of Rome, with a rose

Am. 17; 26; 96), and Magnus became Chrysogonus’ steward (he was Sex. R.’s co-accuser: 17; 23 f.). At the

price of renouncing his inheritance, R. obtained the aid of the Metelli, whose interest it was as usufructuaries of

Sulla to secure every detail of the proceeds of the > proscriptions. They appointed as advocate the as yet unknown > Cicero, who accused Capito and Magnus of murder, and Chrysogonus of its instigation. Cicero won the case for R., subsequently glorifying it this as an act of resistance against the dictator Sulla (Cic. Orat. r07f.; Brut. 312). In fact, the person Sulla and his interests remained unaffected by the Roscius trial, which was Cicero’s debut in court.

garden (fundus rosarius) as a gift (Liber Pontificalis 3 5 p. 73 Momsen). A link has been suggested since [6. 379£.] between the Rosalia and the rite of offering roses on memorial days (rhodismos) in Orthodox Christianity. The main sources, however, do not support such a connection [7. 242]. + Rose 1 R.G. CoLitincwoop (ed.), The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, 1965 2R.O.FinkKetal. (ed.), The Feriale Duranum in: YCIS 7, 1941, 1-222. 3 I.RICHMOND, Roman

Legionaries at Corbridge, Their Supply-Base, Temples and Religious Cults in: Archaeologiana Aeliana 4.21, 1943, 162-165 4DUNCAN-JONES, Economy 5 J. TOYNBEE, J. Warp-Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter and the Vatican Excavations, 1956 6 W.TomascHex, Uber Brumalia

und R., in: Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften Wien, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, 60, 1868,

351-404

7H.DELEHAYE

(ed.), Acta Sanctorum, vol.

64,2.

M.P. Nixsson, s. v.R., REI A 1, rrri1—1115.

C.R.P.

T.E. Kinsey, Cicero’s Case against Magnus, Capito and

Chrysogonus in the Pro Sex. Roscio Amerino and Its Use for the Historian, in: AC 49, 1980, 173-190.

[I 3] R. Fabatus, L. From Lanuvium; moneyer in 64 BC

(RRC 412). As people’s tribune in 55, R. participated in the drafting of the lex Mamilia Roscia Peducaea Alliena Fabia, an updating of Caesar’s second land law (cf. — Caesar I.B.; MRR 2,220 n. 2); in 54 he served Caesar as

legate

in Gaul:

(Caes.

B Gall.

5324,27

552457;

5,53,6f.). Praetor in 49, the year of war; in January, R.

presented Caesar (unofficially? Thus [1]) with an offer of reconciliation from Pompeius [I 3] (Caes. B Civ. 1,3,63 1,8,4; Cic. Att. 8,12,2). He returned with counter proposals, which Pompeius, regarded with suspicion by the Senate, was prepared to accept only in modified form. Caesar thereupon dismissed the entire project (Plut. Pompeius 59,4). After Rome fell to Caesar, R. must have introduced a /ex Roscia granting citizenship to the Transpadani, as promised by Caesar (CILI* 600 = FIRA I 20).

Roscius. Italian nomen gentile, with many bearers in Ameria

(CIL XI 4507-16)

and Lanuvium

(CIL XIV

3225-7). I. REPUBLICAN

FOX,

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] R., L. A Roman envoy killed in 438 BC together with his three colleagues by the Fidenati (-» Fidenae); because of this all three were honoured with statues on the Rostra (Cic. Phil. 9,4; Liv. 4,17,2-6). K.-L.E. [[ 2] R., Sex. From Ameria; son of a landowner of the

same name, a client of the Cornelii Scipiones and Caecilii Metelli. In 81 BC the elder R. was murdered, an occurrence which was used by L. Cornelius [I 90] Sul-

la’s freedman property for a entered on the 32). When the

1 D.R. SHACKLETON BalLey, The Credentials of L. Caesar and L. Roscius, in: JRS 50, 1960, 80-83. JO-F.

~ Chrysogonus to obtain the family nominal sum by having the dead man list of proscriptions (Cic. Rosc. Am. 6; younger R. attempted with Caecilia [8]

Metella’s help to save his inheritance (ibid. 27; 147-9),

Chrysogonus produced an accuser Erucius, who in 80 BC brought a case against R. for parricide and embezzlement of confiscated property (ibid. 144; 148). The profiteer won over two relatives of R., T.R. Capito and

{1 4] R. Gallus, Q. Roman comedy actor (-> Histrio) of the 2nd/rst century BC, from > Lanuvium. Being freeborn, he was not subject to the opprobrium attached to his profession; highly renowned in his lifetime, he was remembered until the end of Antiquity and beyond (cf. Shakespeare, Hamlet 2,2,386). Sulla raised him to

equestrian rank (Macrob. Sat. 3,14; 13); from then on R., who had become enormously wealthy, performed only without pay. Cicero praised his integrity and the perfection of his art, defending him in a civil trial; the speech, of uncertain date, has survived in fragmentary form [1]. The public audience idolised R.; the story that, even when he was still a babe in arms, his greatness had been prophesied by a prodigy in the form of a snake, was perpetuated as a silver relief and in poetry (Cic. Div. 1,79). R. played Ballio in Plaut. Pseud. (Cic. Q. Rosc. 20), and also appeared in tragedies (Cic. De or. 3,102). The introduction of the > mask was ascribed to him ([25 3]; cf. > Cincius [4]). R. was an excellent teacher (Cic. Q. Rosc. 29 f.), and wrote a treatise on the relationship between the actor’s and the orator’s craft.

738

UST 1W.Srron,

Taxis

und

Taktik,

1975,

104-159

2 C.SAuNDERS, The Introduction of Masks on the Roman

Stage, in: AJPh 32, 1911, 58-73

3 W.Brare, The

Roman Stage, 1964, App. I. F.VON

DER MUHLL,

s. v. R. (16), RE 1 A, 1123-1125;

H.Leppin, Histrionen, 1992, 241-244.

H.BL.

[I 5] R. Otho, L. From Lanuvium; as people’s tribune in 67 BC (and a supporter of M. Licinius [I 11] Crassus?) he opposed the plans of Cn. Pompeius [I 3] (Plut. Pompeius 25,6; Cass. Dio 36,24,4; 30,3). His lex Roscia set the census of equestrians at 400,000 sesterci, and reserved for them the first 14 rows at the theatre (MRR 2,145). It was there that in 63 the plebs raised furious protests against a R., who was probably praetor urbanus [1] (Plut. Cicero 13,2 f.), and presumably to be identified with Otho, the heir of P. Quinctius Scapula (Cic. PAfith, bU23 7, OeoN5 59.9 .2))5 1 F.X. Ryan, The Praetorship of L.R. Otho, in: Hermes

123, 1997, 235-240.

JOR.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD Aelianus Maecius Celer. A senator, his career being known from CIL XIV 3612 = ILS 1025 = InscrIlt IV 1,129. As military tribune of legio IX Hispana, he probably took part in the war against the Chatti in AD 83, receiving > dona militaria; subsequently decemvir stlitibus indicandis, quaestor under Domitian, people’s tribune, praetor, and suffect consul in roo. It is striking that no praetorian offices are mentioned in the inscription. This does not necessarily mean that he did not hold any such posts. He was probably close to Trajan. Proconsul of Africa in 116/7 or 117/8. PIR* R 89. {M1 2] L.R. Aelia[nus Paculus?] Suffect consul with Cn. Papirius Aelianus between 156 and 159; father of R. [II 3]. {11 1] L.R.

M.M. Roxan, P. Weiss, Die Auxiliartruppen der Provinz Thracia, in: Chiron 28, 1998, 371-420, especially 409-

414; PIR* R go.

{fl 3] L.R. Aelianus Paculus. Son of R. [II 2]; patrician, salius Palatinus, cos. ord. in 187; probably father of R. {II 4]. PIR* R 91.

{1 4] L.R. Aelianus Paculus Salvius Iulianus. Probably son of R. [II 3]; cos. ord. in 223. He owned land in Sicily, and his family possibly came from there. W.Ecx, Senatorische Familien der Kaiserzeit in Sizilien, in: ZPE 113, 1996, 109-128; PIR* R 92.

{1 5] L. R. [Mae]cius Celer M[anlianus?] Postumus Manilianus] Vergilius Staberia{nus] Senator in the Hadrianic period; quaestor Augusti, |people’s tribune],

praetor; legate of legio XIV Gemina. Perhaps praetorian governor of Lusitania; suffect consul with Papirius Aelianus towards the end of Hadrian’s reign. Probably son of R. [II x] and father of R. [II 2]. PIR* R 93. {II 6] M.R. Coelius. Senator; legate of legio XX Valeria Victrix in Britannia, with whose governor Trebellius

ROSE

Maximus he fell into fierce dispute in 68. After the latter’s defection to — Vitellius, R. with other legionary legates governed the province. At least in retrospect, he may have portrayed his behaviour as partisanship for Vespasian. Finally suffect consul in 81. PIR* R 81. [fl 7] M.R. Lupus Murena. A senator’s son; his wife’s grandmother honoured him with a statue in Gortyn as quaestor pro praetore of Creta-Cyrenae (ILS 88342). This fact tells us nothing of the origin of the family. PIR* 95. WE. Rose (Greek 16 6650v/t6 rhdédon, Latin rosa). The first references to the plant, famed for its blossoms and, ac-

cording to HEHN [1. 253f.], introduced from Media, are in the Homeric hymn to Demeter (Hom. h. 2,6) and — citing its purple colour — Pind. Isthm. 3/4,36b. According to Hdt. 8,138 (cf. Nic. in Ath. 15,683a-b), the celebrated sixty-petalled scented roses in the so-called ‘Garden of Midas’ in Macedonia grew in the reign of King Perdiccas [1]. Theophrastus (Hist. pl. 6,6,4) knew a full double rose, allegedly hundred-petalled (cf. Rosa centifolia), from Philippi in the same region. The island of > Rhodos was antiquity’s proverbial island of roses. Among the Romans, the rose gardens (rosaria) of Paestum (> Poseidonia, Paistos, Paestum) were highly valued (Verg. G. 4,119; Prop. 4,5,61; Ov. Met. 15,708); Varro, Rust. 1,16,3, already recommends their reward-

ing establishment close to the city. In the Roman Imperial period, roses in winter became a symbol of luxury (Sen. Ep. 122,8; Macrob. Sat. 7,5,32), for which they were either imported from Egypt (Mart. 6,80,1f.) or even grown under glass at Rome (Mart. 4,22,5-6). Ata banquet hosted by a friend of the Emperor Nero, four million sesterces were spent on the roses for decoration alone (Suet. Nero 27,3; [2. 2,291 and 348]). In medicine, Dioscorides recommends from the plant, which was valued as astringent and coolant, not only the sap and the dried leaves boiled in wine (1,90,1-2 WELLMANN = 1,130 BERENDES), which were applied e.g. against ophthalmalgia and otalgia, but also the manufacture of rose oil (as already mentioned in Hom. Il. 23,186) (1,43 WELLMANN = 1,53 BERENDES) and rose pastilles (1,99,3 WELLMANN

= 1,131 BEREN-

DES) against body odour. Plin. HN 21,121-125 is in many respects in accord with Dioscorides. In Greek poetry, many decorative epithets constructed using the stem ‘606-’ (‘rose’) are used, such as ‘young Dawn with her rose-red fingers’ (G0505&xtvAog "Hwc/ rhododdktylos Eés) in Hom. Od. 2,1 et alibi and Hes. Op. 610. According to Hdt. 1,195, among the carved

decorations on Babylonian walking-sticks were roses. Rose blooms were stylized in Greek art as rosettes. The rose was sacred to, among others, > Aphrodite and » Dionysus. On the rose in Roman cultic practices and

in Christianity, cf. > Rosalia. > Garden 1 V. HEN (ed. O. SCHRADER), Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere, *r9orz (repr. 1963), 251-257 2 FRIEDLANDER. C.HU,

739

740

> Reate

This trilingual inscription (+ Trilingual inscriptions) enabled J.F. CHAMPOLLION to decipher the hieroglyphs.

ROSEA RURA

Rosea Rura. Plain in Sabine territory near

(also Rosea, Varro Rust. 2,7,6; 3,2,93 3,17,6; Rosia,

ibid. 3,2,10; Ager Rosulanus, Serv. Aen. 7,712); the

most fertile soils in the whole of Italy were there (Varro Rust. 1,7,10). Fest. 355,3 derives the term from arva rore humida (‘land moist with dew’). The region was drained in 272 BC under the censor M’. Curius [4] Dentatus by constructing a canal between — Lacus Velinus and the > Nar, and was thus made agriculturally useful (Cic. Att. 4,15,5). The RR was used for breeding horses,

which were sent into the high Montes Burbures in the summer for a change of pasture (Varro Rust. 2,1,17); these are the modern Monti Reatini, where the Piano delle Rosce, which can be identified with the RR, is

situated near Monte Terminillo. N. HorsFALt, s. v. R.r., EV 4, 581.

R.S. Simpson, Demotic Grammar in the Ptolemaic Sacer-

dotal Decrees, 1996, 4-5, 7-13.

KJ.-W.

Rosmerta. Celtic goddess, partner of the Celtic > Mercurius and identified through ~ interpretatio [Il] Romana with - Maia. No individual dedication to R. can be identified with certainty. The few epigraphic representations which actually name the divine couple show a classically dressed goddess with a purse borrowed from Mercurius (CIL XIII 11696), a cornucopia

G.U.

Rosemary (Lat. ros marinus or rosmarinum, derived from ap po.odrhops myrios; Sovoyaoivos/rhousmarinos; also MpBavuwtic/libanotis, Dioscorides 3,75 WELLMANN = 3,(89) BERENDES, Lat. libanotis, eg. Plin.

HN 19,187). An evergreen labiate with bluish flowers (Rosmarinus officinalis), popular with the Greeks and Romans. It grows in the maquis and represented an important remedy with its roots, juice, leaves and seeds. Especially for funerary ceremonies, wreaths were made of its branches (cf. Dioscorides loc. cit.). The incenselike fragrance of its resin and roots, a gift of Aphrodite to mankind [1. 89 and ill. 157], let them be used as cheap substitutes during incense burning. Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,11,10 recommends using the roots of the fruit-bearing (xdemmocd/karpimos) kind of the MBavwtic/libanotis against ulcers and, mixed in dry dark wine, against women’s disorders. The seeds are called cachry(s) in Plin. HN 24,99 and ror (= xayov/ kachry, Dioscorides 3,74,1 WELLMANN = 3,79 BERENDES). The fruit was said to be good for strangury, earache and sore eyes, and as a stimulant of mother’s milk. The root of the fruitless (Gxae@moc/akarpos) kind (Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,11,11) was said to have a purgative effect and to protect clothing from moths, if laid in between. 1 H. BauMANN, Die griechische Pflanzenwelt, 1982.

F. OrTH, s. v. Rosmarin, RE 1 A, 1128 f.

> DECIPHERMENT

C.HU.

Rosetta Stone. Part of a granite tablet discovered in 1799 by French soldiers near the settlement of Rosetta (el-Rashid) on the Egyptian Mediterranean coast (now in the British Museum in London), bearing text in three languages. The inscription is a decree regarding the cult of the ruling monarch in the Egyptian temples, passed by a priestly synod in -» Memphis on 27 March, 196 BC, on the occasion of the coronation of —> Ptolemaeus [I 8] V Epiphanes and meant to be displayed in all of the country’s temples: in hieroglyphs as the sacred language and -» demotic and Greek as the languages of the two most significant groups within the population.

and a - patera. These attributes are also found with Maia and > Fortuna as partners of Mercurius, therefore it is difficult to identify the cultic companion if she is not explicitly mentioned in the inscription. The only helpful indications here are offered by the Celto-Germanic core region of votives to Mercurius/Rosmerta, a region between the Rivers Mosel and Rhine as far as the upper Maas, established by epigraphic evidence. The iconographic attributes point to the goddess’s caring nature. G. BAUCHHENSS, s.v. R., LIMC 7.1, 644-648; C. BEMONT, R., in: Etudes celtiques 9, 1960, 29-43; Id., A propos d’un nouveau monument de R., in: Gallia 27, 1969, 23-44; Id.,

A propos des couples mixtes gallo-romains, in: BCH Suppl. 14, 1986, 131-152; W. Boppert, Skulpturenfragmente aus einem Merkur- und R./Maia-Heiligtum in Rheinhessen, in: Archaologisches Korrespondenzblatt 20, 1990, 333-344; J.Hupg, Studien zum Gott Merkur im romischen Gallien und Germanien, in: TZ 60, 1997, 53127, here 93-99.

ME.

Rossano di Vaglio. The Lucanian sanctuary of the Oscan goddess > Mefitis Utiana in the mountains above Vaglio Basilicata has been systematically excavated since 1969. Several buildings of sandstone and

limestone blocks, belonging to two phases, are grouped around a 27x 21m paved courtyard. The centre is formed by an elongated altar along the southern side. A large votive pit with Oscan/Lucanian inscriptions (in the Greek alphabet), chariot wheels, marble statues, terracottas, thymiateria, bronze fibulae and coins

shows that the cult there was continually alive from the second half of the 4th century BC until the early rst century AD. Lying near the settlement of Serra di Vaglio, which was abandoned already by the 3rd century BC, the sanctuary may have been a Lucanian tribal sanctuary, perhaps of the Utiani. D. ADAMESTEANU, H.DiLTHEY, Macchia di Rossano. Il santuario della Mefitis. Rapporto preliminare, 1992; Id., s. v. Rossano, EAA 2. Suppl., 1971-1994, vol. 5, 1997, 35-36; M.Leyaune, Méfitis d’aprés les dédicaces lucaniennes de R.d.V., 1990.

M.M.

741

742

Rostam see > Rustam

this respect, the Hellenistic monarchs were influential. A well-preserved example of a representative rostrum is the béma built in the context of the Stoa of Attalus on the agora in Athens, immediately adjacent to the Panathenaean Way, constructed almost in the architectural form of an altar. The re-building and extension of the rostra in the city of Rome and of the comitium under Caesar and Augustus (moving and rebuilding the original construction as well as erecting a second rostrum) can be interpreted as both an expression of the rulers’ reverence for a (bygone) republic and as a comprehen-

Rostrata. Villa near - Capena in the region of the + Falisci which served as a statio on the via Flaminia between Rome and > Ocriculum, 24 Roman miles from Rome (It. Ant. 124).

G.U.

Rostrum. A rostrum (Greek Pija/béma; Latin plural rostra,) is an elevated podium, a pulpit (early Christian dmbon, Lat. ambo), or a type of stand, shaped ina variety of forms, which raises the speaker above his audience. This is useful not only from an acoustic point of view, but also lends importance to the protagonist acting on the podium, as it ‘lifts’ him in a significant way over his surroundings. Rostrum-like devices must already have been pres-

ROWING

sive re-definition of the concept of the (Imperial) state. F. A. Bauer, Stadt, Platz und Denkmal in der Spatantike, 1996, 7-79; A. FRANTZ, The Date of the Phaidros Bema in the Theatre of Dionysos, in: H.A. THompPson (ed.),

Studies in Athenian Architecture (Hesperia Suppl. 20),

ent in the archaic Greek citizen communities, as in all

1982, 34-39; LTUR 4, 212-219,s. v. Rostra; NASH, 272-

larger communities of colonists which had to decide by consensus (-> polis). Yet we know little of the places and buildings for popular assemblies in this period (cf. ~ assembly buildings), not even whether buildings constructed for these purposes actually existed. Usually, the citizens’ assembly would meet in an open space and a rise of the ground might serve as a natural rostrum. In the context of democracy (~ démokratia), especially in fifth and fourth-century Athens, debate and political orators played a significant role. From this time on, the béma served as a rostrum. This was a purposely-built podium, inconspicuous at first, erected at places where larger assemblies convened. In Athens, this was the Dionysus theatre on the southern slope of the Acropolis, and later also the newly constructed > ekklésia on the + Pnyx, where the béma, now a more representative structure, marked the centre of the group of buildings

283, s. v. Rostra; RICHARDSON, 334-337, S. Vv. Rostra;

(and continued to do so after a rearrangement of the

complex in the 4th cent. BC). In the Roman Republic, the rostrum stood in the ‘democratic’ Greek tradition, playing an important role in communal life. Probably all central Italian towns had

H.J.SCHALLES, Die hellenistische Umgestaltung der Athe-

ner Agora im 2. Jh. y. Chr., in: Hephaistos 4, 1982, 97— 116; TRAVLOS, Athen, 466-476, s. v. Pnyx; R.B. ULRICH, The Roman Orator and the Sacred Stage, 1994; P. VERDUCHI, Le tribune rostrate, in: A. M. Bretri SESTIERI (ed.), Roma. Archeologia nel centro 1, 1985, 29-33; P. ZANKER, Forum Romanum,

1972.

C.HO.

Rothari. The Arian (~ Arianism) of Harudic descent

was the duke of > Brixia when he succeeded Arioald as king of the > Langobardiin AD 636. Under his rule, the Ligurian coast from the city of Luna [3] up to the Frankish border and > Opitergium in Venetia were captured. A campaign against the > exarchate of Ravenna (late 643) was stalled following a battle on the river Scultenna

(Paulus

Diaconus,

Historia

Langobardorum

4,423 453 47). On 22 November 643, R. decreed the Edictus R., a collection of Langobardic legal conventions. R. died in 652. PLRE, 3B, 1096. P. DELOGU, s.v. R., LMA 7, 1049 f.; G. VISMARA, s.v. Edictus R., LMA 3, 1574f. M.SCH.

a rostrum in a central location (forum, theatre), as did

the Roman colonies (e.g. Cosa, Paestum). Often, a temple podium could be used as a rostrum. In Rome, the rostrum on the Forum Romanum (-» Forum [III 8}),

situated near the comitium and the curia, became synonymous for any Roman rostrum. It received its name

from the ships’ beaks demonstratively placed there by the consul Gaius Maenius [I 3] in 338 BC as a victory monument celebrating the naval victory at Antium in the Latin War. These beaks turned the rostrum into a pivotal part of Roman history and identity. As time went on, more ships’ trophies were added to this monument. The rostrum as splendidly monumental architecture,

Rowing. Egyptian images of large ships being rowed allow the reconstruction of an ancient Egyptian technique characterized by an alternating cycle of sitting and standing while working the oars [1. ro6-108]. In the rowing scene on the sphinx stele of Amenophis II (18th Dynasty: 1428-1397 BC), the king, as steersman,

markedly outperforms his crew of rowers [2. 59]. Under > Tutankhamon (18th Dynasty), teams performed on the Nile in a full-scale regatta [3]. In the Greek world, too, rowing competitions were far from unknown, though infrequent [4; 5]. There was an annual rowing agon off +> Hermion(e) (Paus. 2,35,1);

at the other hand, was neither in Greece nor in Rome

at Athens, stelai with honorific

associated with democracy or the republic, but rather with the monarchy. The rostrum became the central place for the representation of the power of the ruler, a place for speeches and addresses given by the emperor, members of the imperial family, or senior officials. In

metai (~» Kosmetes

inscriptions for kos-

[1]) were decorated with rowing

boats with crews of different sizes, implying that rowing formed part of the training of the ephebes (> epheébeia) [6. no. 35, 37, 38]. Virgil gave a poetic depiction of a rowing regatta in the context ofthe funer-

ROWING

744

743

al games for > Anchises; it was contested by four triremes of different sizes (Verg. Aen. 5,114-285); modifying the chariot-race in Homer’s Iliad (23,262-652), the course of the race is described with vivid immediacy (drawing lots for starting positions, start, spectators, duel, accident at the turning-point, honouring the vic-

tor) [7].

BRIANT, 338-369; D.F. Grar, The Persian Royal Road System, in: AchHist 8, 1994, 634-650; K. Kessier, Royal

Roads and Other Questions of the Neo-Assyrian Communication

System, in: S.PARPOLA

(ed.), Assyria 1995,

Proc. of the ro® Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki, 1997, 129-136; H.Kocn, Die achamenidische Poststrafe von Persepolis nach Susa, in: AMI 19, 1986, 133-147.

K.KE.

1 W.Decker, Sport und Spiel im Alten Agypten, 1987 2 Id., Quellentexte zu Sport und K6érperkultur im alten Agypten, 1975 3 1d., D.Kurrn, Eine Ruderregatta zur

Rubellia Bassa. Probably the daughter of Rubellius [3]

Zeit des Tutanchamun, in: Nikephoros 12, 1999, 19-31 4 P.GARDNER, Boat-Races among the Greeks, in: JHS 2, 1881,90-97 5 Id., Boat-Races at Athens, in: ibid., 3 15-

Blandus or of one of his sons, married to a senator Octavius [II 4] Laenas, grandmother of Sergius Octavius [II 6] Laenas Pontianus, cos. ord. in AD 131. W.E.

ohy/

6 K.RHOMIOPOULOU,

National

Archaeological

Museum, Collection of Roman Sculpture, 1995

7 E.and

G. BINDER (ed.), Vergil. Aeneis, vol. 3: 5. und 6. Buch, 1998, 166-169 (with German trans.). R.Patrucco, Lo sport nella Grecia antica, 1972, 357-

3.62; I. WEILER, Der Sport bei den Volkern der Alten Welt, *1988, 206-209.

W.D.

Royal roads. From the 9th cent. BC, RR are recorded in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. They constituted clearly defined links between the royal residence and provincial governors, which were paved only in cities to some extent. They were secured by road stations, which accommodated travellers by order of the king, supplied teams of mules and were responsible for the conveyance of mail (for Palestine cf. also Nm. 20:17; 21:22; Dt. 2:27). In the Babylonian Chaldean Empire new RR were built. The similarly structured Achaemenid RR, admired by the Greeks as a purportedly perfect system of communication, formed a wide-ranging, strictly supervised network of trunk roads suited to travelling by vehicle and often also used by the military. They have been estimated to have totalled up to 13,000 km in length. Based on Hdt. 5,52, the best-known RR is that between -» Sardis and -> Susa, allegedly 450 parasangs in length and with rrz stations. Elamite ration texts are the best documentation of the stretch between Persepolis and Susa of about 600 km and with 22 stations, of which

some have also been demonstrated archaeologically. The terminology of the Achaemenid road and postal system (yyagetov, angareion) is not consistent. Iranian

descriptions are largely lacking. There are records, e.g. in Greek, of stations (ota@poi/stathmor, Baoiie.ol/ basileioi)

with

inns

(xatadboeic;

katalyseis),

road

watchmen (ddoovAdxe1c; hodophylakeis), mounted (GyyaooVangaroi, Elamite pirradazis) and unmounted couriers (6domool; hodopoior), special messengers, guides and the Elamite terms for assistant staff, road police and road surveyors. Some of the RR probably survived as Parthian RR and were described by > Isidorus [2] of Charax. As late as during the Sassanid Empire, there are records of the road of the King of Kings and its post stations. + Roads and bridges, construction of; > Traffic

Rubellius [1] (R.) Blandus. See > Blandus. [2] C.R. Blandus. Proconsul of Crete and Cyrenae; probably a son of R. [1]. PIR* R 109. [3] C.R. Blandus. Probably a son of R. [2]; quaestor of Augustus, people’s tribune, praetor; suffect consul in

AD 18. In 20 he made an banish Aemilia [4] Lepida. sul of Africa recorded for Julia [8], the daughter of

application to the Senate to Presumably he is the proconthe year 35/6. By marrying the younger Drusus, he be-

came related to Tiberius and to the domus Augusta, as Tacitus (Ann. 6,27,1) sarcastically comments. Father of

Rea||5|}PIRSA

eee [4] L.R. Geminus. Cos. ord. in AD 29 together with C. Fufius [II 2] Geminus; hence the description of the year could also run duobus Geminis cos. (e.g. CIL V1 2489 =

ILS 2028). Probably a brother of R. [3]. PIR* R 113. [5] R. Plautus. Son of R. [3] and Julia [8], the daughter

of the younger Drusus; he was thus a member of the far-reaching Julio-Claudian family, with all the entailed opportunities and risks. Agrippina [3] the Younger had allegedly induced him into an uprising against > Nero as early as AD 55; but the allegation was quashed at the time. In 60 he was ‘banished’ to Asia by Nero because of the high esteem he was held in by the public; by 62 the emperor had him killed there and his estate, including the saltus Blandianus in Africa, was confiscated. R. was interested in philosophy; Barea Soranus was an amicus of his, Musonius [1] Rufus was involved with him. He is described by Tacitus (Ann. 14,22,1) as a person of integrity. PIR* R rrs5. WEE. Rubi. Statio on the Via Minucia, later the Via Traiana, in Apulia (Hor. Sat. 1,5,94; Plin. HN 3,105: Rubustini; It. Ant. 116,4; It. Burd. 610,1: civitas Rubos; Tab. Peut. 6,4; Geogr. Rav. 282,11), modern Ruvo di Puglia. In

the 3rd century BC it issued its own coins (silver and bronze coins HN 48: ‘Puy/Rhyps, “Pupa/Rhyba, “‘Pupaotewov/Rbybasteinon). In addition to Greek and Messapic |r] inscriptions there are numerous Latin ones, revealing the organisation of the civitas in the rst century BC [2]; in the Roman Imperial Period R. was a municipium (cf. CIL TX 312). As yet there have been no systematic excavations; incidental finds and unauthorised excavations in the area of the necropolis at the

74S

746

foot of the mediaeval and modern cities have yielded

Rubric(a). Literally ‘a heading in red letters’, using

weapons, products of goldsmiths, coins [3. 45; 8; 9; 10. 473] and particularly ceramics, such as Geometric

terra rubrica (lit. ‘red earth’), i.e. red chalk, iron clay or ochre (owwsic/sinopis; Lat. miltus; cf. Plin. HN 35,12f., but there sinopis; also Hor. Sat. 2,7,98; Aug. Quaestiones de Exodo 177,23); in a wider sense ‘red marking’ with other materials, such as red lead or mercury sulphate cf. Plaut. Truc. 294; Fortunatus, Carmina 8,12,12), or even blood (referring to to the sufferings of Christ and the martyrs: Fortunatus, Vita $. Martini 2,463); hence also rubrica in the sense of ‘wound, whip marks’ (Ioh. Diaconus, Vita Gregorii 4,97). When referring to books and MSS, rubricate means ‘to write in red ink, to mark (important parts of the text) with red’ —commonly the imscriptio and the chapter heading, the first letters or words, but also the colophon (closing notation, — subscription), running titles and numbers, references, addenda and marginalia, etc. — in order to decorate, but also to make the internal structure of a work or book immediately evident and thus simplify its reading or use (Ov. Tr. 1,7; Plin. HN 33,7). Metonymically, the term rubric describes anything written in red, especially in a legal context (schol. Pers. 5,90), where rubric is also used synonymously with titulus (in a MS of the Institutiones of Gaius [2], PSI 1182 =CLA III 292, 5th/6th cents. AD, the red titles in the margin are accompanied by the abbreviation r. for rubrica, also in the Codex Pisanus of the ‘Pandectae’ (> Digesta), Codex Laurentianus no call-mark = CLA Ill 295, 6th cent.). The publication of the Corpus iuris civilis can be seen as an extreme example, in contrast to the edicta of the praetor (Quint. Inst. 12,3; > edictum [1]) written on white tables (> album [2]): the use of rubrica was considered normal (Pers. 5,90) or a rule (Acta Sanctorum, Vita S. Deicoli, January, vol. 2, 29). Rubricae refers to the liturgical conventions written or printed in red in Christian works (MSS and books), marked in colour to distinguish them clearly from the phrases recited in the ceremony (cf. Italian rubricista, French rubricaire: ‘one who knows, teaches the rubricae: liturgist’). In antiquity, the rod (umbilicus) around which a

Period vases imported from Corinth, and 6th—4th century BC vases from Attica and Taras; the high-quality indigenous ceramics reveal that R. was a centre of Apulian ceramic production. This places R. in the cultural context of the Daunii at least as far back as the second half of the 6th century BC ([4. 3, 12-16; 5]; > Daunian vases). The as yet not located Archaic settlement was probably situated originally in the southeast of the modern city (relocated in the sth century BC to more easily defended hills [6; 7]). 1R.AReENA,

in: Atti del rz. Convegno

di Studi sulla

Magna Grecia (1971), vol. 1, 1974, 213-218

2G.M.

Forni, Epigrafe di eta repubblicana da Ruvo (Bari), in: Rivista Storica dell’Antichita 2, 1972, 245-256 3 A.Strazio, Per una storia della monetazione dell’antica

Puglia, in: Archivio Storico Pugliese 25, 1972, 39-47 4 E.M. bE Juttis, Centri di produzione e aree di diffusione commerciale della ceramica daunia di sile geometrico, in: Archivio Storico Pugliese 31, 1978, 3-23 S F. BiANcoFIORE, Dati per la storia delle civilta preclassiche nel territorio di Ruvo di Puglia, in: Atti del 6. Convegno dei Comuni Messapici, Peuceti e Dauni (Ruvo 1974), 1981, 53-68 6M.Mrirosrav Marin, Problemi topografici dell’antica citta di Ruvo, in: s. [5], 121-267 7 P. LABELLARTE, M.R. DEPALO, Ruvo di Puglia (Bari), in: Taras 6, 1986, 65-77. 8 A.ANDREAsSI, Jatta di Ruvo, 1996 9R.CASSANO, Ruvo, Canosa, Egnazia e gli scavi dell’ Ottocento, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), I Greci in Occidente, 1996, 108-114 10 P.G. Guzzo, Oreficierie dei Greci d’Occidente, in: s. [9], 471-480. M.LG.

Rubico (‘Povfixwv; Rhoubikon).

River whose name, derived from its red colour, is probably preserved in Urgone (dialect form Rigone), a right tributary of the Pisciatello; the latter has its source in the Appennines, flows into the Adriatic 15 km north of > Ariminum and today once again bears the name Rubicone. The R. replaced the > Aesis in its role as the border river between Italy and the province of > Gallia Cisalpina (Cic. Phili6; 5sStr. 55,00; Plin. HIN 332205;:App. B Give2,3'5) in the time of the Gracchi ([2. 396f.]; 133-121 BC) or Sulla ({x. 76]; Cornelius [I 90]). The R. lost its administrative significance when the boundary between the regiones Umbria and Aemilia was shifted farther to the south with the territorial reform of Augustus. In 49 BC, > Caesar crossed the border of his proyince Gallia Cisalpina with an army, thus triggering the Civil War (Suet. Iul. 31,2; 81,2; Vell. Pat. 2,49,4; Plut. Pompeius 60,2), hence the proverbial meaning of the R.

Archaeology: A bridge from the Augustan era spans the R. at the modern Savignano. 1 U. Ewins, Enfranchisement of Cisalpine Gaul, in: PBSR 23, 1955, 73-98 2 F.W. WALBANK, mentary on Polybius, vol. 1, *1970.

Historical Com-

D.BaLponl, Il ponte romano, in: Studi Romagnoli 30, 1979, 395-411; R. CHEVALLIER, Romanisation de la Celtique du P6, 1980, 106. Gu.

> papyrus

RUBRIC(A)

was

Mart. 5,6,15), in any case the rus, parchment or on the upper

rolled was

dyed red (Ov. Tr. 1,1,8;

perhaps also the parchment flyleaf, but séllybos or index, i.e. the scrap of papyor leather which was attached to the rod edge and showed the name of the author

and the title of the work (Mart. 3,2,11; > scroll).

Red was very common for wall inscriptions; in Greek and Latin papyri, on the other hand, red was seldom used and is found only in special texts, for example > magical papyri. In Greek and Latin MSS, the use of red for titles or other text sections is attested from the 4th cent. AD onwards: the first three lines of each gospel are in red in the Codex Vercellensis (Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare no call-mark = CLA IV 467, 2nd half 4th cent. AD), while red and black lines alter-

nate in the colophon. The quotes in the MS of the letters of Cyprianus (London, British Library Add. 40165 = CLA II 78, end of the 4th cent.) are in red; the colo-

747

748

phon and the running titles of the Terentius Bembinus

E.A. Lowe, Codices Latini Antiquiores, 13 vols., 19341982 (= CLA); W.Watrenpacu, Das Schriftwesen im

RUBRIC(A)

(Cod. Vaticanus Latinus 3226 = CLAI

12,

4th/5th cents.) are in red, as are the first three lines of every book in the Vergilius Mediceus (Cod. Laurentianus 39.1 and Vaticanus lat. 3225 = CLA III 296 and I 11, towards the end of the 5th cent., in any case before 494). Occasionally, text markings such as asteriskos (‘asterisk’), korénis (‘little crown’) and paragraphos (‘simple line’) are also executed in red. The text written

out by the copyist does not begin aligned to the left in the first line; instead, space is left at the beginning of the text for the word to be written in red. Similarly, passages were omitted in order to be rubricated at a subsequent stage. From the 7th cent. onwards, the use of rubric(a) became ever more common, even for books of moderate

quality. A MS written completely in red, such as the gospel Cod. Harleianus 2795 (9th cent.), is extremely rare; on the other hand, those in which the coloured design highlights the division of different texts on the page are common (e.g. text in red, commentary in black; cf. library of S. Antonio in Padua, inventory from 1397: ‘et textus epistole est de littera cenabrii et glossa est de littera de atramento nigra’). For reasons of efficiency — and in order to make better use of the prepared colour — rubrics were added after the actual copying; the copyist left sufficient room and indicated the rubrica with specific comments in the margin. With the help of this information, the rubrica could be still added much later (cf. e.g. the bill for the miniatures in the MS from Treviso, Biblioteca Comunale 172), sometimes even centuries after the copying (e.g. MS Vaticanus Palatinus lat. 249, rst half 9th cent., where we find the note: anno Domini 1396 rubricatus est textus Job). In the scriptoria (> scriptorium) and copyists’ workshops, rubricating was occasionally left to a separate rubricator or rubeator, who also carried out calligraphies and pen miniatures and was internally assigned to perform this task. In the later Middle Ages and especially in the texts of the respective national literatures, the rubric developed from simple identification of the title to small] introductory texts in red which provided information about the author, circumstances of the composition, content, the

meaning of the work and its parts. These texts (called ‘rubrics’ even if not written in red) often have a different

origin from the main text and an independent transmission; they can also appear in different editorial stages (e.g. the short or long texts written in Latin or the vernacular, which accompany Dante’s Divina Commedia). Rubrics may also appear collected in an additional index or rubricarium, normally in red. The list of preconceived rubrics (arranged by alphabet, year, sender and addressee, beginning and end chapter, etc.) is

also called rubricarium; the rubrics in such an index are predetermined. In this context, rubricare also means the

same as ‘to index, to record a thing’ in a specific place and under a separate label, so that it is not forgotten. ~ Book; - Codex; > Scroll; > CopicoLocy

Mittelalter, #1896 (repr. 1958), 244-251, 344-348; E.A. Lowe, More Facts about our Oldest Latin Manuscripts, in: CQ 22, 1928, 43-62 ‘= Id., Paleographical Papers 1907-1965, vol. 2, 251-274); B. BiscHoFF, Palaographie des romischen Altertums und des abendlandischen Mit-

telalters, *1986, 33. Engl. tr. by D. O’Croinin and D. Ganz, 1990, 16-17.

Rubricator see

EDR:

-» Rubric(a)

Rubricatum flumen. River flowing into the + Mare Tyrrhenum to the south of — Barcino(na) in the terri-

tory of the Laietani (Mela 2,90; Plin. HN 3,21; Prtol. 2,6,18), modern Llobregat. Upstream is the city of Rhoubrikata (PovBoidata; Ptol. 2,6,74), modern Rubi. TIR K/J 31 Tarraco, 1997, 134.

PB.

Rubrius. Common nomen gentile in the late Republic and early Principate; its bearers are generally of little political importance (SCHULZE, 221; 462). I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD IJ. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] R., C. (?) As people’s tribune in 122 BC, he laid

down a law concerning the foundation of the colony of Carthage by C. > Sempronius Gracchus (Plut. C. Gracchus 10,2; mentioned as lex Rubria CIL I* 585, ch. 59; perhaps also mentioned ES s Son 52

in SHERK

16, |. 12). MRR K-LE.

[12] R. Propraetor of Macedonia in 67(?) BC (hence praetor in 68?), served by M. Porcius [I 7] Cato as tribune (Plut. Cato minor 9,1). R. may have been the same as L.R. Dossennus, master of the mint in 87 (MRR

2,451; RRC 348), but can hardly be the governor L. Culleolus mentioned by Cicero (Fam. 13,41f.). R.

introduced a law of Caesar (probably while people’s tribune c. 49-42 BC) to regulate the powers of urban officials in Upper Italy (CIL XI 1146 = FIRAI ro f.; [x]). He may have been the L. R. from Casinum who bequeathed his lands to M. Antonius [I 9] in 46, passing over a nephew (Cic. Phil. 2,40f.). 1U.Larri,

La lex Rubria de Gallia Cisalpina, in: Ath-

enaeum 64, 1986, 5—44.

JO-F.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD

{Il 1] P.R. Barbarus. Equestrian; + praefectus Aegypti in 13/2 BC; he built a temple on the Nile island of Philae, and at Alexandria he erected an obelisk in front

of the Caesareum. PIR* R 125. {II 2] R. Fabatus. Presumably connected with Aelius [II 19] Seianus, after whose death he was placed under arrest. Although it seemed that his intention had been to flee to the Parthians, he remained unchallenged. PIR* R TGs

749

750°

{Il 3] R. Gallus. Senator; probably suffect consul under Nero, who entrusted him with command of the army against Galba [2] and Verginius Rufus in AD 68. He probably defected to Galba; at all events, > Otho too assigned an army command to him. After the defeat at Brixellum, he was able to act as a mediator on behalf of the army with the Vitellians. He later switched to the side of Vespasian (cf. Tac. Hist. 2,99,2), who named him legate of Moesia in AD 70; he enjoyed successes there against the Sarmatians. Possibly identical with the R. who, according to Juvenal (4,105), took part in the fictitious feast of Domitian. PIR* R 127. +> Year of four emperors {Il 4] R. Gallus. Probably son, or more likely grandson, of R. [II x]; suffect consul under Trajan, probably early in the latter’s reign. PIR* R 128. {11 5] T.R. Nepos. Possibly a descendant of R. [II r], senator. Praetorian curator aquarum, subordinate to the consular superintendent Didius [II 2] Gallus, from AD 38-49. His son was probably T.R. Aelius Nepos, suffect consul in 79. PIR* R 129; cf. 124. WE. Rudiae. City of the > Sal(l)entini (Ptol. 3,1,76) in Calabria, home of the poet > Ennius [1] (fr. 377 VAHLEN; cf. Cic. Arch.10,22; Str. 6,3,5; Sil. Pun. 12,393-397; Ps.Acro 4,80,20; confused by Plin. HN 3,102 and Mela 2,66 with R. in Apulia). R. is located southwest of Lupiae (present-day Lecce; Str. 6,1,2; Guido, Geogra-

phia 28,71). Remains of the defensive walls (4th—3rd cents. BC) survive, as well as richly furnished graves from the Classical and Hellenistic periods [2; 3] with Messapian inscriptions [1; 3]. 1 M. BERNARDINI, La R. salentina, 1955

2 G.P. C1on-

GOLI, R., in: F.D’ANprIA (ed.), Archeologia dei Messapi,

1990, 217-220

3/J.-L.LAMBOLEy, Recherches sur les

Messapiens, 1996, 171-185. NISSEN 2, 857, 881.

MLL.

Rudiarius. Term for a > gladiator who was awarded a > rudis [2], a wooden staff, after a victorious fight in the arena — most often by the organiser of the gladiatorial games (editor muneris) —as a sign that from then on he would never again have to fight in a > munus (Mart. Liber spectaculorum 29,9; Suet. Claud. 21,5). The award was often granted at the urging of the public; this arbitrary procedure is fiercely criticised by opponents of the munera (Fronto, Ad M. Caesarem 2,1 VAN DEN Hout; Tert. Liber de spectaculis 21,4). No sooner than

two years after, by being awarded a > pilleus, a rudiarius could be released from gladiator training (Coll. 11,7,4). In the meantime he could enlist for a munus in return for payment (Suet. Tib. 7,1). After his

RUFILLUS

1 L.Rosert, Hellenica, vol. 3, 1946

21d., Hellenica,

vol. 5, 1948. G. LaFAaYE, s. v. Rudis, DS 4, 897; A. Hug, s. v. Rudiarii, RE 21, 1179; G.VILLE, La gladiature en Occident des ori-

gines a la mort de Domitien, 1981.

AHO.

Rudis [1] Thin stick or spoon for stirring foods, medications, etc. (Greek xbxnOeov/kykethron, Aristoph. Pax 654), called rudicula in its small form (Plin. HN 34,176), usually made of wood, more rarely of iron (Plin. HN

34,170). [2] Wooden stick or rapier for the fencing exercises of soldiers and > gladiators. The rudis also served the + lanista as a badge for separating fighting gladiators or for bestowing order on the fight. Retired gladiators received the rudis upon becoming supervisors in the fencing school (+ rudiarius). RH.

Rue (Quti/rhyte in Nic. Alex. 306, myavov/peganon e.g. in Aristoph. Vesp. 480; Latin ruta). A Mediterranean genus of the Rutaceae family comprising some 60 species of aromatic, evergreen (Theophr. Hist. pl. 1,9,4) subshrubs. The leaves, fruits and roots of Ruta graveolens were a favourite condiment, generally in combination with menta (mint) [1. 62] (and sometimes pickled in a solution of vinegar and salt, cf. Columella 12,7,1 f.), and were prescribed internally and externally (esp. in Plin. HN 20,134-143) against gynaecological complaints and ailments of the head (e.g. otalgia, ophthalmalgia, hypersomnia and epilepsy) and e.g. to aid digestion. Rue was also known as an antidote to snakebite and the stings of scorpions — against which the weasel was said to protect itself by feeding on rue (a widespread theme into the high Middle Ages, e.g. Thomas of Cantimpré 4,77; [2. 152]) — as well as bees and wasps (Plin. HN

20,132f.). It was also used as a

medicament in veterinary medicine (e.g. powdered in oil for cattle in Columella 6,4,2). From the 4th cent. BC, many instructions are known for the cultivation (from seed or by the planting of scions, Theophr. Hist. pl. 7,2,1) of rue, which grows over several years (e.g. February sowing in Columella 11,3,16, autumn sowing with planting on in March atr1,3,38). When weeding, it was warned that gloves should be worn to protect the skin against contact with the plants, which might easily cause inflammation (Columella loc. cit.). 1G.E. Tutry, J.WALTHER, Condimenta, 1997 (= R6mi-

sche Kiichenpflanzen (ed.), Thomas

1), 62f., to2-104

Cantimpratensis,

2 H. BoEsE

Liber de natura rerum,

1973.

H. STADLER, s. v. R., RE 1 A, 296-300.

C.HU.

release a rudiarius, as a former gladiator, was ‘disho-

Rufillus.

Fictitious Roman

cognomen,

affectionate

noured’ (infamis, Dig. 3.2.2), in contrast to the prime supervisor (summa rudis), who had not risen from be-

form of Rufinus (as in Hor. Sat. 1,2,26f.; cf. 1,4,92 for

ing a rudiarius, but was a distinguished umpire, free (by birth or as a freedman) and often an honorary citizen

lover of Octavianus (-» Augustus) (Suet. Aug. 69,2).

[z. 16x; 2. 84]. + Gladiator;

an overbred dandy). Rufilla was the name of an alleged KAJANTO, Cognomina, 27; 229.

Munus

K.-L.E.

RUFINUS

ost

Rufinus I. GREEK

T= 1 Decrassi, FCIR, 265

2 KayANTo, Cognomina, 27f.;

Ventas

229.

II. ROMAN

{111} Magister militum per Thracias, c. AD 515, entrusted by the emperor Anastasius [1] I with the battle

I. GREEK

(Poudivoc/Rhouphinos). {I 1] Greek epigrammatist; dating uncertain (Neronian/

Flavian era? [2; 4]; 2nd cent. AD? [3]; late 4th cent. AD? [1]); origin unknown (Anth. Pal. 5,9: residence in Ephesus). 37 erotic poems are extant, all in Anth. Pal.

against the mercenary leader -> Vitalianus (Ioh. of Antioch fr. 214e = FHG 5, 34; Chron. min. 2,99 Mommsen;

lord. De summa

temporum

358). He is

of the paederastic poem 28 (cf. also 19), R.’ epigrams, in

probably identical with the patricius of the same name who was repeatedly assigned with diplomatic missions in the Sassanid empire. In 525/6, the patricius was sent by the emperor Iustinus [1] I to king Cavades [1] I (Pro-

which 13 women’s names are mentioned (two further fictitious ones in 44,1), treat the established themes of

cop. Pers. 1,11,24) and also served Iustinianus [1] I, 530-532, as an emissary (Procop. Pers. 1,143,113; 16,1-

5,2-103 (on this so-called Sylloge Rufiniana, perhaps also from the 4th cent. AD, cf. [5]). With the exception

heterosexual love with lively originality: carpe diem (12; cf. 74); beauty’s decay with age (21; 27; 76; 103); sarcastic comparison of a hetaera with a ship (44) and, exaggeratedly flattering, with goddesses (70; 94); celebration of female allure that outlasts the years (48; 62); requests to Eros for arousal of mutual passion (88; 97). R.’ themes are often unique in the Anthologia Palatina: e.g., glorification of a beauty worthy of a Praxiteles or Polyclitus

(15); preference for slave women over ‘haughty’ ladies (18,1: sobaratis one of R.’ vulgarisms) or the beauty competition so scurrilously described that itis rescued by its formal elegance (3 5; 36). The epigram in the form of a letter to his beloved Elpis (9) is unique: a few rough prosodic irregularities stand out from his otherwise careful metric versification. 1 D. Pace (ed.), The Epigrams of R., 1978 (with comm.) 2 A. CAMERON, Strato and R., in: CQ 32, 1982, 162-173

3 L.Rosert, La date de l’épigrammatiste R., in: CRAI 1982, 50-63 4 A.CAMERON, The Greek Anthology from Meleager to Planudes, 1993, 65-69, 78-84, 235f. 5K.J. GurzwiL_er, Poetic Garlands. Hellenistic Epigrams in Context, 1998, 292f.

{[2] R. (Rufus?) Domesticus (Aopéotioc/Domeéstikos). An epigrammatist of the Cycle of + Agathias distinguished by the title ‘imperial bodyguard’. Probably his friend, if this is R. of Alexandria, student of law (Agathias, Anth. Pal. 1,3 5);.a single erotic monostich by R. survives (ibid. 5,284: ascribed by Planudes to a ‘Rufus’). Identification [1] with the R. presumably from Prusa (addressee of Anth. Pal. 7,558) lacks any basis. 1B.Srumpo, L’epigramma a Constantinopoli nel secolo VI dopo Cristo, 1926, 16. A. and A.CAMERON, The Cycle of Agathias, in: JHS 86, 1966, 6-25 (esp. 8, 19); M.LAusBERG, Das Einzeldisti-

chon. Studien zum antiken Epigramm, 1982, 402.

M.G.A. II. ROMAN Roman cognomen, derived from Rufus; in the family of the Cornelii (Cornelius [I 62]) during the Republic;

widespread in the Imperial Era (Antius [8], Aradius [1], Caecilius [II 19], Clodius [II 13], Cuspius [3], Fadius {II 1], Vibius); also a common proper name in Late Antiquity.

ro). In 532, he concluded the ‘Eternal Peace’ with the Persian king Chosroes [5] (Procop. Pers. 1,22,1-9; 1217; Theophanes 1,180,22-25; 181,19 DE Boor; Ioh.

Mal. 18 p. 213; Chron. min. 2,103 MOMMSEN). PLRE 2, 954-957; 1329.

KEY.

{1 2] Latin grammarian from Antioch (vir clarissimus grammaticus Antiochensis), not active before the 2nd half of the 5th cent. Two commentaries by him survive, which have been transmitted seamlessly joined: Commentarium in metra Terentiana (GL 6,554-565,8) and a Commentarium de compositione et de numeris oratorum (GL 6,565,9-578 [1. 160]). These two small

treatises proceed in an unorganized and erratic manner and are based completely on the works of earlier grammarians, also named by R. in his commentary. Frequent gaps in the text are ascribed either to the MSS’ transmission or — more probably — to an excerptor. In the Middle Ages, R. was known to Rabanus, Sedulius Scotus and Micon. 1 P. D’ALESSANDRO, Note al testo di Rufino, in: AION, Sez. Filol.-Lett., 14, 1992, 149-199. EpITION: GL 6, 554-578. BIBLIOGRAPHY: SCHANZ/Hostus 4,2, 213-214; P. WESSNER, s.v. R. (39), RE Suppl. 5, 842-843. P.G,

[Il 3] Flavius R. Praef. praetorio Orientis AD 392-395. Born in Elusa (Gaul), R. received a legal education and probably first worked as an > advocatus (Lib. Ep. rrro). After he had held several offices in the west (about which no more is known; Eunap. fr. historica 65), Theodosius I appointed him to the office of > magister officiorum at the court in Constantinople in 388 (Zos. 4,51,1). R., an orthodox Christian and pa-

tron of ascetic monasticism (Pall. Laus. rr), enjoyed the

complete trust of the emperor, who in 392 distinguished him as the first ever magister officiorum with a regular consulship, promoting him to praetorian praefect in the summer of the same year (Zos. 4,52,2). When Theodosius I advanced against Eugenius [1] in the west in 394, he even placed the young > Arcadius under the care of R. His proximity to the emperor gave R. great influence in domestic and foreign policy; for example, he negotiated an important treaty with Alaric (> Alaricus [2]) and the Visigoths. His self-confident handling

TSS

754

of his office made him a large number of enemies in the imperial court (especially the future praepositus sacri cubiculi Eutropius [4]), in the senate of Constantinople, but above all in the army. He was murdered by soldiers in Constantinople on 27 November 395 at the instigation of > Stilicho (Zos. 5,7,5). R. was married and had several children (Eunap. ibid. 64).

ture). Next to > Hieronymus [8], his youth friend and later opponent, R. was the most effective transmitter of Greek Christian ideas to the Latin Middle Ages with late antique texts [8]. His own works, including an

A.GUTSFELD, Die Macht des Pratorianerprafekten. Studien zum praefectus praetorio Orientis von 313 bis 395 n.

RUFRAE, RUFRIUM

Apologia (‘Defence’) contra Hieronymum [6], take sec-

ond place to that role and his activities as a translator. Epitions: 1V.BuCHHEIT, Tyrannii Rufini librorum Adamantii Origenis adversus haereticos interpretatio, 1966

2A.ENGELBRECHT, Tyrannii Rufini orationum

Chr., 2001; PLRE 1, 778-781 (R. 18); O.SEECK, s.v. R. (23), REx A, 1914, 1189-1193. AG.

Gregorii Nazianzeni novem interpretatio (= CSEL 46), 1910 3 H.GORGEMANNS, H.Karpp, Origenes. Vier

{Il 4] Vettius R. Cos. AD 323 (CIL X 407; ILS 9420);

Bucher von den Prinzipien, 1976 (with German transl. andcomm.) 4B.REHM, F.PAscHKE, Die Pseudoklemen-

further biographical data are uncertain. He was probably a relative of C. Vettius Cossinius R., the praefectus urbi Romae in 315/6 and cos. in 316 (on him: PLRE 1, 777, no. 15). The laws Cod. Theod. 5,2,1 and 6,35,3 are probably not addressed to R., but to Vulcacius R. {II 5] (cf. PLRE 1, 783). PLRE 1, 78rf. (no. 24).

[II 5] Vulcacius R. High-ranking Roman official in the middle of the 4th cent. AD. R. was an uncle of the caesar Constantius [5] Gallus (Amm. Marc. 14,10,4f.). In 340, he was pontifex maior, then consularis Numidiae, comes primi ordinis; in 342 comes Orientis; between 344 and 347 praef. praetorio Italiae; in 347, cos. (CIL V1 32051; ILS 1237); from 3 47-3 52, praef. praetorio in Illyria (CIL Ill 4180; ILS 727); in 354, praef. praetorio in Gaul (Amm. Marc. 14,10,4); from 365-368, praef. praetorio Italiae, Illyrici et Africae (Amm. Marc. 27,7,2). R. died in 368 (Amm. Marc. 27,11,1). His career is known primarily through inscriptions and laws which are, in part, difficult to date (see > R. [II 4]). Scant details about his life have been transmitted. Ammianus praises his dignified personality, but considers him greedy (Amm. Marc. 27,7,2). PLRE 1, 782f. (no. 25). W.P. {116] Tyrannius R. Of Aquileia. Like ~ Hieronymus [8], R. (| AD 410) developed an enthusiasm for + monasticism, sought to get to know it in the east, founded a monastic settlement in — Palaestina and translated from Greek into Latin. He not only translated the ‘Ecclesiastical History’ of - Eusebius [7], but also emended and expanded parts of it; the most valuable addition is the continuation of the account — only to AD 324 in Eusebius — up to 395, the year in which Theodosius the Great died, cf. [5]. R. also worked as an editor [rx] in the translation of works by > Origenes [2], esp. Peri arch6n [3], by so rendering passages suspected of being heretical as to give offence no longer. After 400, in order to emphasize the orthodoxy of Origenes, R. translated the Adamantius dialogue [1] ascribed to him. R. campaigned for eastern monasticism with a translation of the Rule of Basilius ([7; 9]) and the history of the Egyptian monks written as a travel novel (PL 21, 387-462). He translated homilies of Basilius |1] the Great (PL 31, 1723-1794) and Gregorius [3] of Nyssa [2; ro]; finally, he also translated the pseudoClementine Recognitiones (‘Recognitions’), the ‘first Christian — novel’ ([4]; - Pseudo-Clementine Litera-

tinen, vol. 2: Rekognitionen in Rufins Ubersetzung (= GCS 51),1965 5 E.ScHWARTZ, T.MoMMSEN, Eusebius Werke II: Die Kirchengeschichte (= GCS 9), 1903-1909 6 M. Simonettl, Tyrannii Rufini opera (= CCL 20), 1961 7 K.ZeEvzER, Basili regula a Rufino latine versa (= CSEL 86), 1986.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 8 W.BERSCHIN, Griechisch-lateinisches Mittelalter, 1980 9S.LUNDsTROM, Die Uberlieferung der lateinischen Basiliusregel, 1989 10M.M.

Wacner, Rufinus the Translator, 1945 11 F. WINKELMANN, Einige Bemerkungen zu den Aussagen Rufinus’ von Aquileia und des Hieronymus uber ihre Ubersetzungstheorie und -Methode, in: P.GRANFIELD (ed.), Kyriakon, FestschriftJ.Quasten, vol. 2, 1970, 532-

547.

WB.

Rufio (or possibly Rufinus, cf. [1. 163 f.4]). Son of a freedman of > Caesar (cf. [2.1 56]), whom the latter left behind in Alexandria [1] in 47 BC as the commander of three legions. R.’s characterization as Caesar’s ‘lover’ (exoletus: Suet. Iul. 76,3) is likely to be polemical. 1P.Gramnpor, La Guerre d’Alexandrie, 1931 2 H.So in, Die stadtromischen Sklavennamen, 1996.

G. Geract, Genesi della provincia romana d’Egitto, 1983,

26f.

W.A.

Rufius [1] C.R. Festus Laelius Firmus. Senator, son of the

procurator C.R. Festus; the family hailed from Volsinii in Etruria. He is probably mentioned in CIL XV 7525 along with his sons Marcellinus and Proculus, as well as in CIL XI 2698. The family did not rise to great importance until the end of the 3rd cent. AD. The most prominent member

was C. Ceionius

R. - Volusianus, cos.

ord. IT in AD 314. PIR* R 157; cf. 1563; 159; 161. [2] s. + Festus [4]

W.E.

Rufrae, Rufrium. Settlement in Samnium (cf. Rufrani vicani, ILS 80; 5759), conquered by the Romans early in the 2nd Samnite War in 326 BC (Liv. 8,25,4: Rufrium; Sil. Pun. 8,568), subsequently named castellum Campaniae (Serv. Aen. 7,739) and tribus Teretina (CIL X 4836), on the Via Latina. R. is situated on

the middle reaches of the

> Volturnus in the region of

San Felice a Ruvo, west of Presenzano (province of Caserta); remains of a small Roman theatre and statues

RUEFRAE, RUFRIUM

755

756

of Augustus and Agrippa have been found there. Cato praises oil presses from R. (Cato Agr. 22,4; 135,2: ad Rufri Maceriam).

[3] Consular who, according to Philostr. VA 7,33, was a friend of Apollonius [14], and who was exiled to an island by Domitian because of a conspiracy. An identification is not possible. PIR* R 184. [4] Cavalry officer of Herodes [1] the Great, who, after the latter’s death, came to the aid of the Romans trapped in Jerusalem. PIR* R 190. WE. [5] R. of Ephesus. Greek doctor, according to the Suda (s. v. ‘Poddoc; Rhouiphos), a contemporary of — Statilius Crito, who lived under Trajan (i.e. around AD 100) {ro; 13]. Servilius -» Damocrates, who flourished around AD 50, quotes an older pharmacologist named R. (Gal. 14,119 K.); however, his identification with R., accepted by [11], or with Menius R., cited by - Asclepiades [9] Pharmakion (Gal. 13,1010 K.), is anything

~» Samnites, Samnium A.RussI, s.v. R., EV 4, 596f.; S.DE Caro, A.GRECO, Guide archeologiche Laterza: Campania, 1981, 238f.

GU.

Rufrius [1] (P.?) R. Crispinus. Roman equestrian, of whose activities prior to AD 47 nothing is known. At that date, emperor Claudius [III 1] made him Praetorian prefect,

possibly prompted by Messalina [2]. As a reward for his commitment to Claudius, he was granted the rank of a praetor and 1.5 million HS by the Senate. When R. was dismissed as Praetorian prefect in 51 at the urging of Agrippina, he additionally received the insignia of a consul. Married to Poppaea [2] Sabina, whom > Otho won for himself in AD 58. The extent of Nero’s involvement in this is not made clear in the sources. In the wake of the Pisonian conspiracy, in which, however, R. had no part, he was banished to Sardinia, where soon afterwards, in AD 66, he was compelled to take his own life. PIR* R 169.

[2] Q. Valerius R. Iustus. Senator; proconsul Macedoniae and suffect consul, about the time of the reign of Severus Alexander. PIR* R 171. [3] R. Pollio. Equestrian; emperor Claudius [III 1] appointed him Praetorian prefect immediately after taking power in AD 41. After the campaign in Britain, in which R. certainly took part, he was honoured witha statue and a seat in the Senate whenever he accompanied the emperor to the senate. Deposed around AD 47 and later executed. It is unknown if he was related to R. (ie RRR Reswrst W.E. Rufuli see > Tribunus Rufus. Common Roman cognomen (‘red-haired’, ‘redhead’, Quint. Inst. 1,4,25). 1 DEGRASSI, FCIR, 265 f.

2 KaJANTO, Cognomina, 26f.;

but certain. Furthermore, the Latin name M(a)enius is

not recorded among Ephesian personal names. R. spent a long time in Egypt and may have studied in Alexandria [1]. In his works, he comments on the health care in that country and on individual diseases which he encountered there, for example dracunculiasis (Guinea or

Medina

worm;

Quaestiones

medicinales

65-72

GARTNER). His other statements about his patients and his medical experience point toward southern Asia Minor. Pace [9], it is nowhere recorded that he was ever in Rome.

R.’ extant Greek works include treatises on bladder and kidney diseases [5], satyriasmus and gonorrhoea (cf. > Venereal diseases) [1], anatomical nomenclature [3] and the physician’s questions. The latter work is a handbook for doctors on the questions to ask their patients and provides a rare glimpse into the bedside manner of ancient doctors. Other works have only been handed down in translation: a treatise on joint diseases (Latin; [2]), a treatise on jaundice (Latin and Arabic; [7]), as well as case reports (Arabic; [6]). Furthermore, some is known from quotes in late antique medical encyclopaedias and Arabic authors, for whom R. was the second most important authority, after > Galen. The collection of works in [1. 291-548] is far from complete and requires supplementation from the ma-

K.-L.E.

terial compiled in [13; 19]. Also, fragments are consist-

[1] [---]Jus R. Proconsul of Pontus-Bithynia, probably in the final period of the Republic or the first years of Augustus. An impressive monument was erected for him in Rome by more than six cities of the province (CIL VI 1508 = 41054; cf. IGUR 71).

ently coming to light in Arabic sources [12]. R.’ subject is medical practice. Galen does cite him as a commentator on Hippocrates (CMG 5,10,2,2, S. 174, 411), butitis not said if R. actually wrote commentaries or simply discussed individual passages from the Corpus Hippocraticum in his lost works [14]. R. was a confirmed Hippocratic and follower of the theory of

229.

W.Ecx, CIL VI 1508 (Moretti IGUR 71) und die Gestaltung senatorischer Ehrenmonumente, in: Chiron 14, 1984, 201-217; PIR* R 179.

[2] Consular who, according to Philostr. VS 1,19, had to examine the finances of the city of » Smyrna under Nero (or Nerva — the transmission is ambiguous). Later

governor in Germania, where is said to have passed a sentence on the philosopher Nicetes [2] of Smyrna, with whom he was in conflict. The story sounds suspect; a definite identification is not possible. PIR* R 183.

four humours (which, however, does not mean that he

did not criticize Hippocrates or occasionally go beyond him [8; 15]). The spectrum of his works is astonishingly broad, even if some of the known titles merely refer to chapters of larger works, above all his medical encyclopaedia ‘For the medical layman’ or ‘For those who do not have a doctor available’ [10; 13]. He always sought a pragmatic approach, be it on the topics of medical practice or in the discussion of anatomical terminology. R. con-

TST:

758

sidered anatomy to be a fundamental medical subject, although it was no longer possible in his day to conduct in-depth anatomical studies on human corpses (De appellationibus p. 134 D.-R.). He wrote books on individual diseases (including — epilepsy, hydrophobia and +> melancholy), which Galen praised highly (Gal. 5,105 K.) and which were heavily referred to by Arab authors [18]. He also dealt with a series of therapeutic, primarily dietary (+ Dietetics), procedures in specialized works [16]. He also gave attention to those societal groups whose needs were, as a rule, scarcely dealt with in medical works: the elderly, small children (with valu-

[6] R. of Samaria. Hippocrates commentator, fl. around AD 150. According to > Galen’s biased report (CMG 5,10,2,2, S. 212, 293), R. was a Jew who had never learned Greek before he came to Rome and decided to write a now lost commentary on the ‘Epidemics’ of + Hippocrates [6]. Galen condemns this work as an unoriginal and uncritical jumble of information, which R. had gathered together from his large library; however, this did not prevent him from taking information from it regarding the red readings of earlier authors. The attempt by [1] to see a major, forgotten scholar in him is just as partisan and exaggerated as Galen’s denial of his capabilities.

able advice on the care and treatment of children) [12;

17], travellers and slaves. His compassion for the sick can be clearly seen in his statements on patients with sexual disorders or chronic illnesses. The fate of the work and medical reputation of R. is very closely connected with the history of > GALENISM. Although Galen gives him the highest praise, he leaves the reader uncertain to what extent he is indebted to R. ~ Oribasius, > Aetius [3] and > Paulus [5] quote R. frequently [1], but his own voice increasingly disappears behind Galen’s style. R. was referred to extensively by Arab authors; however, the western Middle Ages knew him primarily through quotes in Rhazes’ Continens |. 453-548] or as the inventor of a prescription,

the so-called Hiera Rufi. A partial edition of his extant Greek works was provided by Jacques Goupyt (Paris 1554), other texts were edited for the first time in the standard edition by DAREMBERG-RUELLE in 1879. Since then, some have been published from non-Greek sources, above all by ULLMANN, with the result that R.’ - strengths as a medical observer and writer are more greatly appreciated today [8; 13; 14; 19]. EpiT1ons:

1C.DAREMBERG, E. RUELLE, Oeuvres de R.

d’Ephése, 1963 2 H.Mor.tanp, De podagra, 1933 3 G.Kowatsk1, De corporis humani appellationibus, Diss. Gottingen 1960 4 H.GARTNER, Quaestiones medicinales (with German transl. and comm.), 1962, *1970 et vesicae morbis, 1977 5 A.S1pDERAS, De renum 6 M.ULLMANN, Krankenjournale, 1978 (in part incor-

rectly attributedtoR.)

7 Id., De cura icteri (AAWG 138),

1983. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 8 A.AzBou ALY, The Medical Writings of R. of Ephesus, Diss. London 1992 9 H.GosseEn, s. v. R. (18), RE1 A, 1207-1212 = 10 J. I1BERG, R. von Ephe-

sos: ein griechischer Arzt in Traianischer Zeit (Abh. der Sachsischen

Akad.

der

Wissenschaften,

Ephesos,

in:

C.PRosBstT, Die Medizin

ANRW

1137.2,

1994,

[7] Rhuphos (‘Potooc; Rhotiphos). Rhetor of the 2nd cent. AD from Perinthus, known only from Philostratus (VS 2,17 = 597f.). He came from a very wealthy and respected family, was educated by Herodes [16] and Aristocles [4] and distinguished himself particularly in a type of declamation that was called goynuatiouevyn bd0eoic/eschematisméne hypothesis (the true intent of the speaker is disguised). R. died in his home city at the age of 61. Transmitted under his name is a short Greek treatise on oratory in which the génos historikOn (narrative of past events) is added to the usual three genera (> genera causarum) and the parts of the court speech are briefly discussed, mostly illustrated with examples from Demosthenes [2]. EDITIONS: SPENGEL 1,463-470.

M.W.

[8] Rhuphos. No later than the end of the 3rd cent. AD, author of paradoxograpic/historiographic works which Phot. Bib. 103b and 104b names as sources for books 4-6 and 9 of the Eklogai diaphorai of Sopater of Apamia: Dramatike historia (at least 8 books); Mousiké historia (books r-3: on the musical agons and festivals, the poets and musicians of all genres appearing there; books 4-5: on auletes, epic poets, sibyls); Rhomaike historia (at least 4 books). To what extent R. depends on - Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus, with

whom Schol. Aristeid. 537,27 vol. 3 DINDORF mentions him, is unknown. A. BaGorbo, Die antiken Traktate iiber das Drama, 1998, V2

LO2.

R.SI.

Rug (tas¢, tamic, tamtytiov/tapes, tapis, tapetion; Lati. tapes, tapete). I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGYPT Il. GRAECO-ROMAN

ANTIQUITY

des R. von

1254-1292

16 M. ULLMANN, Neues zu den diatetischen Schriften des R. von Ephesos, in: Medizinhistorisches Journ. 9, 1974,

23-40

1F.Prarr, R. aus Samaria, Hippokrateskommentator und Quelle Galens, in: Hermes 67, 1932, 356-359. V.N.

Philol.-histor.

Klasse 41.1), 1930 11F.Kup.ren, R. of Ephesus, in: GILLISPIE 11, 1975, 603-605 12 P.PORMANN, Paul of Aegina’s Therapy of Children, Diss. Oxford 1999 13 A.Srperas, R. von Ephesos und sein Werk im Rahmen der antiken Medizin, in: ANRW II 37.2, 1994, 10771253, 2036-2062 14SMITH, 240-245 15 H.THOMASSEN,

RUG

17Id., Die Schrift des R. de infantium curatione,

in: Medizinhistorisches Journ. 10, 1975, 165-190 18 Id., Islamic Medicine, 1978, 72-77. 19 Id., Die arabische Uberlieferung der Schriften des R. von Ephesos, in: ANRW II 37.2, 1994, 1293-1349.

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGYPT The only surviving rug (from kurgan V at Pazyrik, southern Siberia, 5th—4th cent. BC) is knotted in wool [1]. Otherwise, the existence of rugs in the ancient Near East can only be deduced from various pictorial representations. Owing to their similarity to modern rugs

RUG

760

ioe

[2], the geometric motifs on wall paintings (7th cent.) at Catal Hiiytik (Turkey) are called ‘kelim motifs’. However, definite evidence of kelim (knitting) techniques seems to date only from the Roman Period (At-Tar caves, Iraq) [3]. If the ‘Investiture of Zimrilim’ scene edged with rows of tassels on a wall painting from > Mari (18th cent. BC) [4. 336; 5] and the decorated stone beams from neo-Assyrian palaces (gth—-7th cents. BC) [6] were imitations of rugs, they must have been knotted rugs. Plaited mats usually lay on the floors of Egyptian buildings. Numerous Coptic material fragments survive (sth—-6th cents. AD), which may have been used not only as wall hangings but also as rugs [7]. + Textiles, production of 1 E.J. BARBER, Prehistoric Textiles. The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with Special Reference to the Aegean, r991 ~=2 J. MELLAART, The Goddess from Anatolia, vol. 2: Catal Hiyiik and Anatolian Kilims, 1989 3H.Fuyju et al., Textiles from At-Tar Caves, in:

Al-Rafidan ro, 1989, 109-166 4 A.Parror, Les Peintures du Palais de Mari, in: Syria 18, 1937, 325-354 5 A.Moortear, Teppich und Malerei zur Zeit Hammurabis, in: Bibliotheca Orientalis 9, 1952, 92 f.

6P.AtL-

BENDA, Assyrian Carpets in Stone, in: Journ. of the Ancient Near Eastern Soc. 10, 1978, 1-34. 7S. HAGEMANN,

s.v. Teppich, LA 6, 1986, 423 f.

A.NU.

1A.Wace, Tappeto, in: AJA 76, 1972, 438-440 2 M.FiLury-LemBerG, Textilkonservierung im Dienste der Forschung, 1988, 358-408 3 J. ZicK-NISSEN, Knupfteppich von Pazyrik und die Frage seiner Datierung, in: AA 1966, 569-581 45.1. RuDENKO, Die Kultur der Hsiung-nu und die Higelgraber von Noin Ula, 1969 5 Gold der Skythen aus der Leningrader Eremitage (exhibition catalogue, Munich 1984), 164-169; 184f.; 192195 6K.SCHAUENBURG, in: AA 1994, 524 f. fig. 32 (Pan lying upon a runner). R.H.

Ruga see

-» Carvilius [4]

Rugi (Rugii, Rogi; “Puyoi/Rhygot). East Germanic tribe mentioned by various ancient authors [1. 1213f.] whose oldest places of residence were probably southwestern Norway and the Vistula delta. Tac. Germ. 43,6 is the first to mention them and localizes them between the Oder and the Vistula. In the course of time, they moved south and, in the rst half of the 5th cent. AD, they appeared on the central Danube and belong to the empire of the - Hunni, albeit with their own king. Either starting in 430 — in that case as subjects of the Huns — or after 453 [2], they found a new homeland in modern Lower Austria north of the Danube (Tullnerfeld, Kamptal). Their centres were probably Burgstall near Schiltern, the hills of the Holzwiese near Thunau,

II. GRAECO-ROMAN

ANTIQUITY

Coverings and rugs woven in ~ wool or linen (> Flax) were used as wall hangings, curtains, runners in front of klinai at table, seats and floor coverings (Aristoph. Plut. 542). The plethora of other Greek and Latin terms for textiles which were not used as clothing makes it difficult to distinguish the types of weave and usage [1]. Hangings and curtains are almost the only

Heidenstatt near Limberg and the Oberleiserberg. A small group migrated to the Eastern Roman Empire (places of residence near > Bizye and Arkadiopolis, southern Thrace). With the disintegration of the Roman province of > Noricum ripense, the R. who had remained on the Danube extended their rule also to the southern strip of the river bank. Between the rest of the Romanic population and the R. close contact and exchange developed (Eugippius, Vita Severini 5,1; 5,3;

materials to survive [2]. Remains of textiles which may

6,1; 22,23; 31,1 f.; 6). In 469 the R. who were allied with

have served as floor coverings are known only from the permafrost graves of Central Asia, e.g., from Noin Ula and Pazyrik [35 4; 5]. There is scarcely any pictorial representation of floor

other Germanic tribes against the > Ostrogoths suffered a major defeat, and in 487 and 488 they were devastatingly beaten by -» Odoacer when - incited by the Eastern Roman emperor > Zenon — they sought to invade Italy together with other Germanic tribes. The remaining R. allied themselves with the Ostrogoths and in 489 took part in the campaign of -> Theoderic against Odoacer. They continued to retain a certain degree of independence but were dragged into the decline of the Ostrogoths.

rugs in ancient art [6]. However, textile floor coverings are often mentioned in ancient literature. They belonged to the household property (Hom. Od. 4,298) and lay in tents (Hom. Il. 9,200; 10,156). Rugs were much

used, esp. in the east and esp. among the Persians and Thracians (Xen. Cyr. 8,8,16; Ath. 4,13 1b and 12,514; cf. Xen. Cyr. 7,3,18); they were used not only as floor coverings but also as open-air beds (Xen. Cyr. 5,5,7). In Greece, they were regarded as exotic goods and furnishings only for the gods (Aesch. Ag. 914-974; cf. Eur. lon 1132-1165; Xen. An. 7,3,18). The possession of rugs was not only a symbol of luxury (cf. Aesch. ibid.) but also of effeminacy (Xen. Cyr. 8,8,16). Rugs could be figuratively adorned (Plaut. Pseud. 1,2,14; Petron. Sat. 40), monochrome or colourful; the softness of the material was also praised (Theoc. Id. 15,79-95). + Pavimentum; > Textile art; > Textiles, production of

1 B. Rappaport,

s.v. R., RE

1 A, 1213-1223

2 TIR

Castra Regina, 1986, 74. J. RervinGeR, Die Volker im oberésterreichischen Raum am Ende der Antike, in: Severin. Zwischen Rémerzeit und

Volkerwanderung K.F. STROHECKER,

Romer

und

(exhibition catalogue), s. v. R., LAW,

Germanen

an

der

1982, 361f.;

2678f.; A. STUPPNER,

mittleren

Donau,

in:

H. FRIESINGER, F. KRINZINGER (eds.), Der romische Limes in Osterreich, 1997, 125 f. GHW.

Ruler cult. The cultic worship of the emperor during his lifetime and after his death, namely as a deity and part of the municipal > pantheon, was as such the

761

762

Roman Imperial version of ruler cult already commonly practised amongst the Hellenistic kings. Like the ruler cult, emperor worship was seen from the perspective of the towns as an expression of political ties and political self-definition. From the ruler’s point of view, it was a means of safeguarding his power symbolically. Greek ruler cult can traced back solely to neither the Middle East nor the Greek hero cult. It was in fact an independent creation drawing on the worship of the gods and merging with the cult of the benefactor (+ euergétés) which was widespread in the Hellenistic period; the career of + Heracles [1] serves as the mythical example. In the process — often within the setting of

the ara Ubiorum near Cologne (before 9 BC; Tac. Ann.

a polis festival — the ruler (> Rulers) received sacrifices,

prayers and hymns. In individual towns he had a shrine with an altar and cult statue; this cult either survived

long after the death of the king or was soon shunted aside again, depending on the political situation and developments (summaries [1; 2]). The first Greek political leader honoured as a god during his lifetime was the Spartan commander ~» Lysander (Duris FGrH 76 F 71. 26). In 404 BC, the Samians made over to him the Heraea, their main festi-

val, dedicating it to him as the Lysandreia with sacrifices and paeans (cf. the fr. of a paean to Seleucus, CollAlex p. 140). Such cults had become more widespread after the cult worship of Alexander [4] the Great in numerous Greek towns (in some places the veneration of his father Philip I] and his grandfather Amyntas preceded his cult); these cults were founded during his lifetime for the most part, but were often continued throughout the entire Hellenistic Period. The conquest of Egypt and the oracle of Ammon which made Alexander into a son of Zeus Ammon — thus confirming his entry into the lineage of the deified pharaohs (— Pharaoh) — strengthened cult worship but was not a defining factor. In addition to the Ptolemies as the new pharaohs in Egypt, the Antigonids, Seleucids and Attalids supported cults in numerous towns in their respective territories, where they (and to some extent their wives)

appeared as part of the municipal pantheon. After the Roman victory over Philip V (197 BC) and in a resolute continuation of the cult of powerful political leaders, Roman imperial administrators, beginning with T. > Quinctius Flamininus, came to be deified (a

list [3.1 50f.]). As in the case of ruler cult, Roman imperator cult was at first a political and diplomatic act. The cult of + Caesar after 48 BC [4] and likewise that of Octavian (> Augustus [1]) after 29 BC (when the prov-

inces of Asia and Bithynia requested that sacred districts be set up in Nicomedia and Pergamum, Cass. Dio 51,20,7 [3. 112-121; 5]) blended in seamlessly: Octavian, taking into consideration the sensitivity of the city of Rome, allowed his cult only in association with that of Dea - Roma [1] [6; 7] (detectable in Smyrna from 195 BC on) (Suet. Aug. 52, cf. Tac. Ann. 4,37). By contrast, only a few cult sites were established in the west by Rome, for example, the ara Romae et Augusti in Lyons (dedicated on 1 August, 12 BC) and

RULER CULT

1,5752). Individual towns independently followed the Greek model, starting with Tarraco [8; 9]. Cults of living rulers did not become more frequent in the west until under Claudius and Vespasian in particular. In Rome itself, C. Julius Caesar’s statue was erected in 46 BC as a ‘cult companion’ (synnaos) of RomulusQuirinus in the latter’s temple (Cic. Att. 12,45 [ro]). At the beginning of 44 BC, the Senate decided upon a separate cult for Caesar, but it was not implemented (Cass. Dio 44,6,4; on the debate [4]). On the other hand, Octavian rejected cultic honours, although his close relationship to Apollo (cf. [r1]) and the title Augustus still elevated him to the company of the gods, which brought a response from the contemporary writers (cf. Verg. Ecl. 1). Augustus was propelled still more noticeably into the company of the gods by the cult of the Genius Augusti, established and adopted by the Italic municipalities in 12 BC at the latest. Most of the later emperors followed the example of Augustus. Cultic worship of rulers could also continue after death (> Deification). This had been anticipated by the adoption of Greek philosophical ideas in Rome (Cic. Rep. 6,13) and by the identification of > Romulus with ~ Quirinus, the former having been transported to the skies whereupon he became Quirinus. After his death in the Forum, Caesar was worshipped at an altar erected on the site of his cremation, then identified with the comet (sidus Iulium) that appeared at the /udi Victoriae Caesaris (July 44 BC) and finally consecrated (> consecratio) as divus Iulius on a Senate resolution.

He was worshipped in the temple of Venus Genetrix until he was given his own temple in 29 BC. Augustus was likewise consecrated as divus Augustus by the Senate on 17 September, 14 AD. The Senate’s decision to consecrate Augustus, the corresponding funeral (described in detail by Cass. Dio 56, 3 4ff.; satirical description in Seneca’s Apocolocyntosis), the appointment of a flamen and the construction of a temple and altar were carried out in approximately the same ritualistic form, modelled upon Augustus, until the time of Diocletian [123 13; 14]. Only Constantine I broke with this tradition. » RULER 1 F. TAEGER, Charisma. Studien zur Geschichte des antiken Herrscherkultes, 2 vols., 1957, 1960 2 C.Hasicnt,

Gottmenschentum und griechische Stadte, 3 G.W. Bowersock, Augustus and the Greek

*1970 World,

1965 45S.WernsTock, Divus Julius, 1971 5 R. MELLOR, OEA PQMH. The Worship of the Goddess Roma

in the Greek World,

Roma, in: ANRW

1975

6 Id., The Goddess

II 17.2, 1981, 950-1030

=7S.R. F.

Prick, Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor, 1984 8 D.Fisuwicx, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West. Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, 1987, 1990

9 Id., The

Development of Provincial Ruler-Worship in the Western Empire, in: ANRW II 16.2, 1978, 1201-1253 10 Nock, 202-236 11A.ALF6LD1I, Die zwei Lorbeerbaume des Augustus, 1973 12 J. BICKERMAN, Consecratio, in: O.REVERDIN (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans |’Empire

763

764

romain, 1973, 3-25 13 E.J. BIcKERMAN, Die romische Kaiserapotheose, in: E.GABBA, M.SmiTH (ed.), Religions

long past, and later still to persons still living, esp. rulers and city founders, some of whom were worshipped as heroes after their death. Kings themselves often aspired to be considered of unknown paternity — godlike heroes brought up in the mountains. It was certainly assumed that children who had survived exposure and had proved themselves in spite of difficult life-circumstances were beloved of the gods, granted supernatural powers and ordained to rule, esp. as they were as a rule born of special parents, their birth presaged by oracles, portentous dreams and miracles. Gradually, the belief spread in Greece, adopted from the Egyptians, that there was a close connection between a god and a

RULER CULT

and Politics in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, 1985,

1-34 (originally 1929) 14S.R. F. Price, From Noble Funerals to Divine Cult. The Consecration of Roman Emperors, in: D.N. CANNADINE, S.R.F. Price (ed.), Rituals of Royalty. Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies, 1987, 56-105.

F.G

Ruler, birth of the I. GENERAL

II. GREECE

IV. BYZANTIUM

III. ROME

V. INDIVIDUAL ASPECTS

mortal born on the same day of the month (Hdt. 2,82);

I. GENERAL

There existed among many peoples, esp. in the Near East, but also among the Greeks and Romans, the concept of the mythical founder-king, himself a god or son of a god or goddess. It is sometimes assumed that these mythical ancestors of a people or tribe must have been animals, or at least exposed and suckled by animals.

They functioned as cult founders and/or settlement founders and after their death enjoyed cultic veneration. Events befalling them — exposure, feeding by wild animals, ordeals among coevals, fights with monsters, etc. — were sometimes imitated in ritual. Objects and weapons given to the child were used in enthronement ceremonies (often as royal insignia) (e.g., — Cyrus [1. 17-62]). II. GREECE A. ARCHAIC

PERIOD

B. CLASSICAL

PERIOD

C. HELLENISTIC PERIOD

A. ARCHAIC PERIOD Kings and rulers were, of course, closely associated with Zeus. It was assumed that they were descended from him (dtoyevic/diogenes, dvoteedyc/diotrephes) and that he had entrusted them with and granted them divine charisma and thus also power. Yet the belief in the god-king was extinct already by the time of the Homeric epics; the sons of gods, in spite of all their supremacy and their high profile, were men. The concept of sonship to a divinity was also increasingly modified into that of the hero ( Hero cult), known also from Egyptian and Jewish sources. Thus, at first it was only the sons of gods, benefactors of mankind and good kings who were accorded cultic honour as bearers of power and succour in crisis situations, while later the same honour was paid to founders ofcities, strong men who had defeated enemies, bestowers of certain customs, skills, etc. Ruling families in particular tended to

describe such heroes as their ancestors of origin, thereby lending legitimacy to their claims on power. B. CLASSICAL PERIOD The model of the exposed founder-king (> Exposure, myths and legends of), which had long been a convention in respect to the benefactor of mankind, was transferred to individuals from historical epochs not

this led to the simultaneous public celebration of the birthday of the god and that of important people, rulers and philosophers each month [2. r5f.]. Usually, the birth of a child was celebrated only privately with offerings to the birth daimon (daimon genéthlios), who accompanied the person from the moment of birth and protected him; there were also invocations of the good daimon

(daimon agathos), gifts, feasts, speeches and

birthday poems; the child’s birthday, with the same traditions, was originally celebrated every month, later primarily on the anniversary of the birth (-— Birth, — Birthday). C. HELLENISTIC PERIOD The idea of divine paternity had been approximated to the Egyptian-Oriental conception of divine kingship beginning with + Alexander [II 4] the Great, and had thus been expanded insofar as the ruler was celebrated even during his lifetime as a god, helpmate and benefactor to mankind. Among the > Diadochi, both the birthday of the ruler and the ancestor’s death day were celebrated, as the latter was understood as coinciding with the birthday of a new god (yevéoua, genésia). Thus, a uniform style of ruler cult developed, in which the ruler was often equated with mythical gods, himself worshipped as a god and his birthday, like those of his family (generally monthly), celebrated with, e.g., sacrifices and ruler agones (Soterea, Ptolemaea, Demetrea) [3. 1145]. Cities or leagues held these festivals. Ill. ROME At Rome, conception of the founder-king, the miracle child who arose to lordship after exposure and rescue and ascended to become parens patriae, was further enhanced in the case of + Romulus and Remus by their twin birth. Twins were regarded as numinous, beings of a divine sort endowed with supernatural powers. However, there is no evidence of a cult of heroes or a concept of a god-king. The birthday and its anniversaries were purely private occasions, in which the > genius was venerated by family members, friends and clients with offerings of flowers, wine and cake and the lighting of candles (here, too, probably originally each month). If some personage had given a particularly special service to the public, as in the case of Marius after

765

766

his victory over the Cimbri and Teutones, offerings were nonetheless still made not to that individual personally as an entity raised up to divinity, but to his genius as the + numen linked with and working through him (Plut. Marius 27,9). However, there was a successive approximation to the concept of the god-king: ~» Pompeius [I 3] celebrated one of his triumphs on his birthday, thus making the private celebration into a state occasion (Plin. HN 37,13); Roman officials allowed themselves to be the object of cultic veneration in the east (Plut. Flaminius 16). Moreover, the Romans

were to an ever-greater extent prepared to believe in the Trojan ancestry of their people; this led individual clans to trace their ancestry from Trojan heroes and, beyond, from deities, and the notion of descent from a god gained entry at Rome through mythology and poetic fiction (cf. - Aeneas). Caesar made use of the myth of

Troy, which was at the same time the family myth of the Tulii (cult of > Venus Genetrix), and along with accolades of typically Roman character he accepted a series of honours that placed him in direct proximity to Hellenistic god-kings. It was reported of Augustus that he was of divine descent (Cass. Dio 45,1; Suet. Aug. 94,4: Atia fell asleep in the Temple of Apollo; a serpent glided over her, and she later gave birth to a boy, the future

Augustus). Although he refused official worship as a god in Rome and Italy, he did promote the cultic veneration of his adoptive father Caesar, paying particular attention to Caesar’s birthday on 12 July as a gesture of ~ pietas, and had himself termed divi filius. Augustus gradually introduced the celebration of Caesar’s birthday into the public canon of festivities and secured it by law, thus entering it as a regular festival in the calendar. His own birthday, 23 September, was celebrated at Rome from 8 BC (Cass. Dio 55,6) until the 3rd cent., and in many places in the east of the empire it was chosen as New Year’s Day. Throughout the period of the Principate, the birthday of the ruler remained the most important festival in the ruler cult. The primarilly religious ceremony consisted of intercessions, public sacrifices, vows to the good of the ruler, banquets, military parades and circus games. Over time, the birthdays of members of the imperial family also came to be included in the cult, with the citizens of the empire being compelled to participate.

RULERS

V. INDIVIDUAL ASPECTS B.MyTHS AND LEGENDS SURE

A. PoORTENTS

OF EXPO-

A. PORTENTS The birth of a wunderkind destined to rule was announced in dreams (cf., e.g., > Cyrus [2], > Agathocles, Ardasir/ Artaxerxes, — Zarathustra) and omina (-» Omen). The stars, too, could foretell the birth of a future ruler (+ Alexander [II 4] the Great, Constantine). While such a child was being born, the universe would tremble (cf. Verg. Ecl. 4,48-52). The birth itself would be painless, the child of remarkable beauty, smiling immediately (+ Cypselus [2], Zarathustra) and growing rapidly.

B. MyTHS AND LEGENDS OF EXPOSURE Variations on the basic formula — a god begetting a son by a mortal woman; the child exposed in a box on the sea, driven ashore; the inhabitants recognizing the divine child as the son of a king and making him the (first) ruler or priest in the temple of the father; divine worship after his death — were made insofar as the exposure sometimes took place at ancient sites of mythical importance (springs, mountains, caves, trees). In such cases, the royal child was as a rule fed by an animal and rescued by shepherds, among whom he grew up. The mythical paradigm of the exposed royal child is a typical element in the royal myths of the Iranians, Indians, Greeks and Romans, and was transferred onto the following historical rulers in particular: Cyrus, Ardasir, Sapur, Hormizd, Ptolemy I Soter, Cypselus of Corinth, Hieron of Syracuse, Agathocles of Sicily, and the emperor Constantine. In the case of other rulers (Alexander, Augustus, etc.), tradition confined itself to reporting the miraculous divine progeneration. 1 G. BINDER, Die Aussetzung des K6nigskindes Kyros und Romulus, 1964 2 W.ScHmipT, Geburtstag im Altertum, 1908 3 P.HeErz, Kaiserfeste der Prinzipatszeit, in: ANRW II 16.2, 1135-1200. L. BIELER, Oeiog &viio, 193 5/36; C. HaBIcHT, Gottmensch-

tum

und griechische Stadte,

Romische

Geburtsriten,

1970; T.K6ves-ZULAUF,

1990;

C.H.

TAuBERT,

Biogra-

phies as Instruments of Religious Propaganda in Mediterranean Antiquity, in: ANRW II 16.2, 1619-1651; F. TAEGER, Charisma, vol. 1, 1957, vol. 2, 1960.

R.OS,

IV. BYZANTIUM

Both pagans and Christians regarded the emperor [1]) as emperor by the grace of God. The Christian legend adopted for him the old myth of exposure and imperial foundation: he had converted the empire to Christianity and initiated a new era for Byzantium. Although he refused to allow the cultic veneration of the genius of the emperor, the ancient pagan concepts of the god-emperor continued to be nurtured (especially in - panegyrics), and the emperor was worshipped as jews xtiotns (herds ktistés, ‘divine founder’) of Constantinople and divus pater (‘divine father’) of the ruling dynasty. Constantine (> Constantinus

Rulers I. ANCIENT ORIENT II. EGypr IV. GREECE AND ROME

III. IRAN

I. ANCIENT ORIENT A. TERMINOLOGY

B. ORGANIZATION

C. LEGITIMATION

D. RULER WORSHIP

A. TERMINOLOGY Designations for rulers include: (1) descriptive terms like the Sumerian LUGAL (literally ‘big man’), equated in vocabularies with the Akkadian sarru (‘shining

RULERS

767

768

one(?)’), malku (‘adviser’, Hebrew melek), Hittite hassu- (‘well-born one’); furthermore, Sumerian NUN and Akkadian rub@um (‘most excellent one’), and Sumerian EN, Akkadian beélu, Hittite isha- (‘lord’); these apply regardless of the size and structure of the

was eliminated. ‘Replacement kings’ are historically attested in Assyria, Babylonia and HattusSa (see [4]).

area of rule. Feminine forms are recorded. (2) Culture

and epoch specific titles (also including, in part, those listed under (1)), which refer to the individual functions and aspects of the ruler: in Assyria around 1900 BC, ruba@um referred to the ruler as the political head of an area of rule; waklum (‘representative’) to the ruler as the authorized representative of the city assembly of the city > Assur [1]; issiakkum (‘governor’) to the ruler as the administrator of the god > Assur [2]. From the middle of the 2nd millennium, the term — ‘great king’ was used in international communication.

B. ORGANIZATION The organizational basis of the ancient oriental monarchy was the > family (clan) of the ruler. Starting in the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, the transfer of the ruling office within the family (through the male line in Mesopotamia, northern Syria, Israel; among the Hittites also through the female) gained increasingly in significance. Where a direct successor was lacking, more distant members of the royal family stepped in; marriage and adoption also justified succession. Rules of succession from the 2nd (Hittites) and rst (Assyria,

Israel) millennia have been preserved. Succession based on usurpation, conquest and foreign appointment is attested. Important offices were frequently held by family members. Despite the political influence of female relatives of the ruler which is apparent in the sources, no female ruler is recorded for Mesopotamia — unlike in Hatti (+ Hattusa) and among some nomadic tribes.

As head of state, the ruler formally represented the highest political, military, administrative and economic authority. This is clear in, among other things, > international treaties, foreign and domestic political correspondence, text corpora with legal relevance and ruler + inscriptions. In practice, the ruler delegated the implementation of his will to members of the court. The interdependence of state and religion is apparent: a) in anchoring the position ofthe ruler in the religious world view (cosmogonies in part contain cratogonies); b) in

the ruler’s status as an administrator answerable to the gods; c) in the integration of the ruler and court in the state cult; d) in the ruler’s economic fiduciary duty to cults and temples. Ruler epithets formulate these duties programmatically: thus, for example, ‘king of kings’ refers to the foreign policy, ‘just shepherd’ to the domestic policy functions of the ruler. The ‘deeds’ of the ruler form the central theme of the portrayal of the ruler in text and image. If disaster threatened the regent, he could be temporarily ‘replaced’. The substitute imitated the physical presence of the regent with accession to the throne, insignia and titulature, thus drawing the disaster on himself. Once the threat occurred or ended, the substitute

C, LEGITIMATION In the legitimation of the ruler, bureaucratic-sacral concepts and/or dynastic principles (+ Genealogy) were combined with divine selection (exaggerated as ‘divine sonship’). On his accession, recorded in rituals, historiographic and administrative texts and in portrayals, the ruler received, among other things, ‘crown’,

staff, mantle and throne as insignia. D. RULER WORSHIP The (self-)description of the ruler as the ‘son, crea-

ture’ of a deity isa common topos in the Ancient Orient. An equation of the ruler with the central deity of the local pantheon is occasionally attested in the context of rituals. Only for a few rulers of the later 3rd millennium BC do the textual and pictorial sources indicate godlike status and cultic worship during their lifetime and after their death (in part into the rst millennium BC). The increased worship of deceased rulers as the dead or as ancestors (> Dead, cult of the) in connection witha

cult

of ruler statues does not automatically imply deification (differs in HattuSa). ~> Divine kingship; + Judah and Israel; + Mesopotamia; + Rulership 1R.Caprice, W.HEIMPEL, s.v. Investitur, RLA 5, 139144 2D.0. Epzarp, G.SzaBo, W.NAGEL, s.v. Herr-

scher, RLA 4, 334-367

3S.PARPOLA (ed.), State Ar-

chives of Assyria, vols. 1-12, 1987ff.

4 1d., Letters from

Assyrian Scholars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal II, 1983, XXII-XXXII 5,J. RENGER, s.v. Inthronisation, RLA 5, 129-136 6 G.SELz, Uber mesopotamische Herrschaftskonzepte, in: M. DretRICcH, O. LORETZ (ed.), dubsar anta-men, FS W.H. Romer, 1998, 281-344

7 M.-J. SEUX, s.v. Konigtum, RLA 6, 140-173

I-5.

8 TUATI,

E.C-K.

Il. EGYPT The ruler of ancient Egypt was a king (> Pharaoh). In contrast to his divine royal office, he was considered to be mortal; he played a divine role in a perpetual office. Divine sonship and the divinity of royal acts were the cornerstones of the conception of the ruler. The ruler was always obligated to the gods and the recipient of their grace (e.g., life, health, protection, conferment of office and -> rulership). He was god’s representative on earth and the representative of the earthly in the temple. However, the ruler did not experience cultic worship comparable to the gods while living. The Egyptian ruler had a five-part titulature which defined religious and political relationships or goals and whose individual components developed from the oth (c. 3100 BC) to the 4th Dynasties (c. 2575 BC). Other common terms for the ruler were ‘perfect god’ (thus expressing that the ruler had matured into the divine role of kingship), ‘lord of the two lands’, ‘lord of > the appearances’, ‘sovereign’, ‘his person’ (often trans-

769

770

lated as ‘his majesty’) and ‘pharaoh’. The divinity of the royal office did not make the ruler identical to the gods, but similar in nature, so that he was also often described as the son or image of a god or ‘like god X’. The ruler could gain legitimation in a variety of ways: a) through parentage; b) through designation; c) through divine selection using mythology (the king was granted the role of the son of the god in the birth ritual), oracle or dream (the king was promised the position of king in a dream); d) through ability, and thus connected to the possession of the actual governmental power (e.g., usurpation). Legitimation through ability in particular also required legitimation through divine selec-

ons of this title such as Old Persian xSayaiya dahyanam (‘king of the lands/peoples’) or formulations such as xsdyadiya ahyaya bumiya (vazrkayda) (duraiy apiy),

tion.

In theory, the king was the sole ‘lord of action’; in praxi, he delegated tasks to priests and officials whom he had appointed and assigned. The essential task of the Egyptian ruler was the realization of > ma’at [1], the proper order of the world and life, and the battle against + chaos. To do this, he had to keep the world running — domestically, through the practice of the cult (to propitiate the gods and provide sacrificial victims to the transfigured, i.e. the dead) and through the dispensation of justice over, and care for, the people; externally, by subjugating enemies and securing the borders. The description of the fulfillment of these tasks by the ruler takes up a great deal of space in official > inscriptions. In keeping with the ancient Egyptian view of history, events inconsistent with ma‘at (such as epidemics, military defeats, regicide) were not depicted. Only in folk tales is the ruler depicted even violating ma’at (e.g., as homosexual, alcoholic, untrue to his word). The compulsion to fulfil his tasks (mostly within ritual) prevented the king from being a complete despot: he was firmly integrated into the social order and bore great religious and moral responsibility. A woman could become ruler if, after the death of her royal spouse, she took on the regency for the still under-age successor. -> Egypt; > Kandake; > Rulership 1 J.AssMANN, Ma’at, 245, 1993, 145-160)

ster, 1970

1990 (review: F.JUNGE, in: GGA 2Id., Der Konig als Sonnenprie-

3 J.VON BECKERATH, Handbuch der agypti-

schen K6nigsnamen, 1984

4 .N.-C.GRIMAL, Les termes

de la propagande royale égyptienne de la XIX‘ dynastie a la conquéte d’Alexandre, 1986 5 G. PoseNeR, De la divinité du pharaon, 1960 6 T.SCHNEIDER, Lexikon der

Pharaonen, 1996.

III. IRAN A. TERMINOLOGY TION OF RULE

J.KA.

B. PRACTICE AND REPRESENTAD. RULER WOR-

C. LEGITIMATION

SHIP

A. TERMINOLOGY Besides (x) the simple terms for the ruler such as Old

Persian xSayadiya, Pahlavi-Middle Persian sah (‘one distinguished by rulership’) or Greek basilevs/PaoWevc (— Basileus [I]) are: (2) (at times multiple) amplificati-

RULERS

‘king on this (great) earth (very far off)’; (3) in Iran, the

most characteristic titulatures, Old Persian xsayadiya vazrka, Greek péyas Baotheds (mégas basileus; > ‘great king’) and Old Persian xsayadiya xsayadiyanam, Pahlavi-Middle Persian sahan Sah, Greek Baowet’s BaotAéwv (‘king of kings’), in the Sassanid Era sometimes

further expanded to sahan Sah Eran ud Anéran (‘king of kings of Iran and non-Iran’); as well as (4) especially elaborate formulas in the late Sassanid Era (cf. Theo-

phylactus Simocatta 4,8). In the Parthian period, the simple ruler title (basileus/MLKA/sah) is also customary for regional rulers (Persis, Elymais, etc.).

B. PRACTICE AND REPRESENTATION OF RULE Organizational and power political support of the ruler was provided by the members of his own family (clan), including the (probably real) ‘relatives’ (in the Achaemenid Era ovyyeveis/syngeneis) and the members of the clan without direct descent from the ruler (Sassanid: vaspuhragan). Together with members of the upper nobility, they were given preference in the awarding of positions. In the late Sassanid Era, a sort of ‘official nobility’ appeared among the people close to the ruler (ihov/philoi, ovvédeuov/syn(h)édrion) following the Seleucid model: OGIS 430). While among the Achaemenids the role of the ‘mother of the king’ in particular and the influence of women in the ruling house in all eras are clear (e.g., Atossa [r]), women achieved the throne only in the late Sassanid Era. Also characteristic for Iran are the ‘journeying ruler’ and multiple royal residences. Ritualized investitures and specific signs of sovereignty (clothing, crowns, throne, royal fire, among others) and forms of demonstrating honour (proskynesis/prostration) reveal the special position of the ruler.

C. LEGITIMATION In their legitimation, Iranian rulers combined dynastic-charismatic (Median *farnah, Middle Persian xvarrah; ‘radiance of fortune’, ‘charisma’) and ethnic-regional (Achaemenid: Parsa, Sassanid: Erangabr, -» Iran) concepts with specific ideas of proximity to the gods (- Rulership). Usurpations never disrupted the dynastic framework. D. RULER WORSHIP If the Achaemenid rulers are properly characterized solely as ‘ruler by the grace of god’, the (Parthian and) Sassanid kings (under Hellenistic influence?) appear as rulers with divine ancestry and divine qualities (Middle Persian bayan), but intellectually separated from the actual gods (Middle Persian yazdan). Sacrifices and fires ‘for the salvation and posthumous fame’ of rulers and members of the ruling house are known from the Parthian and Sassanid eras. + Rulership

RULERS

77%

77%

BRIANT; J. WIESEHOFER,

Ancient Persia, 1996 (German

1994); Id., ‘King of Kings’ and ‘Philhellen’:; Kingship in Arsacid Iran, in: P. BrtpE et al. (ed.), Aspects of Hellenistic

Kingship, 1996, 55-66.

JW.

IV. GREECE AND ROME A. GREECE B. ROME

A. GREECE For the Greeks and Romans, the image of the ruler,

who holds political, judicial and sacral power with the consent of the ruled, remained limited to the mythical and earliest historical phases and was connected with the legitimation of the ruler as the son of a god, hero or city founder (> Ruler, birth of the).

Alexander [4] the Great embodied a new form of ruler that survived after him in the Hellenistic Age and in which was merged a new form of legitimation, namely military success, explicit signs of sovereignty (diadem, purple clothing, signet ring) and a sacral elevation of the ruler approximated to oriental notions. The ruler cult, originally allowed only for dead Hellenistic kings, was already claimed by living rulers in the second generation, spreading to family members and becoming a dynastic cult. There was no reflection of Hellenistic rulers in the philosophy of government, but the literary genre of the -» princes’ mirror, developed by Isocrates, flourished — along with sharp criticism. The experiences of the Romans with the Hellenistic ruler cult facilitated the emergence of the > ruler cult in Rome.

In the Mycenaean Era (2nd millennium BC), there

appears to have been a sacral elevation of the ruler (+ Wanax) following oriental models. The residence of the king formed the political, military, economic, and

B. ROME In Rome, the image of the early kings is blurred by mythology (+ Rex). By tradition, the four Latin rulers

religious centre, while individual tasks were delegated

(Romulus,

to high-level functionaries (> Basileus [I A]). This cen-

Marcius) were followed by three Etruscan rulers (Tarquinius Priscus, Servius Tullius [Macstarna?], Tarquinius Superbus). After the expulsion of the last king (probably only after the seizure of power by a 4th Etruscan ruler, > Porsenna), kingship was outlawed and aspiring to it (affectatio regni) became a crime warranting death. Only at the end of the Republic were individuals (> Cornelius [I 90] Sulla; — Caesar) able to make themselves virtual rulers through military superiority and a change in the form and function of the position of -» dictator. In the > Principate, autocratization increasingly appeared behind the position of the ruler, initially veiled behind by its appellation (+ Princeps) and ideology (‘appointment’ by the Senate; > auctoritas; cf. R. Gest. Div. Aug. 34); this autocratization was fostered by the practical monopoly on control of the army, the cen-

tral position of the ruler was lost in the Post-Mycenaean Era (> Dark Ages) and can no longer be recognized in the epics of Homer and in Hesiod (2nd half of the 8th cent.). The position and power of the ruler in the communities of this phase are disputed (> Basileus [I B]) and were certainly not uniform. With the development of the > polis as a self-governing political unit, usually carried by a narrow class, beginning in the 8th cent. BC (> Citizenship; > Aristocracy)

the figure of the ruler (+ Basileus

[I C]})

declined in the Archaic Era in Greece and the territories settled by Greeks (— Colonization), although it sur-

vived in part in the position of the oikistes (> Apoikia) and occasionally in the institution of — tyrannis. After the experience of the defensive victory against the Persians (490-479 BC), rulers and the Greeks’ political + freedom appeared to be irreconcilable opposites. 4th-cent. BC theory of government (> Government, theories of forms of; Aristotle) delineated several types of ruler, but rejected them all for the Greek polis — and in sharp contrast to the barbarians, whose slavish na-

ture made it necessary to live under a ruler. Rulers over Greeks remained a phenomenon at the margins of the Greek world and disappeared completely even there between the death of Hieron [1] of Syracuse (466/465 BC) and the seizure of power by Dionysius [1] | in 405 BC (with the exception of the special form of dual kingship in Sparta). However, interest in powerful individuals was sustained by the > Sophists (e.g., Thrasymachus), then as a subject of the nascent theory of government (Herodotus) and the philosophy of government (Plato; Aristotle; » Monarchia), and found expression in the 4th cent. in treatises praising the virtues of dead or distant rulers (e.g. Xenophon, Cyropaedia and Agesilaus; |socrates, Nicocles), with the goal of making rulers ‘polis-capable’ through education (e.g. Xenophon, Hieron; cf. Plato, ‘Seventh Letter’) or to gain their help in the execution of political goals (Isocrates, Philippus).

Numa

Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus

tralization of the administration (— Court), and awar-

ding of special powers (lex de imperio Vespasiani), and also led to attempts at sacral legitimation of the ruler (as

early as Domitianus [1], more clearly with Elagabalus [2], Aurelianus [3] and Diocletian) through cultic worship (+ Ruler cult). The regalia of the ruler deve-

loped from the official attire of the magistrates of the Republic, particularly the commander’s vestments, and became ever more ostentatious into the 3rd cent. (commander’s cloak and trousers in purple, red shoes, tunic with gold embroidery). At the same time, orb and sceptre appeared as insignia of the ruler. The idea of the ruler as the protege of a powerful deity was revived in the ‘Christian’ ruler beginning with Constantinus [1] I, the first to wear the diadem (-» Diadema) scorned as an insignia of kings, and in the Byzantine Era in the concept of the ruler ‘by the grace of God’, although Christianity forbade the claim to divine parentage. However, the sacralization of the emperor’s immediate environment

(€.g., sacrum

consistorium, sacrum

cubiculum)

and the development of imperial regalia and court ceremony (-* Proskynesis), probably informed by the Sas-

773

774

sanid model, moved Late Antique and Byzantine rulers far beyond the earthly sphere. Medieval rulers such as Charlemagne or the Hohenstaufen Frederick II, in turn, saw their model more in Augustus or Trajan. — RULER

kingdoms and great territorial empires from the close of the 4th millennium to the fall of the ancient Near Eastern empires. It was sometimes established over or in association with oligarchic or aristocratic structures. The chiefs of nomadic tribal groups, too, are generally referred to in Mesopotamian sources as ‘king’. The ancient sources usually characterize royal rulership as administrative. It is a construct post-dating the ancient Near East to denote royal rule in this sphere as despotism.

GREECE: P. Cartier, La Royauté en Gréce avant Alexandre, 1984; P. BARCELO, Basileia, Monarchia, Tyrannis, 1993; R. Drews, The Evidence for Kingship in Geometric Greece, 1983; H.J. GeHrxe, Der siegreiche K6nig, in: AKG 64, 1982, 247-277; L. Mooren, The Nature of Hellenistic Monarchy, in: Studia hellenistica 27, 1983, 205-

240; K.F. STROHEKER, Zu den Anfangen der monarchischen Theorie in der Sophistik, in: Historia 2, 1953/54, 381-412.

Rome:

A.ALFOLDI,

Die monarchische

Reprasentation

im rémischen Kaiserreich, +1980; J. BLEICKEN, Prinzipat und Dominat, 1978; R.-J. Litig, Byzantinische Kaiser und

Reich, 1994; B. Linke, Von der Verwandtschaft zum Staat, 1995; P.M. Martin, L’Idée de royauté a Rome, vol. 1, 1982; vol. 2, 1992.

W.ED.

Rulership I. GENERAL POINTS II. MESOPOTAMIA, ANATOLIA AND SYRIA-PALESTINE III. Ecypt IV. IRAN V. GREECE AND ROME

I. GENERAL POINTS

Rulership is here understood as political rulership, i.e. a reciprocal social relationship serving to create and permanently preserve the social order through political organization. Rulership is based on fixed rules applying both to the ruler(s) and the ruled; thus those ruled generally assent blindly to the authority of the ruler(s), or are at least so minded as to tolerate it. As a system of order, rulership appears in different forms: in the ancient Near East and Egypt, a monarchical structure (+ Rulers) predominated in the territorial kingdoms and city states. In Greece and the Roman and Italian world, from originally monarchical forms there developed, with the appearance of territorially limited citystate entities (> polis, urbs) and the increasing expansion of the stratum participating in rulership, structures that were initially aristocratic-oligarchic, later democratic-republican. From the times of Alexander [4] the Great and Augustus respectively, these were again overlaid or superseded by monarchical systems (~» Helleni» Roman Empire).

stic states;

Il. MESOPOTAMIA,

ANATOLIA

ESTINE A. TERMINOLOGY AND FORMS C. EXAMPLES

AND SYRIA-PAL-

B. JUSTIFICATIONS

OF ROYAL RULERSHIP

A. TERMINOLOGY AND FORMS The indigenous terms for ‘rulership’ were mostly formed from abstractions of the terms for ‘ruler’ (— Rulers). In the ancient Near East, political rulership

was reified mainly in the form of royal rule. Evidence indicates this to have been the organizational form of entities ranging from city-states to lesser and greater

RULERSHIP

B. JUSTIFICATIONS A central element in the justification and depiction of rulership was the connection of the institutions and practices of rulership with patterns of religious interpretation, esp. the integration of rulership into the cosmic order founded at the creation. The institution itself could thus not be called into question, whereas criticism of individual rulers was possible (> Naramsin). The task of rulership consisted in the ‘guardianship of order’; this concept legitimated political rulership not only in relation to the gods, but also in relation to subjects and potential enemies. Every action took place in the context of this appointed task: the foundation of cities, construction of temples and palaces, proceedings against political opponents and the > hunting [I] of wild animals.

C. EXAMPLES OF ROYAL RULERSHIP 2. ASSYRIA 3. HITTITES

1. BABYLONIA 4. ISRAEL

1. BABYLONIA The organization of royal rule in 2nd- and rst- millennium Babylonia is characterized both by the relationship between palace and temple, the centres of the economy, and by the relationship of the large, relatively autarkic cities to a form of rulership that was transregional in its focus. The struggles of southern Mesopotamia’s cities for hegemony were solved by a centrally administered, geographically and ethnically relatively stable territorial state with the assumption of power by the Kassite dynasty (-» Cossaei, early 16th cent. BC). The integration of the old centres and tribal groupings in the south into the transregional form of rulership, however, brought chronic problems. The Chaldaean dynasty (from 626 BC; > Nebuchadnezzar; » Nabonidus) became the mould for the image of ancient Near Eastern kingdom in Classical Antiquity. 2. ASSYRIA The ruling organization of the city state of Assur at the beginning of the 2nd millennium betrays oligarchic tendencies. The ruler was a primus inter pares appointed from within the circle of economically powerful families. When the Amorite dynasty took the throne (+ Amurru [1]; c. 1800 BC), the power position of the king was reinforced. This development was further strengthened by the territorial expansion of Assur beginning c. 1400 BC: a hierarchically organized,

RULERSHIP

aks

776

highly specialized administration formed the logistical basis for a centrally administered territorial empire. Subjection, vassalship, client kingdoms and Assyrian

sole owner of the land of Egypt. His word was law, and he looked after the welfare of the people and represented the people before the gods. The concept of ancient Egyptian rulership lived on in the ruler cults of the Hellenistic Era and in the conception of rulership in the

secundogeniture were the means of integrating inde-

pendent political units into Assyrian rulership. 3. HITTITES During the 18th cent. BC, a territorial state under a ‘great’ king took the place of numerous minor principalities across central Anatolia. The principle of vassalship became the decisive factor in Hittite rulership. The Hittite king and ‘community’ (Hittite panku-) of the greats (mostly members of the royal family) formed the central Hittite organs. See also > Hattusa.

Roman Imperial Period (e.g., with Domitian).

> Egypt 1 E. BLUMENTHAL, s.v. K6nigsideologie, LA 3, 526-531 2 D.FRANKE,

‘SchOpfer,

Schiittzer,

Guter

Hirte’:

Konigsbild des Mittelreichs, in: R.GUNDLACH,

Zum

C. RAED-

LER (ed.), Selbstverstandnis und Realitat, 1997, 192-193

3 D.O’Connor, D.P. SILVERMAN (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Kingship, 1995. J-KA.

4. ISRAEL

According to Egyptian, Mesopotamian and indigenous sources, there were in the 2nd millennium

BC

city-states in Palestine that retained their monarchical structure even through the period of Egyptian rule. Royal rulership emerged anew from the conflict between the Israelite tribes (chiefdoms) and the Canaanite city-states (c. tooo BC). Both the projection of an Israelite kingdom (1 Sam 8) and the fragmentary evidence of the rulers of + Judah and Israel in the OT and external sources show that the forms of royal rulership in Canaan and Palestine were based on ancient Near Eastern tradition. 1G.W. AHLsTROM, Administration of the State in Canaan and Ancient Israel, in: J.M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East I, 1995, 587-603 2 J.B. BRINKMAN, Prelude to Empire, 1984 3 P.GARELLI (ed.), Le Palais et la Royauté, 1974 4 M.T. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City State, 1976 5 H.M. Niemann, Herrschaft, K6nigtum und Staat, 1993 6 N.PosrcGaTe, Royal Ideology and State Administration in Sumer and Akkad, in: J. M. Sasson (ed.), Civilizations of the Ancient Near East I, 1995, 395-411.

E.C.-K.

Ill. Eeypr The form of rulership in ancient Egypt was monarchy (> Pharaoh), which also determined the culture of the county. Detectable from c. 3200 BC on, when Egypt

was unified, it survived all crises — including division of the country (during the so-called ‘Intermediate Periods’) and foreign rule (> Hyksos, Kushites, Assyrians,

Persians, Greeks) — until Egypt became a Roman proyince. During this span of time, although the monarchy was subject to a constant process of change, significant traits of this form of rulership can be observed in all epochs. Kingship was firmly rooted in the ordering principle of the cosmos as an indispensable element of the structure of the world and indivisibly united various aspects of political and religious power [2]: 1. Cosmic kingship: the ruler ritually re-enacted the creation upon acceding to the throne. 2. Mythical kingship: the kingship of historical times was said to have followed that of gods and demigods — it was thus regarded as a divine inheritance. The ruler (— Rulers), as the son of god, had to keep and sustain creation. 3. Political and social kingship: theoretically, the king was regarded as the

IV. IRAN A. FORM OF RULERSHIP_ RULERSHIP

B. JUSTIFICATION OF

A. FORM OF RULERSHIP If the rulership of the Median kings (+ Medes) was probably characterized more by tribal-federal structures with under-developed or delayed centralizing tendencies, that of the Persian ‘great kings’ (> Achaemenids) was from an early stage distinguished by kingship that was — at least ideologically and organizationally — ‘absolute’

(— Rulers).

The

ideological

dichotomous

opposition of ruler and subjects (Old Persian bandaka), however, corresponded only in a qualified fashion to the traditional, or politically opportune, diversity of relationships between the two in the multicultural and multiethnic Achaemenid empire (graduated ‘autonomy’ provisions, privileges, special form of justifying rulership, etc.). In this regard, new impetus towards legal regulation and institutionalization can be discerned at the time of -» Darius [1] I (c. 500 BC). In the Parthian period (247 BC-AD

227), the Achaemenid,

Hellenistic-Seleucid and ‘nomadic’ concepts combined to form the ideology and practice of the central authority, determining the ruler-subject relationship in different ways according to group of subjects (Parnian-Parthian aristocracy, Greeks, other subjects). The relation-

ship between the central authority and the local powers (‘vassal rulership’) seems in particular to have been determined by older models. Rivalries between rulers and the Parthian (or Parthian-Persian) nobility typified the Parthian and Sassanid periods (AD 227-651), with the

zenith of the development of royal power coming under Husrav I in the 6th cent. AD. B. JUSTIFICATION OF RULERSHIP

Kingly rulership was portrayed to subjects and neighbours alike as divinely ordained and favoured ina special way and intended for the good of the subject; kingly conduct as warrior/hunter (> Hunting), judge/lawgiver and intermediary between men and gods was thus legitimated a priori, disobedience on the part of subjects receiving the taint of disloyalty (Old Persian drauga, ‘lie’) and ingratitude. The idea (conceived under Hellenistic influence?) of a ruler of divine

VIG

778

blood and divine qualities later further reinforced this concept. The historical tradition of Iran, long transmitted in the oral tradition, has the history of > Iran determined by the succession of (partly mythical) ruling dynasties, exceptional ruler and hero figures and the fundamental conflict between Iran and its great enemy Turan; in the course of the history of their creation and transformation, east Iranian king legends during the Parthian Period may have suppressed the southwestern Iranian Achaemenid traditions; the same fate may have been suffered by Parthian elements of this ‘national history’ in the late Sassanid Period as a result of Sassanid revision. At the end of it all, the > Sassanids appeared as the Iranian kings par excellence. In a portion of the early Islamic universal histories, the Iranian kings — alongside the Biblical-Quranic prophets — became founders of essential elements of human civilization.

cal decisions (oligarchia) and, at Achens, ultimately to

A.Kuurt,

The Ancient Near East, 2, 1995,

647-701;

M.SpRINGBERG-HINSEN, Die Zeit vor dem Islam in ara-

bischen Universalgeschichten des 9. bis 12. Jahrhunderts, 1996;

J.WIESEHOFER,

1994); E. YARSHATER,

Ancient

Cambridge

Persia,

1996

(German

History of Iran, 3.1,

1993, 359-477-

Jw.

B. ROME

A. GREECE Unlike the ancient Near East and Egypt, where the dominance of monarchical notions did not permit the development of a classification of different forms of rulership, Graeco-Roman Antiquity was familiar with a wide diversity of forms of rulership, leading also to the classification and evaluation of forms of political organization. In Greece, historical development after the Mycenaean Period is characterized by the free population’s faltering readiness to submit to the rule of an individual, i.e. also by the rejection of a common centre point which might have created a social hierarchy (~ Rulers). The

budding

aristocracy,

democracy from the time of > Solon. In Attic democracy, rulership, i.e. the selection and supervision of officials, legal judgments and political decisions in the council (> Boule) and assembly (> Ekklesia), finally lay with the people (or rather with the majority of free citizens, the politai; > Demokratia), although the political decision-making process was determined by aristocrats until well into the 5th cent. BC (see, e.g., > Alcibiades; > Cimon; > Pericles). A classificatory system according to the number of participants in rulership (monarchy, aristocracy or oligarchy, democracy) is suggested first in Pindar (Pind. Pyth. 2,86-88), congeals in Herodotus’ ‘constitutional debate’ (Hdt. 3,80-82) and gains its final form as the division into three or six forms of rulership in Plato (Politeia, Politikos, Nomot) and Aristotle (‘Politics’, ‘Nicomachean Ethics’), the ‘good’ forms being distinguished from the depraved. The evaluation was based on the number of participants in rulership, their social and economic rank and their (supposed) ethical qualities. B. ROME At Rome, the rule of the kings (— Rulers; > Rex)

V. GREECE AND ROME A. GREECE

RULERSHIP

therefore, could

assert

its

status only in certain situations, through wealth and success, but it did so in a constant state of competition,

was followed by the attempt to exercise rulership by one stratum, the patres, distinguished through classconsciousness and class distinctions, partly by using religious arguments (auspicium). This failed in disputes with the free, non-patrician section of the population, the > plebs (> Struggle of the orders), but in the process, the new elite of the nobility (> Nobiles) was formed by the inclusion of the plebeian elite. Though it lacked class distinction, it retained de facto power by a strong political and social consensus (— Amicitia), its domination of the religious structural organization and strong vertical links to the lower social orders (> Cliens). The people, in the sense of the citizenry below equestrian rank (-» Equites Romani) had, in spite of its sovereign quality by constitution (> Populus; > SPOR), scarcely any opportunity to exercise or formulate rulership. Attempts during the late Republic to involve the people more in rulership

with the result that no class could coalesce, nor could a

( Populares;

collective rulership develop that rested on consensus (— Aristocracy; > Aristokratia), although individual aristocrats aspired to and did rise above their fellow nobles (-> Genealogy; > Tyrannis). No religious legitimation of rulership took place. Aristocratic rulership could be exercised only obliquely, and that only ‘ruling’ members through individual (> archai; + drchontes: archein = ‘to rule’) whose power was limited in time and scope and through conciliar assemblies (> Areopagus). This institutionalization of rulership, the essential openness of the aristocracy to social climb-

even to assert the people’s autonomy (> Clodius [I 4])

ers and the existence of a broad swathe of free, non-

aristocratic community members who were raised to community office (+ Hoplitai) while remaining independent, led to the expansion of participation in politi-

-» Sempronius

[I 11-16]

Gracchus)

or

failed, paradoxically, due to the collapse of the consen-

sus within the nobility, which allowed individual generals (Sulla, Pompey, Caesar) to seize temporary rulership for themselves until it was occupied on a permanent basis by Augustus. There is no doubt of his rulership (or that of his successors in the principate) in the sense of an actual constitutive power in domestic and foreign pollicy, but the formal classification of the form of state (republic, monarchy, military monarchy, constitutional monocracy, diarchy (double rule of Senate and princeps) or constitution sui generis) is debated. There was no original classification of forms of rulership at Rome. Cicero oriented himself by Greek models (Plato), esp. the doctrine of the mixed consti-

RULERSHIP

779

tution already established by Aristotle the constitution of the Roman republic assumed an equal distribution of power strates, Senate and people. Cicero was

but applied to by Polybius; it between maginot concerned,

as were Plato and Aristotle, to seek the best form of

rulership, but to prove the form of rulership exercised at Rome to be the best possible, and thus also to justify the rulership of Rome in its empire. BIBLIOGRAPHY

see above, Rulers [IV]

WED.

Ruling (of MSS). Preparation of the writing material before the act of writing itself, by drawing horizontal and vertical lines to define the page setting (+ Layout) and to provide a template for the copyist and illuminator of the MS. Commonalities in ruling enable the categorization of MSS and the attribution to a particular copyist, > scriptorium or group of scriptoria.

Prior to actual ruling, a sharpened stylus is used to prick a row of tiny holes or slits into the surface of the material as reference points along which the ruling is then orientated. This stylus can press through several sheets of material at once (cf. [1]); the form (round, triangular, straight) can be typologically classified (cf. [2]). According to the instrument used there are various ruling techniques: in the older method, ‘hard point ruling’, the ruling is pressed in with the dry point of a hard, sharpened instrument. The ruling system is the term for the sequence of furrows and ridges within the hard point ruled fascicle, and it depended on how the ruling was pressed onto the leaves of the fascicle (leaf by leaf or several leaves at once) and how the leaves were assembled into fascicles.

Direct (also primary or main) rulings were those created by direct contact of the writing instrument with the writing material; pressed-through (secondary) rulings, by contrast,

were

created

without

direct

contact,

through other layers placed between. E. K. RAND distinguished the new style, in which all leaves of the fascicle are directly ruled, from the old style, in which only the inner or outer bifolium of the codex is directly ruled [3. vol. 1, 11-18]. J. LeRoy described 13 simple systems in Greek MSS and developed a method for their graphic representation (ruling pattern) [4; 5. 30-37]. Further systems peculiar to paper MSS were identified by J. Ir1-

780

Both colour and hard point ruling were used in the West at least until the end of the Middle Ages [ro. 32]. In the 15th cent., the archaizing tastes of the humanists led to a resurgence of hard point ruling. There is evidence from Italy at this period of the use of a wooden template on which ruling was provided as a relief, to be rubbed through on to the sheet [9. 48-54]. All guidelines (lines to orientate the writing) were written upon in Latin Europe until the mid—13th cent.; thereafter the custom developed of only beginning the text below the first guide-line [7. 120, 124-127]. Ruling type is the grid that forms all horizontal and vertical lines on the surface of the page, by convention read on a right-hand page. The starting-point for the systematic analysis of ruling types was the attempt at classification by K. and §. LAkE [rr. vol. 1, pl. 1-6, Indices, 121-134] in the 19308; the most widespread today is the classification model of J].LERoy from 1976 [12; 5. 14-29]. A. DEROLEZ uses a different model for humanist MSS [13. vol. 1, 65-123, vol. 2, 15-22]. -» Codex; » CoDICOLOGY 1L.W. Jones, Pricking Manuscripts: The Instruments and Their Significance, in: Miscellanea Giovanni Mercati 6, 1946, 80-92 21d., Pricking Manuscripts: The Instruments and Their Significance, in: Speculum 21, 1946, 389403 3 E.K. RANnp, A Survey of the Manuscripts of Tours, 2 vols., 1929 4J.LERoy, Quelques systémes de réglure des manuscrits grecs, in: Studia codicologica, 1977, 291-312 5J.H. SAuTEL, Répertoire de réglures dans

les

manuscrits

grecs

sur

parchemin,

1995

6 J.IRIGOIN, Typologie et description codicologique des manuscrits de papier, in: Paleografia e codicologia greca. Atti del II Colloquio internazionale, vol. 1, 1991, 275-303 7 M.Pautma, Modifiche di alcuni aspetti materiali della produzione libraria, in: Scrittura e civilta 12, 1988, 119-

133 8 P.CANARTet. al., Recherches préliminaires sur les materiaux utilises pour la réglure en couleur dans les manuscrits grecs et latins, in: Scriptorium 45, 1991, 205— 225 9J.P.GuMBERT, Ruling by Rake and Board. Notes on Some Late Medieval Ruling Techniques, in: P.GANz (ed.), The Role of the Book in Medieval Culture, vol. 1,

1986, 41-54 10]. VeEzIN, La réalisation materielle des manuscrits latins pendant le haut moyen age, in: A. GRruys (ed.), ed.), Codicolog Codicologica, vol.| 2, 1978, 15-51 11K. and S. Lake, Dated Greek Minuscule Manuscripts to the Year 12 J. LeRoy, Les types de 1200, 10 vols., 1934-1945 reglure des manuscrits

grecs,

1976

13 A. DEROLEZ,

GOIN [6. 292-296].

Codicologie des manuscrits en écriture humanistique sur

From the end of the rrth cent., ‘colour ruling’ began to appear alongside hard point ruling: it entailed the use of a pen which left a permanent ink mark, applied to and repeated sheet by sheet. In lead point ruling, the pen left a (sometimes slightly impressed) black or silver-grey line. Ink ruling, by contrast, was applied with a liquid or glutinous, ink-like substance. The dyes used have only recently become the subject of academic interest and, early in the 1990s, begun to be analysed by special techniques (PIXE) [8]. In the 15th cent., among the tools used for colour ruling was a comb-like instrument with a row of several points which could draw several ink lines at once [9. 43-48].

parchemin, vol. 1, 1984.

G.d.F.

Rullianus see» Fabius [I 28] Rullus see — Servilius

Rumina. The Roman goddess R. traditionally appears in conjunction with a fig tree, the ficus Ruminalis, which provided food for the twins > Romulus and Remus (Liv. 1,4,5). The goddess’ sanctuary was said to

be near to the tree. The ancient etymological connection between R. and ruma or rumis (‘female breast’;

Fest. 326, 332f. L., Varro, Ling. 5,54), refers to the

781

782

breast-like shape and milk-like juice of the nutritious fig [1. 112f.]. For this reason, R. allegedly received sacri-

Runes: the older futhark

RUNNING

(COMPETITIONS)

fices of milk (Varro, Rust. 2,11,5; Non. p. 167f. M. = 248 L.). A number of modern scholars reject this con-

nection, however, and suggest instead a toponymic relationship to the Etruscan Rum, i.e. with > Rome (e.g. xeern|)):

Nevertheless, the connotation, widespread in antiquity, of the — fig as fertile and wondrous (as thaumdsion: cf. Konon FGrH 26 F 1, § 48) can also be found in Rome, e.g. in the > Capratinae Nonae and in luppiter Ruminus (Aug. Civ. 7,11). The Roman tradition of the

ficus Ruminalis and R. may therefore be ancient and was presumably connected with Romulus and Remus at an early stage. In the Augustan period, a ficus Ruminalis still stood on the Palatine, near the Lupercal where Romulus and Remus were supposed to have been suckled by a she-wolf (Ov. Fast. 2,411; [3; 4]). There was a second wondrous fig-tree (mirum: Ov. Fast. 2,413), connected with Attus > Navius on the comitium (Tac. Ann. 13,58; [5]). 1 F.Bomer, P. Ovidius Naso. Die Fasten, 1958, vol. 2 2Latre 3 G.Hanpzsirs, The ‘Vera Historia’ of the Palatine ‘ficus Ruminalis’, in: CPh 31, 1935, 305-319 4 F. COARELLI, s. v. Ficus ruminalis, LTUR 2,249 5Id., s. v. Ficus Navia, LTUR 2, 248f.

CRP.

NEI SPKY 2 PRMD 23 f

u

p(th)

a

r

narum fr. 176 CARDAUNS. Subruncinator is the masculine equivalent in the list of the twelve deities of agrarian fieldwork who were invoked during the > sementivae

feriae (Fabius [I 34] Pictor apud Serv. Georg. 1,21, 2nd cent. BC). The authenticity and age of both deities have been called into question (— Sondergotter; Obarator), but can be defended with a glance at the importance of the agricultural life cycle for Roman society. The suffix formation of Subruncinator and the verbal compound subruncare (Hyg. De limitibus p. 76,1-5 CAMPBELL; eruncare: Columella 2,10,28) — as well as

the more common runcare (the corresponding tool, a type of hoe, is called runco: Pall. Agric. 1,42[43],3) — refer to the sphere of everyday, esp. technical, language and suggest the possibility of an authentic tradition. CRP. Runes is the name of the signs of the script (> Writing) peculiar to the Germanic peoples (to which Tac. Germ. ro may allude). The Old Norse word run also means ‘secret’ (cf. German Geraune and English round). The runes used for the various -» Germanic languages in various periods can be traced to a series of 24 signs: This series is called the ‘Futhark’, an acronym of the first six signs. An earlier Futhark (oldest surviving monuments: c. AD 200, in Danish territory) was used until about AD 750, the more recent one subsequently until the r9th cent. The Germanic peoples probably adopted the runes from the -> Raeti and neighbouring

g

w

peoples in the rst cent. AD [4], but without their alphabetical order. Their origin in Greco-Italian writing (> Italy, alphabetical scripts) is particularly clear from the runes for $, T and B. Whether the runes exercised

any influence on the > Gothic script is debatable [6]. 1K.DUwetL, Runenkunde, *1983 2 W.KrauseE, Die Runeninschriften im alteren Futhark, 1966 3 K.DUWwEL (ed.), Runische Schriftkultur in kontinental-skandinavi-

scher und -angelsachsischer

Runcina. The goddess of weeding (Lat. (e-/sub-) runcare) appears only in Varro, Antiquitates rerum divi-

k

Wechselbeziehung,

1994

4 H.Rrx, Germanische Runen und venetische Phonetik, in: T. BiRKMANN et al. (ed.), Vergleichende germanische Philologie und Skandinavistik. Festschrift O. Werner, 1997, 231-248 5 A.BAMMESBERGER (ed.), Pforzen und Bergakker. Neue Untersuchungen zu Runeninschriften, 1999

6 W.BRAUNE, E. A. EBBINGHAUS, Gotische Gram-

matik, '?1981, 15f. (bibl.).

N.O.

Runic solidi. Anglo-Frisian imitations of a late Roman gold coin of the 6th cent. AD with barbarized inscription in Latin letters and runic script. The cast coins of which very few have been found served as jewellery or amulets and were not intended to be circulated as money. 1 P.BERGHAUS, K.SCHNEIDER, Anglo-friesische Runensolidi im Lichte des Neufundes von Schweindorf, 1967 2 SCHROTTER, Ss. v. Runen und Runenmiinzen, 577. GES.

Running (competitions). Running first appears in Sumeria as a royal attribute [1]. The Egyptian pharaoh showed his running ability in the ritual of the Jubilee Feast (Egyptian hb-sd) [2]. The first evidence of competition is among the Hittites, where the office of royal bridle-holder was awarded as a prize in a competitive race [3]. Soldiers of the Egyptian king Taharka performed a race over a distance of c. 100 km after a long period ofdaily training in 686/685 BC [4]. Running was an essential part of Patroclus’ funeral agon (Hom. II. 23,740-797), held by the ‘fleet-footed’ (mdd5a¢ axbc, podas Okys) Achilles.

783

784

There were different classes of running competitions at the Panhellenic agones [5]; Olympia had a stadion race (from the rst Olympiad = 776 BC), double

ren could chase one another (Hor. Ars P 45 5f.; cf. Hor. Ars P 412-415 perhaps races) or engage in the popular pastime of hoop rolling (to0y6 diaulos, from the 14th Olympiad =

724 BC), long race (-> dolichos, probably 20 stadia, from the 15th Olympiad = 720 BC). The armed race (hoplitées, from the 65th Olympiad = 520 BC; cf. also Pind. 1,1,23 OmAitais Soduoic/hoplitais dromois) over two stddia, at the end of the programme, portended the end of the truce for the festival. At Nemea, there was

also the hippios, over four stddia (Paus. 6,16,4). Torch races [6; 7] were run in relay format, e.g., between the

phylai of Athens. The classic venue for races was the > stadion |3] with starting-grooves [8] (balbides, e.g., at Olympia, more complex at Delphi) or starting gates [9] (Hysplex; Isthmus, Corinth, Nemea, Priene). For the diaulos, each runner turned around his own turningpost [10], while in the long race, there were two central turning-pillars (kamptéres). Successful athletes of antiquity included Leonidas of Rhodes, who won the stadion, diaulos and dolichos three times each at four consecutive Olympiads [11. nos. 618-620, 622-624, 626,

628, 633-635]. Another excellent runner was Ladas of Argos, whose statue, a work of > Myron [3], enjoyed

great renown in antiquity [11. no. 260; 12].

Girls’ races were run at the festival of > Hera at Olympia; their victors were allowed to exhibit their portraits on the Temple of Hera (Paus. 5,16,2-8). Some believe the Heraea to be older than the Olympics [13]. The marathon is not an ancient discipline. 1 R.Roviincer, Aspekte des Sports im Alten Sumer, in: Nikephoros 7, 1994, 7-64, esp. 46-53 2 W.DECKER, M. Hers, Bildatlas zum Sport im Alten Agypten, 1994, 1A 1-314, 1008 (appendices); II pls. I-LII 3 J. PUHVEL, Hittite Athletics as Prefigurations of Ancient Greek Games, in: W. RASCHKE (ed.), The Archaeology of the Olympics, 1988, 26-31, esp.27. 4 W.Decker, Die Lauf-Stele des Konigs Taharka, in: Kolner Beitrage zur Sportwissen-

schaft 13, 1984, 7-37. 5Id., Sport in der griechischen Antike, 1995, 66-74 6/J.EBerT, Zu Fackellaufen und anderen Problemen in einer griechischen agonistischen Inschrift aus Agypten, in: Stadion 5, 1979, 1-19 7 P. GAUTHIER, Du nouveau sur les courses aux flambeaux

medes [1]) (Poll. 10,64). From indications in Roman

sources this game was frequently played in the street (Mart. 14,168; 14,169; cf. ibidem 12,168; 14,157) and even on frozen rivers (Mart. 7,80,8). In a Roman ver-

sion, rather than a hoop children would use a discshaped wheel with a protruding centre; attaching a stick to that centre, they would set the wheel in motion. This game was played as a race to a goal (meta) [1]. Also included in the category of running games was ‘hobbyhorse riding’ (Hor. Sat. 2,3,248), a pastime greatly enjoyed not only by Greek and Roman children, but also by adults (Val. Max. 8,8 ext. 1 on Socrates, in this context Plut. Agesilaus 610; Suet. Aug. 83). One of the catching games was called yutoivéa/chytrinda (or yvto0/chytra, ‘pot’): one player sits in the middle as the others move around him and tease him until he succeeds in catching someone, who then replaces him; or, in a variation, a player runs around in a circle, his hand brushing against the rim of a pot, while the others stand around him and he tries to catch them while running by (Poll. 9,110; 113; 129). A similar game played by girls was yehyehwvn/chelichelone; the girl in the middle was called yedmvn/cheloné, or ‘turtle’

(Poll. 9,125). ‘Blind man’s buff’ (chalké myia) was also popular; here a blindfolded player would attempt to catch one of the other players who was teasing him, after which he was replaced by the one caught (Poll. 9,123). There were also games resembling ‘drop the handkerchief’, called oyowownrida/schoinopsélida (Poll. 9,115), in which a player would try to drop a piece of string near another player without being noticed, as well as the hide-and-seek game d0dtdQaoxivoa/apodidraskinda (Poll. 9,117), which a

wall painting from Herculaneum

appears

(Naples, NM Inv. 9178, [2]). + Children’s games; > Ostrakinda;

> Top

to show

d’aprés deux inscriptions de Kos, in: REG 108, 1995, 576-

1R.Amepick, Die Sarkophage mit Darstellungen aus dem Menschenleben 4. Vita Privata, 1991, tor—1o2 2 V. TRAN Tam TINH, La casa dei Cervi a Herculanum,

585

8 A.MALLwitz,

1988, fig. 112.

184f.

9D.G. Romano, Athletics and Mathematics in

Olympia,

1972,

180-186, esp.

Archaic Corinth: The Origin of the Greek Stadion, 1993,

esp. 81-92 10 R.Parrucco, Lo sport nella Grecia antica, 1972, 107 fig.25 11 L. Moretti, Olympionikai, 1957

12 H.-V.HERRMANN,

Die

Siegerstatuen

von

Olympia, in: Nikephoros 1, 1988, 138f. no. 7 13 G. ARRIGONI, Donne e sport nel mondo greco, in: Id. (ed.), Le donne in Grecia, 1985, 55-201, esp. 95-100.

J. JUTHNER, F. Bret, Die athletischen Leibesiibungen der Griechen Il,1, 1968, 12-126; R. Parrucco, Lo sport nella Grecia antica, 1972, 93-131. W.D.

Running and catching games. Running and catching games tended to be played in open areas and streets (e.g., Callim. Epigr. 1,9; Verg. Aen. 7,379) where child-

L.DruBNER, Die Antike 6, 1930, 162-177; S.LAMER, Sport und Spiel, ArchHom T, 1987, tog—111; E. SCHMID, Spielzeug und Spiele der Kinder im klassischen Altertum. Mit Beispielen aus den Bestanden des Deutschen Spielzeugmuseums Sonneberg (Siidthiring. Forsch. 7) 1971; J. VATERLEIN, Roma ludens. Kinder und Erwachsene beim Spiel im antiken Rom, 1976.

Running dog see + Ornaments

R.H.

785

786

Rupilius. Proper name of Italic origin.

importance for the development of urban political centres such as Athens, Rome and Alexandria.

SCHULZE, 220; 443. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

PERIOD

[[1] R., P. Praetor in 135 BC at the latest; as cos. of 132 BC together with P. > Popillius [I 8] Laenas, oversaw the sentencing of Ti. > Sempronius [I 15] Gracc(h)us’ followers (Cic. Lael. 37). R. put an end to the major slave revolt in Sicily and imposed order to the province with the aid of a senatorial commission (lex Rupilia, Cic. Verr. 2,2, passim; 2,3; 2,125; Val. Max. 6,9,8; Liv.

Per. 59 et passim; MRR 1,497 f.). He died soon after, allegedly from grief, after his brother failed to be elected consul (Cic. Lael. 73; Cic. Tusc. 4,40).

KLE,

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {If 1] R. Bonus. According to HA Aur. 1,4 the father of Rupilia Faustina, paternal grandmother of Marcus Aurelius. Presumably, the correct form of the name was R. Libo [1. 249f.]; for a possible praenomen, see Ipeios iff. aPRIRZ Reams. 1 A.R. Brrtey, Two Names in the HA, in: Historia 15, 1966, 249-253 2 W.Eck, Prosopographia III, in: ZPE

127, 1999, 205-210. {I 1a] D. R. Fabianus (the name may well read so rath-

er than P. Rutilius Rabi(li)anus). Cos. suff. together with Cn. Papirius Aelianus; attested in November (AE 1995, 1283) and on 31 December, AD 133 or 13,4 (military diploma, published by E. Part). [fl 2] R. Felix Praef. Aegypti 293 until at least 24 January AD 294. R. BAGNALL, J.B. Rives, A Prefect’s Edict Mentioning Sacrifice, in: Archiv fiir Religionsgeschichte 2, 2000, 77-86; PIR? R 214.

RURAL EXODUS

B. GREEK WORLD In Athens, Solon was said to have encouraged the trades due to the paucity of work for the people streaming into the city (Plut. Solon 22). Peisistratus supported the small farmers to prevent them from coming to the city and becoming involved in the business of the government (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 16,2f.). The rise of Athens to a hegemonic power in the Aegean area led to a great need for manpower, particularly for public building projects and the fleet; the rural population ofAttica was thus encouraged to relocate to the city in the early 5th cent. BC. Athens’ considerable population growth rested not least on immigration from rural areas (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 24,1; contra, cf. Thuc. 2,14-16). In the 4th cent. BC, for political and economic reasons, a presumably large number of Greeks no longer had a secure livelihood and moved about without homes (Isoc. Or. 4,166-168; 8,24); in the cities, social oppositions intensified under these conditions. Concrete individual cases of RE are known for late Ptolemaic Egypt (PLond.1I 43, BGU 1848; cf. also Pol. 34,14) and may be considered typical, since a general impoverishment and a population decline in Egyptian villages can be indexed.

C. ROMAN REPUBLIC In some regions of Italy, the effects of the 2nd Punic War (218-201 BC) and the expansion of the large land holdings led to an agrarian decline, with the result that many people migrated to the city of Rome. In 206 BC, still during the war, the senate expressly ordered work in the fields to be resumed (Liv. 28,11,8-11). In 187 BC, a large number of Latins were expelled from Rome after representatives of the allies complained in the senate about the mass migration from their territories (Liv. 39,3,4ff.). Nevertheless, the influx of immigrants could

{il 3] D. R. Severus Mar[ ——-

] Governor

of Lycia-

Pamphylia, attested at least for AD 149-151 [1. 258]. It is possible that IPerg 155 refers to him. He may have been consul in 155. PIR* R 217. 1 C.Koxkxintia, Die Opramoas-Inschrift von Rhodiapolis, 2000.

W.E.

Rural exodus A. GENERAL B. GREEK WORLD C. ROMAN RepuBLic D. PRINCIPATE AND LATE ANTIQUITY

A. GENERAL RE denotes large-scale migration from rural areas into cities, with a change in profession often connected to the change in location. Because ancient societies were at all times agrarian and many cities can be regarded as ‘farming communities’, RE in Antiquity was as a whole not of such outstanding significance for social change as in the modern era; however, RE was of considerable

not be stopped since the possibility of acquiring Roman citizenship in Rome (Liv. 41,8,8ff.) still appealed strongly to Italics in 177 BC. Even after the Social War [3] (91-87 BC), the city continued to be attractive to immigrants, thanks to the corn dole, circus and theatre games (Varro Rust. 2, praef. 3; Sall. Catil. 37,7; Suet. Aug. 42,3). The economic prosperity of Rome made it comparatively easy for immigrants to find work, as, e.g., day-labourers at building sites or as craftsmen. This RE resulted in a perceptible decline in the free population of rural Italy (Str. 6,3,11; 5,3,23 Liv. 6,12,6); in the rst cent. AD, Cicero even spoke of the solitudo Italiae (‘barrens of Italy’; Cic. Att. 1,19,4). D. PRINCIPATE AND LATE ANTIQUITY

Rome did not lose its attractiveness in the Principate (Sen. Ad Helviam 6). In Egypt under Claudius and Nero, as well as in the 2nd—3rd cents. AD, numerous

villagers escaped tax obligations and liturgies (> Liturgy) by fleeing (&vaymenotc/anachoresis) into

787

788

the desert, swamps and temples, but also to friends and into cities (PRylands 595; [6. 281, 289]; PSI 1043); the authorities repeatedly attempted to send Egyptians fled to Alexandria back to their hometowns (PLond. III 904; PGiss. 40 III). In the late 2nd and 3rd cents., the rural population of most provinces suffered under high taxes, official] caprice, barbarian invasions and marauding soldiers: for many rural inhabitants flight was the last

survive. They are primarily testimonials and ‘everyday correspondence’ of an episcopal nature, although in reality they are carefully stylized letters in the tradition of + Sidonius Apollinaris. They were conceived of as a collection of model letters with the intention of setting a standard.

RURAL

EXODUS

resort (ILS 6870; IGR I 674; IGR IV 598; Lactant. De

mort. pers. 7,3; Pan. Lat. 8 (4),8f.; 8,21). However, the

extent to which those refugees migrated to the cities remains unclear.

CPL, 985; J.MACHIELSEN, Clavis patristica pseudepigraphorum medii aevi, vol. 2A, no. 719; R.DEMEULENAERE, CCL 64, 1985, 313-394 (important corrections by G. BARTELINK, in: Theological Revue 82, 1986, 287-289); H.HAGENDAHL,

La correspondance de R., 1952;

C.M.

The Late Antique rural population was, as a rule,

bound to the land, but economic hardship and uncertain political conditions again frequently led farmers, and esp. colonists, to flee (-* Colonatus; cf. PSakaon 35; PCair Isid 128; Theod. Epist. Sirmond. 42; Lib. Or. 25323 47,17; Cod. Theod. 11,1,7; 13,10,7). Many refugees went to safer regions or worked under more favourable conditions on the > latifundia (Cod. Theod. 11,24,1; §,17,1; Salv. Gub. 5,43f.; PCair Isid 126; PSakaon 44); some even laid claim to their abandoned fields later (Cod. Theod. 5,11,12; POxy. 2479). In the view of more recent scholars, the > deserti agri are not necessarily the result of a RE, but rather primarily less productive areas whose constant cultivation was not profitable. Migration movements in the other direction are also recorded in Late Antiquity; members of a > collegium |1| would leave the cities and move to the country (Cod. Theod. 12,19,1; 12,19,33 14,752). The rural population frequently reacted to famines (> Malnutrition) by moving to the cities for a time where granaries were located and food distributed to the inhabitants (Lib. Or. 27,6; Julian. Mis. 369d; Pall. Laus. 40; Ambr. Off. 3,45-51). > Agriculture 1R.S. BAGNALL, Egypt, 1994 1964 3 BRUNT, Ancient Greece,

B. W. Frrer, The Demography of Roman 2 H.Braunert, Die Binnenwanderung, 345-375 4A.Fuxs, Social Conflict in

1984 5 P.HERRMANN, Hilferufe aus romischen Provinzen, 1990 ~=66 A.S. Hunt, C.C. EDGAR (eds.), Selected Papyri, 1932-1934 7 Jones, LRE

8 J.-U. Krause, Spatantike Patronatsformen des romischen

Reiches, 1987

im Westen

9S. Link, Anachoresis.

Steuerflucht im Agypten der frithen Kaiserzeit, in: Klio 75, 1993, 306-321 10M.Mirrxkovic, Flucht der Bauern, Fiskal- und Privatschulden, in: E.EVANGELOs

(ed.), Stu-

dien zur Geschichte der romischen Spatantike. Festschrift J. Straub, 1989, 147-155 11 N.Mor ey, Metropolis and Hinterland, 1996 12 E.SCHONBAUER, Ein friher Fall der Landflucht, in: ZRG 59, 1939, 554-560. BI.O.

Ruricius of Limoges. Christian bishop and author; initially married (wedding song: Sid. Apoll. Carm. 11), under the influence of » Faustus [3] Reiensis he decided in 477 to lead an ascetic life and ultimately became a bishop in 485. He died shortly after 507. An epitaph on him and his successor, his grandson R. II, can be found in + Venantius Fortunatus (Carm. 4,5). Two books with 18 or 64 (65) letters, as well as 14 letters to R.,

R. W.

MarTHIESEN, Ruricius of Limoges and friends, 1998.

Rusaddir (Punic R’s ’dr). Originally the name of the ‘Great Cape’ (7’§ ’dr) of Tres Forcas, then of the city of

R., modern Melilla (Spanish enclave within Morocco). Sources: Mela 1,29: wrongly Rusigada; Rhysaddir: Plin. HN 5,18; ‘Pucoddevoow/Rhyssddeiron, Ptol. 4,1,7; Rusadder colonia: It. Ant. 11,3 f. The oldest evidence of

Carthaginian settlement (3rd cent. BC) has been found in the necropolis of Cerro de San Lorenzo. R. has also yielded a neo-Punic inscription [1]. Coins bearing the legend R’s dr attest to the (relative) autonomy of the

city during

the period

of the Mauretanian

kings

(+ Mauretania). 1 L.GALAND et al. (ed.), Inscriptions antiques du Maroc, vol. 1, 1966, no. 18. J. DEsANGES, Pline |’Ancien. Histoire naturelle. Livre V,146, 1980, 149f.; M.PonsicH, s.v. R., DCPP, 379;

M. TARRADELL, Marruecos punico, 1960, 63-73.

|W.HU

Rusafa (Rus4fa; in the Byzantine era also Sergiopolis). Ruins in central Syria, c. 180 km east of Aleppo and 35 south of the Euphrates. Roman limes fortress (> Limes [VI D], with map) beginning in the rst cent. BC. In Late Antiquity, the town, where the officer Sergius suffered martyrdom under -> Diocletianus (cf. [1]), became the central pilgrimage destination for Christian Arab tribes of the Levant and Mesopotamia. R. had churches from the sth cent. AD on, including the basilica dedicated to the Holy Cross which served as the bishop’s seat. Iustinianus [1] I fortified the 21 ha centre of R. in the mid 6th cent. (Procop. Aed. 2,9,3—8) and built four cisterns. From 724 to 745, R. was the residence of the Umayyad caliph Hisam, who erected a mosque next to the pilgrim church. With the Mongol onslaught in 1258, R. was abandoned by Christians and Muslims. 1 Vita SS. Sergi et Bacchi, Acta martyrum, in: Analecta Bollandina 14, 1895, 373ff. W.Karnapp, Die Stadtmauer von Resafa in Syrien, 1976;

T.ULBERT, Die Basilika des Heiligen Kreuzes in R.-Sergiupolis (Resafa 2), 1986; E. Fowpen, The Barbarian Plain: St. Sergius between Rome and Iran, 1999; D.Sack-Gauss,

Die GrofSe Moschee von Resafa — Rusafat Hi8am (Resafa 4), 1996.

aiacs

789

790

Rusazus. Name of Cape Corbelin and a Punic base to

the round house (casa tonda), which was probably used for sacred ceremonies. R. may have had achieved a certain fame already when according to tradition (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,51,4) it went into battle in 606 BC on the side of the Latini against L. Tarquinius Priscus. From the Archaic Period date various houses with stone foundations, likewise a new ring wall made which was built from stone and incorporated the old ring wall (c. 60 ha). Numerous fragments of pottery and architecture survive, dating from the 6th cent. BC to the Roman period. After various quarrels with Rome at the end of the 4th/beginning of the 3rd cent. BC, R. was finally defeated in 294 BC by L. Postumius [I 16] Megellus (Liv. 10,37,3f.). In 205 BC, at the end of the 2nd > Punic war R. provided the Romans with grain and fir wood (Liv. 28,45,18). After the Social war [3] R. became a colonia, tribus Scaptia. Numerous buildings and statues originate from the time of Augustus to the end of the first cent. AD. R. was a diocese in Late Antiquity.

the south, modern Azeffoun (in Algeria). Evidence: R. Colonia Augusti, Plin. HN 5,20; ‘Povoatotc/Rhousazous, Ptol. 4,2,9; Rusazu municipium, Tab. Peut. 2,3; Rusazis municipium, It. Ant. 17,2; Ruseius mune, Geogr. Rav. 40,42. According to [1. 379] the name can be explained as follows: R?S-(h)‘z(z) = ‘Cap (du) Fort’. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 8985-8991. A bishop is men-

tioned for the year AD 484 (Rusaditanus, Notitia episcoporum Mauretaniae Caesariensis 69). Remains of embankments, temples, thermal baths and a necropolis survive. 1 E. Lipinskti, s.v. R., DCPP, 379.

AAAIlg, sheet 6, no. 70, 71, 74, 87; J.DESANGES, Pline Ancien. Histoire naturelle. Livre V,1-46, 1980, 172f.; J.-P.Larorre, Azzefoun, antique Rusazu, in: Bulletin archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques N. F. 23 (1990-1992), 1994, 222.

W.HU.

A.Mazzo.al,

Ruscino

Roselle

e

il

suo

territorlo,

1960;

G. MaeTZkE et al., Roselle. Gli scavi e la mostra, 1977;

[1] River with its source in the Pyrenees (— Pyrene [2]) which flows past R. [2] into the Mediterranean (Str. 4,1,6: Povoxivwv/Rhouskinon; Pol. apud Ath. 8,332Aa: “‘PooxvvodRhdskynos; Ptol. 2,10,2: ‘Povoxiwv/Rhouskion; Avien. Ora maritima 567: Roschinus). Plin. HN

3,32 calls the river Tetum (Mela 2,84: Telis); modern mee:

RUSICADE

Y.L.andE.O.

[2] (Povoxivwv/Rhouskinon). Celtic oppidum in the territory of the — Volcae Tectosages (Ptol. 2,10,9: “Povoxtvow/Rhouskinon) on the R. [1] (Str. 4,1,6: “Povoxivwv/Rhouskinon); modern Chateau Roussillon, -4 km east of Perpignan. A few Celtic princes gathered their troops here to oppose Hannibal [4], who had arrived late summer 218 BC at Iliberis [2] on his march to Italy; however, he gained their support through nego-

D. Canoccul, Osservazioni sull’abitato orientalizzante a

Roselle, in: SE 48, 1980, 31-50;

L.Donati,

La casa

dell’Impluvium, 1994; C.CrTTEeR, Grosseto, Roselle e il Prile, 1996.

GLG.

Rusguniae. Name of Cap Matifou, which encloses the Bay of Algiers in the northeast, and the Punic base near the cape, modern Tamentfoust. [1. 379] explains the name with R’s-gnj = ‘Cap du Francolin’. Evidence: Ruthisia (?), Mela 1,31; colonia Augusti R., Plin. HN 5,20; Povotovwov/Rhoustonion, Ptol. 4,2,6; R. colonia, It. Ant. 16,1; Rusgume, Geogr. Rav. 40,43; Rugunie,

Geogr. Rav. 88,13; Rusgimia, Guido, Geographia 132,22. R. became a colonia through deductio of legio IX Gemella before AD 27 [2]. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2,

tiations (Liv. 21,24,2-5). In the Roman Era, R. was a

9045; 9047; 9246-9255; Suppl. 3, 20849-20851; AE

city with Latin rights (Plin. HN 3,32), soon becoming a colonia (Mela 2,84), a station on the via Aemilia (It. Ant. 397,5; lab. Peut. 2,3: Ruscione; Vicarello goblets:

been found in R. In the Roman Era, a temple of Saturnus, the Roman Baal Hamon, stood in the city. In 419,

Ruscinone, {t. LX XII, 46 I]; Ruscinne: |1. LX XII, 46

II]). Archaeology: new excavations [3]. 1 MiLtter 2G.Barruor (ed.), R. Chateau Roussillon, 1980 3A.L.F. River, Gallia Narbonensis, 1988, 13 5141. E.O.

Rusellae. Etruscan town and excavation site on a hill on the left bank of the Umbro (present-day Ombrone) close to the point where it flows into the > Mare Tyrrhenum, c. r5 km to the northwest of Grosseto, presentday Roselle. The first evidence of human activity comes from the > Villanova culture (Pozzetto tombs) and the

orientalizing culture (Fossa- and > tumulus graves + burial structures C.1.). The finds show a striking similarity with those from the neighbouring town of + Vetulonia. The settlement’s first ring wall (built from air-dried mud bricks) dates back to the orientalizing phase, likewise some architectural structures including

1956, 160. Some roo Punic and neo-Punic stelai have

the bishop of R. together with the bishops of > Icosium and - Rusuccuru represented the provincia Mauretania Caesariensis in Carthage (Acta concilii Carthaginiensis anno 419 habiti, cognitio 4, § 4333 4373; 510f.). 1 E. LrpiNsxk1, s.v. R., DCPP, 379 2 P.SALAMA, La colonie de R., in: Revue africaine 99, 1955, 5-52 and pl. I-V.

AAA\g, sheet 5, no. 36; R. GuERy, Notes de céramique ..., in: Bulletin d’archéologie algérienne 3, 1968, 271-275; 4, 1970, 267-295; P.SALAMA, La trouvaille de sesterces de R., in: Revue africaine 101, 1957, 205-245.

W.HU,

Rusicade. Name of a promontory and the Punic base built nearby (in the later Roman province Numidia), modern Skikda in Algeria (Mela 1,33: Rusiccade; Plin. HN 5,22: R.; Ptol. 4,3,3: ‘Povowmdada/Rhousikada; Tab. Peut. 3,3: R. colonia; Vibius Sequester, Geographia p. 151: Rusiccade; lulius Honorius, Cosmographia A 44: Rusiccade oppidum; Geogr. Rav. 39,12: Russicade;

RUSICADE

791

88,22: R.; Guido, Geographia 132,32: Rusicada). [r. 379] explains the name with R(’)s-(h)kd = ‘Cap de la Cruche’. Numerous stelae indicate the perduration of the Punic tradition until the end of the rst cent. AD. During the governorship of P. Sittius, R. became colonia (Veneria); at the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD, one of the four coloniae of the res publica Cirtensium (> Cirta). Inscriptions: ILAlg Il 1, 1-378; 379-418. Significant ruins are extant. 1 E. LipiNskt, s.v. R., DCPP, 379.

AAAIlg, leaf 8, no. 196; J.Gascou, Pagus et castellum dans la Confédération cirtéenne, in: AntAfr 19, 1983, 175-207; M. LeGray, Saturne Africain. Monuments, vol. 2, 1966, 13-18; C.LEPELLEY, Les cités de |’Afrique

romaine ..., vol. 2, 1981, 441-443.

W.HU.

Ruso see > Abudius; s. > Calvisius [2-4]

Phoenician or Punic settlement founded near these, modern Monastir (Bell. Afr. passim: R.; Str. 17,3,12: ‘Povontvov/Rhouspinon; Plin. HN 5,25: R.; Sil. Pun. 3,260: R.; Ptol. 4,3,9: Povoniva/Rhouspina; Cass. Dio 42,58,4: ‘Povomwa/Rhouspina; Tab. Peut. 6,2: R.);

explanation in [1. 380] of the name as R’s-pn(t) = “Cap d’Angle’. In 46 BC, R. was the first city in Africa to ally itself with > Caesar (Bell. Afr. 6,7; 9,1). From the time of + Diocletianus on, R. was part of the province of Byzacena. Inscriptions: CIL VIII suppl. 1, r1135f. 1S. LaNceEL, E. Lipinskt, s.v. R., DCPP, 380.

AATun 050, sheet 57, no. 94; J. DESANGES, Pline Il’Ancien. W.HU,

Rustam. Son of the Chorasanian governor FarruhHormizd, who overthrew > Azarmiducht in AD 631 and effected the recognition of > Yazdgird III in 633. As supreme commander he tried to fend off an Arab incursion. Under R.’s leadership, for example, a Persian army advanced as far as the border fortification of AlQadisiya on the edge of the Syrian Desert. In the spring of 636 or 637 4 battle of several days developed there, in which the Persians were defeated after R. had fallen (PLRE 3B, rroo). B. W. Rosinson, s. v. R., El* 8, 1995, 636-638; B.Spu-

LER, Iran in frith-islamischer Zeit, 1952, 5-9.

M.SCH.

Rusticus. Roman cognomen; —» Antistius » Fabius [II 19], > Iunius [II 27-28].

[II 4],

KAJANTO, Cognomina, 311f.

Synod (553), initially to Egyptian Thebes, he wrote Contra Acephalos against the Monophysites (> Monophysitism). Subsequently in exile in the Akoimete monastery at Constantinople, he corrected the older translations of the Acts of Council of — Calchedon and » Ephesus while also preparing new translations between 564 and 566, which are important in the Western tradition of Council interpretation. E.ScHwartz

(ed.), Acta Conciliorum

Oecumenicorum,

vol. 1.3, 1929 (praef.); vol. 1.4, 1932/33 (praef.); Id., Zur Kirchenpolitik Justinians, in: Id., Gesammelte Schriften,

vol. 4, 1960, 273-328; 311f.

S.L.-B.

[2] Sextius Iulianus R. Gaul of humble origins, mag.

memoriae in AD 367, proconsul Africae in 37 1/3, notorious for his cruelty, praef. urbi Romae of ~ Maximus [7] in 387, died in this office. PLRE 1, 479f. (Iulianus

37).

Ruspina. Name of foothills on the southern shores of the bay of Hammamet (in eastern Tunisia) and of a

Histoire naturelle. Livre V,1-46, 1980, 233.

792

K-L.E.

[1] Deacon of the city of Rome, resided at Constantinople with his uncle Pope -> Vigilius from AD 547. Became a ferocious defender of the “Three Chapters’ (+ Synodos), for which reason Vigilius excommunicated him in 550. Banished after the sth Ecumenical

[3] Decimius R. Gaul of high birth, mag. officiorum of + Constantinus [3] Ill, praef. praet. Galliarum AD 407-409. During the rebellion of Gerontius [3], he was in Spain with the Caesar Constans [4]; he was captured by Honorius [3] in 413 and executed at Arverni. CLauss 189; PLRE 2, 965 (R. 9).

K.G.-A.

[4] R. Helpidius. Neither the form of the name (Rusticius Elpidius Domnulus)

nor the lifetime or cultural

sphere of this Latin poet are known with certainty. Some evidence suggests that he may have lived around AD 500 and belonged to the family of the Flavii Rusticil, prominent in Ostrogothic Italy. Two works survive under his name: (1.) Historiarum veteris et novi testa-

menti tristicha. The 24 hexametric tercets, though formally reminiscent of the — riddles preserved in + Symp(h)osius, are in terms of their content in the tradition of the artistic descriptions of theologically paired episodes from the OT and the NT, a genre initiated by + Prudentius’ Dittochaeon (48 quatrains!). It is not possible to establish whether these were tituli for an actual cycle of images. (2.) Carmen de Iesu Christi beneficiis in 149 hexameters. A personal introduction, typical of Christian poetry of Latin Late Antiquity, is followed by hymnlike depictions of the miracles of Christ and His work of salvation for all humanity. The author seems to have known the biblical epics of > Iuvencus and -» Sedulius, and the emphatic sections recall De laudibus Dei by > Dracontius [3]. EpiT1oONns: PL 62,543-548; W. BRANDEs (R. H., De beneficiis, Programm Braunschweig), 1890 (with commentary); F. Corsaro, Elpidio Rustico 1955 (both works). BIBLIOGRAPHY: S.CAVALLIN, Le poéte Domnulus, in: Sciences Ecclésiastiques 7, 1955, 49-66; D. KARTSCHOKE, Bibeldichtung, 1975, 40f.; L.Prerri, R. H., Un poéte au service d’un projet iconographique, in: Bulletin de la Societe nationale des antiquaires de France 1995, 116139.

K.SM.

723

794

Rustius. Cn. Marcius R. Rufinus. Equestrian who began his career as the centurio of a legion, then became primus pilus of the legio III Gallica in Syria, tribune among the vigiles, the cohortes urbanae and the praetorians in Rome; primus pilus for the second time with the legio III Cyrenaica in Arabia. He then transferred into a procuratorial career: procurator of Syria

fesenque near Condatomagus [3; 4; 5]. In AD 470, they were subjugated by the > Visigoths, and incorporated into the Frankish kingdom (> Franci) in 533.

(Coele?), praefect of the two Italic fleets, praepositus

annonae probably during the Parthian War in AD 198; finally praefect of the vigiles in 205-207 with the title of eminentissimus Vir.

RUTILIUS

1 A. ALBENQUE, Les Ruténes, 1948 2 M. LaBROUSSE, L’empreinte romaine, in: H. ENJALBERT (ed.), Histoire du Rouergue, 1979, 33-72 3 F.HERMeT, La Graufesenque

(Condatomago): vases sigillés, graffites, 2 vols., 1934 4 R. Maricuat, Les graffites de La Graufesenque (Gallia, 47. Suppl.), 1988 5 A. VERNHET, Centre de production de Millau — Atelier de La Graufesenque, in: C. BEMONT, J.-P. Jacos (eds.), La terre sigillée gallo-romaine, 1986, 96-103.

J.-M.DE.

R.SABLAYROLLES, Libertinus miles, 1996, 496f., 559f.5 PIR* M 246. W.E.

Rusuccuru. Promontory and Punic city near the mouth of the Oued Sebaou (in the later > Mauretania Caesariensis), modern Dellys (Bell. Afr. 23,1: Ascurum (?); Plin. HN 5,20: Rusucurium; Ptol. 4,2,8:‘Povoovxxdoa/ Rhousoukkorai or “Povooxxdgov/Rhousokkorou; It. Ant. 16,4 and 39,2: R.; 36,3 and 39,1: Rusuccurru; Tab. Peut. 2,2: R.; Mart. Cap. 6,668: R.; Geogr. Rav. 40,43: Rusicuron; 88,13: Rusucurus; 88,15: Rusucurum; Guido, Geographia 132,22: Rusicorus). [1. 380]

explains the name with R’s-hqr’ = ‘Cap de la Perdrix’. Under — Septimius [II 7] Severus, R. became a municipium (CIL VIII 2, 8995); in It. Ant. 16,4 and Tab. Peut.

2,2, R. is called a colonia. In AD 411, two opposing bishops participated in the Council of Carthage (Acta concilii Carthaginiensis anno 411 habiti, cognitio 1, § 135;

176).

Inscriptions:

CIL

VIII

2, 8995-9004;

Suppl. 3, 20706; 20707 (?); 20708 (?); 20710-20729;

AE 1985, 901. 1 E. LiriNsk1, s.v. R., DCPP, 380.

AAAlg, leaf 6, no. 24, 87; J.DESANGEs, Pline |’Ancien. Histoire naturelle. Livre V,1-46, 1980, 170-172; H. DEsSAU, S.v. R., RE 1 A, 1245; J.-P. Laporte, s.v. Dellys, EB,

2255-2261; Id., Le statut municipal de R., in: A.MasTINO, P.RUGGERI

(eds.), L’Africa

romana.

convegno di studio, vol. 1, 1994, 419-437.

Atti del X

Rutilius. Name of a widely-branched Roman plebeian family who became well known from the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC on, but only achieved the consulate for the first time at the end of the cent. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD J. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] R. Lupus, P. Praetor no later than 93 BC; consul in

90. During the Social War [3], he received the command of the northern army; against the advice of his legate C. Marius [I 1], he was lured into an ambush by the Marsi and was killed in the valley of the Tolnus (modern Turano;

Liv.

Per.

73;

App.

B Civ.

1,191-194;

Oros.

5,18,11f.). MRR 2,25.

K-LE. {[ 2] R. Lupus, P. Son of R. [I 1]. In 56 BC, probably as people’s tribune, he attacked Caesar’s second agrarian law and supported the plan of Pompeius [I 3] to return Ptolemaeus [18] XII to Egypt. R. was known as a stickler(GicyAd @OFFrs2. i 1 iCicn Ram 1153 sie 22) yeAsca praetor, he commanded three cohorts in Italy for Pompeius in 49, but lost them to Caesar through indecision while retreating (Cic. Att. 8,12A,4; Caes. B Civ. 1,24,3); in 48, R. attempted to blockade the Isthmus of

Corinth (Caes. B Civ. 3,55,3). [I 3] R. Rufus, P. A. POLITICIAN AND HISTORIAN

JOR.

B. JURIST

W.HU.

Ruteni. Celtic people in the south of the Massif Central [1] between the Arverni in the north, the Cadurci in the west, the Gabali in the east and the Volcae in the south.

Because they were vassals of the > Arverni, part of their territory was taken by the Romans (R. provinciales) after the defeat of King Bituitus in 121 BC. In 52 BC, they sent 12,000 men to > Alesia (Caes. B Gall. 7,75). Under Augustus, Segodunum became the main town of their civitas [2]. It first belonged to Aquitania, after the provincial reform of + Diocletianus to Aquitania I. Segodunum was connected to Lugdunum via Anderitum (modern Javols), to Burdigala via Divona and to

A. POLITICIAN AND HISTORIAN Born no later than 158 BC, he served as tribunus muilitum under P. Cornelius [I 70] Scipio Aemilianus in Spain (App. Hisp. 3825 Cic. Rep. 1,17) in 134-132, and

must have been praetor by 118 because he ran for the consulship of 115; however, he lost to M. Aemilius [I 37] Scaurus (Cic. De or. 2,280), whereupon each of

them prosecuted his competitor for > ambitus (Cic. Brut. 113). From rog—107, R. proved himself as the legate of Q. Caecilius [I 30] Metellus in the Jugurthine War (> Iugurtha; Sall. Tug. 50,1; 52-53). As consul in 105 (MRR 1,555), after the defeat of his colleague at +» Arausio, he restored Roman military strength through conscription and special training (Val. Max.

the Via Domitia via Condatomagus and Cessero (mod-

2,3,2). He protected the provincials from the excesses

ern St. Thibéry-sur-l’Herault; Tab. Peut. 1,3). The R.

of tax farmers in 94 BC (dating according to [1]; but see

had iron mines and silver-bearing lead mines (Str. 42,2), they developed pitch production and, between AD 20 and 120, > terra sigillata industry in La Grau-

MRR 3,145 f.), when he was a legate and then a representative of the proconsul Q. Mucius [I 9] Scaevola in Asia, and was consequently condemned in 92 ([2. 49];

RUTILIUS

795

796

according to [3. 128 f.] already in 94) by partisan judges from the equestrian class — under the influence of C. + Marius [I r] (Cass. Dio fr. 97,3) — for repetundae (> repetundarum crimen; Liv. Per. 70; Vell. Pat. 2,13,2). He went into exile, first to Mytilene, then to Smyrna (where Cicero met him in 78: Cic. Brut. 85), and declined a return to Rome (Sen. Ep. 24,4; Quint.

journey in an only partially preserved (up to the beginning of book 2) poem in elegiac verses, De reditu suo, which followed classical poetic language and reflected numerous themes from epic poetry (Odyssey, Aeneid). Here, in praise of the city of Rome, the late antique belief, particularly vivid among the non-Christian aristocracy, in a Roma aeterna constantly renewing itself despite all the dangers to the empire, found its most sublime expression, based on the recent pacification of southern Gaul by > Constantius [6] II]. In 1973, another 39 highly mutilated lines came to light. From them, a continuation of the journey can be identified, probably

Inst. r1,1,13). Even Cicero (Rab. Post. 27) saw him asa

model of virtue (cf. later Sen. Ep. 79,14). R. had a broad education. As a student of -» Panaetius [4] (Cic. Brut. 114; Cic. Off. 3,10), he became a convinced follower of -» Stoicism. This also characterized his eloquence, which was sharp-witted and to the point, but dry and had less impact on the audience (Cic. Brut. 114); in his repetundae trial, he abstained from a rhetorically effective defence (Cic. Brut. 115). In exile, R. wrote a Latin > autobiography [III] (De vita sua) in at least 5 books, probably with an apologetic bias, as well as a work in Greek on historical events of his time (Ath. 4,168d-e et passim; Plut. Pompeius 37,4), the content of which was probably tangential to the autobiography, but not identical ({4. 209]; far too hypothetical [5. 157-164]). Frr.: HRR 17, 187-190. 1 E.Bapran, Q. Mucius Scaevola and the Province of Asia, in: Athenaeum 34, 1956, 104-123

2 ALEXANDER

3 R.B. KaLLetT-Marx, The Trial of R. Rufus, in: Phoenix 44, 1990, 122-139 4 SCHANZ/HosIus 1, 207-209 5 G.L. HENDRICKSON, The Memoirs of P.R. Rufus, in: CPh 28, 1933, 153-175. W.K.

to Arelate, modern Arles (hardly Albenga). The poem,

first discovered in 1493 in a now lost MS from Bobbio, was unknown to the Middle Ages but had an effect on the > travel literature of Humanism (Editio princeps: Bologna 1520). ~» Epigrammata Bobiensia EDITIONS: R. HELM, 1933 (with commentary); P. VAN DE WOESTIJNE, 1936; J. VESSEREAU, F. PRECHAC, *1961 (with French translation); E.CasToriINna, 1967 (with Italian

translation and commentary); I. BARTOLI, 1971; E. DoBLHOFER, 2 vols. 1972-1977 (with German translation and commentary); A.Fo, 1992 (Italian translation and commentary).

BIBLIOGRAPHY: PLRE 2,770f.; HLL, vol. 6, § 624 (in print); F.CoRsARo, Studi rutiliani, 1981; H. WIEGAND,

Hodoeporica. Studien zur neulateinischen Reisedichtung, 1984; H.S. Stvan, R. Namatianus, Constantius I] and the

Return to Gaul in the Light of New Evidence, in: Medi-

B. JURIST

aeval Studies 48, 1986, 522-532; I. Lana, La coscienza religiosa del letterato pagano, 1987, 101-123; W. MAAz,

As a jurist, R. was a student of the three ‘founders of

Poetisch-mythische

Realitat in ‘De reditu suo’ des R.

the civil law’ (fundatores iuris civilis, Dig. 1,2,2,40). He

Namatianus, in:

demonstrated his profound legal knowledge not only in his speeches, but also in dispensing legal advice

Festschrift Ilona Opelt, 1988, 23 5-256; G. STAMPACCHIA,

(+ responsa; Cic. Brut. 113; |1. 544]). In his praetorian

edict of 118 BC, he limited the claims ofthe patronus on the services of a freedman (-> operae libertorum) to an actio operarum (‘suit for service’) and his inheritance claim to half of the legacy through a pro-forma societas (‘association’) with the freedman [2. 52-58, 99-130]. R. is also the author of the actio Rutiliana, a formulary procedure with change of subject, which, in the event of a debtor’s bankruptcy, allowed action by the bonorum emptor (purchaser of assets in bankruptcy, > Missio [2]) against the bankrupt and by the creditor against him [3]. 2 C.Masi Doria, Civitas, operae, obsequium, 1993 3 M. Kaser, K. Hackt, Das rémische Zivilprozefsrecht, *1996, 399f. TG: 1 WIEACKER,

RRG

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {M1 1] R. Claudius Namatianus. Probably from Toulouse (> Tolosa); like his father, he held high Roman

offices (magister officiorum in AD 412, praefectus urbi in 414). In 417, he returned to his estates, which had been devastated by the Goths, perhaps also to reorganize the provincial administration. He described the

M. WIssEMANN

(ed.), Roma

renascens,

Problemi sociali nel De reditu suo di Rutilio Namaziano,

in: Index 17, 1989, 243-254; A.P. Mosca, Aspetti topografici del viaggio di ritorno in Gallia di Rutilio Namaziano in: F.Rosa, F.ZAMBON (eds.), Pothos, il viaggio, la nostalgia, 1995, 133-151. J.GR.

{If 2] M.R. Cosinius G[all]us. Procurator patrimonii

(in Rome); prior to that, possibly procurator of the province of Baetica; perhaps 2nd cent. AD (AE 1993, 1005). W.Eck,

Zu Inschriften von Prokuratoren, in: ZPE

124,

1998, 228-241; PIR* R 246.

{Hl 3] Q. Iulius Cordinus C.R. Gallicus. Senator from Turin in the Transpadana, born c. AD 24; it is disputed

whether his father was already a senator or is identical with C.R. Secundus, possibly the procurator of Mauretania Tingitana in 51 (PIR* R 259). Military tribune in the legio XIII Gemina; quaestor; aedilis plebis; legate of the legio XV Apollinaris in Pannonia, recorded in 52/3; praetor, sub-governor of Galatia under Domitius [Il 11] Corbulo. Sodalis Augustalis, co-opted in the place of Nero in 68. Joined Vespasian; cos. suff. probably in 72. Assigned to determine the census and to set the provincial boundaries in Africa as a special legate in 74; it is uncertain if he replaced the proconsul as gover-

798

TOT.

nor. Consular governor of Germania inferior; battles with the — Bructeri, in which he captured the seeress ~> Veleda. Proconsul of Asia for two years, perhaps 82/3-83/4. Cos. II in 85; city praefect before 88, in which position he fell seriously ill; on the occasion of his recovery, Statius wrote the poem Silv. 1,4. He died in 92, perhaps in 91. He held the priestly offices of sodalis Augustalis and pontifex, which attests to his outstanding position in Flavian society. PIR* R 248. W.Eck, Statius, Silvae 1 4 und C.R. Gallicus als Proconsul Asiae II, in: AJPh 106, 1985, 475-484; J.G. W. HENDERson, A Roman Life. R. Gallicus on Paper and in Stone, 1998; SYME, RP, vol. 5, 514-520; SyME, RP, vol. 7, 620— 634.

[14] M.R. Lupus. Equestrian. Praef. annonae under Trajan; praef. Aegypti from AD 112-117, where he had to fight the Jewish uprising in the province. He can be identified as the owner of numerous brickworks in Rome and its surroundings. PIR? R 252. {1 5] P.R. Lupus. One of the heirs of C. Cestius [I 4] Epulo, who was buried in the pyramid on the via Ostiensis. Definitely a senator, probably of praetorian rank (CliVitra 7s LLSiona) aPIRAIRS253% WEE. [fl 6] P.R. Lupus. Contemporary of Seneca (end of the ist cent. BC/beginning of the rst cent. AD); there is no

information regarding his life. He may have been the son of the Pompeian R. Lupus. He is the translator of a Greek work by Cicero’s teacher ~ Gorgias [4] on the theory of figures of speech. The translation, which tightens and abridges the original work (2,12), is preserved in two books, but both the received title (P. Ruti-

lit Lupi schemata dianoeas ex Graeco vorso Gorgia) and a statement by Quintilian indicate that other parts dealing with tropes are lost or were consciously deleted by later editors. This must have occurred relatively early because even the ancient - Carmen de figuris was aware only of the extent known today. The division of the work into 2 books also seems to have occurred later (cf. Quint. Inst. 9,2,102). The work is evidence of the complexity which the scholarship of figures of speech achieved in the development of ~ rhetoric. It contains many translated examples from Greek works which are lost today, and to that extent also has great value as a source for Greek rhetoric. The translation is very elegant, even if it sometimes lacks a precise version of the technical rhetorical terms.

RUTULI

[If 8] R. Pudens Crispinus. Equestrian who was admit-

ted to the senatorial class after his first step in the equestrian military service (militia). He had a career with very

many offices, which he usually held for a rather short time. After his praetorship, he became, among other things: curator viae Clodiae, Cassiae, Ciminiae; iuridi-

cus Aemiliae, Etruriae, Liguriae; legate of the legio XV Apollinaris in Cappadocia; praetorian governor of Lusitania and subsequently of Thracia, where he was recorded in AD 231; praetorian governor of Syria Phoenice in 232/3; procos. Achaiae; finally cos. suff., uncertain whether under Severus Alexander or only in 238. The Senate elected him dux against > Maximinus [2] Thrax, against whom he was able to hold the city of Aquileia together with Tullius Menophilus. He was therefore one of the vigintiviri who helped bring down Maximinus Thrax in 238. After that, he was governor of Hispania citerior and Calaecia; finally, he was in charge of the census in Lugdunensis and Baetica. His career, with its great number of offices, is exceptional, the reasons for this are not identifiable (CIL VI 41229, with bibliography). PIR* R 257. W.E. Rutilus. Roman cognomen (‘red haired’) found in seyeral noble families (Cornelii, Marcii, Nautii, Sempronii,

Verginii) in the Republican Period. It became very common in the Imperial Period in the fuller form Rutilianus. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 230.

Rutuli. Tribe of southern Latium in the region of ~» Ardea (Str. 5,3,2-5: “‘PottovkoU/Rhoutouloi; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,43,23 57,2; 59,2: Potoho/Rhotoloi; Ael. NA 11,16: ‘Povtovio/Rhoutouloi; Sil. Pun. 8,359: R.) where the Fosso Molo and the Fosso Acquabona flow into the Fosso Incastro, which in turn flows into

the sea at Castrum [1] Inui. Its legendary King > Turnus, like - Aeneas [1], sought the hand of Lavinia, daughter of King Latinus, and fell in single combat (Cato Orig. fragments 9-11; Verg. Aen. 7-12 passim; Liv. 1,2,1-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

1,59,23 1,64,2-4;

Ov. Met. 14,449-453; Str. 5,3,2; Origo gentis Romanae 13,6; 14,1; differently Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,64,2-4; Origo gentis Romanae 13,6; 14,1; Cato Orig. f. 11; Liv. 1,2,1-3). The name R. is derived from rutilus (‘red’): According to [1.], R. (*7(@)udh-ll6) means ‘the

Blondes’.

-» Figures EpitTions: C.HAtm (ed.), Rhetores Latini Minores, 1863; E. Brooks (ed.), R. Lupus, De figuris sententiarum et elocutionis, 1970 (with commentary). CW.

[Il 7] R. Maximus. A Roman jurist who was probably active in the 3rd cent. AD and whose single bookAd legem Falcidiam was excerpted once in Justinian’s ~ Digesta (Dig. 30,125). D. Liess, Rémische Provinzialjurisprudenz, in: ANRW II 15, 1976, 357¢.5 Id., Jurisprudenz, in: HLL 4, 1997, 138.

TG:

There were differing views in antiquity about the origin of the R.: a) descendants of Odysseus and Circe, whose son Ardeias was supposed to have founded Ardea (Xen. Ages. FGrH 240 F 29; Steph. Byz. s. v. ‘Aodéa); b) descendants of refugees from Argos, who

came to Latium in the following of > Danae (Verg. Aen. 75371 £.; 409-411; Sil. Pun. 1,658—661; Plin. HN 3,56; Solin. 2,5; Serv. Aen. 7,367; 372) and joined forces with the indigenous King Pilumnus (Verg. Aen. 9,3 f.; 10,76; 10,619); c) descendants of King Daunus [2], the father

of Turnus (Vibius Sequester 158 Riese: R., idem Dauni;

RUTULI

799

800

cf. Lycoph. Alexandra 1254); d) of Latin origin (Verg. Aen. 12, 40), which seems plausible on the basis of the finds from Ardea, which are very similar to those from Latium vetus, and in view of Ardea’s membership in the

ebrate the northern conquests of the Flavian governors [1. 40-73]. The settlement fell into disrepair within a few decades in the early 3rd cent. Around AD 250, a

Latin League (Cato Orig. fragment

an early sign of the instability of the coastal region. Soon after AD 275, a fort for the litus Saxonicum

58; Liv. 32,1,9;

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,61,3); moreover, a festival of

redoubt with three ditches was built around its remains,

all > Latini was celebrated in the Aphrodision at Ardea

(-+ Limes,

(Str. 5,3,5).

over the older site [2]. Like other forts of the fortification system, this also had high defensive ramparts, projecting towers and narrow gates, but little internal construction. The fort was used until the early sth cent.; still-impressive remnants of its walls and ramparts survive to this day.

Liv. 1,57,1 speaks of the R. of the 6th cent. BC as a rich and powerful people, attacked by — Tarquinius Superbus (Liv. 1,57—60; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,64,1; Eutr. 1,8; Oros. 2,4). In a conflict between Ardea and

Aricia, the R. were compelled to cede a portion of their territory to the Romans (Liv. 3,71,1f.; 72,6f.; 4,1,4; 7,4-7; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11,52; 54,2). From the

mid—5th cent. BC, they were Rome’s ally in the struggle against the + Volsci (Liv. 4,9-11 with Licinius Macer

HRR fragment 13: foedus Ardeatinum; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11,62,4; Ardea is already described as allied to Rome in Pol. 3,22,11 in connection with the first treaty between Rome and Carthage). Weakened by attacks of the Volsci, Ardea accepted a Roman colonia in 442 BC (Diod. Sic. 12,34,5; Liv. 4,11). During the Celtic assault of 387/6 BC, Ardea stood on the side of Rome

(Liv.

543,6-45,3; Val. Max. 4,1,2; Plut. Camillus 23,4). Attacks by the > Samnites (Str. 5,4,11) in the 3rd/2nd

cents. BC led to a general decline. The proposition that the R. participated in the founding of > Saguntum (Liv. 21,7,1f.; Sil. Pun. 1,291-293) seems to lack historical foundation. 1 G.DeEvoro, Gli antichi italici, 41967. R. PHILIPP, s. v. R. (2), RE 1 A, 1282f.; F.DELLA Corte, La mappa dell’Eneide, 1985; BIT'CGI 3, 278-292 (Ardea).

G.VA.

Saxones) was built on an area of 2.5 ha

1 B. W. CuNnLIFFE, Fifth Report on the Excavations of the Roman Fort at Richborough, 1968 2 S.JoHNSON, The Roman Forts of the Saxon Shore, 1976, 48-51.

J.P. BusHe-Fox, Reports on the Excavation of the Roman Fort at Richborough 1, 1926; 2, 1928; 3, 19323; 4, 19493 S. JOHNSON, Richborough and Reculver, 1987. M.TO.

Rycroft Painter. Late Attic black-figure vase painter, c. 515-500 BC, named after an early owner of one of his amphorae (Oxford, AM Inv. 1965.118). Initially known only as a black-figure painter of about 50 predominantly large pots, a red-figure hydria (private collection) has since also been attributed to him. Stylistically he is close to the — Priam Painter; his elegant drawing style with a great deal of contour engraving, however, draws quite heavily on the red-figure style. Both painters appear to have been influenced by ~» Psiax. The RP has a preference for scenes of teams of horses, a prominent feature being the extremely sparing shading of the horses. Apart from this, his commonest

themes are the feats of Heracles and Dionysus with his companions.

Rutupiae. Harbour town in far southeastern Britannia,

+ Vase painting, black-figured

modern Richborough (Kent), on the now silted-up channel between the island of Tonatis (modern Isle of

BEAZLEY, ABV, 334-337; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 147-

Thanet) and the mainland of Kent [1]. The settlement, captured by the invading army of the emperor Claudius [III x] in AD 43, was used as a central military supply

ers, in: J.FREL (ed.), Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty

149; BEAZLEY, Addenda*, 91 f.; W.G. Moon, Some New and Little-Known Vases by the Rycroft and Priam Paint-

Museum 2, 1985, 41-70.

base until the late rst cent. AD. Between AD 80 and 90,

a triumphal arch was erected here, probably to cel-

Rye see > Grain

H.M.

S S (linguistics). The Phoenician alphabet knew of the

two sibilants Sadé and Sin, which were continued in Greek as San (M) and Sigma (3), respectively. In the 6th cent. BC, San was used in Corinth, Crete, Sicyon and on

the Doric islands except for Rhodos. Sigma was used in all other places and came to be established everywhere in the 5th cent. [1. 33 f.]. In Greek and Latin, the letter denotes a voiceless alveolar fricative (‘sibilant’) [2. 43; 3. 35]. Proto-Indo-European s is preserved in Greek in few contexts only, esp. next to (voiceless) stops and in final position (Greek otatdc, Latin status < * sta,-to-s on the root *stea, step on/towards’), otherwise it develo-

ped into h- (Greek éxta, Latin septem < *septm’ ‘seven’), was assimilated or lost. Before vowels, intial Greek ocan be traced back to tuti (Greek oeiw ‘shake’ < *tueis6, cf. Sanskrit a-tvis-anta ‘became excited’, Greek oéBetat < *tieg'-e-, to Sanskrit yajate) as well as ProtoGreek ki k’i (which gives Attic-Boeotian 1, cf. Ionic onuegov ‘today’, Attic tmuegov < *ki-dmeron). In medial position, o results from Proto-Greek ti t 4 (oo in Doric and Lesbian, tt in Boeotian, cf. lonic-Attic toco¢ ‘so much’, wéooc ‘middle’, Doric and Lesbian té000c, uwéooos, Boeotian 6x0tto¢ ‘how much’, wétt0s < *fotios,

*met’ios to Sanskrit tati, mddhyas), furthermore, the

geminate oo goes back to Proto-Greek ki ki tu (in Attic, Boeotian and Cretan, it was 11, cf. Attic éX\attwv, Ionic Doric ékcoomv ‘faster’ < Proto-Greek *elak ’ion to éhayus

‘fast’;

Homeric

téooaoes,

Attic

téttages


Sextus and + Spurius (also Sp.). S stands also for > senatus in the formula > SPQR, as S.S. for the Senate’s resolution (S[enatus] S[ententia]) and as S.C. on coins that were minted on behalf of the Senate (/ex] Sfenatus] C[onsulto]; > senatus consultum). Very often to be found on inscriptions instead of the possessive pronouns of the 3rd person suus, sua, suum (in all the oblique cases), such as S(ua)P(ecunia)P(osuit) (‘built with one’s own money’). On coins, frequently used within imperial propaganda for — salus (‘health’), > securitas (‘safety’) or — spes (‘hope’). A. CALDERINI, Epigrafia, 1974, 323-330; H. COHEN, J.C. EGBERT, R.CaGnat, Coin-Inscriptions and Epigraphical Abbreviations of Imperial Rome, 1978, 74-82. W.ED.

Saalburg. Roman limes fort (— Limes [III], with map) north of modern Bad Homburg, ona pass over the Taunus. The small redoubts A and B, generally associated with fortification measures undertaken under the emperor Domitian (AD 81-96) after the war with the Chatti (+ Chatti), have been hitherto successively

regarded as the oldest installations [1; 2; 3; 4]. Redoubt A, with its entrance to the south, may possibly date from the reign of Vespasian (AD 69-79) as a marching or construction camp for short-term occupation [5]. The more regularly built and strongly defended redoubt B, with its north-facing gate, has been regarded as a centuria fort from AD 83 or 85 or after the revolt of Antonius [II 15] Saturninus in AD 89 [5]. This would have been followed by the mumerus fort (‘earth-andtimber’ fort) covering 0.7 ha, erected c. AD 90 to 100 to the west of the redoubts, and may have been occupied by Brittones. It endured until c. AD 135. Evidence suggests a small bath and the development of a > vicus; the so-called forum and mansio may also belong to this period. This sequence and the interpretation of the redoubts as military installations have recently been cast into doubt, as has the dating. It is now considered possible that the redoubts are of the same period as the numerus fort and had a function connected with the exaction of tolls; on this view, they may date only from the Trajanic Period (1st quarter of 2nd cent. AD; [6. 200-203]). The ‘Prussian redoubt’ located on the S. Pass is perhaps to be regarded an ancient cattle pen. Around AD 135, the 3.2 ha fort for the cobors II Raetorum (equitata) civiam Romanorum and the possibly still surviving > numerus was built over the numerus fort. To this belong a large bath house to the south and a camp village. The earth-and-timber fort was rebuilt in stone c. AD 155 or 160 (1802); it stood until AD 233 or 260. The fortifications of the fort and some of the internal buildings were reconstructed 1898-1907 by order of Kaiser Wilhelm II. A ‘mithraeum’ was found outside the camp village.

803

804

Kastell Nr. 11, $. (Der Obergermanisch-

Entwicklung der romischen Militaranlagen auf dem S.-

Ausan in the south and extended its sovereignty to the north-west. Other ancient southern Arabian kingdoms attested from this period — initially as vassals of S. —are > Qataban in the south and > Hadramautin the east to which a little later the city league of the Minaeans (> Minaei) was also added. In the mid rst millennium BC, southern Arabian S. began the colonial! settlement of north-eastern Africa, later Ethiopi. In the 4th cent., S.

Pafs, in: Id. (ed.), Hundert

lost its supremacy in wars against Qataban. Hadramaut

SAALBURG 1H.Jacosi,

Ratische Limes, part B, vol. 2,1), 1937

2 H.SCHONBERGER, Die rémischen Truppenlager der frihen und mittleren Kaiserzeit zwischen Nordsee und Inn, in: BRGK 66, 1985, 322-497, 461 D 44 3 D.Baatz, S. (Taunus), in: Id., F.-R. HERRMANN (eds.), Die R6mer in Hessen, *1989, 469-474 4 Id., LimeskastellS.,1996 5 E.SCHALLMAYER, Kastelle am Limes. Die

6 H.Kortum,

Jahre S., 1997,

106-118

Die Umgestaltung der Grenzsicherung in

Obergermanien unter Traian, in: E.SCHALLMAYER (ed.), Traian in Germanien — Traian im Reich, 1999, 195-205.

RA.WI.

Saba’, Sabaei. The Sabaei (ZaPatoi; Sabaei) were a people in the ancient land that is known from the local inscriptions and is situated in the area of modern

Sabaioi; Lat. and kingdom as sb’ (Saba’) Yemen in the

south-west of the Arabian peninsula. S. is already attested in Assyrian sources, for instance in the annals of + Tiglath-Pileser III, to whom the Saba@ajja paid homage with gifts in about 730 BC, in the annals of > Sargon II, where in 715 the Sabaean Itamra is mentioned as bringing tribute, and in an inscription of Sennacherib, according to which in 685 Karibili sent gifts from the S. to Assyria. The OT primarily knows of the S. (Hebrew Seba’, LXX Safa) as a trading people and as suppliers of > incense (Jer 6:20; Is 60:6). The visit of the legendary queen of S. to King > Solomon (1 Kg to:113) may be regarded as the earliest mention of a caravan. The oldest testimonial in Greek literature is to be found in Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,4,2: incense and myrrh occur in the Arabian peninsula in the region of S. (ZaBa) and elsewhere. The Sabaeans with their metropolis + Mariaba are mentioned in Str. 16,4,2 (according to Eratosthenes). According to Agatharchides (De mari Erythraeo 102 = Diod. Sic. 3,47,4), the capital city of the Sabaeans bears the same name as the kingdom — Sabé (Saf) — and Ptol. Geog. 6,7,25, too, refers to the Sabaeans and names Sabé (Zap) as the royal residence (6,7,42). In Plin. HN 6,154, the Sabaei are the most famous of the Arabs because of the incense and, as a result of the wealth of aromatic substances, also the

most affluent (Plin. HN 6,161), who even cook their meals with aromatic wood (Plin. HN 12,81). As early

as in Verg. G. 1,57, there is a reference to the Sabaei sending their incense to Rome. In Peripl. m.r. 23, the people who were neighbours of the Homerites are mentioned in the form Sabaitai (ZaPattat), whilst in Dionys. Per. 959, they are called Sabai (S4Pat). The history of the Sabaean kingdom, originally evolving from a tribal league, can be traced back through local epigraphical monuments to the 8th cent. BC. The original form of government was that of a theocracy in which the ruler acted as the legitimate representative of the chief god Almagah. Under King Karib’il Watar at the beginning of the 7th cent., S. became a powerful empire that conquered areas in the south-west of the Arabian peninsula, destroyed the kingdom of

became an important kingdom, and the Minaeans controlled the trade. In the 3rd cent., S. expanded its region of power as far as the Yemenite highlands, subjugating by the rst cent. BC the Minaean city league and driving out Qataban. With regard to the failed Roman campaign under Aelius [II 11] Gallus in 25/24 BC, R. Gest. div. Aug. 26 only notes that in Arabia the army advanced to the region of the Sabaei. From the rst cent. AD, the increasingly influential Himyars and other rujiing houses fought for power in southern Arabia beside the Sabaean dynasty. In the 3rd cent., the Yemenite coastal plain had largely been brought under the control of the Abyssinians. In the Monumentum Adulitanum II (= CIG Ill 5127 B = Recueil des inscriptions de l’Ethiopie 277), a king of +» Axum who is not known by name reports that he had waged war on the other side of the Erythraean Sea (> Erythra thalatta) as far as the land of the S$. Around the middle of the second half of the 3rd cent., the

Sabaean dynasty in Marib (~ Mariaba) came to an end, and the focus of the existing Sabaean-Himyarian empire moved to the metropolis of Zafar. With the final conguest of Hadramaut at the beginning of the 4th cent., the whole of southern Arabia was united into one

great kingdom. From the second half of the 4th cent., the rulers confessed their belief in monotheism that had been spread through the founding of Christian communities and also through Jewish missionary work. When the Jewish King Yusuf As’ar Yatar had come to power in 517 in the context of the conflict between Byzantium and the Sassanids, he waged war on the Christians who were allied with the Abyssinians. In return, the king of Axum, Kaleb Ella Asbeha embarked on a military invasion in 525 that was carried out with Byzantine support — in the course of which Yemen was conquered. Southern Arabia initially became an Abyssinian vassal state until King Abreha (+ Abraham [2]) came to power in about 535 through a revolt. Around 575, southern Arabia became dependant upon Persia, and in 597/598 it became a province of the Sassanid empire until the last Persian governor in Yemen converted to > Islam in 628. Various causes, such as the loss of a strong centralized power, the assumption of influence by foreign powers, the deterioration of agriculture through the neglecting of the irrigation systems and the decline of trade, led to the disintegration of the Sabaean-Himyarian kingdom and the collapse of the ancient high culture. + Arabia (with map)

805

806

1 W.W. MULteEr, Weihrauch. Ein arabisches Produkt und

seine Bedeutung in der Antike, 1978 2 Id., Skizze der Geschichte Altsiidarabiens, in: W.Daum (ed.), Jemen. 3000 Jahre Kunst und Kultur des gliicklichen Arabien, 1987, 50-56 3H.D. Gatrer, ’... an der Grenze der Lander im Westen’ - Saba’ in den assyrischen Kénigsinschriften, in: A. GINGRICH (ed.), Studies in Oriental Culture and History, Festschrift W. Dostal, 1993, 29-40 4 Cur. Rosin (ed.), L’Arabie antique de Karib’il aMahomet,1993 5 K.A. KITCHEN, Documentation for Ancient Arabia, Part 1, 1994; Part 2, 2000 6E.A. KNnaur, Siidarabien, Nordarabien und die Hebraische Bibel, in: N.Nepes (ed.), Arabia felix. Beitrage zur Sprache und Kultur des vorislamischen Arabien, Festschrift W. W.

Miller, 1994, 113-122 7CuHr. Rosin, s. v. Sheba, Supplément au DB, 1996, 1043-1254. W.W.M.

Sabacon (SaPaxwv/Sabakon). First king of the 25th (Nubian) dynasty, Egyptian $3b3k3, brother and successor of Pi(anch)i (Pije). In the traditional chronology, his

minimally 15-year reign is estimated at c. 716/5 to 702/1 BC. However, since a recently published Assyrian inscription indicates that his successor Sebichus was already king in 706 [1], S. must have ascended the throne in 720 at the latest. In the 2nd year of his reign, S. conquered Egypt and according to Manetho [1] had his adversary ~ Bokchoris burnt alive. He did, however, retain the feudal system and the numerous local princes. In foreign policy, S. avoided conflicts with the expanding Assyrian empire; internally, he was the most important builder since the end of the New Kingdom. S. was buried in a pyramid tomb in al-Kurrt in the Sudan. He is generally remembered in a positive way: Hdt. 2,137 _describes him as intelligent, Diod. Sic. 1,65 as a pious and well-meaning king. 1 G. FRAME, The Inscription of Sargon II at Tang-i Var, in: Orientalia 68, 1999,31-57 2 J.LECLANT, s.v. Schabaka, LA 5, 499-513 3 .B.U. Scuipper, Israel und Agypten in der K6nigszeit, 1999, 200-210.

KJ.-W.

Sabanum. A Roman coarse linen cloth, used to dry off and rub down the body after bathing (Apul. Met. 1,23, cf. Mart. 12,70) or to wrap around the body, in order to raise a sweat after a steam bath; a sabanum was also

used to squeeze out honeycombs and to envelop food during the cooking process (Apicius 6,215; 239). Late

Antiquity understood a sabanum to be a linen garment decorated with gold and precious stones (Ven. Fort. Vita S. Radegundis 9) or a coat. RH.

Sabarcae. A people celebrated as fierce warriors (cf. Curt.

9,8,4; Diod.

Sic. 17,102,2:

LapPaotat/Samba-

stat) with a democratic government [2. 110; 3. 158; 4. 103, 176ff.] and praised in Sanskrit and Pali literature (Sanskrit Ambassa). They were settled south of the ~» Malli at the confluence of the > Acesines [2] and the Indus and were subjugated by > Perdiccas [4] (Arr. Anab. 6,15,1: ABaotavoi/Abastanot) in 325 BC. 2 A.S. ALTEKAR, State and Govern1 BerVE, vol. 1, 271 3 R.C. Mayumpar, Anment in Ancient India, 1958

SABAZIUS

cient India, 1964 4B.PRAKASH, Political and Social Movements in Ancient Panjab, 1964. FR.SCH.

Sabatinus

Lacus.

Lake

in southern

Etruria

near

+ Caere (Frontin. Aq. 71; Columella 7,16; Sil. Pun. 8,492: Sabatia stagna; Str. 5,2,9: hiuvn LaBata/limneé

Sabata), modern Lago di Bracciano. The eponymous city (Geogr. Rav. 4,36: Sabbatis) is probably identical to modern Bracciano and was a station on the road running north of the SL from Forum [IV 1] Clodii (modern San Liberato) via Aquae Apollinares Novae (modern Vicarello; thermal baths, Roman sanctuary) to Baccanae (modern Baccano; Tab. Peut. 5,3). The tribus Sabatina (Fest. 464 f.) was named after the SL, while the tribus Arnensis |t. 274] was named after Aro (modern Arrone), the discharge of the SL into > Mare Tyrrhenum. On the southeastern shore of the SL near Angularia (Dig. 18,1,69; modern

Anguillara Sabazia), in-

scriptions (CIL XI 3773-76) and other ancient remains have been identified. 1 L.Ross TayLor, Voting Districts of the Roman Republic, 1960.

A.M. Co int, La stipe delle acque salutari di Vicarello, in: RPAA 40, 1967/8, 35-82; P.HEMPHILL, Archaeological Survey of Lago Bracciano, 1968. GU.

Sabazius

(LaPatioc/Sabdzios,

variations Lavatiog

Latin Sabazius).

(Saudzios), Xaoovatiog

The

(Saooud-

zios) and Ladtwog (Sadzios) found in Phrygia and Thracia point to an original form Sawazis (or Savazis), while

LaPPabuxd¢/Sabbathikos may indicate confusion with the Hebrew sabbat or s ‘baot [1. 1585-1587]. The theonym Sabas is found in a Phrygian graffito [2]. S. is first documented in literature in the 2nd half of the sth cent. BC (Aristoph. Av. 875f.; Aristoph. Lys. 388-390; Aristot. Vesp. 8—ro). Later literature (Clem. Al. Protrepticus 2,15 f.; Arnob. 5,20f.; Diod. Sic. 4,4; Firm. Mat. De errore 10) includes a myth in which + Zeus, in the form of a bull, copulates with > Demeter; Kore (> Persephone), the child conceived of their

union, is later impregnated by Zeus in the guise of a snake (Orph. H. 48; 49) and gives birth to the god Dionysus-Zagreus-S. While in literature S. is associated with -» Dionysus, inscriptions link him to Zeus or later to > Iuppiter. Accordingly, an inscription from Sardis (OGIS 331) indicates that > Stratonice, the mother of Attalus [6] III, took Zeus-S. from her homeland of Cappadocia to Pergamon [3]. Some of these inscriptions also mention a certain Meter megdlé (‘great mother’) or Meter theén (‘mother of the gods’) who is to be identi-

fied with

-» Cybele [4. No. 31]. S. is found in Asia

Minor, Thracia, Moesia, Greece, Italy, Belgium, Swit-

zerland and Mainz, but most references are from Phrygia, Lydia, Thracia, Moesia and Rome (distribution: [4]). However, the question of the origin of this god and his cult remains unsolved. S. is depicted as a bearded deity who is wearing Phrygian clothing and a Phrygian head covering, or as Zeus-

807

808

Tuppiter. He is often shown standing with one foot on the head of a ram and holding a staffor pine cone in one

and Aera Cura. In the third picture Vibia is led by a messenger (angelus bonus) through a gate and onto a meadow; she assumes a central position among a group at a table. The title is bonorum iudicio iudicati (‘judged by the court of the righteous’). In the fourth picture Vincentius is one of seven priests seated at a table at which an opulent meal has been prepared. This series of pictures leaves open a number of eschatological and soteriological questions concerning the cult [1. 16041606; 10. 662f.; 12. Vol. 2, 47f., Vol. 8, 88].

SABAZIUS

hand, while the other is in the so-called benedictio

latina position (with the thumb and index and middle fingers pointing up and the ring and little finger curled inward). The well-known ‘votive hands’ of S. can be

divided into five groups: the first group is holding nothing, the second a pine cone, the third a snake, the fourth both a pine cone and a snake, and the fifth several different attributes, e.g a lizard, double flute, frog, krater,

turtle or ram’s head. Some of the votive hands show at their base a reclining woman holding an infant [5; 6; 7]. Demosth. Or. 18,259 f. is often considered to be the first description of a cult procession of S.’ followers. This account strongly emphasises parallels to the cult of Dionysus; however, it is not entirely clear whether Demosthenes was actually describing the cult of S. The Phrygian music and the dancing of S.’ followers are believed to have been very similar to the cult of the Great Mother (Metér megale/Cybele) ([3. 545]; cf. Arr. Bithynika fr. 10). The processions were led by a priest holding two snakes in his hands. According to Theophr. Char. 16, the snake represented an incarnation or manifestation of the god. Apparently a snake was drawn across the chests of those who were to be initiated into the cult (cf. Orph. fr. 31). Diodorus mentions festivals held at night (4,4); Christian polemics focused in their depictions on the > snakes. Because of their central position in the cult of S., the iconographic similarity to ~» Men and the link to the Great Mother, S. came to be equated with Zeus. Plutarch (Plut. Symp. 4,6 = Mor. 671f-672a) reports the view that the Sabbath was related to Bacchus, since the Bakchoi were sometimes called oGBot (sdboi) and

the Jews also drank wine on the Sabbath. Johannes Lydus identified Sabaoth and Iao with Dionysus-S. (Lydus, Mens. 4,53; [93 10. 662—667]). However, there is no indication that the Sabbatistai from Elaeussa in Cilicia were followers of a syncretic Yahweh-S.; the keeping of the Sabbath and the all-powerful Jewish God, theos hypsistos, may have been enough to result in identification with S. [3. 547]. Only one inscription from Serdica has been found that identifies S. with theds hypsistos {1 1]. Furthermore, the contention (Val. Max. 1,3,3) that the > praetor peregrinus Cn. Cornelius Hispalus expelled the Jews from Rome in the year 139 BC because they worshipped Iuppiter S. may be based on a secondary identification of the Jewish God with S. [8. r5o0f.]. The four frescoes in the tomb of Vincentius and Vibia in the Roman -> catacombs of Praetextatus reveal another aspect of the cult of S. The inscription CIL VI 142 =ILS 3961 (3rd/4th cent. AD) identifies Vincentius as a priest in S.’ cult (numinis antistes Sabazi). Three of the four pictures show Vibia: the first is ‘The abduction and decent of Vibia’, which resembles the rape of ~» Persephone in its iconography and theology. The second picture shows Vibia and > Alcestis being led by ~ Mercurius to the court of the dead before + Dis pater

» Syncretism 1S.E. JOHNSON,

ANRW

The Present

State of S. Research,

II 17.3, 1984, 1583-1613

in:

2 C.BrRrIxHE, M.LeE-

JEUNE (ed.), Corpus des inscriptions paleo-phrygiennes, 1984 35S.E. Jounson, AS. Inscription from Sardis, in: J. NeusNner (ed.), Religions in Antiquity, 1968, 542-550 4M.J. VERMASEREN, E.N.LANE (eds.), Corpus Cultus lovis Sabazii, 1983-1989 5 CH. BLINKENBERG, Darstellungen des Sabazios und Denkmiler seines Kultes, in: Id., Archeologische Studien, 1904, 66-128 6E.N. LANE,

Towards a Definition of the Iconography of S., in: Numen 27, 1980, 9-33 7R.GIcHEVA,s. v. S., LIMC 8.1, 10681071 8 D. WaRDLE, Valerius Maximus: Memorable

Deeds

and Sayings

comm.)

in: CRAI 11 A.voN

Book

1, 1998

(Engl. transl. and

9 F.CUMONT, Les mystéres de S. et le judaisme,

1906, 63-79 DomaszeEwskI,

10 Nitsson, GGR, vol. 2 Griechische Inschriften aus

Moesien und Thrakien, in: Archaeologisch-Epigraphische Mitteilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungarn 10, 1886, 238f. 12 E.R. GoopENOuGH, Jewish Symbols in the GrecoRoman Period, 13 vols., 1953-1965. S.TA

Sabbath (Hebrew Sabbat; Greek o&BBatov/sabbaton; Lat. sabbata). Seventh day of the Jewish week and day of rest observed weekly; its origin is unclear (cf. suggestions of a connection with the Akkadian Sapattu, the day of the full moon). It is likely that it developed in ancient Israel as an expression of Yahweh’s prerogative, based on the commandment to let the land lie unplowed during the seventh year (Ex 23:10 f.). The Sabbath was explained in two ways in the Biblical tradition. In the version contained in the Deuteronomic Decalogue, it was motivated by memories of slavery and the exodus from Egypt (Dt 5:12-15); in the priestly writings of Ex 20:11, the Sabbath was a reflection of God’s day of rest after He created the world

(Gn 2:1-3); it is also a

symbol of God’s relationship with the people of Israel (Ex 31:12-17). The Sabbath apparently came to be a sign of Israelite or Jewish identity during the Exilic Period (587-539 BC). The various groups and circles within ancient + Judaism realized their keeping of the commandment to rest on the Sabbath in very different ways: in addition to a ‘priestly’ approach emphasizing community with the angels (cf. > Qumran, > liber Iubilaeorum), another view focused on refraining from work, joy and study (Phil. De Abrahamo 28; Phil. De specialibus legibus 2,60f.; see also Jos. Ap. 2,175). Also to be seen in this context are the NT traditions describing how Jesus broke the accepted halakha of the Sabbath as part of an

809

810

eschatological assertion of God’s reign (Mk 3:1-6; Le

Sabe

13:10-17; 14:1-6; Jo 5:1-16; 7:19-24).

[1] (LaBr/Sabe: Prol. 8,22,15). Unlocated city in the interior of > Arabia Felix. [2] (24Py Baotrevow/Sabe basileion: Ptol. 6,7,42; Savr/ Sdue: Peripl. m. r. 22; Save: Plin. HN 6,104; Sawwa, Sawwam: CIS 4,240,7; 314,14). Capital of > Mapharitis, in the hinterland of — Muza, to the south of Ta‘izz. At the time of the Periplous maris Erythraei it was the residence of a prince XOhaiBoc/Cholaibos.

In the rabbinical tradition, the main concern was to

define precisely which activities were and were not permitted on the Sabbath (cf. the Mishna and Talmud trac-

tates Sabbat and ‘Eruv); many of the Haggadoth (+ Haggadah) also emphasize the joy and abundance of the day, reflecting its eschatological dimension (bBeza 16a; bBerakoth 57b). In addition, a variety of customs and rituals emerged, such as the lighting of the Sabbath lamp by the ‘woman of the house’, the Oiddus blessing over a cup of wine at the beginning of the Sabbath and the Havdalah upon its conclusion. Like circumcision, the keeping of the Sabbath was a frequent subject of > polemics by Greek and Christian writers who viewed it as a sign of laziness (Juv. 14,106; Rut. Namat. 1,391); there was also a suspicion that the

Sabbath was observed as a ‘Dionysian celebration’ (Plut. Symp. 4,6,2). Flavius Josephus [4] mentioned cases of exemption from Roman military service because of Jewish Sabbath customs (Jos. Ant. Iud. 14,226; cf. also exemption from the obligation to appear in court on that day, Jos. Ant. Iud. 16,163). During the rst and 2nd cents., gentile Christian communities initially continued to observe the Sabbath. As the early Church increasingly distanced itself from Judaism, however, the Sabbath was abandoned in favour of Sunday, the original Day of the Lord (cf. for example the decree of Constantine [1] I in 321 declaring Sunday to be a day of rest for all residents of the city). L.DoerinG, antiken

Schabbat.

Judentum

Sabbathalacha

und

und -praxis im

Urchristentum,

1999

(bibl.);

G.Rosinson, The Origin and Development of the Old Testament Sabbath, 1988.

Sabbatha

(Safpabd/Sabbathd:

B.E.

Peripl.

m.r.

27;

LaPRada/Sabbatha: Prol. 8,14,22; Sabota: Plin. HN 6,155 and 12,52; corruption Xafatavov/Chabdtanon and variant: Str. 16,4,2; inscription Sabwat; already in

the Arabic geographers in the form Sabwa: Hamdani,

Gazira MULLER 87; 98; Yaqut, Mu‘gam WUsTENFELD 3,257). » Maepha was the southern, S. the northern

capital of > Hadramaut in southern Arabia. Important for trade in incense, S. was the seat of II‘azz II. Yalit (= *Edtatoc/Eléazos, Peripl. m.r. 27) c. AD 29. S. was

probably destroyed c. 200 by Yada’ilBayyin of Hadramaut, rebuilt, and finally deserted after 300 as a result of the conquest of Samir Yuhar‘i8, king of Saba and Di Raidan (> Saba’, Sabaei). Excavations have uncovered

an important temple. H. von WissMANN, M. HOener, Beitrage zur historischen Geographie des vorislamischen Siid-Arabien (AAWM, Geistes- und Sozialwiss. Kl. 1952, 4), 1953, 106-134.

SABINA

L. Casson

(ed.), Periplus Maris

A.GROHMANN,

Arabien

(HdbA,

Erythraei,

1989,

148;

Kulturgeschichte

des

Alten Orients 3,4), 1963, appendix (maps); H. von WissMANN, Zur Geschichte und Landeskunde von Altsiidara-

bien (SAWW, philologisch-historische Klasse 246), 1964, 68, 291, 399.

LT.N.

Sabelli. S. is not, as Strabo’s source (cf. Str. 5,4,12) implies, a diminutive of > Sabini, but is derived from the same root as — Sammites, and from the time of Varro onwards is a term for them. For the modern linguistic use of S., see > Oscan-Umbrian. E.T. SALMON, Samnium and the Samnites, 1967. E.O.andV.S.

Sabellic see — Italy, languages

Sabellius, Sabellianism. After having spent a number of years in Rome, the Christian theologian S. (perhaps originally from Libya) was excommunicated by bishop Callistus (217-222) because of his teachings on the nature of God. Little is known about the rest of his life. S. was a leading Modalist (> Modalism). Like + Noetus before him, he equated God the Father with God the Son in order to maintain

— monotheism

(— Monar-

chianism). It was probably only later on that the designation of God as Son-Father (byiopdtor) and the thesis that God acted in the history of salvation successively in the ‘manifestations’ (prdsopa) of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit were attributed to S. His historical influence is indirectly reflected in the fact that ‘Sabellianism’ came to be used in the eastern Church, particularly in the teachings of + Marcellus [I 4] of Ancyra, as a general term for Monarchianistic-Modalistic tendencies and schools. (The concepts of sabellismos, sabellianos or sabellianistés, were familiar in ancient times, as were

sabellités, ‘Sabellius follower’, and the verb sabelliantzein, ‘to have views like those of Sabellius, to Sabellianize’.) ~ Heresy [I] W.A. BiENERT, S. und Sabellianismus als historisches Problem, in: H.C. BRENNECKE, E.L. GRASMUCK, C. Markscuies (ed.), Logos. Festschrift L. Abramowski,

1993, 124-139.

GE.MA.

B.B.and A.D.

Sabbatius (LaPfattoc/Sabbatios). Father of the emperor ~ lustinianus [r] I, Illyrian, mentioned only in passing in Procop. Arc. 12,18 and Theophanes p. 183,9 DE Boor. PLRE 2, 966.

F.T.

Sabina. Vibia S., born c. AD 85, daughter of Salonia ~» Matidia [1] and L. > Vibius Sabinus, sister of (Mindia) > Matidia [2]. As granddaughter of the sister (Diva Augusta

Marciana) of > Traianus [1], married to P.

Aelius > Hadrianus [II], the grandson of Trajan’s aunt,

811

812

from c. roo for dynastic reasons. Conferment of the title of Augusta at the latest by 128 (imperial coinage

supposedly due to Spartan colonists (cf. Plut. Romulus

RIC II 386-390, 475-479), perhaps even in 119 (as in

7,3). Presumably, Gellius took this interpretation from a Greek source of the 4th-3rd cents. BC. (3) According

SABINA

[3] and then [2]). She accompanied Hadrian on his journeys; we have certain evidence for a visit to the Colossus of + Memnon [2] in Egypt in November 130 (poems on this by > Iulia [10] Balbilla: [1. no. 28 ff.]). Speculation on the (childless) marriage of the imperial couple has circulated since antiquity as a result of an anti-Hadrian tradition (Ps.-Aur. Vict. epit. Caes.

14,8; SHA

Hadr.

23,9), fuelled by, among other things, the dismissal of

-» Suetonius [2] Tranquillus and > Septicius Clarus under unclear circumstances (SHA Hadr. 11,3), and by Hadrian’s pederastic tendencies (> Antinous [2], SHA Hadr. 14, 5-7). S. probably died in 137 (not before 29 August 136 = 21st Alexandrian year), was consecrated by Hadrian (imperial coinage RIC II 390, 479; relief, Rome, Palazzo dei Conservatori: [5. vol. 2, no. 1800;

7. 38-43

no. 18]) and buried in the — Mausoleum

Hadriani (CIL VI 984). 1 A.BERNAND, Les inscriptions grecques et latines du Colosse de Memnon, 1960 2A.R. BirLey, Hadrian, 1997 3 W.Eck,s.v. Vibius (72b), RE Suppl. 15, 1978,

go9-914 41d., Hadrian als pater patriae und die Verleihung des Augustatitels an S., in: G.WirTH, Romanitas, Christianitas, Festschrift J. Straub, 1982, 217-229 5 HELBIG 6 KIENAST, 132. 7 G.M. Koepret, Die

historischen Reliefs der rémischen Kaiserzeit IV, in: BJ 186,1986,1-90 8 RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, Vol. 1, no. 802 9 H. TeMPorINI, Die Frauen am Hofe Trajans, 1978, esp. 78-86.

H.T.-V.

16,1; Numa

2,3; Sil. 2,83 8,4225 lust. 20,1513; Zon.

to Zenodotus of Troezen (FGrH 821 F 3), the S. were

+ Umbri, who, driven out of their country by » Pelasgi, settled near Reate. (4) According to Str. 55351, the S. were the autochthonous ancestors of the > Samnites and » Picentes and subsequently of the »>Lucani and - Bruttii (cf. also VETTER 149; [1. 149f.]). Elsewhere, Strabo (5,4,12) claims that the Samnites separated from the S. because of the rite of > ver sacrum. Strabo and Cato (ibid.) describe the settlement area of the S., which extended over almost 1,000 stadia from

+ Nomentum in the southwest to Amiternum and the -» Vestini in the east, while 280 stadia separated the S. from the Ionios Kolpos and 240 from the Mare Tyrrhenum, with > Nursia marking the northern boundary. A mountain range divided their lands into two regions. The interior territory was poor and, because of the hard life in small scattered villages, was well suited

to conjuring up the legend of a Spartan origin of the S. The richer territory on the Tiber stood in contrast (cf. Fabius Pictor FGrH 809 F 27). Fora long time, only the

latter had connections with Rome. Strabo lists their settlements: Amiternum, Reate, Interocrea (modern Antrodoco), Cutilia, Foruli, Trebula Matuesca (modern

Monteleone Sabino), Eretum and Cures (regarding the origin of Cures, the main settlement of the S. on the Tiber with close relations with Rome, cf. Varro apud

Sabini (LaPivovSabinoi). I. Or1GIN

II. THE SABINI AND ROME

I. ORIGIN Central Italian people of the Oscan-Umbrian language branch. Most ancient authors derived the name S. from a divine ancestor, Sabus/Sabinus (Safinus in a South Picenian inscription, probably 5th cent. BC; Cato fr. 50; Gellius HRR fr. 10; Hyginus HRR fr. 9; Sil. Pun. 8,420-423). According to Varro (apud Fest. 464; cf. Plin. HN. 3,108), S. was derived from offeo0a/sébesthai, ‘to worship’, because of their alleged piety. The current prevailing opinion is that S. is derived from the stem of the reflexive pronoun *se expanded by bh to *s-bh (> *Sabhos, ‘own, self’). Ancient literature knows four theories for the origins of the S.: (1) According to Cato (fr. 50), the S., named

after Sabinus, son of the god > Sancus, originated from Testruna at the foot of the Gran Sasso near > Amiternum whence they migrated along the via Salaria to the Tiber. After expelling the original inhabitants, they settled near > Reate and > Cutilia and founded colonies, e.g., > Cures (cf. also Varro apud Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,14,6). (2) According to Cn. Gellius (HRR fr. ro), the S. descended from the Spartan Sabus (cf. also Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,49,4f.). The cult of Foronia/—> Feronia and some Spartan echoes in Sabine customs were

Dion. Hal. Ant. of Modius [2] lius/> Quirinus tradition, Titus Ling. 5,51; Liv.

Rom. 2,48,1-4: town as a foundation Fabidius, the son of the god Enya[1] and a Sabine woman). According to > Tatius was from Cures (cf. Varro, 1,13), as was + Numa Pompilius (cf.

Cie Rep: 2am5.2.5).

The settlement core of Cures since the Iron Age is archaeologically identified; the presence of imported Euboean pottery and their imitations since the 8th—7th cents. BC shows that Cures was closely connected to the Etruscan-Latin cultural sphere. Early inscriptions also attest to the cultural level of the S. in this period (cf.

VETTER 352, from Poggio Sommavilla, 7th cent. BC). The place name Cures or Cures S. (also for the S. as a whole) has been associated with the Sabine term curis (=

Lat. + hasta, ‘lance’) and the god Quirinus (cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,48,4; supported by the founding aition of Modius Fabidius). Varro, Ling. 5,74 lists the deities the S. imported into Rome, including Feronia, Minerva, Novensides, Pales, Vesta, Salus, Fortuna, Fons, Fides; he also lists the altars dedicated by Titus Tatius to various deities in Rome — among them also Quirinus. > Feronia (goddess of agriculture, fertility, water) was especially worshipped in Trebula Matuesca where her temple stood, but her main sanctuary was > Lucus Feroniae [1] near Capena, modern Fiano Romano. Located in a favourable location

with respect to traffic flow, it attracted the surrounding

813

814

population on feast days in mid-November and offered an opportunity to exchange goods (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,32,1; Str. 5,2,9). Additional Sabine deities were Semo ~ Sancus and > Vacuna, variously identified with Diana, Minerva and Victoria in the Roman period. The entire lake and the island, which according to Varro, Ling. 5,71 was located at its centre, were dedicated to the Lymphae Commotiles. In the Sabine Pantheon, luppiter Optimus Maximus, Hercules, Neptu-

S., succeeded in occupying the Capitoline rock (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 10,14-16; Liv. 3,15-18). As a result, his heroism was considered equivalent to that of Titus Tatius. These disputes between rival groups, rather than real wars, and caused by the desire of the S. to settle on the Anio, ended in 449 BC with the victory of the Roman consul Horatius [3] (Liv. 3,62f.; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 11,48 f.). Nothing more is heard of Sabine hostilities with the Romans until the period of the Sam-

nus, Silvanus, Victoria

nite Wars (> Samnites). In 290 BC, the S., penetrating

and Diana

were

also repre-

sented. Il. THE SABINI AND ROME According to tradition, the S. were already connected with Rome in the 8th cent. BC: the famous ‘rape of the Sabine women’ was supposed to force the ius conubii (‘rights of marriage’; > conubium) between the two people. This supposedly unleashed a war that resulted in the diarchic governance of the kingdom by Titus Tatius from Cures and > Romulus [1] from Rome and the settlement of the S. on mons Capitolinus (Liv. 1,33,1f.; Tac. Ann. 12,24) or on the Capitolinus and the Quirinalis (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,50,1f.; Str. 3,5,7). Supposedly, the name > mons Quirinalis is derived from Cures. Modern research considers these notices unhistorical projections of later events into the mythical past. Cato [1], himself ‘Sabine by choice’, was possibly already interested in demonstrating deep and ancient links between Rome and the S. (cf. fr. 51). His pro-Sabine prejudice bore fruit in the works of Varro from Reate (also in Dionysius [18], but not in Livy). Late in the 6th to the mid 5th cent., the S. living on the Tiber and the Romans were integrated through resettlement of the major Sabine families to Rome. Clientes such as the Claudii and the Valerii followed. Thus, Suet. Tib. 1,1f. reports that in the opinion of some the Claudii came to Rome from Inregillum with Titus Tatius, but according to others with Attus Clausus five years after the Republic was established (which is more probable; cf. Verg. Aen. 7,706-709; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,40,5; Tac. Ann. 11,24,2; 12,25,3 and especially Liv. 2,16,3-5). According to Livy, they received citizenship and extensive lands on the right bank of the + Anio, were gathered in the tribus Claudia and soon held important public offices (including the consulate in 495 BC). It is reported of the Valerii (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,46,3; 4,67,3; Plut. Poplicola 1,1; Plut. Numa 5,2) that Volusus Valerius from Eretum came to Rome with Titus Tatius (a different version in Liv. 1,58,6). Livy repeatedly describes conflicts between the S. and the Romans from Tullus — Hostilius [4] on (Liv. 1,30,4-10; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,32f.), under + Tarquinius [11] Priscus (Liv. 1,36f.; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,55f.; 59; 63-66) and > Tarquinius [12] Superbus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,45 f.; 50-52) and in the Republican Period (495 BC: Liv. 2,26,1f.; 469 BC: Liv. 2,63,73; 468 BC: Liv. 2,64,3; 458 BC: Liv. 3,26,1). The probably most famous battle took place in 460 BC when Appius > Herdonius [1], at the head of numerous

SABINIANUS

into Roman territory, were repelled by Curius [4] (Liv. Per. 11; Frontin. Str. 1,8,4). Subsequently, they were given the civitas sine suffragio (Vell. Pat. 1,14,6f.) and full citizenship in 268 BC (possibly only the inhabitants of Cures). In 241 BC, two new tribus were created for all S., tribus Velina and tribus Quirina. The S. fought in Roman legions during the 2nd of the > Punic Wars [II]. In the Augustan period, the territory of the S. was united with Samnium to form regio IV. 1A.CAMPANA,

La

monetazione

degli

insorti

italici

durante la guerra sociale, 1987. J.Poucet, Les Sabins aux origines de Rome, in: ANRW I.1, 1972, 48-135; G. DEvoTo, Gli antichi italici, 41967; Civilta arcaica dei S., 1973 (presently 3 vols.); M. P.MuzZIOLI, Cures S. (Forma Italiae 28), 1980; C.Letrra, L’

‘Italia dei mores Romani’ nelle Origines di Catone, in: Athenaeum 62, 1984, 416-439; zioni sudpicene,

A. MARINETTI, Le iscri-

1985; B. RrPosaTo,

Preistoria, storia e

civilta dei S., 1985; D. Must, I due volti della Sabina ..., in: Id., Strabone e la Magna Grecia, 1988, 23 5-257; C. DE SIMONE, Sudpiceno Safino-/lat. Sabino-: il nome dei S., in: AION. Sezione linguistica 14, 1992, 223-239; G. Maetzke (ed.), Identita e civilta dei S. (Atti 18. convegno di studi etruschi ed italici, Rieti 1993), 1996; G. ALvino, I S. La vita, la morte, gli dei (exhibition Rieti 1997), 1998.

Sabiniani see

G.VA.

> Law schools

Sabinianus [1] Was proclaimed emperor in AD 240 by the inhabitants of Carthage, but was shortly after defeated by the governor of Mauretania and delivered to > Gordianus [3] III by his own followers (Zos. 1,17,1; SHA Gord. 23,4). KIENAST"’, 197.

Teh

[2] See > Vettius Sabinianus. [3] Ata great age magister equitum per Orientem in AD 359-360 under Constantius [2] II. According to Ammianus, he was rich and educated, but also cowardly (18,5,5) and lazy (18,7,7). He prevented > Ursicinus,

for example, from relieving Amida, which was being besieged by the Persians (Amm. Marc. 19,3). PLRE 1,

789 (no. 3).

WP.

[4] S. (Magnus) Magister militum per Illyricum in AD 479-481; successfully repelled the > Ostrogoths under

their king Theoderic the Great; was killed in 481 at the command of the emperor ~ Zenon for unknown reasons.

SABINIANUS STEIN,

Spatrémisches

816

815 Reich

2, 14-18;

PLRE

2, 967

Sabinus A. GREEK

(no. 4).

[5] Son of S. [4], was consul and magister militum per Illyricum, when in AD 505 the Hun Mundo (according to PLRE 2, 767 to be distinguished from the Gepid -» Mundo), an ally of -» Theoderic, and Theoderic’s general Pitzias defeated him devastatingly at Horreum Margi on the river Morava in Moesia prima. PLRE 2, 967f.; STEIN, Spatr6misches Reich 2, 146.

[6] Officer in > Belisarius’s bodyguard; in AD 5 44, the first year of the war against the king of the Goths ~» Totila, he came to the help of the general Magnus [7] in Auximum, which Totila was besieging, and shortly afterwards occupied Pisaurum. PLRE 3B, 1105; RUBIN 2, 170.

FT.

Sabinius Barbarus. T. Sabinius Barbarus. Praetorian legate (of the legio IIT Augusta?) in Africa in AD 116/7 [r. 361f.], cos. suff. in 118. Not to be identified with a Barbarus who is called taatixdc/hypatikos (Latin consul) in IGRIV 494; cf. SYME, RP 3, 1303; PIR* B 46.

B. ROMAN

A. GREEK (SaBivoc; Sabinos) [1] Hippocratic physician and commentator on Hippocrates, who was active in the rst to 2nd cent. AD. He was the teacher of -» Metrodorus [8] and Stratonicus, who in turn was the teacher of -» Galen; the latter regarded S. as a more careful and concise interpreter of + Hippocrates [6] than his predecessors had been (CMG; 5;£0,2,%, Dek75 329-3303 §,10,2,2; p- §10)-.9.-

weakness lay mainly in a lack of anatomical knowledge and of practical experience in dissection (CMG 5,10,1, p. 329) combined with a tendency towards rather excessive and idiosyncratic interpretations, prompted by his desire to do justice to Hippocrates’ every word (CMG 5,10,2,1, p. II, 17, 167). The Methodist (> Methodists) Iulianus [2] attacked his notions of the

Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139, in: Chiron 12, 1982,

humours and the significance of nature, whereas Galen defended them in his Adversus Iulianum (CMG 5,10,3, Pp. 52-53, 58-59). > Gellius [6] (Gell. NA 3,16,8) approvingly quotes S.’ interpretation of a difficult sentence from Hipppocrates’ work De alimento. S.’ adroit observations on the ventilation of dwellings and on town planning are extensively quoted by - Oribasius

281-362.

(Collectiones medicae 9,15-20; CMG 6,1,2, p. 15-20).

1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen W.E.

VN. (2] Rhetor of the rst half of the 2nd cent. AD, only

Sabinum. Country estate of the poet Horace (> Horatius [7], ef; Hor. Carm.

2,178,174; Hor. Epist. 1,16),

probably a gift from Maecenas [2] (Hor. Sat. 2,3,305ff.). It was located in the territory of the ~ Sabini on the stream Digentia (Hor. Epist. 1,18,104; present-day Licenza), a right tributary of the Anio, north of Varia (present-day Vicovaro) from where the estate obtained agrarian products (Hor. Carm. 1,20,1; MORONS AVA Sa, Aga A 22 AO. Ata 27aSa DOVe the village of Mandela (Hor. Epist. 1,148,147, cf. ILS

7459; present-day Bardella) and a sanctuary of the deity (Hor. Epist. 1,10,49), below the slope of

known from the Suda (s. v. =.); he is listed as the author of a Greek textbook on the art of declamation, and is

also known to have written, among other things, commentaries on Thucydides [2] and Acusilaus (probably the logographer from Argos, s. > Acusilaus). M.W. [3] S. Grammaticus

(oauwatioc;

Grammatikos).

Named in the Anthologia Palatina as the author of an epigram probably originating from the Garland of + Philippus [22] (Anth. Pal. 6,158): the skilful abridgement of an eight-verse votive poem by - Leonidas [3] of Tarentum (ibid. 6,154) to four lines. He was possibly

+ Vacuna

identical with Tullius S. (according to Planudes, how-

Ustica (Hor. Carm. 1,17,11; near present-day Licenza) and the mountain of Lucretilis (Hor. Carm. 1,17,1;3

ever, with T.

present-day Gennaro). The villa is situated at an elevation of 397 m south of Licenza at the foot of the Colle Rotondo in Vigne di San Pietro, named after a monastery founded there in the 8th cent. AD. To the south, the

unusual death of a mouse (Anth. Pal. 9,410).

residence, shaped like a closed rectangle, overlooks the

narrow side of a rectangular porticus with garden and piscina |2]. To the west, it overlooks baths and a vivarium (animal reserve). H. Puiuipp, s. v. S., RE 1 A, 12553 f. (map); L. Vorr, Das S., in: Gymnasium 82, 1975, 412-426; A. BRADSHAW,

Horace in Sabinis, in: C. DeRoux (ed.), Studies in Latin Literature, vol. 5, 1989, 160-186; E.A. Scumipt, S. — Horaz und sein Landgut im Licenzatal, 1997. Gi

+» Geminus [2]), the author of a solemn poem (also from the Garland of Philip) about the highly GA II.2, 372f.; 2, 404 f.

M.G.A.

B. ROMAN Very widespread Latin cognomen, which originally designated the place of origin, for instance in the family of the early Claudii (Claudius [I 31-32]); later it became hereditary in many gentes [1. 20, 30-51, 186]. Also used as a nomen gentile.; 1 KAJANTO, Cognomina.

I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

PERIOD

[11] The S. derided by Pseudo-Virgil (Catal. 10) as an upstart and muleteer was probably P. > Ventidius, cos.

817

818

suff. of 43 BC; he is not identical with the acquaintance or slave of C. Trebonius mentioned in Cic. Fam. 15,20,1

[2. 234]), a treatise entitled Ad Vitellium probably on the subject of testamentary law [3; 6. 52f.], as well as the antiquarian Memorialia (‘notable events’), Fasti (calendar for official duties) and De indigenis (‘On the indigenous population’). Responsa (legal opinions) by S. are only briefly mentioned in Dig. 14,2,4 pr., while Adsessoria (a guide for assessors) is quoted in Dig. 47,10,5,8 and De furtis (‘On property offences’) only in Gellerrensen2.

[1. 393-399]. 1 Syme, RP 1.

{I 2] Entrusted with the task of fighting against brigands in Italy in 36 BC (App. B Civ. 5,547), probably identical with C. Calvisius [6] S.

JOR.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {II 1] Equestrian, financial procurator in the province of Syria in 4 BC at the time of the death of king > Herodes [1]. S. immediately rushed to Jerusalem in order to take possession of the king’s property. This led to clashes with some of the city’s inhabitants. When S. was under siege, the governor of Syria, Quinctilius [II 7] Varus, marched his army to Jerusalem in order to free him (Jos. Ant. Iud. 17,222f.;227; 252-268; 286-294). [II 2] Gladiator, appointed by Caligula as commander custodes (‘bodyguards’) (Cass. Dio 60,28,2; Jos. Ant. ud. 19,122). Messalina [2] allegedly later made him her lover (Cass. Dio loc. cit.). W.E. [Il 3] Roman elegiac and epic poet of the Augustan Pe-

SABORAEANS

1 O.LENEL, Palingenesia iuris civilis, vol. 2, 1889, 187— 216 2ScHuLZ 3D.Lieps, Nichtliterarische romische Juristen der Kaiserzeit, in: K.Lurc, D.Ligss (eds.), Das Profil des Juristen in der europaischen Tradition. Symposion F. Wieacker, 1980, 123-198, here: 138 f. 4R.AsrTo ri, I libri tres iuris civilis di Sabino, 1983

5 R.A. BAUMAN, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989, 62-68 6 G.LuccuHeETTI, I libri tres iuris civilis di Sabino, in: Archivio Giuridico 207. fasc. 1-3, 1987, 49-87.

T.G.

of his corporis

riod (died before AD 16). This friend of > Ovidius (Ov.

Am. 2,18,27-34; Ov. Pont. 4,16,13-16) was the author of letters to Ovid’s ‘heroides’ written in reply by the lovers (including the one by Phaon to Sappho, cf. Ov. Am. 2,18,34 and [1]), as well as of a historical epic and an uncompleted work in the fashion of Ovid’s Fasti — nothing of these is extant. In modern times, the name lived on in Melanchthon’s son-in-law, who also was an elegiac poet as well as an Ovidian. 1G.Rosat1, S., the Heroides and the Poet-Nightingale, in: CQ 46, 1996, 207-212.

P.LS.

{II 4] S. Iulianus see - Julianus [7] {fl 5] Mas(s)urius S. A jurist who in AD 22 succeeded -» Ateius [6] Capito as head of the Sabinian — law school (Dig. 1,2,2,48). He had to reach the age of

almost fifty before emperor Tiberius elevated him to the rank of equestrian and granted him the ius respondendi (> responsa; Dig. 1,2, 2,50). S. allegedly still worked under

> Nero

[1] (AD

54-68) (Gai. Inst. 2,218; cf.

[5. 63]). His most successful work was the concise textbook Ius civile (‘civil law’, 3 books; cf. [4; 6]); it was annotated by + Titius Aristo and commented upon by -» Pomponius, -» Ulpianus as well as -> Julius [IV 16] Paulus [2. 262-269]. The structure of the work has been reconstructed on the basis of its frequently much more extensive commentaries, which only used it as a prompt for an overview of civil law. The ‘Sabinian system’, which in the tradition of the Ius civile by Q. > Mucius [I 9] Scaevola Pontifex took the law of inheritance as its starting-point, was purely associative in

structure and thus still a long way away from the abstract structure of the Imstitutiones of — Gaius [2] [z. 186-189; 6. 80-87]. In addition, S. wrote several works only known from a few references and quotations [x]: a short commentary on the edict (Ad edictum

Sabis [1] River in northern Gaul (Caes. B Gall. 2,16,1; 2,18), where in 57 BC Caesar fought against the > Nervii and their allies, the Atrebates [1] and Viromandui (ibid. 2,16-27), on his way from > Samarobriva. The river’s identification and location are contested. Older scholarship identified the S. with the Sambra [1] (modern Sambre), suggesting that the battle took place 6 km outside of Maubeuge near Hautmont-Boussiéres [1; 2]. Recently these claims have been countered by topological, historical and onomastic arguments favouring a location on the right arm of the Scaldis (modern Schelde), the modern Selle, along the road Cambaracum-Bagacum near Saulzoir [3; 4; 5]; the claim that the Scaldis itself was called S. in its upper reaches [6] has garnered less assent. 1 M.Lezin, Le combat ad Sabim, in: Les Etudes Classi-

ques 22, 1954, 401-406 2M.Rampaup, L’art de la déformation historique dans les commentaires de César, *1966, 165 3M.A. ARNouULD, La bataille du S., in: RBPh

20, 1941, 29-106

4 J. HERBILLION,

Du S. de

César a la Selles de Froisart, in: RBPh 55, 1977, 51-55 5 C.B. R. PELLING, Caesar’s Battle-Descriptions and the Defeat of Ariovistus, in: Latomus 40, 1981, 747f. 6R.VeRDIERE,

Bataille

du

S., bataille

du

Scaldis

ou

bataille du S.-Scaldis, in: RBPh 53, 1975, 48-58. A.PENNACINI, A.GARZETTI, Gaio Giulio Cesare, La guerra gallica, 1996, 492f. (Italian translation with commentary).

[2] River in Gallia Cisalpina (Plin. HN 3,18), modern Savio. F.SCH. Saboraeans

(from Hebrew sabar, ‘consider’, ‘verify’,

‘reason’). Term for those Jewish Talmud scholars of the

6th/7th cents. AD who carried out the final editing of the Babylonian Talmud (- Rabbinical literature) and

copiously amplified it with more extensive chapters. The Saboraeans followed the > Tannaites (late rst — early 3rd cents. AD) and the + Amoraim (3rd—5th cents. AD).

SABORAEANS

G.STEMBERGER,

Einleitung in Talmud

81992, 205-207.

819

820

und Midrasch,

highly developed and is attested in + Ostia epigraphically by the stat(io) Sabratensium: CIL XIV Suppl.,

B.E.

Sabouroff Painter. Attic red-figure vase painter, named after the former owner of one of his /ébétes

4549 (14). A bishop is mentioned for the first time for the year 256 (Cypr. Sententiae episcoporum 83-85).

From the time of > Diocletianus on, S. was part of the

gamikot (-» lébés [2]) in Berlin, SM (F 2404). The SP, a

province of Tripolitana.

productive artist to whom well over 330 vases are ascribed, worked in various workshops. Early in his career (470-460 BC) and in a transitional period (460-455), he was primarily a bow] painter, connected to the workshops of the > Brygus Painter, -» Duris [2] and the -» Penthesilea Painter. Through most of his middle period (455-440), he decorated red-figured Nolan amphorae, pelikes and lekythoi (+ Pottery, shapes and types of, figs. A5, A8, E3) in the workshop of the + Achilles Painter. At the same time, he continued to pursue the manufacture of wedding pottery. In his late middle period, he turned to the painting of whiteground /ekythoi in another workshop, which also remained the focus of his activities in his later period

city with new walls and built a church there (Procop.

(440-430). The SP was a capable artist who distinguished himself by his vivid figurative depictions. His white-ground vessels are the best of his work, and in using this technique on lekythoi, he was a pioneer in that he was the first to use dull-paint technique consistently. Another aspect of his accomplishment lay in his development of a broad palette of images for the grave and the afterlife, including > Charon [1], > prothesis and the visit to the tomb. Several artists of lesser importance were clearly his pupils, including the Trophy Painter and the Houston Painter. F. FELTEN, Thanatos- und Kleophonmaler, 1971, 32-35; G.G. Kavvapias, O Gwoyedhos tov Sabouroff, 2000; D.C. Kurrz, Athenian White Lekythoi, 1975, 34-373 J.H. Oaktey, The Achilles Painter, 1997, ros f. J.0.

Sabratha (Neo-Punic Sbrt/’]n). I. History

> Iustinianus [1] secured the

Aed. 6,4,13). Inscription.: [2. 1-4; 1. 1-228]; AE 1987, 1063; 1068; 1989, 882; 893; 1996, 1698.

W.HU.

I]. ARCHAEOLOGY The important archaeological legacy is mainly from the epoch of the Antonines (2nd cent AD), after the city was elevated to a colonia: the forum area was equipped with

new

monuments,

including a forum

temple, a

temple to the emperors Marcus [2] Aurelius and L. Verus and marble cladding for the capitol temple. In the last quarter of the 2nd cent. in the eastern part of the city, the three-storey theatre was built. Its scenae frons has been virtually completely reconstructed from building parts which had been preserved under sand dunes. With its lavish decoration and a cavea of c. 92m in diameter, it was one of the largest in the empire. 1 J.M. REYNOLDs, J.B. W. Perkins (ed.), The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania, 1952 2G.LEvI DELLA VIDA (ed.), Iscrizioni puniche della Tripolitania (1927-1967), 1987.

J. Dore, N. Keay, Excavations at S. 1948-1951, vol. 2.1, 1989; M. FULFORD, R. TOMBER, Excavations at S. 19481951, vol. 2.2, 1994; Huss, 36; P.M. KENRICK, Excavations at S. 1948-1951,

1986; C.LEPELLEY,

Les cités de

P Afrique romaine..., vol. 2, 1981, 372-3 80; R. REBUFFAT, s.v. S., DCPP,

381; E.M.

RUPRECHTSBERGER,

S. — Eine

antike Stadt in Tripolitanien, in: Antike Welt 32/1, 2001, 35-46; A.Di Vira, R.Potiport, Das antike Libyen, 1999, esp. 146-181; K. VOssING, Schule und Bildung im Nordafrika der rémischen Kaiserzeit (Coll. Latomus 238), 1997, 106-115.

W.HU.H.G.N.

II. ARCHAEOLOGY

Sabrina. River rising in Mid-Wales and flowing into the I. History

One of the three Phoenician cities of African Tripolis, 65 km west of Tripoli, Libya (Ps.-Scyl. 110 and Str. 17,3,18: ABedtovow/Abrotonon (?); Steph. Byz. s. v. "ABootovov (?); Plin. HN 5,25; 35: Sabrata; 27: Habrotonum; Sil. Pun. 3,256: S.; Ptol. 4,3,12: Dapoa0a/ Sadbratha; Stadiasmus maris magni 99f.: Laed0oa/ Sarathra or “AhGOea/Alathra; It. Ant. 61,3: Sabrata colonia; Solin. 27,8 and Tab. Peut. 7,2: Sabrata). The

earliest archaeological traces date back (only) to the 5th cent. BC. The city deity was Sdrp’/Sadrapa (> Satrapes [2]; [1. §53 117; £26], equated with — Liber Pater). The vigour of Punic culture remained long uninterrupted. S. was still minting coins with Neo-Punic legends at the time of Augustus. However, Roman equestrians were living in the city even before the mid rst cent. AD (Suet. Vesp. 3). In the 2nd cent. AD, S. became a colonia (It. Ant. 61,3). Between AD 175 and 180 a duumvir was in office [1. 23]. Trade with Italy was

Bristol Channel (Tac. Ann. 12,31; Ptol. 2,3,3), modern

Severn. Its valley played an important role in the period of the Roman conquest, with legionary bases at » Glevum and — Viroconium (modern Wroxeter). A.L. F. Rivet, C.SmitH, The Place-Names Britain, 1979, 450f.

of Roman M.TO.

Sabucius. C. $. Maior Caecilianus. Senator; after the

praetorship, he took six praetorian offices, including the office of a praef. aerarii militaris, of a praetorian imperial governor of Gallia Belgica shortly after AD 180, and of a procos. of Achaia. Cos. suff. in 186 (RMD 1, 69). His grandson, C. S$. Maior Faustinus, also had senatorial rank (CIL VI 1510 = ILS 1123a). PIR S 34. WE.

821

822

Saburra (Saborra). Military commander of of Numidia, in 49 BC he helped to bring defeat of Caesar’s governor C. Scribonius was himself defeated and killed in 46 by the

> Juba [1] about the Curio, but Caesarean

P. — Sittius (Caes. B Civ. 2,3 8-42; Bell. Afr. 48,1; 93,3; 95,1; App. B Civ. 2,181-186; 4,232; Frontin. Str. 2,5,40). For reasons of metre, Lucan (4,722) wrote Sabbura. K-LE.

SACASTANE

in Peripl. maris Erythraei 38 (= GGM

1,286), and Ptol. 7,1,55 refers to it as Ivéooxv0ia/Indoskythia. The language of the S. is for the older periods attested only on coins and in individual words in Greek, Latin and Indian works. In southern Kazakhstan, in the cemeteries of Uigarak, Tagiken, Besshatyr and Issyk, numerous graves have been found with ceramic and metal vessels, weapons

and horse

harnesses.

The

archers’

bows of the S. were very solid and had a long range. Sacadas (Saxddac; Sakddas). Poet and famous aulos player from Argos. He participated in the second organisation (katdstasis) of music in Sparta (Plut. Mor.

1134bc) and won the Pythian agon (> Pythia [2]) three times in a row from 586 BC in Delphi, when solo per-

P.L. Iron facts tions

Kont, Central Asia, Paleolithic Beginnings to the Age, 1984; B.A. Lirvinsky, Archaeology and Artiin Iron Age Central Asia, in: J. SASsON (ed.), Civilizaof the Ancient Near East, vol. 2, 1995, 1078-1083.

B.B.

formances of the aulos were introduced there (Paus. I0,7,3-53; 6,14,10; cf. > Musical instruments V.B.1.).

His winning piece, which described Apollo’s fight with the dragon in five parts, became known as the ‘Pythian nomos’ (> Nomos [3]; ibid. 2,22,8; [1]). S. also wrote elegiac verses (Plut. Mor. 1134a), a momos for choir in three parts each in a different key (ibid. 113.4b) and an Iliou Pérsis (‘Fall of Troy’; Ath. 6roc; [3]). His statue stood on the Helicon, the statue which Pausanias con-

nects to a now lost prooemium by Pindarus [2] (Paus. 9,30,2). As late as in 369 BC, S.’ melodies accompanied

the building of Messene (ibid. 4,27,7). 1 H. GUHRAUER, Der Pythische Nomos, in: Jahrbiicher fiir classische Philologie, Suppl. 8, 1875-1876, 311-351

Sacaraucae (Laxagatxav/Sakaratikai; on the name [2. 68]). A people originally living on the borders of Transoxiana, regarded by Str. 11,8,2 (cf. Just. Epit. prol. 41), together with the Asii, Pasiani and Tochari, among the conquerors of Bactria (in the 2nd cent. BC). After Parthian kings had already been forced at the end of the 2nd cent. BC into conflict with nomadic peoples on the eastern border of the empire, in 78/77 BC the S. even succeeded in placing > Sanatruces [1] on the Parthian throne, an Arsacid acceptable to them (Lucian, Macr. 15); still under his son and successor — Phraates [3] III, they influenced Arsacid politics (numismatic

2 E. HItter, Sakadas der Aulet, in: RhM 31, 1876, 76-88

findings [1. rro-115]). At that time, the places where the S. lived in Transoxiana appear not to have been far

3 F.D’ALFONSO, Sacada, Xanto e Stesicoro, in: Quaderni

from the Parthian homeland (Ptol. 6,14,14; Oros. Hist.

Urbinati di Cultura Classica 51, 1995, 49-61.

1,2,43, both probably based on Apollodorus of Artemita). The Scythian events mentioned by Just. Epit. prol. 42 (the decline of the S. and the rise of a new ruling house, ‘reges Tocharorum Asiani interitusque Saraucarum’) probably occurred around the middle of the rst cent. BC. Several scholars attribute the Tillya-tepe necropolis to the S. [1. 125-127].

RO.HA.

- Sacae (SdxnavV/Sakai, Laxxa/Sakkai: different variants of the name, ée.g., in Aristoph. Av. 31; Xen. Cyr. 8,3,2532; 8,3,3 5-50; Hdt. 7,64; Sacae: Plin. HN 6,50, among others). Derived from the Persian name for the nomads of central Asia, possibly called after the tribal group’s name for itself. For Str. 11,8,2, ‘most of the Scythians’

east of the Caspian Sea are S. According to the ancient Persian inscriptions, there were several leagues, the Saka haumavarga (= Zxb0a “ApboyoUSkythai Amyrgiol, approximately ‘haoma-drinking S.’) and the Saka tigrahauda (Zxv0a “OePox0evpavuoSkythai Orthokorybdntioi, ‘S. with the pointed caps’), the Saka para Sugda (‘S. of ‘> Sogdiana’’) and the Saka paradraya (‘S. beyond the sea’). In the > Persian Wars, S. fought as mercenaries in the Achaemenid army, e.g. at » Marathon (Hdt. 6,113), Thermopylae and -> Plataeae (Diod. Sic. 11,7,2; Hdt. 11,31,71); Str. 11,8,2 mentions S. as some of the nomads aside from the Asii or Asiani (= ~» Alani?), > Tochari and > Sacaraucae, who snatched

+ Bactria from the Greeks and then occupied > Margiana, > Areia [1] and -» Drangiana, which was subsequently called Sakastan after the conquerors. In 130 BC, the S. attacked the Parthian > Phraates [2] II but were subjugated between 87 and 80 by > Orodes [1]. In about 60 BC, S. invaded India, where several dynasties of S$. maintained control until the 4th cent. AD. Hence, the lower Indus valley is called Zxv0ia/Skythia

1M.J.

Oxrsrycnt,

Parthia

et ulteriores

gentes,

1998

2 R.ScumirTt, Zu einer neuen ‘Geschichte Mittelasiens im Altertum’, in: WZKM

67, 1975, 31-91.

JW.

Sacastane (Zaxaotavi/Sakastane: Isidorus of Charax, Stathmoi Parthikoi 18 = GGM 1,253). The land on the middle course of the Etymander (Helmand), between

+» Arachosia and -> Drangiana, occupied since the 2nd cent. BC by - Sacae, also called - Paraetacene by Isidorus of Charax. When the Indo-Parthian king Gondophares conquered the Indian land of the Saces, it appears that he also occupied Arachosia and Sacastane. Ardasir (> Ardashir [1] I), the first Sassanid king (224241), conquered the land of Sacastane. It was not until

the reign of Hormazd II (302-309) that it became a regular province of the empire. In the trilingual inscription of > Sapor Ion the Ka‘ba-ye Zardust in - Naqs-e Rostam, the country skstn (this should be read as Sage-

stan) is mentioned; in Greek it is called Leytotavy/Segistane, in Christian-Sogdian sgst’n, in Arabic Sigistan, modern Sistan.

823

824

F.R. ALtcHin, N. HaMMonp (eds.), The Archaeology of Afghanistan, 1978. B.B.andJ.D.-G.

Sacellarius (oaxedAcotoc/sakellarios). From the 5th cent. AD, a chamberlain at the Roman-Byzantine im-

SACASTANE

Saccarius. The Latin word saccarius describes both the sack-makers and traders in sacks as well as the dockworkers who were responsible for the loading and unloading of cargo ships in the ports (Dig. 18,1,40,3); be-

perial court (-» Court D), from the 8th-12th cents. the senior custodian of the state finances (last reference

1196), from

1094 sometimes called mégas — logari-

astes. P.SCHREINER, s.v. Finanzwesen, -verwaltung (A. L-f.), LMA 4, 456; P.MaAGDALINO, s.v. Sacellarius, ODB 3,

sides saccarii, the terms baiuli and geruli are also com-

monly found in the literary tradition (in Greek oaxxopdeoUsakkophoroi and gogtmyoi/phortegoi

1828 f.

FT.

(‘porter’)). In various towns the saccarii set up collegia

(+ Collegium [1]) or corpora (ILS 7292); the phalangarti or falancarii, who had specialised in transporting amphorae and barrels, were probably classified as belonging to these collegia too. In Portus [1], the corpus of the saccarii was given a monopoly for all loading work in AD 364 (Cod. Theod. 14,22). A painting which originally came from a memorial in Ostia shows saccarii loading a ship (Isis Giminiana, Rome, VM). + Harbours, docks 1 L.BascH,

Le musée

imaginaire de la marine

1987, ill. 1048 2 J.RouG£, Recherches sur tion du commerce maritime en Méditerannée pire romain, 1966, 179-84 (further 3 D. Vera, Commento storico alle relationes

antique,

l’organisasous |’Emliterature) di Quinto

Aurelio Simmaco, 1981, (123 to Symmachus Relat. 14,3)

4 J.-P. Waxtzinc,

Etude historique sur les corporations

professionelles chez les Romains, vols. 2 and 4, 1896, 1900 (reprint 1970 et al.). H.KON.

Saccharon (odxyagov/sdkcharon, Lat. sacc{h|aron). Sugar obtained from the pith of sugarcane, a plant not native to the Mediterranean region. The Greeks first came to know of sugarcane and its sweet juice with the Indian campaign of Alexander [II 4] (Str. 15,1,20; Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,15,5). Sugar does not appear to have reached the Mediterranean region in crystalline form before the beginning of the rst cent. AD, when direct sea trade from Egypt to India got under way (Peripl. maris Erythraei 14 Casson). In any case, the word saccharon entered the sources (Plin. HN 12,32) at this time with the meaning ‘grain of sugar’. Sugar was probably imported only in very small amounts and gained significance only in medicine, where it was used in rare cases for therapeutic purposes (Dioscorides, Materia medica 2,82 WELLMANN; Gal. De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis 7,12,9 KUHN). In the ancient kitchen, on the other hand, where -> honey remained the most important sweetener, there was no place for saccharon.

Sacellum (‘small sanctuary’). Diminutive form of the Latin sacrum. Distinct from it was the sacrarium, the storage room for the sacred gear (sacra supellex), which did not necessarily have to be consecrated (-» Consecratio). Sacellum could describe public Roman cult sites consisting of an open altar with an enclosure (Trebatius in Gell. NA 7,12,5; cf. Fest. 422 L.), as well as private

sanctuaries. It had the form of a chapel, with the image standing in a niche (— aedicula) in front of the offering was made (cf. Paul. Fest. 319 L.). In day speech, sacellum also referred to sanctuaries Lares

(e.g. Juv.

13,232;

Liv. 4,30,10;

divine which everyof the — Lararium). AVS.

Sacer. That which is withdrawn from everyday use and is given over to the gods (cf. sacrare, ‘to make sacer’: ~» sacrifice [I A]). In the earliest Latin sources, the adjec-

tive sacer is used in connection with sacrificial animals (Plaut. Men. 290) and objects dedicated to a deity (CIL I’ 473 3653; 396; 580). In archaic Roman law, a person

guilty of certain crimes could be declared sacer. The person concerned was excluded from human society and could be killed without punishment (CIL I? 2; cf. Fest. 424 L.). Although over the course of time Roman jurists insisted that only something officially consecrated

could

be sacer

(Fest.

424

L.; Gai.

Inst.

2,5;

-» consecratio), the term was already in use at an early stage in a wider sense for places and objects connected with a particular deity (Enn. Scaen. 124). From the Augustan period on, sacer is often encountered in the sense of ‘divine’, ‘celestial’ (Verg. Aen. 8,591; Ov. Fast. 6,386). In this sense, it finally came to be used for the

emperor and his decrees (Stat. Silv. 5,2,177; Ulp. Dig. 2.675555). law: = Religion >» Ecclesiastical/Religious LX]; > Sacra;

> Sanctus

R.Frori, Homo

sacer, 1996; H.FuGier, Recherches sur

expression du sacré dans la langue latine, 1963; D. SaBBATUCCI, Sacer, in: SMSR 23, 1952, 91-ToT.

J.B.R.

Saccharon should not be confused with the sweet,

grainy secretion of silica (the modern tabashir) deposited in the joints of certain types of bamboo, esp. those native to India (so however [1; 2; 3]).

[1] Rare Roman cognomen (‘priest’), in the Republican

1 J. ANDRE, Essen und Trinken im alten Rom, 1998, 164166 2M.Besnier, s.v. Saccharon, DS IV/2, 931-932 3 H. BLUMNER, s.v. Daxyaoov, REI A, 1812-1815.

A. Da.py, Essen und Trinken im alten Griechenland. Von Homer bis zur byzantinischen Zeit, 1998.

Sacerdos

AG;

period attested for the Licinii (> Licinius [I 41]), in the Imperial period for Marius > Plotius [II 5] Claudius S. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 319.

K.-LE.

[2] (plur. sacerdotes). The second part of the Latin word is derived from the Indo-European *dhe- (cf. Greek tit-

825

826

hénai, Lat. facere, English do): a sacerdos was thus ‘someone who performed > sacra’. Sacerdotes became the umbrella term for all religious functionaries, but its meaning as a technical term was more specific: as inscriptions confirm, it was customarily used for + priests serving a single, particularly non-Roman, deity. This had already been the established usage by the

which were carried out by magistrates and — priests at public expense for the populus, but which did not require the public’s participation, the second group comprised festivals, such as the > Fornacalia or the > Parilia, in which larges sections of the public usually took part (therefore sometimes described as sacra popularia). The sacra privata were performed for individuals, households, gentes and private organisations. In general they did not come under the control of state officials. However, it was a matter of public concern to prevent the cults of the gentes from dying out (Cic. Leg. 2,22; 2,48-53; Cic. Mur. 27; cf. > Gens B.). Therefore the > pontifices had control over changes to the legal status of individuals which could affect the continued existence of the sacra privata, as in adoption cases where the person’s father was no longer alive (Cic. Dom. 34; 36). They also generally acted as advisers and experts in the interests of the sacra privata (Cic. Dom. 132; Cic. Har.

early 2nd cent. BC (Plaut. Bacch. 307; Plaut. Rud. 285; ILS 18,10). In addition, the officials who continued to

perform the sacra of the ancient Latin communities (+ Latini) were frequently referred to as sacerdotes (e.g. sacerdotes

Laurentium Lavinatium: ILS 1147; 1430; 1431). Some lower ranking cultic functionaries in Rome also bore the title of sacerdos [4. 519-521;

483]. Because both of these usages are presumably very ancient, it was assumed that the term originally referred to a non-Roman category [1. 46]. However, beginning in the rst cent. BC and possibly even earlier (cf. Fest. 198), it had also been applied to members of the Roman

priestly colleges, at least colloquially. Cicero used the term sacerdotes for the vestals (Dom. 144) and collectively referred to pontifices (> Pontifex, Pontifices), + augures and > quindecimviri as publici sacerdotes (Leg. 2,20; 2,30; Nat. D. 3,5); this use of the word is also found in Livy 26,23,7. In the late Republic, these were the three most important priestly colleges (Varro in Aug. Civ. 6,3). — Augustus [1] elevated the + septemviri epulones to a rank equivalent to them. After that, the expression ‘the four most distinguished colleges of sacerdotes’ (R. Gest. div. Aug. 9,1) seems to have been an official collective term. In the western provinces of the Roman empire during the Imperial period, the title of sacerdos was often used for municipal priests involved with the cult of a single individual deity, e.g., sacerdos Cereris (‘priest of Ceres’) in Carthage [3]. In the > ruler cult in the provinces, sacerdos was originally used for the priests of + Roma [1] and Augustus, while those of officially consecrated emperors were referred to as > flamines. This distinction, however, was not applied to the cults of the + municipia and eventually it also disappeared from the provincial cults [2. 131 f.; 165-167; 263-267]. + Flamines; > Priests 1 M.Bearp,

Priesthood in the Roman

Republic, in: Id.,

J. Nortu (ed.), Pagan Priests, 1990, 17-48 2 D.Fisuwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West, 2 vols., 1987-1992 3 J.Gascou, Les sacerdotes Cererum de Carthage, in: AntAfr 23, 1987, 95-128

4 G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Romer, ‘1912. |.B.R.

Sacra. The customary Latin term for all kind of religious rituals (Macrob. Sat. 1,16,8). Its usage in old priestly titles is a sign of its antiquity (e.g. > rex sacrorum). Roman scholars made a distinction between sacra publica and sacra privata (Fest. 284 L.). The former were listed in the local > calendar and were divided into two main types: The first group were rituals

SACRAMENTARIUM

resp. 14; Liv. 1,20,6). From time to time Roman state

officials restricted the sacra privata of the type which they deemed to be incompatible with the public interest, as in the case of the + Bacchanalia in the year 186 BC (Liv. 39,8—10; ILS 18). G. WissowaA, Religion und Kultus der Romer *1912, 398-

402.

J.BR.

Sacramentarium. The terms sacramentarium and sacramentorum liber etc. refer to a type of Christian liturgical book that developed in Late Antiquity, made up of libelli (individual sheets or booklets) and containing prayers recited by the bishop or priests, especially during the celebration of the Eucharist. Sometimes it also contains other liturgical texts intended for certain feasts, periods and occasions. The oldest preserved codices date from the 2nd half of the 6th cent. The most important types of sacramentary in terms of origin and characteristic features are the following: those from the city of Rome itself, Roman-Frankish, Old Gaulish and Celtic, Milanese

and Old Spanish, as well as mixed

sacramentaries (— liturgy II). The sacramentarium Veronense or ‘Leonianum [1],

originally written and used by popes in the Lateran, is an incomplete codex miscellaneus and a precursor of the sacramentary in the proper sense. In the mid—7th cent., the more systematic sacramentarium Gelasianum vetus [2] was compiled in Rome for a Roman titular church, using older sources, and revised in the Frankish

kingdom. The Gregorian sacramentary [3] was probably created under Honorius I (625-638) for the papal liturgy, and from it three different types developed. Especially during the Carolingian period, supplements were added to the sacramentaries, which were made

more suitable for liturgical use (‘early Gelasiana’ or ‘Frankish Gelasiana’ of the 8th cent.; Gregorian-Gelasian mixed sacramentaries, beginning in the gth cent.). In the r2th/13th cents., the sacramentary was definitively replaced by the (plenary) missal. Many of the texts of the sacramentarium live on today as part of

SACRAMENTARIUM

827

Catholic missals, Protestant rituals and the Anglican Book of Common Prayer. > Prayer IV; > Gregorius [II 3] I; > Libellus; > Liturgy Il; > Liturgical manuscripts; > Missa; > Vulgate EDITIONS: 1L.C. MOHLBERG, S. Veronense (Cod. Bibl. Capit. Veron. LXXXV [80]), 1956 (31978) 2 Id., Liber sacramentorum Romanae aeclesiae ordinis anni circuli

828

probably sworn by both parties, who thereby ran the risk of losing their civic, or even their physical existence. The shift in the meaning of sacramentum (oath > sum of money) probably came from the defeated party’s obligation to pay for his own expiation or to compensate

the community whose religious standing had been sullied by his > perjury.

(Cod. Vat. Reg. lat. 316/Paris Bibl. Nat. 7193, 41/56 S. Gelasianum),

1960 (31981)

3 J.DesHusses,

Le sacra-

mentaire grégorien, ses principales formes d’aprés les plus anciens manuscrits, 1971-1982. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4 B.CoppieTers “Tt WALLANT, Corpus orationum (CCL 160, A-J), 1992-1999 5 J. DESHUSSES,

B. DaRRAGON, Concordances et tableaux pour |’étude des 6 K. GAMBER, grands sacramentaires, 6 vols., 1982f. Codices liturgici latini antiquiores, 2 vols., *1968; Supplementum,

1994

1988

7 M.Merzce_r,

Les sacramentaires,

8E.PALAzzo, Histoire des livres liturgiques: Le

Moyen Age, 1993

9 C. VOGEL, Medieval Liturgy, 1986

(Fr. transl. *1981), 61-134

10 Archiv fur Liturgiewis-

senschaft, 1950 ff. (with indices).

M.KLO.

Sacramentum I. GENERAL TARY OATH

REMARKS

II. Civit raw

III. MILI-

IV. CHRISTIANITY

I. GENERAL REMARKS In contrast to > tus iurandum, which in Latin generally refers to the oath itself and the act of swearing an oath, the sacramentum (‘oath’) has to do with the obligations an individual assumes vis-a-vis the god who is invoked (usually > Iuppiter (I. B) in his function as Dius Fidius or ‘all gods’). The sacramentum threatens that one may become > sacer, in thrall to a god and consequently outlawed, by taking an oath affirming a false statement or failing to keep a promise made under oath (assertive or promissory oath) [1. 76-84]. I. Civit Law Probably the oldest form of legal action, applicable in any dispute, was the legis actio sacramento (-> legis actio). It was subject to strict formal requirements and available only to Roman citizens. Each party deposited with the judicial magistrate (im iure) a sum of money based on the amount in dispute, which was referred to as the sacramentum (Varro Ling. 5,180; Fest. 468,16-

29; Gai. Inst. 4,12-20) and intended, as a ‘wager’, to support the competing claims of the parties [2; 6]. The stake of the party whose contention was not supported by the judge (apud iudicem) went to the state. Although the term sacramentum was already in use in 450 BC in the Law of the Twelve Tables in the sense of a ‘sum of money’ (Tab. I ra = Gai. Inst. 4,14), factors

such as the small amount of money that had to be put up

III. MILITARY OATH With the sacramentum militare (‘military oath’) the soldier pledged to obey his commander (usually the consul) and to observe strict discipline (Pol. 6,2 1,2; Liv.

3,20,3—-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. 10,18; 11,43; Veg. Mil. 2,5). With this oath, the civis (citizen) left the ranks of the

> Ouirites, became a miles (soldier) and thus submitted to more stringent disciplinary penalties, including the death penalty, in case he violated the sacramentum milttare [1. 91-94; 3. 19-32]. Shortly before the Battle of

Cannae (216 BC), hitherto voluntary oaths made by soldiers in the detachments (e. g., not to flee) became part of the sacramentum militare, which was now administered by military tribunes (> tribunus militum) (Liv. 22,38,1-6; cf. Pol. 6,21,2).

The sacramentum

militare was in force for the duration of a campaign, and unlike the oath of the Greek éphéboi (> ephébeia), it was sworn not to the state, but to the army command-

er, a fact that was no doubt a relic of the private warfare that was still common in the sth cent. BC ([4. 368-387]; ~» Lapis Satricanus). The oath’s link to a specific person facilitated the close relationship that developed between the military leader and the army (so-called ‘military clientela’) after Marius [I 1], and was also the basis for the ‘oath of allegiance’ sworn to -» Octavianus [1] by Italy and the western provinces (R. Gest. div. Aug. 25; Cass. Dio 50,6,5; 57,3,2; although it was not, in formal terms, a sacramentum militare; [5. 272-290]) and lived on during the Imperial era in the sacramentum

militare of the professional army that was sworn every year to the > princeps on the anniversary of his accession to power (dies imperii) or on New Year’s Day (Tac. Hist. 1,55; Plin. Ep. 10,52). It appears that it was not until the late antique period that the > res publica became part of the oath (Serv. Aen. 8,1; Veg. Mil. 2,5; [1. 88-90]).

> Armies IIL. 1J.RUpKE, Domi

militiae, 1990

«=2: W. KuNKEL, Unter-

suchungen zur Entwicklung des rémischen Kriminalverfahrens, 1962, 98-130, esp. 106-113

3. J.B. CAMPBELL,

The Emperor and the Roman Army: 31 B. C.-A. D. 235, 1984 4D.Timre, Das Kriegsmonopol des rémischen Staates, in: EDER, Staat

5 V. FaDINGER, Die Begriindung des Prinzipats, 1969 6 M.Kaser, K.HAckt, Das rémische Zivilprozefsrecht, *1996, 82. W.ED.

in manumission proceedures (irrespective of the slave’s

actual value: Gai. Inst. 4,14), the fact that the money was originally deposited with members of the priesthood (ad pont(ific)em: Varro ling. 5,180) and the origi-

IV. CHRISTIANITY

The Christian concept main roots:

of sacramentum

(1) the Roman-Latin

meaning

has two (‘military

nal use of the stake for religious purposes (i rebus divi-

oath’, see III. above); (2) a borrowing of the meaning of

nis: Fest. 468,29) would indicate that early oaths were

the Greek wwot)etov/mysteérion (‘mysterium’) as a result of reading and translating Greek Christian literature.

829

830

Since sacramentum implied a personal religious and ethical commitment, > Tertullianus regarded it an appropriate term for the baptismal vow rejecting the devil

senses (e. g. baptismal water) and the word that interprets that element; it is not until the word is spoken that an element becomes a sacramentum: Accedit verbum ad

and for the affirmation of faith (De corona 11,1; De idololatria 6,1; De pudicitia 14,17), but also for > baptism as a whole (Ad martyras 3,1; De spectaculis 24,4; De idololatria 19,2; De scorpiace 4,5) and for the

elementum, et fit sacramentum, etiam ipsum tamquam

Eucharist (Adversus Marcionem 4,34,5; 5,8,3). In its

broadest sense, sacramentum refers to religious doctrine in general (Adversus Praxean 30,53; 31,2). Tertullian was also aware from ancient Latin translations of the Bible that mystérion was translated by sacramentum (Eph 1,9; 3,9; 5,32; 6,19). In the Book of Daniel, mystérion (Aramaic raza) refers to the hidden revelation of future events predetermined by God (2:27-303 2:47), in Acts of the Apostles it concerns the hidden thoughts, plans and acts of God that have yet to be revealed (1:20; 17:7). + Paulus [2] calls Christ the mystérion of God (x Cor 2:1) that has revealed itself.

+ Origenes [2] borrows from Philo [12] of Alexandria the exegetic meaning of mystérion when he refers to the hidden meaning of scripture (cf. Mk 4:11 and parallels) which is discovered through > exegesis (also in Tertullian: Jesus — Joshua: Adversus Marcionem 9,21-25; cross of Christ — wood of Isaac: Adversus Iudaeos 10,5 f.; cross — brazen serpent: ibid. ro, 10). Origen, like Justinus [6] (Dial. 85,7) before him, applies the same

hermeneutics to liturgical gestures and rites that he regarded as symbols of the truth that has been or will be revealed. It was > Ambrosius in particular, whose main sources included Philo and Origen, who applied these methods of interpretation to Latin literature. In De mysteriis 1,3 (cf. De sacramentis 5,3,12) he calls a visible sign sacramentum and the reality referred to mysterium, but the two concepts are often used interchangeably (De mysteriis 3,12). Sacramenta are visible signs of a hidden reality, and between the two levels there is a relationship of similitudo (‘similarity, correspondence’ cf. Epist. 98,9; 552538: 8324s 21,225 particularly. §5;6,11-7,135 cf: Ambr. De sacramentis 6,1,2f.). Augustinus juxtaposes the sacramenta of the -> Bible and the ~ liturgy [x6]. It is important to distinguish between sacramentum and memoria (‘memory’); the meaning of the latter is limited to the memory of a historical event, such as the ‘Lord’s birthday’ (dies natalis domint), while sacramentum also contains a more profound spiritual significance: redemptive and justifying meaning, as well as the sanctification of the transition from death to life (Aug. Epist. 5 5,1,2). Hence the sun, moon and Sunday, which form the basis for calculating the date of Easter, have a deeper meaning (Aug. Epist. 55,1£3,23). They are similitudines (‘equivalents’) that reveal their meaning in the Holy Spirit upon one’s acceptance of the faith (Aug.

SACRED WARS

visibile verbum — ‘The word comes together with the element, and it becomes a sacrament, a visible word, as

it were’ (In lohannis evangelium tractatus 80,3). Without the verbum the element is not a sacramentum (cf. Ambr. de mysteriis 4,20). Along with Augustine’s concept of the sacrament, over the following centuries that of > Isidorus [9] of Seville (+ 636) became widely accepted; this view underscored the significance of the Holy Spirit and named only the sacramenta baptismus et chrisma, corpus et sanguis (‘baptism and anointing, body and blood’; Isid. Orig. 6,19, 39-42). In late antiquity confirmation was already separated from baptism (cf. > Faustus [3] Reiensis), and during the High Middle Ages, particularly following the Books of Sentences (book 4, distinctio 2, chapter 1) of Peter Lombard (+ 1160), the number of sacramenta novae legis (‘sacra-

ments of the new covenant’) was reduced to seven: baptism, confirmation, Eucharist (Lord’s Supper), penance, anointing of the sick (extreme unction), ordination (ordo), marriage. +> Bible; + Exegesis; > Mysteries;

Baptism

1 G. BORNKAMM, s. v. wwotnatov, ThWB 4, 1942, 809-834 2 C. CouTuRIER, ‘s.’ et ‘mysterium’ dans |’ceuvre de Saint Augustin, in: H.Ronper et al. (ed.), Etudes Augustiniennes, 1953 (Théologie 28), 161-332 3 J.FINKENZELLER, Die Lehre von den Sakramenten im allgemeinen, 1980 4 J. DE GHELLINCK, Pour histoire du mot ‘s.’, vol. 1: Les anténicéens, 1924 5 C.Jacos, Arkandisziplin, Allegorese und Mystagogie, 1990 6A.KoLpiNG, S. Tertul-

lianeum. vol. 1: Untersuchungen iiber christlichen Gebrauches der Vokabel s., 7 A.Manvouzg, A propos de ‘s.’ chez Mélanges offerts 4 Ch. Mohrmann,

die Anfange des 1948 S. Augustin, in: 1963, 222-232

8 Id., S. et sacramenta chez Augustin, in: Bull. de l’association Guillaume Budé 1989, 367-375 9 E.Mazza, Luso di ‘s.’ nella lettera 10,96 di Plinio il Giovane, in: Ephemerides liturgicae 113, 1999, 466-480 10 D. MicHakéipEs, S. chez Tertullien, 1970 MGs MOHRMANN, S. dans les plus anciens textes chrétiens, in: Ead., Etudes sur le latin des chrétiens, vol. 1, 1958, 233-

244 Diss.

12R.Passini, ‘Mysterium’ e ‘S.’ in S. Ambrogio, S. Anselmo

(Rome),

1969

13 CH.

RIEDWEG,

Mysterienterminologie bei Platon, Philon und Klemens von Alexandrien, 1987.

14 E. Rurrint, E. Lopt, ‘Myste-

rion’ e ‘S.’. La sacramentalita negli scritti dei padri e nei testi liturgici primitivi, 1987 15 A.SOLIGNAG, s. Vv. Mystere, Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique 10, 1980, 1861-1874 16 B.StruDER, Die doppelte Exegese bei Origenes, in: G. DortvaL, A.LE BOULLUEC

(ed.), Origeniana Sexta. Origéne et la Bible, 1995, 303323. 17M. Zrrnik, Sacramenta. Bibliographia internationalis, 1992.

F.MA.

Epist. 55,5593 555713): Similarly, Augustine reflects on the ritual acts of the Eucharist in which signs (signa), with the help of the elements, show and convey an invisible divine reality (res). They consist of an element that is accessible to the

Sacred wars (ieQol moAeuoVhieroi polemot). As a concept hieros polemos is first encountered in the late 5th cent. BC and according to Aristophanes (Av. 554ff., particularly 556 with schol. = Philochorus FGrH 328 F

SACRED WARS

34 b) means ‘war against divinity’, whereas Thucydides (1,112,5; with the addition of xaAotwevoc/kaloumenos, ‘so-called’) uses it to describe the Spartans’ intervention in Delphi in 448 on the pretext of protecting the sanctuary of Apollo [1. 1-14]. Accordingly there was no idea of a religious campaign for a deity [2. 67-87]. Nor

was

every

war

concerning

Delphi

considered

‘sacred’, in particular not the one counted today as the ‘first’, whose historicity (in the early 6th cent.) is dis-

puted by scholars [3. 242-2463 4. 34-47, 161-166]. At the time the > Amphiktyonia of Thermopylae presumably wanted to gain the protectorship of Delphi, even if the alleged motive of securing the sanctuary before the Crisaeans’ attack (Plut. Solon 11,1; Aeschin. In Tim. 3,107f.; Paus. 10,37,6) is later propaganda. Neverthe-

less, after the destruction of Crisa the amphiktyones assembled twice a year in Delphi. The second of the SW arose in the context of Athenian-Spartan dualism. Despite the armistice concluded with Athens in 451, in 448 the Spartans seized control of Delphi from the Athenians’ Phocian allies, risking war in order to demonstrate their strength and freedom of action. When they could no longer maintain troops in Delphi, however, an Athenian unit under Pericles returned the sanctuary to the Phocians (Thuc. 1,112,5; Plut. Pericles 21); but after the Athenian defeat at Coronea it soon became a Spartan dependency again. The third of the SW, which the Phocians provoked, had devastating consequences when in the summer of 356 they occupied Delphi (Aeschin. Leg. 130-136; Diod. Sic. 16,24,253-25,1; 28,2; 30,1-2;5 Paus. 3,10,4; 10,2,3). It gave rise to the sentencing of leading Phocians to exorbitant fines for alleged temple sacrilege. With the temple treasures Philomelus recruited some 10,000 mercenaries, so that the Phocians became the strongest Greek power on land. Their aim, of ruling central Greece and advancing on Thessalia, caused Philip II of Macedonia, the archon (tagos) of the Thessalian League, to join an attempt by the Aleuadae of Larissa to help. After long fighting, in 346 he occupied Thermopylae (Dem. Or. 19,53ff.; Diod. Sic. 16,59,1ff.) and forced the Phocians to capitulate. They were sentenced by the amphiktyones to pay 10,000 talents and forced from then on to settle in villages {5. 125ff.; 6. 114f.]. Their two votes in the Amphiktyony were given to Philip II, who used them to shift the balance of power in the Greek states decisively to his favour. The conflict counted by scholars as the fourth of the SW but described in sources as the ‘war in Amphissa’ (év “Audicon mdhepoc/en Amphissei polemos) was decided in 339/8 by the amphiktyones under pressure from Philip [7. 239-260], and had the consequence that Philip was able to circumvent the barrier of Thermopylae and decisively defeat the league of Greeks at > Chaeronea in 338. 1K. BRODERSEN, Heiliger Krieg und Heiliger Friede in der friihen griechischen Geschichte, in: Gymnasium 98, 1991,

1-14

2 W.BuRKeERT, Krieg, Sieg und die Olympischen

Gotter, in: F.Srouz (ed.), Religion zu Krieg und Frieden,

1986

832

831

3G.A. LEHMANN, Der ‘Erste Heilige Krieg’ — eine

Fiktion, in: Historia 29, 1980, 242-246

4K. TAUSEND,

Amphiktyonie und Koine Eirene,1994

Symmachie, 1992 5 M. JEHNE, 6 H. Beck, Polis und Koinon (Histo-

ria Einzelschriften 14), 1997. 72.LONDEY, The Outbreak of the 4"" Sacred War, in: Chiron 20, 1990, 239-260. J. Buck er, Philip Il and the Sacred War, 1989.

— K-W.W.

Sacrifice I. FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES Il. ANCIENT ORIENT II]. GREECE IV. ROME V. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY I. FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES A. GENERAL RIFICE

B. PROBLEMS

C. THEORIES

IN THE STUDY

OF SACRIFICE

OF SAC-

D, PERSPEC-

TIVE

A. GENERAL Sacrifice is one of the central concepts in describing ritual religion in ancient and modern cultures. In European Modernity, the term sacrifice (directly or indirectly influenced by Christian theology of the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ to redeem mankind) also has an intimation towards individual self-giving (‘sacrifice of self’). The range of nuances in the modern meaning stretches to include discourses that have lost their religious motif and have rather a moral motif, such as the ‘sacrifice of an individual for his community’. At the same time, in the discussion of the ‘victims of crime and

violence’, the zoth cent. has placed the suffering (and no longer redeemable) individual at the centre of its sacrificial imagery. This fixation on the suffering object of an emphatically violent procedure is foreign to the concept of sacrifice as a religious act in ancient — not to

mention many modern - ritual religions that are only apparently ‘primitive’. The differences can be seen not least in the ancient terms from which modern sacrificial terminology is derived: German Opfer is borrowed from Lat. operari, ‘be engaged in (a religious act)’; English and French sacrifice and Italian sacrificio derive from Lat. sacrificium or sacrificare, which (unlike Lat. sacrare) do not mean ‘make something holy’, but ‘perform a sacred act’; English offering traces back to the Lat. offerre, ‘present (a deity) with something’. The recovery of a concept of sacrifice for comparative use (cf. [1]) as distinct from the modern notion attempts to define sacrifice as a religious act within a (frequently complex) ritual proceeding that “consists of the ritual relinquishing of a material object” [2. 269]. This action-oriented definition is not centred upon a return to specific indigenous, sacrificial terminologies that lack a unity of sense as they are applied. Rather, it focuses on reducing those terminologies to a typed pattern of action which transfers a (sacrificial) object into the realm of the sacred or the possession of a deity. While such a description of sacrificial rituals as ‘gift sacrifices’ has been loosed from the question of sacrifice’s ‘origin’ and ‘meaning’, the focus ofinterest for r9thand early zoth.-cent. historians of religion, it is too narrow for a comprehensive review of the subject, as will be demonstrated (below, D).

833

834

SACRIFICE

Roman sacrificial implements

Gutus/Guttus

Acerra

Patera

Simpuvium

Aspergillum

DP C& Malleus

Culter

Secespita

B. PROBLEMS IN THE STUDY OF SACRIFICE Examination of ancient sacrificial practices is com-

plicated by the fragmentary record: while ancient literary texts long formed the starting-point for modern studies, only in recent years have scholars drawn upon iconographic and archaeological sources and analysis of bones found in ancient sanctuaries as being of tantamount importance. Ascertaining beyond doubt that given excavated sites were places of sacrifice or that bone and other material finds were sacrificial offerings remains difficult in the context of the majority of excavations. The identification of numerous Celtic and Germanic find spots from the pre-Roman and Roman eras, for example — where jewellery, weapons, figurines, animal and human bones have been found — as places of votive deposits, weapons, animal and > human sacrifices is highly plausible [3; 4], but absolute certainty is not always possible. In view of the centrality of ancient sacrifice, a very different difficulty arises when a general (modern) term for sacrifice confronts the heterogeneous ancient terminologies and typologies for sacrifice. Sacrifice was a routine act in household cult or temple visits; it served as a ritual demarcation of the biologically and culturally influenced cycles of life and the calendar, as a component of political and military acts, and as a ritual of release and expiation (+ piaculum) in a moment of state or private crisis (> pax deorum). In order to make representation feasible, scholars frequently attempt to: reduce the multiplicity of sacrificial forms to a descriptive system that classifies a few basic types; distinguish between food, destructive and primitial sacrifices, bloody animal, bloodless vegetal and — libation sacri-

Dolabra

Sacena

fices, sacrifices for the Olympian gods and those for the +» chthonic deities; or differentiate according to hermeneutic typologies between prayer, thanks, veneration (thus already Theophr. fr. 584a FORTENBAUGH), atonement or apotropaic sacrifices, etc. Beyond mere characterization, descriptive classification can certainly be beneficial for the formation of theories [5. 19-32], but the regular combination of the individual types in more complex sacrificial sequences may not be systematically comprehensible [6. 92f.] and must fail in the description of their role within such ritual sequences: typologizing a sacrifice according to its ‘intent’ implies a one-dimensional function for the ritual [2. 280; alk Likewise, the ancient correlation of certain sacrifi-

cial offerings with certain divine recipients is useful only in a restricted way: literary texts (e.g. Cic. Leg. 2,19f.) and local cult rules (leges sacrae) regulate what should be sacrificed, when, to whom and in what way. Often,

this was a matter of local requirements. Though they might establish a concrete religious tradition, they could also be set aside in individual cases, particularly for private sacrifice [8. 179]. A corrective to this written standardization of sacrificial practice is provided by non-literary sources, which — despite regional differences — disclose a strong socio-economic orientation in the

selection of the sacrificial material: the sacrifice of cattle is the most prestigious, but the cheaper sacrifice of pigs, sheep or goats, especially in private sacrifice, is the more frequent animal sacrifice (Greece: [8. 170-181; 9. 89-

104]; Italy: [ro]; Gaul: [11]); even more common is the bloodless sacrificial offering. A correlation in the ancient sacrificial mentality between the financial or meat

835

836

value of a sacrificial animal and the symbolic added value it brings with it can be established [8. 180f.]. This can be used to explain the sometimes excessive quantity of public sacrifices (e.g. Athens: [12]). Conversely, however, there appeared in all ancient cultures (in Vedic literature, the OT, Classical Antiquity) the moral requirement that the decisive element not be the value of the object sacrificed, but the right attitude of the person making the sacrifice ([13. 96f.]; Cic. Leg. 2,193 Hor. Carm. 3,23). At the same time, philosophical speculation demanded avoiding blood sacrifice in favour of a bloodless, and thus purer, sacrifice (IDidyma 217; [14. 636f.; 15]). The centrality of animal and food sacrifice in ancient discourses was based

Conversely, M. DETIENNE and J.-P. VERNANT, turning away from the question of origin, place the aspect of commensality at the centre of their sacrifice theory: in its strict regularity in distributing the different parts of the sacrificial animal, the sacrifice, as communication between deity and humans, establishes a hierarchical difference between the two, thus reflecting a universal order in the shared sacrifice [20]. This approach’s structuralist methodology and mythologizing speculation make it problematic [7. 116-145]; on the other hand, a modification of this thesis has become the basic concept of newer approaches [21; 22; 23] — that ritualized commensality and statuses differentiated by the different shares of the sacrificial meat were a ritual manifestation of the social hierarchy in ancient society — has become the basic concept of newer approaches [21; 22; 23]. These approaches conceive the function of sacrifice as the ritual legitimation of the socio-economic or political reality of life. In so doing, however, they inevitably place the complexity of ritual acts on the margin in favour of a static, affirmative ritual performance by the imagined sacrificial community. Finally, all these theories share the common problem that types of sacrifice other than the special type of the killing and food sacrifice, here raised to the sacrifice par excellence, can be integrated into the construction of the theory only with difficulty.

SACRIFICE

on

the tension between socio-economic and ritual anchoring of sacrifice in ancient societies and consideration of what actually constituted the value of sacrifice.

C, THEORIES OF SACRIFICE This consideration marks a step forward from mere classification to the hermeneutic typification of sacrifice. However, ancient statements regarding the ‘purpose’ of the sacrifice referred, asa rule, to the immediate occasion of the individual sacrifice, and comparative analyses were descriptive (e.g. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7,72,15-18). Ancient ‘theories of sacrifice’ were primarily theories on the origin of sacrifice as part of a general theory on the origin of culture against a background of moral-philosophical speculation: vegetal sacrifice arose at the beginning of human history; bloody animal and food sacrifice, on the other hand, was a late development and recent substitution for an intermediary human sacrifice; the sacrifice of domestic animals was justified by the thesis that the ritual slaughter was the punishment for an offence of the animal against the gods (doxography: Porph. De Abstinentia 2,5ff.; Ov. Met. 15,75-142; Ov. Fast. 1,33 5-456; [16; 17]); philosophy’s critique of culture here resulted in a critique of religion. Theories on the origin of bloody animal sacrifice are still found in modern theories of sacrifice developed from Greek material: thus, W. BuRKERT, following K. MeulLt, formulates his theory of sacrifice with reference to Paleolithic hunter cultures as an act of killing in which the group’s potential for aggression and the pressure to justify non-ritualized killing was discharged in its sacral dramatization as a ritual sacrificial act [6. 109-116; 18; 19]. Problematic here are not only this modern theory’s recourse to ancient theories of cultural origins and its fundamental assumptions that are questionably biologistic and psychologizing (summarized: [7. 74-79, 97-103]|), but also the fact that the actants’ self-depiction in ancient iconography marginalized the act of killing, which is central for BURKERT; the act of killing did not become visible in the ancient literary sources until the rupture represented by moral-philosophical discourse [8. 103, 186-192].

D. PERSPECTIVE The attempt to place the sacrificial act into the larger framework of theories of ritual action seems to be more promising. Even the ancient sources emphasize the aspect of action when they call making sacrifice and making a dedication a ‘giving’ to the gods [6. ro8f.; 13. 95]; already W. ROBERTSON SMITH, M. Mauss, E. DuRKHEIM and B. MALINOWSKI saw the sacrifice —even though they used the problematic categories of the r9th cent. — as a sacralized counterpart to the profane gift, i.e. as the basic element of social communication [7. 2544]. Of course, ‘ritualized giving’ is not in itself a sufficient definition of sacrifice, but merely a type and element in a ritual sequence of actions whose intention is

‘communication’ directed at a purpose [7. 172f., 179182]. Acommunicative model permits of further differentiation: the addressees of sacrificial ritual are ‘sacred’,

be they personalized deities or ancestors; i.e. they are entities with whom conventional methods of verbal communication can provide only insufficient interaction, while the success of communication through ritual acts can be verified through connected rituals (— Divination; - litatio) or divine signs (~* Omen; > Miracles, Miracle-workers). However, the addressee is also the

environment: sacrificial processions and meals, votives or inscriptions guarantee the publicity of the sacrificial rituals and document their success [5. 39f.; 24]. By contrast, the ‘gist’ of ancient sacrifice cannot be explained in reference to the traditional classifications or monocausal typologies, but only in reference to concrete individual cases: here, the function of the sacrifi-

837

$38

cial ritual can be understood only in connection with the other elements of the entire ritual sequence and must be analyzed as part of a ritual ‘performance’ [25] in the course of which ritualized sacrificial performance meets individual elaboration, and social conformity meets personal motives.

A. MESOPOTAMIA

SACRIFICE B.EGyrpr

C. Asia MINOR

D. SyRIA-PALAESTINE AND THE OLD TESTAMENT

1M. LAMBERT, Ancient Greek and Zulu Sacrificial Ritual.

A. MESOPOTAMIA Many administrative documents and ~ ritual instructions in texts with a variety of functions (incantations, sacrificial auspices, a few purely cult rituals, etc.) provide information about the nature of sacrifice in Mesopotamia from the 3rd millennium to the last

A Comparative Analysis, in: Numen 40, 1993, 293-318

cent. of the rst millennium BC; there is also a series of

2 H.Serwert,

pictorial representations on reliefs and cylinder seals. In the following diachronic presentation, chronological and regional differences and phenomena (Sumerian southern Babylonia in the 3rd millennium, Babylonia and Assyria in the 2nd and rst millennia) that have not been sufficiently examined in a systematic way to date will be indicated. Items sacrificed included: animals (mostly sheep, less often cattle; fish and birds, as well), victuals, water, beer and fragrant substances proffered as smoke offerings [1]. Especially elaborately produced ingredients for food offerings are also encountered as supplies for the table of the ruler. The quality of sacrificial meals may thus have corresponded with that of meals at the court of the ruler. Sacrifices served as sustenance for the gods (myths — + Atrahasis, > Entma elis, among others — based the creation of human beings on the unwillingness of the gods to continue providing for themselves [8. 197f.]). That the gods might ingest the sacrificial meals, the statues of the gods had their ‘mouth opened’ after manufacture (> Cult image [I C]). Sacrifices were supposed to ‘gladden the hearts of the gods’ [9. 245], move them to listen to the prayers of the celebrants and dispel the evil that had afflicted a person [2. 258]. In Assyria — probably beginning in the 2nd half of the 2nd millen-

+ Food offerings; --Meat, consumption gion; > Ritual; > Table culture

s.v.

Opfer,

HrwG

4,

of; — Reli-

1998,

268-284

3 A. Harener, Allgemeine Ubersicht, in: Id. (ed.), Heilig-

tumer und Opferkulte der Kelten, 1995, 9-42 4M. MULLER-WILLE, Opferkulte der Germanen und Sla-

wen, 1999

5 B. GLapicow, Die Teilung des Opfers, in:

Friihmittelalterliche Studien 18, 1984, 19-43 6 W. Burkert, Glaube und Verhalten. Zeichengehalt und

Wirkungsmacht

von

Opferritualen,

in: J. RUDHARDT,

O. REVERDIN (eds.), Le sacrifice dans antiquité (Entretiens 27), 1981, 91-125 7 J.DREXLER, Die Illusion des

Opfers, 1993 8 F. T. vAN StRATEN, Hiera kala. Images of Animal Sacrifice in Archaic and Classical Greece, 1995 9M.H. JAMeEson, Sacrifice and Animal Husbandry in Classical Greece, in: C.R. WHITTAKER (ed.), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity, 1988, 87-119

10 J. W. Bouma, Religio votiva, vol. 3, 1996 11 P. MENIEL, Les sacrifices d’animaux chez les Gaulois,

1992 12 V.J. Rosivacu, The System of Public Sacrifice in Fourth-Century Athens (American Classical Studies 34),1994 13 P.STENGEL, Die griechischen Kultusaltertimer,

31920

14 RoBERT,

OMS,

vol.

5, 617-639

15 G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Critica del sacrificio cruento e antropologia in Grecia, in: F. VATTIONI (ed.), Sangue e antropologia, vol. 1,1987,107-155 16 D.OsBINnK, The Origin of Greek Sacrifice: Theophrastus on Religion and Cultural History, in: W.W. FoRTENBAUGH, R. W. SHARpies

(eds.),

Theophrastean

Studies,

1988,

272-295

17 B.Giapicow, Ovids Rechtfertigung der blutigen Opfer, in: AU 14, 1971, 5-23. 18 W.BuRKERT, Homo necans, 1972 [Engl.: Homo necans, 1983] 19 Id., Opfer als T6tungsritual: Eine Konstante der menschlichen Kulturgeschichte?, in: F.Grar neue

Wege

der

(ed.), Klassische Antike und

Kulturwissenschaften,

1992,

16o9ff.

20 M. DeTIENNE, J.-P. VERNANT (eds.), La cuisine de sacrifice en pays grec, 1979 21 N.Loraux, La cite comme cuisine et comme partage, in: Annales ESC 36, 1981, 614-

622 22G.J. BAupy, Hierarchie oder: Die Verteilung des Fleisches, in: B.GLapIGow, H.G. KippENBERG (eds.), Neue Ansatze in der Religionswissenschaft, 1983, 13 1174 23 J.ScHEID, La spartizione sacrificale a Roma, in: C. GROTTANELLI, N.F. Parise (eds.), Sacrificio e societa nel mondo antico, 1988, 267-292 24 P. Verne, “Titulus praelatus’: offrande, solennisation et publicite dans les ex-voto gréco-romains, in: RA 1983, 281-300 25 C. BELL, Performance, in: M.C. Tayior (ed.), Critical Terms for Religious Studies, 1998, 205-224. AN.BE.

Il. ANCIENT ORIENT Information on the nature and meaning of sacrifice in the respective cultures of the ancient Orient is not uniform. It is affected by the varying character of the sources and their capacity to bring it to expression and by the uneven availability of written and pictorial evidence.

nium, on the occasion of the New Year festival (> Akitu

Festival) — the ruler sacrificed to all gods of the realm during the course of a ritual lasting several days in order to gain divine blessing for himself and the realm [6]. A sacrificial meal for which the ruler invited the gods of Assur to his palace probably had a similar function [20. 165f.]. Sacrifices produced a condition of contentment for their celebrants [2. 258]. The extent to which the sheep slaughtered in the context of a ritual were also used for auspices cannot be determined [15. 241]. Sacrifices also fulfilled symbolic functions: in a Neo-Assyrian sacrificial ritual, the god Assur was presented with birds, bulls and fish. They symbolized the vertical hierarchy of the cosmos — heaven, earth and the waters that surround the circle of the earth. The sacrifices were brought in small amounts to Assur or Nineveh from all parts of the realm, thus manifesting a horizontal aspect — the participation of the entire realm in the sacrificial Act [mina ste: A distinction was made between the regular daily sacrifices usually offered in the cella of the god’s temple every morning and evening [20. 159] (the times sometimes coincided with those for the daily feeding of pal-

839

840

ace and temple staff) and the particularly rich sacrifices at the cyclically recurring monthly and annual -> festivals [I] on a fixed cult calendar [4; 16]. Sacrifices were offered not only to gods, but also to deified cult instruments. A rare example of reflection on what was thought about the gods and the sacrifices of the people is offered by the Atrahasis myth: after the long period when sacrifice ceased because of the Deluge, the hungry gods fell like flies upon the sacrificial offerings that were presented (TUAT 3, 642,30-36). Specific occasions demanded the offer of sacrifice,

table ({14. fig. IX]; 3rd millennium). The fat was burned together with flour and fragrant substances ona brazier that burned all night [1o. 121]. The ruler ( Rulers [I]) was the central cult person, esp. in the cult rituals important for the land (> Hieros Gamos [II]; > Cult [IJ]). His prerogatives and duties included determining the type and amount of the regular sacrificial offerings and arranging their supply [7. 70]. The performance of the regular sacrificial service was in the hands of the priesthood [16]. The preparation of the (daily) food offerings was organized as a benefice, i.e.

SACRIFICE

cooks, bakers and brewers received their sustenance

e.g. auspices taken from the victims (-> Divination), in-

from the prepared sacrificial materials in return for

cantations, the beginning and conclusion of construction and campaigns, the royal hunt [21; 8. 201; 13. fig. 626], the conclusion of — international treaties [II]. Even activities that were ‘profane’ on the surface, such as manufacturing glass, called for sacrifice. These usually took place outside of the temple. In addition, personal matters of individuals supplied grounds for sacrifices of greater or lesser scope; these were occasionally demanded by the gods through omens and oracles. Included among them were votive sacrifices or votive gifts promised to the god in return for fulfilling a request [7. 116-118]. In the Neo-Babylonian Era (6th and 5th cents. BC), the custom, when visiting a temple, of placing broken silver (probably in small amounts) into a chest provided for that purpose is attested [3. 308f.].

their service (well attested from the 18th to the 4th and 3rd cents. BC); for the distribution of the sacrificial ma-

Sacrifices to the dead (~ Dead, cult of the [I]) were in-

tended to prevent the ghost of the deceased from wandering the earth and troubling the living [19]. Celebrants and sacrificial objects (esp. sacrificial animals) had to be cultically pure [15. 239]. Pictorial representations of libation scenes from the 2nd half of the 3rd millennium BC show naked celebrants presenting drink offerings [13. figs. 597, 600, 603, 605]. Sacrifices, part of complex rituals, were accompanied by purificatory rituals, prayers, recitation of cult songs, etc. [9. 245; 10. 121-123], all of which brought the purpose of the sacrifice to expression. Sacrificial scenes from the 4th and 3rd millennia |14. 126b] and the NeoAssyrian Era show the juxtaposition of: various food offerings stacked on what are, for the most part, portable sacrificial tables [13. fig. 623]; incense stands; and celebrants [13. figs. 624-626], who, asa rule, pour libations into large vessels [14. figs. 133d; 13 5h; 13. fig. 625]. Sacrifice and prayer were considered fitting accompaniment for the incense that was burned as part of the sacrificial ritual and whose primary purpose was to ‘soothe’ the hearts of the gods with its pleasant odour [ro. 121]. Oil and/or water were poured out before the animal that was to be slaughtered as a sacrifice |2. 258]. In order to fulfill its purpose, the sacrificial animal had to be led alive to the site of the sacrifice, i.e. hunted

animals were out of the question as_ sacrifices [9.2554]. After the slaughter (ritual butchering?) of the sacrificial animal [4], the parts of the animal intended for the deity — together with other sacrificial offerings (rst millennium) — were placed on the sacrificial

terial to the officiants and the festival community, see also [7. 68-70]. 1 F.BLome, Die Opfermaterie in Babylonien und Israel, 1934

2 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. N/2, s.v.niqu,

252-259

quppu,

3 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary, vol. Q, s.v.

308-310

4B. LANDSBERGER,

Kalender der Babylonier, 1914 Manual of Sacrificial Procedure,

Der kultische

5 D.A. Foxvoc, A in: H. BEHRENS (ed.),

Festschrift A. Sjoberg, 1989, 167-73.

6 R. FRANKENA,

Takultu. De sacrale maaltijd in het Assyrische ritueel, 1954 7L.Kataja, R.M. WuitTinG, Grants, Decrees and Gifts, 1995 8 W.G. LAMBERT, Donations of Food and Drink to the Gods in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: [15], 191-

201

9H.Limet, Le sacrifice siskur, in: [13], 243-55

10S.M. Mau1, Zukunftsbewaltigung, 1994 atid. Wiedererstehende Welten, in: MDOG 130, 1998, 266-

274 13 ANET Ritual

12 B.MENZEL, Assyrische Tempel, 1981 14 PropKG,vol.14 15 J.QUAEGEBEUR (ed.),

and Sacrifice

in the Ancient

Near

East,

1993

16 J.RENGER, Untersuchungen zum Priestertum der altbabylonischen Zeit, in: ZA 58, 1967, 110-88 and ZA 59, 1969, 104-230 17 W.SALLABERGER, Der kultische Kalender der Ur IlI-Zeit, 1993 18 M.S1aGrist, Les sat-

tukku dans |’Esumesa durant la période d’Isin et Larsa, 1984 19 A. TsuKIMOTO, Untersuchungen zur Totenpflege im alten Mesopotamien, 1985 20 G.vAN DRIEL, The Cult of ASSur, 1969 21 K. WATANABE, A Problem in the Libation Scene of Asurbanipal,

in: T. Mikasa

(ed.),

Cult and Ritual in the Ancient Near East, 1992, 91-104.

|.RE

B. EGYPT The performance of sacrifices held a paramount position in Egyptian religion. Sacrifice tableaux were the most frequent decoration on temple walls, and their arrangement was subject to sophisticated rules of composition [3]. In the cult of the Egyptian gods, it was primarily the king himself led the sacrifices. Serving priests legitimized themselves by invoking the ruler, who, in turn, had assigned them. Outside of the temple, private people also had the opportunity to sacrifice to the gods [4]. The task of making sacrificial gifts for the dead fell to descendants or contractually employed _ priests (> Dead, cult of the [II]). Sacrificial gifts were usually called the ‘Eye of Horus’ [7]. A recited ritual saying was connected with the proffering of the sacrifice. It

841

842

used phonetic echoes (‘wordplay’) and interpreted the sacrifice. In the sacrifice tableaux of the temple cult, the god answered, promising in return support to the king as gift. The subject-matter of the ritual sayings and promises was directed towards the origin and significance of the sacrificial gift or act. Food offerings served primarily to provide the god or deceased with the sustenance for life. In the drawings, they could be reduced to lists (e.g. written in the form of a list over the depiction of a sacrificial table; [1]). In vesting rituals, clothing, weapons, jewellery and the like were proffered to the recipient of the sacrifice. In slaughter and fire sacrifices, the symbolism focused on the destruction of the enemy [2]. The killing of the animals was meant to damage the negative figures associated with them (Plut. De Is. et Os. 73). ‘Sacrificial litanies’ that summoned a large number of gods, esp. in their different local cult forms, to receive sacrifice, were typical, particularly for the festival cult (> Festivals; Feasts [II]) [6]. They could also be adopted in funerary texts, esp. for Osirian figures (Book of the Dead, chs. 141-143). A certain distinct form that gave special incense offerings to the figures listed and associated with the sun god probably came from the cult of ~+ Heliopolis. > Human sacrifices are seldom attested in Egypt; they are found, on the one hand, in the killing of an entourage of the king’s servants in the area around his tomb (only in the Thinite period, c. 3000-2800 BC) and on the other in the ritual killing of enemies as part

ensure their existence: when > Kumarbi threatened to destroy humanity, the god Ea reminded him that without people no one would celebrate the gods and give them sacrifices of bread and libations. The gods were supplied daily by the priesthood with offerings of bread and libations in the temples. The ritual for the storm god of Kuliwigna prescribes exactly how ‘cultically pure sacrificial loaves’ were to be produced. The names of well over 100 types of baked goods used in the festival rituals have been transmitted; some were intended for very specific sacrifices and associated with their own ceremonials. Because the sacrifices guaranteed the satisfaction of the gods and their willingness to ensure the existence of the people, the focus of the festivals was the ritual slaughter of cattle and sheep. According to the sources, at the annual festival of the god Telipinu (in the city of Kasha), they numbered 1,000 sheep and 50 cattle. The sacrificial animals were not selected arbitrarily.

of apotropaic rituals (+ Apotropaic texts). In actual

rituals, wax figures were often used rather than people. The sacrifices (particularly of red-heads) claimed by Graeco-Roman authors may derive hence [8]. The concept of sacrifice provides evidence of both do ut des (e.g. Merikare E 129f.[5. 76f.]) and do quia dedisti (rare, e.g. sacrifice after battles, ex-voto). Lack of provisions for the sacrificial altars was given as the cause of failures of the Egyptian army (restoration stele of - Tutankhamon). Conversely, in magical practices, the withdrawal of sacrifice or other sacrileges were threatened if the given wish was not fulfilled. > Religion [III], Egypt 1 W. Barta, Die altagliche Opferliste, 1963 2 H.Junxer, Die Schlacht- und Brand-Opfer und ihre Symbolik im Tempelkult der Spatzeit, in: ZAS 48, 1910, 69-77. 3F.LaBRIQUE, Stylistique et théologie 4 Edfou, 1992 4G.PiINCH, Votive Offerings to Hathor, 1993 5 J.F. Quack, Studien zur Lehre fiir Merikare, 1992 6 Id., Ein neuer funerarer Text der Spatzeit, in: ZAS 127, 2000, 74-87. 7G.Rupnitzky, Die Aussage tiber ‘Das

Auge des Horus’, 1956 8 J. Yovorre, Héra d’Héliopolis et le sacrifice humain, in: Annuaire Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, V°™ sect. 89, 1980-1981, 31-102. JO.QU.

C. Asia MINOR Detailed information about Hittite sacrificial practices can be taken from the ritual instructions for the major festivals for the year and month. The northern Syrian Hedammu myth transmitted by the Hittites bases sacrifices to the gods on their essential need to

SACRIFICE

Distinctions were made between male and female, young and ewes, fattened cows and draught oxen, etc. Usually, the gods got the male animals and the goddesses the female. As a rule, black animals were intended for the chthonic powers and light-coloured for the celestial gods. Wild animals killed in the hunt were not considered for sacrifice. Sacrificial animals had to be cultically pure. As a visible sign thereof, they were washed and decorated, i.e. bound with wreathes; gold and silver tulles were place on the horns of the cattle, and bulls were adorned with golden decorations on the forehead. Sacrifices were made both in the temples or the palace and outside — usually before the stelae of the deities, more rarely on artificially raised sacrificial hills. Sometimes the priest summoned the gods to the sacrifice by name. During the evocation rituals, lengths of cloth were spread out for them, and they were lured with spices. Depending on the intention of the ritual, the sacrificial rites were performed by various priests, the royal couple, the king or queen alone, princes or another ‘lord of the rite’. As a rule, a blood sacrifice among the Hittites consisted of seven sections. 1. The washed and sometimes decorated sacrificial animals were driven into the temple. 2. Consecration: the celebrant bowed before the statue of the deity and then placed a hand on the sacrificial animal, touching it with a cedar twig on the head or shoulders and pouring wine or water over the head of the animal to dedicate it. 3. Pre-sacrifice: the celebrant used the slaughtering knife to cut from the animal’s head either a tuft of hair from the cattle and sheep or feathers from birds. This was then burned. In other consecratory rites, salt was placed in the mouth of the sacrificial animal. 4. The animals were driven out of the temple and slaughtered in the temple court. This was usually done by cutting the throat so that the blood could be caught. In a special rite of slaughter, the animal was killed with a kind of stone hammer. 5. The animals were cut up. 6. The meat was prepared in the temple

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844

court. 7. The meat was proffered and distributed to the festival community; it consisted of the gods and people. The entrails — heart, liver and kidneys — were roasted or grilled, while the remaining meat was prepared in

divine shares of animal sacrifices were the fatty tissue around the entrails, lobes of the liver, kidneys and, unlike in Mesopotamia and Syria, the blood of the sacrificial animal, which in the OT view was the bearer of life (Lv 17:1roff.). Blood as a sacrificial participation or means of purification and the corresponding rites either originated from Asia Minor or were a special Priestly or Deuteronomistic (Dt 12:16) development that followed the renewed order of creation (Gn 9:4). » Human sacrifices [II] were strictly forbidden (Lv 18:21; 20:2ff; Dt 12:31 et passim) and were — whether they actually existed or were considered possible in extraordinary situations — replaced quite early on by animal sacrifice

SACRIFICE

‘stews’. The meat sacrifice served (by magic) to strengthen

the organs of the deity to whom it was directed. The choice, strongest and most important pieces of meat

were thus those that were considered to be the seat of life and the centre of perception, predominantly the blood and the organs richest in blood, the heart and liver. For the gods, the most desirable part of the sacrificial animal was the blood and fat. Immediately after the slaughter, auspices were taken from the liver, more rarely from the gall bladder and kidneys. The (always favourable) result of the oracle was immediately shared with the festival community as ‘good news’. Bird sacrifices, taken from northwestern Syria, were special. According to one ritual, they were allocated by Tessup, the king of the gods, as the only sacrifice to the gods of the underworld. Bird sacrifices functioned primarily as purificatory and healing sacrifices.

(Gn 22).

Besides the minhah, the oldest and chief types of sacrifice were, foremost, blood sacrifice (zebah, Ugarit

dbh), burnt offerings (Ugarit srp, Gk. holokautoma/ dhoxavtwmpa, Judg 6:26; Lv 6:2ff.) and community sacrifices or peace offerings (ze@bah selamim, Ugarit srp slm; Judg 20:26; Lv 3) with the special forms of the thank offering (t6dah, Lv 7:12ff. et passim) and oath sacrifice (Lv 7:16ff). In + Ugarit, at least the terminol-

ogy of the sacrifice is parallel, while the specific sacrifi-

+ Hattusa [II D] C.Ktune, Hethitische auli- und einige Aspekte altanato-

cial rites, for instance

lischer Opferpraxis, in: ZA 76, 1986, 85-117; Id., Zum Voropfer im alten Anatolien, in: B. JANowsKI et al. (eds.),

[EeoGatts 6Gur4|e

in the area

of necromancy

[r. 1.161] or offerings to the dead (pgr), remain unclear

Klein-

These types of sacrifice must be distinguished from

asien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament, 1993, 225283; V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 1994,

the rituals of the hatta’t (so-called ‘sin offering’, Lv 4-5),

640-673.

of reparation and the ’isseh (so-called ‘fire offering’, cf. Ugarit the connection of ’tt with ndr ‘gift, transfer to the deity’), which were systematized in the Exilic and Post-

Religionsgeschichtliche

Beziehungen

zwischen

V.H.

D. SyRIA-PALAESTINE AND THE OLD TESTA-

MENT The primary sources are ritual texts from > Ugarit and OT texts on the subject of sacrifice. The latter were altered several! times for theological reasons. In the following, sacrifice is understood as a ritual property transfer, with accompanying rites, as part of a complex + ritual [V]. It was primarily deities and deified ancestors who were the recipients of sacrifices (Ugarit). Typologically, sacrifices are distinguished by the mode of transfer (smoke, pouring, depositing), the type of sacrificial material (humans, animals, vegetable foodstuffs, things), the appointed time of the sacrifice (occasional, periodic), the sacrificial preparation (killing, butchering, cooking, baking) or the purpose of the sacrifice (appeasement, purification, reparation, thanks, etc.). > Prayer or recitations that transformed the material sacrificial offerings into immaterial forms are a special case. Accordingly, general sacrificial terms in the OT, such as minhah (‘food offering’) and the Priestly source’s garban (‘offering’), are known; they also reveal a gift-aspect (Gn 4:3). The minhah in particular developed into a vegetable food offering (Lv 2; 6:7ff.) with shares for > Yahweh. Only flawless (Lv 22:22f.), pure and male cattle, sheep, goats, doves (Lv 1:3; 22:17ff.; Dt 15:21) and vegetable foodstuffs such as oil, semolina and flour were permitted as sacrificial materials. The

the *asam (so-called ‘guilt offering’, Lv 5,14ff.) as a rite

exilic Periods. Here, *i§Seh is nota sacrifice, but the term for the (burnt) divine share of the respective sacrificial

types (except for the hatta’t), which are to be interpreted as ‘nourishment for God’ (Ly 21:6; 8; 17 et passim); thus also the ‘showbread’ (Lv 24:7; 9), which may be

placed in the context of the Sabbath meal of the family (x Sam 21:7; 1 Kg 7:48; Lv 24:5ff.).

The blood rites of the hatta’t ritual demonstrate gradual zones of holiness in the realms of their application (altar in the court, in front of or behind the Holy of Holies) depending on the rank of those for whom it was performed (Lv 4; 16), just as the sacrificial offerings

were differentiated according to social position (Lv 5:7ff.). In the hatta’t ritual, the performing priest obtained ‘expiation’ (kipper) for things (Lv 14:53) and people as a prerequisite for cultic purity (Lv 14:rof.; 16:16) and divine forgiveness of sins (Ly 4:20,26 et passim). While in the burnt offering, everything (thus also a ‘whole sacrifice’, kalil, Phoenician/Punic kil) was burnt, in the other types of sacrifice (exception: application of blood in the sanctuary in the hatta’t ritual Lv 6:22f.; 10:18), the meat portions fell to the priests and the beneficiary of the sacrificial ritual — to feed the priests (Lv 10:12ff.) and as a ritual communion with Yahweh (Ex 24:9-11, cf. Is 25:6-8). Independent smoke offering (q‘toret) is recorded only in Ex 30:34ff. in connection with the incense altar

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846

of the tabernacle. The term tamid does not refer to an independent type of sacrifice, but rather to the regular sacrifice performed mornings and evenings (Nm 28f.; Ez 46:13ff.; 2 Kg 16:15; Dan 8:11ff.), i.e. not the sacrifice by the individual, but by the community as a whole. The ritual killing of the Passover lamb (> Pesah) should also not be seen as a sacrifice; it tends rather towards a communal (festival) meal within the circle of the family. 1M.Dterricn

et al., Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus

Ugarit, 1976 (=KTU) 2B.GLapicow, Die Teilung des Opfers. Zur Interpretation von Opfer in vor- und friihgeschichtlichen Epochen, in: Jb. des Instituts fiir Friihmittelalterforschung der Universitat Miinster 18, 1984, 1943 3 M.GopELigeR, Das Ratsel der Gabe. Geld, Geschenke, heilige Objekte, 1999 4 B. JANOWSKI,s.v Opfer, Evangelisches Kirchenlexikon 3, 1996, 881-884 5 J. M1LGROM, Leviticus 1-16 (Anchor Bible, vol. 3), 1991

6 J. QUAEGEBEUR (ed.), Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East, 1993

7

R.RenpTorrrF, Leviticus,

1985

8 Id., Studien zur Geschichte des Opfers im Alten Israel, 1967 Alten

9 A.SCHENKER (ed.), Studien zu Opfer und Kult im Testament, 1992 10 H.SEIWERT, s.v. Opfer,

HrwG 4, 268-284 11J.-M.prE TARRAGON, Le culte a Ugarit. D’aprés les textes de la pratique en cunéiformes alphabétiques, 1980 12 I. WiLu-PLEtn, Opfer und Kult im alttestamentlichen Israel, 1993 13 P. XELLA, I testi rituali di Ugarit, vol. 1, 1981 14 W.ZwicKEL, Raucherkult und Rauchergerate, 1990. TH.PO.

III. GREECE A. PRELIMINARY REMARKS B. ANIMAL SACRIFICE WITH SACRIFICIAL MEAL C. SACRIFICE WITHOUTA SACRIFICIAL MEAL

D. REFLECTIONS

ON SACRI-

FICE

A. PRELIMINARY REMARKS Detailed studies are available for Greek sacrificial rituals [8; 9]. Besides literary texts, the main sources are vase paintings and votive reliefs [9-11] and, more rec-

ently, the analysis of ancient sacrificial remains [12-15]. Sacrifice is a modern term that comprises very different things, including: the offering of hair to rivers ({2. 2r9f.]; P Oxy. 61,4096, fr. 10), of fruit, grain and cakes [3], sacrifice without fire (4pyra) and burnt offerings (émpyra), smoke offerings, the wholesale burning of sacrificial animals and the killing of animals followed by a sacrificial meal (thysia). The thysia seems to have originated with the domestication of animals and cannot, therefore, be older in the Aegean than the 7th millennium BC [4. 202-205]. Apparently, domesticated animals were considered so valuable for the nourishment of the community that they could be eaten only under the restraint of a ritual context [5. 187]. Subsequently, wild animals must have no longer been considered valuable enough to be offered to the gods, although exceptions remained possible [6. 56, 90, 15 6f.].

SACRIFICE

B. ANIMAL SACRIFICE WITH SACRIFICIAL MEAL Normative animal sacrifice (there were, of course,

numerous deviations in practice) started with the selection of a perfect and undamaged sacrificial animal, usually not cattle (which were too expensive for many), but smaller animals. As a symbolic statement

(see I B), though, cattle remained the preferred sacrificial animal in major sanctuaries and for sacrifices on the occasion of public festivals [12. ro8]. Next in expense was the pig; not very suited to the Greek climate, it was as a rule not much used in the major sanctuaries. Pigs were, however, offered to > Hestia (Eupolis fr. 301 PCG) and > Demeter. Less expensive piglets were popular for preliminary and, in particular, purificatory sacrifices [7.172]. The predominant sacrificial victims were sheep and goats; bone finds from these animals are often difficult to distinguish [16. 99-103]. The offering of dogs to the war god > Ares and to > Hecate, the goddess of the underworld, were meant to distinguish them from the other gods [2. 422]. Birds and cockerels were offered to > Aphrodite (Lydus, Mens. 4,64) and ~ Asclepius [17. 167], respectively. > Priapus (Anth. Pal. 10,9,14 and 16), Hecate [18. 362-363] and Aphrodite (Archippus fr. 18 PCG) received fish, which did not

have a high symbolic value. In addition to the species of the sacrificial victim, worshippers also had to make decisions about their age, sex [17. 191-196] and colour [17. 187-190]. Yet the absence of a professional priestly class prevented the development of a rigid and complicated sacrificial system as happened in ancient Israel. After selecting and adorning the sacrificial animals with ribbons and garlands, the festively dressed sacrificers approached the altar in a > procession [II] [19]. At the front of the procession walked a girl (> Kanephoroi) with a basket on her head containing the sacrificial knife covered by barley-groats and ribbons [20]. Male adolescents led along the victim, and a piper provided the rhythm for the procession [21]. Greek sacrificial ideology stressed the victim’s pleasure in going up to the altar and being sacrificed [22. 38-46]. Obviously, ideology and practice did not always concur and vase paintings show ephebes struggling with the victim or the ropes tied to its head or legs to restrain it [caeszssesitell Having arrived at the site of the sacrifice, the worshippers stood in a semi-circle between the altar and the temple, with the temple at their back. The sacrificial priest then purified the participants, the altar and the sacrificial victim (Eupolis fr. 14 PCG; Aristoph. Pax 959;

> Purification

[B 2];

— Purity [IV]). During a

prayer, the participants in the sacrifice ‘threw barleygroats before them’; in the Classical Era, groats were used in a manner parallel to the lustral water, as the barley, now mixed with salt, was sprinkled or thrown on the altar and the victim during the prayer. The throwing of the barley-groats uncovered the sacrificial knife in the sacrificial basket [23. 103-115]. The sacrificial priest first cut some hairs from the brow of the

847

848

animal with the knife and threw them into the fire, in-

actual consumption of the meat is hardly ever mentioned. Finally, the skin of the sacrificial animal was often sold on behalfof the priests (dermatikon: SEG 39,

SACRIFICE

dicating the beginning of the actual killing. Meanwhile, the victim had to give its consent by shaking its head (e.g. Aristoph. Pax 960). With cattle or large pigs, it was wiser to stun the victim first (Hom. Od. 14,425; Apoll. Rhod. 1,429f.; Ath. 10,456d); in classical Athens, a special officiant, the ‘ox slayer’ (boutypos), was charged with this blow [24. r8f.]. It is only on two non-Athenian vases that we can see an axe hover over the head of an ox; the axe is never mentioned or shown in connection with the sacrificial procession, where it would have disturbed the festal atmosphere. Presumably, it was not produced until the last minute [23. 103-109]. The participants in the sacrifice then raised the (stunned) victim towards the heavens with its head held high (Hom. Il. 1,459 with schol. and Eust. ad

loc.; Hom. Od. 3,448), and a priest or another officiant cut its throat with the sacrificial knife. At this highly emotional moment, the pipes were silent, but the women present raised their high, piercing cry, the ololyge (Aesch. Sept. 269; [25. 178-180]; piper and ololyktria in Pergamon, 2nd cent. BC: LSAM

12,26). Great care

was taken not to spill the blood of the victim on the ground (Aesch. Sept. 275; Bacchyl. 11,111). Small animals were held over the altar so that their blood blakkened the altar itself or was allowed to drip on a hearth or in a sacrificial pit; for larger animals, a bowl (sphageion) was used to catch the blood (Hom. Od. 3,444; [26. 180]). Vase paintings from the Classical Period show the blood on the altars as lasting proof of the otherwise perishable gifts to the gods [24. 109 note 9]. The victim was then skinned and carved. In this phase of dividing up the sacrificial shares, the gods were the main focus of attention, even though their share was not very impressive. After the two thigh bones had been taken out and all the meat removed from them, they were wrapped ina fold of fat; then, small pieces from all of the victim’s limbs were placed on top, and the whole was burned as an offering to the gods; the removal of the thigh bones has left archaeological traces (deposits of burned thigh bones in Ephesus [12. 115, 145]). The gods also received some other parts, such as the gallbladder and the tail; indeed tail bones are lacking from among the bones found in the sanctuary of Artemis in Kalapodi [6. 22, 44, 162]. Perhaps it was the poor quality of these offerings (Aristoph. Pax 1021, 1054; Phe-

160).

C, SACRIFICE WITHOUT A SACRIFICIAL MEAL There were also sacrifices without a meal or where food was deliberately not offered the participants, such as the costly sacrifice of horses to > Poseidon (Paus. 8,7,2; Eust. ad Hom. Il. 21,131 and 23,148) and the sun god Helios (LSCG, Supp. 94; Fest. 190 L.). Inexpensive,

on the other hand, were purificatory sacrifices, usually piglets that were thrown away after the sacrifice to remove pollution. Piglets were also sometimes used for preliminary sacrifices, in which case they were burnt in a so-called holocaust [25. 286f.]. Holocausts were sometimes connected with myths that related -> human sacrifices in which case they took place only at certain intermittent festivals and marked very special moments in the life of Greek societies, in particular the > initiation of its youths [2. 411-417]. Other extraordinary occasions for sacrifice were the oath-sacrifice [I. 377-382] (> Oath [II]), sacrifice before crossing a river (diabateria: Thuc. 5,55; Xen. Lac. 13,2ff.) and before a battle [30]. In these cases, the heightened tension of the occasion would have prevented the consumption of meat in a relaxed atmosphere. Epigraphical evidence has increasingly made clear that sacrifice to heroes (so-called ‘chthonic’ sacrifice; see > Hero cult), long assumed

to have been burnt

whole, normally ended in a happy banquet. The whole notion of ‘chthonic’ sacrifice is in urgent need of revision since it has become increasingly clear that there was an enormous variety of sacrificial customs within this area [31. 21-32; 32]. + Libation [II], the pouring of liquid to the gods, was also not followed by a meal. Its practice belongs to the earliest demonstrable roots of Greek religion: of the two Greek terms used for libation, spondé derives from an Indo-European root *spend-, and choé is connected with the Indo-Iranian priest title hotar/zaotar. It may well be that the great age of this ritual is responsible for the enormous diversity in the use of libations. Spondai were performed to please the gods or avert a plague, before symposia and journeys, to celebrate victory or peace, and to accompany prayer or the sacrifice of in-

recrates fr. 28 PCG; Eubulus fr. 127 PCG) which led

cense. Choai, on the other hand, were used esp. in con-

later times to reinterpret them and use the tail and gallbladder for > divination [VI] [27; 28]. In the Classical Era, the gods also seem to have received a share of the

nection with purification and the cult of the dead » Dead, cult of the [IV]. Schematically simplified, we could say that the spondé was made from a jug and poured for the Olympian gods on raised altars, whereas in the choaia vessel was emptied on the ground for the > chthonic deities [II] and the dead. Yet there are numerous exceptions to these rules. Normative libations were made with mixed wine, the normal drink of adult males; but oaths were per-

innards (splanchna; Aristoph. Plut. 1130); they were

the first to be eaten (Hom. Od. 3,40-44). Many vases show a boy, the splanchnoptes, holding the innards on (sometimes 1.65 m) long spits (obelot) to roast them over the fire [23. 135-143]. Together with the food, the gods received a libation of mixed wine [25. 240-245; 9. 122]. After the carving, the meat had to be boiled before it was distributed (finds of cauldron supports: [29]). Afterwards, the meal could begin, although the

formed with libations of unmixed wine, while funerary

libations contained milk, water, honey and olive oil. In Attica, a whole variety of gods received wineless liba-

849 tions (+ néphalia). The liquids other than mixed wine used in this context stand in contrast to normal drink,

and one of their functions was to mark a preliminary or deviant sacrifice [2. 26-29].

850

SACRIFICE

1 BURKERT

2GRAF

MERTON-KELLY

D. REFLECTIONS ON SACRIFICE In Greek reflection, sacrifice was an extremely holy affair: tragedy repeatedly expresses the perversion of social order through the perversion of sacrifice; esp. in Euripides, murders frequently occur during sacrifice or prayer [33]. Statements on the function of sacrifice were already made by the Homeric epics: the gods shared hecatombs (large animal sacrifices, esp. cattle) with the Aethiopes and Phaeacians and enjoyed the smoke of the fat from the sacrificial meat (Hom. Il. 1,315-317, 423f.; 23,205-207; Hom. Od. 1,25f.; 7,201-203); likewise, the archaic tradition of ‘hosting the gods’ (> theoxénia, theodatsia) shows that in the Archaic Age it was considered normal for the gods to feast together with mortals [34]. Yet the archaic Greeks were no longer comfortable with the idea of the gods eating in the same manner as mortals: Homer was content to say that Athena “came to meet the offering” (Hom. Od. 3,435) because he clearly wished to avoid suggesting that the goddess in any sense fed on the sacrifice. The Hellenistic philosopher > Theophrastus states three reasons to sacrifice: to honour the gods, to thank them or for want of things (Theophr. fr. 584a FORTENBAUGH); all three reasons can be found in the pre-Hellenistic era [8. 270f.]. However, these reasons are only a selection of possible functions. The best-known ancient myth of sacrifice (Hes. Theog. 535-561) connects the origin of sacrifice with the invention of —> fire and the creation of woman (+ Pandora) and places the origin of sacrifice at the

precise moment that gods and mortals were in the process of parting ways: sacrifice constituted and guaranteed the present world order, in which humans die and immortals must be worshipped. By contrast, W. BurKERT has made a feeling of guilt for the act of killing the focus of his sacrificial theory [7. 3-5, 136-143]. The main problem with this theory is not only the total neglect of the role of women [36; 37] in the sacrificial model which traces back to the Paleolithic hunting cultures, but also the almost total lack of evidence for

actual fear and guilt during sacrifices: Attic vases connect the sacrifice with ideas of festivity, celebration and blessing ([11]; see above, I C). However, without the

assumption that the Greeks had mixed feelings about sacrificial killing, it is difficult to explain why religious reformers or dissenters such as the Pythagoreans (+ Pythagoras [2]) or Empedocles [1] rejected animal sacrifice [18. 299f.]; it seems that killing for sacrifice generated, if not fear and angst, then certainly feelings of unease. > Altar; > Cult [II]; > Divination [VI]; > Food offerings; > Meat, consumption of [I]; > Ritual [VII]; » Table culture

3 E.KEARNS, Cakes in Greek Sac-

rifice Regulations, in: R. HAGG (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, 1994, 65-70 4J.Z. Smitu, The Domestication of Sacrifice, in: R. Ha(ed.), Violent Origins, 1987, 191-205

5 W.Houston, Purity and Monotheism. Clean and Unclean Animals in Biblical Law, 1993 6 M.STANZEL, Die Tierreste aus dem Artemis-/Apollon-Heiligtum bei Kalapodi in Béotien/Griechenland, 1991 7 W.BuRKERT, Homo necans, *1983 [English: Homo necans, 1983]

8 J. BREMMER, Modi di communicazione

con il divino: la preghiera, la divinizzazione e il sacrificio nella civilta greca, in: S.Serrrs (ed.), I Greci, vol. 1, 1996,

239-283 9F.T. VAN STRATEN, Hiera kala. Images of Animal Sacrifice in Archaic and Classical Greece, 1995 10 K.BERGER, Tieropfer auf griechischen Vasen, 1988 11 S. Peirce, Death, Revelry, and Thysia, in: Classical Antiquity 12, 1993, 219-266 12A.BAMMeR et al., Das Tieropfer am Artemisaltar von Ephesos, in: S. SAHIN et al. (eds.), Studien zur Kultur Kleinasiens. Festschrift F.K. Dorner, 1978, vol. 1, 107-157 13 G.Nosis, Tierreste aus Tamassos auf Zypern, in: Acta praehistorica et

archaeologica 7-8, 1976-77, 271-300 14 J.BoESSNECK,

A.VON

DEN

DriescH,

Tierknochen-

funde aus Didyma I, in: AA 1983, 611-651 15 J.BOESSNECK, J.SCHAFFER, Tierknochenfunde aus Didyma II, in: AA 1986, 251-301 16M.H. JAMESON, Sacrifice and Animal Husbandry in Classical Greece, in: C.R. WHITTAKER (ed.), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity, 1988, 87-119 17 P.STENGEL, Opferbrauche der Griechen, 1910 18 R.PARKER, Miasma, 1983 19 K. LEHNSTAEDT, Prozessionsdarstellungen auf attischen Vasen, 1971 20 J.SCHELP, Das Kanoun, der griechische Opferkorb, 1975 21 G.C. Norpauist, Instrumental Music in Representations of Greek Cult, in: R. HAGe (ed.), The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods, 1992, 143-168

22 N. HIMMELMANN, Tieropfer in der griechischen Kunst, 1997 23 J.L. Duranp, Sacrifice et labour en Gréce ancienne, 1986 24 G.BERTHIAUME, Les réles du mageiros, 1982 25 J.RUDHARDT, Notions fondamentales de

la pensée religieuse et actes constitutifs du culte dans la Gréce classique, *1992 26 J. CASABONA, Recherches sur le vocabulaire des sacrificesen grec, 1966 27 M.H.JAMESON, Sophocles, Antigone 1005-1022: An Illustration, in: M.Cropp et al. (eds.), Greek Tragedy and its Legacy, 1986, 59-65 28 F.T. VAN STRATEN, The God’s Portion in Greek Sacrificial Representations: Is the Tail Doing Nicely?, in: R.HAGG (ed.), Early Greek Cult Practice, 1988, 51-67 29J.K. PAPADopPULOS, Lasana, Tuyeres, and Kiln Firing Supports, in: Hesperia 61, 1992, 203-221 30 M.H. Jameson, Sacrifice before Battle, in: V.D. Hanson (ed.), Hoplites: the Classical Greek Battle Experience, 1991, 197-227 31 R.SCHLEsIER, Kulte,

Mythen und Gelehrte, 1994

32 S.SCULLION, Olympian

and Chthonian, in: Classical Antiquity 13, 1994, 75-119

33 P. EASTERLING, Tragedy and Ritual.’Cry “Woe, woe”, but may the good prevail’, in: Metis 3, 1988, 87-105 34 M.H. JAMEson, Theoxenia, in: [3], 35-57

35 M.Scuarramatti, L’offrante de porcelet dans la coroplathie Géléenne: étude typologique, 1984 36 U. Kron, Frauenfeste in Demeterheiligtiimern: das Thesmophorion von Bitalemi, in: AA 38, 1992, 611-650 37 R. OsBorNE, Women and Sacrifice in Classical Greece,

in: CQ 43, 1993, 392-405.

J.B.

851

852

IV. ROME A. MATTERS OF DISPUTE B. SOURCES C. COMPONENTS OF THE SACRIFICE D. SACRIFICIAL OFFERINGS E. SACRIFICE AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY

18,7) and bloody sacrifice as late and thus in need of justification [13]. This is probably a cultural-historical construct; in the historical era, bloody and bloodless sacrifices existed side by side. An animal sacrifice is hardly likely to have included all of the following components, which could be abridged or extended in accordance with public standards or personal preference. A priest or > aedituus of the relevant temple organized the services of the sacrificial servants, who performed the actual killing (popae, victimarit: [10. 7o-

SACRIFICE

A. MATTERS OF DISPUTE Although major advances have been achieved in the study of Roman religion in recent years, the investigation of Roman sacrificial rituals takes its orientation from long outdated theories. (1) The ritual theories of

the end of the roth cent. used the since discarded cat-

egories of animism and pre-deism. (2) The investigation of ancient sacrifice concentrated primarily on Greek sacrifice, and its categories of interpretation were transferred to Roman sacrifice (exceptions: e.g. [1; 2]); sacrificial rituals performed in Rome according to the Graecus ritus (e.g. Liv. 5,13,6: 399 BC) are wrongly taken as evidence of Greek origin, not as Roman categorizations (critical: [3]). (3) The legalistic view of Roman culture since MOMMSEN has led to the interpretation of Roman sacrifice as canonically fixed, formalistic rituals [4]. (4) The modern focus on religion in the public sphere has led to a false dichotomy between public and private religion and to the low valuation of what has been found concerning non-public sacrificial rituals [5]. B. SOURCES There are numerous literary sources on individual components of Roman sacrifice, though they are often contradictory in their theological expression. Only two detailed descriptions exist: Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7,72,15-18 and Arnob. 7; both are influenced by their own assumptions, Greek and Christian, respectively. The — priests [V] in the public cult maintained extensive sacrificial literature [6]; these records must have contained detailed directions that varied from cult to cult [7]. The influence of Etruscan records such as the

78]|), and the musicians (tibicines, fidicines: [10. 7986]), who were meant to drown out any noise, which

could be considered a bad > omen [II], with their playing. The sacrificial animal (hostia, victima) and other paraphernalia of the sacrificial ritual could often also be acquired through the temple. The sacrificial animal was sometimes adorned with decoration on the forehead, a ribbon drawn over the back (dorsuale) and head bands (+ infula with ~ vitta). The sacrificial procession (pompa) led to the place of sacrifice: the sacrifice could take place in the temple or at the altar outside the temple (Fest. 296,27-30 L.). In any case, the place had

to have been declared a sacrificial site in accordance with sacral law (captus locus: Fest. 57,4 L.). Before the sacrifice, the sacrificial animal was examined for suitability (probatio: Plin. HN 8,183). Potential troublemakers were excluded from sacrifice; certain sacrifices limited access (Hor. Carm. 3,1,1; Serv. Aen. 8,172), for example for women, slaves or foreigners; there were,

however, no categorical criteria for exclusion. The sacrificer had to be pure or to purify himself before the beginning of the sacrifice (Fest. 292,25-30 and 296,30-35 L.; Tib. 2,1,13f.; Liv. 45,5,4), and silence had to be maintained during the act of sacrifice (favete linguis: Hor. Carm. 3,1,2; Serv. Aen. 5,71). The sacrificial animal was also purified, its head sprinkled with wine and —> mola salsa. After the sacrificial decorations were removed, a knife was drawn from the head across the back of the sacrificial animal (Serv. Aen.

libri rituales of the disciplina Etrusca (-» Etrusci, Etru-

12,173); thereafter,

ria [III D]) on Roman

28,10) and a libatio (> Libation [II]) performed by the

sacrificial ritual is sometimes

a prayer was spoken (Plin. HN

overestimated. Extensive information is contained in the epigraphic records of the ~ arvales fratres. The

leader of the sacrifice. Only then did the popa ask, ‘Shall I strike?’ (agone?) and then stun the sacrificial animal

prayers that accompanied sacrifices were just as varied

with the blow of a hammer. Thereupon, another sacri-

as the sacrificial ritual itself [8]. Iconographic depictions of sacrifices [9; 10; r1] are often idealized or group the various components of the

ficial servant (cultrarius) slit the throat of the victim with the sacrificial knife (culter). It was considered a

sacrifice in an unrealistic form; ideally, the religio (‘reli-

gious attitude’) or the -» pietas (‘piety’) of the sacrificial leader is emphasized [12. 209-219]. The aspects of the sacrifice as a social statement are over-represented; others, such as the bloody killing of the animal, are discussed far more rarely [1o. 72-74]. C. COMPONENTS OF THE SACRIFICE The — prestigious — animal sacrifices are the most extensively recorded. Philosophical and theological speculation considered bloodless sacrifice to be older (e.g. Plut. Romulus 12; Plut. Numa 8,15; Plin. HN

bad omen if insufficient blood flowed (Verg. G. 3,492). Although it is unclear how the blood was disposed of, part of it could have been collected (Verg. Aen. 6,24 8f.). The killing of the sacrificial animal was followed by an examination of the entrails: this determined whether the sacrifice had been performed — successfully (+ litatio). If this did not produce the desired result, a substitute sacrifice (hostia succidanea: Gell. NA 4,6,5)

was performed. Certain parts of the sacrificial animal (prosecta; exta: liver, lungs, heart, caul: Fest. 69,9f. L.;

Luc. 1,621-625) were proffered (porricere: Plaut. Pseud. 265ff.) to the deity in various ways (Varro, Ling. 5,112). Parts of the meat (augmenta, magmenta: Cato

853

854

Agr. 50,2; Varro, Ling. 5,712; Serv. Aen. 4,57) were also sometimes sacrificed; the rest of the meat was then eaten by the participants in the sacrifice. Sanctuaries sometimes had dining rooms (cenacula) and kitchens where the meat was roasted or boiled. Meat which was not eaten could be sold (Plin. Ep. 10,96,10). A ritual error in the course of the sacrifice required the entire ritual to be repeated (instauratio; [1 4]).However, an error could also simply be ignored (Lex Narbonensis, FIRA 3,73b,15-17; Lex Salonitana, FIRA 3,74) or could be expiated by another sacrifice without a complete repetition (porca praecidanea: Fest. 250,1114 L.; [15. 93-107, 148-157]). The concentration of scholars on the complex sacrificial rituals in the public cult has led to an overestimation of the importance of the instauratio. Most sacrifices were probably so short that the perceived rate of error was low.

animal sacrifice. Rather, as an excerpt from the traditional sacrificial repertoire, its intention was symbolic. + Cult [II]; > Immolatio; > Purity [IV]; > Religion [X]; > Ritual [VU]

D. SACRIFICIAL OFFERINGS For sacrifice in public religion, there were precise rules kept by the relevant priesthoods regarding the sacrificial offerings (Cic. Leg. 2,19): the sex of the sacrificial animal had to correspond to the sex of the deity;

Religion in Roman Art, 1955 10 F.FLEss, Opferdiener und Kultmusiker auf stadtrémischen historischen Reliefs,

white animals were sacrificed to the celestial gods (di superi), black to the gods of the underworld (di

~ inferi). The type of offering could, however, deviate from these rules depending on the nature of the individual deity (e.g. a red dog for Robigus, the god who was supposed to ward off smut from the grain, Latin robigo = ‘rust’, ‘smut’; InscrIt 13,2,448f.). Other deities re-

ceived only bloodless sacrifices (e.g. — Flora: Fest. 81,5f. L.), though many both bloody and bloodless (e.g. ~» Ceres: [15. 108-163]). Reports are too contradictory to abstract clear ‘rules’ [16]. Of the countless sacrificial theories, none is com-

pletely satisfactory. Because Roman religion was an open, fluid system, the search for one ‘meaning’ will probably remain fruitless. Perhaps the most satisfying and, at the same time, most careful approach interprets sacrifice as communication between human being and god (see I). The Latin mactare probably means ‘to increase’ and may reflect an indigenous Roman theologizing of the sacrificial term [17. 220]: ritual renunciation leads to increase. E. SACRIFICE AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY The Roman authorities made a so-called sacrifice test — an order to perform a sacrifice, sometimes without precisely specifying the divine addressee — the criterion for deciding whether Christians could be legally prosecuted (Emperor Trajan in Plin. Ep. 10,97,2). The empire-wide demands by the emperors Decius (texts: [x8]) and Valerianus (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 7,11,7-9) for

performing sacrifices also led in individual cases to the prosecution of those Christians who refused to perform the sacrifice. Only a very few sources voice the expectation that /ibatio and animal sacrifice be performed and that the sacrificial meat be eaten (cf. [18]). The sacrifice test did not thus necessarily include a complete

SACRIFICE

1J.ScHEID,

Romulus

et ses

fréres,

1990,

285-676

2U.W. ScHouz, Zur Erforschung der romischen Opfer, in: J.RUDHARDT, O.REVERDIN (eds.), Le sacrifice dans Pantiquité, 1981, 289-340 3 J.SCHEID, Graeco Ritu: A Typically Roman Way of Honoring the Gods, in: HSPh 97, 1995,15-31 4A.BERNARDI, Homo Ritualis, in: Rivista storica italiana 96, 1984,784-810 5 A.BENDLIN, Social Complexity and Religion at Rome in the Second and First Centuries BCE (thesis, Oxford), 1998 6 G.ROHDE, Die

Kultsatzungen der romischen Pontifices (RGVV 25), 1936 7Jj.A. NortH,

The

Books

of the Pontifices,

in: La

mémoire perdue. Recherches sur |’administration romaine (Collection de Ecole Francaise de Rome 243), 1998, 45-63 8 G.AppEL, De Romanorum precationibus (RGVV 7,2), 1909 =.9 IS. RyBerG, Rites of the State

1995

11 A.V. SteBERT, Instrumenta

sacra. Untersu-

chungen zu rémischen Opfer-, Kult- und Priestergeraten, 1999 12 R.GorpDon, The Veil of Power: Emperors, Sacrificers and Benefactors, in: M. BEARD, J.A. NORTH (eds.), Pagan Priests, 1990, 201-231

13 B.GLADIGOW,

Ovids Rechtfertigung der blutigen Opfer, in: AU 14.3, 1971, 5-23 14 P.ConeEr, Instauratio Sacrorum, in: Hermes 122, 1994, 451-468 15 H.Le Bonnigc, Le culte de Cérés, 1958 16 C. Krause, s.v. Hostia, RE

Suppl. 5, 236-282

17 P.Baxpi, The Foundations of Lat-

in, 1999 18 J. KnrpFING, The Libelli of the Decian Persecution, in: Harvard Theological Review 16, 1923, 345-

390.

CRP.

V. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY A. JUDAISM AROUND THE BEGINNING OF THE COMMON ERA B. THE NEw TESTAMENT AND THE JEWISH SACRIFICIAL CULT C. EUCHARIST

A. JUDAISM AROUND THE BEGINNING OF THE

COMMON ERA The efforts, demanded in the OT (Dt 12) and pal-

pable from the 7th cent. BC, to limit the sacrificial cult of Israel to Jerusalem had become widely established in early Judaism (c. 2nd millennium BC — AD 70; exception: temple to Yahweh in Leontopolis) [1]. In contrast to other ancient Mediterranean religions, only the (he-

reditary) priesthood was allowed to sacrifice at the temple. The centralization of the cult increased the sanctity of the sacrifice and, at the same time, heavily restricted the sacrificial options of the people. This led to a virtual abandonment of sacrifice in the Jewish home, in the diaspora and in Qumran and to an enhancement of the status of prayer and Torah piety (Cairo Documents r1,20f.; t QS 9,3-5). This sacrificial limitation led to the development of the > synagogue as a non-cultic, Torah-oriented house of assembly.

SACRIFICE

856

855

B. THE NEw TESTAMENT AND THE JEWISH SAC-

RIFICIAL CULT The NT scriptures [2] presuppose the practice of cult centralization throughout. The Gospels and Acts emphasize the Temple piety of Jesus and the Early Church (Mt 17:24ff.; Acts 24:17). Jesus was executed by the Romans during a Passover pilgrimage. The Gospel of

Mahlfeiern, 1996 4 L.KuNDERT, Die Opferung/Bindung Isaaks, vol. 1: Gen 22,1-19 im Alten Testament, im Frihjudentum und im Neuen Testament, 1998 5 E.W. STEGEMANN, Zur Tempelreinigung im Johannesevangelium, in: E.BLum, C. MAcHo1z, E. W. STEGEMANN (eds.),

Die Hebraische Bibel und ihre zweifache Nachgeschichte, Festschrift R. Rendtorff zum 65. Geburtstag, 1990, 503516 6P.Wick, Die urchristlichen Gottesdienste. Ent-

John reports several pilgrimages to Jerusalem (Jo 2:23;

stehung und Entwicklung im Rahmen der friihjiidischen

5:13 7:14; 10:22). Jesus’ words criticizing the cult, following the prophetic tradition, placed mercy and ethi-

Tempel-, Synagogen- und Hausfrommigkeit, 2002.

P.WI.

cal obedience ahead of sacrifice (Mt 9:13; cf. 1 Sam

15:22). The so-called cleansing of the Temple by Jesus

Sacrificial calendar see - Feriale

(Mk r1:15ff.), on the other hand, is to be understood as

an emblematic defence of the holiness of the Temple [5]. In contrast to Philo (De vita Mosis 2,108), the NT does not spiritualize sacrifice. Paul uses metaphors from the sacrificial cult to place special emphasis on his ethical instructions (Rom 12:1; Phil 4:18). He likens self-giving and martyrdom to sacrifice (Phil 2:17); in a few places, he also interprets the death of Jesus with metaphors from the sacrificial cult (Rom 3:25) to derive ethical consequences from it (1 Cor 5:6—-8; cf. Eph 5:rf.). In the Johannine works (including Apc) and Hebr, Christ becomes the transcendent fulfilment of OT sacrifice. Here he is described as the true (sacrificial) Lamb of God (Jo

1:29 [4. 244-247]; Apc 5:6) or even as a heavenly high priest and sacrifice at one and the same time (Hebr 7:26f.; 9:26). Standing in the tradition of early Jewish concepts of heavenly worship, the sacrificial worship in heaven appears to have come to an end through the singular sacrifice of Christ (Hebr 10:26), though according to Apc 8:3f. it continues to occur. In contrast to

heavenly worship, earthly congregations gather without sacrifice. C. EUCHARIST Paul arranged the house gatherings of his congregations on the pattern of a contemporary symposium [3]: the ‘Lord’s Supper’ was celebrated as part of the evening meal (1 Cor 11:17ff.). Sacrificial metaphors describing the assembly at worship are generally avoided in the NT. In the Synoptics (-> Marcus [I 1]; > Matthaeus; > Lucas (Luke) [1]), the words of institution (the words with which Jesus instituted the meal) allude to an OT covenantal sacrifice, thus emphasizing the

Sacrilegium. In Roman law, temple robbery or, more specifically, unlawful removal (furtum) of (movable): (a) objects (res) that were sacrae (> sacer) from a place that was sacer (aedes, templum: Quint. Inst. 7,3,10),

perhaps even from private ownership (Cic. Inv. 1,11); and (b) private property, such as money, that had been deposited in a temple (thus Cic. Leg. 2,22 and 41). However, the latter was controversial: Septimius Severus and Caracalla ruled that such a crime be classified only as > furtum (Dig. 48,13,6). The theft of sacra privata was not among the deeds constituting this crime, but seen only as aggravated theft (Dig. 48,13,11). Originally, sacrilegium was punishable by death, but later—following a Caearean or Augustan lex Iulia peculatus et de sacrilegis and probably by following the analogy of embezzlement of public money (— peculatus) — by > aqua et igni interdictio. However, records also refer to deportations and various forms of capital punishment, even including burning to death (Dig. 48,13). Under the rule of the Christian emperors, sacrilegium came to encompass all heinous crimes against religion in general and was even applied to the disregard of imperial decrees, which were seen as on a par with the ius divinum (Cod. Theod. 16,2,25; Cod. lust. 9,29). R.A. BAUMAN, Tertullian and the Crime ofS., in: Journ. of

Religious History 4, 1967, 175-183; A. DEBINsKI, S. w prawie rzymskim, 1995; G.Focarpt, Il carme del pescatore sacrilego, 1998; F. GNOLI, Ricerche sul crimen pecu-

latus, 1979, 9f., 104-132; P. HUVELIN, Etudes sur le furtum, 1915, 450-458; MOMMSEN, Strafrecht, 760-776;

O.Rosinson, Blasphemy and Sacrilege in Roman Law, in: Irish Jurist 8, 1973, 356-371.

j.L.

social character of this meal (Mk 14,24 par. Mt 26,28).

The comparison of the ‘Lord’s Supper’ with sacrificial actions (Ignatius of Antioch, Ad Philadelphios 4; Justin. Dial. 41,2f.) in the 2nd cent. led to the gradual development of an explicit dogmatic equation of the Eucharist and sacrifice (cf. Cypr. Ep. 63). ~» Bible; Christianity; > Cult; Gospels;

Sacriportus. Town in Latium (Luc. 2,134; App. B Civ.

> Judaism; > Priests; > Temple

App. B Giv. 2,875: Liv:, Per. 87; Vell. Pat, 2,26: Lue. Dual

1G.A. ANDERSON, s.v. Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings, The Anchor Bible Dictionary 5, 870-886 2 H.-J. K1LAuck, s.v. Sacrifice and Sacrificial Offerings (NT), The Anchor Bible Dictionary 5, 887-891 3 M.KLInGHARDT, Gemeinschaftsmahl und Mahlge-

meinschaft.

Soziologie

und

Liturgie

friihchristlicher

1,87: ‘legd¢ Auuyw/Hierds Limen) on the upper reaches of the Tolerus (present-day Sacco) on the via Labicana

between - Praeneste and Signia, possibly near Piombinara. Here, Cornelius [I 90] Sulla crushed the army of

Marius [I 2] in the spring of 82 BC (Plut. Sulla 28,4;

NISSEN 2, 651; G. ToMasseETTI, La Campagna Romana, vol. 3, 1910, 459 (repr. 1976). GU.

857

858

Sacrosanctus. According to Festus (318, s. v. s.) s. described objects or persons who were protected by oath (> Sacramentum) in such a way that by harming them the culprit came under the threat of the death penalty. As examples Festus gives the tribune of the plebs (> Tribunus plebis) and, incorrectly, also the plebeian aediles. From their inception (in 494 BC; > Struggle of the orders), the people’s tribunes were protected by the lex sacrata (Liv. 2,33,1 and 3; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,89,2-4; Cic. Rep. 2,58), i.e. by an oath of the plebs to have every injury to a tribune’s person or ability to act immediately followed by the punishment of the perpetrator, who by the act had become > sacer (outlawed), in a kind of mob justice (for the Jex sacrata see [1; 2. 145-1533 3. 374-387]). The authority of office of the tribunes, which was protected only by the oath of the plebs, (sacrosancta > potestas) was initially in opposition to the legitima potestas of officials elected by the people as a whole and was recognized generally no earlier than 449 BC (cf. Liv. 3,55,3). The ‘untouchability’ of the people’s tribunes evaporated if an accusation of affectatio regni (‘aspiration to kingship’) could be made against them (> Maelius [2]; Ti. > Sempronius Gracchus); it could also be detached from the office and be used to protect Patricians (used by + Octavianus [xz] in 36 BC: Cass. Dio 49,15,6). In Christian late Antiquity s. was used in the sense of ‘most holy’. 1 A. ALFOLDI, Lex sacrata, 1940 2 J. Bayet, L’organisation plébéienne et les Leges sacratae, in: Id. (ed.), Titus Livius (Tite-Live), vol. 3, 1954 (with French trans. and

3 K. VON Fritz, Leges sacratae and plebei scita, in: Id., KS zur griechischen und rémischen Verfassungsgeschichte, 1976, 374-387. W.ED. comm.)

Sadalas (Sadciac; Saddlas). [1] King of the + Odrysae in 87/86-80/79 BC, successor of > Cotys [I 4]. Sadalas supported Cornelius [I 90] Sulla against Mithradates [6] VI at Chaeronea (Cic. Went, oaane (cy) [iy alyteks slime eYe ge28 amatrie Ally [2] Grandson of Sadalas [1], king of the > Odrysae in

45/44-42 BC, who supported Pompeius [I 3] the Great at Pharsalus by order ofhis father > Cotys [I 5] (Caes. B Civ. 3,4,3); Sadalas is attributed with the victory over L. -» Cassius [I 14] Longinus (Cass. Dio 41,51,2); Caesar pardoned him (Cass. Dio 41,63,1; Luc. 5,54). Follow-

ing + Byrebista’s death, Sadalas recaptured Odrysian territory (cf. IGBulg 1,43). He minted bronze coins. Sadalas and his wife Polemocratia apparently did not die childless (according to Cass. Dio 47,25,1), certainly their son > Cotys [I 6] had an inscription carved out in their memory (IGR 1,775; cf. App. B Civ. 4,753 [2. 120f.; 4. 189-192]). [3] Thracian king, supported M. Antonius [I 9] in 31 BC [I 9] at > Actium (Plut. Antonius 61,2; [2. 122]). 1 F.pe CaLiatay, L’histoire des guerres mithridatiques vue par les monnaies, 1997 2 C.M. Danov, Die Thraker auf dem Ostbalkan von der hellenistischen Zeit bis zur Griindung Konstantinopels, in: ANRW

II 7.1, 1979, 21-

SADDUCEES 185

3 M.HoLeaAvux, Décret de Chéronée relatif a la

premiere guerre de Mithradates, in: REG 32, 1919, 320337. 4R.D. Suttivan, Thrace in the Eastern Dynastic Network, in: ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 186-211

5 M. Taceva, On the Genealogy of the Last Kings of Thracia (100 B. C.-45 A. D.), in:

M. Taceva-CuiTova (ed.),

Izsledvanija v cest na prof. Danoy ... (Festschrift Ch. M. Danovy), 1985, 412-417.

Sadducees

UP.

(ZaddovxaioW/Saddoukaioi;

Lat.

Saddu-

cael).

I. NAME AND OriciIns_ II]. CHARACTERISTICS

II. History

I. NAME AND ORIGINS Along with the Pharisees ( Pharisaei) and — Essenes, the Sadducees make up the third inner-Jewish circle and definitively shaped the religious and political fortune of Jewish > Palaestina from the mid 2nd cent. BC to the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem in AD 70. The Greek name Saddoukaioi (attested only in plur.) supposedly comes from Zadok, the chief priest at the time of > David [1] (Zaddso0vx/Saddouk, LXX), whose family held the office of high priest hereditarily down to the 2nd cent. BC. The Sadducees would thus have been the immediate partisans and loyal vassals of the high priestly dynasty. The name persisted even when the office of high priest was taken over by the > Hasmonaeans (a non-Zadokian priestly family) and was later awarded to descendants of a small circle of priestly families by Herod [1] and the Roman procurators of Judaea for political purposes. Along with the highpriestly families the majority of Jerusalem’s nobility (the so-called elders) probably belonged to the Sadducees Outside of Flavius [4] Josephus (the most important source on the Sadducees) and the NT (and Christian texts from the 2nd cent. AD dependent on it), the Greek name is otherwise unattested. + Rabbinical literature, in which they are mostly opposed to the Pharisees, contains but a few texts about the s‘duqim, although the historical value of this tradition is similarly disputed (texts of the Mishna collected in [1. 384-3 86]) as is the identification with the Sadducees of the Qumran pseudonym ‘Manasseh’ in 4QpNah and 4QpPs 37 from the rst cent. BC; Sadducean witnesses to themselves do not survive. Il. History According to Josephus, the internal history of the Jews since the Hasmonaeans had been shaped by — and was not intelligible apart from — the rivalry that broke out again and again between the Sadducees and the Pharisees (Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,171 f.; 13, 288-298; bQiddushim 66a). In Israel it was possible to become a priest only on the basis of one’s ancestry, although an education in the religious traditions and laws of the Pharisees was open to everyone. Those born into the elite class with its fundamentally conservative attitude struck back at the increasing influence of an educated

SADDUCEES

859

elite. Despite this rivalry, however, there was no fundamental division between them, in contradistinction to

the > Qumran community who, admittedly on the basis of priestly dominance, had many close similarities with the Sadducees and who had nevertheless turned away from the temple cult in Jerusalem which was decisively controlled by the Sadducees. Conversely, Sadducees and Pharisees could also pursue shared religious and political aims especially when it concerned the political balance and the relationship with Rome (cf. Jos. BI 2,411; 4,158-161). The juxtaposition of Pharisees and Sadducees, used only in Mathew (Mt 3:7; 16:15 6; t1f.), might derive from that. Even in the trial against Jesus (where only their official occupations appear

860 1 SCHURER.

G.BauMBACH, The S. in G. Harta (ed.), Josephus, 173-195; M.GoopMan, 1987 (°1995); Id., S. and

Josephus, in: L.H. FELDMAN, the Bible, and History, 1989, The Ruling Class of Judaea, Essenes after 70 CE, in: S.E. PorTeR et al. (ed.), Crossing the Boundaries, 1994, 347356; G.G. Porton, s.v. S., Anchor Bible Dictionary 5, 892-895; E.REGEV, The Sadducean Halakha and the S.’

Influence on Social and Religious Life, r999 (unpubl. Hebrew diss., Bar Ilan Univ., Engl. 2002); A.J. SALDARINI, Pharisees, Scribes, and S. in Palestinian Society, 1988; L.H. ScHIFFMAN, Sadducean Halakhah in the Dead Sea Scrolls: The Case of the Tevul Yom, in: Dead Sea Discoveries 1, 1994, 285-299; G. STEMBERGER, Pharisaer, Sadduzaer, Essener, 1991; C. WASSEN, S. and Halakhah, in:

instead of the names of the parties: Mk 11:18; 273 14:1

P. RICHARDSON, S. WESTERHOLM (ed.), Law in Religious

et passim) both parties worked with one another — albeit with different intentions (cf. Mt 21:45; 27:62, similarly Jo 11:47; 57; 18:3; cf. also 4QpPs 37 II 17). In Mk 3:6 and 12:13 (cf. Mt 22:15 f.), the Pharisees are linked to the ‘Herodians’. In this otherwise unknown group many interpreters see the Boethusian faction of the Sadducees, a family installed in the office of high priest by

Communities in the Roman Period, 1991, 127-146; H.-F. Weiss, s.v. Sadduzder, TRE 29, 1998, 589-594. RO.D

Herod [1] and his successors (Jos. Ant. Iud. 15,320-

322; 17,78; 164; 339; 19,297). III. CHARACTERISTICS The denial of the resurrection (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,16; Mk 12:18-27; Acts 23:6 ff., cf. Avot deRabbi Nathan A

5) and the existence of angels and demons (Acts 23:8) belonged among the religious convictions of the Sadducees; heimarméné (fate) is conceded no power over

man: man is rather the master of his own fate, possessing a free will (Jos. BI 2,164 f.; Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,173). That they recognized only the five books of Moses as holy Scripture is first stated in the 3rd cent. AD in Origen [1. 40874]. So put, this is scarcely accurate even though they held the Torah (> Pentateuch) in higher regard than the succeeding canonical writings (+ Canon [1 V]). Their legal system was correspondingly stricter and followed the written text of the Torah more closely than did that of the Pharisees (Jos. Ant. ud. 13,294; 20,199). They also adopted a stricter attitude in the cult with regard to matters of purity, which underscored priestly privileges in contrast to the Pharisees whose aim was to encourage the participation of the entire population. Likewise they rejected the normative value of the oral tradition which was acknowledged by the Pharisees as a source of revelation, although even in their circles there was an education in their tradition peculiar to their sect (cf. Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,297f.; 18,16). The priesthood and the temple were at the centre of the Sadducees’ piety. The destruction of the temple represented the loss not only of their spiritual centre but also of the basis of their wealth and position in society. In the subsequent course of Jewish history they remained as a separate group without any perceptible significance, even though a part of their tradition may have become established in rabbinical literature.

Sadyattes (Zadvartt¢/Sadyattes). Luwian name: prefix * sadu- ‘efficient’, final part —atta either ‘father’ as in Hittite, then ‘stalwart father’, or —- more likely (-atta isa suffix) — ‘a person who possesses stalwartness [1. 450]. The occurrence of the name after 1200 BC is proof of the survival of Luwian culture in West Anatolia until the Achaemenids in c. 550 BC. 1 N.OETTINGER,

Stammbildung

des hethitischen

Ver-

bums, 1979.

[1] Last king of Lydia from the house of the > Heraclidae, murdered by Gyges [1] in c. 680 BC. His epithet -» Candaules probably alludes to Hermes as his protective deity. The Greeks called S. Myrsilus (from Hattic *Mursil; Hdt. 1,7-12 and Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH

90 F 47). {2] Lydian king (c. 625-600 BC), the third from the house of the + Mermnadae. He is said to have made his sister Lyde queen; from his marriage to her was born ~+ Alyattes (Luwian ‘person who possesses magic’) who as crown prince was ordered to wage war for six years against > Miletus (Hdt. 1,16-17; Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH 90 F 63; Xenophilus FGrH 767). M. LOMBARDO, Osservazioni cronologiche e storiche sul Regno di Sadiatte, in: ASNP, Ser. III, 10.2, 1980, 307-362.

[3] Lydian merchant, supported Pantaleon, the brother and adversary of the crown prince > Croesus. S. was later killed by Croesus and his assets were dedicated to Artemis of Ephesus (Hdt. 1,92 and Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH go F 65).

[4] Son of the Lydian king Ardys [1] from the house of the -» Heraclidae; he is said to have murdered Gyges’ grandfather Dascylus (Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH 90

F 44-46). [5] Lydian from the house of the Tylonids, appointed by king Meles as governor of Lydia for three years (Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH 90 F 45).

PHO.

861

862

Saeculares Ludi see > Ludi (K.); > Saeculum

onstrated with certainty only for the ‘fifth’ (using the later numeration) /udi saeculares, Augustus’ Secular Games of 17 BC [1]. They in turn provided a model for subsequent games under Claudius (AD 47), Domitianus (AD 88) and then Septimius Severus (AD 204). The state of the sources is unusually good: dense documentation intended to represent an infrequent ritual beyond its own place and time was attached to the event. Extensive remains survive of monumental inscriptions with copies of > Acta (esp. for Augustus, CIL VI 32323, and Septimius Severus, ibid. 32326 ff.; collected in [2]) and companion series of coins (17 BC and esp. AD 88) with representations of important scenes, esp. of preludes to the Games (herald, distribution of incense). The impetus for the Augustan Games was not a sign (mentioned under II.), but an oracle from the > Sibyllini libri; the college of > quindecimviri sacris faciundis, responsible for this collection of Greek oracles, and its magistri, » Augustus [1] and > Agrippa [1], took on the performance of the ritual. Stage com-

Saeculum (‘Age’). I. GENERAL AL FORM

II. ETRUSCAN TRADITION

III. Ritu-

I. GENERAL ~ Censorinus [4] takes up ancient theories on saeculum in ch. 17 of De die natali (AD 238) in the framework of chronographic remarks. His sources include Varro, who, according to Serv. Aen. 8,526, was the author of a text, De saeculis. Censorinus, DN 17,2, defined saeculum as ‘the length of the longest possible human lifetime’ (spatium vitae humanae longissimum partu et morte definitum). Censorinus makes a clear distinction between Etruscan

(17,5-6)

and

Roman

traditions

(17,7-15;

Roman/(or)um saeculum: 17,7): the ritual staging of the

beginning of a new saeculum by means of the ludi Terentini or the ludi saeculares (‘Secular Games’) is a

SAENA

characteristic exclusively of the Roman system (Cen-

petitions and circus games accompanied the ritual pro-

sorinus, DN

gramme, extending it to a week (cf. —> Festivals); and the ritual, characteristically, included the most important social groups (also women, children; for an analysis see [3]). This, just like the emperor’s determining the

17,7; see below, III.). Censorinus sees a

historical connexion between the Etruscan and Roman traditions and explains it as a process whereby the saeculum naturale of variable length was normed to a saeculum civile of fixed length (17,1; 13). This connexion should not be misunderstood as an indication of an Etruscan ‘origin’ for secular theory (contra [3]). Il. ETRUSCAN TRADITION Etruscan secular doctrine, contained in the Libri rituales (Censorinus, DN

17,5; — Etrusci, Etruria [III]

Religion; with illustration), is an essential part of Etruscan discipline. The tradition (Varro apud Censorinus, DN 14,6) does not prove, however, that this theory had also been part of the content of the Libri fatales, (contra [1]). The threshold between saecula can be perceived by means of signs (ostenta, portenta); their interpretation is the business of Etruscan specialists (+ Haruspices; Plut. Sulla 7; Serv. Ecl. 9,46).

In the context of the historical theology contained in the Tuscae historiae (mentioned by Varro apud Censorinus, DN 17,6), Etruscan history has a linear course,

i.e. it is considered non-recurring. Secular theory is thus an essential part of eschatological reflexion (> Eschatology); the number of saecula ascribed to Etruscan culture up to its end (finis nominis Etrusci) is limited. A parallel is simultaneously drawn between the lifetimes of individuals, cities and civitates and that of the nomen

Etruscum; and they are linked in the dies natalis. 1C.O. THuLIn, Die etruskische Disciplin, vol. 3: Die Ritualbiicher, 1909 (repr. 1968), 63-75 2 PFIFFIG, 159162 3J.F. HALL, The Saeculum Novum of Augustus and Its Etruscan Antecedents, in: ANRW II 16.3, 1986, 25642589. M.HAA.

III. RITUAL FORM

The uniting of the Roman tradition of the > /udi [III K] Terentini with Etruscan secular theory can be dem-

time of the celebrations (cf. Zos. 2,4,3), makes clear its

expected effort at integration. In the choice of gods (reinforced by a distinct triple alternation of day and night) the overarching significance of the ritual as well as its climax in Augustus — Diana and Apollo are at its centre together with Jupiter and Juno — become clear. A festive song was written in 17 BC by Q. > Horatius [7] Flaccus; the author of the fragmentary song of 204 is not known. -» Chronography 1 P. Weiss, Die ‘Sakularspiele’ der Republik — eine annalistische Fiktion?, in: MDAI(R) 80, 1973, 205-217 2 G.B. Picui, De ludis saecularibus populi Romani Quiritium, 1941 (repr. 1965) 3 H.CANcrIK, Carmen und sacrificium, in: R. FABER, B. SEIDENSTICKER (ed.), Worte,

Bilder, Tone, Festschrift B. Kytzler, 1996, 99-113.

—.R.

Saena. City in Etruria (Tab. Peut. 4,3: Sena Iulia; Ptol. 3,1,49: Laiva/Saina), present-day Siena. The earliest

traces of settlements date from the late Bronze Age and early Iron Age. Extant are late Etruscan hypogaea (Porta

Pispini,

Corancina,

Porta

$. Marco,

Porta

Camollia). S. was an Augustan colonia (CIL IX 332) of

regio VII (Plin. HN 3,51), tribus Oufentina (Tac. Hist. 4,45). A dedication of the ordo Saenensium dates from AD 394 (CIL VI 1793). Thermal baths are located near Pieve a Bozzona on the Via Cassia. M.CrIsToFANI,

Siena

(exhibition

catalogue),

1979;

M.VALENTI, Carta archeologica della provincia di Siena, 1995.

M.M.MO.

863

864

Saenianus. Roman orator from the Early Imperial Period whose origin and life are obscure. -» Seneca the

(Terravecchia) was surrounded by a wall (opus polygonale). The remains of the forum, with public build-

SAENIANUS

Elder to whom we owe the few testimonies (Sen. Controv. 5,2; 7,5,10; 9,2,28; Sen. Suas. 2,18) denounces

him as ‘crazy’, ‘feeble-minded’ and ‘vulgar’. Allowing for personal animosity on Seneca’s part, it still seems that S. preferred abstruse and non-pertinent arguments. CW,

Saenius. Name of an Italic gens of Etruscan origin [1. 93; 228]. I, REPUBLICAN

Perrop

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] S., L. Senator (from Etruria?) in 63 BC, who ob-

tained evidence from Faesulae against the Catilinarian Manlius [I 1] (Sall. Catil. 30,1). [I 2] S., L. Probably a son of S. [I 1], possibly recorded

as a senator in 39 BC (MRR 3,34). In 30 he became cos. suff. with Octavian

(> Augustus:

InscrIt

13,1,5 10),

possibly as a reward for his services against the conspirator M. > Aemilius [I 13] Lepidus (App. B Civ. 4,215; 218f. ona

senator ‘Balbinus’; also MRR 3,184).

S. proposed the lex Saenia enacted in 29 for the augmentation of the patriciate by the princeps (cf. Cass. Dio 52,42,5). 1 SCHULZE.

JOF.

ings such as a tribunal columnatum (CIL IX 6368) and

a temple, date back to a second phase in the 2nd cent. BC, in which the fullers’ trade was prevalent. Construction activity intensified in the Imperial Period (CIL IX

2443): fortifications (opus reticulatum), redesign of the northern side of the forum, theatre. 1G. RADKE, s.v. S., KIP 4, 1495.

G. COLoNnna, S.: Ricerche di topografia sannitica e medioevale, in: ArchCl 14, 1962, 80-107; M. MATTEINI CHIARI (ed.), S$. Museo documentario dell’Altilia, 1982; G.DE BENEDITTIS et al., S., Sepino, 1993. M.M.MO.

Saepta. A large rectangular square, surrounded by porticoes, on the Field of Mars (~» Campus Martius) in Rome, on which (allegedly since the time of the mythical kings) the citizens fit to bear arms met in the context of the > comitia centuriata in order to elect the magistrates; there is evidence of a structure from the 6th cent. BC onwards. Under Caesar the square (under the name of Saepta Iulia) was remodelled with architectural splendour, just as the political and functional body of the comitia centuriata was reduced to a pseudo-Republican relic. + Assembly buildings RICHARDSON, 340f.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

{fl 1] M. S. Donatus. Senator; frater Arvalis in the years between AD 219 and 240.

CHO.

fratrum

Saetabis. Capital of the > Contestani near the eastern coast of Spain on the great coastal road (Geogr. Rav.

{II2] M. S$. Donatus Saturninus. Senator, clarissimus vir; ancestor of S. [II 1] (CIL XIV 5356). {11 3] Q. S. Pompeianus. Equestrian; contractor (con-

in a fertile area, modern Jativa. From the end of the 3rd cent. BC onwards numerous coins with S. or Saiti. Mentioned in Plin. HN 3,25 as a municipium Augustum; in the Imperial period S. was famous for its linen industry

ScHEID, Collége, 151; J.ScHErD, Commentarii Arvalium, nr. tor; rosb—108; 112-114.

ductor) of the quattuor publica Africae under Antoninus [1] Pius; acquaintance of Cornelius Fronto [6], whom he served in Africa and who, for his part, asked the young Marcus Aurelius to recommend the tax farmer to his father Antoninus Pius (Fronto p. 79 VAN DEN Hour *1988). In Rome an enormous altar was built as

304,4) on a high mountain (Sil. Pun. 3,373 celsa arce),

(sudaria Saetaba, Catull. 12,14; Plin. HN 19,9; Sil. Pun.

loc. cit.). TOVAR 3, 211; H. GALSTERER, Untersuchungen zum rémischen Stadtewesen auf der Iberischen Halbinsel, 1971, 71;

A. VENTURA, Jativa romana

(Trabajos varios, Valencia,

Servicio de Investigacion PrehistOrica 42), 1972.

—_‘J.J.F.M.

a memorial to S. (CIL VI 8588 =ILS 1463; [1. 29ff.]). 1 W. Eck, Grabmonumente und sozialer Status, in: P. FaSOLD et al. (eds.), Bestattungssitte und kulturelle Identitat, 1998, 29-40.

{11 4] C. S. Severus Cos. suff. in the year AD 126 (AE 1995, 1823). No more detailed family relationship is known. W.E. Saepinum. Samnite town (Ptol. 3,1,67: Laimwov/ Saipinon; Tab. Peut. 6,4: Sepinum), modern Altilia north of Sepino (differently [1]). Conquered by the

Romans in 293 BC (Liv. 10,44 f.). A municipium beginning in 89 BC (CIL IX 2451rf.; 2457; 2565); a colonia from AD 2 on; regio IV (Plin. HN 3,107; CIL IX 2443), tribus Voltinia. The settlement of the 4th and 3rd cents.

Saevinius. L. S$. Proculus, senator, perhaps of equestrian origin. On his career: AE 1969/70, 601 and IEph

VII 1, 3037. After serving as praetor, he became the legate of the procos. of Asia on the insulae Cyclades, probably upon the special request of Marcus Aurelius and Verus, then iuridicus per Flaminiam et Transpadanam, legate of the legio XXX Ulpia in Xanten; praetorian governor of Cilicia, later of Galatia as well. Cos. suff. inc. AD 180. ALFOLDY, Konsulat 200; 345; W.Eck, Zur Verwaltungsgeschichte Italiens unter Marc Aurel, in: ZPE 8, 1971, 71-79, especially 72 ff. W.E.

Saga see

Myth

865

866

Sagala

(Xtéyodo/Sdgala,

Ptol.

7,1,46;

Old

Indian

Sakala, Middle Indian Sagala). City in the > Punjab east of Hydaspes, the capital city of the Indo-Greek king ~» Menander [6] in Pali Milindapanha. S. with its rectangular, probably Hellenistic city plan, was also called Euthydemia or Euthymedia, according to Ptol. l.c.. The city is also known in ancient Indo-Iranian literature (Mahabharata etc.) and was visited in the 7th cent. AD by the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang. Its exact location is not known (perhaps modern Sialkot), but it is unlikely

to be identical with > Sangala that lay further to the east. There was another S. in Prasiake (Ptol. 7,1,53),

Old Indo-Iranian Saketa. K.KarTTUNEN, 283.

India and the Hellenistic World,

1997, K.K.

SAGMEN

ROCHEFORT). The name S. is possibly connected with the river (god) > Sangarius, probably also called Sagaris (Ps.-Plut. De fluviis 12; EM, s. v. Styaois and Zayycevocs), who played a part in other versions of the legend as the grandfather of Attis (Paus. 7,17,11; Timotheus in Arnob. 5,6), and also with the sdgaris, the axe with which the priests of Cybele castrated themselves (Anth. Pal. 6,94,5). J. HECKENBACH,

s. v. Sagaris (1), RE 1 A, 1733; E.M.

MoorMann, s. v. bibl.); A.NAwRaATH, F, PFISTER, s. v. S., Sangarios (1), RE M.B. DE Boer, s. v.

Sangarios, LIMC 7.1, 665f. (with s. v. Sangarios (2), RE 1 A, 2270f.; RE 1 A, 1734-1736; W.RUGE, s. v. 1 A, 2269f.; M.J. VERMASEREN, Attis, LIMC 3.1, 22-44 (with bibl.). SLA.

Sagartii (Sayaoto/Sagartioi; Sagalassus (Sayadtaoodc; Sagalassés). A city to the north of modern Aglasun at an elevation of about 1500 min the central Taurus and one of the largest settlements in - Pisidia. It had a large territory, well provided with water and praised by Liv. 38,15 as being extremely fertile. By conquering S. in 333 BC, Alexander [4] the Great achieved the subjection of Pisidia (Arr. Anab. 1,28). There is still archaeological evidence of subsequent Seleucid (— Seleucids) and Attalid (> Attalus, stemma) rule. In the Roman period, S.

flourished greatly and reclaimed its title as the leading city of Pisidia (IGR III 348), and its citizens often managed the leap into the imperial ruling class [2]. A number of churches [1. 368f.] are evidence of Christianisation in Late Antiquity; S. is recorded as a bishopric until the height of the Byzantine period. Based on recent Belgian excavations [4], S. is the best archaeologically studied Pisidian ruin site today [3]. By the Hellenistic period, the city, with its terrace structure clearly organised on the Pergamene (> Pergamum) model, exhibited a wealth of buildings, which in the Roman period was considerably expanded with e.g. several temples for the > ruler cult, large thermal baths and a monumental theatre. To the east there was an extensive pottery quarter, showing that S. was a centre of ceramic production for Asia Minor. 1 BeLke/MersicH

2H.Devijver, Local Elite, Eques-

trians and Senators ..., in: AncSoc

27, 1996,

105-152

3 L. VANDEPUT, The Archaeological Decoration in Roman Asia Minor, 1997 4 M. WAELKENS vols. 1-5, 1993-1997.

et al., Sagalassos, H.B.

Sagaritis (Sayagituc; Sagaritis). According to one of the many aetiological versions of the legend of Attis which purport to explain the self-mutilation of the priests of Cybele, -> Attis fell in love with the > Hamadryad S. and broke the promise of chastity he had given -» Cybele. The nymph then died from the injuries done to her tree by Cybele, whilst Attis went mad and emasculated himself (Ov. Fast. 221-246; without mention-

ing the name of the nymph: Julian. Or. 8,165a—-168c ROCHEFORT; Sall. Philosophus, De deis et mundo 4,7

Old Persian asagarta

‘Sagartia’, asagartiya ‘Sagartian’, ‘Sagartians’). In an in-

scription of > Darius [1] I from Persepolis that lists the lands/peoples of the empire, the S. precede the Parthians, Drangianians, Arians and Bactrians [3. DPe 1516]. In the inscription of > Bisutin, the same ruler reports that two ‘pretenders to the throne’ — the Mede Fravartis (+ Phraortes [3]) and the Sagartian Cigantahma (who was later executed in Arbela) — had passed themselves off as descendants of the Median king UvahStras (> Cyaxares [r]) [2. DB II 13-16, 78-91, IV 18-23]; these testimonies could refer to Sagartian settlements between Parthia and Arbela, as well as to a political link between the Medes and S. On the other hand, according to Hdt. 1,125; 3,93; 7,85, the S. were one of the ‘nomadic’ tribes of Persis with a Persian language and a characteristic war tactic (lasso throwing). According to Ptol. 6,26, the S. in Media inhabited the region of the ‘Zagrus Gateway’; Steph. Byz. s. v. Laycaetio mentions that they lived in Sagartia, a peninsula on the Caspian Sea. 1 W.Erers, s. v. Asagarta, Enclr 2,701

2R.SCHMITT,

The Bisitun Inscriptions of Darius the Great. Old Persian Text, 1991 3 R.ScHmitTT, The Old Persian Inscriptions of Naqsh-i Rustam and Persepolis, 2000. jw.

Sagis. River branch in the delta of the > Padus (Po),

splitting from the main stream west of Spina, where the Tab. Peut. 5,1 places the statio of Sacis ad Padum. In the Etruscan period, the city of Atria diverted the S. to fill the Venetian swamps (-> Septem Maria), thereby obtaining a navigable channel, which the Romans under Vespasian (AD 69-79) remodelled into the fossa [3] Flavia (Plin. HN 3,120).

Gu.

Sagmen. Sagmina (pl.) were the herbs which were pulled out of the ground with their soil in Rome on the Arx on behalfof the > fetiales (Plin. HN 22,5; 25,105; Fest. 424-426 L.). These herbs were used during the appointment ritual of the pater patratus (Liv. 1,24,4-6); the fetiales also took them along on their missions (Liv. 30,439). J.RUpKE, Domi militiae, 1990, 100-103.

AN.BE.

SAGRA

Sagra (Sagra, -ae, fem.). Small river in Bruttium, south of > Caulonia, modern Turbolo, where, c. 560 BC, the ~» Locri [2] were victorious over a numerically far su-

perior force from — Croton, allegedly with the assistance of the

868

867

+ Dioscuri (Str. 6,1,10; Cic. Nat. D. 2,6;

3,11; Plin. HN 3,95; Plut. Aemilius Paullus 25,1); hence the saying ‘truer than the events at the S.’ (Paroem. 1,36). Str. (loc. cit.) mentions the existence of altars of the Dioscuri on the S. R.vAN COMPERNOLLE, Ajax et les Dioscures au sécours des Locriens sur les rives de la S., in: J. BrBauw (ed.), Hom-

mages a M. Rénard, vol. 2, 1969, 733-766; M. GIANGIULIO, Locri, Sparta, Crotone e le tradizioni leggendarie sulla battaglia della S., in: MEFRA 95, 1983, 473-521; BITCGI 9, 193.

MLL.

Sagrus. River in Samnium, modern Sangro (Str. 5,4,2: Xayeoc/Sagros;

Ptol. 3,1,19: Ddeoc/Saros). It passed through the territory of the - Carricini past Aufidena and Trebula, then through the territory of the Frentani between Iuvanum and Pallanum, and flowed into the + Ionios Kolpos between Ortona and Histonium. Below Castel di Sangro it could be crossed by a bridge that was part of the Roman road which went from Sulmo to Aesernia. + Samnites, Samnium L. Marianl, Aufidena, in: Monumenti antichi dei Lincei

10, 1901, 225-638, especially 253-259.

GU.

~ Edetani on the last foothill of the northeastern edge of the mountain

range

(170m

above

normal

zero),

today 5 km from the eastern coast of Spain (the ancient sources provide divergent information: 1.3 km: Pol. 3,17,2; 4-5 km: Plin. HN 3,20). S. was situated in a fertile area: the figs from S. were famous (Plin. HN 15,72; cf. Cato Agr. 8,1). Known as Murviedro (murus

vetus) in the Middle Ages, the city has again been called Sagunto since 1868, and it is situated 25 km north of Valencia on the Palancia river (ancient Uduba?, cf. Plin.

HN 3,20). S. played an important role in the history leading up to the 2nd -» Punic War [II]. Probably only after the selection of » Hannibal [4] as general in 221 BC did S. enter into a friendly relationship with Rome. In the spring of 219, he besieged the city, conquering it in December 219 BC. Rome did not issue its ultimatum until the city had already fallen into the hands of the Carthaginians. Probably c. 212 BC, S. was conquered by P. and C. Cornelius [1 77 and I 68] Scipio, and the rebuilding of the ruined city ensued (CIL II 3836). After Augustus, S. became a municipium civium Romanorum (CIL II 3827; 3855; Plin. HN 3,20). S. was a centre of

the pottery industry (vasa Saguntina: Plin. HN 35,160; Juv. 5,29; Mart. 4,46,15). Ancient remains: theatre, circus, temple, aqueduct. The great coastal road (via Augusta) ran past S. C. ARANEGUI (ed.), S. y el mar, 1991; F. BELTRAN, Epigrafia latina de S. y su territorium, 1980; M. A. Mart1, El

area territorial de Arse —S. en €poca ibérica, 1998; TOVAR 3, 285-288.

J.J.F.M.

Sagum. Male garment of a rectangular cloth (felt or loden) with a triangular or circular section cut out,

Sahak (Isaac). S$. I (the Great), born between AD 340

sometimes also with hood. Worn as a shawl or cape and fixed at the right shoulder with a buckle or fibula (> Pins), thus leaving the right side of the body uncovered. The sagum originally came from Gaul (Diod. Sic.

and 350, died AD 438/9. Patriarch of Armenia, son of the patriarch Nerses the Great; last representative of the Gregorians (descendants of Gregory the I/luminator, + Armenia [B]). S. grew up in Constantinople and studied there. Named patriarch of the Armenian Church in 387 in a time of internal conflict after Armenia was divided between Byzantium and Persia, his election was intended to reinforce Armenia’s ties to Byzantium to counter the growing influence of Persia. S. advanced the ecclesiastical and social reforms his father had initiated. Together with - Mesrop, he succeeded in strengthening Armenia’s national and cultural identity through

5,30,1: odyoc/sdgos; Varro, Ling. 5,167; Caes. B Gall.

5,42,3: sagulum) but was also worn by Germans and Iberians and in Italy and North Africa. It belonged to the garb of slaves and workers and to the battle dress of Roman navy and infantry, who wore it over their armour, and for the lictors in the field and at triumphs. The soldier’s sagum differed from that of the commander (later > paludamentum) in colour (white or purple, black in mourning). M.JUNKELMANN, Die Legionen des Augustus, 1986, 157.

RH.

Saguntia. Town in western -> Hispania Baetica (Liv. 34,19,10; Plin. HN 3,15) on the Guadalete; modern Banos de Gigonza (Paterna de Rivera). Tovar 1, 54f.

PB.

Saguntum (Greek Styouvtoc/Sdgountos, ZaxavOa/ Zakantha; residents Latin Saguntini, Saguntii; Greek ZaxavOatovZakanthaioi; Iberian name of the city apparently Arse, cf. the coins). City in the territory of the

the invention of -> Armenian [B] writing and a systematic translation of Syriac and Greek literature. He is

thus regarded as the founder of Armenian literature. Because of his philhellenic tendencies, he was deposed in AD 428 and sent into exile. In 432, he was allowed to return upon Persian permission but remained under the control of the Persarmenian patriarch Samuel. After the Synod of Ephesus (431), S$. convened the Synod of A&tiSat (on the Euphrates in Armenia) in 43 5to address the question of the Antiochian influence (-» Diodorus [20] of Tarsus, > Theodorus [I 25] of Mopsuestia, — Iohannes [4] Chrysostomus, > Theodoretus of Cyros) on Armenian theology. There the decisions taken at Ephesus (particularly the designation of > Maria [II r] as theotokos rather than the Nestorian christotdkos) were

869

870

approved and a response was drafted to the Tomus ad Armenios of > Proclus [1], the patriarch of Constantinople.

Sali [1] (SaioV/Sdioi). Thracian tribe on the northern coast of the Aegeis across from -» Samothrace (cf. Archil. fr. 6

~ Armenia;

DInMls Sit ako j2ei7.. 27-5520):

+ Armenians,

Armenian

literature;

— Armenian

E. OBERHUMMER,

N.Garsoian, The Paulician Heresy. A Study of the Origin and Development of the Paulicianism in Armenia

SAINTS, VENERATION OF SAINTS

s. Vv. Sali (1), RE 1 A, 1757; T.SpirRi-

DONOYV, Istoriceska geografija a n trakijskite plemena do Za\VaPLellves, 19.895) 50) LO.

Lv.B.

and the Eastern Provinces of the Byzantine Empire, 1967; G. Winker,

An Obscure Chapter in Armenian

Church

History (428-439), in: Rey. des ét. arméniennes N. S. 19, 1985, 85-180.

KSA.

Sahara (from Arabic sahra’, ‘desert’; cf. Hdt. 2,32: 1a gona tic Aibiyc/ta eréma tés Libyeés, ‘the desert region of Libya’; Mela 1,50: deserta Africae). The indigenous people today call only individual parts of the S. by their own name. The largest > desert on earth, situated in North Africa, with an expanse from the Atlantic in the west to the Red Sea in the east (c. 6000 km; c. 8 million km*). The S. underwent several cyclical climatic changes (— Climate) in prehistoric times that shaped the vegetation and the natural profile; the last of these changes in the rst millennium BC — with the consequence of massive parching of the earth — caused the end of the cultures that had developed in the Neolithic Age (cf. the rock paintings from 8000 BC on with naturalistic representations of animals in, e.g., the Tassili

N’Ajjer). The advance of the arid regions was partly caused by humans, demonstrably in Late quity by intensive agriculture that exhausted the fer: If on the one hand the S. represented a natural

also Antiaquifron-

[2] Celtic tribe, later the name of its main city, presentday Sées, Dépt. Orne (Notitia Galliarum 2,6: civitas Saiorum; Commentarii notarum Tironianarum

87,63;

cf. CIL XII 630), a bishop’s see in the 6th cent. AD (Sagii; evidence in [1]). 1 J.B. Keung, s. v. S. (2), RE 1 A, 1757f. TIR M 31 Paris, 1975, 158, 167.

E.O.andV.S.

Saints, Veneration of saints. The veneration of saints began early in the development of Christianity. In the Catholic Church, ‘saint’ is a title conferred by the pope (since 1234), permitting liturgical veneration throughout the Church. Prerequisites for sainthood are an individual’s ‘saintly life’ and at least two answers of a miraculous character to prayer (for the procedural order leading to canonization, see the Apostolic Constitution Divinus perfectionis magister: [1]). ‘Beatification’ precedes canonization. This permits public veneration (cultus publicus) in a specific region or part of the ecclesiastical community (e.g., in an order). In the eastern Churches, the ecclesiastical authority in the region where the saint lived and worked makes decisions regarding the liturgical veneration of that individual.

tier (> Boundaries; see supplements), it was also of significance in several ways as an economic space, as, for instance, with the trans-Sahara trade (gold, ivory,

A. JEw1sH OT TRADITION

beasts of prey from Black Africa), and especially for its

A. JEWISH OT TRADITION The diverse nature of the OT writings and the fact that they were written over the course of some 1,000 years permit but a few basic trends to be highlighted, though with great caution. The OT does not know the veneration of saints in the modern sense. Interest generally centres not on an individual’s piety, but on what happens between God and His people. Chosen by Him, they bear the title of ‘holy’ (Ex 19:6) — like everything that has an especial propinquity with God, who alone is holy (qadoS, + Sam 2:2): the temple (Ps 11:4), the priesthood (Lv 21:15), sacrificial offerings (Lv 22:10), the places where God has spoken (Ex 3:5). The Israelite who lives according to the law is called ‘righteous’ not in recognition of unusual achievement, but because he may count on special help from God (Ps 3 4:16ff.). Even the ‘prophets’ do not correspond to traditional sainthood. Chosen by God while still in the womb (Jer 1:5), they carry out a mission, and their personhood and individual fate are of no importance apart from that mission. More than elsewhere, rudimentary veneration of saints can be found in the importance attached to the

major oases (-» Oasis). In the course of the Roman ex-

pansion in North Africa, the S. also became of strategic relevance, also and above all in the context of the dis-

putes with the > Garamantes (Tac. Hist. 4,50,4; Plin. HN 5,38) and the > Nasamones (Cass. Dio 67,4,6). Under Trajan, a > limes [VII] was laid out at the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD that definitively fixed the southern border with the African province. Under the Severans (AD 193-235), a series of forts was built in the S. (Geriat al-Garbiya, Golaia). G. Camps, Les civilisations préhistoriques de Il’Afrique du Nord et du Sud, 1974; M.Euzennat, La frontiére romaine d’Afrique, in: CRAI

1990, 565-580; W. LAUER,

P. FRANKENBERG, Zur Klima- und Vegetationsgeschichte der westlichen S., 1979; C. LEPELLEY, Rom und das Reich in der Hohen Kaiserzeit, vol. 2, 2001, 79-120; R.C. C.

Law, The Garamantes and Trans-Saharan Enterprise in Classical Times, in: Journal of African History 8.2, 1967, 181-200.

Sahr-e Komiés see » Comisene

H.SO.

B. THE EARLY CHURCH C. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN INFLUENCES

burial sites of the patriarchs (the tombs of Abraham,

SAINTS, VENERATION OF SAINTS

871

872

Isaac and Jacob and their wives were known) and the prophets (cf. Mt 23:29; Lk 11:47). Here, however, no expectation of a miracle or an answered prayer to alleviate an individual’s need existed. It was not until the last two centuries before Christ that certain elements emerged that became developed in the veneration of saints. In Philo of Alexandria (20 BC —c. AD 54), who wedded Jewish and Platonic thought, the souls of the fathers interceded with prayers before God on behalf of their sons and daughters, and Abraham, Jacob, Moses would assist as pardkleétoi at the eschatological gathering of the people in reconciling them with God (Philo, De praemiis et poenis 166f.; cf. also Le 9:30ff.). Here one can easily recognize how an increasing interest in the question of life’s continuation after death or resurrection (cf. Mk 12:18—27; Rev 23:6) led to a new role for the deceased. According to the Wisdom of Solomon (2nd half of the rst cent. BC), the souls of the righteous would live on and ultimately judge the nations (Wisd.

ning in the 4th cent., the destination of many a > PILGRIMAGE (particularly the tombs of Peter and Paul in Rome). Before long the liturgical veneration normally tied to the celebration of the Eucharist was no longer limited to martyrs. Beginning in the 3rd cent. (cf. Cypr. Epist. 12) were added the ‘confessors’ (confessores), who had undergone great suffering for their faith but had survived (occasionally also referred to as ‘martyrs’), and not long afterward the ‘ascetics’, whose

voluntary self-denial was viewed as a kind of martyrdom (Athan. Vita Antonii 47,1; also in the Vita Martini

of Sulpicius Severus). A martyr or ascetic found particular consideration if he had also been a bishop; the episcopal office itself soon became an arena for proving holiness (cf. Paulinus of Milan 422 in his Vita Ambrosi, 422).

In the early 5th cent., concomitant with the recognition of her perpetual virginity and of her title ‘Mother of God’, Mary also came to be venerated.

3h B. THE EARLY CHURCH Since the early Christians were largely Jewish, differing from those around them only in recognizing Jesus as the Messiah, veneration of the saints, in rupture with Jewish tradition, is not detectable. The members of Christian communities were referred to as ‘saints’ (Rom 1:7; Phil 4:2 rf.) not as especially virtuous but as chosen by God and as ‘sons of God in Christ Jesus’ (Gal 3:26). The Christians focused on the Lord’s imminent return, believing that some of them would experience it during their lifetimes (Mt 24:34; 1 Cor 15:51); one can, however, point to impulses toward the later veneration of saints. If the community interceded for rulers and for all people (1 Tim 2:1-3), why should it not do the same after death? When Paul recalls that God ‘has not called us for uncleanness, but in holiness’ (1 Thess 4:7), thus placing an ethical holiness yet to be achieved alongside the already existent, ontological holiness, he lays a foundation for pointing to examples to be emulated. It is generally agreed that the express inception of the veneration of saints is located within the veneration of + martyrs. Here, one may point especially to the account of the martyrdom of bishop Polycarp of Smyrna (c. 160). This account bears a conviction that the martyr was with God from the moment of his death; an exhortation to view the martyr as a model; an eagerness to safeguard his mortal remains, which are ‘more valuable than precious gems and gold’ (Martyrium Polycarpi 18,2 MusuriLLo); and a summons to the community to assemble each year at his tomb on the anniversary of his death. Origen (185-254) expressly extends the intercessory function assigned to Israel’s patriarchs by Philo of Alexandria (see above) to the martyrs (Eis martyrion protreptikos 37 [2]). During the 3rd cent. there was a rapid increase in tributes to martyrs and their veneration; calendrical listings (martyrologies) were drawn up and the tombs of martyrs became cult centres and, begin-

C. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN INFLUENCES It can be explained that religious forms of expression

will be influenced not only by a faith’s own traditions, but also by the cultural environment. Of concern here is the question to what degree Christianity adopted Graeco-Roman practices. At the beginning of the 2oth cent., the (first) saints were thought to have taken over the

forms of ancient deities [3]. More careful study revealed that, while in some cases pagan cults were indeed replaced by Christian cults (for example, Cyril of Alexandria replaced the cult of Isis in Menuthis with the veneration of the martyrs Cyrus and John: cf. [4]), the veneration of saints could not be understood as being a result of influence flowing in the reverse direction (cf. [5]); this also applies with respect to the ancient > hero cult. Many elements of hero cult are, of course, found in

the veneration of saints as well: building chapels and temples at the grave, commemorative meals, annual feast days, pilgrimages to the tomb to be healed. Most especially, however, saint and hero share association with a specific location; the tomb of the saint, like that of the hero, focalizes cultic veneration.

The proximity of the veneration of saints to hero cult was thoroughly transparent to the ancient Church. In order radically to set itself apart from hero cult, its theology linked the veneration of saints directly with Christ; not the saint, but Christ alone was the Saviour

and the mediator with God. Christ Himself was not viewed in terms of an ancient hero, but interpreted within the framework of (modified) Jewish beliefs. He

fought successfully against the devil (didbolos), and comparisons were taken from the contemporary environment: the military (Eph 6:10-20) and athletic competition (1 Cor 9:25; 2 Tim 2:5, 4:7f.). The saint did not

enter the fight against the devil as his own partisan, but rather participated in Christ’s battle. Christ’s victory over Satan and his pressures toward apostasy was reflected in the person of the martyr. The saint must occupy the background behind Christ; thus the com-

873

874

munity of Smyrna had to come to terms with the argument that the veneration of Polycarp might overshadow Christ (Martyrium Polycarpi 17,2f. MusuRiLLo). The same explanation of the life of faith as a struggle with the devil is also found among the ascetics who

325, S. is attested as a bishopric; it continued to be important for the Coptic church until the end of the rrth cent. In the rgth cent., remains of old S. still survived; today they have almost completely disappeared.

lived in the desert (e.g., Athan. Vita Antonii 7,1; 34,1; 47,1). The veneration of saints is therefore clearly rooted in the Judeo-Christian faith tradition. However, to

what extent and in what form it manifests itself depends on where the theological and spiritual accents are placed and on the needs and traditions of a given cultural era. 1 Acta Apostolicae Sedis 75, 1983, 349-355 2 GCS vol. 1,35,Z.21-25 3 T.BAUMEISTER, Martyr invictus. Der Martyrer als Sinnbild der Erlésung in der Legende und im

Kult der friihen koptischen

Kirche

Volkskunde 46), 1972, 14f.

4 R.HERzoG, Der Kampf

(Forschungen

zur

um den Kult von Menuthis, in: Pisciculi, Festschrift Fr.J. Délger, 1939, 117-124 5 F.Graus, Volk, Herrscher und Heiliger im Reich der Merowinger, 1965, 171-196.

T. BAUMEISTER, s.v. Heiligenverehrung I, RAC 14, 96150; P. McParTLAaNn, s.v. Sainteté, Dictionnaire critique de theologie, ed. J.-Y. LacosTE, 1998, 1043-1047; T. BauMEISTER, G.L. MULLER, A. ANGENENDT et al., s.v. Heili-

genverehrung,

LThK?

4, 1296-1304;

A.ANGENENDT,

Heilige und Reliquien, 1994 (71997); P. BRown, The Cult

of Saints, 1981; N. JOHANSSON, Parakletoi. Vorstellungen von Fursprechern fiir die Menschen vor Gott in der alttestamentlichen Religion, im Spatjudentum und Urchristentum, 1944; T.KLauser, Christlicher Martyrerkult, heid-

nischer Heroenkult und spatjiidische Heiligenverehrung, 1960; B.KorrinG, Heiligkeit und Heiligentypen in den ersten christlichen Jahrhunderten, in: Didzesanpriester I, 1949, 12-27; H. MusuriLLo (ed.), The Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 1972. ROLF.

SAKKOS

1J.MALEK, s.v. S., LA 5, 355-357 Neith, RE 16, 2190-2192.

branch of the Nile, Egyptian Z31w, capital city of the 5th administrative district of Lower Egypt, the modern (village of) Sa |-Hagar. As the main cult centre of the goddess > Neith, S. was already important in the rst half of the 3rd millennium. Politically, however, it did not come to the fore until the rst millennium BC, when the Libyan rulers residing there attempted to expand their area of power beginning c. 730. Initially repelled by the Nubians, their successors > Necho [1] I and > Psammetichus [1] lin the 7th cent. BC succeeded in founding

the 26th dynasty. During this period, S. was the residence and burial site of the pharaohs (in the temple of

Neith, cf. Hdt. 2,169). Aside from Neith, whose festival

is described by Hdt. 2,62, other gods were worshipped in S., esp. > Osiris (Hdt. 2,170f.; Str. 17,1,23). Because

Neith was identified with Athena, S. was regarded by the Greeks as Athens’ native city (partly also the other

s.v. KJ-W.

Saittai (Doitto; Saittai). Town in eastern Lydia (+ Maeonia [1]; Ptol. 5,2,21: Létta, Ldettar), in the

rivers’ triangle between the upper Hyllus (modern Demirci Cayi, cf. Hyllus [4], c. 12 km on the west) and the Hermus [2]; present-day Sidaskale near Icikler. Representations of the river gods Hyllus and Hermus are found on coins of the Imperial Period. S. was a regional centre for the production of textiles. In AD 124, the town was probably visited by emperor Hadrianus. Cult of the > Men Axiottenus. Among others, remains of a stadium have survived. Already at the end of the first cent. BC, the place name was Séttai. In the Byzantine Period, S. was (as Sitai) a suffragan diocese of + Sardis

(Hierokles,

Synekdemos

669;

Not.

Episc.

1,166; 3,99; 7,151; 8,178; 9,85; 10,225; 13,85), although the settlement moved to the nearby Byzantine fort of Magidion, or Magidia. TAM 5,1, 28-62 (Nr. 74-192); CH. Naour, Nouvelles inscriptions du Moyen Hermos, in: EA 2, 1983, 107-141;

Id., Nouveaux documents du Moyen Hermos, in: EA 5, 1985, 37-76; G.PerzL, Bemerkungen zu Inschriften aus Maionia und S., in: EA 6, 1985, 72-74; F. Ko.p, Sitzstu-

feninschriften aus dem Stadion von S., in: EA 15, 1990, 107-118; F.IMHOF-BLUMER, Lydische Stadtmiinzen, 1897, 126-131; BMC, Gr, Lydia, 212-226; SNG Copen-

hagen, 394-415; SNG, Sammlung von Aulock, 30873106; 8243-8249;

Sais (dic/Sdis). City in the western delta of the Rosetta

2 A.RuscH,

L. BURCHNER, Ss. v.S., RE 1 A, 1767 f.;

MITCHELL 1, 180, 191, 202; P. Werss, Hadrian in Lydien,

in: Chiron 25, 1995, 213-224; L. ROBERT, Reliefs votifs et cults d’Anatolie, in: RoBert, OMS 1, 402-435, bes. 422,£,,.42.5 4.5, ZGUSTA, § 1145. H.KA.

Sakkos (odxxoc/sdkkos). Closed bonnet, esp. popular as a headdress of Greek women in the sth and 4th cents. BC. The evidence from Attic vase paintings and tomb reliefs shows the sdkkos worn mainly by female seryants, whereas in southern Italian art it appears as the headdress of any woman. Sakkoi frequently had a loop on the calotte for hanging them up and often tassels hanging down. Some sdkkoi were unadorned or decorated with simple lines, while others were richly decorated with ornaments of meanders, waves, scrolls and similar. The sdkkos was not necessarily the only headdress, but could be combined with a + kekryphalos or other adornments of head and forehead. H. BRANDENBURG, Studien zur Mitra. Beitrage zur Waffen-

way round); there are numerous Greek testimonials re-

und Trachtgeschichte der Antike, 1966, 130f.;

garding S. and its close relationship with Athens (Diod. Sic. 1,28; 5,57; Philostr. Epist. 70 [406]; Procl. ad PI. Ti. 308 f.; see also [2]). With the beginning of the Persian Period, the importance of S. declined, but Str. 17,1,18 still describes it as the capital city of the delta. From AD

soGLou, Ein Klappspiegel aus einem Grab der Ostlokris, in: AA 1988, 448-450.

A. ONASRH.

875

876

Sal(l)entini. Indigenous name of the Messapians in the southernmost part of regio IT, near the Cape of Iapy-

thése sur la création du municipe de S., in: AntAfr 27,

SAL(L)ENTINI

gia (Cape

Leuca)

(Str.

6,3,1;

cf. Mela

2,66;

but

Decrassi, FCap. XX: de Sallentineis Messapieisque). According to legend, the S. under Idomeneus [1] came with the Illyrii and the Locri [1] (Varro, Rust. 3,6; Verg. Aen. 3,400; Verrius Flaccus in Fest. 440; Solin. 2,10; cf. Str. 6,3,5: dpoikoi from Crete) from > Lyctus to Italy, where the Cape of Iapygia was called Promunturium

1 E. LipiNski, s.v. S., DCPP, 385

2J.Gascou, Hypo-

1991, 151-156 3 J.Gascou, M.Euzennat scriptions antiques du Maroc, vol. 2, 1982.

(ed.), In-

J. Desances, Pline |’Ancien. Histoire naturelle. Livre V,1— 46, 1980, 96f., in: A. MastINo,

112; R. REBUFFAT, M. Sulpicius Felix a S., P. RuUGGERI (ed.), L’Africa romana. Atti

del X convegno di studio, vol. 1, 1994, 185-219.

W-.HU.

1,51;

[3] City in the border region between Lydia and Phrygia

Serv. Aen. 3,400; cf. Tab. Peut. 7,2). In Antiquity their name was derived ‘from salt’ (a salo, Fest. ibid.; Varro ibid.: quod in salo amicitiam fecerint, ‘because they

(Ptol. 5,2,26; Not. Episc. 1,170; 3,103; 8,182; 13,89),

Sallentinum after them (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

sealed their friendships in salt’). A sanctuary of Athena near the S. is mentioned in Str. 6,3,5. Fest. 190 records sacrifices of horses to Jupiter Menzanas. According to

Varro (ibid.), the S. were organized into 12 populi (groups). In 267 and 266 BC, the Romans triumphed (DEGRASSI, FCap. XX) over the S. in the bellum Sallentinum, ending with the conquest of — Brundisium (Flor. Epit. 1,15). In the 2nd of the

> Punic Wars [II],

there was fighting in the territory of the S. (Liv. 23,48,3; 24,20,16; 25,1,1); the S. began to be Romanized in the rst cent. BC. Cities of the S.: > Uria and > Castra [II 2] Minervae founded by Idomeneus (Varro ibid.); Neretum, > Aletium, Basta, Uzentum, Veretum (Plin. HN 3,105; Ptol. 3,1,76), > Rudiae (Ptol. ibid.), Brundisium (Flor. Epit. 1,15). Thuriae in Sallentinis (Liv. 10,2,1), however, is to be found in Peucetia (> Peucetii) [1]. The S. were famous for their olive trees (Cato Agr. 6,1; Varro, Rust. 1,24,1; Plin. Plin. HN 15,20; Macrob. Sat. 3,20,6), herds of goats (Varro Rust. 2,3,10) and dogs (Varro Rust. 2,9,5). 1 V.Srraco, Per lidentificazione di Thuriae, in: Ricerche e Studi 13, 1980-1987, 95-104. NISSEN

2, 883f.; R.COMPATANGELO,

Un

cadastre

de

pierre ..., 1989; M. LomBARDO, I Messapi e la Messapia,

1992; J.-L.LAMBOLEY, 1996.

Recherches

sur les Messapiens, MLL.

Sala (Sdda/Sala). [1] River in > Mauretania Tingitana, flowing into the Atlantic Ocean, modern Oued Bou Regreg (Plin. HN 5,5: 5-3 93 13: Salat; Ptol. 4,1,2; 4: DdAa/Sdla). [2] (neo-Punic S‘Jt). Phoenician or Punic foundation near the mouth of the river of the same name, modern Chella in Morocco (Mela 3,107: S.; Plin. HN 5,5; 13:5.; Ptol. 4,1,2: Déda/Sdla; It. Ant. 6,4: S. colonia; Not. Dign. Occ. 26,5-7; 17: S.). [1. 385] derives the name from the Semitic word s/‘, ‘rock’, which seems question-

able, since the city probably took its name from the

which can probably be located among the ruins to the east of Giiney. The place name is presumably of Thraco-Phrygian origin. Under Domitian (AD 81-96), S. was named Domitianopolis (HN 656; BMC, Gr Lydia 231; SNG, see Aulock, 3115, 3119, 8251f.). W.M.

Caper,

G.E.

BEAN,

A Classical

Map

of Asia

Minor, 1958 (co-ordinates De); L.BURCHNER, s. v. S. (4),

REx

A, 1817f.; Id., s. v. Domitianopolis, RE 5, 1311; Id.,

s. v. Satala (1), RE 2 A, 58; K.Burescu,

Aus Lydien,

1898, 204 f.; F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, Lydische Stadtmiinzen, 1897, 131; J.KeIL, A.VON PREMERSTEIN, Bericht tiber

eine Reise in Lydien und angrenzenden Gebieten Ioniens (Denkschriften der Akademie der Wissenschaften Wien 57-1), 1914, 53f.; MAGIE 2, 1429; ROBERT, Villes, 93, Tol.

H.KA.

Sala Consilina. Modern town in the Vallo di Diano (province of Salerno, Lucania) whose ancient name was

not transmitted. Its fame is due to the necropolis with more than 1,500 tombs from the Early Historical Period (roth to the 6th cents. BC) located to the north west and south east of the town; the location of the corresponding settlement has yet to be determined. The inventories of the tombs as well as the so-called Waffengrab suggest an elite of leading families, esp. due to the absence of princely graves with magnificent and prestigious furnishings. As was the case for > Pontecagnano, SC shows close affinity to the > Villanova Culture, yet belongs to the Fossa Culture of Southern Italy. The exchange of goods with Iron Age Etruria and with the Early Greek colonies of Magna Graecia gave SC a key role in spreading high-quality goods into the interior. Important finds are a large depot (of mostly axes) and esp. the discovery of the production of geometric-Oenotrian ceramics in SC which spread as far as Etruria. » Hoard finds A. DI SANTO, s. v. S. C., EAA 2. Suppl., 1971-1994, vol. 5, 1997, 64-65; V.PANEBIANCO, s. v. S. C., EAA 6, 1965,

1070-1071; K. KILIAN, Friheisenzeitliche Funde aus der Siidostnekropole von SC. (Provinz Salerno), 1970. CKO.

river. Towards the end of the 1st cent. BC, S$. minted

coins with the neo-Punic legend $/t- probably a sign of

Salacia

its (relative) autonomy at the time of the Mauretanian

[1] (Zadaxia; Salakia). Maiden from Ophionis (her name may derive from the Salbacus mountains), who,

kings (~ Mauretania). During the reign of Claudius [II r], S. was conquered by the Romans. Presumably under the same emperor [2. 151-156] the city became a municipium (cf. AE 1931, 36), later a colonia. Inscriptions: [3. 300-338]; AE 1983, 995; 1991, 1749 f.

according to an etiological legend, carries a box in a procession for Apollo. In the box are cakes in the form of lyre, bow and arrow, which are typical insignia of the

877

878

god. The wind snatches her sacrificial gifts and blows them out to sea, which carries them to the Lycian Chersonnesus near > Patara. A ‘refugee from S.’ finds them and sacrifices them there (Steph. Byz. s. v. Mataoa;

cording to Dioscorides (2,62 WELLMANN = 2,67 BERENDES) the animal had a heating effect and produced sepsis and ulcers in humans. The Greek ‘Cyranides’ claim, e.g. 2,36 [4. 170], that its heart hung around the neck of a sufferer would immediately remove fever. Worn around the knee, a salamander was supposed to prevent conception and menstruation.

Patara).

HEB.

[2] Roman goddess associated with + Neptunus (Gell. NA 13,23,2) as his wife (Aug. Civ. 7,22) and mother of ~ Triton (Serv. Aen. 1,144); originally however, possibly the — personification of a facet of Neptune’s domain. In the modern period, the name is derived from the Latin salire (‘to spring’) and goes back to the force of (spring) water erupting forth, or it is interpreted as Neptune’s ‘joy in copulating’ as a primitive god of water and moisture [1; 2. 255-257, 261rf.]. The ancient authors

SALAMINIA

1 E.STANGE (ed.), Die Encyklopadie des Arnoldus Saxo, 1906 (Progamm K6nigl. Gymn. Erfurt) 2 H. BOESE (ed.), Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de natura rerum,

1973

3R.EHwALD

15), 1919 (repr. 1961)

(ed.), Aldhelmi opera (MGH AA 4D.Kaimaxis

(ed.), Die Kyra-

niden (Beitr. Klass. Phil. 76), 1976.

KELLER 2, 3 18-320.

C.HU.

connected the goddess with salum, ‘the sea’ (Varro, Ling. 5,72; Serv. Aen. 10,76), or salax, ‘lascivious’ (S. as

goddess of prostitutes: Serv. Aen. 1,720). It is chiefly through the speculation of ancient scholars that we know of S., but she also appears on a dedication in the 3rd cent. AD, together with Neptune, the - nymphs, various — river gods, and other deities (CIL III 14359,27). + Sondergotter 1A.VON BLUMENTHAL, Zur rémischen Religion der archaischen Zeit II, in: RhM 90, 1941, 322-324 2 H. PETERSMANN, Neptuns urspriingliche Rolle im rémischen Pantheon, in: Ziva antika 45, 1995, 253-264.

D.WAR.

Salambo (Zaraufm; Salambo). S. is one of the goddesses who mourn the dying vegetation god > Adonis, a version of the Syro-Phoenician > Astarte. Hesychius s. v. Lakaupo calls her ‘the > Aphrodite of (the) Babylonians’; for her role in the midsummer festival of the Adonia, cf. EM s.v. SakauBo), also SHA Heliogab. 7,3, Acta Sanctorum Bollandia for 19 July (p. 585 FLOREZ) and Breviarium Eborense [1. 332f.]. A Phoenician reference to S. is behind the phrase mqds bt sdmb‘l (‘the holiest of the temples of S.’), on an inscription from Gaulus (modern Gozo in Malta, KAI 62,2), assuming

instead of the incomprehensible sdmb‘/ it is better to read slmb‘I (image of > Baal = S.). If so, the name S.

Salamander (cahayavdoa/salamdndra from Persian, Lat. salamandra, identified at an early stage with the gecko, Lat. stellio), presumably the nocturnal fire salamander, Salamandra salamandra, an amphibian of the order Caudata (Urodela), which is black with large yellow spots. The yellow spots led to the superstition that because of its coldness it could not only live in fire

would have come from the epithet of a goddess like Astarte or > Tinnit. The worship of S. is also recorded for the Syrian + Emesa according to SHA Heliogab. 7,3, and for Seville according to Acta Sanctorum Bollandia [2. 72-74]. 1 F.Cumont, Les Syriens en Espagne et les Adonies a Seville, in: Syria 8, 1927, 330-341 2 A.Garcia Y BEL-

(e.g., Aug. Civ. 21,4) but even extinguish it (Aristot.

LIDO, Dioses syrios en el Pantheon hispano-romano, in:

Hist.

Zephyrus 13, 1962, 67-74.

an.

5,19,552b

15-17;

Plin. HN

10,188;

Gp.

15,1,34;cf. Theophr. fr. 3,60 and Ael. NA 2,31). In the Middle Ages this motif was passed on by way of Isid. Orig. 12,4,36, e.g., to Jacobus de Vitriaco, Historia Orientalis ch. 89, Arnoldus Saxo 2,10 [1. 67], Thomas of Cantimpré 8,30 [2. 286] and Aldhelmus, Enigma 15 [3. 104] (cited in Thomas). Sextius Niger apud Plin. HN 29,76 and Dioscorides (2,62 WELLMANN = 2,67 BERENDES) challenge this. Plin. HN 10,188 mentions their appearing in daylight day after heavy rain (according to Theophr. fr. 6,1,15 their appearance predicts rain) and their milklike saliva (cf. also Plin. HN 29,75), which, on touching human skin, was supposed to cause the hair to fall out and a rash to appear in its place. Salamanders allegedly poisoned every apple on a tree, stones and spring water merely by contact (Plin. HN 29,74f., similarly Jacobus ibid.). Pigs, however, were evidently supposed to be immune to the poison (Plin. HN 29,76). According to Apollodorus apud Plin. HN 22,31, nettles (urtica) boiled in a turtle broth, must (sapa; Plin. HN 23,62) and oil (Plin. HN 23,80) help against the poison. Ac-

H.-P.M.

Salaminia (LaAauwia; Salaminia). One of the two Athenian ambassadorial ships (theorides) used by festival ambassadors (theoro/), recorded in the Classical period; the other was the Paralus [1; 2. 153 ff.]. The S. was replaced by the Ammonia in the 4th century AD, shortly before the writing of the ps.-Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia; the change presumably shows the significance of the Zeus-Ammon oracle in this period. Later Athenian ambassadorial ships were the Demetrias, the Antigonis and the Ptolemais (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 61,7; [2. 160, 163f.]). The S. and the other theorides took theorot to festivals and sanctuaries (> Theoria). The S. was

also used in sea battles as a scout

ship (Thuc.

3533513 3577933 875) and could be used on important political occasions (Thuc. 6,53,1; 6,61,6).

It has been suggested that the crew of the S. was recruited from the Salaminii génos, with the original task of taking Salaminians settled in Attica back to + Salamis so that they could participate in the religious festivals there [2. 170]. The crew members of the Para-

879

880

lus were called Parali and may also have formed a génos, which was connected with the hero Paralus (2. 173 ff.5 3. 13 1f.]. The significance of the crews, or at least their officers, in the rituals accompanying a theoria is recorded in a decree of the Andrians in Delphi

was under Athenian administrative control from that time on and was settled by Attic farmers [1. 35 5—362]. Inhabitants of S. were settled at Sunium and granted Attic citizenship (SEG 23,1). S. was made famous by the

SALAMINIA

(CLD an):

naval battle in the Persian Wars [1] fought in the sound below the city in September 480 BC (tropaeum

1F.Mittner, s. v. Paralos, RE 18.2, 1208-1211 2 B.JoRDAN, The Athenian Navy in the Classical Period, 1975 3R.GarLAND, The Piraeus, 1987. LRU.

and polyandrion on Cynosura [tr]; literary treatment: Aesch. Pers.). In the -» Peloponnesian War, Budorum on the Perama peninsula, southwest of the monastery of

Salaminii (Sadauivioit; Salaminioi). Athenian génos from Salamis [5], which was divided into the ‘S. of Seyen Phyles’ and the ‘S. in Sunium’. In the 4th cent. BC, it primarily acted as a cult alliance in charge of some of

Athenian base. In 405 BC the island was devastated by Lysander [1]. In 318 BC, S. was besieged by > Cassander without success (Diod. Sic. 18,69, f.), conquered by him in 305/4 BC, but regained by Demetrius [2] for Athens. In 262 BC, Antigonus [2] conquered S.; until 229 BC, S. remained Macedonian. Evidence: Eur. Tro.

Phaneromeni

the oldest cults in the polis (Athena Skiras, Aglaurus, Pandrosus, Ge Kourotrophos among others). Both branches had sanctuaries of Heracles, one in > Sunium, the other ‘on the Porthmus’, that is, the strait of Salamis

({4]; pace [1; 2; 3]) where, along with Phalerum and Athens, the cultic activities of the S. were concentrated. 1 W.S. Fercuson, The S. of Heptaphylai and Sounion, in: Hesperia 7, 1938, 1-74 2S.D. Lambert, The Attic Genos S. and the Island of Salamis, in: ZPE 119, 1997, 85-106 31d., IGII* 2345, Thiasoi of Herakles and the S. Again, in: ZPE 125, 1999, 93-130

4H.LOHMANN, Wo

lag das Herakleion der S. éxi noQOu?, in: ZPE 133, 2000, 91-102 5R.OsBorne, Archaeology, the S., and the Politics of Sacred Space in Archaic Attica, in: Id., S.E. ALcock (eds.), Placing the Gods. Sanctuaries and Sacred Space in Ancient Greece, 1994, 143-160.

F.Bourriot, Recherches sur la nature du genos, 1976,

574-594, 688, 1095-1100.

H.LO.

Salamis (Sahapic/Salamis). [1] Largest island (93 km7*) in the Saronic Gulf (— Saro-

nikos Kolpos), with a deeply punctuated coastline, 0.5 km from the coast of Attica at the nearest point; three main mountainous massifs with hilly valleys between them; the highest elevations (366 m) are on the central massif (modern Mavrovouni). The island was

originally called Cychrea after the snake god > Cychreus, worshipped there from Mycenaean times, and also Pityussa (Str. 9,1,9-11) and Sciras (Eust. on Dionys. Per. 506). S. has been settled from the early Helladic Period (pottery at Camaterum).

The ancient city of S., formerly also called Cychrea, was in the east on the Punta peninsula near modern Ampelakia (grave finds from the Mycenaean Period); Strabo’s account of an earlier city in the south (Str. ibid.) is probably erroneous. A late Mycenaean and Geometric necropolis is indicated at the bay of Arapi, and to the north of it in the Arapis mountains (ancient Sciradium) there are the remains of terracing (sanctuary

of Athena Sciras). According to Hom. Il. 2,557, S. was the home of — Ajax [1]. S. was taken and occupied by Megara [2], which then fought vigorously for it with Athens. More likely conquered by Athens under Peisistratus [4] (6th cent. BC) than under Solon, c. 600 BC, it

(remains

of walls), was

an

important

799; EM 707,42; Hdt. 7,90; 141-143; 166; 168; 8,11; 40-42; 9,3-6; 19; Thuc. 2,94; Plut. Aratus 34,4; Paus.

1,3 5,2—36,1; 2,8,6; Soph. Aj. 596; Steph. Byz. s.v. =.

After the death of Demetrius [3] II, the Macedonian commander Diogenes [1] and his garrison abandoned Attica and the island for the sum of 150 talents; henceforth S. was again part of the Athenian state (Plut. Aratus 34,6; cf. IG II* 5080). > BATTLEFIELDS 1 U.KAHRSTEDT, Athen, 1934. L. BURCHNER, SON/KIRSTEN

Staatsgebiet

s.v. S. (1), RE

und Staatsangeh6rige 1 A, 1826-1831;

in

PHILIPP-

1, 866-872; P. W. HAIDER, s.v. S., in: LAUF-

FER, Griechenland, 594-597; C. HIGNETT, Xerxes’ Invasion of Greece, 1963; P. GREEN, The Greco-Persian Wars, 1996.

A.KU.

[2] Most important port on the east coast of + Cyprus, traditionally founded by — Teucer [2], son of + Telamon, who also introduced the cult of Zeus Salaminios (Tac. Ann. 3,62). S. lay 2 km north of the Bronze Age centre of Enkomi/-> Engomi [1], abandoned in the middle of the r1th cent. BC and later the capital of a kingdom which under Euelthon (c. 560-525 BC) was the first to mint coins on Cyprus [2]. His grandson Gorgus was removed from power by his younger brother Onesilus when he was unwilling to join the > Ionian Revolt. Onesilus fell in the battle of S. [1] (+ Persian Wars [r]), which brought Cyprus under Persian rule (Hdt. 5,104; 114-116). An attempt to throw off Persian sovereignty by the philhellene Euagoras [1] I (435-374/3) also failed. Until incorporation into the kingdom of the >» Ptolemies after the death of the last king, Nicocreon (d. 311/10 BC), however, power remained in the hands

of the Teucrids. Under Antigonus’ [r] control for a short time after Demetrius’ [2] naval victory at S. in 306 BC, Ptolemy [1] I reconquered the city in 294 BC. At first the seat of the strategoi of Cyprus, S. lost this position to (Nea) - Paphus in the 2nd cent. BC. The number of public buildings shows that S. remained one of the most important cities on the island even in the Roman Empire. Earthquakes in AD 76/7, 332, 342 and 352 wrought severe destruction. After reconstruction under

881

882

emperor Constantius [2] II, S., as Constantia, again became the capital of the island. The city did not recover from the invasion of Arabs under > Muawiya in AD 647 and was abandoned in favour of Famagusta. Walls surrounded the city by the rrth cent. BC. Limited remains of harbour installations at the mouth of the Pediaeus have survived. A large complex in the centre, comprising a gymnasium, stadium, baths, amphitheatre and theatre, was richly endowed with sculptures [3]. In the south there were further baths and two large squares, one of which was closed off by a podium temple of Zeus. Of the Christian basilicas in the urban area, that of Epiphanius is the largest on Cyprus. In the spacious necropoleis in the west, princely graves of the Geometric and Archaic periods (c. 9th-7th cents. BC) stand out for their particularly magnificent burials [4]. The luxurious grave goods in the burial chambers and the dromoi, which even contained entire teams of horse and in some cases skeletons of servants, show very close contact with Greece, the Near East and Egypt. + Cyprus, archaeology; > Phoenicians, Poeni

million sesterces per year (Cass. Dio 78,22,5). The comites (> comes) of a governor and a > princeps also received a salarium (Suet. Tib. 46; Dig. 1,22,4 et passim). Furthermore, impoverished senators of great esteem might receive an annual salary from the emperor

1 J.LaGarce, Enkomi, in: M. Yon (ed.), Kinyras (Traveaux de la maison de l’Orient 22), 1993, 92-106 2 BMC, Gr Cyprus LXXXII-CXIV, 46-65 3 V.KaRAGEORGHIS, C.C. VERMEULE, Sculptures from S., vol. 1, 1964; vol.2,1966 4 V.KARAGEORGHIS, Excavations in

the Necropolis of S., vol. 1-4, 1967-1978. MASSON, 312-323; T.B. Mitrorp, I.NicoLaou, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions from S., 1974; V. KARAGEORGHIS, S., die zyprische Metropole des Altertums, *1975; M. YON (ed.), Salamine de Chypre. Actes du Colloque Lyon 13-17 Mars 1978, 1980; Ead., La ville de Salamine, in: Id. (ed.), Kinyras (Traveaux de la maison de

POrient 22), 1993, 139-158; Since 1969, the excavation reports of the Mission Archéologique Frangaise de Salamine have been appearing in the series of publications of the Salamine de Chypre. RSE.

Salampsio (from the Hebrew s‘lomsiyon, Aramaic short form S$‘lamsabh, ‘Peace of Zion’; Greek Larappud/ Salampsio). Eldest daughter of Herod (+ Herodes [1]) the Great and his Hasmonaic wife -» Mariamme [1]; b. c. 33 BC. After Herod’s brother > Pheroras had refused marriage with her, in 20 BC, she wed her cousin Phasael II, son of + Phasael [1] I, by whom she had five children (Herod IV, Alexander III, Antipater IV, Alexandra and Cyprus III) (Ios. Ant. Iud. 16,7,6; 17,1,3; 18,5,4). N.Koxktnos, The Herodian Dynasty. Origins, Role in Society and Eclipse, 1998; P. RICHARDSON, Herod: King of the Jews and Friend of the Romans, 1996. LWA.

Salarium. Originally ‘salt-money’ (Plin. HN 31,89), the regular remuneration of expenses (hence English ‘salary’) for magistrates of senatorial and equestrian status working outside Rome in the imperial administration (e.g. Cass. Dio 53,15,5). The salary of a proconsul, salarium proconsulare (Tac. Agr. 42,2), e.g., at the time of the emperor > Macrinus (AD 217/8), came to 1

SALASSI

(annuum salarium; Suet. Tib. 47; Suet. Nero ro; Suet.

Vesp. 17). Remuneration for physicians and higher teachers was also called salarium (Dig. 50,9,4,2). In the military sphere, salarium meant the salaries of > evocati (CIL VI 2495; 2589; 3419).

-» Soldiers’ pay; > Vasarium; -» Wages 1 R.DuNcAN-JoNESs,

Money

Roman Empire, 1994, 33-46

and

Government

in the

2 MomMsEN, Staatsrecht,

vol. 1, 300f.

ele

Salas (Siac; Salas). River in Germania magna (Strab. 7,1,3), the modern Thuringian Saale, a left-bank tribu-

tary of the Elbe. The name derives from the salt deposits found in the areas through which the river runs. It has been argued that the Franconian Saale, which flows into the Main, was referred to in Tac. Ann. 13,57; this, however, must be the Werra. In the pre-Roman Iron Age, the Thuringian-Saale region was mostly a settlement area of the > Celts, although southern fringes of the > Jastorf culture can also be found here. Starting from the first cent. BC, the > Hermunduri settled there. Drusus the Elder (— Claudius [II 24]) is said to have found his death west of the S. in 9 BC. In the late Im-

perial Period, the region belonged to the kingdom ofthe Toringi (later the Thuringians). S. DuSex, Ur- und Friihgeschichte Thiiringens, 1999.

G.HW.

Salassi. Celtic tribe in the valley of the > Duria Maior (modern Dora Baltea); according to Cato in Plin. HN

3,134, part of the — Taurisci. The S. controlled the western passes of the Alps (Liv. 21,38,7; Str. 4,6,11) and collected road tolls (Str. 4,6,7; App. Ill. 17). Rich gold deposits allowed them to mint their own coins, but led to conflicts with neighbouring tribes and Roman > publicani (‘tax farmers’; Plin. HN 18,182). In 143 BC, Claudius [I 22] subjugated the S. (Cass. Dio 22 fr. 74,1; Liv. per. 53; Obseq. 21; Oros. 5,4,7). When they revolted (Cass. Dio 49,34), Antistius [I 16] in 35 BC

and Valerius Messalla Corvinus in 34 BC intervened on the orders of the later Augustus (Cass. Dio 49,38,3); in 25 BC, they were defeated by A. Terentius Varro Murena after a rebellion and some were enslaved (Cass. Dio 53,25; Suet. Aug. 21,1); another portion were received as incolae (‘inhabitants’) in the refoundation of Augusta [3] Praetoria (Ptol. 3,1,3.4; ILS 6753). A.M. CAVALLARO, Romani e S., in: Archeologia in valle d'Aosta, 1981, 61f.;

N. LAMBOGLIA,

La posizione dei S.

nell’etnografia alpina preromana, in: Rey. d’études ligures 41/2, 1975/6; A.Pautasso, Le monete preromane dell’Italia settentrionale, 1966, 55 f. H.GR.

SALDAE

Saldae. City and harbour of

883

884

Mauretania Caesarien-

ing it with Neapolis [2] in the northwest and Lucania in the southeast, provided the communications necessary for it to flourish economically. Further roads led to Abellinum and Beneventum in the north and to Paestum/Poseidonia and Velia in the south (Tab. Peut. 6,5; It. Ant. 109,4). In the time of Constantine [1] the Great, S. reached its greatest extent (about 0.27 km’*). The city was severely worn down in the 3rd of the Social Wars

sis, later of Sitifensis, near the mouth of the Oued Soummam, present-day Bejaia in Algeria (Ps.-Scyl. 111: Lida momc/Sida polis (?); Ptol. 4,2,9: LarAdar xodmvia/Saldai kolonia; It. Ant. 5,2: Saldis; 17,3: Saldis colonia; 31,6: Saldas; 32,3: Saldis; 39,2: Saldis; 39,6: Saldis colonia; 39,7: Saldis; Notitia episcoporum Mauretaniae Sitifen-

sis 41: Saldae). S. was on the boundary between the kingdom of -» Juba [2] and the Roman province (Str. 17,3,12). Augustus founded the colonia Iulia Augusta Salditana legionis VII immunis there (CIL VIII 2, 8929; 8931; 8933; suppl. 3, 20638). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 2728; 2, 8923-8983; 9328; suppl. 3, 20680-20704/5; Pra OPS PU eat il ham (psy JANIehileKoyaty anak) H. Dessau, s. v. S. (1), RE 1 A, 1866f.; C. LEPELLEY, Les cites de l’Afrique romaine ..., Bd. 2, 1981, 505-508; E. LiPINSKI, s. v. Bougie, DCPP, 79.

W.HU.

[3] in 89 BC (App. Civ. 1,42). S. owes its reconstruction after a devastating flood at the end of the 4th cent. AD to the senator Arrius Mecius (CIL X 520) or Gracchus. The centre of S., built over in modern times, has been located under the old town of Salerno; in the east of the old town necropoleis have been discovered, whereas the eastern coastal strip, also built over in modern times,

was reserved for suburban villas. Thus the late Republican site at San Leonardo (excavations in progress) is

from the end of the 2nd or beginning of the rst cent. BC and was probably not used again after the eruption of Sale (=dAn; Sale). City on the northern shore of the Aegean Sea, west of Doriscus in the south east of the foothills of the Serrheum, probably at present-day Alexandrupolis. Built as part of the > peraiaof Samo-

+» Vesuvius in AD

79. Inscriptions: CIL X 514-544;

InscrIt 1,1, 1981.

V.PANEBIANCO, s.v. Salerno, EAA 6, 1965, 1073-1075; V.BRACco, romana, 1980; S.DE CARO, Salerno

thrace (Hdt. 7,59,2), S. belonged to the territory of

A.GrREcO,

Maronea [1] in 188 BC at the time of the > Syrian Wars (Liv. 38,41,8: vicus Maronitarum). In the Roman Imperial Period, S. was a road-station (mutatio) on the road from Traianopolis to Philippi (It. Burd. 602).

villa romana di S. Leonardo a Salerno, in: Apollo. Bollet-

B. Isaac, The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest, 1986, 131; MULLER, 50f., 74. Ly.B.

Campania,

1981,

125-132;

M.Romito,

La

tino dei Musei Provinciali del Salernitano 7, 1991, 23-26; G.p1 Maro, M.A. IANNELLI, Archeologia di una citta. Salerno ..., 1995; M.Romiro, I reperti di eta romana da

Salerno nel Museo Archeologico Provinciale della citta, 1996; A.R. AMaRoTTA, La Capua-Reggio (via Annia), tra S. e Luceria, in: Atti dell’ Accademia Pontaniana 46, 1997, 195-227; M.Romiro, s.v. Salerno, EAA 2. Suppl. 5,

1997, 67-69.

M.G

Salebro. Harbour in Etruria (It. maritimum 500,6: Scabris), modern Portiglione di Scarlino in the Gulf of

Follonica opposite Ilva (Elba). Station on the via Aurelia between the mouth of the Umbro and Populonia (It. Ant. 292,3: Salebrone; Tab. Peut. 4,3: Saleborna), where parts of road paving survive. Labrone in Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,5,8 is probably the corruptly transmitted placename S. (amended by WEsSELING to Salebrone). — G.u. Saleius Bassus. Renowned Latin epic poet (Quint. Inst. 10,1,90) of the late rst cent. AD (Tac. Dial. 9,2-5; 10,2; Juv. 7,80f.), friend of Tulius [[V 21] Secundus (ibid. 5,2f.). Works do not survive; the attribution of the -» Laus Pisonis to him is not justified. ScHANZ/Hostus, vol. 2, 545.

P.L.S.

Salernum. City on the Sinus Paestanus in the territory of the Picentes deported there in 268 BC (Str. 5,4,13), modern Salerno on the Irnio in the northeast of the gulf; a colonia (> Coloniae), castrum Salerni, by resolution of the Roman Senate in 197 BC, settled in 194 BC (Liv. Roepe svilvilinaig MON, Weie, ii Gae (eit, IMRoll iin LdAreovow/Salernon) on the land of an earlier Oscan-

Etruscan settlement (individual finds and necropoleis of the Archaic Period in the quarter of Fratte; cf. Plin. HN

3,70). The via Popilia, which went through S. connect-

Saletio. Small town between the Seltzbach and the Sauer, at the mouth of these two rivers as they flow into the Rhine (today one of the Rhine arms), present-day

Sel(t)z (Departement Bas-Rhin southeast of Wissembourg). S. was situated on the border of the civitates of the > Triboci and the > Nemetes and was classified as belonging to them at least in late antiquity. The roads Mogontiacum-Argentorate and Saravus-Vosegus-Agri Decumates crossed here (It. Ant. 3 54,6; Tab. Peut. 3,3).

There are traces of settlements dating to the Bronze Age; a Celtic oppidum trom the pre-Roman era is situated on the highest point in the area. From the time of Claudius (AD 41- AD 54), a Roman civilian settlement was evolving at the foot of the hill, mainly in places along the Seltzbach chosen according to an orthogonal system; it covered an area of c. 20 hectares and is mentioned in documents up to the 4th cent. AD. The only notable public building is probably a bath house; alongside it are craftsmen’s workshops such as potteries, forges and foundries. The most significant necropolis was situated in the north, with further ones in the west and south. The stratigraphy shows several destruction horizons which can be linked with events that took place in the years AD 70, AD 96, the end of the 2nd cent., AD 235, the 3rd cent. and the beginning of the 4th

885

886

cent. The treasure trove of coins from S., which was important because of its large number of folles (> Follis [3]), can be seen in the context of Germanic raids at the beginning of the 4th cent. For the year AD 356, Amm. Marc. 16,2,1 refers to the destruction of the vicus Saliso. Troops were stationed in S. at the beginning of the 5th cent. when the defence line along the Rhine was reorganized (praefectus Pacen|s|ium Salatione, Not. Dign. Occ. 41,2; 15).

Salii

A. BRUCKNER, Regesta Alsatiae aevi Merowingici et Karo-

lini (496-918), 1949, no. 23, 206, 222, 468, 600;J.HatT, L’Alsace celtique et romaine ..., 1978, 79 f.; E. Kern, Seltz,

in: J-P. Petit, M. MANGIN (eds.), Atlas des agglomérations secondaires de la Gaule Belgique et des Germanies, 1994, 156f. (no. 162); J.BB. KEUNE, s.v. S., RE 1 A, 1860f.

F.SCH.

Salgama (Greek GAuaia/halmaia). Collective term for pickled vegetables, herbs, and fruit. From the Greek period on, people enjoyed preserving plant foodstuffs by pickling them in brine (Colum. 12,4,4), often with the addition of vinegar, spices and other ingredients such as milk and honey (Plin. HN 19,153; Dioscorides 2,174 WELLMANN). > Columella (10,117; 12,9f.) has recipes for pickling capers, lettuce, herbs, onions, European cornels, plums and various kinds of apples and pears. In simple cuisine, salgama were eaten with bread or cereal porridge; at more lavish meals, salgama such as, e.g., olives, were served as an appetizer (Ath.

4,133a). —+ Muria J. ANDRE, Essen und Trinken im alten Rom, 1998; M. BEsNIER, s.v. S., DS IV/2, 1014.

ASG.

Salganeus (Laudyavevc/Salganeus). Site on the east coast of Boeotia between Chalcis [x] and Anthedon, on a hill whose modern name is Lithosoros (documented as Sol-

ganiko until the r9th cent.), 2.5 km west of modern

SALII

[1] According to the prevailing view, the S. are considered a sub-tribe of the — Franci originally from the north of the Rhine delta, later in Toxandria (modern Belgian Brabant; Amm. Marc. 17,8,3); the Merovin-

gians are also supposed to have begun their rise as kings of the S. or ‘Salian Franks’ [1. 524-5413 23 43 5. 55-57 and fig. 39]. The S. are first mentioned by Julian. Ep. 361 for the year AD 358: according to his account, some of the S. subjected themselves to > Iulianus [11]. The latter’s connection with the S. is also referred to by Eunapius

(Fragmenta

Historica

1,217,25

DINDORF),

Ammianus (17,8,3—5: campaign against the Franci usually called S.) and Zosimus (3,6,1-3; 3,8,1: ethnos of

the S., part of the Franci on the island of Batavia and S. in Iulianus’ army; cf. also Not. Dign. Or. 5,10 with 55513 5,29 with 5,177 and 7,67; Not. Dign. Occ. 5,62 with 5,210 and with 7,129: S. as units of the Roman army [6. 65f.]). Claud. Carm. 21,222 of AD 400, presumably drawing from writings by Iulianus, boasts that the S. now live as peaceful farmers; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 7,237 in turn goes back to Claudius. Most recently it has been contended that the /ex Salica denoted not the law of a tribe, but rather common law; the S. mentioned only in connection with Iulianus should be identified with the Franci and the theory of the bipartition of the Franci should be abandoned [6]. + Franci 1R.Wenskus,

Stammesbildung und Verfassung, *1977

2 E. ZOLLNER, Geschichte der Franken, 1970 3 L. JAcos, I.ULMANN, Ammianus Marcellinus (commentary), in: J. HERRMANN (ed.), Griechische und lateinische Quellen

zur Frihgeschichte Mitteleuropas ..., part 4, 1992, 430469 4H.H. Anton, s.v. Franken. III. Historisches, RGA 9, 414-421 5 C. REICHMANN, Frihe Franken in Germanien, in: A.W1ECzoREK et al. (eds.), Die Franken —

Wegbereiter Europas, 1996, 55-65

6 M.SPRINGER, Gab

es ein Volk der Salier?, in: D.GEUENICH Nomen et gens, 1997, 58-83.

et al. (eds.), RA.WI.

Drosia (Ephor. FGrH 70 F 119; Heracl. 1,26). S. was

[2] Roman priests who danced in arms (so named ab

the name of the Boeotian pilot who guided the Persians through the Strait of > Euripus [1] (Str. 9,2,93 cf. [1.1315]) and whom they rashly executed there in 480 BC. The site was settled from the Neolithic until the Late Mycenean Period [2.79 f.; 3]; in the Hellenistic Period it

salitando, ‘for their dancing’: Varro, Ling. 5,85) in Latium and Rome, where they comprised two groups

played a role in the battles for Chalcis (Diod. Sic. 19,77;

Liv. 35,37f.; sof.). For a time it was part of > Tanagra (Nicocrates FGrH 376 F 1; [1.22f.]). A cult of Apollo is documented by Steph. Byz. s.v. Zahyavevc [4.74]. 1 S.C. BAKHUIZEN, S. and the Fortifications on Its Mountains, 1970 2 FossEy, 78-80 3 E.SAPOUNA-SAKELLARAKI, O Ilooiotogixd¢ Tbufos tov Lahkyavea (AvWooweos) otis Axtéc ths Bountiac, in: Aoyatodkoyina Avahexta e& AOnvov 21 (1988), 1993, 77-90 4 SCHACHTER 1. H.-J. Genre 83-104.

et al., Zur Lage von S., in: Boreas 9, 1986, M.FE.

(sodalitates) each of twelve members, the S. Palatini and the S. Collini (also called Agonenses). The former served -» Mars and had allegedly been founded by » Numa; the latter served > Quirinus [1], allegedly founded by Tullus — Hostilius [4] (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,70). Each of the sodalitates: had its own place of worship (curia), on the Palatine (where allegedly the > lituus of +» Romulus [1] was preserved: Cic. Div. 1,17) and on the Quirinal (cf. [1; 2]); had its own ritual books (Varro Ling. 6,14); and was led by a magister (Val. Max.

1,1,9). Numbers

were maintained

by co-

option; members had to be > patricti (Cic. Dom. 38) and, at the time of their admission (adlectio), patrimi et

matrimi (i.e. both parents had to be living; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,71). Membership was for life, but it

was customary to leave on election to a higher magisterial office or cooption to another priesthood. From the

SALII

888

887

Republican period, we know the names of only few S., including P. Cornelius [71] Scipio Africanus, who

Salinae. A number of towns or townships in Italy had this name, derived from the production of > salt there.

(extraordinarily) continued as one of the S. even after

[1] S. is recorded in Tab. Peut. (5,1; cf. Geogr. Rav. 327; [x]) as on the Adriatic coastal road 5 Roman miles

his consulship (Pol. 21,13). From the Imperial period, in contrast, there is more information, including fragments of the -» fasti of the S. Palatini from the years AD

170 to 219 (prosopography: [3; 45 5]). At the beginning of and after the end of the war season, the S. conducted celebratory processions through the city —at least on 1, 9, 14, 19 (> quinquatrus) and 23 March and on 19 October (armilustrium; cf. InscrIt

13,2: sub diebus) — and then enjoyed sumptuous banquets which became proverbial as cenae saliares. The most important ritual aspect was carrying (movere) and cleaning (- lustratio) the holy shields of Mars (ancilia, sing. -» ancile; |6; 7]). In some localities — such as the

north of Ostia Aterni (modern Pescara) and 13 Roman miles south of -» Hadria on the left bank of the River Salino, which, formed by the confluence of the Tavo and the Fino, marked the border between the > Vestini and the > Praetuttil, near modern Montesilvano Marina.

[2] Place south of Mons Garganus (modern Promontorio del Gargano) in Apulia near modern Trinitapoli (It. Ant. 314,7; Tab. Peut. 6,3). [3] Place to the north of the mouth of the Tiber on the » Mare Tyrrhenum (Frontin. Aq. 5). 1N.AtrFreri, Scritti di topografia antica sulle Marche,

comitium, the Capitol and the Aventine - the S., with a

2000, 96-99.

G.U

leading dancer (praesul) and a leading singer (vates),

performed an elaborate dance in triple time with weapons and stamping (> tripudium; amptruare: Liv. 1,20,4; Fest. 334 L.; Plut. Numa 13). They beat on their

Salinator. Roman cognomen (from sal, ‘salt’) in the family of the Livii (> Livius [I r1-13]); legend of its

shields with their lances and sang an ancient song

origin in Liv. 29,37,4.

(> carmen Saliare: FPL 1-9), whose words were no

KaJANTO, Cognomina, 322.

K.-LE.

longer understood in the historical period (Quint. Inst. 1,6,40); efforts were made to obtain an interpretation of it as early as Q. > Aelius [II 20] Stilo. They appealed to a number of gods; in the Imperial period, the names of various emperors and crown princes were added (at first Augustus, C. and L. Caesar and Germanicus; cf. R. Gest. div. Aug. 10; Tac. Ann. 2,83; AE 1984, 508, fr. 2c, 18f.). Equally ancient was the dress of the S., which reflected the military outfit of the archaic period: col-

and dessert (Liv. 26,36,6; Stat. Silv. 1,4,130f.). This

ourful + tunica, coat (— trabea [1]), brass breastplate, ~» ancile, short sword, lance and pointed helmet [8; 9].

cultic significance explains why the salinum was handed down from father to son (Hor. Carm.

Originally, the ritual of the S$. may have had not only a

2

martial function but also one of initiation; this may

~ Mola salsa

Salinum (é)ia/balia). Small salt container (Plin. HN

33,153) made of silver, occasionally of clay. It belonged in every Roman household and was used for adding salt during dinner, but had a special function in the domestic cult as well: Up to the Imperial Period, the salinum was used in > food offerings between the main course

explain the mysterious Saliae Virgines, who in the his-

MGs

its):

M.BESNIER, s. v. S., DS IV/2, 1022;

torical period were no longer aristocratic virgins, however, but merely hired (conducticiae) actresses (Fest.

LA, 1904 f.

A. Hug,

s. v. S., RE

AG.

439 L.; cf. [10; 11]). ~» Priests 1 A. GRANDAZZ1, Contribution a la topographie du Palatin, in: REL 70, 1992, 31-33

2 D.PALOMBI, s.v. Curia

Salla. City in > Pannonia on the amber road, presentday Zalal6vo (Hungary; [1. 14]). After the construction ofa fort for auxiliary troops in the rst cent. AD, the civil

Saliorum, LTUR 1, 335f. 3 G.J.SZEMLER, The Priests of the Roman Republic, 1972 4G. Howe, Fasti sacerdo-

infrastructure was developed (municipium Aelium S.). Destroyed in the Marcomannic War (AD 167-182), it

tum aetatis imperatoriae, 1904 5 M.W. HOFFMAN Lewis, The Official Priests of Rome under the Julio-Clau-

was rebuilt later, in the 4th cent., with a villa publica. 1 F.Repd, Zalal6vé — Municipium Aelium S., in: G. HajNOCZy et al. (eds.), Pannonia Hungarica Antiqua, 1999,

dians, 1955 6 E.BorGNa, ‘Ancile’ e ‘arma ancilia’, in: Ostraka 2.1, 1993,9-42 7 G.COLONNA, Gli scudi bilo-

14f. 2 J.Sasex, Rimske ceste v Sloveniji (Roman Roads in Slovenia), in: ArheoloSka najdi8¢a Slovenije 1975, 74—-

bati dell’Italia centrale e I’ ‘ancile’ dei ‘S.’, in: ArchCl 43,

1991, 57-113 8 T.ScHAFER, Zur Ikonographie der Salier, in: JDAI 95, 1980, 342-373 9 M. ToRELLI, ‘Appius alce’. La gemma fiorentina con rito saliare, in: SE 63, 1997

(1999),

1984, 106-115

227-255

10 Id., Lavinio

e Roma,

11 E. Heinze, Uber den Ursprung der

Salier, in: F. BLAKOLMER (ed.), Fremde Zeiten. Festschrift J. Borchhardt, vol. 2, 1996, 197-212.

R. Cirit1i, Les prétres danceurs de Rome, 1913; F. GErGER, s.v. S., RE 1 A, 1874-1894;

G. Wissowa,

und Kultus der Romer, *1912, 555-559.

Religion

J.LL.

99.

H.GR.

Sallienus. T. S. Clemens. Senator who was praetor in AD

56 (AE 1960,64). In the year 65, he attacked + Junius [I] 14] Gallio, the brother of the deceased Seneca, in the Senate, but the Senate rebuffed him (Tac. Ain 57353)) WE.

889

890

Sallius

future > Augustus (Sen. Clem. 1,10,1), to whom he became a close friend and confidant in all important affairs. Thus he exceeded many of the senators in influence. When Augustus died, it was S. who allegedly sent the letter ordering the murder of Agrippa [2] Postumus (Tac. Ann. 1,6,3); Tiberius also entrusted him with the suppression of the impostor Agrippa > Clemens [2] (Tac. Ann. 2,40,1). He led a luxurious life, never held an official office, and was patron to the poets Horatius [7] and Crinagoras. For his gardens in Rome, cf. LTUR, vol. 3, 79-83. W.E.

[1] S. Aristaenetus. Senator; governor of Thracia be-

tween AD 253 and 260 (AE 1978, 724); descendant of Sela [2] C. S. Aristaenetus. Senator, possibly from Byzantium. There are records of his career in CIL VI 1511 = ILS 2934 up to his office as iuridicus of Picenum and Apulia; later, he became a consul [1. 163]. Probably he was governor of Pontus-Bithynia, and afterwards probably imperial legate of Moesia inferior under Caracalla or Elagabalus [2] (AE 1994, 1532). He was a renowned orator. It remains an open question whether he is also referred to in SEG 17,759. PIR S 55. 1 Cu. Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium, 1993.

[3] [C. S. Proculus]. Thus is supplemented the name of an equestrian procurator mentioned in Suppl. Italica 9,82ff.no. 31 = AE 1983, 325. After the > tres militiae, he became procurator of Mauretania and was probably charged with the task of recruitment

(dilectus), and

then became fiscal procurator of Galatia between AD 161 and 169. WE. Sallustia. Gnaea Seia Herennia $. Barbia Orbiana. Daughter of Sallustius [II 5] Macrianus, according to Herodianus (6,1,9) from a patrician line, wedded to the

emperor > Severus Alexander in AD 225. She received the title of Augusta. Apparently, conflicts with the emperor’s mother Iulia [9] Mamaea soon emerged, a fact which is claimed to have led S.’s father to attempt an overthrow. S. was divorced from Severus at the end of 227 at the latest and banished to Africa. Her name was removed from inscriptions. Regarding the name s. especially [1; 2. 179]. 1M. Heit, Severus Alexander und Orbiana. Eine Kaiserehe, in: ZPE 2001 2 KIENAST*. W.E.

SALLUSTIUS

[Il 3] C. S. Crispus. Roman politician and historian (1 October 86 to 13 May 34 BC). I. Lire Il. Works IJ. HistoR10oGRAPHIC CONCEPT IV. PRESENTATION AND STYLE V. RECEPTION I. LIFE The vitae of S. by Asconius and Suetonius are only extant in quotations (Kurfess, XXII-XXXI);

by con-

trast, the reply (wrongly attributed to the Cicero) to an invective by S. against the latter (see below II and V) provides a series of often verifiable data, which can thus be treated in the same way as the various historiographic testimonies regarding S.: He hailed from a family of the municipal nobility with equestrian census from the Sabine city of > Amiternum; it is likely that in the 60’s BC, he received professional training and served his ‘political apprenticeship’ (+ tirocinium fori) in Rome, where his family owned a house. However, as he had succumbed to the general extravagance (/uxuria) that he later so deplored in his works, he was forced to sell the town house in Rome; further disrepute arose from his association with — Nigidius Figulus. As a social climber (homo novus, s. > Nobiles B)

and not without political ambition (Sall. Catil. 3,3 ff.),

Sallustius. Italian nomen gentile, see also > Salustius. I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD II. IMPERIAL PERIOD I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD [I 1] S., Cn. Close friend of Cicero, with whom he de-

monstrably exchanged letters between 67 and 45 BC (Cic. Att. r1,11,2; Cic. Fam. 14,11). In 58, he accom-

panied Cicero on the first leg of his journey into exile, in 47, he lent him money, and they were together pardoned by Caesar (Cic. Fam. 14,4,6; Cic. Div. 1,59). S. read the draft of Cicero’s De re publica and urged him — in vain — to state his views clearly and unambiguously (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 3,5,1), a request that he repeated again in 54 in the trial of A. + Gabinius [I 2] (ibid. 3,4,2). JOR. Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {Il 1] P. S. Blaesus Frater Arvalis and suffect consul of AD 89, possibly identical with or related to S. [II 4]. [II 2] C. S. Crispus. Equestrian, related to the historian S. [II 3], who adopted him (Tac. Ann. 3,30,2). Initially allied with Antonius [I 9], then with Octavianus [1], the

S. seems to have been elected quaestor in 55 or 54, thus becoming a member of the Senate; this is indicated by the invective against Cicero, which was either delivered in the Senate no later than 54, or is completely fictitious. It was during this period that he was caught and beaten by T. > Annius [I 14] Milo for adultery with the latter’s wife Fausta, the daughter of > Cornelius [i 90] Sulla. The fact that as people’s tribune in 52 S. took a stand against Milo and his defence counsel Cicero may thus have had other than only political motives. On the other hand, S. remained unscathed by the wave of prosecutions against the followers of the murdered Clodius [I 4] Pulcher. In any case, he was so disgusted by the indiscriminate line of action taken by the aristocrats allied with Pompeius [I 3] that he decided to join -> Caesar; the second letter, in which he introduced himself to Caesar, dates from 51 or 50 (regarding its authenticity, see below II). This alignment — and not the pretext of adultery — was probably the reason for S.’ expulsion from the Senate in 50. After the start of the Civil War in 49, S. was rather luckless in his command of a legion in Illyricum in sup-

891

892

port of Caesar, but as quaestor of 48, he returned to the

Marius brought the war to a successful conclusion (8 4—

Senate. In the following year, he almost lost his life in Campania in a mutiny of troops destined for Africa. In 46, he finally participated in Caesar’s African campaign as a praetor; he was rewarded for his loyalty and devotion with the governorship of the province of Africa Nova, which satisfied his financial expectations. This is indicated by the lawsuit filed against him for exploitation of the province (> repetundarum crimen) after his return in 45; it was only dropped on Caesar’s intervention. Caesar’s death also spelled the end of any further prospect of S.’ political career. S. retreated into private

TG) 5. Historiae (‘Histories’), a contemporary history of

SALLUSTIUS

life; he did not offer his services to the triumvirate (— Tresviri) but devoted the rest of his life to historiog-

raphy. Il. Works The authenticity of his works listed as 1 and 2 (cf. [7. 313-351; 2. 742-754] is controversial, regarding the Invectiva see [16. 340-349]), while 3-6 are considered genuine. 1. Invectiva in Ciceronem (‘Invective against Cicero’), a pamphlet in the form of a senatorial speech in reply to Cicero’s attacks; it must have been written after Cicero’s defence of Vatinius (August 54, cf. Inv. 1,4,7: Vatini causam agis). It has been attributed to S. starting with Quintilianus (Inst. 4,1,68; 9,3,89). 2. Epistulae ad Caesarem (‘Letter to Caesar’). The second letter (written in 51 or 50, its content predating that of the first letter) hailed Caesar as the only possible salvation in the face of the imminent tyranny of the > optimates; it contained concrete suggestions for the reorganisation of the res publica |11]; the first letter (of 48 or 46) advises moderation in victory. 3. Bellum Catilinarium (Bellum Catilinae, ‘The War against Catiline’; c. 42/1), an account of the uprising by L. Sergius > Catilina of 64-62 [12; 13]. S. took this event as a symbol for the corrupt state of society after Sulla. Catiline’s

personal characteristics

(Sall. Catil.

5,1-8) are complemented by the character of the era (5,9-13,5). The monographic structure of the work, aiming at homogeneity and unity, is evident in anachronistic anticipations [14], which from the outset make Catiline appear as a potential rebel. 4. Bellum Iugurthinum (‘The War against Jugurtha’; c. 40), a monograph on the war against — lugurtha (111-105 BC), including the events leading up to it from about 116 BC (Sall. Iug. 5,4-16,5), and the tran-

sitional phase up to 112 (20-26). Apart from the depiction of a major villain, the actual subject is the beginning of the resistance against the dominance of the optimate nobility, i.e. the preparation of the civil war between — Marius [I 1] and Sulla (+ Cornelius [I 90]): In the early years (1 11/0), the war had been defined by the

incapability and corruption of the optimate generals (27-40), and still in tog Caecilius [I 30] Metellus fought without decisive successes (43-62); in 108 the rivalry between Metellus and Marius (63-83) began to emerge, and not before 107-105 the homo novus

the period from 78 BC onwards (5 books, only fragments extant), which S. probably worked on from 39 BC until his death; their planned extent and conclusion can only be guessed at (the latest datable fragment covers events to 67 BC). The year 78 BC not only marks the onset of S.’ personal experiences, but as the beginning of the era after Sulla — according to S.’ own division into periods — also a new phase in Roman history; nevertheless, here, too, preceding events are dealt with in an excursus, starting with the Gracchi at the latest and progressing via the + Social War [3] to the civil war between Marius and Sulla. The main focus in book 1 (on 78/7) is on the rebellion of Aemilius [I 11] Lepidus, in book 2 (on 76/5) on the uprising of — Sertorius in Spain; books 3-5 (book 3 on 74-72 BC; book 4 on 72-68; book 5 on 68/7) deal with the war in the East (> Mithradates [6]; ~ Mithridatic Wars C.) and

the slave rebellion of + Spartacus. 6. Speeches: probably edited posthumously, same as the Historiae (Sen. Contr. pr. 8; Fronto, Ad Verum 2,9);

they soon fell into oblivion. II]. HistORIOGRAPHIC

CONCEPT

In his proems to Bellum Catilinarium and Bellum Tugurthinum, S. — similar to Cicero — justified his occupation with theoretical studies as an honourable way of making best use of his enforced otium (> Leisure III.);

the proems also showed the development of his historical works as a logical series: In his selection of pertinent events, S. (Catil. 4,2 ff.) decided against an annalistic approach (+ Annalists) and in favour of a political historiography. Catilina can be read as coming to grips ina fairly direct way with aspects of his own time, including his personal past, while Iugurtha is similarly focused on elucidating a development which led from the destruction of Carthage (146 BC) to the civil wars. These were followed by the Historiae, by contrast now a continuous record of contemporary history. S.’ concept of history was that of purely world-immanent events, in which the individual should and can assert himself against the tyranny of — fortuna, of circumstances and of specific historical conditions. Within Roman history, he was mainly interested in the periods after 146 BC, the date of the destruction of Carthage, which was central to his conception of decadence. He saw the period from that event to the rise of Sulla characterized by pernicious ambition (ala ambitio), his own period by the power of money and wealth (avaritia, luxuria). In his view, the responsibility for the decline lay with the nobility (> Nobiles), with the influence of a small powerful group (potentia paucorum). In that sense, S. was partisan, but he can neither be associated with a particular party (such as the > populares) nor seen as a populist tendentious writer. It was against this backdrop and with these historiographic premises that S. analysed and interpreted history with the aspiration of arriving at a valid (verum) conclusion.

893

894

IV. PRESENTATION AND STYLE Even though this concept of history contained traditional elements, even clichés, S. has the undeniable merit of having, as the first Latin historian, given equal weight to the problems of presentation and choice of subject. His inclination towards a monographic presentation, which seems to have been apparent even in the Historiae (e.g. in his account of the war of Sertorius), affected the selection of his topics, the reduction on what he considered relevant, and his emphasis — even at the expense of inconsistencies in time and place. His excursuses (— Excursus) fulfil a double function: Structurally, they constitute breaks in the narrative while from the point of view of content providing the historian with an opportunity to comment and elucidate significant events (cf. Catil. 36,4-39,4; 53,2-54,6); they also allow him to accommodate the interest in geographic-exotic details [15] (Africa: Iug. 17-19; Sardinia: Hist. 2; Pontus: Hist. 3). The — in accordance with ancient practice fictitious — + speeches and letters, inserted at key moments, contribute towards the analysis of causes and indirectly serve to characterize the speaker. The style developed by S. as appropriate to such a structure, with its brief, abrupt, inconcinnous [17] sentences, sometime inclining towards the sententious, stood in deliberate contrast to Cicero’s polished periods; S. further enhanced his stately style (gravitas) through the use of archaic words and expressions (cf. [16. 291-335]). The main model for his style (cf. [1821]) had been + Cato [1] the Elder, while the influence of + Thucydides also shaped his view of the world and his concept of history.

present day [27]. Whereas only some speeches and letters of the ‘Historiae’ survived in an anthology (including the letters to Caesar) and the ‘Invectiva’ had been transmitted to the Middle Ages in conjunction with Cicero’s speeches, the wide reception in the Middle Ages, the Renaissance and in modern times was based on Catilina and Iugurtha, both of which are extant ina considerable number [28] of codices, some of them incomplete (codices mutili; from the 9th cent. onwards), some complete (codices integri; from the 11th cent. onwards) [29; 30]. Cf. in general [22-25]; for the reception in Anti-

V. RECEPTION

The idiosyncrasy of S.’ works had already during his lifetime started to prompt a wide range of responses, from rejection to approval: His political opinions provoked

polemic reactions;

> Lenaeus,

a freedman

of

Pompeius [13] defended his patron in an invective against S., while a certain Didius replied in Cicero’s name to S.’ Invectiva. Accusations regarding the discrepancy between S.’ actual lifestyle and his moralistic claims continued into late Antiquity. Critics such as » Asinius [I 4] Pollio berated his brevity as obscurity (+ Obscuritas), his archaic style (+ Archaicism) as a

mannerism, and charged him with plagiarizing -» Cato [x] the Elder. On the other hand, copying his style became a literary fashion — albeit short-lived — amongst his contemporaries. His influence on Roman > historiography, though, was longer lasting and is evident in the works of Livius [III 2], Pompeius [III 3] Trogus, Velleius Paterculus, Tacitus (cf. [26]) and Granius [II 2] Licinianus, and even in Iulius [[V 6] Exuperantius. At the latest from the time of Quintilianus and Martialis (cf. Mart. 14,191), S. was placed alongside > Thucydides as a classic; in addition, due to the influence of the archaists of the 2nd cent. AD, S. gained a secure place in the canon of authors studied at school (alongside Vergilius, Terentius, and Cicero), a position retained to the

SALLUSTIUS

quity, cf. [16. 153-175, 316-339]. + Archaism; > Historiography;

HistoRIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1A.D. LEEMAN, A Systematical Bibliography of S. (1879-1964), *1965 2 C.BECKER, S., in: ANRW 13, 1973, 720-754 3 C. NEUMEISTER, Neue Tendenzen und Ergebnisse der S.-Forschung (1961-1981), in: Gymnasium 93, 1986, 51-68. CONCORDANCES: 4J.Rapscu, D. Najock, 1991. LITERATURE: 5 W.STEIDLE, Sallusts historische Mono-

graphien, 1958 6D.C. Eart, The Political Thought of Sallust, 1961 7R.SyMe, Sallust,1964 8 A.LA PENNa, Sallustio e la ‘rivoluzione romana’, 1968 9 V.PO6sCHL (ed.), Sallust, *1981

10 K. BUCHNER,

Sallust, *1982

11 G. LEHMANN, Politische Reformvorschlage in der Krise der spaten rémischen Republik, 1980, 52-99 12 K. HELDMANN, Sallust tber die rémische Weltherrschaft. Ein Geschichtsmodell im Catilina, 1993 13 A.T. Wixkins, Villain or Hero. Sallust’s Portrayal of Catiline, 1994 14G.LEDworRusKI, Historiographische Widerspriiche in der Monographie Sallusts zur catilinarischen Verschworung, 1994 15 R.ONIGA, Sallustio e l’etnografia, 1995 16 W.D. LEBEK, Verba prisca, 1970 17 A. Fucus, Das Zeugma bei Sallust, 1994 18 E.SKARD, Sallust und _ seine Vorganger, 1956 19 P.PERROCHAT,

Les modeéles grecs de Salluste, 1949

20 T.F. ScaNton, The Influence of Thucydides on Sallust, 1980 218B.MacQueen, Plato’s Republic in the Monographs of Sallust, r98r 22 E. BOLaFFt, Sallustio e la sua fortuna nei secoli, 1949, 179-296 23 F. SCHINDLER, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Sallustbildes, 1939 24 R.M. STEIN, Sallust for his Readers, 1977 25 R.POIGNAULT (ed.), Présence de Salluste, 1997 26 K.SCHNEIDER, Tacitus und Sallust, 1964 27 A. Kunz, Sallust als Schulautor,

1985

28 B.MUNK

OLSEN, Catalogue des manuscrits classiques latins, vol. 2, 1985, 307-363 29L.CANFoRA, Per la storia del testo di Sallustio, in: S$.BoLpRINI (ed.), Filologia e forme letterarie. Studi F. della Corte, vol. 2, 1987, 377-398

30 REYNOLDS, 341-352. EpiTions: A. KurFESs, +1957; L.D. REYNOLDS, 1991.0 COMMENTARIES: K. VRETSKA, 1961.3 E. PASOLI, *1989.; P.CuGusi, 1968.; K.VRETSKA, 1976.; P.McGusHIN, 1977.; G.GARBUGINO, 1999.; E.KOESTERMANN, 1971.3 G.M. Paul, 1984.; P.McGusHin, 1992/1994; R. FUNARI, 1996.

P.LS.

{II 3a] C. S. Crispus Passienus Equi[ ---— ] (uncertain

whether Equil —-—- |]should be understood as cognomen). Son of > Passienus [2] Rufus, adopted by Sallustius [II 2] Crispus. Ouaestor imperatoris in the fist years of Tiberius[1]; suffect consul in AD 27; admitted

895

896

to three priestly colleges: that of the VIIviri epulonum, the sodales Augustales and the sodales Titii; proconsul of Asia in AD 42/3; cos. Iord. in 44. S. married at least twice: His first wife was to all probability a Domitia,

artistry, not unaffected by Greek and Etruscan influences. In the territory of the S., settlers from + Phocaea founded Massalia in about 600 BC and immediately came into conflict with the S. To secure the land connection between Italy and the Spanish provinces, Rome cultivated contacts with Massalia and in 180 BC (Flor. Epit. 1,37,3), 154 BC (Liv. Per. 47) and 123 BC (Liv.

SALLUSTIUS

with whom he had the daughter Sallustia Calvina, his

second > Agrippina [3] Minor, probably from AD 41. He died before AD 48. With diplomacy and skill, he maintained good relations with all principes. PIR2 P 146.

[11 4] S. Lucullus. Consular legate of Britannia, executed by - Domitianus [1], allegedly because he had named a new form of lance after his cognomen (Suet. Dom. 10,3). Whether he was identical with or related to S. {Il 1] remains controversial; BrRLEY 82 f. {Il 5] S. Macrinus/Macrianus. This is the likely name of the father-in-law of — Severus [2] Il Alexander. According to Herodianus [1] (6,1,9), he was a patrician, an assumption which is possibly supported by the long nomenclature of his daughter — Sallustia. His attempt to incite the > praetorians in AD 227 to rebel against his son-in-law

resulted

in his assassination

Per. 60) intervened against the S., until, after the destruction of the oppidum near Entremont, the proconsul C. Sextius Calvinus founded the colony of Aquae [III 5] Sextiae Salluviorum (Liv. Per. 61; Str. 4,1,5; Vell. Pat. 1,15,4; modern Aix-en-Provence). In-

corporated into the province of Gallia + Narbonensis, the S. twice rose up against Roman rule, in 90 BC (Liv. Per. 73) and at the time of Caesar (Caes. B Civ. 1,3 5,4). F. Benoit, Entremont, pré-romains

du sud-est

1981; G.BARRUOL, de la Gaule,

Les peuples

1969,

187-221;

A.Rotu Conces, Le centre monumental! de Glanon, in: M. Bats et al. (eds.), Marseille grecque et la Gaule, 1992, 25 I=3.67:

E.O. and V.S.

(Hdn.

6,1,9f.; HA Alex. 49,3 f.). There is no support in the sources for his acclamation as Caesar [1]. 1 M.HeiL, Severus Alexander und Orbiana. Eine Kaiserehe, in: ZPE 2001. W.E.

[II 6] Flavius S. High-ranking official under Constantius [2] If and Iulianus [rr]. Under Constantius, he served as > vicarius quinque provinciarum, vicarius

Hispaniarum, vicarius urbis Romae and — comes consistorit (CIL VI 1729, ILS 1254). In AD 361, Iulianus

appointed him > praefectus praetorio in Gallia (cf. Cod. Theod. 7,4,7; 9,2,1). > Libanius praised him for his conduct in office (Or. 18,182). In 363, he held the consulate alongside Iulianus (Amm. 23,1,1). Like Iulianus, he followed the ancient religion; he warned the latter against mounting a campaign in Persia (Amm. 23,554). The rhetor > Alcimus [1] Alethius dedicated a panegyric to S. (Auson. commemoratio professorum Burdigalensium 2,23 f.). S. may have been the author of the Neo-Platonic treatise Peri theén kai kosmou, ‘On the Gods and the Cosmos’ (ed. ROCHEFORT 1960, however, cf. > Salustius [2]). PLRE 1, 797f. (mo. 5). wr.

Salluvii. Ligurian Celtic tribe (Liv. 5,35,2; Liv. Per. GOL Ser Otindaineeteis iste Os alain eA NOual hy: Dddvec/Salyes; Plin. HN 3,36: S.; 3,47; 124: Sallui; Flor. Epit. 1,19,5: S.; App. Celt. 12,1; Avien. 7o1: Salyes; Ptol. 2,10,15: Ladvec/Salyes; Obseq. 90; 92: Sallyes;

Amm. Mare. 15,11,15: S.) in the hinterland of + Massalia between the Rhodanus (modern Rhéne) and the

Alpes Maritimae. Their central oppidum has been excavated near + Entremont; there was probably a local cult connected with the tétes coupées (cf. the cephalo-

Salmacis (Zadwaxic/Salmakis, Lat. Salmacis). Name of a Greek - nymph and a spring in Caria ( Cares, Caria) not far from > Halicarnassus; the city had a ho-

monymous suburb with a sanctuary to » Hermaphroditus. The name is probably derived from a local language of Asia Minor. The myth of S. is associated with a late and secondary version of the legend of Hermaphroditus: S. falls in love with the son of + Hermes and + Aphrodite (for the first time in this form in Diod. Sic. 4,6). He, however, resists her courtship. While he is

bathing in the spring, S$. embraces Hermaphroditus, asking the gods for eternal union. Thus does Ov. Met. 4,285-388 explain the dual sexuality of Hermaphroditus and the magical power of the spring that at its request emasculates every man from then on (cf. also Mart. 14,174). Vitruvius attests that the spring has finetasting and clear water and denies that it gives men venereal disease (Vitr. De arch. 2,8,11f.; Str. 14,2,16). P. HERMANN, s.v. Hermaphroditos, ROSCHER 1.2, 2317f.

CABI.

Salmanassar III (Assyrian Sulmanu-aaréd). Assyrian king (858-824 BC), resided in + Kalhu like his father Assurnasirpal (883-859 BC), the actual founder of the Neo-Assyrian empire. His inscriptions report countless

military campaigns and battles against the surrounding regions, esp. Syria, which was ultimately subjugated (853 BC: battle of Qarqar against a coalition under Adad-idri/Ben-Hadad of Damascus supported by Arab camel riders; undecided; tribute received from Byblus, Tyre and Sidon). $. advanced to Cilicia; he led further

pertuse and > Glanum). The S. farmed, bred domestic

battles against + Urartu (in the process he reached the sources of the Tigris). In his inscriptions [x] ~ Medes and Persians are mentioned for the first time (835 BC). The end of his reign was overshadowed by a war with his son ASsur-dannin-apli that lasted many years. Important monuments are the so-called ‘Black Obelisk’

animals and worked metal, stone and leather with great

(now in London, BM; with the annals of the first 31

phoric stones in the Museum of Aix-en-Provence); com-

parable indigenous cults can be assumed for the numerous oppida (~ Oppidum [II]) of the S. (cf. also Roque-

897

898

years of his reign and representations of tribute bringers, among these Jehu of Israel; > Judah and Israel) and the bronze mountings with reliefs on the gates of > Balawat. Under S. there was extensive building activity, among other places in > Assur [1] (fortifications, temple to I8tar, dual sanctuary to Anu and Hadad).

Salmoneus (Sakuwvevs/Salmoneus). Son of > Aeolus [1], brother of > Athamas, > Sisyphus and > Cretheus. S. had delusions of grandeur and endeavoured to have himself worshipped as > Zeus, driving around on a chariot drawn by horses, producing artificial lightning flashes and making bronzen cauldrons resound to give the impression of thunder. Zeus flung him into Tartarus. S.’ daughter > Tyro distanced herself from her father, was spared and married Cretheus (Hes. fr. 10a, 25-27 M.-W.; fr. 30,1-30 M.-W.; Apollod. 1,89). While this is the accepted version in Thessaly, the story seems to have been later extended and moved to Elis; according to the latter, after the death of his wife Alcidice but before imitating Zeus, S. married — Sidero, who as Tyro’s ‘cruel’ stepmother forced her into servitude. Tyro’s sons, Neleus [1] and — Pelias, whom she had born to Poseidon and exposed, freed their mother and killed Sidero. This version, apparently, received particular shape at the hand of Sophocles (IrGF 4, p. 412f., 463-472). It is difficult to decide whether S.’ behaviour should be interpreted in light of the Thessalian custom of rainmaking using a ‘chariot with cauldrons’ or rather in light of the great sinners and their

+ Mesopotamia 1 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC, vol. 2 (Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods 3), 1996, 5-179

2 TAVOB

VI to.

J.OE,

Salmantica. City of the > Vaccaei (Pol. 3,14,15 3,14,3: “Eduavinn/Helmantike; Liv. 21,5,6: Hermandica; Polyaenus, Strat. 7,48: Lakuavtic/Salmantis; Ptol. 2,559: Ladpavixa/Salmantika; It. Ant. 434,4: Salmatice; CIL Il 857; 859; 870: S.), modern Salamanca. Con-

quered by Hannibal [4] in 220 BC to secure a grain supply for his army. Roman municipium on the army road from Augusta [2] Emerita to Asturica Augusta. A Roman bridge over the Tormes still stands there today. P.BarcELo, Anibal de Cartago, 2000, 245 f.; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993, 195f.

80f.; TovaR

2, PB.

SALMYDESSUS

underworld

punishments > Tantalus) [1. 653 f.].

Salmon. Of the Salmonidae family, Antiquity was familiar with: 1. the salmon proper, Salmo salar L., as Yoo&/ isox (isox Isid. Orig. 20,2,30), mentioned in Plin. HN 9,44 for the Rhine and Sulp. Sev. Dialogi 2,10,4 for

(—Ixion,

~—- Sisyphus,

1 E. Simon, s.v. S., LIMC 7.1, 653-655. A.M. MeEsTuRINI, s.v. Salmoneo, EV 4, 1988, 663-666;

O. WeinreIcH, Menekrates, Zeus und S.: Religionsgeschichtliche Studien zur Psychopathologie des Gottmenschen in Antike und Neuzeit, 1933. LK.

the Liger (Loire). Auson. Mos. 97-105 describes it accurately; 2. the sea > trout, Salmo trutta trutta, as fario (Auson. Mos. 128-130 and Isid. Orig. 12,6,6: varii) or salmo marinus (Plin. HN 9,68, but according to [1. 119] no. 1); 3. the brown trout, Salmo trutta fario, may be meant by salmo fluviatilis (Plin. HN 9,68) in Aquitania. Auson. Mos. 88 characterizes the salar by

Salmydessus (Sahkuvdynoodc/Salmydéssos). [1] Coastal strip of the > Pontos Euxeinos [I] without harbours, dangerously shallow for navigation, 700 stadia in length (Ps.-Scymn. 724-727; Ptol. 3,11,4: 2.

the red spots on its back. According to Sid. Apoll. Epist.

itot ‘Akuvdnoods aiywakdc (Salmydéssos étoi Halmy-

2,2,12

déssos aigial6s) ‘shore of S. or Halmydessus’) from the

it even eats its own young; 4. It remains unclear

whether, for example, the European lake trout, Salmo trutta lacustris, which has a dark colour when adult, is meant in Isid. Orig. 12,6,6. 1 LEITNER.

H. Gossen, s.v. L., RE 12, 343f.; KELLER, vol. 2, 371f.

C.HU.

Salmona. Left tributary of the Moselle (Auson. Mos. 366), present-day Salm. J.B. Keung, s. v. S., RE 1 A, 1986.

RA.WI.

Salmone (Sadudvn/Salmone). [1] City in Elean - Pisatis. Location disputed, possibly near modern Néraida, 12 km north of -» Olympia (Str. 8,3,313; Diod. Sic. 4,68,1). [2] Main source of the Enipeus [1] (Str. 8,3,32). G. PANAYOTOPOULOS, Questions sur la topographie éleenne ..., in: A.D. Rizaxts (ed.), Aoyaia Ayata xou Eheta. Avaxowaoets xate to Howto AveOvéc Luusdo.o (Athens 1989), 1991, 275-281. H.LO.

Bosporus [1] to Cape Thynias, where the Astae (Aotai/ Astat) settled near other - Thraci (Str. 7,6,1; cf. 1,3,43 7). In 513 BC, the Thraci on the S. surrendered without

a fight to Darius [1] I on his campaign against the Scythae (Hdt. 4,93). The Thraci of the S. practiced the systematic robbery of those who were shipwrecked on their shore (Aesch. PV 726: toayeta Laduvdnooia/ tracheia Salmydessia, ‘rugged territory of S.’, in this case located on the south coast of the Pontos Euxeinos; Soph. Ant. 970). [2] Thracian settlement on S. [1] (Xen. An. 7,5,12-14;

Ps.-Scymn. 724-26; Plin. HN 4,45: Halmydesos), modern Midye, the mythical residence of Phineus [1] (cf. Apollod.

1,120). According to the EM (s.v. %.), there

was a river S. there. B. Isaak, Thracian Settlements until the Macedonian Conquest, 1983, 239. Lv.B.

SALO

899

Salo. Right tributary of the Iberus [1] (modern Ebro) in Celtiberia ( Celtiberi), modern Jalon. In its course, it passes Ocilis, Arcobriga, Aquae Bilbilitanorum, Bilbilis, Nertobriga [1] and Allobone. Its ice-cold water was especially suited for tempering iron (Mart.

1,49,125 4,555,153; 12,21,1). In the Celtiberian Wars (2nd cent.

BC), its valley was the base of operations for the Romans (App. Hisp. 188 ff.; [1]). 1 W.V. Harris, Roman Expansion in the West III. Spain, in: CAH 8, *1989, 118-142.

SCHULTEN,

Landeskunde

2, 314f.; TIR K 30 Madrid,

1993, 196.

P.B.

Salodurum. In the pre-Roman period a station on the road south of the Jura from Lake Geneva to the Upper Rhine with a bridge over the river Aare and good wharts for trade, modern Solothurn. After the Roman

occupation, S. was a > beneficiarii post (CIL XIII 5170; [1. no. 130 ill.]). Out of the road post there grew a > vicus, whose leading citizens (magistri vici) and village inhabitants (vicani Salodurenses) dedicated a temple to > luppiter Optimus Maximus [1. no. 141]. The port district of the vicus was rebuilt in the 4th cent. AD as a castle (3,2 m thick walls). The medieval city developed out of this castle. 1 G. WALSER, ROmische Inschriften in der Schweiz, vol. 2, 1980, no. 129-141.

W.Drack, R.FELLMARIN, Die R6mer in der Schweiz, 1988, 510-513; Id., Die Schweiz zur R6merzeit, 1991, 247-250; E.MeyeEr, Die rémische Schweiz, 1940, 271274; F.STAEHELIN, Die Schweiz in romischer Zeit, +1948, BOT =Fil

O 2s

GW.

Salome (Hebrew §‘omsiyon, ‘Peace of Zion’, Aramaic short form §‘lamsah; Zadwpn/Salome). [1] Sister of Herod (— Herodes [1]) the Great (c. 57 BC-

AD ro). Until his death, she played an important role in factional intrigues at the Herodian court: she plotted against Herod’s Hasmonaic wife -» Mariamme [1] I and their sons Alexander and > Aristoboulus [4], likewise against her own husbands > Iosephus [1] and Costobarus, who were executed (Jos. BI 1,441 ff.; Jos. Ant. lud. 15,80f.; 15,259f.). Her intended marriage to -» Syllaeus, minister at the Nabataean court (> Nabataei, Nabataeans), foundered on Herod’s religious

objections (Jos. Ant. Iud. 16,220ff.; 17,10 [1. 183]). S.’s third marriage, at the recommendation of > Livia [2], was to Alexas I (on his identity [1. 184 f.]). Allied by friendship with Livia, S. bequeathed to her the cities of Jamnia (> Jabne), Azotus, > Phasaelis and Archelais (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,158), which had been left to her personally in Herod’s testament (Str. 16,2,46). 1 N. Koxxinos, The Herodian Dynasty. Origins, Role in Society and Eclipse, 1998 2 P.RicHARDSON, Herod: King of the Jews and

Friend

of the Romans,

1996

3 A.SCHALIT, Konig Herodes. Der Mann und sein Werk, 1969

4SCHURER I, 287-335.

900

[2] (c. AD ro— before AD 61). Daughter of > Herodias, second wife of the tetrarch Herod Antipas (-> Herodes

[4]), and presumably of her first husband, the tetrarch > Philippus [I 26], or of Herodes [2], another half-

brother of Herod Antipas. According to Mk 6:22, she was a (possibly natural) daughter of Herod Antipas and thus of his first wife -> Phasaelis [3. 232f.]. The complex genealogical conditions in the Herodian dynasty do not allow definite identification [2. 131ff., 318; 7. 348f.]. According to Mk 6:17-29, Mt 14:3-12 and the report of > Iosephus [4] Flavius (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,5,2 § 109-119), she demanded, at her mother’s request, the beheading of John the Baptist as reward for performing a dance for Herod Antipas. The motive suggested by Mark (> Marcus [I r]) is criticism by the Pharisees (> Pharisaei) of the marriage of Herodias,

but Josephus blames considerations of power politics. The historical validity of the episode is disputed, but, elevated to legend, it has enjoyed abundant revisitation in poetry, visual arts and music [4. 2325 1; 5; 6]. > FIN DE SIECLE 1 H.Darener, S. Ihre Gestalt in Geschichte und Kunst, 1912 2A.VON GUTSCHMID, KS, vol.2,1890 3H.W.

HoeEHNER,

Herod

Antipas: A Contemporary

of Jesus

Christ, 1972 esp. 110-171 4 N.Koxkinos, The Herodian Dynasty. Origins, Role in Society and Eclipse, 1998 5 K.MERKEL, S.: Ikonographie im Wandel, 1990 61T.RoHDE, Mythos $. Vom Markusevangelium bis Djuna Barnes, 2000 7 SCHURER I, 345-349. LWA.

Salomo see > Solomon [r] Salona (Zdimv/Salon, Dak@vavSalénai). City in Dalmatia on KaStela Bay above the mouth of the Jadro with an important natural harbour protected by islands and peninsulas off the coast. The ancient remains of S. (practically only foundation walls survive) lie to the north and west of modern Solin, a suburb of Split. The first settlement of the Thracian Manii was conquered by Celtic-Illyrian Dalmatae in the 4th cent. BC. Shortly afterwards, Greek settlers from — Issa founded a colony in the region of S. The Dalmatae, however, regained S. in the 2nd cent. BC. The city’s Roman history began when it was conquered by the proconsul C. Cosconius [I 1] in 78/7 BC. Between 47

and 44, S. was elevated to Colonia Martia Iulia Salona (tribus Tromentina). Around 33 BC, a second colony (tribus Sergia) was founded alongside the existing one. The entire city area was surrounded by new walls in the 2nd cent. AD in connexion with the Marcomannic Wars (-> Marcomanni). At the beginning of the 4th cent. AD, S. enjoyed new prosperity owing to the palace of -» Diocletianus in Spalatum (Split), built c. 5 km away to the southwest. C. 613/4, S. was destroyed by Slavs and Avars, and the inhabitants retreated into the

fortified palace. S. was one of the most important harbours on the Illyrian coast of the Adriatic and linked to other parts of the empire by roads. The city was the seat of a governor

901

902

(one of them at the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD was

Salpia. City in > Daunia (Str. 6,3,9: Dadanio/Salapia; Plin. HN 3,103: Salapia; It. Ant. 314,7; Tab. Peut. 6,3; Geogr. Rav. 5,1; Guido, Geographia 22). It was established twice; the first site was where remains are to be found on the road from Zapponeta to Torre Pietra, on the > Ionios Kolpos northwest of the salterns of Margherita di Savoia on the Lago di Salpi (drained in the modern period). Despite various foundation myths (founded by Trojans, Lycoph. 1129; different account in Vitr. De arch. 1,4,12, cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. EAmia; Str. 14,2,10), it was most probably a purely Daunian city (cf. the coins, 3rd cent. BC, HN 49). Initially, it switched to the Carthaginian side in the 2nd > Punic War [II], then served Hannibal [4] as winter quarters for a time, and in 210 BC was captured by the Romans through treason (Liv. 24,20; 47; 26,383 27,1; 28; App.

the historian Cassius [III 1] Dio) and other public of-

fice-holders of the province of Dalmatia and therefore ranked as a provincial capital. The number of inhabitants in the 2nd cent. AD is estimated at c. 60,000 (amphitheatre with c. 15,000 seats). The numerous early Christian remains (several basilicas, three necropoleis) testify to the fact that S$. was a Christian centre at an early date. Several bishops and martyrs from S. are known, beginning in the 2nd cent. AD. N.Duvat, E. Marin, S. III, Manastirine (Collection de Ecole francaise de Rome 194.3), 2000; B.KrrRIGIN,

E. Marin, The Archaeological Guide to Central Dalmatia, 1989, 86-116; E. Marin, S., in: Latina et Graeca 14, 1980, 17-38; E.ROTHER, Jugoslawien Kunst,

Geschichte, Landschaft, 1976, 122-145.

UL.FE.

SALT

Hann. 191: Ladkanta/Salapia; 218: Ladanivov Salapinot;

Salonina. Iulia Cornelia S., wife of the emperor — Gallienus, elevated to Augusta and mater castrorum in AD ASAIGRIS

wee7 sAkeLo sae

272 RIC Wom, 63591Oss

IO7-I15; 191-200), perished together with her husband in AD 268 outside of Mediolanum [1] (Zon. 12,25). Her three sons were P. Licinius Cornelius ~ Valerianus, P. + Licinius [II 6] Cornelius Saloninus Valerianus and > Marinianus [3]. KIENAST?, 222f.;PIR* C 1499; PLRE 1, 799.

oe.

Saloninus [1] Known from a funerary epigram by > Martialis [1] (6,18), who calls him a friend of his friend Terentius

Priscus; therefore, the death of S. must have occurred around AD 90, the date of origin of the 6th book of P.L.S: epigrams by Martialis. [2] see > Licinius [II 6]

Salpe (ZdAnn/Sdlpé). >»Midwife of the Hellenistic era, whose medical and cosmetic recipes were quoted by + Plinius [1] in his Historia naturalis (Plin. HN 28,38; 28,66; 28,82; 28,262; 32,135;

32,140). > Athenaeus

[3] (Ath. 322a) knows a S. as the author of malyvia/ paignia (‘light poems’), but it is problematic to consider the two identical [1]. 1 D. Barn, Salpe’s MAIPNIA; Athenaeus 3 22a and Plin. H. N. 28,38, in: CQ 48, 1998, 262-268.

VN.

Frontin. Str. 4,7,38: Salapia). In the Roman > Social Wars [3], S. was plundered (App. B Civ. 1,52). After that, the city was abandoned chiefly due to its unhealthy situation (Cic. Leg. agr. 2,71; Vitr. De arch. loc.cit.) on a malarial swamp (Salpina palus, Luc. 5,377); by a decree ofthe Senate, it was re-established in a healthier area 6.4 km away — probably on modern Monte di Salpi — where a port arose through the link between the swampy lake and the sea (Vitr. Joc.cit.), a ~ municipium in Regio I (Plin. loc.cit.). NISSEN 2, 849; M.D. Marin, Scavi archeologici nella contrada S. Vito presso il lago di Salpi, in: Archivio Storico Pugliese 17, 1964, 167-224; G.Atvisi, La viabilita romana della Daunia, 1970; BICGI 7, 166-174.

E.O.andV.S. Salpinates. Community in Etruria, probably near modern Orvieto; allies of the > Volsinii against Rome in 392/1, but without success (Liv. 5,31,5; 3252). NISSEN 2, 339.

GU.

Salsamenta see > Muria

Salt I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGYPT

Il. GRAECO-ROMAN MANIC REGIONS

ANTIQUITY

III. CELTIC-GER-

I. ANCIENT NEAR EAST AND EGypt

Salpensa (Salpesa). Iberian city, in the Roman era municipium Flavium Salpensanum, modern Cortijo de la Coria (Utrera, province of Sevilla). An inscription with the municipal charter of S. (AD 82/84) was found near Malaca (ILS 6089; [1. 259 ff.]). -» Lex Salpensana 1 J.L. Lopez Castro, Hispania Poena, 1995. Tovar

1, 145f.; A.CaBALLos,

W.EcK,

F.FERNANDEZ,

Das Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, 1996, 2.45. P.B.

Salt (Sumerian mun; Akkadian tabtu; Hittite puti;

Hebrew meelah; Egyptian sm}.t) played an important role in all ancient Near Eastern cultures and in Egypt. In often high temperatures, the supply of salt was essential to life: salt was therefore part of workers’ ordinary rations in Mesopotamia and Egypt (> Rations). It was

esp. used to season foods and to preserve meat and fish. In medicine, too, salt was used internally and externally. Salt was an important ingredient in offerings. In crafts, it was an important additive in tanning (depilation of hides), in separating gold and silver, sometimes in faience and glass manufacture. From the Coptic pe-

903

904

riod onwards, salt was used in Egypt in the mummification process; previously natron with salt added had been used (~~ Mummies). The Near East and Egypt were rich in salt deposits. Some were in the form of halite, but most was obtained from salt springs or salt refineries in which river or sea water was evaporated. Most salt was adulterated with natron or soda. It was transported in clumps or bricks. Salinization of agricultural land, with consequent loss of fertility, due to the accumulation of salt as irrigation water evaporated, was a problem throughout the ancient Near East, esp. in southern Mesopotamia. Cf. here the scattering of salt on the land as a tactic in the devyastation of enemy territory (Judges 9:45).

nal salt-cellar (paternum salinum: Hor. Carm. 2,16,13 f., > salinum) appears as a symbol of the simplicity of a farming household. In late antiquity, Vegetius considers the shortage of salt in a besieged city, recommending various proce-

SALT

D.T. Ports, On Salt and Salt Gathering in Ancient Mesopotamia, in: Journ. of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 27, 1984, 225-271; K. Butz, On Salt Again ..., in: Ibid., 272-316; R.J. Fores, s. v. S., Biblisch-Historisches HWB vol. 3, 1966, 1653 f.; R. Fucus, s. v.S., LA 5, 371; W.HeEtcK, Materialien zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Neuen Reiches, vol. 5, 1965, 239; P.T.NICHOLSON, I. SHaw (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, 2000, 187, 305, 384, 663 f.; H. von Dernes, H. GRaA-

pow, WB der agyptischen Drogennamen, 1959, 340f. H.J.N.andR.GE. II. GRAECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY A. SALT IN THE HUMAN AND ANIMAL DIET oO . METHODS OF SALT EXTRACTION C. GREECE D. ROME

dures for extracting salt (Veg. Mil. 4,11; cf. Frontin. Str. 35,14,3).

B. METHODS OF SALT EXTRACTION Until the r9th cent., the possibilities for extracting salt were rather limited. Sea salt could only be profitably extracted on very flat coasts, i.e. esp. at river estuaries, and in a climate propitious for evaporation. On the Mediterranean, the high summer temperatures made climatic conditions ideal, but suitable shores were relatively few. Halite mines, open cast or below ground, were also already important for the salt supply in antiquity: the most famed were the salt mine at Hallstatt, near Salzburg, and deposits in Spain (Str. 3,2,6; Plin. HN 31,80; Sid. Apoll. Epist. 9,12,1), Dacia, Asia Minor (Str.

£2,3,373 12,339), Egypt and North Africa. There

were also salt lakes, esp. that of Tarentum/Taras (Plin. HN 31,73) and the famous Lake Tatta in Asia Minor (Str. 12,5,4). In a long excursus on salt, Pliny mentions its extraction from salt lakes and sea water and the mining of halite. Spring water could also contain high levels of salt: such water was also boiled to obtain salt as a residue (Plin. HN 31,73-105; cf. Vitr. De arch 8,3,7). In the 5th cent. AD, Rutilius [II 5] Namatianus described the salinae on the Etrurian coast (Rut. Namat.

A. SALT IN THE HUMAN AND ANIMAL DIET The remark of Cassiodorus that there was no-one who would not wish to find salt (GAc/hals; Latin sal) (Cassiod. Var. 12,24,6: potest aurum aliquis minus quaerere, nemo est qui salem non desideret invenire),

touches on a fundamental of the ancient economy, for salt (sodium chloride) is a nutrient vital to human life

and indispensable, and has therefore been of pre-eminent importance since the earliest times. Valued above all for the flavour it brings to food, salt none the less plays a part in the functioning of the human and animal organism that is just as vital as water, and withdrawal of salt is just as fatal as that of water. For this reason, large quantities of salt are used in cattle-rearing: for one cow, approx. 30 kg of salt per year are required. In antiquity, the importance of salt for the diet was already understood: there were panegyrics to salt in Greece, praising its usefulness (Pl. Symp. 177b; cf. Isoc. Or. 10,12), and Pliny declared that life without salt was not humane (Plin. HN 31,88). Cato advised an annual allocation of approx. ro kg of salt per slave (Cato Agr. 58); Aristotle recommended a similar ration for ewes to ensure their milk (Aristot. Hist. an. 596a). Pliny believed that salt stimulated cattle to feed (Plin. HN 31,88; cf. Columella 6,23,2). Until the invention of refrigeration, salt was also the only means of preserving foodstuffs, esp. meat, cheese and fish (Cato Agr. 88; 162; Columella 12,4,4 f.; 12,6; Plin. HN 31,93-95; salt fish: Ath. 3,116a-121d). In Horace (+ Horatius [7]), the pater-

475-

490). C. GREECE Little is known of salt and the salt trade in the Greek world. Deposits on the Greek mainland were limited, and probably not sufficient to meet demand. There were salt refineries in Megara, Attica and Euboea. There were important salt gardens in the regions on the north coast of the Black Sea; the city of Olbia [1] owed its prosperity to its salt garden and its exports of fish preserved with salt. A remark of Aristophanes reveals that the Athenians took possession of the salt refineries of + Megara [2] at the outbreak of the > Peloponnesian War (Aristoph. Ach. 760f.). D.

ROME

Salt was also of great importance to Roman politics and the Roman economy. The absence of other deposits in the region lent great importance to the salinae at » Ostia at the mouth of the Tiber in the supply of salt to central Italy. According to Livy, the first salinae at the mouth of the Tiber had been laid out concurrently with the foundation of Ostia (Liv. 1,33,9). The price of salt was said to have been set at an early stage, and towards the end of the 2nd Punic War (late 3rd cent. BC), the censors introduced a salt tax (Liv. 2,8,6; 29,37,3 f.). From its earliest days, Rome had had control of the via Salaria, along which salt was brought from Ostia into the Sabine lands (Plin. HN 31,89; cf. Cic. Nat. D. 3,11;

905

906

Str. 5,3,1). During the sth cent. BC, there was a bitter confrontation between Rome and the Etruscan city of ~> Veii, which drew its wealth and power from its possession of the salt refineries at the mouth of the Tiber. The beginnings of Roman expansion in Italy were closely associated with Rome’s victory here. Towards the end of the 4th cent. and in the first half of the 3rd, the Romans also gained control over the salt refineries of southern Italy, with the result that they were able to control the salt supply to the whole of Italy. In the period of the early Principate, salinae were leased to ~ publicani.

following belong to the saltus Firmanus: aucupium, omne genus piscis, prata, arva ferasque (‘all manner of fowl, fish, meadows, fields, and game’: Catull. 114,3; 115,4). For the agrimensores, a saltus is a unit of area. According to Varro, a saltus corresponded to 4 centu-

1 J.-F. BErGrER, Une histoire du sel, 1982 2 H.BLUMNER, s. v. Salz, RE 1 A, 2075-2099 3, 105f., 174, 3543 4,624

SALTUS

riae, according

to Siculus

1,10,2;

Flaccus, De condicionibus

Siculus

Flaccus

MANLIANUS

25 (Varro,

Rust.

agrorum

LACHMANN 182 = THULIN 123). As woodland and grassland, saltus was of some significance to Roman > agriculture. In the Principate, a saltus was for the most part a large estate that could comprise several fundi (Dig. 19,1,52, pr.; > Latifundia/Large estates). In contrast to

3 ESAR

4R.J. Forpes, Studies in

the classical villa farm, a saltus was characterized predominantly by extensive land use and by leasing to

Ancient Technology 3, 1965, 164-181

coloni (> Colonatus). In the North African provinces,

5 A. GIOVANNINI, Le sel et la fortune de Rome, in: Athenaeum 63, 1985, 373-387. A.GIO.

some saltus had a quasi exterritorial status extract themselves from the grasp of urban A series of saltus in Africa recorded in probably belonged initially to senators and came into the possession of the principes

III. CELTIC-GERMANIC REGIONS Salt, as an important raw material for the health of humans and animals, as well as in the household (preservation) and industry (tanning, etc.), had been much

sought-after and an important trading commodity in central Europe since the Neolithic period (5th millennium BC). Both the Celts and Germans extracted and processed salt by very elaborate, to some extent semiindustrial means. It occurred as halite (rock salt), e.g. in the Alps around Salzburg, where it was extracted by mining by Celtic groups, esp. at > Hallstatt and on the > Dirrnberg at Hallein, until the last cent. BC. The wealth of archaeological finds from these areas and the long-distance connections to which they attest give evidence of the importance and the economic power of the salt trade. In low mountain ranges in particular, salt also occurs as brine in springs; complex simmering procedures were used by Celtic and Germanic tribes to extract it from these sources ( Bad Nauheim, Halle/ Saale), while in Celtic Western Europe, similar procedures were used on the coasts (southern England, western France, Channel coast) with sea water. > Celtic Archaeology; »Germanic Archaeology;

> Trade K. W. pe Brisay (ed.), Salt — The Study of an Ancient Industry, 1975; H.H. Emmons, H.H. Water, Mit dem

Salz durch die Jahrtausende, 1984; J. NENQuIN, Salt — A Study in Economic Prehistory, 1961; K. Rignm, Werkan-

lagen und Arbeitsgerate urgeschichtlicher Salzsieder, in: Germania 40, 1962, 360-399. V.P.

confiscation

(saltus Blandianus;

and tried to institutions. inscriptions under Nero by way of

saltus Domitianus;

saltus Lamianus: CIL VIII 25943; cf. Plin. HN 18,35). A market was established in the saltus Beguensis of senator Lucilius [II 1] Africanus in the 2nd cent. AD (CIL VIII 270); under Hadrian, boundary stones were erected in a saltus in Mauretania by a procurator Augusti (ILS 5963), and under Marcus Aurelius coloni repaired the buildings of the saltus Massipianus (CIL VIII

587 = ILS 5567). The lands of the principes in North Africa were diinto several administrative districts (tractus), which in turn were subdivided into saltus. Saltus were administered by procuratores (> Procurator) and leased to tenants (conductores), who had sub-tenants (coloni) work the land (CIL VIII 25902; cf. saltus Burunitanus CIL VIII 10570 = ILS 6870). The lex Manciana and the lex Hadriana encouraged coloni to open up fallow land to agricultural use (CIL VIII 25943). » Agriculture

vided

1 L. CapoGrosst CoLoenest, Dalla villa al saltus: continuita e trasformazioni, in: Du latifundium au latifondo (Actes de la Table ronde Bordeaux 1992), 1995, 191-211 2 J.DESANGES, Saltus et vicus P(h)osphorianus en Numidie, in: A.Mastino (ed.), L’Africa romana (Atti del VI convegno di studio), vol. 1, 1989, 283-291 3 FLACH

4 J.Peyras, Les grands domaines de l'Afrique mineure d’aprés les inscriptions, in: see [1], 107-128 5 A. SEIDENSTICKER, Waldgeschichte des Alterthums, vol.

1, 1886

6P.VeYNE, Mythe et realite de l’autarcie a

Rome, in: REA 81, 1979, 261-280.

|.K.

Saltus. The Latin term saltus denotes woodland, fallow

land with some degree of tree cover, and pasture; cf. Varro, Ling. 5,36: quos agros non colebant propter silvas aut id genus, ubi pecus possit pasci, et possidebant, ab usu salvo saltus nominarunt (‘from their prac-

tical usefulness, they called saltus those fields which they held but did not cultivate because of the woods, or the type of land where cattle can graze’). In Catullus, the

Saltus Manlianus. The narrow passage of Puerto de Morata in the Sierra de Vicor, south-west of Zaragoza,

probably named after the praetor P. > Manlius [I 5], who passed through there in 195 BC during the conquest of Hispania citerior under the supreme command of the consul > Cato [1] (Liv. 40,39,2).

SALTUS MANLIANUS

907

908

SCHULTEN, Landeskunde 1, 166; TIR K 30 Madrid, 1993,

ond of the > Samnite Wars, was dedicated by him on 5 August (Cic. Att. 4,2,4; Cic. Sest. 131) 302 BC (Liv. 10,1,9; [1]). It may be, however, that the cult of S. on the Quirinal was preceded by an earlier cult of S. in Rome (cf. Varro Ling. 5,52). From her association with Semonia it can be presumed that S. could be considered a protector of seeds (cf. Macrob. Sat. 1,16,8; Fest. 406

146f.

E.O.andV.S.

Saltus Teutoburgiensis. The only reference to the ‘Teutoburg

Forest’ in ancient sources is Tac. Ann. 1,60,3, mentioning it as the scene of Varus’ battle in AD 9 (P. + Quinctilius [II 7]; > Arminius). On his foray into Germania east of the Rhine in AD 15, » Germanicus [2] entered the region between Amisia and Lupia, ‘... haud procul Teutoburgiensi saltu, in quo reliquiae Vari legionumque insepultae dicebantur’ (‘not far from the forest of Teutoburg, in which the remains of Varus and the legions were said to lie unburied’). The battle site was then reconnoitred and the fallen buried. In the absence of clear archaeological finds, centuries of effort to locate the battlefield and abundant scholarship have not yet yielded convincing results (the most important propositions are found in [2; 3. 9519553; 4], necessarily not exhaustive and requiring supplement with ever new hypotheses). There is also disagreement as to the range of Tacitus’ haud procul, ‘not far’. Various regions, esp. between the upper Lippe, the Osning and the Weser, have been viewed as promising for the ST. Excavations in the depression of Kalkriese and Niewedde north of Osnabriick since 1987 have brought to light finds and findings which, according to the current state of knowledge, are probably connected with the clades Variana |5]. This would suggest locating the ST in this region, though it remains unclear how far this region would have extended in the view of the Romans. There is also dispute concerning Teutoburgium, which is the underlying term of ST; it has been suggested that it was the name of a place of refuge [3. 935f., 941] and may in turn have been extended by the Romans to refer to a larger region (other interpretations: cf. [1. 1169f.]). After Tacitus, the next reference to the ST is on a map of 1627 referring to the Lippe Forest. The name, however, did not gain general acceptance until the beginning of the Romantic Period; it came to be equated with the Osning, which in turn was renamed as Teutoburger Wald (“Teutoburg Forest’). ~» Kalkriese (with map); > BATTLEFIELDS 1 A. FRANKE, s. v. Teutoburgiensis Saltus, RE 5 A, 1166— 1t7t 2 F.Koepp, Lichter und Irrlichter auf dem Wege zum Schlachtfeld des Varus, in: Id., Varusschlacht und Aliso, 1940, 19-40 3 W.JOHN,s.v. Quinctilius (20), RE 24,907-984 4H.vVONPETRIKOVITS, s.v. clades Variana, RGA 5, 14-20 ©=5 W. SCHLUTER, R. WIEGELS, s.v. Kalkriese, RGA 16, 180-199. RA.WI.

L.). Her public cult, however, is influenced rather by

Greek ideas of > sotéria, even if not initially modelled on Greek cults of Hellenistic rulers as sotéres (‘saviours’;

> Rulers IV A). From

(‘Health’). The statesman’s role of saviour, emphasised as early as Cicero (Cic. Marcell. 22 f.), in guaranteeing

the S. of the state, was made more concrete under Augustus with the public worship of S. as §. Augusta. Public and private pledges for the S. of the princeps (primarily in the Acta of the + Arvales fratres) and oaths on the S. of the emperor of the time were common in the Imperial period. Under Galba and Vespasian the concept of S. Augusti came into being as an expression of the recon-

struction of the Empire after the Julian-Claudian dynasty. Iconographic types of S. from Galba [2] to Hadrian illustrate how the welfare of the provinces was seen as part of the public good. Dedications to S. are particularly common in Lusitania and Baetica. 1A.Z1oLKowski, The Rome, 1992, 144-148.

Temples

of

Mid-Republican

J.R. Fears, The Cult of Virtues, in: ANRW II 17.2, 859861; M.Marwoop, The Roman Cult of S., 1988;

L. WINKLER, S. Vom Staatskult zur politischen Idee, 1995. D.WAR

Salustius (Sadkobvotioc; Saloustios).

[1] Greek grammarian (perhaps 4th/sth cents. AD [3. 3x]); author of a commentary on Callimachus’ [3] Hekale (fr. 9; 29; 179 HOLLIs), the use of which can still be detected in the Suda [4. 13-18]. The attribution of an edition of the hymns of Callimachus [5. 78] and of the + hypothesis to Sophocles’ Antigone and Oedipus in Colonus [6. 17-20] is probable. Likely identical to the S. mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantium s. v. “ACIAtc. Ep1T1ons:

1A.S. HoL.is, Callimachus. Hekale, 1990

2 R. PFEIFFER, Callimachus, vol. 2, 1953, XXVIII-XXX. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 3 U.voN WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENporrF, Uber die Hekale des Kallimachos (1893), in: Id., KS, vol. 2, 1941, 30-47. 4 R.REITZENSTEIN, Index lectionum in Academia Rostochiensi, 1890/1 5 A.W. BuLLocn, Callimachus. The Fifth Hymn, 1985

6 G.Dinporr, 1852.

Salus (‘Well-being’) was a deified characteristic (+ Per-

the 2nd cent. BC

onwards, S. was identified with the Greek — Hygieia

Scholia in Sophoclis Tragoedias Septem, M.B.

roned, with a sceptre, bowl, > snake or ear of corn —

{2] Author of a short treatise On the Gods and the Universe (Ilegi Be@v xat xoono0v/Peri theén kai kdsmou), with influences from Iamblichus [2] and Tulianus [11].

associated primarily with the security and welfare of the Roman state, its citizens and later its rulers. The city of Rome’s temple to S. on the > Mons Quirinalis, vowed by C. Iunius {I 19] Bubulcus in 3141 BC during the sec-

His identity is disputed: Flavius > Sallustius [II 6] (praef. praet. in Gaul 361-363, cos. 363) or Saturninus + Secundus Salutius (praef. praet. Orientis 361-365, who was present at the death of Julian; discussion in

sonification) — depicted as a female deity, often enth-

[4. 347-3 50)]).

909

910

The treatise was probably written during the reign of Julianus [rr], in service of the pagan restoration and as a reaction to Christianity. It contains three sections: (1) chaps. 1-4, Introduction: the necessary characteristics of those who wish to learn about the gods; the typical attributes of the gods; the role of myths; finally, an allegorical interpretation of the myths of Paris and Attis. (2) Chaps. 5-12: first, a discussion of the gods, who can be divided into three groups (those gods who live beyond the world, those who live in it, and the world itself). The rational soul, which can have access to them, must also take into account the providence which controls the world; this results in the question of evil in the world and in people. (3) Chaps. 13-21: refutation of atheism; description of the vision of souls separated from the body, which enjoy heavenly delights with the gods. This third part is directed solely towards those who have found access to a religion which is no longer based on myths, but which strives toward the union of the soul with the gods.

ing the first two hours of the morning (Mart. 4,8); the client (salutator) had to attend in > toga (Juv. 3,126 f.); hence Martial (3,46,1) calls the clients’ duties the togata

EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS: 1A.D. Nock, Sallustius. Concerning the Gods and the Universe, 1926 (repr. 1966,

1988; with Engl. tr. and prolegomena) 2 G.ROCHEFORT, Saloustios, Des dieux et du monde, 1960 (repr. 1983; with French tr.) 3 R.pI GIUSEPPE, Salustio, Sugli Dei e il mondo, 2000 (with It. tr., comm., bibliogr.). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

4E.C.

CLARKE,

Communication,

Human and Divine: Saloustios Reconsidered, in: Phronesis 43, 1998, 326-350. L.BR.

[3] S. of Emesa. His father Basilides was a Syrian, his mother Theoclea came from Emesa; source: > Damas-

cius, Life of Isidorus. S. was probably born about AD 430; he studied law and received a rhetorical education from the sophist Eunoius. S. chose a life as a sophist, went to Athens and from there — accompanied by the Neoplatonist Isidorus [7] — to Alexandria [1], where he attended the schools of rhetoric. Later (he was c. 30-40 years old), he travelled to Marcellinus [13], the ruler of Dalmatia. S. probably had contact with the Neoplatonists, but turned to » Cynicism and practiced an asceticism that was rather antiquated for the 5th cent. Among other things, he was said to have a gift for predicting the violent deaths of people whom he met. S. claimed that philosophizing was not only difficult for people, but completely impossible; he successfully persuaded young people to give up philosophy, including Athenodorus from the circle of — Proclus [2], and argued with Proclus himself. Works are unknown. C. ZINTZEN (ed.), Damascii Vitae Isidori Reliquiae, 1967; R. Asmus, Der Kyniker Sallustius bei Damasctus, in: Neue

SALVIANUS

opera. The visitors gathered in the vestibulum or atrium of the house of their patronus and awaited admission (Hor. Epist. 1,5,31). Friends and prominent individuals were granted prior admittance, singly or in groups. The patron had the names of the individual visitors proclaimed to him by a > nomenclator, then greeted them with a handshake (Plut. Cicero 36); in the early Imperial period the patron’s ~ kiss could be added to the handshake. Towards the end of the rst cent. AD, it became the custom to kiss the patronus on the hand, chest or knee (Amm. Marc. 28,4,10; Epict. 3,24,49; Lucian. Nigr. Dae

The salutationes at the imperial court were managed by court officials (admissionales) (> admissio). To be

admitted to the salutatio of the emperor was regarded as an honour, and withholding of admission as a sign of disfavour. Primarily senators (+ senatus) and representatives of the equestrian class (- equites Romani) appeared. Sometimes family members of senators were presented to the emperor at this occasion. The common people could also be admitted to the salutatio to present petitions (Suet. Aug. 53,2; Tac. Ann. 4,41). There was a general reception on festival days such as New Year’s Day (Suet. Aug. 57; Cass. Dio 54,35,2-3). The reception ceremonial at the salutatio included the visitor’s hand shake, the emperor’s embrace (Plut. Antonius 80; Lucian. Salt. 64), and the kiss, offered esp. to the most prominent equestrians and senators (Suet. Tib. 34,2). + Galba [2] was also wont to bestow kisses on his friends (Suet. Otho 6,2). Foot-kissing had been demanded by > Caligula (Cass. Dio 59,29,5), but remained an anomaly. It became obligatory at the reception and departure of senators and other eminent dignitaries only in the late Roman period, under > Diocletianus (late 3rd/early 4th cent. AD). It was accompanied by kissing the hem of the emperor’s robe (Amm. Mare. 21,9,8; > adoratio). > Acclamatio; > Admissio; > Cliens, clientes; ting; > Kiss;

> Gree-

> Patronus; > Proskynesis

A. ALFOLpI, Die Ausgestaltung des monarchischen Zeremoniells am roémischen Kaiserhofe, in: MDAI(R) 49,

1934, 38-45; Id., Die monarchische Reprasentation im romischen Kaiserreiche, 1979, 6-8, 40-42, 62-64; D.CLoup, The Client-Patron Relationship: Emblem and Reality in Juvenal’s First Book, in: A. WALLACE-HADRILL, Patronage in Ancient Society, 1989, 209-215; s.v. salutatio, RE 1 A, 2060-2072.

Salutius see

A.Huc, R.H.

> Secundus

Jbb. fiir das klassische Altertum, Geschichte und deutsche

Literatur und fiir Padagogik 25, 1910, 504-522.

M.-C.

Salutatio (‘Greeting’). The morning reception allowed clients (— cliens, clientes) to pay their respects to their > patronus, and to receive advice (Hor. Epist. 2,1,102) and support, e.g. money (> sportula). It took place dur-

Salvianus. Roman cognomen, extension of -> Salvius. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 177.

K.-L.E.

[1] S. of Massilia (modern Marseille), probably born after AD 400 at Trier, evidence of his presence on the Lérins Islands, married, later ascetic, wrote the treatise

SALVIANUS

git

Ad Ecclesiam (‘To the Church’; > Pseudepigraphy [I]]) after 435, exhortating all Christians to donate all inher-

itance for ascetic reasons for the work of the church. S. then lived at Marseille as a priest until his death (after c. 465), there composing De gubernatione Dei (“The Government of God’) c. 439, a penitential treatise to the Christian Romans: while they knew God’s will but did not follow it, non-Christians could act in a moral way without knowing the will of God. S.’ works are valuable sources for the situation in Gaul during the Migration period. H.R. Drosner, s.v. S., in: F.W. Baurz, Biographisch-

Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, vol. 8, 1994, 12581266 (bibliography); J.BADEw1EN, Geschichtstheologie und Sozialkritik im Werk Salvians von Marseille, 1980. S.L.-B.

912

[fl 3] L. S. Rufus Salvianus. Cos. suff., AD 52 (ILS 1986 = CIL XVI 1). Consular legate of Pannonia in AD 60 (ILS 1987 = CIL XVI 4). Probably a descendant of Q. S. {I x] Rufus, cos. des. in 39 BC; PIR S 90/91. W.E.

Salvium. City in the territory of the + Dalmatae (CIL MIM 6538; a4249,2: .8) [e. rex Ptoly 251729: Dadovia/Salouia; It. Ant. 269,4: Salviae). After the Roman conquest in AD 6-9, it was in the province of Dalmatia on the Salona — Servitium road, modern Podgradina near Glamocpolje or Halapic (in Bosnia).

Municipium from the time of Hadrianus onwards (CIL XII 6538). Cult of — Silvanus Silvestris (CIL XII

13985; cf. [2]). 1 C.Patscu, Untersuchungen

zur Geschichte der r6mi-

schen Provinz Dalmatia, in: Wissenschaftliche Mitteilun-

gen aus Bosnien 11, 1909, 104-183

Salvidienus. Italian nomen gentile, derived from Salvidius. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD.

G. ALFOLDY, s. v. S., RE Suppl. 11, 1217-1222; I. BojaNOVSKI, Pelva and Salviae, in: V. MirosavLjevic (ed.),

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {I 1] Q. S. Rufus Salvius (second cognomen indication of adoption or standardized form of S.? [1. 375]), Roman knight (Vell. Pat. 2,76,4; legendary Cass. Dio 48,33,2), friend of the young Octavian (- Augustus [1]) and his principal commander before Agrippa. S., then possibly an officer in Caesar’s army [1. 398], was in Apollonia with Octavian in 45-44 BC and was his adviser after Caesar’s death (Vell. Pat. 2,59,5; Cic. Ad

Brut. 1,17,4). In 42, as legate of the triumvirs, he repelled the landing of Sex. Pompeius [I 5] at Rhegium (MRR 2,366) and was proclaimed imperator (CIL X 8337). S.’ own invasion of Sicily failed. In 41, he was called back from the march on Spain to the bellum Perusinum. He destroyed Sentinum and paved the way to Perusia for P. - Ventidius [I 3] and C. Asinius [I 4] Pollio (App. B Civ. 5,121-125; 5,140; CIL XI 6721,17). Octavian thereupon installed him as governor of all Gaul in 40 BC and designated him consul for 39, even though S. had never before held senatorial office (MRR 2,383; RRC 523). Marc Antony (— Antonius B. [I 9]) revealed to Octavian secret negotiations of S. concerning the Pact of Brundisium (true?), whereupon S. was convicted of high treason by the Senate and driven to his death (Suet. Aug. 66,1f.; App. B Civ. 5e27.oies Gasss Dio s.aa.2te)s 1 Syme, RP 1.

2 A. and J.SASEL, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia ... repertae et editae sunt, 1986, no. 1631-1959.

JOR.

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD.

Also a variant of Salvidenus in the Imperial period. {fl 1] M.S. Asprenas. Procos. of Pontus-Bithynia under Vespasian between AD 71 and 79 (RPC 2, 611; 614;

620; 630f.; 708). Probably brother of S. [II 2]; PIR S 86. [II 2] M. S. Proculus. Procos. of Pontus-Bithynia under Vespasian between AD 71 and 79 (RPC 2, 652; 699; 706f.); PIR S 89.

Adriatica praehistorica et antiqua. FS G. Novak, 1970, 503-522; Id., Bosnien und Herzegovina in antiker Zeit, 1988, 238.

PLCA.

Salvius. Common given name of Oscan or Umbrian origin not used by the Roman upper class (abbreviated in inscriptions as Sa. or Sal.), later appears as a nomen gentile; also a slave name. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 177; SALOMIES, 89-91; SCHULZE, 93; H.SOLIN, Die romischen Sklavennamen, vol. 1, 1996,

Th I. REPUBLICAN

K-LE. ERA

II. IMPERIAL ERA

I. REPUBLICAN ERA {I 1] (Slave leader) see > Tryphon [2]. {I 2] Centurion named only in Plut. Pompeius 78,1 and 79,4 as one of Pompey’s murderers.

{I 3] Freedman probably active as an agent of Caesar (Cic. Att. 10,18,1). His identification with the messenger mentioned

in Cic.

Fam.

9,10,1;

Cic.

Ad

Q. Fr.

3,1,21; 3,2,1 1s uncertain, as is the equation with the C. lulius Salvius named in CIL XI 7804. S. and S. [I 4] are difficult to distinguish in Cicero. J.BA. {I 4] Literarily educated slave (or freedman) of T. Pomponius [I 5] Atticus who was involved in the copying of > Cicero’s works (Cic. Att. 13,44,3) and recited excerpts from them during banquets (Cic. Att. 16,2,6). WK. [I 5] In 43 BC, the only one of the people’s tribunes to prevent M. Antonius [I 9] from being declared an enemy of the state by the Senate (App. BCiv. 3,206 ff.). He may have changed his mind, because while still in office he was the first victim of the > proscriptions of the triumvirs (App. B Civ. 4,65 ff.). J.BA.

913

914

Il. IMPERIAL ERA [Il 1] P. S. Aper. Together with Q. Ostorius [6] Scapula, he was named as the first praef. praetorio by Augustus

(CIL VI 2002). In 69, he accompanied his uncle, the emperor > Otho, and his father to the battle against > Vitellius [II 2]; after the battle was lost, the emperor admonished his nephew not to forget him completely, but not to remember him too well: neu patruum sibi Othonem fuisse aut oblivisceretur umquam aut nimium meminisset (Tac. Hist. 2,48,2). With this, Tacitus alludes to Domitian’s execution of Otho’s nephew for celebrating his uncle’s birthday (dies natalis) (Suet. Dom. 10), which Tacitus must have reported in the lost portion of the ‘Histories’. {11 11] L. 8. Otho Titianus. Son of S. [II 7], father of S. [II 10]; elder brother of emperor > Otho. Cos. ord., AD 52; member of the Arvales fratres. Procos. of Asia probably in 63/4; Cn. Tulivs [II 3] Agricola acted as his quaestor (Tac. Agr. 6,2). Cos. II together with his brother Otho from 26 January to the end of February 69. At first left behind by Otho to protect Rome, then made commander of the army. He survived the defeat of his emperor brother due to his pietas et ignavia (‘familial obligation and cowardice’), as Tacitus (Hist.

ia BEsPIRIS 97: [Il 2] C. S. Capito. Senator; cos. suff. in AD 148, FO*

iyi [II 3] S. Carus Procos. of Creta et Cyrenae in AD 135 (SEG 28,1566 = AE 1979, 636, Z. 7f.; Dig. 48,16,14). He or his son was made a patrician, if the L. Salvius Carus named in ILS 5024 is his son. [I 4] P. S. lulianus (Jurist) see > Iulianus [xr]. {II 5] P. S. Iulianus. Son of S. [II 4]. Cos. ord., AD 175. In 180, i.e. at the beginning of the reign of Commodus, he was legate of a consular province in which legions were stationed (Cass. Dio 73,5,2); it cannot be identified. Commodus had him executed along with others because of an alleged conspiracy (Cass. Dio 73,5,1; HA Comm. 4,8). PIR S 104.

{fl 6] C. S. Liberalis Nonius Bassus. Native of Urbs Salvia; his family may trace back to a slave of the community. Related to L. Flavius [II 44] Silva. Enrolled among the tribunicii by Vespasianus and Titus, then promoted to the praetorii; frater Arvalis. After commanding a legion and holding a jurisdiction in Britain under Iulius [II 3] Agricola, he was procos. in Macedonia, probably AD 84/5, and cos. suff. 85 or 86. Later exiled by Domitian; after his return in 96, finally selected by lot as procos. of Asia, though he refused to take the office. He was famous for his aggressive rhetoric. Despite his senatorial status, he was heavily involved in the life of his home city and was also buried there. W.Eck, Urbs Salvia und seine fihrenden Familien in der romischen Zeit, in: Picus 12/13, 1992/3, 103 ff.; SCHEID, Collége, 330ff.

{fl 7] L. S. Otho. Son of S. [II 8]; native of Ferentium. According to Suetonius (Otho 1,2), he executed his civ-

ic offices very strictly. Cos. suff. in AD 33, frater Arvalis perhaps beginning in 37, procos. of Africac. 40/1. Perhaps legate in Dalmatia for a brief time, where he is supposed to have punished soldiers promoted by Claudius [II r] (Suet. Otho 1,2). Allegedly, he was at first suspected by Claudius because of this but was soon reconciled with him because he discovered another conspiracy (if Cass. Dio 60,12,4 refers to him). The Senate erected a statue to him inside the Palatium (Suet. Otho 1,3). Made a patrician in 48. His sons are the emperor

~ Otho and S. [II 11]. VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 128-135.

[118] M. S. Otho. Native of Ferentium in Etruria. Equestrian, then entered into the Senate through the influence of Livia [2], in whose house he grew up. He achieved praetorian rank (Tac. Hist. 2,50,1; Suet. Otho 1,1). His son is S. [II 7]. [Il 9] M. S. Otho (Emperor, AD 69; brother of S. [II 11],

son of S. [II 7]) see > Otho. {Il 10] L. $. Otho Cocceianus. Son of S. [II 11]. Already in AD 63, he had been enrolled in a college of priests

SAM(M)ONIUM

2,60,2) sarcastically puts it. VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 441-446.

[1112] L. S. Secundinus. Senator buried by his wife Petrusidia Augurina in Philippi, whence he may have come. He had the praetorship and a /egatio under the procos. of Asia; to be dated under Marcus Aurelius or Caracalla (AE 1992, 1527). W.E.

Sami. Site of ruins high in the Bahtiyiari Mountains (in Iran), c. 25 km north of the city of Ize (Malamir), in ancient > Elymais. Among the numerous Hellenistic marble and bronze fragments found in a sanctuary, a bronze statue, somewhat over life size and almost completely preserved, is particularly noteworthy: it is as yet the only surviving large-scale representation in three dimensions of an Arsacid dignitary (prince?) (2nd cent.

AD).

1 V.S. Curtis, The Parthian Costume and Headdress, in: J. WiesEHOFER (ed.), Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse, 1998, 61-73 2 H.von Gat, Architektur und Plastik unter den Parthern, in: see [1], 75-94. JW.

Sam(m)onium (Greek: Soy(\1)dviov/Sam(m) onion). Promontory on the northeastern tip of Crete, modern

Kavo Sidero. Strong winds often prevented seafarers from rounding the cape. S. served ancient authors as a fixed point of reference for geographical information and the communication of distances between the islands of the + Aegean Sea (cf. Str. 2,4,3; 10,3,20; LOsdsaitiy LOA,53 LO,4yl2s LOs54Sy Dionys, Per. DLO;

Mela 2,112; Plin. HN 4,58; 60 f.; 71: promunturium

Samonium; Ptol. 3,17,5; Stadiasmus 318 f.; 355; Acts 27:7: Dakudvy/Salmone with the Apostle Paul’s voyage to Rome). the territorium of Itanus. There was a

maris magni in connection S. was part of sanctuary of

Athena Samonia here, built in the 6th cent. BC, which

provides rich epigraphical and archaeological evidence.

915

916

M. Guarbuccl, Inscriptiones Creticae 3, 1942, 156-163;

and the remaining rump state turned into the Assyrian

SAM(M)ONIUM

I. F. SANDERS, Roman Crete, 1982, 38-40.

H.SO.

Samaé see -> Sun god

Samas-Suma-ukin see Samara.

Saosduchinus

River in Picardy (France), modern

Somme,

rises north-east of St. Quentin and flows into the mare Britannicum (English Channel) at Abbeville. The form S. itself is not attested but reconstructed from the name of the city > Samarobriva. Other forms of the name: Sambra (Not. Dign. Occ. 38,8: classis Sambrica), Somena (Ven. Fort. 7,4,15), Sumena (Greg. Tur. Franc. 2,9), Sumina, Sumna, Summana (cf. [1. 1335 f.]). In

Not. Dign. Occ. loc. cit., the modern Somme is referred to as > Sambra [2]; in Ptol. 2,9,2, the river is called Peo0vdic/Phroudis. 1 HOLDER.

R. AGACHE, La Somme préromaine et romaine, 1978.

F,SCH.

Samaria ware. Modern technical term for typical Iron Age luxury crockery of the Phoenician Levant. The name is taken from the unusual finding place of Samaria. SW keeled bowls and dishes, which had very thin walls, were produced in mould dishes and engraved with lines. Red slip painting (-> Red slip ware) was usually combined with a blanked area. Finds of SW on Cyprus, in Carthage and in southern Spain mark the earliest horizon of Phoenician western expansion. There are local adaptations of SW in Carthage. + Phoenicians P.Brkal, The Pottery of Tyre, 1978, 26-29;

G. MAass-

LINDEMANN, Orientalische Importe vom Morro de Mezquitilla, in: Madrider Mitteilungen 31, 1990, 169-177. RD.

Samaria, Samaritans I. SAMARIA

II. SAMARITANS

I. SAMARIA (Hebrew Somron, LXX Dapaoeva/Samareia), seat of

government of the kings of the Northern Kingdom of Israel from the reign of Omri (882-871 BC; > Judah and Israel). The newly-founded city, whose name (root smr, ‘to guard, protect; watch-tower’) refers to its strategic location, was not, as is often assumed, a Canaanite city-state alongside Jezreel as the Israelite centre. S. was the Israelite royal seat, and Jezreel a royal demesne. As is evident from Assyrian and OT texts, the rulers

of S. were compelled to deliver tribute to the Assyrians beginning in the reign of Adad-nirari III (811-781 BC). > Tiglath-Pileser [2] Il (745-727 BC) then invaded the territory of Israel in 733/2 (2 Kings 15:29). Under Salmanassar V (727-722 BC) and — Sargon [3] II (722-

705 BC), S. was conquered after revolts, some of the population deported, a foreign population imported

province of Sdmerina (2 Kings 17:1-6). At first, S. re-

mained an administrative centre during Babylonian and Persian rule; Jerusalem and Judah were also controlled from there. Late in the 4th cent. BC, the city of S. was settled by a Macedonian population (Euseb. Chron. 20,197,199). As a Hellenistic polis, it was abandoned to the > Hasmonaeans at the fall of tke kingdom of the > Seleucids (1 Mace 11:34; Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,254-258; 267-287), until Herod (- Herodes [1]) the Great built it up it

under the name of Sebasté. In AD 6, Judaea and the province of S. were transformed into a joint Roman procuratorship. In the Imperial Period, S. came to be overshadowed by the city of - Neapolis [11] (modern Nablus) founded under Vespasian after the rst Jewish War near the ancient Sychem. Excavations from the early 2oth cent. have revealed parts of the palace complex, ivory work and 102 ostraka with financial notes, all from the Omrid Period (9th cent. BC), as well as impressive architectural relics

from the Hellenistic-Roman Period. + Judah and Israel; > Palaestina K.M. Kenyon, Royal Cities of the Old Testament, 1973; J.D. Purvis, s.v. §., Anchor Bible Dictionary 5, 914-921; N.ScHur, History of the Samaritans, *1992. R.L.

II. SAMARITANS A. History

B. LITERATURE

AND THEOLOGY

A. HIsTORY The origins of the Samaritan religious community (= SRC; Sauageita/Samareitai;

Latin Samaritani; cf. Le

10:33) lie largely in the dark. There is much that can be reconstructed only from reports from its opponents. The SRC’s regard of the — Pentateuch as foundationally normative, a commonality among all groups ofJerusalem > Judaism, invalidates the proposition that the period of the SRC’s formation can be dated to before the Exilic Period, i.e. before 587 BC, or (depending on the dating of the final editing of the Pentateuch) even just into the early post-Exilic Period, i.e. after 538 BC. As the ‘foundational version’ of the Pentateuch came into being at Jerusalem, the decisive impulse to the formation of the SRC must have come from there and cannot therefore be derived from the traditions of the Northern Kingdom (-> Judah and Israel), which had fallen already in 722 BC. Furthermore, the strict focus of the SRC on a single cult centre and the nature of its priesthood can only be extrapolated from the parameters of early Judaism as it was developing, even if it was, in fact, always in competition with that development. In this respect, the tradition recorded by Flavius Josephus (-> Iosephus [4] Flavius) of an exodus of dissident priests from Jerusalem in the late Persian Period because of different notions of marriage and purity remains the likeliest scenario (Jos. Ant. Iud. 11,306312); from a historical perspective, the narrative in 2

917

918

Kings 17:24—41 cannot refer to the SRC. The dissident priestly families settled around > Sychem in S., founding a new sanctuary on the hill of Garizim (at Nablus/ Sychem) and absorbing some of the indigenous population that believed in > Yahweh (cf. Jer 41:5; on the archaeology cf. [6. 35-47]). Alongside the SRC, there

commandments stipulated in the Pentateuch [5. 151,

were always other groups, some pagan (‘Samarians’), in

S., who must not be confused with the SRC (cf. the pagan temple on the Garizim, 2 Macc 6:1 f.; Sir FOr de)s By the conquest of S. by Iohannes > Hyrcanus [2] I (late 2nd cent. BC), the SRC had stabilized at home and abroad — the first traces of a diaspora are detectable in Egypt (Jos. Ant. Iud. 13,74-79) and on Delos [5. 323326]. The destruction of the sanctuary on the Garizim did not bring about the end of the SRC, but furthered the formation of a distinctive identity and its gradual distancing from Jerusalem Judaism. Numerous religious and political tensions characterized the NT Period (Jos. Ant. Iud. 18,29 f.; 18,85—-89; 20, 118-136; cf. Tac. Ann. 12,54; Jo 4:9). A religiously motivated attempt to free the community from Roman dominion failed at the outbreak of the Jewish War (Jos. BI 3,307-315). While the compulsory Romanization of S. after AD 70 and AD 135 probably also affected the SRC, its effects are unclear (cf. [5. 219-221]). Reforms (Baba Rabba) and a growing diaspora (synagogues, e.g., in Sicily, Thessalonica) marked the revival of Samaritan culture in Late Antiquity; a distinctive independent art on a small scale (lamps) and architecture (synagogues) developed. This ‘Golden Age’ of the SRC ended with Justinian (> Iustinianus [1] I; reigned 527565), who put down Samaritan revolts in Palestine with great force [5.275 f., 291-296], but was unable to extinguish the SRC. Samaritan communities continue to exist today on the Garizim and at Tel Aviv.

SAMARITAN

162-166, 267-270]. However, its orientation towards

Garizim and partially divergent Halakhah (esp. purity regulations) still led to the estimation of the SRC in many rabbinical texts (+ Rabbinical literature) as religiously contradictory: Samaritans were neither ‘Gentiles’ nor Jews. The SRC itself saw its members as the ‘keepers’ (Somérim, popular etymology) of the covenant, vehemently disputing the Jews’ claim to be the true Israelites. Other important Samaritan literary works include the > Targum, a theologico-philosophical treatise entitled Tibat/Memar Marga and the beginnings of Samaritan synagogue literature, which arose in Late Antiquity and was added to and altered over time. A priesthood which remained active in spite of the loss of the temple meant that provisions of religious law long remained uncodified, being preserved and interpreted orally by the priests instead (unlike in Judaism after AD 70: the Mishnah). ~ Samaritan 1R.PuMMeER, The Samaritans, 1987 2A.D.CRowN (ed.), The Samaritans, 1989 3 F.DEXINGER, R. PUMMER (ed.), Die Samaritaner, 1992 4 A.D. Crown (ed.), A Companion to Samaritan Studies, 1993 5 J.ZANGENBERG, apuageia. Antike Quellen zur Geschichte und Kultur der Samaritaner in deutscher Ubersetzung, 1994 6/1d., Friihes Christentum in Samarien, 1998 7 M.Boum, Samarien und die Samaritai bei Lukas, 2000. Tez.

Samaritan. Special form of > Hebrew, in which the Samaritans (> Samaria) wrote the > Pentateuch and a

revised version of the book of Joshua. The Samaritan

Pentateuch, which is distinguished from the Masoretic Hebrew text by orthographic variants and religiously based textual changes, was earlier occasionally considered to represent a more original version; yet proto-Sa-

B. LITERATURE AND THEOLOGY The oldest document of Samaritan theology and literature is the Samaritan Pentateuch, a recension of the Jewish — Pentateuch, probably from the 2nd cent. BC

and expanded mostly by addenda to the Decalogue [5. 180-188]. Three central tenets of Samaritan theol-

ogy are recognizable from an early stage: (1) recognition of Garizim as the sole venue for right worship of God (Jerusalem is not mentioned in the Pentateuch and is therefore rejected as heretical; cf. [6. 140-148]); (2) rejection of normative writings outside the Samaritan Pentateuch (similarly the

Sadducees); and (3) espe-

cially high regard for > Moses [1] as God’s messenger, lawmaker and (with Joshua) guide into the promised land. The strict focus on Moses led to the development of a particular form of eschatology (Deut 18:15 and 18, cf. [6. 155-165]; development of the hope of resurrection only at a late stage [5. 129-131, 256 f.]). Despite constant competition with Judaism, some Halakhic (~ Halakhah) developments do seem to have run parallel (Miqwaoth, cf. [6. 24°°]). Jewish texts recognize that the SRC strove for strict observance of all

maritan Hebrew text versions have been found in + Qumran. The texts from Qumran - which are, with the exception of the Masada Fragment [1], only transmitted in later copies — are purely consonantal texts for which there is a centuries-old tradition of pronunciation. The graphemes are almost completely identical to the palaeo-Hebrew script. Samaritan inscriptions, which consist almost entirely of Biblical quotations, are found on amulets, lamps, in tombs and synagogues from the primary Samaritan towns, Mount Gerizim near Nablus/Sichem and Holon near Tel Aviv, as well as, among others, Scythopolis/Béet $°an, Delos, Thessalonica (Graeco-Samaritan inscriptions) and Ramat Aviv (Samaritan Aramaic). Very late records come from

Damascus

(c. 16th cent.). Samaritan Aramaic and Sa-

maritan Arabic manuscripts also exist. >» Judaism; > Square script 1 A.Crown,

The

Samaritans,

1989

2 J.Naven,

A

Greek Dedication in Samaritan Letters, in: IEJ 31, 1981, 220-222 358.Tatmon, Hebrew Fragments from Masada, 1999.

Ge

SAMARKAND

920

919

Samarkand see -» Maracanda

E. BIneT, Le site du ‘Palais du Sport’ 4 Amiens, in: Revue

du Nord 78, 1996, 83-96; D. Bayarp et al., Architecture

Samarobriva. Principal town of the civitas of the + Ambiani, Late Antique Ambianis, modern Amiens (Dept. Somme) at a crossing (-briva) over the » Samara

(GaeseBiGalle tec ani arooeuscese ice ham. ally2s 12,1,16; Tab. Peut. 2,3; CIL XIII 3490; Notae Tironianae 73 ZANGENMEISTER; Honorius, Cosmographia

36 Br Riese; in Ptol. 2,9,4 alternatively: Lapaodopovya/ Samarobriga; ILS 5839; It. Ant. 379,9 f.5 380,1: Samarabriva). No evidence of a preceding Celtic settlement has been found [1]. Its geographical characteristics, esp. good for transport, led to the emergence of the city of S. in the Roman Period. The main transport route laid out by Agrippa [1] in 20/19 BC (cf. Str. 4,6,11) from southern Gaul to Britain via Durocortorum (Reims), Suessonas (Soisson), Noviomagus [4] and S./Ambianis (Amiens)

to Gesoriacum

(Boulogne-sur-mer)

crossed

the Samara at S. (Tab. Peut. 2,3; It. Ant. 362 f.; CIL XIII

9032; ILS 5839) and connected to further roads on the northern side of the river (cf. It. Ant. 379,9; 380,1-6; Tab. Peut. ibid.). In the first decade AD, S. shed its military status and a civil settlement arose on an orthogonal town plan. S. saw its greatest expanse (160 hectares) under Nero (AD

54-68) and in the subsequent period was developed on large scale. Even catastrophic fires (80-95 and 160180) did not interrupt its prosperity. After the initial wooden buildings of the Tiberian Period, a ‘proto-forum’ arose (AD 60-80), followed by an actual forum with a 120 m long square, rebuilt even more splendidly in three sections after the second city fire. Evident from c. AD 100 are: a macellum on the east side; a central administration building (basilica) and a temple on the west; and adjoining this, the amphitheatre and a bath complex south (rue de Beauvais). The universal prosperity continued into the Severan Period (c. 193-235), making it all the more striking that the Late Antique trapezoid castrum

(after AD

278),

which integrated the central regions (forum, amphitheatre), now comprised an area of only 20 hectares. The barbarian attacks of 250-260 and 275 and a city fire in the mid 3rd cent. only partly explain such an extraordinary population decline: it also has deeper regional, social and economic causes (conflicts: army/senatorial class, town/country; financial crisis). Nevertheless, S., named after the civitas (+ Ambiani) in the 4th cent., was still of some importance (Notitia Galliarum 6; Amm. Marc. 15,11,10).

Cloth manufacture (sagum) and an imperial weapons factory are attested (Not. Dign. Occ. 9,39). » Magnentius built a mint around 350. Valentinianus was in Ambianis in 367/8 and here named his son Gratianus as Augustus (Amm. Mare. 27,8,1; codex Theod. 8,14; Jer.

Chron. for the year 367). In 409, S. was destroyed by the > Franci (Jer. Ep. 123,15). 1 N. BucHez, D.GEMEHL, Amiens, Decouvertes récentes,

in: Archeologia 333, 1997, 48-55.

et urbanisme en Gaule romaine, 1988, 52 f.; Id.,J.Massy, Amiens romain: $. Ambianorum, 1983; Id., Le dévelop-

pement d’Amiens romain ..., in: Rev. archéologique de Picardie, 1984, 89-112; E.FREZOULS, Les villes antiques de la France, vol. 1.1, 1982, 7-106. F.SCH.

Samarra (Sadmarra’; Theophanes Continuatus 3,36: Suaoa/Samara). Area of ruins of c. 60 km* and modern town on the left bank of the > Tigris, 100 km north of Baghdad (cf. map). At this site, known since the neo-

Assyrian Period (» Mesopotamia III D), the emperor -» Julian [11] the Apostate fell in AD 363 in battle against the > Sassanids. It was in this area, mainly inhabited by Nestorians (> Nestorius), that the Nahrawan

canal, dug in the time of + Chosroes [5] Anushirvan (period of rule 531-579) began, which became of vital importance to the Sassanid economy of the area of the eastern Tigris. At the turn of the 8th to the 9th century AD, the Abbasidian caliph Haran ar-Rasid built the residence al-Qatul in the area already favoured by the late Sassanids as a hunting area. It is still stands as an octagonal structure in the south of S. Lastly, when the

~ Abbasids moved out of Baghdad (for reasons of internal politics), this led in 832 to the founding of S. as a new capital of the kingdom under the official name of Surra Man Ra’a (‘Everyone who sees it is enchanted’). It

came into being when Islamic settlements developed beside the already existing towns of al-Matira, S. and Karh Fairaz, which accreted over time. As residence of the — caliphs and the kingdom’s metropolis, S. had magnificent palaces, gardens, boulevards with markets and zoos, and in addition served as military camp for Turkish, Iranian and Arab troops until it was abando-

ned in 892. S. reached its greatest expansion along the Tigris (c. 30 km) under caliph al-Mutawakkil (period of rule 847-861), whose building schemes comprised palaces in the south of S., such as Balkuwara,

Istabulat and

al-MuSarrahat, race tracks near the caliph’s palace Dar al-Hilafa, and also the rebuilding of the Great Mosque and the construction of over-ground and underground canals (see map). Disputes with Turkish troops persuaded al-Mutawakkil in 859 to found the city of alMutawakkiliyya to the north of S. at Mahuza, which was completed in just one year. This new town comprised beside Mutawakkil’s palace (the Qasr al-Ga‘far1),

a new Great Mosque (Abt Dulaf) and palaces for the ministries along the ‘main road’ (Sari‘ al-A‘zam), which formed S.’s main transport axis. The western side of the Tigris had consisted since the time of S.’s founding of irrigated gardens and palace complexes (Qasr al-‘A8iq), possibly also mausoleums of individual caliphs (Qubbat as-Sulaibiyya). Hafriyat Samarra’/Excayations of S. (1936-1939), 1940; E. HERZFELD, Erster vorlaufiger Bericht iiber die Ausgra-

bungen von S., 1912; Id., Geschichte der Stadt S., 1948;

Id., F.Sarre,

Archeologische

Reise im Euphrat-

und

; 3)

BALIYEMEINW 1/1NG)658— ‘198 pauopuege (L98

$snd -[2 1SeD

(928/2d)

|e-

Bey ens URW

:

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BUPUIeS /

Auiregn -[e 4ns

(a2e|eg):

(268

‘a0e/ed) ISPD

S.BIEMNH/Eg

(anbsoyw ae

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yp

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Temple

950

949 1 M.J. VERMASEREN, Corpus Inscriptionum et Monumentorum Religionis Mithriacae, 2 vols., 1956-1960 2 P.Gautigr, Le typikon du Christ Sauveur Pantocrator, in: REByz 32, 1974, I-145. S. ALCOCK, R. OsBorne (ed.), Placing the Gods. Sanctu-

aries and Sacred Space in Ancient Greece 1994; Les Bois Sacres: actes du colloque international organisé par le Centre Jean Berard 23-25 Novy. 1989, 1993; F. COARELLI, I Santuari del Lazio in eta repubblicana, 1989; I.E. EDLUND, The Gods and the Place. Location and Function

of Sanctuaries in the Countryside of Etruria and Magna Graecia (700-400 B.C.), 1987; A.FRIpH, Sacellum, Sacrarium, Fanum and Related Terms, in: $.-T. TEoporsSON (ed.), Greek and Latin Studies in Memory of Cajus Fabricius, 1990, 173-187; R.HAGG, N.MarinatTos, G.C. Norpvauist (ed.), Early Greek Cult Practice: Pro-

ceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens 26-29 June 1986, 1988; M.-C.

HELLMANN, Recherches sur le vocabulaire de l’architecture grecque, d’aprés les inscriptions de Délos, 1992; H.Jorpan, Uber die Ausdriicke aedes templum fanum delubrum, in: Hermes 14, 1879, 567-583; N. MARINATos, R. HAGe (ed.), Greek Sanctuaries, 1993. UL.EG.

SANDALPHON

persecutions of Christians; this involved the question of whether to take back Christians who had complied with the emperor’s demands for sacrifice. From then on, the Greek hdgios and the Lat. sanctus described only Christians who had led an extraordinarily exemplary life (martyrs, confessors, ascetics). 1 DuMEéziL, 130f. 2H.Fucrer, Recherches sur |’expression du sacré dans la langue latine, 1963, 179-197, 249-292

3 W.LinK,

De vocis s. usu pagano

Konigsberg), 1910.

(thesis

D.WAR.

Sancus. Semo S. Dius Fidius (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,58,4; CIL VI 30994), also called Dius Fidius, S. or

Semo S. A god of mysterious origin and nature, assumed to be of Sabine extraction (Ov. Fast. 6,213-18; Varro, Ling. 5,66). The name S. (also transmitted as Sanctus) is derived from Latin sancire, ‘to make steadfast, fix’ (but it is also explained as the Sabine word for

‘heaven’: Lydus, Mens. 4,90; [4. 116]). Semo is of unknown derivation, but is associated with semen

(‘seed’) and understood to indicate a god of sowing ([3] contra [2. 204]). The god, along with Salus Semonia (Macrob. Sat. 1,16,8), has been taken to belong to a

Sanctus (originally the perfect passive participle of the Lat. verb sancire, ‘dedicate, make inviolable’). Sanctus is not identical with > sacer, but the use of sanctior as

the comparative of sacer and the formation of the compound sacrosanctus point to a connexion going back to the Indo-European *sak- (‘endowed with existence’). Three phases of the ancient use of sanctus and the substantive sanctitas can be identified. 1. Sanctus qualifies things, places or offices defined or safeguarded in their existence, usually in a law, by a > sanctio (e.g., walls, doors, a king or a magistrate: Fest. 348 L.; Dig. 1,8,9,3; Sall. Hist. 5,3 M.; Cic. Dom. 137; Cic. Nat. D. 3,94).

group of ancient Italic deities, the Semones, who are invoked in the + Carmen Arvale (CIL I* 2,3) [2]. Dius Fidius (represented as > Zeus Pistios by Greek sources) suggests a connection with — Iuppiter. Dius Fidius and Semo S. are closely connected in the historical period (a similar double designation is used for the Umbrian deity Fisos Sancios), even if they were two separate deities in an earlier period [1. 127; 6]. This god of oaths and lightning — me Dius Fidius was a common oath formula (e.g. Gell. NA 10,14,3; Cic. Fam. 5,21,1) — was wors-

hipped on the Quirinal in Rome, near the Porta Sanqualis (today near S. Silvestro). Some sources attribute

the building of his temple to > Tarquinius [11] Priscus

2. Deriving from this is sanctus for things and per-

(Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 9,60,8; dedication not until 466

sons receiving or deserving respect (Cic. Verr. 2,3,6;

BC, dedicated 5 June: Ov. Fast. 6,213-18). In the temple, the treaty between Tarquinius Superbus and the + Gabii was kept (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,58,4). In the Imperial period, the priestly college of the sacerdotes bidentales, who played a part in propitiating lightning, was closely connected to the temple (CIL VI 568). A base of a statue found on the Tiber island with the dedication Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio refers to the god (CIL VI 567). Early Christian authors thought the statue was that of the deified > Simon [8] Magus (e.g., Tert. Apol.

Gell. NA

20,1,39), particularly the dead (Cic. Leg.

2,223 CIL XI 4629) and heroes (Val. Max. 5,3,3; CIL VI

332578). 3. From this, perhaps under the influence of the Greek hagios, developed the most frequently attested non-Christian use: ‘divine’ or ‘pertaining to a deity’, often connected with the name of a deity (Enn. Ann. 53; Liv. 2,10,11). Referring to people (kings, priests, poets or philosophers), sanctus connotes worthiness of being worshipped, a gift of divine origin (Sen. Controv. 1 pref. 9) or a moral and modest way of life (Gell. NA 15,18,2; Val. Max. 2,10,8). This last use in combina-

tion with the > ruler cult explains the use of sanctus for the Roman emperor, who, based on his merits, could be deified (Plin. Pan. 1,3; CIL II 5232), and is the origin of the Christian use of sanctus for saints. In the NT and in early Christianity the term hdgios/sanctus denotes, in its original meaning (‘belonging to god’, see above), all Christians (cf. Paul’s manner of addressing the congregations in his letters, e.g., 1 Cor 1:2). In the 3rd cent., the theory of penitence developed in the context of the

13,9). 1 LATTE, 51, 65, 126-128

2E.Norben, Aus altrémi-

schen Priesterbiichern, 1939, 204-216 3 RADKE, 286 4G.Rapke, Zur Entwicklung der Gottesvorstellung und der Gottesverehrung in Rom, 1987, 115-123 5 RICHARDSON,

347 f.

6 G. Wissowa,

Kultus der Romer, *1912, 129-133, 280.

Religion und D.E.

Sandalphon (Hebrew sandalfon). Name of one of the most important angels in rabbinic angelology. S.’s size spans from earth into the heavenly realm and he surmounts his angel companions by 500 years ‘while mak-

SANDALPHON

951

ing wreaths for his creator’ (bHag 13b with the interpretation of Ez 1:15; PesR 20 [97a]). Related traditions identified these wreaths with the prayers of Israel that S. presents to God (Bet ha-Midrasch 2,26 JELLINEK). It is highly probably that his name is derived from the Greek ovvadekdoc/synadelphos, ‘fellow brother’ (in the community of angels or specifically of throne angel » Metatron). S. also appears in - Hekhalot literature as the ‘angel who ties the crown upon his Lord’; at the same time, he is an advocate of Israel able to avert God’s curse over Israel (Merkava Rabba § 655). In the medieval Kabbalah, he is sar-ha-‘ofot, the angel who rules over the birds. K.-E. GROzINGER, Ich bin der Herr, dein Gott! Eine rabbinische Homilie zum Ersten Gebot (Pes R 20) (Frankfurter Judaistische Stud. 2), 1976, 159 ff.; P. SCHAFER, Der

verborgene und offenbare Gott. Hauptthemen der friihen judischen Mystik, 1991, 80, 99 f.

Sandals

(xédthov/pédilon,

oavdddov,

B.E.

-\ov/sandalon,

-ion; Lat. sandalion, solea, all usually plur). Sandals

(soles attached with straps to the feet and reaching up to the ankles or just above) were certainly the most common ancient footwear and were made in various variations. Greek sandals were tied with thin laces up to the ankles [2. 270, fig. 5]; only in the Roman Imperial Period did there emerge ribbon-like leather straps, crossing or running diagonally over the foot. The straps were often decorated with tooling. Sandals were worn by both women and men. They were made of leather, wood, cork and other light materials — the bax(e)a (a sandal originating in Egypt that in Rome was worn on the comic stage and by philosophers) from palm leaves, willow, etc.; in addition, precious materials (gold buckles in Ath. 12,543f) could also be used for sandals. Amongst sandals, often mention in Greek literature (Ath. 12,548c; Pl. Symp. 174a), belonged the BAavtn/ blauté worn in Athens on festive occasions. Sandadlia Tyrrbenikd, named after their origin in Etruria, also reached Greece as exports (cf. Poll. 7,92 on the sandals of Athena Parthenos). Tyrrhenikd were edged with bronze and consisted of thick, nailed, wooden, twopart soles tied together with, e.g., hemp wound round the nails as a kind of hinge, to give flexibility (for nailed shoes see — Nails). Among the sandals worn in the Roman sphere were leather solea, wooden variants of which were also used by slaves and country folk, and also gallica, introduced into Rome from Gaul in the rst cent. BC; in contrast to other types of sandals, they had a raised edge from which the straps were drawn over the foot. In myth sandals play hardly any role. - Aegeus hides a sword and sandals for his son » Theseus under a rock (Apollod. 3,208; 3,216); the lack of a sandal is a sign of recognition in the case of > Iason [1] (Apollod. 1,108, cf. Pind. Pyth. 4,75). Rather amusing is the story of Rhodopis, who, because her stolen sandals were reported to the pharaoh Psammetich, gets to know him and marries him (Ael. VH 13,33). In everyday life child-

by

ren were punished by beatings with sandals (Lucian, Dialogi deorum

19,1/11,1; Lucian, Philopseudes

28;

Pers. 5,169; Juv. 6,612, cf. also the Delphic festival of atonement Charila, Plut. Quaest. Graec. 12); for adults

this could be an erotic stimulant [1]. Sandals were also used as votive gifts to goddesses (e.g., Anth. Pal. 5,199; 6,201; 293).

Numerous remains of sandals preserved in graves (cf. Lucian. philopseudes 27) and settlements have been found, primarily in Roman military camps and castella (esp. in the northern provinces of the Roman empire), although only in small fragments [3]. Only the Roman and Coptic graves in the dry regions of Egypt yield up well-preserved samples, on which details of the lacing can be verified [4]. A more precise chronology is not possible when there is no find context to give information. > Karbatine; > Krepis [2]; > Shoes (with illustration) 1 J.BoaRDMAN, Athenian Red Figure Vases, 1975, fig. 112,241 2W.K.Kovasovics, Ein Sandalenfund aus dem Kerameikos, in: MDAI(A) 99, 1984, 265-274 pl. 46 f. (remains of a classical leather sandal from Athens)

3 A.L. BuscH,

Die roémerzeitlichen

Schuh-

und

Leder-

funde der Kastelle Saalburg, Zugmantel und Kieiner Feldberg, in: Saalburg-Jahrbuch. 22, 1965, 158-210 4 R.Forrer, Archaologisches zur Geschichte des Schuhs aller Zeiten, 1942, pl. 22 et passim. K. ERBACHER, Griechisches Schuhwerk, thesis Wurzburg 1914; O. Lau, Schuster und Schusterhandwerk in der griechischen und roémischen Kunst und Literatur, 1967; HELBIG, NO. §97, 2552. RH.

Sandhi. The Indian word sandhi- (masc.) ‘putting together, linking’, a term used by Indian grammarians, was adopted by European linguistics in the middle of the r9th cent. in view of the lack of a corresponding term from Classical Antiquity. It describes (1) the ‘coming together’ of word-final phonemes with word-initial phonemes, esp. of words in a syntactic relationship (hence also the term ‘sentence phonetics’), and also words occurring as members of nominal and verbal compounds; (2) (more frequently) the sound changes thus resulting at the point of contact between independent words or members of a compound. The latter often correspond with those also found at morpheme boundaries within a word or word form. Nevertheless, san-

dhi exhibits such noteworthy properties between independent words, especially in word-final position, that it merits a consistent treatment as a special area of > phonetics and phonology. In both Vedic and Classical Sanskrit, which have exemplary significance for the understanding of sandhi phenomena, the comparatively strict sandhi rules effect that words in the context of the sentence appear in numerous forms varying both in terms of phonetics/phonology and of writing/graphemics. In Greek, Latin and also in other languages, in contrast, the effects of sandhi are reflected in writing only to a very limited extent. This is the case, for example, in

2)

954

the manifestations of sandhi attributed to assimilation in places where the members of nominal and verbal compounds meet. There the phonetic and phonological evidence is largely taken into account also in writing (cf. Greek éy-yatoc, éu-ogoc and év-S0Eog; ovy-xaréw, ovpBadkAw and ovv-tattw; Latin suf-fragium, sup-par and

ally understood to cover the very rare case of the dropping of the last of three vowels coming together in a

sub-oles; con-tendo, col-loco, cor-ripio and com-edo).

More rarely, this is found when a writer is evidently making an effort at an accurate written rendition of sandhi between words (Cretan Greek tou wateda < tov uw. [r. no. 72, XII 13], [ma]tQdd Sovto¢g < matedc 4. [1. VX, 7/75, WY PAID).

Otherwise, orthographic considerations or efforts at clarity readily lead to a tendency to give words and word forms a uniform appearance, in whatever position in the sentence context they occur, and so to stand-

ardize them. Phonetic spelling of sandhi is therefore most likely encountered where the writer acts unwittingly or even carelessly. Thus, spellings reflecting assimilation may be found between words, particularly in syntactically closely related sequences of words (Delphic Greek tovv vowoug < tovs v.; Laconic é4 Aauxedatwova < é¢ A.; Hellenistic Ou meoonvéyxato < wv m., Mitteis/Wilcken 2,2, no. 283,7; Latin IM PACE, CIL VIII 10542; SVP TEMPLO, CIL VI 10251Aa). Similar inferences can occasionally be made from — prosody.

Occurrences of vowel sandhi are often due to efforts to avoid hiatus (Latin hiatus ‘gaping [as of a wound’], Byzantine Greek yaoumdta/chasmoidia), i.e. a collision between word-final and word-initial vowels. For some instances of vowel sandhi, special terms have been in use from Antiquity onwards: a) crasis: ‘mixing’ of a final vowel or diphthong with the initial vowel or diphthong of the following word, as a rule marked with a coronis’

on the first, non-initial vowel (Greek tdxet
N (linguistics).

+ Phonetics sody

and Phonology;

1 M.Guarvuccr

> Punctuation;

(ed.), Inscriptiones

Creticae,

— Provol. 4:

Tituli Gortynii, 1950. W.S. ALLEN, S.: The Theoretic, Phonetic, and Historical Bases of Word-Junction in Sanskrit, *1972; H.ANDERSEN

(ed.), Sandhi Phenomena in the Languages of Europe, 1986; C.D. Buck, Greek Dialects, 1955, 77-85; M. LEJEUNE, Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien, 1972, 351-383; LEUMANN, 134; SCHWYZER, Gramm. 395-414; SOMMER/PFISTER, 211-223. CH.

Sandon (Savéwv/Sdndon, also Davdbac/Sdndas, Lavbye/ Sandés, Lat. Sandan) was probably originally a Luwian god of weather and vegetation with characteristics of a war god and, to a lesser extent, of a sun god. In the Zarpiya ritual of Kizzuwatna in southeastern Asia Minor (KUB IX 31 II 22 f.; [7. 141; 8. 340]) he appears

as “§q-an-ta-as-LUGAL-ué, ‘king Santa’’. He is identified with -— Marduk, written ideographically as 4AMAR.UD. A rock relief at Ivriz on the northern slopes of the Taurus (7th/6th cent. BC [6. 331; 1. 21] contains a pictorial representation of S. with grapes and a bunch of corn ears in his hands (cf. a terracotta plaque from Tarsus [4; 5]). Kubaba (— Cybele) is his consort already in Hittite and Luwian sources [2]; the phrase st kpp appears in an incantation in the London Medical Papyrus [2. 5f.]. In Greek times, particularly the Hellenistic period, S., whose worship spread in western Asia Minor as far as Lydia, became the city god of > Tarsus, the home of the apostle Paul {II 2]; as such, S. is represented as ‘Baal of Tarsus’

and

‘Zeus

Tersios’

3. 107]; according to Amm.

on

coins

[1. 19-23;

Marc. 14,8,3, > Perseus

{t] or an anthropomorphous S. founded Tarsus [6. 320]. S. is also identified with - Heracles [1]. According to Dion. Chrys. Tarsicus I (33,47), his death by fire was ritually commemorated in Tarsus [6. 323]; as it was, according to (Ps.-)Lucian

(De Syria Dea 49), in

Hierapolis in Phoenicia (+ Bambyce) [6. 329]. 1 H.B6uitc, Die Geisteskultur von Tarsos im augusteischen Zeitalter, 1913 2H.T. Bossert, Santas und Kupapa, 1932 (repr.1972) 3 A.ERZEN, Kilikien bis zum Ende der Perserherrschaft, 1940 4H.GoLDMAN, The

Santon Monument of Tarsus, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society 60, 1940, 544-553 5 Id., S. and Hera-

SANDON

955

956

kles, in: Hesperia Suppl. 8, 1949, 164-174, pl. 18 6O.HO6OFER, s.v. Sandes, ROSCHER 4, 319-334 7 A.KAMMENHUBER, Zu den epichorischen Sprachen Kleinasiens, in: Das Altertum 4, 1958, 131-141 8 B.ScHwartz, The Hittite and Luwian Ritual of Zarpiya of Kezzewatna, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society 58, 1958, 334-353. H.-P.M.

after a fierce battle (Arr. Anab. 5,22-24; Polyaenus, Strat. 4,3,30).

Sandracottus (Arr. Anab. 5,6,2: Savdodxortoc/ Sandrakottos, Str. 15,1,36: Lavdooxo0tt0¢c/Sandrokottos, Plut. Alexander 62: “Avéodxott0c/Andrakottos,

Just. Epit. 15,4: Sandracottus, Old Indo-Iranian Tschandragupta). Indian king (c. 320-298 BC) of the Mauryan Dynasty, king of the > Prasii and founder of the Mauryan Empire (> Mauryas with map). In Indian sources, his life is connected with legends, and parts of a S. legend are also found in Justin (15,4). He concluded a peace with Seleucus following a conflict of which no details are known (Str. 15,2,9, App. Syr. 282). His court was visited by the Hellenistic emissary > Megasthenes. H.ScuHarrFeE, The Maurya Dynasty and the Seleucids, in: ZVS 85, 1971, 211-225;

und

die Maurya-Dynastie,

F.F. SCHWARZ,

Die Griechen

in: F.ALTHEIM,

R.STIEHL

(ed.), Geschichte Mittelasiens im Altertum, 1970, 267-

316; Id., Candragupta — Sandrokottos. Eine historische Legende in Ost und West, in: Das Altertum 18, 1972, 85102; Id., Herrschaftslowe und Kriegselefant. Literaturver-

gleichende Beobachtungen zu Pompeius Trogus, in: M.B. DE Boer (ed.), Hommages a M. J. Vermaseren, vol. 3, 1978, 1116-1142; L.SKURZAK, Le traité syro-indien de paix en 305, selon Strabon et Appien d’Alexandrie, in: Eos 54, 1964, 225-229.

A. HERRMANN, S. Vv. Layyada, RE 1 A, 1740.

K.K.

Sangarius (Layycouoc/Sangdrios). River in Asia Minor, modern Sakarya, c. 520 km long, source (according to Str. 12,3,7; cf. 12,4,43 5,3) 150 stadia from — Pessinus (according to Liv. 38,18,8 at mons Adoreus) in Phrygia (» Phryges). The headwaters of the upper course collect the water of the Phrygian highlands. In the prehistoric era, the southern river system of the S. was more significant; it carried away the precipitation from the area around Ilgin in the south to Yunak and today has left evidence of itself in a heavily buried valley system with only partial or irregular, low water flow — though even in the historical era it was significantly larger —and feeds the previously extensive Ak Gol whose runoff still formed the second main arm of the S. in historical times. The S. flows in an arc around the Sivrihisar mountains to the east, then curves to the north in a river plain and finally breaks through the Kagkar mountains to the west in a long, canyon-like valley. East of Nicaea [5], it breaks through the mountain ranges to the north and enters the basin of Adapazari; thence it flows into the + Pontos Euxeinos, the Black Sea. The S. was well known to the Greeks quite early as the main river of western Asia Minor [1]. 1 W.RuGE, s.v. Sangarios (1), RE 1 A, 2269 f.

W.-D. Httreroty, Tirkei, 1982, 51-53.

K.ST.

K.K,

Sanhedrin see > Synhedrion Sane (Zavv/Sane). [1] Colony of > Andros on the south side of the isthmus of the Chalcidian Acte (— Chalcidice) at the end of the canal built by Xerxes (Hdt. 7,22 f.; 123). As a member of the + Delian League, S. paid on average one talent a year in the 5th cent. BC (ATL 1,396 f.). In 432 BC, at

the onset of the > Peloponnesian War, S. remained on Athens’ side and in the winter of 424/423 resisted the attack by > Brasidas (Thuc. 4,109,3; 5). In 415/414, S. again appeared in the Athenian lists of tribute quotas (ATL 2,397); after that, S. can no longer be found even in the geographical literature and therefore appears to have been annexed by its larger neighbour » Acanthus lacie

{2] Hdt. 7,123,1 locates a second city of S. on the west coast of the - Pallene [4] south of Potidaea; Str. 7,330,

fr. 27, lists it among the cities of the peninsula, but nothing is known about its history. M. ZAuRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 219-221.

M.Z.

Sanni (Zcavvou; Sdnnoi). In Str. 12,3,18 a term for the tribe formerly called - Macrones, to the southwest of

> Trapezus. O.LoRDKIPANIDZE, Das alte Georgien in Strabons Geographie, 1996, 158-163. APL.

Sannyrion (Zavvugiwv/Sannyrion). Attic comedic poet

of the end of the 5th cent. BC, mocked by his competitors for his skinniness [1. test. 3]. The titles of three plays and 13 fragments with a total of eight and a half verses have been handed down: the Téswe (Gélds, ‘Laughter’) featured a talking god (fr. r) and mocked the tragedian > Meletus [3] (fr. 2) and + Aristophanes [3] (fr. 5); in the Aavan (Danae), dated to 407-404 BC, Zeus considers what shape would be best for him to get to his Danae and in the process makes fun of the tragedic actor Hegelochus (fr. 8); the “Im (16), also on a mythical theme, contains curses on parasites (fr. 11). 1 PCG VII, 1989, 585-589.

Sangala (Zayyado/Sangala). Capital and fortress of the Indian — Cathaei in the Punjab, to the east of Hydraotes (modern Iravati). The city was conquered and destroyed in 326 by - Alexander [II 4] the Great

H.-G.NE,

Sanquinius. Q. S. Maximus. Son of a senator of the Augustan period, possibly M. Sanquinius, the Master of the Mint (RIC I 2 337; 342). S. became consul on 1

OST

958

February AD 39 instead of + Caligula, perhaps until the end of June (Cass. Dio 59,13,2); at the same time he may have been a > poliarchos [2] (praefectus urbi). CIL X 905 and Tac. Ann. 6,4,3 are also seen as relating to S.; in that case he would have been cos. suff. by c. 21/2, but cos. II in 39. This reconstruction must, however, remain uncertain. In c. 46 he was legate of the army of Lower Germany; he also died there (Tac. Ann. 11,18,1).

Circle,’ ceramic forms) as well as Celtic influences (iron gear, weapons). S. and the corresponding group of finds is believed to have belonged to the Raetian population of the central Alpine region. -» Raeti, Raetia; > Situla

Eck, Statthalter, 116.

W.E.

Santoni. Celtic tribe in southwestern Gaul (Caes. B Gallo. 2,20;53: 465:3,02,5; Mela 33235-It. Anty.459,35 Str.

4,2,1;

6,11:

LavtovedSantones),

Zavtovov/Sdntonoi;

in the modern

Ptol.

2,7,7:

Saintonge (Dépt.

Charente-Maritime, partially Dépt. Charente [1]). The S. participated in the rebellion of > Vercingetorix in 52 BC (Caes. B Gall. 7,75,3). Under Roman rule, they formed a > civitas of the province of > Aquitania (Plin. HN 4,108: S. liberi) with their capital at Mediolan(i)um

SAPAUDIA

P. GLEIRSCHER, Die Rater, 1991;1.R. METZGER, P. GLEIRSCHER (eds.), Die Raeter —I Reti, 1992; J. NOTHDURFTER,

Die Eisenfunde von S. im Nonsberg, (R6misch-Germanische Forschungen 38), 1979.

VP.

Sao (Sac/Sao, ‘protector (fem.)’, ‘saviour’). Daughter of + Nereus and > Doris [I 1], one of the + Nereids (Hes. Theog. 243; Apollod. 1,11). N.IcArD-GIANOLIO, s.v. S., LIMC 7.1, 666.

SILA.

Saosduchinos (Zaoodovytvoc/Saosdouichinos). Hellenized form of the Assyro-Babylonian royal name SamaéSuma-ukin in the so-called ‘Ptolemaic Canon’ (Claudius

cloak (Santonicus cucullus: Juv. 8,145; Mart. 14,128),

~+ Ptolemaeus [65]; cf. - Nabonassar; in Beros(s)us, hypocoristically Samoges; FGrH 680 F 7,34). Though the elder son of + Asarhaddon, by his father’s decree S. received only Babylonia as his realm, while the younger + Assurbanipal assumed the succession in Assyria. Even as king of Babylon, S. was under the suzerainty of his brother, against whom he rebelled in 652 BC, supported by the Sealand and > Elam (the precise reasons for the revolt are not known). Defeated in 648 after four years of fighting, he died during the capture of Babylon (murder or suicide [1. 153 f.]). Kandalanu was appointed as his successor in Babylon (648-627). Later tradition regarding the death of S. is reflected in DELACROIX and in the > Sardanapalus opera (e.g., by HER-

ships, oysters (Auson. 5,31); inscriptions: [2. 51-55].

TEL).

[4] Santonum (> Gallia, with map). Under — Diocletianus, this was added to the province Aquitania II (Notitia Galliarum 13,5). The Roman citizens belonged to the tribus Voltinia (CIL XIII 1037-1048). Several S. appear in inscriptions as soldiers (CIL XIII 1o41), priests at the altar of + Roma [1] and Augustus at + Lugdunum (CIL XIII 1036; 1042-1045; 1049) and priests in the > ruler cult (CIL XIII 1048); the sponsor of the amphitheatre of Tres Galliae in Lugdunum at the time of Tiberius wasa S. (AE 1959, 81). Products of the country: the wormwood plant absinthium (Santonica herba: Columella 6,25) used as medicine, the hooded

1 C. VERNOU, Charente (Carte archéologique de la Gaule

1 G. FraME, Babylonia 689-627 B.C. A Political History,

16), 1993

1992, 102-190 ~=—-.2Id., Rulers of Babylonia. From the Second Dynasty of Isin to the End of the Assyrian Domination (Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Babylonian Periods 2), 1995, 248-259. J.OE.

2P.WuILLEUMIER,

Trois Gaules, 1963.

Inscriptions latines des

OE,

Santra. A Roman tragic poet and scholar whose floruit should probably be dated to the mid-first century BC. As the author of biographies of literary figures, he was a predecessor of -> Suetonius [2] (vgl. Jer. Vir. ill., praef.),

who cites him as an authority on - Terentius (vita Ter. 31,10 ff. REIFFERSCHEID) and > Lucilius [I 6] (Suet. gramm. 14,4). Quint. inst. 12,10,16 attributes to hima

shrewd observation on the origin of > Asianism. S. also composed a work De antiquitate verborum, in at least three books. GRF 384-389; R.MAzzacang, 1982, 189-224.

S., in: Studi Noniani 7, R.ALK.

Sanzeno. Site (in Nonsberg — Val di Non near Trento/ South Tyrol) which gave its name to an archaic group of finds (group ‘Fritzens-S.’) from the Early Iron Age (5th— rst cents. BC); S. was a fortified settlement rich in material finds revealing local South Alpine and Etruscan elements (the adorned bronze containers of the ‘Situla

Saoterus + Cubicularius of - Commodus, so a slave. When Commodus returned to Rome as in triumph in AD 180, S$. stood behind the emperor on the chariot. According to HA Comm. 3,6, he was his lover. For his home town » Nicomedia,

S. obtained the Senate’s permission to

build a temple for Commodus and to establish an agon (Cass. Dio 72,12,2). He is supposed to have been hated

by the people of Rome because of his influence; that is why he was killed by -» frumentarii of the praetorian praefects (HA Comm. 4,5). The evidence on his person, however, is probably considerably distorted. WE,

Sapaudia. Territory in Gallia ripariensis. The earliest evidence (Amm. Marc. 15,11,17) is corrupt and cannot

be used to support localisation in modern Savoy. Further evidence: Not. Dign. Occ. 42,15 (praefectus barbaricorum Ebruduni, modern Yverdon-les-Bains on Lake Neuchatel, Sapaudiae) and 42,179 (tribunus

SAPAUDIA

959

cohortis Flaviae Sapaudi|c|ae Calarone). In AD 443, the > Burgundiones escaping from their annihilation at the hands of the Hunni were settled here by Aetius [2] (Chron. min. 1, 660,128). Ground studies suggest that S. was in the Swiss highlands north of > lacus Lemanus including lacus Eburodunensis (Lake Neuchatel), and, in the south west, along the -» Rhodanus to the Ain, where it bars the entrance to the Rhéne valley. ~ Burgundiones

960

slaught against Syria began in the spring of 253, during which a Roman army was defeated at Barbalissus, Antiochia [1] was occupied, and the attempt to conquer Emesa failed (+ Uranius [o]). A new Persian assault in

Saphar (Saddo/Saphar: Periplus maris Erythraei 23; Sapphar: Plin. HN 6,26; Ldanbae/Sapphar: Prol.

256 led to the capture of +» Dura-Europus. In 260, S. defeated the Romans at Edessa [2], taking emperor Valerianus captive, and Antioch was occupied for a second time. S.’s spectacular successes were, however, diminished by the counter-initiative of > Odaenathus [2] of Palmyra, who in 262 took Carrhae and Nisibis from the Persians, advancing as far as Ctesiphon. He again threatened the Persian royal residence c. 266, but was murdered in the following year. S., who concealed these later reverses, seems to have formulated the report of his deeds only late in his life, leaving the completion of the inscription to his successor -» Hormisdas [1] I. -» Sassanids (with map)

6,7,41). The city of Zafar, referred to as ZFR in an in-

1 M. Back, Die sassanidischen Staatsinschriften, 1978.

H.H. Anton, M. Martin, s. v. Burgunden, RGA 4, 23 5271, here 241; P.Duparc,

383; R.Marti, H.GAILLARD DE 1995, 120-142.

La S., in: CRAI,

1958, 371-

L’installation des Burgondes en S., in: SEMAINEVILLE

(ed.), Les

Burgondes F.SCH.

scription (CIS IV 312,6), located near present-day Yerim. It replaced + Mariaba as the capital of the Homeritae. AD. Saphrax (Ladoaé/Saphrax). Ostrogoth; he and Alatheus were legal guardians of — Vetericus (Viderich) (son of > Vidimir; Amm. Marc. 31,3,3); after crossing the Danube (after 375), he fought in the battle near + Hadrianopolis [3] in AD 378 (Amm. 31,4,12). In 380 (2), he settled in Pannonia (Zos. 4,34,2 f.; lord. Get. 140 f.). 1PLRE 1, 802

2F.PascHoup

(ed.), Zosime, Histoire

nouvelle, vol. 2,2, 1979, 406-408 (with French translation).

WE.LU.

Sapientia see > Wisdom Sapis. A river, which gives its name to the tribus Sapinia, modern Savio; rises in the Appennines in the north of Umbria (Plin. HN 3,115; Str. 5,1,11: Damtc; Sapis);

~ Sarsina is in its upper reaches. It flows through the region of Caesena into the Aemilia and joins the Ionian Sea (+ Ionios Kolpos) to the south of Ravenna. It was

crossed by the via Popilia at the road station S. between Ariminum and Ravenna (Tab. Peut. 5,1: Sabis).

Alp

Sapor (Persian Sapur, Greek Sammoenc/Sapores). [1] ISon of + Ardashir [1] and Great King of Persia AD

240/242-272, of the dynasty of the > Sassanids. The main source for his reign is the trilingual inscription

E. KETTENHOFEN, RGmer und Sasaniden in der Zeit der Reichskrise (TAVO B V 11), 1982; Id., Die romisch-per-

sischen Kriege des 3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (TAVO-Beiheft B 55), 1982; M. MEYER, Die Felsbilder Shapurs I., in: JDAI 105, 1990, 237-302;

Z. RuBIN, The Roman Empire

in the Res Gestae Divi Saporis, in: E.DaBRowa (ed.), Ancient Iran and the Mediterranean World (Electrum 2), 1998, 177-186; M.ScHoTrky, Dunkle Punkte in der armenischen K6nigsliste, in: AMI 27, 1994, 223-235, esp. 226-235.

[2] I Great-grandson of S. [1], Great King of Persia AD

309-379. His reign was characterized by a persecution of Christians that lasted almost 40 years and by wars against the Romans. The struggles against Constantius {2] Il remained fruitless: in 3 43 (344?) the Persians were defeated at Singara, and they besieged Roman > Nisibis in vain in 338 and 346. A third attempt to take the city in 350 was interrupted due to a Chionite assault, but after their defeat in 359, the Persians succeeded in capturing > Amida. The offensive of emperor Julian (> lulianus [11]) ended in disaster: after the emperor’s death in 363, his successor > Iovianus was forced to

accept S.’s difficult peace terms, which brought the Persians considerable territorial gains. S.’s attempts to annex Armenia led shortly before his death to the imposition of two Persian puppets to rule four-fifths of Armenia. » Parthian and Persian wars M. SCHOTTKY, S.Vv. Sapur II., LMA 7, 1375 f.

(Middle Persian, Parthian, Greek) discovered in 193 6-

[3] Il Son of S. [2], Great King of Persia AD 383-388.

1939 on the Ka‘ba-ye Zardost in -» Naqs-e Rostam (near > Persepolis), the so-called Res Gestae Divi Saporis (= RGDS; [1. 284-371]; > Trilingual inscriptions). S. defeated > Gordianus [3] II] in 244 at Misiché (Piris-

He ended his father’s persecution of the Christians and signed a treaty with Rome in 384 or 387 on the partition of Armenia.

abora) in Assyria; Gordianus died under suspicious cir-

cumstances. S. compelled the new emperor > Philippus {II 2] Arabs to accept a peace unfavourable to the Romans. In 252, the Persians conquered Armenia followed by additional Caucasian regions. A Persian on-

E.KeTTENHOFEN graphisches

s.v. Sahpuhr III., Biographisch-biblio-

Kirchenlexikon

(ed. F.W.

Bautz),

vol. 8,

1994, 1078-1081.

On S. [1-3]: C.E. Bosworth, s.v. Shapur I-III, El’ 9, 1997, 309. M.SCH.

961

962

Sapphire (odndeigos/sdppheiros, Latin sapp(h)irus). A precious stone, identical not with our modern sapphire, but with the speckled > lapis lazuli (Theophr. 8; 23 and

C. INTERPRETATION S. is a particularly interesting case in the history of reception. The absence of any documentary records allowed interpreters to align her with their own ideals and preconceived notions, esp. in the area of sexuality. The major focus of academic attention in the 2oth cent. was dominated by the question of the quality of S.’s relationship with the other women in her group. WiLAMOWITZ famously suggested that she had been a kind of teacher [19] entrusted with the education of young girls; equally famous, his notion of a > thiasos (though the term does not occur in the frr.) or ‘circle’ of school girls. Even though this theory has repeatedly come under attack, esp. by English-speaking scholars (e.g., [10; 11; 14}), it still seems essentially plausible: S.’s customary audience seems to have been a group of girls and women. The Suda distinguishes between ‘companions’ (étateav/hetairai) and ‘pupils’ (uaOryrevl/mathetriai); and an ancient commentary published in 1974 maintains that S. taught the daughters of the local and the Ionian nobility [8. 202]. Occasional references to a parallel with > Alcman’s partheneia (> Partheneion) is misleading: his poems were composed under state commission for Spartan girls, while S.’s group gives no sign of civic sponsorship [17. 1235]. The frequent reference in her poems to departure and absence and the numerous wedding songs, taken together, suggest that most of the members of her circle shared their lives together for a restricted period of time prior to their respective marriages. S. exercised a presumably cultic and educational role. She speaks of her ‘house of those who serve the Muses’ (fr. 150). Homoeroticism was likely as much a part of the education of young women as that of young men (> Homosexuality); and + Aphrodite’s presence is ubiquitous in the frr. Love is the dominant topic in the longer frr. S. describes -> Eros as ‘bittersweet’ (yAuxbmxeosc/ glykypikros, fr. 130), probably an expression she had coined herself. These longer frr. frequently dwell on the sorrow of the present moment, with consolation often provided by Aphrodite or memory; both of these elevate the poet over the sorrow of the present. Fr. 1 is a request to Aphrodite for consolation; the poem spans an emotional curve from despair to reassurance by recalling an > epiphany of the goddess. Fr. 16 is famous for its justification of love as the measure of all things: the exemplum of > Helena [I 1] who left her family for love is a tribute to love, but the departed is viewed from the perspective of those left behind, reminding S. of her absent friend Anactoria. Fr. 31, probably the single most famous poem to come down from Antiquity, describes in four stanzas the reaction of S. (much discussed, cf. [13. 175-177]) to seeing a man in conversation with an unnamed girl.

37 E1cHHoLz; Plin. HN

33,68 and 161; 37,119 f.),

which was introduced from Egypt by the Greeks. It was not until the 3rd cent. AD onwards that it was used by the Romans for jewellery or amulets. 1 D.E. ErcHHo1z (ed.), Theophrastus De lapidibus, 1965.

C.HU.

Sappho (Zandw/Sappho; Wanpw/Psappho). Greek A. Lire B. Works C. GUAGE, METRE, STYLE

in her self-designation, fr. 1: poet c. 600 BC. INTERPRETATION D. LanE. RECEPTION

A. LIFE Lyric poet, born at + Mytilene or > Eresus on + Lesbos. Was regularly synchronized in Antiquity with the poet > Alcaeus [4] and the statesman > Pittacus (e.g., Str. 13,617). The date recorded in the Suda s.v. 2.—the 42nd Olympiad = 612-609 BC — could refer either to her birth or to her akme. The latter is the more likely and accords with the notice in the > Marmor Parium that she went into exile in Sicily between 603/02 and 596/95 (FGrH 239,36), when she seems to have had her daughter Cleis with her (fr. 98; 132). That fits the notice in Euseb. Chron. Ol. 45.1 that she was famous in 600/599. Sappho’s brother Larichus poured wine in the prytaneion in Mytilene (fr. 203); another brother, Charaxus, formed a liaison with a prostitute, ~ Rhodopis or Doricha, in Egypt (S. test. 254 Voigt). The Suda supplies other family names including that of a husband, one Cercylas from Andros, but this name may be a pun and a fabrication of comic poets [7. 2361]). The story of her love for > Phaon [1] and suicide is almost certainly fictional.

B. Works S. was assumed into the Alexandrian > canon [1] of the nine lyric poets, and her works were collected by

metre in 8 books. A collection of her epithalamia (+ Hymenaios) was drawn from the last of these books

[21]. Bk. 1 alone comprised 1320 lines, i.e. 33.0 Sapphic stanzas (fr. 30); the only completely extant poem (fr. 1) contains seven Sapphic stanzas and probably originally came from this book (on her metre, see — Metre [V.

D.4] and table). Nothing of the elegiac and iambic poetry mentioned in POxy. 1800 fr. 1 is extant, and the three epigrams attributed to S. in the Anthologia Palatina (FGE 181-186) are probably of Hellenistic origin. The sparse remains in quotations by ancient authors have in modern times been augmented with numerous, but very sketchy, fragments from Late Antique book texts on papyrus or parchment, compiled and published in 1925 by E.Loset [2]. The 1955 edition by E. LOBEL and D. Pace became the standard for the numbering of her poems [3], superseded and expanded in the now standard edition by E.-M. VoricT (1971) [6].

SAPPHO

Certainly, S. contrasts her response, which is a sensed

proximity of death, to the reaction of the man ‘who seems equal to the gods’. The four stanzas quoted by +» Pseudo-Longinus and rephrased by Catullus (see below) do not seem to be the entire poem. Fr. 94 begins

SAPPHO

963

with a desire to die, but it is unclear whether this wish is

uttered by S. or was spoken in the past by the departing girl whom S. consoles in the remainder of the fr. through a catalogue of remembered common pleasures. Attributing the death wish to S. (defended by [16. 113119]) is probably the more likely alternative, as it anchors the poem in the present, rendering it an indirect self-consolation. The focus in fr. 96 is again the longing for lost intimacy; here, too, present pain is contrasted with the joys of the past by evoking a woman, now in Lydia, consumed by her grief for Atthis. Fr. 44, possibly an epithalamion (wedding song, cf. +> Hymenaios [2]), narrates » Hector’s joyful return to Troy with his bride -» Andromache; ancient listeners (and modern readers), however, will have recalled Andromache’s lament at the end of the Iliad when Hector’s body is brought back to Troy. Fr. 2, transmitted on an - ostrakon, calls Aphrodite to a grove more redolent of an imaginary paradise than a real landscape; the epiphany has been interpreted in ritual, erotic or mystical terms [13.171-172]. The fragments usually thought to be epithalamia are difficult to assign to specific moments in the wedding ceremony. They are affectionate, humorous and sometimes quite bawdy. Some of them were undoubtedly sung by a chorus. A lament for > Adonis (fr. 140), which must have been part of a women’s festival, is addressed to maidens (xoQa/ko6rai). Some scholars incline to the view that S.’s entire poetic ceuvre was designed for choral performance.

964 three poems inspired by S. The poet Hilda DOOLITTLE (see [15]) was also greatly influenced by S., and Ezra POUND wrote a famous fragment consisting of four words and entitled Papyrus. Pictorial depictions of S$. were quite common in Antiquity [17. 1238-40]; one such, on an early > kalathos in Munich (GL 2416), is memorably mentioned by RILKE ina letter of 25 July 1907. poetry; » Eroticism; —» Homosexuality; —> Lyric > Metre (table and [III D]); + Women authors EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTARIES: 1 Z.FRrany6 (ed.), Friihgriechische Lyriker, vol. 3, 1976 (with

German

trans.

and comm.)

2

Lampovs péhyn, 1925 3 Lopel/PAGE A.PuECH (eds.), Alcée, Sapho 1937 (with 5 M. Trew, S.: Lieder, 1979 and comm.) 6 E.-M. Voiar (ed.), trans. and comm.) 1971. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

E.Losez

(ed.),

4 T.REINACH, French trans. (with German S. et Alcaeus,

7 W.ALY,s.v.S., RE 1 A, 2357-2385

8 D.A. CAMPBELL, Greek Lyric, vol. 1, 1982 9J.E.DE JEAN, Fictions of S.: 1546-1937, 1989 10E.GREENE (ed.), Reading S., 1996

11 Id. Re-Reading S., 1996

12 E.-M.Hamm, Grammatik zu S. und Alkaios, 1957 13 B.C. MAcLACHLAN, S., in: D.E. GERBER (ed.), A Com-

panion to the Greek Lyric Poets, 1997, 156-186 14 D.L. Pace, S. and Alcaeus, 1955 15 M.REYNOLDs, The S. Companion, 2000 16 W.SCHADEWALDT, S., 1950 17M. Trev, s.v. S., RE Suppl. 11, 1222-1240 18 M.L. West, Greek Metre, 1982 19 U. von WILAMOWiITZ-MOELLENDORFF, S. und Simonides, 1913

20 M. Witiiamson, S.’s Immortal Daughters, 1995 21 D. YATROMANOLAKIS, Alexandrian Sappho Revisited, in: HSPh 99, 1999, 179-195.

ER.

D. LANGUAGE, METRE, STYLE

The poetry of S., like that of Alcaeus, is in the Aeolic dialect, characterized by lack of aspiration at the beginning of words (psilosis) and by recessive accent (> Aeo-

Sappho Painter. Late Attic black-figure vase painter, c. 510-490 BC, named for the depiction of + Sappho

lic). The metres, too, are those designated as Aeolic [12. 29-34], with predominance of glyconics

Museum Inv. 142333). To date, 95 vessels have been

(with

epigraph)

on

a kalpis

in Warsaw

(National

(> Metre). Stanzas frequently consist of three lines,

ascribed to the SP, 70% of them lekythoi, in addition to

with the third an amplification of the first two (aaA):

other small vessels, some large vessels, tomb slabs and epinetra (> Epinetron). Almost half of his paintings are white-ground. The SP did not use the red-figure tech-

the Sapphic stanza is best analyzed in this way. S.’s language is clear and straightforward, but the apparent simplicity conceals great sophistication. In Antiquity, her language was admired for its euphony (Dion. Hal. Comp. 23). E. RECEPTION Poem 51 of -> Catullus {1] is a free translation of fr.

31. The Sapphic stanza was much used by later poets, in particular by -» Horatius [7]. S. had considerable influence on Horatius in other respects, too (cf. Hor. Carm. 3530,133 2,13,25; Hor. Epist. 1,19,28). Ovid’s fictitious letter by S. to Phaon (Ov. Epist. 15) stands firmly in the long tradition of fictions about S. which continued into modern times: both GRILLPARZER’s tragedy Sappho and Gounop’s first opera Sapho (1851) were adaptations of the Phaon story. LEOPARD! wrote an Ultimo Canto di Saffo (1822), while in his Sapphische Ode (Op. 94, no. 5) BRAHMS set to music the Sapphic stanzas by Hans SCHMIDT. RILKE’s Neue Gedichte include

nique predominant at the time, but he did occasionally use what is known as Six’s technique, in which the figures were painted, completely or in part, on the black lustre using various earth colours, and completed with incisions. His mostly conventional subjects were treated in a casual, more or less cursory technique and enlivened with pseudo-inscriptions. However, there are also careful drawings, a few fitting inscriptions and entirely independent image conceptions, including, among others, his uncommon scenes from the cult of the dead. For some time, the Diosophus painter worked in the same workshop as the SP. -» Vase painting, black-figured BEAzLEY, ABV 507 f., 702; BEAZLEY, Paralipomena, 246 f.; BeEAzLEY, Addenda’, 126 f.; C.H. E. Haspets, Attic Black-Figured Lekythoi, 1936, 94-130, 225-241, 368 f.; J. BOARDMAN, Athenian Black Figure Vases, 1974,

148 f.

HM.

965

966

Sapropelite. A dark-brown raw material of organic

Sarabaitae (Lat. Sarabaitae). Certainly without direct evidence, > Benedict of Nursia criticizes the Sarabaitae (Coptic: ‘living scattered away from the monastery’?) in his classification of + monasticism: they do not subject themselves to rules and live together in twosomes or threesomes as they see fit (Regula Benedicti, ch. r). His source is the Regula Magistri, which in turn refers to the only authentic witness, - Cassianus (Cassian. Conlationes patrum 18,7). A similar group, the Remnuoth (Coptic, probably: ‘living individually’), is mentioned by > Hieronymus [8] (Jer. Ep. 22,34). In reality, the Sarabaitae’s way of life was related to other forms of asceticism recorded in the 4th/5th cent. in Egypt in which elements of communal living and hermitage are freely combined.

sapropel carbon with a dull shine, similar to jet or lignite, occurring in Bohemia and Moravia; it was worked, primarily by the Celts (6th—rst cents. BC), for jewel rings. Unworked and half-worked pieces in workshop finds, e.g. on the Heuneburg (6th cent.) and in the + oppidum of > Manching (2nd/rst cents. BC) show that jewellery was produced by cutting and carving and by turning on a > lathe. ~ Crafts, trade; > Celtic archaeology; > Jewellery O.Rocuna, Zur Herkunft der Manchinger SapropelitRinge, in: Germania 39, 1961, 329-354; Id., Das Tonschiefer-, Sapropelit-, Gagat- und Wachsmaterial der Heuneburg, in: S.StEvERS

(ed.), Die Kleinfunde der Heune-

burg (Romische-Germanische 91-94.

Forschungen

42), 1984, VP.

SARACENI

H. LEcLERCQ, s.v. Sarabaites, Dictionnaire d’Archéologie

Chrétienne et de Liturgie 15,1, 1950, 756-760; A.DE Voct#, La communauté et l’abbé dans la régle de Saint Benoit, 1961, 52-77. KF.

Saqqara. Necropolis area with a length of c. 7.5 km at the edge of the Libyan desert south of Cairo. The heartland (S. north) was laid out in the rst Dynasty (around 3000 BC) as a necropolis of > Memphis on a

hill above the newly founded city with a cemetery for the highest officials and members of the royal house. From the 2nd Dynasty (and right through to the rst Intermediate Period), royal tomb complexes were repeatedly built in S., for example the pyramid complex of + Djoser whose proximity was sought by the founders of the 5th and 6th Dynasties for their buildings. For reasons of space, however most —> pyramids were deflected north

(Abu Sir) or south

(S. South). Vast

necropoleis for private individuals reflect the changing significance of the city of Memphis. Spectacular monumental tombs come from the Early Period and the Old Kingdom, from the New Kingdom (particularly when Memphis again became the capital city after the Amarna Period) as well as from the Saitian and Persian Periods. All the periods are represented at least by pit and secondary burials. For the 6th and 5th cents. BC, a cemetery for Carian mercenaries (> Cares, Caria) 1s at-

tested by steles. In the Late Period and from the Ptolemaic Period right through to the rst (partly the 2nd) cent. AD, burial places for sacred animals became of enormous importance, for example the burials of the ~+ Apis bulls in the catacombs of the > Serapeum (attested from the 18th Dynasty) whose dromos was extended in the early Ptolemaic Period in the Hellenistic style (among other things with a round tower with statues of Greek philosophers). Beside it there were catacombs of sacred ibises (> Ibis), baboons, dogs and cats with adjoining temples and extremely popular centres of + pilgrimage with facilities for ~ incubation and ~ oracles. 1M.Barta, J.Kreyct (eds.), Abusir and S. in the Year 2000 (Archiv Orientalni Suppl.), 2000 =2 C.M. CocuEZivig, s. v. S., LA 5, 286-428.

S.S.

Saraca [1] (2agana/Sdraka). City in > Arabia [II] Felix to the northwest of ‘Adan. [2] (Stoaxa/Sdraka, Lagaxtvn/Sarakené, Ptol. 5,17,3). Desert in the Sinai Peninsula (modern al-Tih) inhabited by the Zagaxnvot/Sarakénoi. There is probably a connexion with the Sarakénoi who, according to Ptol. 6,7,21, lived in the Higaz in Arabia. There has been no explanation of the etymology of this designation, used from the 3rd cent. AD on synonymously with Scenitae Arabes as an appellation for Arab Bedouins (Amm. Mare:

22,15,2;

23,6,13;

Steph.

Byz.

Ethnica

556:

Sozom. Hist. eccl. 6,38). Some derivations adduce the toponym S., others the Semitic root srq (‘east’), yet others the Semitic Srkt (‘tribe, confederation’). From the 6th cent. on in Byzantium Sarakénoi designates all Arabic-speaking peoples. + Arabs; > Saraceni G.W. Bowersock, Arabs and Saracens in the Historia Augusta, in: Id., Studies on the Eastern Roman Empire, 1994, 71-80; D. Grar, M. O’Connor, The Origin of the Term Saracen and the Rawwafa Inscriptions, in: Byz. Studien 4, 1977, 52-66; I.SHADID, s.v. Saracens, EI*, CDROM 1999. LT.N.

Saraceni (Saraceni, Amm. Marc. 14,4,1; Arraceni, Plin. HN 6,32; Dagaxnvol/Sarakenoi, Zos. 4,22; ‘Sara-

cens’). Grand federation of Arab Beduin tribes, e.g. the Safaites and the Thamudeni. Because of their deployment of highly mobile camel units, from the 4th cent. AD

onwards they were Rome’s main opponent on the Limes Arabiae (+ Limes VII.). The first significant ruling personality was Imrw’ al-Qais (died c. 330), and then the legendary queen > Mavia (died c. 380). + Arabs; — Saraca [2] D.F. Grar, The Saracens and the Defence of the Arabic Frontier, in: BASO 229, 1978, 1-26; I.SHAHID, Byzan-

tium and the Arabs in the Fourth Century, 1984, 126 ff.;

SARACENI

967

968

PH. MAyYERSON, Saracens and Romans, in: BASO 274, 1989, 71-79; R.SOLZBACHER, Monche, Pilger und Sarazenen. Studien zum Frihchristentum auf der siidlichen Sinathalbinsel, 1989. H.KU.

Saravus. River springing from Mont Donon in the Vosges (-» Vosegus) and flowing into the Mosella near Contoniacum; the present-day Saar river. Pier substruc-

tures testify to the existence of a bridge along the road Divodurum

Sarangae (Laodyyav/Sarangai, Hdt. 3,93; 117; 7,673 ZaoayyatovZarangaioi, Arr. Anab. 3,25,8; Zarangae, Plin. HN 6,94: mentioned beside the Drangae). In the argumentum in Isidorus of Charax there is a form Zagayyavy (Zarangiane); in ch. 17 in the MSS, in contrast, Aeayywavt) (Drangiane). A people of the > Etymander (Helmand) region. The forms with S or Z reflect the local pronunciation, those with D the Old Persian one. jDec

Sarapanis (Str. 11,2,17; 3,4 Ta Laganava/ta Sarapanda; Procop. Pers. 2,29,18; Procop. Goth. 4,13,153 4,16,17:

Laeanavic/Sarapanis). Colchian fortress on the > Phasis [rt], navigable up to that point, through which the road to ~ Iberia [1] led; identified with the remains of fortifications on the hill accessible only from the northeast at the confluence of Qvirila (Strabo’s upper course of the Phasis) and Dzirula in the modern Sorapani, Georgia. Excavations in the lower town and the citadel uncovered traces of a settlement from the 6th—4th cents. BC, Hellenistic levels and a fortress wall largely from the Byzantine Period. In the Georgian chronicle Kart‘lis C‘hovreba 24 [1. 34], S. appears as an Iberian fortress built by king Pharnabazus I in the first half of the 3rd cent. BC. ~ Colchis 1 R. THOMSON, Rewriting Caucasian History, 1996.

O.LORDKIPANIDZE, Das alte Georgien (Kolchis und Iberien) in Strabons Geographie. Neue Scholien, 1996, 247-

250.

APL.

(Metz) — Augusta [6] Treverorum (Trier);

the valley road running on the right of the Mosella converged to this bridge as well. There is evidence of other bridges upriver. The ‘winding S.’ (Auson. Mos. 91-93; cf. 367-369) was navigable up to Saarburg. A vicus S. is mentioned in an inscription on a column

from Mont Donon, along the procession road leading to the sanctuary (ILS 5882a). On account of the distance indicated in this source (which remains disputed),

this place has been identified with present-day Lorquin (Larchingen) or with Bliesbriick [1. 114]. Pons Saravi is mentioned as a resting-place on the road Divodurum — — Argentorate (Strasbourg) in Tab. Peut. 3,3 (ad pontem Saravi) and It. Ant. 372,1 (ponte Sarvix, corruption of

ponte Saravi [2]); it can be identified with present-day Sarrebourg (Saarburg). 1 H. BERNHARD, Die romische Geschichte in RheinlandPfalz, in: H. CUppers (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 39-168 2)J.B. KEUNE, s. v. Sarvix, RE 2 A, 53 3 Id.,s.v. S., RE A, 2427-2433. RA.WL.

Sarcina see

Impedimenta

Sarcophagus (cagxoptyod/sarkophagos, stone coffin, literally ‘flesh-eater’; Lat. arca, capsula and sarcofagus, Juv. 10,171).

I. GRAECO-ROMAN II. ETRUSCAN II]. PHOENICIAN IV. EARLY CHRISTIAN I. GRAECO-ROMAN A. MATERIAL, TYPOLOGY, AND EARLY ROMAN

RESEARCH

SARCOPHAGI

B. GREEK

C. SARCOPHAGI

IN THE CITY OF ROME, IMPERIAL PERIOD

Sarapion (Sagamiwv/Sarapion). [1] Priest of Horus and inc. 160 BC the first Egyptian to hold the office of the eponymous priest of Alexander. Possibly identical with PP I/VIII 914. W.Huss, Der makedonische Konig und die agyptischen Priester, 1994, 45 f.

[2] Dioiketes, in office after 145 and 142 BC, of the same rank as the friends of the first class’ (PK6In V 223; PTebt Ill 1732,1; » Court titles B. 2.). Perhaps identical

with a minor administrator documented 163-155 BC (bypodioiketes) and a chief bodyguard (archisomatophylax) (1. 142 f., no. o1 81]. 1L.Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975-

Sarapis see > Serapis

W.A,

ER PRODUCTION

CENTRES’

E. HISTORY

AND MEANING OF THE SARCOPHAGI PERIAL PERIOD

D. OTHOF FORMS

IN THE IM-

A. MATERIAL, TYPOLOGY, RESEARCH Since the 18th cent., scholars have been referring to containers for corpses decorated with reliefs as sarcophagi. These were made of + marble, less frequently of limestone, tuff, sandstone, granite, basalt or porphyry. Pliny describes a lapis ... sarcophagus from Assus (Plin. HN 2,210; 36,131) as ‘“corpse-consuming’. Terracotta

and lead were used in certain regions. Wooden sarcophagi were no doubt common throughout the Mediterranean region, but they have been preserved only in the northern Black Sea area and Egypt. The laid-out corpse determined the size and shape of the sarcophagus; small sarcophagi were used for burying children. A lid in the form of a roof or a kline cushion (+ Kline) covered the casket, which was open at the top and had a rectangular, in rare cases rounded, form. The term frieze sarcophagus is used for a sarcophagus with extensive pictorial ornamentation, at least on the front; a column or

969

970

architectural sarcophagus is structured using half-columns, pilasters or arcades; the narrow sides of tub sarcophagi or /enoi (wine-press tubs) are rounded. One of the longer sides is always considered to be the front. Fragments of painted material and gilding are occasionally preserved. Certain types of sarcophagi have fields known as tabulae used for sepulchral inscriptions. Most sarcophagi were installed in + funerary architecture; in Asia Minor they might also be outdoors or in semi-open structures. It is clear from the approximately 15,000 documented sarcophagi that a great deal of production went on particularly during the Roman Imperial Era; more than half came from workshop centres in Rome, Athens and Docimeum, in Phrygia. Some quarries in Asia Minor supplied so-called semi-finished products such as bossed garland sarcophagi, which were then completed at the location where they were to be used. Unfinished sarcophagi make it possible to reconstruct a well-defined division of labour in their manufacture. Reflecting differences in quality and expense, there were both custom pieces and those produced serially, explaining why portrait heads are often incomplete, caskets and lids may not fit together, and modifications were made to suit a Customer’s requests. After the end of Antiquity, sarcophagi were frequently used as water troughs and in the Middle Ages reused for burials. Beginning in the 15th cent., relief sarcophagi were of artistic significance in the reception of Antiquity. Fronts decorated with reliefs were often sawed off and set into walls for buildings decoration. Scholarly interest began with P. BarTOrt in the late 17th cent. The inception of the corpus of Antike Sarkophagreliefs by Carl RoBERT in 1890 created a foundation for studying the sarcophagi of the Imperial Era; so far some 4,500 sarcophagi have been published.

In Greece itself, only c. 100 marble sarcophagi have been identified from the rst cent. AD or before. The earliest of these, which — like most that followed — is in the form of an architecturally structured wooden chest, was made in Samos in the mid 6th cent. BC. Terracotta sarcophagi with stamped or painted decorations were produced in Sicily (Gela) beginning in the late 6th cent. BC; between 550 and 470 BC, sarcophagi with blackfigure painting were manufactured in Clazomenae. Wooden sarcophagi with appliqués of gilded terracotta ~the only parts preserved — were common in Melos and in Taras/Tarentum during the 5th cent. Although burials were rare in Italy outside Etruria, alongside simple boxes with raised framing there are also unique stone sarcophagi of particularly high quality in Rome beginning in the 3rd cent. BC (sarcophagus of the Scipiones, Rome, VM). Garlands adorn some marble sarcophagi

B. GREEK AND EARLY ROMAN SARCOPHAGI Ancestors of the sarcophagus are found in the Minoan civilization in the form of painted terracotta boxes (larnax, plur. larnakes) and limestone chests that

are substantially shorter than sarcophagi, as bodies were buried in a crouching position. Genuine sarcophagi appeared in many parts of the Mediterranean region and in border areas, in small local groups and individually, with slightly increasing frequency from the Archaic Age to the rst cent. AD. The earliest sarcophagi with figurative decorations were made around 480 BC in Cyprus and show scenes from the lives of rulers. There were box sarcophagi with reclining figures on roof-like lids in Carthage during the late 4th cent. BC. Individual regions in Asia Minor had sarcophagi from the pre-Hellenistic period on, with borrowed architectural forms and garland decoration. Particularly notable are the Lycian sarcophagi, which imitated the form of wooden buildings with a convex roof. Wooden sarcophagi with appliqués of stucco and terracotta and painted decorations were produced in the northern Black Sea region.

SARCOPHAGUS

from the early Imperial Period (S. Caffarelli, Berlin,

SM); at the end of the rst cent. AD small pictures of mythological subjects came to enhance this decoration (sarcophagus of Bellicus Natalis, Pisa, Camposanto). C. SARCOPHAGI PERIAL PERIOD

Around

AD

IN THE CITY OF ROME, IM-

r1o-120,

sarcophagus

production

began in earnest, as cremation gave way to interment (cf. > Burial [D]), continuing, with pagan motifs, into

the early part of the 4th cent. AD. These sarcophagi can be classified by shape, subject matter and the workshop in which they were made. Corresponding with the three most significant centres of production, they can be called Roman, Attic and Docimean sarcophagi, of which 6,000, 1,200 and 500, respectively, have been

preserved, either completely or in fragmentary form. There were, additionally, regional workshops, particularly in Asia Minor. Early scholarly interest focused on the figurative representations in the reliefs on these sarcophagi with the result that their subject matter forms the basis for classification within the volumes of the corpus of sarcophagi. 1. MYTHOLOGICAL THEMES 2. VITA HUMANA 1. MYTHOLOGICAL THEMES The workshops in the city of Rome began to make sarcophagi with friezes of mythological subject matter around AD 130. The frieze covered the front, while the sides remained unadorned. Nearly every Greek myth is represented on the roughly 1,200 preserved examples, albeit with preference given to some. They range from the story of Meleager, with 200 examples, the tales of Persephone, Endymion and the Amazons, to Achilles,

Hercules and Hippolytus, with 40 each; less commonly represented are Marsyas, Adonis, Iason and Medea, Phaethon, Orestes, Alcestis, Paris and the Niobids.

Roman heroes like Aeneas are rare; certain figures like Odysseus/Ulixes appear only on sarcophagus lids. Beginning in the late 2nd cent. AD, the protagonists of the respective myth were depicted using portraits of the deceased. More common were mythological scenes

SARCOPHAGUS

O72

with Dionysian groups (> Dionysus) and sea creatures (400 examples each). The latter, initially in the form of

friezes, were soon reduced to a heraldic pair presenting acentral motif, such as an Oceanus mask, shield or shell with an inscription or portrait of the deceased. Erotes are also introduced in a frieze in boisterous procession (+ Komos) and a variety of other activities, but more

frequently in pairs holding a central motif. Like the equally popular season sarcophagi, these sarcophagi were produced until the 4th cent. AD. Muse sarcophagi, which integrated a representation of the deceased couple or added in philosophers, enjoyed particular popularity during the 3rd cent. AD. 2. VITA HUMANA In the 3rd—4th cents. AD, from mythological hunts and battles there developed portraits of human life, the vita humana. Preserved on c. 1,000 sarcophagi, most common are bucolic scenes, found on c. 450 preserved sarcophagi, followed by scenes of hunting, weddings and the career of a magistrate or commander; c. 30 battle sarcophagi remain; and there are biographical and circus sarcophagi. Some of these themes appear in abbreviated form on simpler kinds of decorations such as garland sarcophagi, always ubiquitously common, the clipeus sarcophagus with a portrait or inscription, and fluted sarcophagi. The last, also known as strigil sarcophagi, comprise the single most voluminous group of sarcophagi.

D. OTHER PRODUCTION CENTRES The earliest Attic sarcophagi (c. AD 140) bore garland decoration; the later, depictions of Erotes in kémos and myths. Attic sarcophagi had reliefs on four sides and a high base profile. The lids initially assumed the detailed shape of a roof; beginning in the late 2nd cent. AD, kline cushions and a reclining couple took over. Lacking among current themes were depictions of human life. The most common mythological subjects were

Amazons

and Trojan

battles; portraits do not

appear on Attic sarcophagi. Another centre of workshop production was located at the marble quarries of Docimeum, near Synnada in Phrygia (cf. » Marble with map). Production began c. AD 150, ending abruptly in AD 260. More than half of the known pieces are architectural column sarcophagi of various kinds. The lids were originally constructed as roofs; after AD 160-170 they were usually in the -» kline style with a reclining couple. In the intercolumniations stood individual mythological figures or gods, but more often unidentifiable figures. Frieze sarcophagi, as well, received architectural form by the addition of corner pilasters (the so-called “Torre Nova group’). Alongside these main groups stood an Imperial Era sarcophagus production varying widely by region that combined local traditions with the models of the chief groups. In the western part of the empire, only the northern Italian workshops (the centres at Aquileia and Ravenna as well as smaller groups difficult to localize)

972

are noteworthy. They produced sarcophagi in architectural or furniture-based forms. Thessalonica and Thrace stand out in the heterogeneous sarcophagus production of southeastern Europe. There, small relief pictures were attached to a flat sarcophagus. Production in Asia Minor is not easily summarized: local workshops can be distinguished from one another mainly by type of garland, the tabulae and the shape of the box. Certain regions or cities, such as Bithynia and Aphrodisias, excelled in the quality and quantity of their products. Imitations of the main sarcophagus types and work carried out on semi-finished products were common in the Syrian region. In Sidon, wooden sarcophagi were also produced with bronze lion’s head appliqués, while Tyre was from the rst to the 3rd cent. AD acenter of production for sarcophagi with stamped decorations. In Palmyra, kline sarcophagi included portrayals of entire family groups on their cushions. Monumental porphyry sarcophagi intended for the Constantinian royal household were an Alexandrian specialty fred

E. HISTORY OF FORMS AND MEANING OF THE SARCOPHAGI IN THE IMPERIAL PERIOD Not least because of their > portraits, the Imperial Era sarcophagi can be arrayed in a compact chronological series and demonstrate by way of example the stylis-

tic phases of Roman art. While the basic iconography of mythological sarcophagus reliefs is found in Greek art, the typological fixation of individual figures and scenes never resulted in true replicas among sarcophagi: the process of contamination among detail motifs and of iconographical realization constitutes a witness to Imperial Era artistic creativity. The relief sarcophagi of the Imperial Era offer various avenues of understanding. There is thus disagreement on the meaning of their motifs and pictures in the context of the sarcophagi’s sepulchral function; cultural and socio-historical factors should be kept in mind. Because the range of customers increased enormously in the course of the 2nd and 3rd cents., one is

faced with a simplification of individual motifs’ symbology. Myths that were still presented with complexity during the early 2nd cent. AD were increasingly reduced to a few individual aspects and their mythological representatives. Intrusions upon traditional iconographies intentionally highlighted certain values that

came with the myths as baggage. These can be summarized in a few key words, such as > virtus, > clementia, > concordia, > pietas, as well as in terms of general notions of happiness. The themes of vita humana that became increasingly prominent during the 3rd cent. reflect such values even more intentionally. At the same time, the increasing banality of these values was offset by a stronger personal connection to the deceased individual, first by including portrait heads in the depiction of the myth, then by means of portrait busts and inscriptions carried by the secondary characters in the myth, and finally through themes of the individual’s life itself.

DiS,

974

The pictorial universe of the Imperial Era sarcophagi thus relates not to religious and eschatological concerns, but to the consolatory function provided by analogies expressing happiness and praise. ~ Burial; > Relief; > Sculpture

mass production. Typologically, these sarcophagi can be classified by shape as wooden box, kline and hall sarcophagi. The marble sarcophagi found in Etruria are either imports or imitations of Greek sarcophagi. With the decline of stone sarcophagi toward the end of the 3rd cent. BC, production of clay sarcophagi began

C.Roserr (ed.), Die antiken Sarkophagreliefs, 1890(most recent) 2006 (present ed. G.RODENWALDT, F.Matz, M.GUrscHow); F. Martz, s.v. Sarcofago, EAA

7, 1966, 2-32; C.PANELLA, s.v. Sarcofago, EAA Suppl., 1973, 686-700; B. ANDREAE, H.JUNG, Vorlaufige tabel-

larische Ubersicht tiber die Zeitstellung und Werkstattzugeh6rigkeit von 250 romischen Prunksarkophagen des 3. Jahrhunderts n.Chr., in: AA 1977, 432-436; R.M. Cook, Clazomenian Sarcophagi,

1981;

G. Kocn,

H. SICHTERMANN, Romische Sarkophage (Handbuch der Archaologie),

1982;

M.WakgLKENS,

Dokimeion.

Die

Werkstatt der reprasentativen kleinasiatischen Sarkophage. Chronologie und Typologie ihrer Produktion, 1982; P. LINANT DE BELLEFONDS, Sarcophages attiques de

la nécropole de Tyr. P.PINELLI, Catalogue provenant de Kertch, Sarkophagbeschlage.

Une étude iconographique, 1985; des bois et stucs grecs et romains 1986; T. WEBER, Syrisch-romische Orientalische Bronzewerkstatten in

romischer Zeit, 1989;

H. FRONING, Zu syrischen Bleisar-

kophagen der Tyrus-Gruppe, in: AA 1990, 523-5353 I. Hirzi, Die griechischen Sarkophage der archaischen und klassischen Zeit, 1991;

(most important production centre: Tuscania), continu-

ing into the rst cent. BC. Particularly during this later period the faces of the deceased as depicted on the lids revealed a clear differentiation by age and were probably intended to underscore their social standing, as did Roman portraiture of the same era; reciprocal influences are to be surmised here. > Tarquinii M.GentiL1, M.F. BriGuET, I sarcofagi etruschi in terracotta di eta recente, 1994; K.P. GOETHERT, Typologie und Chronologie der jiinger-etruskischen Steinsarkophage, 1974; R.HeERBiG, Die jiinger-etruskischen Steinsarkophage, 1952; A. Maccianr, Sulla cronologia dei sarcofagi etruschi in terracotta di eta ellenistica, in: Riv. di archeo-

logia 19, 1995, 75-91; F.H. Massa-ParRAuttT, Recherches sur l’art et l’artisanat étrusco-italique a l’epoque hellénistique, 1985, 186-238; D.STEUERNAGEL, Menschenopfer und Mord am Altar, 1998; E.S. TUrR, Spat-etrus-

kische Steinsarkophage, 1969.

MLLE.

B. HUBNER, Ikonographische

Untersuchungen zum Motivschatz der stadtrémischen mythologischen Sarkophage des 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr., 1990; G.Kocu, Sarkophage der romsichen Kaiserzeit, 1993; M.KoorrBojian, Myth, Meaning, and Memory on Roman Sarcophagi, 1995; N.Sevin¢, A New Sar-

cophagus of Polyxena from the Salvage Excavations at Gimisgay, in: Stud. Troica 6, 1996, 251-264; M.L. BuHL, G.Kocn, B. ANDREAE, s.v. Sarcofago, in: EAA 2. suppl., 5, 1997, 106-131; C. BONANNO, I sarco-

fagi fittili della Sicilia, 1998; S.Dimas, Untersuchungen zur Themenwahl und Bildgestaltung auf romischen Kindersarkophagen, 1998; B.C. Ewatp, Der Philosoph als

Leitbild. Ikonographische Untersuchungen an romischen Sarkophagenreliefs, 1999.

SARCOPHAGUS

R.N.

Il. ErRUSCAN The first Etruscan stone and clay sarcophagi, which appeared in small numbers during the Archaic Period, manifest their dependence upon wooden precedents. It was not until the 5th cent. BC that, quite likely under the influence of art from Asia Minor, the typical Etruscan sarcophagus design appeared with the figure of the deceased — in some cases a couple — on the lid. The sarcophagus was no longer simply a container for the body, but also a portrait of the deceased. The pictures on the sides of Etruscan sarcophagi, generally in relief but sometimes painted (animal groups, Amazonomachies, battle scenes, Greek myths) betray iconographic borrowings from the repertoire of contemporary Greek art, although scenes and figures from Greek models were often adopted and reinterpreted to suit Etruscan tastes. In the 4th cent. BC, the nenfro sarcophagi manufactured in central and southern Etruria (most important production centre: Tarquinia) marked the beginning of

III. PHOENICIAN Among the > Phoenicians and Poeni, elaborate burial in a sarcophagus was a sign of the deceased’s social rank. The sarcophagi of the city kings of Gubla (> Byblus) from the early 2nd millennium BC were large, simple stone boxes (made froma single block) witha lid [x]; that of king > Ahiram (c. tooo BC), the oldest Phoenician sarcophagus with reliefs, remained unique until the relief sarcophagi of the s5th—3rd cents. BC from the royal necropolis of > Sidon, which were produced in Greek workshops. Among Egyptian examples were the ‘anthropoid’ sarcophagi of the Sidonian kings Tabnit I (470-465 BC?) and Esmunazar II (465-451 BC?), as well as a third sarcophagus made of basalt (Egyptian greywacke) that carried no inscribed name. These sarcophagi, stolen from the necropoleis of > Memphis and > Saqqara at the time of the Persian conquest of Egypt, were seized as prestigious spoils of war by the royal house in Sidon (the sarcophagus of Tabnit still bears the hieroglyphic inscription attesting to its original occupant, general Penptah; see [2]). These genuinely Egyptian sarcophagi were probably the models for the c. 130 ‘Phoenician’ anthropoid sarcophagi found in nearly the entire Phoenician settlement area in the Mediterranean region, as far as Sicily and southern Spain (-> Gades). Usually of

> marble,

they were manufactured between about 480 and 360 BC, apparently in several workshops located mainly in Sidon, where Phoenician artists worked alongside leading Greek masters (recent suggestion: exclusively Phoenicians [3]). They did not become an established genre.

OFS)

976

The four sarcophagi from the Nécropole des Rabs (‘priests’ necropolis’) of - Carthage, with a reclining figure on the lid in the Greek high-relief style, represent a similar ‘exotic’ case: a replica from Tarquinia, the socalled priest’s sarcophagus of Laris Partunus, appears to indicate an association with Etruria [4]. The ten or so Greek ‘counter sarcophagi’ (Theken-Sarkophage) with a lid in the shape of a gabled roof that were found

known from Ravenna and the eastern provinces. The following types can be distinguished: t) The one- or two-zone frieze sarcophagus with close-set figurative friezes found in Rome and Gaul, less commonly in Constantinople and the other provinces. On sarcophagi from -» Ravenna, the friezes were bordered by lateral pilasters or columns (corresponding to the “Torre Nova group’, see I. D. above). 2) Columnar sarcophagi with an elaborate architectural structure made up of pilasters and columns forming richly decorated framed alcoves in which figures might be set. Those with two zones were the exception

SARCOPHAGUS

nearby should also be seen in this context [5].

In the western part of the Phoenician-Punic world, however, sarcophagi usually took the form of a simple box fashioned of local stone material. » Alexander Sarcophagus 1P.Montet, Byblos et l’Egypte, 1928, 143-154 2S.FrepDr, Die phonizischen anthropoiden Sarkophage, 3 J. ELay1, Les sarcophages pheénivol. 1, 2000, 65-68 ciens d’€poque perse, in: Iranica Antiqua 23, 1988, 275322 4H.G. Niemeyer, Gedanken zu Bild und Abbild im Grabkult der phénizischen und punischen Welt, in: F.PRAYON,

W.ROLLIG

(ed.), Der Orient

und Etrurien

(Akten des Kolloquiums Tubingen 1997), 2000, 328 f.

5 H. BenicHOu-SAFAR, Les tombes puniques de Carthage, 1982, 131 f. J. Ferron, s.v. Sarkophages, DCPP 391-393; Id., Sarcophages de Phénicie. (Coll. cahiers de Byrsa. Serie monographies, 3), 1992; S.FREDE, Die phonizischen anthro-

poiden Sarkophage 1 (Forschungen zur phonizisch-punischen und zypriotischen Plastik 1.1), 2000; $. Moscat1, I sarcofagi, in: Id. et al. (ed.), 1Fenici. Exhibition catalogue. Venice, 1988, 292-300; G.Tore, L’art. Sarkophages, relief, stéles, in: V.Krincs (ed.), La civilisation phéni-

cienne et punique (HbdOr Abt. I, vol. 20), 1995, 471-493. H.GN.

IV. EARLY CHRISTIAN A. GENERAL REMARKS B. CENTRES

A. GENERAL REMARKS Roughly 2,500 Christian sarcophagi partially or entirely survive from the period between AD 270 or 280 and c. AD 600. Principally of > marble (from Luni/ Carrara, from the > Proconnesus), they were also made of locally available limestone, sandstone or volcanic rock; porphyry sarcophagi from Alexandria [1] were also used for imperial burials in Rome and Constantinople, as well as wooden and lead sarcophagi. Sarcophagi might be coated with stucco and finished polychromatically (> Polychromy). Often the site where they were originally installed is not certain: tomb structures and -> catacombs in Rome, in Constantinople pseudosarcophagi (see below) in burial chambers. In form, these sarcophagi, whose decoration appropriates Christian themes, resemble the pagan box and tub sarcophagi (see I. A. above) whose fronts and sides

sometimes bore reliefs; only exceptionally were they sculpted on all sides. In addition there were sarcophagi composed of individual panels, masonry pseudo-sarcophagi and the unusual sarcophagi from Asia Minor produced using rock material found on site. The lid was generally a flat panel with a facing in relief and sometimes carrying an inscription. Roof-shaped lids are

(e.g., lunius-Bassus sarcophagus, Rome, VM).

3) Tree sarcophagi are derived from columnar sarcophagi; here trees form the divider between figure groups. 4) Fluted or strigil sarcophagi usually include three areas with figurative depictions; between them are wider sections with S-shaped curves or vertical stripes. 5) Chest-shaped sarcophagi, more common in the eastern regions, were marked by moulded frames on all sides and sometimes decorated with figures or symbols. B. CENTRES 1.ROME 2.RAVENNA

3. CONSTANTINOPLE 4. THE REST OF ITALY AND THE PROVINCES

1. ROME Approximately 1,200 sarcophagi with Christian themes were preserved between 270 or 280 and the beginning of the sth cent. AD, particularly in Rome, the most important centre of Christian sarcophagus production. Before Constantine (AD 270 or 280-312/3), individual pieces were produced by stonemasons predominantly working for pagan customers. Accordingly, it is impossible to identify typically Christian styles or decorative forms. The sarcophagus at Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome is considered the earliest relevant example. Christians used sarcophagi with ‘neutral’ themes (shepherds, philosophers, orants, seasons, wine

harvest and hunting), while the lids bore Christian decorations. Pagan sarcophagi were also ‘Christianized’ by the use of Christian symbols (crosses, Christograms) or inscriptions. Efficient production methods in the workshops made it possibie, particularly during the Constantinian period (AD 312/3-c. 340), to mass-produce sarcophagi decorated with reliefs, some of which were used in unfinished form or exported to the provinces. Dominant were frieze sarcophagi with OT scenes or scenes from the lives of Christ and Peter (Christ-Peter

group) as well as simple fluted sarcophagi constructed ahead of time as a reserve to supply an increased demand. By contrast, sarcophagi with unusual iconography as well as two-zoned frieze sarcophagi with portrait busts of the deceased and two-zoned flute sarcophagi from the period between AD 330 and 350 may have been made to order. Scholars disagree on the relationship between individual themes and the sepulchral context. The pictures on Christian sarcophagi reflect

DL

978

changes in customers’ preferences and in the significance of certain themes. In most cases the depictions appear to focus on overcoming death and on life in the hereafter. Mass production declined dramatically after Constantine (c. AD 340-360 or 370), giving way to the manufacture of elaborate sarcophagi for the wealthy that were — even stylistically (‘beautiful style’) — quite different from those of the Constantinian era. The column sarcophagus — and its variation, the tree sarcophagus — emerged; the pictorial programme alludes to the passion of Jesus. Along with scenes of the miracles, Christ as Lord among the apostles. Finally, the Valentinianic-Theodosian era (AD 360 or 370-c. 400) witnessed further expansion of the repertoire: Christ teaching among the apostles and representations of Moses receiving the Ten Commandments (traditio legis) were undoubtedly influenced by monumental paintings or mosaics. Expanding on the existing variety were richly decorated city-gate sarcophagi, named for the urban architectural features shown in the background, as well as the small number of ‘passage sarcophagi’ (depicting the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea) and the Bethesda or entry sarcophagus showing Christ’s entry into Jerusalem. Soon after AD 400, economic and political decline (Rome’s conquest by the Goths in AD 410) brought Roman production of sarcophagi to a standstill. 2. RAVENNA The small group of Ravenna sarcophagi, numbering c. 35, were not produced until after AD 402, when the city was designated an imperial residence. In contrast to Rome, these sarcophagi were not related to an earlier local tradition. The radically new forms and pictures of these sarcophagi, some of which had figurative and decorative reliefs on all sides, were probably produced to order for high-level officials at the imperial court by sculptors in Constantinople, then exported to Ravenna. Simple sarcophagi with bas relief probably date to the 6th cent. AD and later.

4th cent., such as the star-and-wreath sarcophagus. From c. AD 400 until the early 6th cent., the exceptionally comprehensive group of ‘Aquitanian sarcophagi’, with their characteristic motifs and stylistic features, were produced in southwestern Gaul, influenced by products from Arles and Marseille. The likewise extremely wide variety of decorations and figurative depictions can be partially derived from floor mosaics or architectural sculpture. Imports from Rome, Gaul, Aquitaine and Carthage were found on the Iberian peninsula, along with locally produced sarcophagi modelled on Roman or eastern examples. In North Africa, Roman imports and local copies can be found, along with the separate group of Carthaginian fluted sarcophagi (1st half of the sth cent.

3. CONSTANTINOPLE

Sarcophagi were not produced in Constantinople until c. 380 or 390 AD, after stonemasons immigrated

from Asia Minor. Only c. 80 examples of figurative frieze and column sarcophagi survive, along with the special type of the pseudo-sarcophagus (composed of individual panels; c. AD 400). In addition, there were decorative sarcophagi with crosses and other symbolic embellishments (6th—7th cents. AD). 4. THE REST OF ITALY AND THE PROVINCES Only a few Christian sarcophagi from before Constantine have been identified in the provinces. Some locally produced sarcophagi have been found in Italy that imitate the themes and images of Roman models. Far more significant, however, was the production of sarcophagi in Gaul triggered by Roman imports and sculptors from Rome. This production experienced a considerable boom until the end of the 4th cent. AD (Arles, Marseille) and gave rise to new types in the late

SARDIANE

AD); few imports from Rome, Alexandria or Constantinople can be identified in the Balkans or the Aegean; isolated sarcophagi from the 5th—6th cents., decorated with symbols, have been found in Asia Minor and the Middle East, along with lead sarcophagi from Sidon (early 4th cent.). In Egypt, finally, Alexandria produced porphyry sarcophagi between AD 312 and 450 for imperial burials with export to Rome, Milan, Spalatum and Constantinople. + Burial; > Dead, cult of the G. Bovint, H. BRANDENBURG, Repertorium der christlichantiken Sarkophage, vol. 1: Rom und Ostia, 1967; J.Koiiwitz, H.HERDEJURGEN, Die antiken Sarkopha-

greliefs, vol. 8.2: Die Sarkophage der westlichen Gebiete des Imperium Romanum. Die ravennatischen Sarkophage, 1979; J.DRESKEN-WEILAND, Repertorium der christlich-antiken Sarkophage, vol. 2: Italien mit einem Nachtrag Rom und Ostia, Dalmatien, Museen der Welt, 1998; G.Kocn, Friihchristliche Sarkophage (Handbuch der Archaologie), 2000; B.CHRISTERN-BRIESENICK,

Repertorium der christlich-antiken Sarkophage, vol. 3: Frankreich,

Algerien

und

Tunesien,

2003;

A.OEPEN,

Repertorium der christlich-antiken Sarkophage, vol. 4: Iberische Halbinsel (in preparation). AO.

Sardanapalus (Zaodavanad(A)oc; Sardandpal(l)os). Legendary Assyrian ruler, who combines traits of several Assyrian rulers (e.g. > Sennacherib and — Saosduchinus/Samas-Suma-ukin) according to the accounts of Greek authors (Hdt. 2,150; Pol. 8,12,3; Dion. Chrys.

4,135; Clem. Al. Strom. 2,20). During the 19th century, S. was a subject in music [1. 168], literature (Byron) and fine arts (Delacroix)

(+ ORIENT,

RECEPTION

IN THE

WEST). 1J.ReNGeER,

Altorientalistik

und

Vorderasiatische

Archaologie in Berlin, in: W. AHRENHOVEL, CHR. SCHREIBER (ed.), Berlin und die Antike, 1979, I5I-192 JRE. 2 F. WEISSBACH, s. v. S., RE 1 A, 2436-2475.

Sardiane

(Zagdiavyn;

Sardiane).

Town

territory

of

> Sardis (with map; Str. 13,4,5; cf. Xen. Hell. 3,4,21; Xen. Ages. 1,29). Besides the valley of — Pactolus, it included the fertile plain around the middle course of the Hermus [2] (Zaodiavov smediov/Sardianon pedion, Hdt. 1,80,1; Plut. Agesilaos ro; Str. loc.cit.), about east

SARDIANE

979

of Salihli up to Turgutlu [1. 499, sor], its exact boundaries being unknown. The Roman judicial district of Sardis (Sardiana iurisdictio, Plin. HN 5, 111) stretched far beyond S., especially towards the east. 1G.M.

A. HANEMANN,

Sardis

und

Lydien

(AAWM

1960.6), 1960.

L. BURCHNER, Ss. v. S. (1), RE 1 A, 2479 f.; A. PHILIPPSON,

Topographische Karte des westlichen Kleinasien, pp. 3 f.

Sardinia (Saedw/Sard6, LYaedwv/Sardon, Sardonia), the island of Sardinia.

1910, H.KA.

Tavdswvia/

I. NAME IJ. GEoGRAPHY III. MYTHICAL PREHISTorY IV. History V. ECONOMY, SOCIETY,

INFRASTRUCTURE I, NAME S. is called Sandaliotis in Myrsilus (Timaeus FGrH

566 F 63), Ichnousa in Timaeus (Myrsilus FGrH 477 F 11; from tO odivSadov/to sandalon, ‘shoe sole’; Ichnusa from t0 ixvoc/to ichnos, ‘footprint’; with regard to the confusion of authors in Plin. HN 3,85 cf. F. JAcoBy in comm. on FGrH; cf. Aristot. Mir. roo; Sall. Hist. fr. 2,23 PAWS. hOs 0742)

P.M.

980

conquest in 238 BC). The first Phoenician settlements were established in the 2nd half of the 8th cent. BC in western S. (-» Sulci, Othoca, modern S. Giusta). The

coasts in the west and south were settled afterwards. In the mid 6th cent. BC, the Carthaginian influence eclipsed the Phoenician: Carthage, after its failed attempt to capture S. under Malchus [1] between 545 and 535 BC (Justin. 18,7,1; Diod. Sic. 5,16), finally seized it under the brothers Hasdrubal and Hamilcar [x] (Justin. 19,1,3 ff.). In the first agreement between Rome and Carthage, the island was assigned to the Carthaginian sphere of influence (Pol. 3,22,8 f.; StV II 121). Tib. Sempronius [I 13] Gracchus (cos. 238 BC) finally subjugated S. to Roman rule (cf. Zon. 8,18; Fest. 428 ff. L.; Pol. £,88,8 fh a;nosx tf.3.5,27,8; Eutr: 42523) StV I 497): However, the new acquisition caused the Romans problems; for soon the Sardinians resisted their rule and there were numerous revolts: between 236 and 231, 226/5 and esp. in 215 BC when Sardinians under + Hampsicora with Carthaginian support rebelled against Rome

(Liv. 23,40,1-41,7).

Further

uprisings

followed between 178 and 173 BC, in 163/2 BC, between 115 and 111 BCand in 104 BC. There is evidence that the Romans celebrated eight victories over the Sardinians (Eutr. 3,3; InscrIt 13,1,76 ff.). In 227 BC, with

Il. GEOGRAPHY At 23,800 km’, the second biggest island in the

Mediterranean (- Mare Nostrum; the largest in Hdt. 5,106; 6,2), with a coastline with abundant bays and with alluvial plains to some extent contaminated with malaria, mountainous interior and volcanic tablelands. Hot dry summers. Ancient sources: Str. 5,7; Plin. HN 3575~-87; Ptol. 3,3. A bronze tablet with the triumphal inscription of the Proconsul of 175 BC, Tib. + Sempronius Gracchus, carved in the shape of the island, stood in the temple of Mater Matuta in Rome (Liv. 41,28,8-10).

II]. MyTHICAL PREHISTORY

In the mythological tradition, S. was settled by +> Libyes under the eponymous hero Sardus, a son of Hercules (Paus. r0,17,2; Sil. Pun. 12,3593 Solin. 4,1,46; Isid. Or. 14,6,39), by Iberians under Norax, a son of Hermes (Paus. 10,17,5; Solin. 4,1,46 M.), by the The-

spiadae under — Iolaus [1] (Diod. Sic. 4,29; 5,155; Arist. Mir. 100; Sil. 12,364), by > Daedalus [1] (Diod. Sic. 4,30,1; Paus. 10,17,4) or by > Aristaeus [1] (Diod. Sic. 4,82,4; Arist. Mir. 100; Paus. 10,17,3; Sil. 12,368).

Further connections, possibly prompted by the name of the > Ilienses, were seen with the Trojans who fled after the destruction of Troy (Paus. 10,17,6; Sil. 12,362). IV. History Phases of settlement: 1) early Palaeolithic (3 50,000100,000 BC: tools made of hewn stone near Perfugas); 2) late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic (3 5,000-6000 BC: bone, stone and tuff tools in the grotto of Corbeddu in Oliena); 3) the Nuraghe culture (1800 until the Roman

M. Valerius, the first praetor is attested as governor of S. (cf. MMR 1,229), and S. together with + Corsica was placed as a dual province under a Roman provincial government (Solin. 5,1,47 f.; Liv. 23,24,4; Zon. 8,19). From the time of the forced partition of 13 January 27 BC, the province was alternately under the control of the Senate and the emperor, with separation at times of the two areas (— Sardinia et Corsica). Under

> Dio-

cletian, S., aside from Corsica, formed its own province

under a praeses. In about AD 455, > Vandals occupied the island — a loss acknowledged by Leon I (+ Leo [4]) by treaty in 474. Under > lustinianus [1] I, S. was returned to Constantinople again in 534 and remained in Byzantine hands until the rrth cent. V. ECONOMY, SOCIETY, INFRASTRUCTURE The island was economically important because of its abundance of grain (Cic. Leg. Man. 12,34; Varro, Rust. 2, praefatio 3), and generally because of its fertility (Hor. Garmin, 31,43 Str. 5,2,73 Paus. 10,27,1). Lhe number of -> latifundia placed at the disposal of individuals was strictly limited (ILS 5983; 7931; 7932; EEpigr 8,732; Inscriptiones Latinae Sardiniae 233). Nevertheless tensions between the owners of large estates and the shepherds of the mountain country escalated at times to the point of violent conflict (cf. ILS 5947). S. was also known for its wealth of ore (Ptol. 3,3; Solin. 453,46 f.; Sid. Apoll. Carm. 5,49; schol. to Timaeus 25b, 287; Rut. Namat. 1,354). Milestones (currently over 150) and It. Ant. 78-85 document the development of the island’s infrastructure by Rome with garrisons and road stations. > Sardinia et Corsica

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SARDINIA

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Y. Le Bouec, Notes sur les mines de Sardaigne a l’¢poque

Map:

romain, in: M. BONELLO Lal, S. antiqua, 1992, 255-264;

Greek and Roman World, 2000, 48.

G.Litiiv, La civilta del Sardi, 1988; A.Mastino, La Tavola di Esterzili, 1993; P.MeLoni, La Sardegna romana, *1990; Id., La geografia della Sardegna in Tolomeo, in: Philias charin. Festschrift E. Manni, vol. 5, 1980,

1533-15533 Id., La Sardegna romana, in: ANRW II 11.1, 1988, 541-551; Id., La geografia della Sardegna in Tolemeo (III,3,1-8), in: Nuovo Bollettino Archeologico Sardo 3 (1986),

1990, 207-250;

C.PERRA,

L’architettura tem-

plare fenicia e punica di Sardegna, 1998; Id., La Sardegna

R.J. A. Tapert

(ed.), Barrington Atlas of the P.M.

Sardis (Scodetc/Sardeis, Lat. Sardis). I. LOCATION AND NAME II. MYCENAEAN AND LYDIAN PERIODS III. PERSIAN RULE IV. ALEXxANDER AND THE PERiOD OF THE DIADOCHI V. HELLENISTIC PERIOD: SELEUCIDS AND PERGAMENES VI. ROMAN RULE VII. LATE AN-

Tiquity

VIII. THE JEwIsH COMMUNITY

nelle fonti classiche dal VI secolo a.C. al VI secolo d.C.,

1993; A.Pica, M.A. Porcu, Flora e fauna della Sardegna antica, in: A.Mastino (ed.) L’Africa romana (Atti del 7. convegno di studio 1989), 1990, 569-597; R.J. Ro-

WLAND, The Archaeology of Roman S., in: ANRW II 11.1, 1988, 740-875; P.SerENO, A Vorigine d’un pays, in: J.-F. BERGIER (ed.) Montagnes, fleuves, foréts dans l’histoire ..., 1989, 45-59; G.Soraiu, L’epigrafia latina in Sardegna, in: ANRW

II 11.1, 1988, 672-682;

P.G. Spanu, La Sardegna bizantina, 1999.

P.M.

I. LOCATION AND NAME

City set at the opening of the valley of the + Pactolus into that of the -» Hermus [2] as it broadens into the Sardian Plain. Centre of the Sardians, dominated by a mountain spur (offshoot of Mount > Tmolus [1]) rendered jagged by erosion, its historical acropolis. The place name is Lydian: sfar(i?)— ({1], cf. Xanthus FGrH 765 F 23 Xydris = S.). Hydé (Hom. Il. 20,385; Str. 9,220; 13,4,6) and Tarné (Hom. Il. 5,44 with schol.;

Sardinia et Corsica. The second Roman province. One consequence of the rst of the > Punic Wars [I] for Rome was the gain of > Sardinia. In 237 BC, in a rider (StV Ill 497) to the peace treaty (StV III 493), > Carthage renounced claim to the island (Pol. 1,88,8 ff.; Liv.

Str. 9,2,3 53; cf. Plin. HN 5,110) may refer to an antecedent settlement. The iambograph — Aeschines [5], the epigrammatist > Straton [8] and the Sophist > Polyaenus [2] were natives of S.

21,40,5; 22,54,11). At the same time, the Romans also annexed > Corsica (Sinnius Capito apud Fest. 430,1420), combining the two islands into one province, from

Il. MyCENAEAN AND LYDIAN PERIODS Small Neolithic finds are followed at S. by the western Anatolian-Mycenaean pottery of the 13th cent. BC, then, in the 12th—roth cents., imported and local imitations of Mycenaean, sub-Mycenaean and proto-Geometric pottery. The finds are related to the semi-mythical tradition of the dynasty of the Tylonidae or ~ Heraclidae (Hdt. 1,7). Mycenaean Greeks may have settled

227 BC under the administration of a praetor (Solin. 5,1; Liv. 23,24,4; Liv. per. 20). In the Roman Imperial Period, the difficult province, always plagued by banditry and piracy (cf. Tac. 2,85), came alternately under the Senate and the emperor: beginning in 27 BC, senatorial administration (Str. 17,3,25; Cass. Dio 53,12,4; CIL X 7581: proconsul); beginning in 6 AD, imperial

administration and organizational separation of the two islands (Cass. Dio 5 5,28,1; Str. 5,2,7; ILS 105: pro

legato; AE 1921 no. 86; ILS 2684: praefectus; 5947,6: procurator; for Corsica cf. CIL XII 2455: praefectus Corsicae); in 67 AD, probably senatorial administration (Paus. 7,17,3; ILS 5947,2; 4: proconsul); from 73

AD

on,

possibly

imperial

administration

(CIL

X

8023 f.: procurator Augusti et praefectus); up to the

end of the reign of Trajan (98-117 AD), senatorial administration (ILS 1038: proconsul); under Commodus (176-192 AD) or not until Septimius Severus (193-211

AD), imperial administration (ILS 1358: procurator Augusti et praefectus). Diocletian’s reforms of the empire assigned to S. and C. the status of autonomous provinces each under a praeses (Not. Dign. Occ. 19,12 f.; > Diocletianus, with map).

For the organization of the province cf. Plin. HN 3,80 and 3, 85: S. with various populi (with no urban

at S. early in the 12th cent. BC at the collapse of the Hittite vassal states (> Asia Minor [III C]) of western Asia Minor. Early in the rst millennium, Lydian ware appears, betraying esp. Corinthian and eastern Greek influence in the 7th—6th cents. As capital of > Lydia, S. was the seat of the > Mermnadae c. 680-547. Finds in the region of the ‘Lydian Trench’ attest to destruction at the hands of the > Cimmerii (Str. 13,4,8; 14,1,40) during the reign of -» Gyges [1] [2] (mid 7th cent. BC); shortly thereafter, S.— with the exception of the citadel — was recaptured by -> Treres and -> Lycii under Gyges’ son > Ardys [2] (Hdt. 1,15; Str. ibid.; [3; 4]). Gold

work and esp. archaic Lydian pottery reveal that S. also maintained contacts with the region at the east of the Black Sea (-> Colchis; [5]). The residential and trading areas of the Lydian city of S. stretched along the eastern bank of the Pactolus from the area of the subsequent temple of Artemis in the south to the (ancient and modern) cross-country road in the north. There, at the ‘House of Bronzes’, is a walled quarter with workshops

centre), 18 oppida (urban centres) and a colonia (Turris Libisonis, modern Porto Torres), C. with 32 civitates

and shops surrounding an agora; farther south are more workshop areas with gold smelteries and goldsmithing

and 2 coloniae (Mariana, modern Golo; Aleria) [1].

(‘Pactolus North’); an altar to the tutelary goddess ~» Cybele with reliefs (mid 6th cent.) has also been

1 P.MeELoni,

ANRW

La Sardegna

romana.

II 11.1, 1988, 491-551

romana, *1990, 229-316.

| centri abitati, in:

2Id., La Sardegna

found there. There were probably small sanctuaries and other well-furnished buildings (housing the poly-

985

986

chrome frieze fragments) in this area in the 6th cent.; here too, surrounded by a garden, was presumably the supposed ‘brothel’ (Mhuxbg Ayxmv/Glykys Ankon, Clearchus apud Ath. 12,515e-5 16a; 540 f). A massive fortified gate (adobe, last quarter of 7th cent.), again to the south of the country road, has been identified in the Lydian city wall. It was destroyed during the Persian conquest and subsequently reconstructed in stone [6]. In 547, > Cyrus [2] conquered S. and the citadel, ravaging the city (Hdt. 1,84). The northern part of the acropolis, which pottery shows to have been inhabited from at least the 7th cent., was probably occupied by

goods present a broad spectrum of Lydian terra cottas, small-scale sculpture in clay and ivory, Achaemenid seal rings, a Lydian-Aramaic bilingual inscription and, finally, Greek imports and Hellenistic ware.

the royal palace; the mountainous south side, too, was

fortified at the time of > Croesus. III. PERSIAN RULE During Persian rule (547-334 BC), S. was the eponymous capital of the satrapy of Spdrda, which initially covered most of Asia Minor and, beginning in the reign of + Darius [1], also the 2nd tax division in the ‘interior’ (Hdt. 3,90). The Persian royal road ( Royal roads) ended at what was then the northern boundary of the city; farther west, along the route of old roads it led to the coast at > Smyrna and over the Karabel Pass to — Ephesus (Hdt. 2,106; 5,53f.). S.’ lower city, densely packed with stone and adobe houses with clay brick and reed thatch roofs (cf. the one-sided portrayal in Hdt. 5,101), was plundered and burnt to ashes in 499 by the rebellious ones (+ Ionian Revolt); the Persians and Lydians in concert drove out the invaders (Hdt. 5,100-102). As capital of the satrapy, S. was the fixed quarters of > Darius [1] in 513/2 (Hdt. 5,11 f.; 5,23) and the gathering point and winter quarters for Xerxes and part of his army in 481-479, as well as a refuge for those who escaped from the defeat at Mount Mycale (Hdti7.2.6.32- 14 5)th; 6.007; 953; 9.007 1; Sen. Ben. 6,31,12; > Persian Wars). A tomb (so-called ‘step pyramid’) of a Persian dignitary was built on the western slope of the acropolis [7; 8]. During the attempted coup by the karanos (‘vice-king’) Cyrus [3] in 401, S. was the gathering place for the Greek mercenaries (Xen. An. 1,2,2 f.; 1,2,5). At that time, there was an altar to Artemis-Cybele (Xen. An. 1,6,6 f.) on the site of the subsequent Hellenistic-Roman great temple. In 395, during the Spartan-Persian War (400-386 BC), > Tissaphernes compelled the Spartan -» Agesilaus [2] to turn back at the Pactolus outside S. (Diod. Sic. 14,80,1-5; Xen.

Hell. 3,4,20-24; Plut. Agesilaus negotiations with > Antalcidas in bazus disclosed the so-called -» Greeks assembled at S. in 387

3,5) [9]. Following 392 and 388, > TiriKing’s peace to the (Xen. Hell. 4,8,12;

Sato).

Alongside indigenous Anatolian deities such as Argistis, - Sabazius and > Ma, whose cults also included

mysteries, Greek and Persian deities were also assimilated. The necropolis in the cleft slopes and river gorges west of the Pactolus contains hundreds of Lydian rockchamber tombs (many destroyed by erosion), some with painted sarcophagi or stelai with dipinti; the grave

SARDIS

IV. ALEXANDER AND THE PERIOD OF THE DIADOCHI In 334 BC, S. with its fortified acropolis was surrendered to + Alexander [4] the Great by the Persian fort commander > Mithrenes without bloodshed. The king assured the population of their ancestral legal freedoms and way of life, but upheld their tax liability as subjects (Arr. Anab. 1,17,3—8 with [11]; Diod. Sic. 17,21,7). He ordered a temple of Zeus Olympios built on the acropolis. From 322-308, S. was the residence of Alexander’s sister, > Cleopatra [II 3] (Diod. Sic. 20,37,3-6). A treaty of legal security concluded with > Miletus [2] on the initiative of S. [37. no. 407] recognized the city’s autonomous freedom of action around 330 BC (or even in the mid 4th cent.?). Late in the 4th cent., inhabitants of S. insulted a sacred embassy of Artemis from Ephesus. The list of the 46 names of those condemned for sacrilege (IEph 2; [12]) shows a blend of Lydian and other Anatolian, Greek and Iranian population elements typical of S. [13].

V. HELLENISTIC PERIOD: SELEUCIDS AND PERGAMENES

After changing hands several times during the wars of the > Diadochi, S. fell to Seleucus I in 281 (Polyaenus, Strat. 4,9,4) and was the capital of Seleucid Asia Minor 281/o—228 and 222-190 and the seat of the stratégos of Lydia, esp. the governor-general or vice-king [14], the royal archive for this region of the kingdom ((38. 18,27 f., 19,16 f.]; 25 4/3 BC) and a Seleucid mint (239-190 BC; [15]). After two defeats of the Seleucids outside S. by the princes of Pergamum, around 262 (Str. 13,4,2; [16]) and 229/8, it was only in 223/2 that the governor-general Achaeus [5] regained the Seleucid position in Asia Minor (Pol. 5,77,1). Turned renegade, he was besieged by his nephew Antiochus [5] III in the supposedly unbreachable citadel of S., taken prisoner and executed (Pol. 7,15-18; 8,15—-21). Thereafter, the king rebuilt the destroyed city by > synoikismos under the supervision of Zeuxis [17. 484; 18; 19]. In 190 BC, Antiochus was forced to relinquish S. to the victorious Scipiones after the war with Rome (Pol. 21,11; Liv. 37,25 f; 44 f.): S. devolved to Pergamum once more 188-133.

During the process of + Hellenization in the 3rd cent., in the context of which Greek also superseded Lydian in public usage (in inscriptions), $. adopted the constitution and institutions of a Greek polis; these, or their buildings, are mostly known only from inscriptions: boulé, gerousia (a constitutional body at S.?), two gymnasia, several temples. Of the major buildings of the Hellenistic Period, the following survive (reconstructed by the Romans): a theatre (for some 15,000 spectators, elements from the 3rd cent. BC) and sta-

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SARDIS

991

dium at the northeastern foot of the acropolis; east of this, an odeion. The city wall with the ‘Persian Gates’ near the theatre (Pol. 7,17,6; 18,3 f.) also survived into the post-Seleucid period. The great temple of Artemis was erected in the mid 3rd cent., oriented to the west and on the site of an existing altar to Artemis-Cybele (5th cent.), as a double-antae building; it was expanded into the > pseudodipteros (on the long sides) before the mid 2nd cent. and remained incomplete even into the Imperial Period. An eastern double cella (created in the 2nd cent. AD for Faustina [2]) may have existed already in the 3rd cent. BC for Zeus Polieus (?) [20; 21; 22; 23]. There were cult (and mystery) associations from the Lydian-Persian period, with cult places and gardens for indigenous and foreign deities [24]; in the Roman Period, there were also heroa for deserving citizens and sanctuaries for the imperial cult ( Ruler cult).

VI. ROMAN RULE By inheriting > Pergamum, Rome also received S. in 133 BC. S., in the province of Asia (129 BC-AD 295), remained free even under the Attalids (Attalus II: [39. 4]), like other cities in possession of autonomy (94/3 BC: treaty of isopoliteia between S. and Ephesus: OGIS 437 =[39. 6]). In 88 BC, S. joined the opponents of + Mithridates [6] (Oros. 6,2,8). The orator and poet ~» Diodorus [17] Zonas emerged from S. as an opponent of the king; his younger kinsman > Diodorus [9] was a friend of Strabo’s (Str. 13,4,9). Caesar’s decision (of 4 March 44 BC) on Greek city temples’ right of sanctuary also affected S. [25]. S. had a prominent position in the Asian provincial assembly (koinon tés Asias). The Sardiana iurisdictio (Plin. HN 5,111) was one of the four judicial territories of the province of Asia. S. was most severely affected by the Asian earthquake disaster of AD 17; Tiberius provided ten million sestertii, granting a five-year tax exemption (Tac. Ann. 2,47,2; Str. 13,4,8; Plin. HN 2,200; Anth. Gr. 9,423; [26; 27. 165-168; 28]). In 53/4, Claudius donated an aqueduct (IGRIV 1505 =[39. ro]). S. lost out to Smyrna in the candidature for siting of the provincial temple voted for by the Asian koinon in gratitude to Tiberius in AD 26 (Tac. Ann. 4,55 f.). Instead, S. founded a community cult to Tiberius and officially termed itself ‘imperial’. There were political tensions in the citizenry during the rst-2nd cents. AD (Philostr. VA 75; Plut. Mor. 600a; 6orb). S. received its coveted first provincial temple in the 2nd cent., and soon its second neokoria

(+ neokoros). The high priest of the koinon Asias at S. also functioned as high priest of the city temple (arch(h)iereus Asias naon ton en Sardesin; |29]).

S.’ reconstruction after AD 17 altered the town plan considerably. The northern and eastern slopes of the acropolis were also built upon. Known from inscriptions are, among others, temples of Augustus and Caesar (IGR IV 1756 = [39. 8]), a metroon [30] and a Menogeion (for Menogenes, active at Rome as an emis-

sary 5-1 BC, honoured by the Asian koindn). S$. own games (Chrysdnthina) were inaugurated under -> Sep-

992

timius [II 7] Severus early in the 3rd cent. (IGR 4,14373 1518 f.). A large gymnasium of Anatolian type (marble courtyard with ornamental facade, dedication inscription AD 211) was built in the northwest of the city on the cross-country road; to the rear, it adjoined baths, with a palaestra in front, on the southern flank of which a basilica (c. 230) was converted into a synagogue with a Torah school [31]. Under + Severus [II 2] Alexander and Gordianus (3rd cent. AD), S. became the ‘first metropolis of Asia and all of Lydia and Hellas’ (coins and inscriptions). After the imperial reforms of Diocletian (+ Diocletianus), $. was the capital of the province of Lydia, and from c. 300 on it was the site of an imperial arsenal (Not. Dign. Or. 32). The Roman city centre was marked by the Roman agora, east of which was an elongated complex ‘A’ (3rd—7th cents., the arsenal?). From there, S. spread far out into the plain: there was a basilica (‘C’, part of a bath complex?) on its northern periphery, in the northeast another extensive Roman-Byzantine bath complex (‘CG’). The population of S. in the 3rd—4th cents. probably far exceeded 100,000. VII. LATE ANTIQUITY

The early Byzantine Period marked another era of the city’s renewal. The synagogue near the gymnasium [32] was decorated with ornate marbles and mosaics c. AD 400 (inscription [33]); the main road passing it to the south, now paved with marble and its colonnades adorned with mosaic floors (from the 4th cent.), formed

the city’s commercial centre until the 6th cent., with its rows of workshops and shops (esp. goldsmiths, glassblowers) [34]. The gymnasium itself was repaired in the 5th cent. and later. The undiminished artistic standards of the construction work required a qualified and efficient building industry with its various constituent trades and professions. There were also metalworking operations, various textile manufactures and considerable production of glass (esp. sth—6th cents. [35]). The western flank of the city on the Pactolus, long abandoned after 213 BC (only late Hellenistic chamber tombs and Roman brick tombs of the rst-2nd cents. on the ‘Pactolus Cliff’ near the ‘Lydian Trench’ and some workshops) had been rebuilt during the Imperial Period and once more gained a commercial centre in the north in the 4th—sth cents.; farther to the south (in the ‘Pactolus North’ complex) was a Roman villa with mosaic

floors and baths (4th—6th cents. AD). There was a mausoleum for a woman of consular family (Claudia Antonia Sabina, late 2nd cent. AD, with sarcophagi) to the west on the road before the city, and another, with early

Christian wall-paintings (peacocks: ‘Peacock Tomb’, 5th cent.), south of ‘Pactolus North’. The Byzantine city walls (sth cent., renewed in the 7th cent. and later), defended with several towers, enclosed (from the Pac-

tolus Bridge in the northwest) a diminished urban area to the north and northeast of the acropolis hill and the acropolis itself (on the northwestern edge of which were the overhanging ‘flying towers’).

994

993 VIIL. THE JEwIsH COMMUNITY

The Jewish community at S. (‘Sefarad’), possibly founded as early as the 5th cent. BC by exiles from Jerusalem (Abd 20) and enlarged c. 200 BC by the settlement of some 2,000 Jewish families in Phrygia and Lydia at the command of Antiochus III (Jos. Ant. Iud. 12,148-153), invoked its centuries-old existence in the rst cent. BC under Caesar and received the privilege from the future Augustus of raising temple taxes and paying them to Jerusalem (Jos. Ant. Iud. 16,166; 171). Jewish citizens of S. who had achieved wealth as craftsmen and merchants occupied synagogue positions, while others were council members, senior urban or imperial officials (comites) and acted as benefactors. After AD 616, Jewish life at S. appears to have been extinguished. IX. CHRISTIANITY One of the seven Christian congregations of the province of Asia existed at S. c. AD

roo (Ape. 1:11;

3:1-6), but at this time it was in crisis. In 166, bishop ~ Meliton [3] of Sardis is said to have given his apologia to the co-emperor L. Verus during the latter’s visit to S. (Eus. Hist. eccl. 4,13,8; 26,4 ff.). The church of S. produced two martyrs: the priest Therapon (d. 257 under Valerianus) and Apollonius (d. 3rd cent.) [36. 23 f.]. The philosopher and theurgist Chrysanthius, of a senatorial family of S., school founder in his home city and high priest of Lydia under Julian the Apostate (— Iulianus [11]), his former student, attempted in vain to revive the pagan cults (Eunap. VS 476 ff.; 500-505). Nonetheless, these cults were not entirely extinguished: in the 5th and 6th cents., certain old Lydian myths were still known, and the former greatness of S. was nostalgically celebrated (Nonnus, Dion.

13,464-467; 41,85-88; 354-358; Anth. Gr. 9,645) [36. 28, 2873]. The disturbances in Lydia around 430 caused by the harsh treatment of the Quartodecimans by the patriarch > Nestorius claimed many victims in S., too (Socr. 7,29). In 448, the bishop of S., Florentius,

took action against his suffragans for supporting ~» Monophysitism. Their condemnation at the Council of Chalcedon (451) was confirmed at a synod in S. in 457. Nevertheless, this heresy continued to enjoy much support even in the 6th cent.; orthodoxy prevailed only by the incarceration of the bishop of S., Elisaeus, at

Constantinople [3 6. 33 f.]. Four churches are known at S.: a chapel in the temple of Artemis (‘M’, 4th and 6th cents.), two churches in ‘Pactolus North’ (‘EA’ and ‘EF’,

4th and 13th cents.) and the great basilica north of the main road (‘D’), possibly the cathedral of S. in the 6th

cent. In the Byzantine Period, S. was ranked sixth under the patriarchate of Constantinople until the archbishopric was transferred to -> Philadelphia [1] in 1369.

X. BYZANTINE AND MODERN

PERIODS

The conquest of $. by + Chosroes [6] Il in 616 and severe earthquakes in the 7th cent. led to its destruction

SARDIS

and the widespread depopulation of the region. Using countless pieces of spolia and inscriptions from major imperial buildings, the citadel was refortified around 660, and heavily developed in the 7th-8th and roth— 11th cents. Conquered in 717 by Arabs and in ro90 and 1310 by Seljuqs, S. was in 1390, and, finally, in 1425, incorporated into the Ottoman Empire. Early in the 2oth cent. the village of Sart (-Mustafa and -Mahmut)

developed on the desolate site. American excavations took place in r910-1914 and have proceeded again since 1958. + Asia Minor; > Gygaia limne; > Lydia 1R.GusMANI, Lydisches Worterbuch, 1964, 201 f.; suppl. vol. 1980, 95 2 D.D. LucKENBILL, Ancient

Records of Babylonia and Assyria, vol. 2, 1927, 297 f. 3 M. Cocan, H. TADMor, Gyges and Ashurbanipal ..., in: Orientalia 46, 1977, 65-85 4 A.J. SPALINGER, The Death of Gyges and Its Historical Implications, in: Journ. of the American Oriental Soc. 98, 1978, 400-409 5 D.G. Mirren, Lydian S. and the Region of Colchis, in: O.LORDKIPANIDZE,

Argonautes. 129-139

P. LEVEQUE (ed.), Sur les traces des

Conference, Vani (Colchis, 1990), 1996, 6S.MiTCHELL, Archaeology in Asia Minor

1990-98: Lydia, in: Archaeological Reports 1998-1999,

144 ff.

7 C.Ratr£,

The Pyramid

Tomb

at S., in:

MDAI(Ist) 42, 1992, 135-161 8 W.KteErss, Bemerkungen zum ‘Pyramid Tomb’ in Sardes, in: MDAI(Ist) 46, 1996, 135-140 9J.G.DevorTo, Agesilaos and Tissaphernes near Sardes in 395 B.C., in: Hermes 116, 1988, 41-53 10L.Rosert, Une nouvelle inscription de Sardes, in: CRAI 1975, 307-330 11A.B. Boswortn, A

Historical

Commentary

on Arrian’s History of Alex-

ander, vol. 1, 1980, 128-130 12 H.WANKEL, IEph ra (IK 11,1), 1979 13 O.Masson, L’inscription d’Ephése

relative aux condamnés a mort de Sardes (I. Ephesos 2), in: REG

100, 1987, 225-239

14 BENGTSON

2, 12-14

15 E.T. NEWELL, Coinage of the Western Seleucid Mints, 1941,242f. 16 MAGIE 2, 733 note 16 17 E.OLSHAUSEN,

s.v. Zeuxis

(3), RE

10 A, 381-385

18 F.PreykKo, The Settlement of S. after the Fall of Achaeus, in: AJPh 108, 1987, 707-729 19 P. GAUTHIER, Nouvelles inscriptions de Sardes, vol. 2, 1989, 13 ff. no. 1, 47 ff. no. 2, 81 ff.no. 3 20 G.GruBEN, Beobachtungen zum Artemistempel von Sardes, in: MDAI(A) 76, 1961,

155-196 21P.R. FrRaAnKg, Inschriften und numismatische Zeugnisse fiir die Chronologie des Artemistempels zu S., in: MDAI(A) 76, 1961, 187-208

22 C.RattTé£et al.,

An Imperial Pseudodipteral Temple at S., in: AJA 90, 1988, 45-68 23 G.LERipeR, Les trouvailles monétaires dans le temple d’ Artemis a Sardes, in: RN 33, 1991, 71-88 24 P. HERRMANN, Mysterienvereine in Sardeis, in: Chiron

26, 1996, 315-348

25 P.HERRMANN,

Rom

Asylie griechischer Heiligtiimer ..., in: Chiron

127-164

26 MaAGIE2,1358f.

und die 19, 1989,

27 G. WALDHERR, Erd-

beben (Geographica Historica 9), 1997 28 H.SONNABEND, Naturkatastrophen in der Antike, 1999, 218 f. 29 J.DEININGER, Die Provinziallandtage

der romischen Kaiserzeit, 1965,38 f. 30 D.KNOEPFLER, Le temple du Métroon de Sardes et ses inscriptions, in: MH 50, 1993, 26-43 31 A.SeaGer, The Building History of the S. Synagogue, in: AJA 76, 1972, 425-435 32 H. BorerMANN, Die Synagoge von Sardes, in: ZNTW 81, 1990,

103-121

33 L.RoperT,

tions de Sardes, vol. 1, 1964,37-57

Nouvelles

inscrip-

34J.S. CRAWFORD

SARDIS

voy

996

et al., The Byzantine Shops at S. (S. Monographs 9), 1990

Sar-e Pol-e Zahab. Archaeological find site in Kurdi-

35 A. vON SALDERN, Ancient and Byzantine Glass from S.

stan, Iran (Old Persian Hulvan; Akkadian

(S. Monographs

20 km from the Iraqi border on the old KermanshahBaghdad road. There, to both sides of the River Alvand, was found a total of four reliefs of the Lullubaean princes who reigned in the late 3rd or early 2nd millennium BC; among them, the triumphal relief of Anubanini [2. pl. 49], with the motif of trampling the enemy underfoot, provided the model for the relief of + Darius [1]1 at > Bisutun. Below this image is an Arsacid investiture relief (figure on horseback in profile in front of a standing male figure in front view) [t1. pl. 6|. The Parthian inscription (gwtrz MLK? RB’ BRY

Turkish

6), 1980

36 C.Foss, Byzantine and

S. (S. Monographs

38 WeLLES

4), 1976

37 OtV

48

39 W.H. BucKLer, D.M. ROBINSON, S. 7.1:

Greek and Latin Inscriptions, 1932. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY: J.A. Scott, G.M. A. HANFMANN, S.V. S., PE, 808-810; M. SPANU, s.v. Sardeis, EAA 2. Suppl. 5, 1997, 160-162; MAGIE, 974-976; MITCHELL 2; JONES, LRE, 735, 834, 859 f.; G.M. A. HANFMANN, S. und Lydien (AAWM

1960.6),

1960; J.G. PEpLEY,

An-

cient Literary Sources on S. (S. Monographs 2), 1972. EXCAVATIONS

1910-1914:

H.C. Butter (ed.), S. 1.1:

The Excavations, 1922; Id. (ed.), S. 2.1: The Temple of Artemis, 1925; C.R. Morey (ed.), S. 5.1: Roman and Christian Sculpture, 1924; T.L. SHEAR (ed.), S. 10.1: Architectural Terracottas, 1926; C.D. Curtis, S. 13.1:

Jewelry and Gold Work, 1925. EXCAVATIONS SINCE 1958: G.M. A. HANFMANN, Letters from S., 1972; Id., J.C. WaLtpBAuM, A Survey of S.

and the Major Monuments

outside the City Walls (S.

Report 1), 1975; Id., N.H. RaAMAGE, Sculpture from S. The Finds through 1975 (S. Report 2), 1978; G.M. A. HaANFMANN, S. from Prehistoric to Roman Times, 1983; E. GURALNICK (ed.), S. Twenty-Seven Years of Discovery (Conference, Chicago), 1987. EXCAVATION REPORTS: BASO 1958 ff.; 1985 ff. in the

Halman),

gyw... ‘of Gotarzes, the Great King, son of Gew...’)

probably places it in the reign of -» Gotarzes II (mid rst cent. AD) [3. 87-92]. Near S. is the (late) Achaemenid

or Hellenistic rock tomb of Dokkan-e Davud with the relief of Kil-e Davad, depicting a man (magus?) with prominent tiara and barsom bundle [4. 130-134]. 1 T.S. KAwAmi1, Monumental Art of the Parthian Period in Iran, 1987 2M.C. Root, The King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art, 1979 3 M.Scuotrxy, Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134 4 J. WiesEHOFER, Die ‘dunklen Jahrhunderte’ der Persis,

1994

JW.

Suppl. INSCRIPTIONS:

E.LITTMANN,

W.H. BucKLER

(ed.), S.

6.1-2: Lydian Inscriptions, 1916-1924; G.M. A. HANFMANN, O. Masson, Carian Inscriptions from S. and Stra-

tonikeia, in: Kadmos

6, 1967,

123-134;

R.GUSMANI,

Neue epichorische Schriftzeugnisse aus S. 1958-1971 (S.

Monographs 3), 1975; P. GAUTHIER, Nouvelles inscriptions de Sardes, vol. 2, 1989. Corns: BMC, Gr: Lydia, 236-277; HN 656f.; H.W. BELt (ed.), S. 14.1: Coins, 1916; SNG Copenhagen, Lydia; G.E. Bates, Byzantine Coins (S$. Monographs 1), 1971; T.V. Burrrey et al., Greek, Roman, and Islamic Coins from S., 1981.

INDIVIDUAL STUDIES: E.Hostetrer, Lydian Architectural Terracottas, 1992; A.RAMAGE, Lydian Houses and Architectural Terracottas (S. Monographs 5), 1978; J.SNYDER SCHAEFFER, The Corinthian, Attic, and Lakonian Pottery from S. (S. Monographs 10), 1997; R.L. VANN, The Unexcavated Buildings of S., 1989; J.C. WaLpBaum, Metalwork from S. (S. Monographs 8),

1983; F.K. YeGUL, The Bath-Gymnasium Complex at S. (S. Report 3), 1986. Maps: C.H. GREENEWALT Jr., M.I. RAUTMANN, The S. Campaigns of 1996, 1997, and 1998, in: AJA 104, 2000, 643-681. H.KA.

Sardonyx

(oaoddvvE/sardényx,

Latin

sardonyx).

Today a brown-and-white-banded variety of chalcedony, but in Antiquity a metal from the S. Mountains in India. Whether ancient gems allegedly made from sardonyx [1. e.g. pls.tili 15,52 and 18,42] in fact consist of this stone would be a matter for study. 1 F.IMHOoF-BLUMER, O.KELLER, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Miinzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertuns, 1889 (repr. 1972).

C.HU.

Sargon [1] of Akkad (Akkadian Sarru[m]-kin, ‘the ruler is legitimate’). Founder (2340-2284

BC) of the so-called

dynasty of > Akkad in Mesopotamia. According to later Sumerian and Akkadian literary and historiographical tradition, S. was said to have been the son of a

certain La’ipum and a priestess [1. 69; 2. 36-49] and to

have begun his career as a cupbearer under King UrZababa of Kis [1; 2. 51-55]. S. established his own (to date unidentified) residence, Akkad, and created by his

conquests extending outward from northern Babylonia the first greater territorial state in Mesopotamia. Ancient Baby!onian copies of inscriptions and contemporary annual details report several victorious campaigns that led to the complete conquest of southern Mesopotamia as far as the coast of the Persian Gulf, northern Mesopotamia and northern Syria. Towards the east, S. advanced to the Zagros mountains and conquered > Elam in the southeast as well as the region of BarahSum situated to its north [3. 7f.]. Under S., the empire

was divided up administratively into provinces headed by dependent governors, with S. initially leaving the old elites in their roles in the south [4. 100 with note 16]. A daughter of $., Enheduanna, famous esp. for her own literary works, was the high priestess of the moon god Nanna (> Moon deities) in southern Babylonian > Ur

[5]. S.’s posthumous fame as a successful (and concomitantly exemplary) ruler found expression in the literary, historiographical and omen tradition both from Mesopotamia and Egypt (Amarna) and Anatolia that to some extent lasted into the rst millennium BC [2. 33-169;

6. 328-3 303 7; 8; 9; 10. 87-147].

oF,

998

[2] 1 of Assyria (in Akkadian probably Sarrum-kin) was, as son of Ikanum, the 6th ruler of the so-called Old Assyrian dynasty (c. 1870 BC) [11. 105; 12. 45 f.] and

was probably named after S. [1] of Akkad [9. 144]. [3] If of Assyria (Akkadian Sarru-kénu and Sarru-ukén; 722-705 BC), as the son of > Tiglath-Pileser [2] III (745-727 BC), certainly of royal descent, but succeeded his brother Salmanassar V through irregular channels [13. rf.]. Even his (royal) name appears to draw on S. [1] of Akkad as a model [8; 16. 82 f. with note 43]. The reign of S. was characterized by extensive military and diplomatic activities, as is witnessed by surviving regal inscriptions and a considerable corpus of letters. S. succeeded in annihilating a Syrian coalition directed against Assyria and with > Karchemish in integrating the last independent Syrian state into the empire as an Assyrian province (717 BC) [14. 225-227]. Further undertakings were directed among other things against southeastern Anatolia and the northern neighbour + Urartu. A high point was the 8th campaign of S. (714 BC), described in a ‘divine letter’ in which the Assyrian king defeated the Urartians and conquered and plundered the small state of Musasir, important for both sides, situated in the border area between Assyria [15]. After further pacification campaigns in the various border regions of the empire, S. re-established Assyrian power in Babylonia between 710 and 707 BC after expelling Marduk-apla-iddina II (721-710 BC) from Babylon. On a campaign against Tabal in southeastern Anatolia, S. was finally killed in battle; his body could not be salvaged, a fact regarded in Assyria as disastrous from religious and ideological perspectives [16]. In the internal political sphere, S. distinguished himself among other things as the founder and builder of the new capital city of Dar-Sarru-(u)kin, constructed between 717 and 706 BC, but abandoned already under

his son and successor - Sennacherib (705-681

BC)

[17]. — Mesopotamia (with table of rulers) 1J.S. Cooper, W.HeimpeL, The Sumerian Sargon Legend, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society 103, 1983,67-82 2J.G. WesTENHOLZ, Legends of the Kings of Akkade, 1997. 3 .D.FRAYNE, Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Early Periods 2, 1993

4 A. WesTENHOLZ, The Old Akkadian Empire in Contemporary Opinion, in: Mesopotamia (Copenhagen) 7, 1979,

107-124 ess, Hen

5 J.G. WesTeNHOLz, Enheduanna, En-Priestof Nanna,

(ed.), Festschrift

Spouse

A. Sjoberg,

of Nanna,

1989,

in:

H. BEHRENS

539-556

6 Id.,

Heroes of Akkad, in: Journal of the American Oriental Society 103, 1983, 327-336

7 M.Liverant, Model and

Actualization. The Kings of Akkad in the Historical Tradition, in: Id. (ed.), Akkad, the First World Empire, 1993, 41-67. 8M.VAN De Mieroor, Literature and Political

SARMATAE

disch, RLA 6, 86-135 12 Id., Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Assyrian Periods 1, 1987 13 E.FRAHM, Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften, 1997 14H.KLENGEL, Syria 3000 to 300 B. C., 1992 15 W. Mayer, S.s Feldzug gegen Urartu, in: MDOG 115, 1983, 65-132 16 E.FRAHM, Nabié-zuqup-kénu, das Gilgames-Epos und der Tod S.s IL., in: JCS 51, 1999, 73-90

17 F. BLocnuer, Eine Hauptstadt zieht um, in: Das Alter-

tum 43, 1997, 21-43. A. WESTENHOLZ, Mesopotamien. Akkade-Zeit und Ur IIIZeit (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 160/3), 1999, 34-403

M.T. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City State and Its Colonies, 1976; A. Fucus, Die Inschriften S.s I. aus Khorsabad, 1994; S.PARPoLA, The Correspondence of S. II, Part I, 1987; G. B. LANFRANCHI, S. PARPOLA, The Correspond-

ence of S. II, Part II, 1990.

H.N.

Sarissa (ode.ooa/sdrissa or o.Q.0a/sdrisa). Long pike of the Macedonian infantry and cavalry, weighing 6-7,5 kg and having a length of 4,5-5,4 m (Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,12,2; Asclepiodotus 5,1; Pol. 18,29; [1]). It

consisted of a wooden shaft, preferably made of European cornel, and had pointed metal tips at both ends. The bottom point served as spare part, as a counterweight and for fixing the sarissa on the ground against a cavalry attack. Since the sarissa was held with both hands during the fight, the foot soldiers armed with it could carry only a small round shield hanging from their neck on a band. The Macedonian cavalry started using the sarissa at the latest in the battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC, with the hoplites probably following somewhat later [2]. Under Alexander [4] the Great, their weapons varied according to the military mission at hand. The > phalanx of the Hellenistic Period was still armed with the sarissa (Pol. 2,69; 18,29 f.; Plut. Aemilius 19). -» Armament; > Armies 1 M.Markte, The Macedonian Sarissa, Spear, and Related Armor, in: AJA 81, 1977, 323-339 2M.MarkK LE, Use ofthe Sarissa by Philip and Alexander of Macedon, in: AJA 82, 1978, 483-497.

LB.

Sarmatae (Laoudata/Sarmatai, Daveoudtal/Sauromdtai; Lat. Sarmatae). Iranian nomadic tribes who in-

clude, among others, the Alani, Aorsi, lazyges, Rhoxolani and Sirachi. They lived until the mid 3rd cent. BC east of the Tanais (modern Don), regarded as the border between — Scythae (with map) and S. (Hdt. 4,21), in

the steppes north of the Caucasus (ta tOv LaQuatav media/ta ton Sarmaton pedia, Str. 11,2,15). The Syrmatae probably lived in the outermost western region (Steph. Byz., s.v. Dvepdtat; in Ps.-Scyl. 68 already west of the Tanais). From the mid 3rd cent. BC on, the S.’s

warlike undertakings are attested: they invaded the ter-

Discourse in Ancient Mesopotamia. S. II of Assyria and S.

ritory of the Scythians (Diod. Sic. 2,43,7; Lucian, Toxa-

of Agade, in: B.Béck et al. (ed.), Festschrift J. Renger,

ris 42) and demanded tributes from the cities on the Bosporus [2]. They also spread out on the Hypanis [2]

1999, 327-339 91d.,S. of Agade and His Successors in Anatolia, in: SMEA 42/1, 2000, 133-159 108B.LEwIs, The S. Legend: A Study of the Akkadian Text and the Tale of the Hero Who Was Exposed at Birth, 1980

Grayson,

s.v. KO6nigslisten und Chroniken.

11A.K.

B. Akka-

(modern Kuban) and in the Caucasus as well as westwards to the Istros [2] (modern Danube). As trading partners they were an important economic factor for

SARMATAE

999

the Bosporan cities, esp. as vital trade routes passed

through their territory to central Asia. In 179 BC, the Sarmatian king Galatus was party to the peace treaty between Pharnaces [1] I and the city of Chersonesus [3] (Pol. 25,2,13). When Chersonesus was pressed by the

Scythians in the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC, the city asked the S. for help. The S. were allied with Mithridates [6] VI (App. Mithr. 53), also in the war with Pompey [3] (App. Mithr. 469-476), and the same in 47/6 BC with Pharnaces [2] II (Str. 11,5,8: Aorsoi). They fought on the side of Mithridates [9] VII against the Romans (AD 44/5). At the time of the Bosporan dynasty (> Regnum Bosporanum) of the Tiberii Iulii, the relationship between the S. and the royal house was apparently very good; for the royal name > Sauromates, encountered from the end of the rst cent. AD in the Bosporan royal house, attests to relationships with the Sarmatian tribal

nobility through marriage. From the mid 2nd cent. AD ‘Sarmatian symbols’ [1] appear more and more frequently as royal emblems in the inscriptions (e.g., IOSPE 4, p. 447). In the 2nd and 3rd cents. AD, more and more S. settled in the Bosporan cities and their territories and exercised a great influence on their culture. Str. 7,3,17 knew of four Sarmatian tribes between the

Borysthenes (Dniepr) and the Istros [2]: > lazyges in the south, O#rgoi (Oveyot) in the north, > Rhoxolani in the east and in the centre the ‘royal S.’ (=. oi Baoidetou/ S. hot basileiot) who led the alliance of the four tribes. In the rst half of the rst cent. AD, some of the royal S. moved to the lower Istros [2], probably in connection with the collapse of the Dacian kingdom under > Byrebista. Afterwards, the lazyges migrated across the rivers Alutus and — Pathissus to the Hungarian lowland plain, as archaeological investigations have shown. Rome must have agreed to this migration since the S. could serve as a buffer state against the > Daci. Together with Germanic tribes, the other S. repeatedly attakked the Roman empire from the 3rd cent. AD on. The Rhoxolani probably migrated to + Pannonia at the beginning of the 3rd cent. After the Roman province of Dacia was abandoned, this region became the point of departure for Sarmatian attacks on Roman territory (SHA

Car.

9,3 f.).

After

they

were

subjugated,

> Diocletianus settled large numbers of the S. (primarily lazyges) in Roman territory. In the early 4th cent., slaves (Limigantes) arose against their Sarmatian mas-

ters (Argaragantes) at Pathissus and drove them out (Jer. Chron. ad annum 334). Constantine [1] I settled 300,000 Argaragantes in the Balkans and in Italy (Eus. Vita Constini 4,6; Excerpta Valesiana 31 f.; cf. Amm.

1000

cratic stamp. The respected position of women is emphasized particularly by the early authors as a peculiarity of the S. (cf. Hdt. 4,1r0-117). Their culture (art, religion) is clearly distinct from that of the Scythians. The Sarmatian cemeteries, so-called kurgans, on the Hypanis [2] and on the lower Tanais (above all Hohlac and Sadovyi near Novoéerkassk) are particularly characteristic. Metalwork, the art of jewellery making and glass production were highly developed. The S. had a heavily armed > cavalry (from the time of Christ with scale or ring armour, so-called catafractae/— kataphraktoi); their main weapons were the lance, long sword and dagger; a conical helmet provided them with protection’

(Ste. 73317;

Tac.

Ann.

4535;

Tac:

Hist.

1,79,3; Amm. Marc. 17,12,2). 1 H.JANICHEN, Bildzeichen der koniglichen den iranischen Volkern, 1956.

Hoheit bei

M.RostovrzerF, The Sarmatae and Parthians, in: CAH II, 1936, 91-104; Id., Iranians and Greeks in South Russia, 1922; V.F. GayDuKEvIC, Das Bosporanische Reich,

1971, esp. 392-401; J. HARMATTA, Studies on the History of the Sarmatians, 1950; Id., Studies on the History and Language of the Sarmatians, 1970; K.F. SMIRNOV, Sar-

maty, 1984; Id. (ed.), Sokrovis¢a sarmatskich vozdej i drevnie goroda Povolzja, 1989; M. Parpucz, Denkmaler der Sarmatenzeit Ungarns, 2 vols., 1941 and 1947; B.CuNLIFFE (ed.), Illustrierte Vor- und Friihgeschichte Europas,

1996,

449

et passim;

W.A.

NABATSCHIKOW

vom

antiken Kuban.

(ed.), Gold- und Kunsthandwerk

Exhibition catalogue Mannheim, 1989, 131-169.

—Lv.B

Sarmaticus. A victory title assumed by Roman emperors to indicate a military success over the Sarmatians (+ Sarmatae). After AD 175, Marcus [2] Aurelius and his son - Commodus were the first to bear the epithet Sarmaticus following the peace treaty with the > lazyges. Maximinus [2] Thrax and his son Maximus bore the title Sarmaticus maximus from AD 236. Although Sarmatian tribes continued to threaten the Danube border, > Diocletianus was the first to accept the title Sarmaticus maximus again in AD 285 (three more times from then on). After Diocletian, all the Augusti of the

tetrarchy (— Tetrarches, Tetrarchia; apart from Severus [2] Alexander) and all the rulers of the dynasty of Constantine [1] I including Julian [11] acquired the title, mainly in the form Sarmaticus maximus and frequently several times. Despite further battles, it was no longer used after Julian’s time. R.Knersst,

Die

1969, 206-209,

Siegestitulatur

der

rémischen

248.

Kaiser, W.ED.

Marc. 17,12,18 ff.; 13,1 ff.). The Sarmatian tribes dis-

solved under the pressure of the -» Hunni. Some S. served in the army of the Langobardian king Alboin, who settled them in Italy (Paulus Diaconus 2,26).

Large numbers of the S. led a nomadic existence for cents. whilst others settled in the Chersonesus {2]/Crimea and on the lower Istros [2]/Danube) as farmers tilling the fields. Their society bore an aristo-

Sarmizegetusa.

Town

in Dacia

(cf. Ptol.

3,8,9:

ZaouteyeVovoa/Zarmizegethousa; Cass. Dio 68,8,7: ZeQuiteye0ovoa/Zermizegéthousa; Dig. 50,15,1,9: Zarmizegetusa; Geogr. Rav 4,7: Sarmazege; Tab. Peut.

7,5: Sarmategte; in the inscriptions mainly S.), modern Hunedoara, Hateg (Romania). In the pre-Roman Period, the centre was a settlement of the > Daci and resi-

IOOL

1002

dence of the Dacian kings (S. Regia in Dacia Superior). Owing to its strategic position, the Romans occasionally used S. as a military base. The Roman colony (CIL Ill 1443), founded after the second Dacian war c. AD 108-110, lay c. 40 km farther west (modern Gradistea Muncelului, Orastie/Romania). The colonia Ulpia Traiana Augusta Dacica S. quickly became the most significant and richest town in Dacia (metropolis in the 3rd. cent.), centre of the concilium Daciarum trium and of the > ruler cult, as well as seat of the procur. of Dacia Apulensis. Abundant archaeological finds in the town and surroundings: forum, house of the augustales, temple, amphitheatre, cistern, town walls, villae suburba-

only ata later date from the position of a god to that of a heros. HEB.

nae and rusticae, mausoleums and necropoleis, monuments of provincial Roman art, numerous inscriptions.

In religious life, the > Mithras cult played an important role.

SARPEDON

Saronikos Kolpos (Sagwvinds xdAmoc/Saronikos kolpos, nthayoc/pélagos, novtoc/pontos, or mOQ0¢/poros;

also xddnocg Aoyelac/kdlpos Argeias, Ptol. 3,16,12, or Lorawwiaxov smédayoc/Salaminiakon pélagos, Str. 8,2,2), modern

‘Gulf of Aegina’.

Named

after the

mythical king + Saron of > Troezen, a generally shallow gulf of the > Aegean Sea (Paus. 2,30,73 2,32,10, cf. 2,34,2; Str. 2,5,21) between Attica in the northeast, Argolis in the southwest and the Isthmus of Corinth in the northwest, with many islands (e.g., Aegina, Salamis,

Calaurea) between the capes of Scyllaeum (in Argolis) and Sunium (in Attica) and opening to the east into the Myrtoan Sea (-» Myrtoon Pelagos). PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, 42~65.

AKU.

C. and H. Datcovic1v, Ulpia Traiana, 1962; Id., S., 1963; TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 63 (Gradistea Muncelului), 115

J.BU.

Sarpedon (Zagnndmv/Sarpédon). [1] Son of + Zeus and - Laodameia [1]. In the Trojan

Sarnus. River in Campania (Plin. HN 3,9,62; in Vibius

War, S. and his cousin > Glaucus [4] command the Lycians (> Lycii), the strongest and remotest allies of the Trojans (Hom. Il. 2,876-877; the name S. is also of Lycian origin [1]). Zeus’ son S. wins a duel with Zeus’ grandson Tlepolemus (ibid. 5,628—662) and plays a decisive part in storming the defensive wall around the Greek camp (ibid. 12,290-471). Here his rousing

(Ulpia Traiana S.) with sources and bibl.

Sequester 138 also a mountain S.; in Oros. 4,15,2 f. erroneously identified with the Arno; Ptol. 3,1,7; Tab.

Peut. 6,5 without being called by name; Procop. Goth. 4,35 calls it Agaxwv/Drakon, ‘Dragon’), gently flowing with abundant water (Sil. Pun. 8,537), which empties into the Sinus Puteolanus at Nuceria [1], modern Sarno. Conon [4] traced the name of the S. back to Pelasgians who settled there from the Peloponnese, calling the S. Sarro and themselves Sarrastae (FGrH 26 F 3; cf. Verg. Aen. 7,738; Sil. Pun. 8,536 f.). Alluvial deposits by the river, the eruption of > Vesuvius in AD 79 and the constant seismic activity in this region have since moved the coastline around the mouth of the S. to the west; logging of the forests near the head has also decreased the abundance of water in the S$. The commercial harbour of + Pompeii at the mouth of the S. was used by Nola, Nuceria and Acerrae [1] (Str. 5,4,8). A youth with ram’s horns was worshipped as the river god (cf. Suet. Gram. 28 and the coins of Nuceria HN 41). A. AMARoTTA, La linea del Sarno nella Guerra Gotica, in:

Atti

dell’Accademia

Pontaniana

27,

1978,

156-179;

G. CENTONZE, L’idronimo S. nelle fonti antiche e medievali, in: Ibid. 38, 1989, 151-180; A.Ostrow KOLOSKI, The Sarno Bath Complex, 1990; R. CATALANO TRIONE, Sulla storia del Sarno, in: Tra Lazio e Campania, 1995, 123-136. M.G.

speech to Glaucus (ibid. 12,3 10-328) bears traits of an ‘early Greek princes’ mirror’. Later Zeus considers pre-

venting the predestined death of his son. Swayed by Hera, Zeus sends a significant portent (a rain of blood) of S.’s fatal duel with > Patroclus [1] (ibid. 16,459). S.’s

body is removed to Lycia by Hypnos (Sleep) and Thanatos (Death) and buried there (ibid. 16,68 1-683; on par-

allel narrative motifs and S. cults in Lycia see [2. 370373]). A divergent genealogy first found in Hes. fr. 140 M.-W. may be earlier. It names > Europe/Europa [2] as mother and makes S. a brother of > Minos and > Rhadamanthys, locating S. in Crete. Ancient writers ‘resolve’ the geographical and chronological problems in different ways. According to Herodotus (1,173) the Lycians are originally from Crete, and S. was expelled thence as the result of a dispute over succession with Minos (other sources give S. as the founder of Miletus: Ephorus F 127.) According to Diodorus (5,79,3), this S. is the grandfather of the one who fought at Troy, while in Apollodorus (3,5) Zeus gives S. a life spanning three generations.

Saron (Xtowv; Sdron). According to the legend, the

third king of + Troezen, who founded a temple and a festival to > Artemis Saronia. When a stag fled into the sea during a hunting party, S. was drowned while he was chasing it and was buried in the temple. Since then, the ‘Phoebian’ gulf has been called the Saronian (Paus. 2,30,7; > Saronikos Kolpos). According to other sources, S. lived on as a sea god or daemon (Aristid.

2,274); presumably, S. was originally pursuing the goddess Artemis herself instead of an animal, descending

1H.von

Kamptz,

312f.

2R.JanKo, The Iliad:

Homerische

Personennamen,

1982,

A Commentary, vol. 4,

1992.

D.von

BoTHMER,

s.v. S., LIMC

7.1, 696-700;

MISCH, s.v. S., ROSCHER, vol. 4, 389-413;

O.IM-

P. WATHELET,

Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988, 973-989. RE.N.

[2] (Saonndmv/Sarpéedon, Lagnndovia réteEa or GxEn/

Sarpédonia pétra or akré). Foothills on the northern

SARPEDON

1003

coast of the Aigaion Pelagos (Aegean) at the mouth of the > Hebrus, modern Cape Gremea or Paxi (Hdt. 7,58; Str. 7a,1,58), and a city — location unknown

(schol. Apoll. Rhod. 26,10; 13 f.; 27,6; Steph. Byz. s.v. x.). According to Apollod. 2,105, a Thracian king, Lyv.B. eponym of the foothills. [3] (Laenndmv/Sarpedon, Laonndovia cxoa/Sarpedonia akra). Tongue-shaped alluvial headland (Str. 1394465) LALG ALO 4s 5,4>) O45) PtOle sa7.a5) staGlacils maris magni 177 f.: cxoa “Awpddyc/akra Ammodes; in the Middle Ages, Lena de la Bagascia [1. 333]) between the mouths of the » Calycadnus and the Holmi (modern Tagucu [1.272]), modern Cape Incekum. The border between the > Seleucids and -» Ptolemies in the peace treaty of Apameia [2], 188 BC (Pol. 21,43,14; Liv. 38,38,9). The oracle of Apollo Sarpedonios in a hollow ina rock slope was probably not on Cape S. but in a cliff to the west of the Holmi [1. 399]. 1 HiLD/HELLENKEMPER.

W.RuGE, s.v. S. (6), RE 2 A, 48.

F.H.

Sarsina (Zaeowa; Sarsina). City in Umbria (Str. 5,2,10; Mart. 9,58; Sil. Pun. 8,463; Sarsinates: Liv. Per. 15; Plin. HN 3,114; Pol. 2,24,7: Sagowdtou; Sarsindtoi),

still called S. today. At the end of the 4th cent. BC, it was an Umbrian centre with a sacred district from the 3rd cent. BC. In 266 BC, it was subjected by Rome (Liv. loc.cit.). Municipium, regio VI, tribus Pupinia. City constructed by Romans with a grid of parallel streets, public buildings at the forum and a domus. Necropoleis near Pian di Bezzo. The Roman comic poet > Plautus was born in S. (Plaut. Mostell. 770). J. ORTALLI, Topografia di S. romana, 1988, 117-157.

M.M.MO.

Sarte ([aotn; Sarté). Mentioned in Hdt. 7,122 as the southernmost of the towns on the east coast of the Chalcidian Sithonia (> Chalcidice), $. should be found in

1004

the area of present-day Sarti. S. appears in the Athenian registers of the tribute shares only in 434/3 BC (ATL 1,396 f.), after the area was split off from > Torone; in 432, at the outbreak of the > Peloponnesian War, it sided with Athens; in 415/4 it appears once more in the evidence as a member of the > Delian League. Since it is not mentioned again in the evidence, S. must have been re-incorporated later by Torone. M. ZAuRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 221-223.

M.Z.

Sarus [1] (Soo0c/Sdros). River in Cilicia Pedias, modern Seyhan, rising on the Taurus in Cappadocian > Cataonia and flowing through Comana [1], past Adana and ultimately into the sea to the west of - Magarsa (this branch has dried up); it is for this reason often conflated

with the

-» Pyramus [r]. In the early Byzantine Period, the S. was still navigable as far as Adana (Procop. Aed. 53550 hey Cha ASO, AO, E229 ECOL, 64054)

“Bi

24.5%

Lives s.45676

ott:

W.RuGe, RE 2 A, 34; HILD/HELLENKEMPER, 28, 398 f.

FH. [2] Rex Gothorum, AD 406-412. On the orders of > Stilicho, in 406 he defeated ~ Radagaisus (Oros. 7,37512) then led an unsuccessful march as magister militum (?) against > Constantinus [3] I] in Gaul (Zos. 6,2,3—-5), whereupon he was discharged. He was a rival of > Alaricus [2] for the office of magister militum (Soz. 9,9,3), left Italy in 412, and was killed by > Ataulfus (Olympiodorus fr. 18 BLOCKLEY). 1PLRE2,978f. 2F.PascHoup (ed.), Zosime, Histoire nouvelle, vol. 3.1, 1986, 223 f., 237-239 (with French trans.).

WE.LU.

www. brill.nl ISBN 978 90 04 14217-6

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