ASEAN-U.S. Symposium 9789812308597

Table of contents :
CONTENTS
Opening Session: Welcome Remarks
Opening Session: Keynote Addresses: Global Issues for a New Age
Session I: ASEAN at Forty: Achievements and New Vision
Session II: Understanding the Strategic Landscape and Regional Architecture: The Role of the United States in ASEAN
Luncheon Talk: ASEAN Economic Community 2015 and Beyond: Implications for ASEAN-U.S. Economic Cooperation
Session III: Opportunities for Cooperation between ASEAN and the U.S. in the Pursuit of Peace, Stability and Prosperity
ASEAN-U.S. Symposium Participants
ASEAN-U.S. Symposium Album

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ASEAN-U.S. SYMPOSIUM

The Institute of Policy Studies (IPS) was established in 1988 as a think-tank dedicated to fostering good governance in Singapore through strategic policy research and discussion. It is an autonomous research centre in the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore. IPS focuses on Singapore’s domestic developments and her external relations. It takes on a multi-disciplinary approach in its analysis with an emphasis on long-term strategic thinking.

The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) was established as an autonomous organization in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are the Regional Economic Studies (RES, including ASEAN and APEC), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued almost 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world.

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~,..Ill Lee Kuan Yew tl.,.~ • School of Public Policy

National university of Singapore

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INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES

Institute of Policy Studies

First published in Singapore in 2008 by ISEAS Publications Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: bookshop.iseas.edu.sg jointly with Institute of Policy Studies Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy National University of Singapore 1C Cluny Road, House 5 Singapore 259599 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.lkyspp.nus.edu.sg/ips All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. © 2008 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publishers or their supporters. ISEAS Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data ASEAN-U.S. Symposium. ASEAN-US Symposium 15–16 Oct 2007, Singapore : report … [by Karyn Wang … and Mustafa Izzudidin … from the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS)]. 1. ASEAN countries—Foreign relations—United States—Congresses. 2. United States—Foreign relations—ASEAN countries—Congresses. 3. ASEAN countries—Foreign economic relations—United States—Congresses. 4. United States—Foreign economic relations—ASEAN countries—Congresses. I. ASEAN. II. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. DS525.9 U6A811 2008 ISBN 978-981-230-858-0 (soft cover) ISBN 978-981-230-859-7 (PDF) Typeset by Superskill Graphics Pte Ltd Printed in Singapore by Seng Lee Press Pte Ltd

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CONTENTS

Opening Session: Welcome Remarks

1

Opening Session: Keynote Addresses: Global Issues for a New Age

3

Session I:

ASEAN at Forty: Achievements and New Vision

Session II:

Luncheon Talk:

Session III:

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Understanding the Strategic Landscape and Regional Architecture: The Role of the United States in ASEAN

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ASEAN Economic Community 2015 and Beyond: Implications for ASEAN-U.S. Economic Cooperation

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Opportunities for Cooperation between ASEAN and the U.S. in the Pursuit of Peace, Stability and Prosperity

23

ASEAN-U.S. Symposium Participants

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ASEAN-U.S. Symposium Album

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ASEAN-U.S. SYMPOSIUM 15–16 October 2007 Singapore

OPENING SESSION WELCOME REMARKS Ambassador K. Kesavapany, Director of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, opened the ASEAN-U.S. Symposium by warmly welcoming the esteemed participants from the United States and from ASEAN. On the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of ASEAN and the thirtieth anniversary of ASEAN-U.S. dialogue, it is timely to examine the state of ASEAN-U.S. relations. The multi-faceted and increasingly rich relationship that ASEAN enjoys with the United States today stands testimony to the decades of diplomatic acumen and economic engagement that bolsters this relationship. Ambassador Chan Heng Chee, Singapore Ambassador to the United States, reflected on the strategic importance of the ASEANU.S. relationship. The progress and evolution charted by ASEAN is one of the factors that underscores U.S. commitment to the region. ASEAN recognizes the vital role the United States plays in maintaining the strategic environment and promoting economic growth. Southeast Asia’s importance to the United States is anchored by its strategic significance, rich mineral resources, crucial Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs), large moderate

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Muslim population, and economic prowess. The strong relationship that binds ASEAN and the United States together cannot be taken for granted, and requires attention and consideration, which this Symposium seeks to provide. Dr Kurt Campbell, CEO and Co-Founder of the Center for a New American Security, asked Symposium participants to trade the conventional “balance of power” lens when looking at ASEAN-U.S. relations for the “power of balance” metaphor. Important themes that evoke the “power of balance” metaphor include the balance between formality and informality, and between the traditional security foci of rising states and big power politics, as well as non-traditional concerns about avian influenza and global warming. Ambassador Patricia L. Herbold, U.S. Ambassador to Singapore, expressed confidence in the robustness of U.S. relations with ASEAN. The relationship is healthy and multi-dimensional — ranging from the deep investment in trade relations to the remarkable progress made in economic integration; from cooperation in healthcare and transnational issues to agreements in information communication technology and education. However, the dark spot that threatens to cloud the flourishing of relations between the United States and the region is the Burma question. She applauded ASEAN’s firm stance on the issue, and urged Symposium participants to consider means to encourage the Burmese regime to move towards peaceful democratic transition. The issue of Burma notwithstanding, the United States is bullish about ASEAN and pledges its full participation in the region’s future.

Note The rapporteurs for the symposium were Ms Karyn Wang, Research Associate, and Mr Mustafa Izzuddin, Research Associate, from the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) who assisted in the compilation of this report.

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OPENING SESSION

KEYNOTE ADDRESSES: GLOBAL ISSUES FOR A NEW AGE

Singapore’s Minister for Education and Second Minister for Finance, Tharman Shanmugaratnam, began by considering the region in the throes of transition. Transition is frequently tinged with uncertainty, and for ASEAN this means two things. Firstly, the triple beams of U.S.–China–Japan that have buttressed regional relations will feel the impact of the assertion of newcomers India and Russia. The simple paradigms of strategic analysis and the single axis that has structured inter-state relations in Asia will change. Secondly, the peace dividend from the end of the Cold War is over. The unusual economic spurt powered by the low cost of capital and low inflation is ending. Given these developments, optimism surrounding the rise of China is perhaps premature. Rapid economic growth will engender profound social change — urbanization on the scale of 700 million people moving from rural to urban areas in the span of forty years and the management of income inequality among billions of people. The rearrangement of the Asian manufacturing and supply chain will compel countries to develop deep pools of expertise in new sectors. The landscape of cities will be transformed and the connections between inland and coastal areas will also need to be examined. While uncertainty is an enduring feature, the opportunities to profit from these sweeping changes will bring ASEAN-U.S. relations to new heights. Mr James B. Steinberg, Dean of the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin, drew attention to the importance of the 2008 presidential elections for Asia. Although

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the election debate seems unlikely to focus directly on the issues that are paramount in the minds of Asian strategists, they will have broad ramifications for U.S. grand strategy for years to come. The upcoming elections will be a referendum on the basic national security strategy pursued by the Bush Administration since the 9/11 attacks. The elections will highlight the differences in Republican and Democratic agendas — of particular regional importance, the Democrats’ planned intensification of involvement in East Asia. The elections will also be an important litmus test for three major issues — the approach towards global trade and investment, the role of international law and international institutions, and how the United States positions itself vis-à-vis the role of emerging powers, especially China. The first two issues are part of the conventional terrain for partisan debate. The United States’ stance on China is of particular importance for ASEAN. A strategy that will serve both ASEAN and the United States well is a two-pronged approach that incorporates both a readiness for positive and negative developments, and a rejection of the precipitate assumption of inevitable conflict with China.

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SESSION I ASEAN AT FORTY: ACHIEVEMENTS AND NEW VISION Established in 1967, the regional organization ASEAN marks forty years of existence in 2007. The political reality that currently confronts ASEAN and its member states is a departure from the hostile and debilitating ideological climate of the 1960s. The new exigencies of remaining competitive in a highly globalized world, grappling with the rise of China and India, and tackling the complex challenges posed by pandemic viruses, terrorist forces, and environmental disasters have compelled ASEAN to evolve, adapt, and mature. Secretary-General Ong Keng Yong and Ms Karen Brooks assessed ASEAN’s achievements and weighed its relevance in the post-9/11 world.

ASEAN Marks Forty Years of Achievements Created in the crucible of the Cold War’s Konfrontasi and postcolonial movements, ASEAN’s inception was wrought with rivalry and regional vulnerability. Initially, support for the fledgling grouping was uneven — excluding much of mainland Southeast Asia. Other states in Southeast Asia later joined the bandwagon, and the regional organization began to pursue its aspirations of constructing intra-regional economic and social ties and alleviating tensions between its members. The delicate nature of relations between the ASEAN states mandated that intra-mural disagreements were addressed in an informal, organic manner. The connective spirit within ASEAN and the series of successful high-level summits in building an ASEAN community are testaments to the strides that the project of regional integration has taken.

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The Centrality of ASEAN in Regional Decision-making ASEAN’s key accomplishment has been the cementing of its place at the core of relations between Southeast Asian countries. The region’s political leadership has also succeeded in mainstreaming ASEAN in the national policy-making process. Conventionally subordinate to national identity and interests, the ASEAN identity was frequently drowned out by the oft-heard refrains of noninterference and sovereignty. As a result, Southeast Asia’s political leaders were concerned whenever the regional organization encountered external challenges. In response to the rapid development of China and the burgeoning of external relations with dialogue partners, ASEAN member countries developed the theme of “the centrality of ASEAN” and banded together to safeguard the role and position of the regional organization. Decision-making within ASEAN has been predicated on organic, process-based modes of interaction, often called the “ASEAN Way”. Although detractors criticize this style of decision-making as slow and unwieldy, it is through these modes of interaction that the ASEAN Charter has emerged.

An ASEAN Charter for an ASEAN Community At the heart of ASEAN’s efforts to reinvent itself in the changing regional landscape is the ASEAN Charter. The Charter lays the foundation for regional cooperation, characterized by relevance and effectiveness. The broad institutional framework outlined in the Charter will enable strong commitments from regional states as they tackle new and complex issues ranging from avian influenza to environmental disasters. From its beginnings in the Vientiane Action Programme in 2004 to the Kuala Lumpur Declaration in 2005 and the upcoming adoption of the Charter at the Thirteenth ASEAN Summit in November 2007, the ASEAN Charter is the

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culmination of decades of efforts in mitigating bilateral truculence, promoting economic integration, and the search for regional identity. The ASEAN Charter was made possible by the long peace in Southeast Asia since 1967, where no member state has engaged a fellow member in major armed confrontation, despite the intermittent border skirmishes, territorial disputes, and periods of heightened political tension. Outlined in the Charter are ASEAN’s reliance on peaceful means to settle differences and the establishment of dispute settlement mechanisms which embed the value of non-aggression deeply within the regional fabric. In addition to the Charter, ASEAN Leaders will also be signing the Declaration on the ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint, a comprehensive roadmap towards the goal of establishing the ASEAN Economic Community by 2015. Indeed, the accelerated pace of integration is linked to progress made in the development of common product standards, harmonized policy environments, and strengthened regional linkages with national business councils.

Modalities of ASEAN The ASEAN Charter will alter the regional grouping’s modus operandi. ASEAN is accustomed to managing its affairs with little formality, few legally binding agreements, and a minimum of institutional arrangements. Without any mechanisms to hold nonadherents accountable, the effectiveness and enforcement of regional agreements hinged on voluntary compliance from member states. The new provisions in the ASEAN Charter to track the pace of implementation and monitor the outcomes of binding agreements reflect a significant evolution in the modalities of ASEAN. Participants at the Symposium agreed that although the loose, informal pattern of interaction has served the association

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and its members well, the more institutionalized framework set out by the ASEAN Charter will equip the region with the tools necessary to tackle the challenges of the future.

Much Ado about a Song? Symposium participants did not find consensus on another aspect of the modalities of ASEAN — the musical and dance performance component of many ASEAN Regional Forum and Summit meetings. The subject of much discussion, the value of performance in creating bonds was weighed against the discomfort it brought to some, and the attention it gave to disparity in styles of conducting regional meetings. Some also pointed out that the United States understood the value of this component, but it should be reduced in length.

The Question of Myanmar The approach of ASEAN towards Myanmar/Burma is a test for the regional organization and its member states. Even the alternate use of the terms “Myanmar” and “Burma” show the clear lack of consensus over the issue. Observers are watching the words and actions of ASEAN closely as it navigates a difficult path towards a resolution of the recent monk-led pro-democracy protests in September 2007. Against the backdrop of the stinging rebuke from ASEAN over the heavy-handedness of the junta, participants at the Symposium suggested several other policy options to pursue while the window of opportunity remained open. For example, engagement of the regime by both ASEAN and the United States should be prioritized in order to curtail the isolationist tendencies of the military government. Instead of sideline meetings, sending a senior U.S. envoy would be a clear signal of U.S. intentions and goodwill. The ultimate policy

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pursued will feature a reconciliation of divergent pulls from those who advocate the expulsion of Myanmar from ASEAN, and those who encourage the regional organization stay the course and keep the option for dialogue open. The utility of actions by either the United States or ASEAN at this juncture was evaluated by Symposium participants. The effectiveness of economic sanctions has proven to be limited, and the dispute resolution channels currently offered by ASEAN have not been used. The ruling regime of Myanmar appears impervious to external intercession. Consequently, the premium placed on the legitimacy of the junta government seems misplaced. A Symposium participant proposed that the United States abandon its insistence on using the term “Burma” in favour of the term “Myanmar”. This gesture would be largely symbolic, but it might make the junta more willing dialogue partners. Other suggestions on ways to tackle the Myanmar Question included the appointment of an ASEAN special envoy to Myanmar, a series of high-level official visits to Myanmar by ASEAN leaders (in cooperation with the United States), and the recognition of the military regime as one of the stakeholders in the national reconciliation process. These measures would partly offset the influence of China, and reaffirm U.S. interests in the country.

Through the Looking Glass: ASEAN in U.S. Policy Circles U.S. Commitment to ASEAN The United States has a wide range of economic, political and security interests in Southeast Asia. There is widespread consensus that it is in America’s long-term interest to promote a community of prosperous Southeast Asian nations that is growing economically, open to free trade and investment, politically stable,

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as well as accountable to the peace of the people and hopefully in a circumstance of peace. American businesses are flourishing in the region and military cooperation endures. However, although ASEAN and U.S. Symposium participants acknowledged that the ASEAN-U.S. relationship was sound, they remarked that it was often driven by unfolding events. American preoccupation in Iraq, however justified, is undermining American influence in the region. Southeast Asian issues are frequently grouped into larger regional concerns emanating from the region’s larger neighbours, Japan and China. Since 9/11, this is less frequently the case, as American support for counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency operations in Southeast Asia, such as in the Philippines, is growing. Washington’s interest in Southeast Asia is from both the security and economic perspectives. In economic terms, ASEAN is America’s fourth-largest trading partner and the recent Trade and Investment Framework Agreement is an important first step in establishing a more expansive free trade agreement. Although the Vietnam War is long concluded and the forces from Clark Field and Subic Bay are long withdrawn, U.S. commitment to ASEAN still has a major security component. The United States continues to be viewed as the underwriter of regional peace and enabler of prosperity in its capacity as a major strategic and economic partner to many countries in the region.

Suffering from Neglect? There is little dispute that the ASEAN-U.S. relationship is grounded in a foundation of political, military, economic, and security interests. However, the apparent neglect of Southeast Asia in American policy circles is a sentiment that is keenly felt in ASEAN. Does this stem from insecurity among Southeast Asian states? Are such impressions of a largely absent superpower warranted?

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Symposium participants probed these issues and ascertained several sources of this perception and identified ways to ameliorate the deficit. Some suggested that it is precisely U.S. unwillingness to capitalize on opportunities to be a partner in ASEAN that is mitigating its influence in the region. Others suggested that the United States was preoccupied with Iraq and other crises in the Middle East, which were fundamentally challenging the United States’ ability to engage with many regions around the world, including ASEAN. This extended to the United States’ relationships with its closest neighbors Mexico and Canada. What has fuelled these perceptions of a distracted United States? Several diagnoses by Symposium participants revealed that there is little sense that the United States regards ASEAN as a long-term strategic partner. The United States appears to adopt a transactional approach to relations with the region, and aspires to come away from each encounter with a deliverable. U.S. participants noted that the “overly process-driven” nature of ASEAN meetings, including “song and dance”, made convincing the Secretary of State to attend more difficult. One U.S. delegate argued that it was particularly difficult to dispatch the Secretary of State to an ASEAN conference to perform a theatrical skit while the United States is still at war and its men and women are dying everyday. However, from ASEAN’s perspective, the currency of regional relationships remains trust, “face”, and respect for hierarchies. The proliferation of ASEAN’s free trade agreements with other countries also renders the absence of one with the United States in stark contrast. The reluctance of the United States to accede to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation was a recurring motif in discussions. An absence of the Secretary of State from

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ASEAN meetings further compounded impressions that the United States is not committed to the region. Moreover, the absence of a coherent American strategy towards ASEAN buttresses the impression that Southeast Asia is of secondary importance. However, President Bush’s recent decision to invite members of ASEAN to his ranch, appoint a permanent U.S. ambassador to the region and explore an ASEAN free trade agreement are positive steps towards mitigating many ASEAN perceptions of American neglect. Setting the choice of the Secretary of State to skip two ARF meetings in three years into context, one participant explained that the trade-off between shuttling 20,000 miles from the United States to Southeast Asia could not be justified against the backdrop of war in Iraq, conflict in Lebanon in the summer of 2006, the disintegration of nuclear talks in Northeast Asia, and Iran’s evolving nuclear enrichment programme. In the face of pressing conflicts, ASEAN summits would need to extend beyond symbolic value and demonstrate strategic significance and effectiveness in order to compel the presence of the Secretary of State. Several Symposium participants wondered why it was specifically the presence or absence of the Secretary of State at a meeting that educed such reactions from the region. Despite the deep imprint of the United States in the economic and military life of Southeast Asia, the United States is consistently asked to demonstrate its commitment to ASEAN at regional fora. Abetting the long shadow of China and Japan in relegating ASEAN to its secondary position in U.S. policy is American unfamiliarity with the value of the dense web of networks in ASEAN. Symposium participants who had staffed previous U.S. Administrations shared their experience in dealing with high-level American leaders. Many U.S. policy-makers have a

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predilection towards substantive deliverables, and consequently disregard form and process as important components of its relationship with the region. However, ignoring the capacity of these networks and connections to build trust and advance regional relations handicaps the United States in its efforts to secure a seat at the ASEAN table. Among the suggestions from ASEAN Symposium participants that would rectify the perception of U.S. neglect of Southeast Asia, were that the United States should consider signing ASEAN’s Treaty of Amity and Cooperation; that the United States should make the presence of the Secretary of State at ASEAN summits regular and consistent; and that frequent exchanges of academics and other public intellectuals should be a recurring feature of the relationship between the United States and ASEAN.

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SESSION II UNDERSTANDING THE STRATEGIC LANDSCAPE AND REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE: THE ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN ASEAN Fundamental shifts are underway in the strategic landscape and regional architecture in Asia. The transition can be understood as the gradual breakdown of a half-century-old regional order, where the United States as the global hegemon underwrites regional security, exports leadership, and supports markets. The centrality of the United States is now being challenged by renewed regionalism in Asia and by China’s rising influence. The shifting patterns of trade, the redefinition of security identities, and increasing salience of new issues such as transnational crime, energy security add complexity to the old regional landscape. Compounding the new complexity is the blossoming of multilateral regional organizations competing for traction — most notably the East Asia Summit. Professor G. John Ikenberry and Dr Surin Pitsuwan drew the contours of the emerging regional architecture and appraised the implications of these new developments for ASEAN and the United States.

A New Regional Order in Asia The end of the Cold War, the rise of China, globalization, the proliferation of free trade agreements, and the “War on Terror” are causing discernable shifts in relationships among countries in Asia. A new regional architecture in the form of trade, financial, and political arrangements among countries of East Asia is developing that has significant implications for U.S. interests in the region. The old hub-and-spokes system tied the United States to Asia, but is now facing questions of relevance.

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The evolving regional order is faced with two major challenges. First, China’s rise makes it necessary for it to placate neighbouring states who worry about the widening differential. Second, Japan’s self-acknowledged efforts to be a “normal” power are occurring amidst unresolved historical issues, competing territorial claims, and increases in military spending. Consequently, both China and Japan need to take measures to reassure the region of their intentions. Against this backdrop, there is a demand for new types of regional architecture. In many ways, the East Asia Summit is answering the call.

The East Asia Summit Regionalism has swept through Asia, and the East Asia Summit’s origins are at the centre of the euphoria surrounding regional architecture and regional identity. ASEAN is fuelling the formation of an East Asian Community. After regional discussions considered the value of the “ASEAN Plus Three” versus “ASEAN Plus Six” arrangements, ASEAN organized the first East Asia Summit in December 2005 in Malaysia. Cast as the next step in the process of greater regional integration, ASEAN is laying the groundwork for the emergence of a formal community in partnership with China, Japan, Korea, Australia, India, and New Zealand. Currently, the East Asia Summit serves as a forum and dialogue to promote peace, economic prosperity, and regional integration. The form and aspirations of the East Asia Summit bear the imprint of ASEAN, the fulcrum for regional integration processes.

The Value of ASEAN in Regional Architecture ASEAN in the Driver’s Seat ASEAN has directed its evolution in order to remain at the heart of regional architecture — be it of a political, economic, or strategic

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hue. As a complement to the “centrality of ASEAN”, the regional organization has convened the East Asia Summit to include dialogue partners. ASEAN is the primary force in the development of emerging frameworks that order relations between states in Asia. Casting itself as a gateway to member countries, as the convener of new fora, and as the centre of regional formations is a deliberate process. This effort, which began as the Cold War ended, has its roots in ASEAN’s desire to provide the platform for building broader regional institutions that would engage a rising China and other major players in East Asia. Without Southeast Asia’s relatively neutral, facilitating role, China may not have been successfully “socialized” into the ASEAN Regional Forum of multilateral security talks. The regional pursuit of a prominent organizational role for regional institutions and an identity as the natural choice for meeting conveners is motivated by ASEAN’s vision to develop a counterpart to European and transatlantic groupings. In addition, in order to build a future of predictable and constructive patterns of relationships among states in the Asia-Pacific, ASEAN seeks a counterweight to China’s growing and potentially preponderant influence.

ASEAN as a Role Model ASEAN can also be a model for other regions. The grounds for emulating ASEAN lie in Southeast Asia’s avoidance of major armed warfare since its inception. Having overcome diversity in languages, religions, government types, and colonial histories, ASEAN has inclusively engaged members to participate in regional dialogue. The “ASEAN plus X” model in involving AsiaPacific countries as security dialogue partners can be used as part of the design for cooperative regional relations and remarkable economic transformation.

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Another feature of ASEAN worth emulation, and indeed, one of its hallmarks, is the thick web of networks that it has developed. Lateral relationships and cooperative practices have formed in the forty years of interaction at meetings and fora. This dense net of connections have helped ASEAN countries to work together and address common regional problems such as transboundary pollution, climate change, human rights issues, transnational crime, and communicable diseases. From industry groups to professional associations, cultural troupes to educational institutes, the links that cross-cut the region are ASEAN’s most notable asset. The multilateral governmental and non-governmental (Track One, Track One and a Half, Track Two) relationships have contributed to regional peace and security through the frequency and camaraderie of the political and security dialogue.

U.S. Participation in Regional Architecture The United States enjoys the multi-dimensional reputation of being a regional keeper of the peace, a reservoir for economic prosperity, an advocate for open markets, and a fountain of social, cultural, and political values. The United States shares leadership with other nations and institutions, but it seeks a seat at the table when decisions are made affecting its interests in East Asia. U.S. goals are to prevent any other single power from dominating Asia, to maintain peace and stability through a combination of military presence, alliances, diplomatic initiatives, and economic interdependence, and to increase access for U.S. exports and companies through international economic regimes. Despite its pre-eminent position, U.S. participation in regional architecture is frequently characterized as hesitant. This perception stems from the memories of ASEAN member states. These member states cite the disappointing U.S. response

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during the financial crisis of 1997. They point to the fact that Washington did not come to the aid of ASEAN members when the value of their currencies could not be defended; in contrast to extensive U.S. assistance to Mexico during the banking crisis of the mid-1990s. In addition, the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in Indonesia riled many in Southeast Asia. The crisis presented China with an unexpected diplomatic opportunity. Consequently, China has become an active player in the region in all significant areas, including trade, aid, finance, culture, tourism, and security through the ASEAN Plus Three vehicle. Another feature of U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia is the negotiation of an ASEAN-U.S. Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA). This has shifted from the general focus on anti-terrorism initiatives, and has been a welcome reprieve from the inattention to issues not related to terrorism. The Agreement is viewed as a signal that economic and geopolitical relations with the ASEAN region are a high priority for the United States. The commitment to establishing economic architecture that will facilitate an even more vigorous U.S. economic engagement in the ASEAN region is well received and will be a platform to deepen trade and investment relations with the ASEAN collective.

ASEAN and U.S. Grand Strategy The fundamental underlying impulses of U.S. grand strategy remain unchanged. Commitment to an open international economic system, the promotion of democratic political systems, and the cooperative maintenance of international order and security are core tenets of U.S. national security. Against this backdrop, the strategic thinkers that formulate the implications for U.S. involvement in ASEAN hold an important place. Thinkers that espouse key principles in the foundations of U.S. policy have

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witnessed a generational change. The era of foreign policy giants such as Zbigniew Brzezinski, Henry Kissinger and Brent Scowcroft has transitioned into the present era. Several Symposium participants wondered whether U.S. grand strategy held enough coherence from which to draw implications. On one hand, some questioned the reliance on doctrine, since it is doctrine that follows action, and not the other way around. The debates between strategic thinkers in the United States appear issue-centred, therefore making it difficult to ascertain threads of strategic thinking. On the other hand, others believed that there is still a lot of strategic thinking on a broader scale in the United States. Such thinkers were not concentrating on single issues but attempting to formulate an integrated grand strategy that deals with the rise of China, terrorism, energy security, environmental problems, population growth, crises in the Middle East, disaster relief, etc. In contrast, China appears to have a concerted foreign policy strategy that incorporates elements of short-run crisis management into long-term strategic reflection. The dissimilar political systems in the United States and China made the divergent grand strategies of the two great powers seem natural. A comparison of the approach of the United States and China towards ASEAN reveals the fundamental differences between their two foreign policy strategies. The vagaries and intense debates within and between the congressional and executive offices in the United States result in a highly differentiated strategy towards ASEAN. Close cooperation over security issues stands in contrast with the meager attention devoted to the long-term policy implications of the rise of a middle class in ASEAN. By comparison, Chinese grand strategy seems to be characterized by a strong sense of hierarchy and direct links to intertwined national political and economic interests.

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The questions of power and predominance in the region allude to larger strategy considerations. Thinkers are divided between whether taking steps to sustain dominance is the most important aspiration of U.S. foreign policy, or whether the focus of U.S. strategy should be on preparing for a multi-polar order. As a superpower, the United States finds itself in the unprecedented position of being able to shape the international order. Therefore, the precepts that underpin its grand strategy will be of acute importance to ASEAN and the rest of the world. Symposium participants distilled three schools of thought that compete for influence on the U.S. involvement in ASEAN, and more generally, in Asia. The first group of thinkers predicates grand strategy on the stark realities of neo-conservatism, which advocate strategies for the singular pursuit of U.S. interests and security. The second school converges on the realist theme of power balance, and advocates the reinforcement of alliances in Europe and Asia. The third cabal approaches grand strategy with greater levels of comfort with variable components, and examines issues of legitimacy, non-traditional threats to security, and the international movement of ideas more closely. A wider agenda of issues are considered in U.S.-ASEAN relations, and the conventional focus on military components is replaced by a broader consideration of the multilateral possibilities. Although the leanings of the grand strategy theorists of the next U.S. Administration are anything but certain, the implications that these leanings hold for foreign policy are sure to be far-reaching.

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LUNCHEON TALK ASEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY 2015 AND BEYOND: IMPLICATIONS FOR ASEAN-U.S. ECONOMIC COOPERATION Indonesia’s Minister for Trade, Mari Pangestu, started the luncheon talk by assessing the vision of ASEAN as a regional economic community and examining the challenges and opportunities emerging in both ASEAN and the United States. The significant progress charted by ASEAN extends not only to economic areas, but also to the security and socio-cultural realms. ASEAN, as an economic grouping, is acutely relevant due the dangers of the “nutcracker effect” of being squeezed between the emerging powers of China and India. The series of “ASEAN + 1” processes that began with engaging China in Free Trade Area negotiations serves to craft ASEAN into a strong hub vis-à-vis Northeast Asia and India to become an enlarged regional production center. Crucial to ASEAN as it evolves into a more mature community will be the ASEAN Charter. The Charter will be the institutional and legal framework for ASEAN, to oversee and monitor the achievement of the three pillars of the ASEAN Community. The ASEAN Economic Community Blueprint, setting out a sequence of targets and deadlines for the establishment of a single market and production base, has been developed. The Blueprint seeks to ensure the remaking of ASEAN into a competitive economic region, promoting equitable economic development through capacity-building, and advancing the region’s integration into the global economy. The bedrock of progress for the ASEAN Economic Community will be political will. Without political commitment, visions and roadmaps will remain just that. Political commitment

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can ensure that the right resources are mobilized, agreements implemented, and institutions strengthened. To achieve these ends, ASEAN member states and the Secretariat must monitor the progress of implementation regularly, and establish a system to reintegrate countries that ask for extensions and temporary reprieves back into the series of timetables. ASEAN and the United States have had dialogue relations for thirty years. Through several efforts such as the U.S.-ASEAN Initiative and Enterprise for ASEAN Initiative, attempts have been made to further dialogue. A recent initiative that propels this relationship forward is the ASEAN-U.S. Enhanced Partnership that gave rise to the TIFA from August 2006. The TIFA is a nonbinding agreement that will set a formal ministerial dialogue into motion to support the development of the “ASEAN Single Window”. There has been progress in the U.S. engagement with ASEAN. However, to take it further and produce more concrete results, interaction must go beyond meetings, seminars, and training. ASEAN-U.S. relations already have a framework. Identifying tangible results in the short-term can build up the confidence, trust, and knowledge required for an enduring partnership that extends from relationships between government, and business, and people.

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SESSION III OPPORTUNITIES FOR COOPERATION BETWEEN ASEAN AND THE U.S. IN THE PURSUIT OF PEACE, STABILITY AND PROSPERITY In the Symposium’s third session, the challenges and opportunities for cooperation between ASEAN and the United States were discussed substantially, but with the strategic rise of and relationship with China being predictably taken into account. Additionally, such opportunities were presented in terms of policy recommendations, with the intention to further enhance the ASEAN-U.S. relationship, moving forward, at least, for the next five, ten to fifteen years.

Networks, Relationships and Socialization Processes One particular theme that was prevalent throughout this session was the significance of networks and its attendant process of socialization. There was a general consensus among participants from both sides on the need to deepen and widen such networks that would ultimately benefit this ASEAN-U.S. relationship. Specifically, being a product of globalization, networks of national government officials, central bankers, security commissioners, environmental officials, justice ministers, legislators and judges, among others, have become established as emerging infrastructures of global governance; and significantly, as critical intermediate set of players linking up the United Nations (UN), supranational institutions and national governments. While these networks have been adjudged to be talk-shops, especially by realist scholars, Symposium participants widely concurred that these networks perform pivotal roles in exchanging

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best practices, developing codes of conduct, working out technical problems on specific issues like central banking and finance; and most of all, producing sufficient convergence in terms of trust, confidence and cooperation to achieve a more formal organisation. Regional entities like the European Union (EU) and ASEAN represent the significance of such networks in building up convergence as well as facilitating socialization to advance the identity of these organizations, and to promote a more liberal economic and security order. For example, while ASEAN could not have had a Charter when it was created in 1967 as an informal grouping, it is now in a position to draft a Charter because of its underlying stable networks and its effective socialization of new members over time. Additionally, such networks are particularly important when it comes to transnational security issues in both traditional and non-traditional areas. For instance, these networks are crucial for people charged with dealing with transnational issues such as global epidemics, climate change, counter-terrorism or fighting global terror networks (people trafficking, narcotics smuggling, and intellectual piracy) since they permit them to coordinate with people across borders to harmonize policy and enforcement. Even in more traditional security areas, ASEAN could be viewed as a site of networks whereby it serves as a fulcrum for the integration of transitional governments of both existing and new members into the Southeast Asian and the larger Asian liberal economic and security order. Similar to the Benelux countries in Europe where smaller countries put initiatives on the table for the bigger countries to agree on, ASEAN could be thought of in a similar way where it is positioned as the core of a set of competing concentric circles which include China, Japan, India and the United

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States. Therefore, unsurprisingly, delegates favoured the deepening of such networks that significantly move away from the realist version of omni-balance (playing off the United States with China and vice versa) and instead offered a more positive version of partnership. Further, such an order could be enhanced with multispeed initiatives, the deepening of trade relations, and relations in other areas for greater socialisation among partners to take place However, some participants found the term “socialization” rather problematic. While many viewed socialization as a positive or neutral term, others viewed it as having negative connotations (China found this term condescending when academics argued that one purpose of the ASEAN regional forum was to socialize China into a security order) and thus called for its redefinition. Yet another delegate linked socialisation to a particular advantage that ASEAN has over the EU. While the EU has only been able to socialize the Christians at the expense of North Africa and the Arab world as well as Turkey, ASEAN has been able to socialize the diverse religions quite successfully in Southeast Asia. This is an often under-appreciated remarkable quality of ASEAN and one that makes for some lessons to be learnt for the rest of the world. Further, participants also linked the process of socialization to the song-and-dance debate. As noted earlier, while some delegates believed that the song-and-dance segment at regional summits was a waste of time, others believed that this formed a crucial cultural component of ASEAN for many years as it had helped to socialize its dialogue partners and also helped to ease the tension at meetings and discussions. This cultural aspect of socialization was also evident through food and golf diplomacy, which had been successful in the resolution of even some of the more heated disputes and hotly contested issues.

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Public Opinion, Soft Power and “Giving Face” In the post-9/11 world, it has become widely accepted that global popular opinion towards the United States has been low and hostile, particularly from the Muslim world, largely because of the United States’ Middle East policies. Further, as the U.S. participants pointed out, Americans are not as welcome to Southeast Asia as they once were, nor are people from Southeast Asia willing to go to the United States since the United States is viewed as a “bully”. What frustrated one U.S. participant was the fact that governments of the majority Muslim countries in Southeast Asia had done little to improve public opinion by highlighting instead U.S. contributions to world order. Such frustration was also more palpable because China does not suffer from the same global unpopularity as the United States. Meanwhile, the general consensus from the ASEAN side was that the United States is losing the “global struggle for the soul of Islam”. This is in large part due to the United States’ lack of commitment and unbalanced policy towards the Middle East. Apart from Iraq, it has been the Palestinian issue that has stirred up dislike for the United States in the Muslim world. Despite their unfavourable opinion of the United States, Southeast Asian Muslims are still seen to be far more moderate and tolerant than Muslims elsewhere. Therefore, ASEAN participants urged the United States to seize this opportunity and called on it to replicate ASEAN’s model of engagement in West Asia so as to ease the tension in the Middle East. Furthermore, the United States had a stake in helping the secular leaders of ASEAN to succeed because should they fail, the Muslims in Southeast Asia would turn to Islam for an answer. The challenge posed by political Islam in fact presented an opportunity for the United States to promote Southeast Asia’s brand of modern, moderate

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Islam, especially in its policy towards the Middle East. So, in essence, such an opportunity for cooperation could enhance the relationship between ASEAN and the United States especially in sustaining peace and stability in Southeast Asia and more broadly, Asia. More importantly, as intimated by the ASEAN participants, unless the United States produces a more balanced policy towards the Middle East, adverse public opinion would prevail. ASEAN participants also pointed out the United States’ overt use of hard or hyper-power at the expense of soft power. This has significant disadvantages. First, the United States is perceived as an arrogant and aggressive superpower with George W. Bush as a mighty ruler that disregards the sensitivities of the Muslim world. Second, while the United States is closing down its information offices in Southeast Asia, China is in fact building Confucius Institutes in almost all the ASEAN countries to project their soft power and thus improve their image in the region. The fact that Indonesians are picking up Mandarin first before English also testifies to the effectiveness of Chinese soft power in Southeast Asia. One participant noted that in the Muslim-dominated Mindanao province of the Philippines, the U.S. role in resolving the conflict between the province and the national government had been widely appreciated by the Muslims since it utilized soft power in building schools, roads and medical missions in Mindanao, and did not limit its presence to only military exercises. ASEAN participants also stressed the importance of the United States in “giving face” to ASEAN by showing up for meetings. The fact that the United States failed to turn up for four meetings with ASEAN in a cumulative sequence raised questions within the ASEAN circle; and also created the impression that ASEAN has dropped down the list of U.S. priorities, more so, since Southeast Asian affairs are seemingly being handled at the

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level of the Deputy Assistant Secretary. Further, the fact that the United States was urging UN envoy Ibrahim Gambari to bypass the neighbouring states and head directly to Myanmar also signified a distinct lack of respect shown by the United States towards ASEAN, especially when ASEAN had been trying very hard to rally behind the UN with regard to Myanmar. While the U.S. participants understood the importance of “face” to Asians and the fact that it has been successfully capitalized on by the Chinese, it was pointed out that the United States also needs “face”, and the criticism and stick it has endured as the world’s sole superpower is not helping. Both sides concurred for the need to strike a balance between process and deliverables so that the United States would be able to justify its long trip to the region to its domestic audience. This would help to curtail the “face” issue and consequently improve ASEAN-U.S. ties.

Engagement with ASEAN: Opportunities for the United States Participants from both sides were fairly optimistic that American engagement with ASEAN would expand the opportunities available for the United States to further its own foreign policy interests. Economically, ASEAN could serve as a gateway or an interlocutor for U.S. investments in China. This is of course far more effective given Southeast Asia’s cultural links with China. In a way, the United States could use ASEAN as a launching pad to increase its investments in Asia. Further, by engaging ASEAN, this creates an opportunity for the United States to work together with ASEAN to encourage the growth of small and medium businesses through incentives, networking and other promotional activities. Such an opportunity for economic cooperation would bring prosperity to both sides and enhance ASEAN-U.S. ties.

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Some ASEAN participants believed that there is a lack of U.S. strategic thinking on the potential contributions ASEAN could make in enhancing the United States’ broader foreign policy objectives. Although the United States presently finds itself at odds with many parts of the Islamic world, the U.S. participants were reminded that Southeast Asia still remains their most receptive and friendly partner. In fact, Southeast Asian Muslims do not express the same degree of animus towards the United States as is prevalent elsewhere. Hence, the United States must capitalize on its relationship with ASEAN to resolve many of its broader foreign policy problems. Nevertheless, despite the belief that there was a current lack of strategic thinking towards ASEAN, there was a consensus that a third generation of U.S. strategic thinkers was emerging; who are thinking long-term when it came to Asia. ASEAN serves U.S. global strategic interests. Specifically, ASEAN has sought to maintain peace and stability in the region by creating forums and dialogues such as the ASEAN Regional Forum and the East Asia Summit, and also by encouraging rising powers like China, India and Japan to work with each other within a cooperative framework. By being neutral and maintaining its equidistance from the major powers, ASEAN has also been able to serve as convenor, facilitator and architect of the evolving regional architecture both within Southeast Asia and outside of it in Northeast Asia. This role of ASEAN as convenor, as confessed by some of the U.S. participants themselves, has often been underappreciated by the United States. Additionally, the advent of the ASEAN Charter has the potential to transform ASEAN. This, in turn, could be an incentive for the United States to continue engaging ASEAN. In particular, the ASEAN Charter states clearly that ASEAN supports human

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rights and basic freedoms, democracy and the rule of law. Specifically, a human rights body within ASEAN would be developed, compliance monitoring would be strictly adhered to, a system of compulsory dispute settlement would be introduced, and a 10-X principle would be enshrined in the Charter to allow more flexible implementation of ASEAN’s economic commitments so as to facilitate ASEAN economic integration. Overall, the Charter signifies further progression into a more effective regional grouping where terms like democracy and civil society do not discomfit ASEAN as in the past. While one could expect something from the Charter, Simon Tay argued that one should still exercise caution and not expect something “out-of-the-blue”. Nevertheless, the ASEAN Charter is a significant breakthrough as it will facilitate greater engagement between the United States and ASEAN; and thus, present more opportunities for the ASEAN-U.S. relationship to be strengthened.

Engagement with the United States: Opportunities for ASEAN All participants agreed that ASEAN’s growth and strength in the last thirty years has been due largely to the presence of the United States in the region. In fact, it may be argued that the United States has been responsible for what ASEAN is today; and the Charter could be attributed to the United States being part of the process in transforming ASEAN into an effective and progressive regional grouping. Further, ASEAN participants also consistently reminded U.S. participants that the United States is ASEAN’s fifth-largest trading partner, and the largest trading partner of several individual Southeast Asian countries like Malaysia. Thus, continued engagement with the United States is very significant for ASEAN since U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) has been the main driver of ASEAN’s economic growth.

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On the other hand Chinese investment in Southeast Asia in countries like Malaysia and the Philippines has also been important. Trade has increased about 40 per cent and the Chinese have been accorded massive contracts such as the Penang Bridge and two-train track system in Malaysia and the Northern Railway project in the Philippines. It was widely noted by participants that China has been investing with strategic intent, thus bolstering the argument that China provides an alternative to the United States, and that ASEAN’s strategic concerns are being taken into account. But the notion that a U.S. decline correlated with the rise of China was quickly dismissed by the participants. For all the increase in Chinese FDI, ASEAN still preferred “independence of action” rather than being drawn into a Sino-centric orbit and being beholden to China as the “only game in town”. Hence, engagement with the United States is significant as it gives ASEAN “options”, maintaining a balance of power in Southeast Asia and preserving the realist policy of equidistance between the United States and China. On matters of security, continued engagement with the United States has been vital in providing opportunities for ASEAN to offset the potential security threat posed by the rise of China. Participants from both sides concurred that opportunities for security cooperation between ASEAN and the United States have been extraordinary in scope. For instance, defence ties between ASEAN and the United States have remained strong, healthy and significant, epitomized by the numerous joint defence exercises conducted by individual ASEAN countries with the United States as well as the annual Shangri-La Dialogue, which is a meeting of Defence Ministers. Moreover, engagement with the United States remains vital for ASEAN because it permits the latter to highlight the importance of Southeast Asia as an extremely important strategic constituency.

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In this regard, the annual ASEAN-U.S. Roundtable should be prioritized and the United States must be persuaded to sign the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation so as to signal their firm commitment towards the security of the region, particularly through the renouncement of force in the settling of disputes. In addition, engagement with the United States could prevent the scenario of an exclusionary-type framework like the Six-Party talks being used to organize relations in the larger region at the expense of ASEAN.

Concluding Remarks: Prospects for ASEAN-US Relations We live in a multi-polar world. It is a multi-polar world where regions and their attendant organizations play an essential role, sometimes even shouldering some of the functions of international organizations. ASEAN has to continue to engage both the United States and China in order to preserve this multi-polarity. The United States must appreciate ASEAN’s role in engaging China in the region, so as to ensure that the latter’s rise is a peaceful and responsible one. This would be in the interests of both the United States and Southeast Asia. In addition, though ASEAN has been pressured on the Myanmar issue, the United States needs to understand that it has to work together with ASEAN to resolve the problems with Myanmar. Overall, according to Ambassador Chan Heng Chee, this Symposium has in itself signified the close, mature and healthy relationship between ASEAN and the United States. Frank discussions were held, and numerous learning points were taken away by the participants from both sides. It was also candidly pointed out by Ambassador K. Kesavapany that one should not wait till the next anniversary before such exchanges take place.

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Instead, there should be more of such opportunities for Track One and a Half and Track Two dialogues, and that they should be held as frequently as possible, though not necessarily on the same scale. In the immediate future, Kurt Campbell noted that the U.S. side was committed to repeating such a dialogue in the United States; and also contributing what they had learnt from the Symposium to U.S. foreign policy-making so that the relationship between the United States and Asia (especially ASEAN) could be further strengthened. In addition, it was noted, as earlier highlighted by Indonesian Trade Minister Mari Pangestu, that the 2006 TIFA between ASEAN and the United States would be revitalized to include a “single window” and the convening of a joint Ministerial Council with the aim of enhancing economic cooperation between the United States and ASEAN. With the session coming to a close, there was a sense of renewed optimism and hope that not only would the ASEAN-U.S. relationship be sustained, it would also continue to grow from strength to strength, even against the rise of China and other contested issues such as Myanmar. In addition, as noted by Ambassador Tommy Koh, it was good news for Asia that there was unlikely to be a major divide on Asian policy between the current Administration and the next Administration, whether Democratic or Republican. To conclude, both sides need each other in a multi-polar world, and thus need to engage each other not in an unequal relationship but one where both are treated as equal and cooperative partners.

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ASEAN-U.S. SYMPOSIUM PARTICIPANTS

ASEAN Secretariat Mr ONG Keng Yong Secretary-General ASEAN Secretariat Indonesia HE Dr Mari Elka PANGESTU Minister for Trade Ministry of Trade Indonesia Mr Sabam SIAGIAN Director and Senior Editor The Jakarta Post Indonesia Laos H.E. Hiem PHOMMACHANH Vice-Minister Ministry of Foreign Affairs Lao People’s Democratic Republic Malaysia Dr MAHANI Zainal Abidin Director General Institute of Strategic and International Studies Malaysia

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Ms ROHANA Tan Sri Mahmood Chairman Ethos Capital Sdn Bhd Malaysia Professor Dato Dr ZAKARIA Haji Ahmad President Malaysian International Affairs Forum Malaysia Myanmar Mr NAY Win Maung Founder Director/General Secretary Myanmar EGRESS Myanmar Dr Tin Maung Maung THAN Senior Fellow Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore Philippines Dr Renato Cruz DE CASTRO Associate Professor International Studies Department De La Salle University Philippines

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Dr Carolina G. HERNANDEZ Founding President and Chair Board of Directors Institute for Strategic and Development Studies Philippines Dr Noel M. MORADA Executive Director Institute for Strategic and Development Studies Philippines Mr Rodolfo C. SEVERINO Visiting Senior Research Fellow Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore, and Former Secretary-General ASEAN Secretariat Singapore Ambassador CHAN Heng Chee Embassy of the Republic of Singapore to the United States of America Ambassador Barry DESKER Dean S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Nanyang Technological University Singapore

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Ambassador K. KESAVAPANY Director Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore Professor Tommy KOH Chairman Institute of Policy Studies Singapore Professor Kishore MAHBUBANI Dean Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy Singapore Mr Tharman SHANMUGARATNAM Minister for Education and Second Minister for Finance Singapore Associate Professor Simon TAY Chairman Singapore Institute of International Affairs Singapore Thailand Mr Kavi CHONGKITTAVORN Assistant Group Editor Nation Media Group Thailand

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Dr Surin PITSUWAN Member of Parliament Foreign Relations Committee Thailand’s National Legislative Assembly Thailand Vietnam H.E. VU Dung Deputy Minister Foreign Affairs Ministry of Foreign Affairs Vietnam

Observers ASEAN Secretariat Mr Bala Kumar PALANIAPPAN Assistant Director, and Head Bureau for External Relations and Coordination ASEAN Secretariat Cambodia Mr SIENG Bun Vuth Minister Counsellor Royal Embassy of Cambodia Singapore

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Indonesia Mr Adi HARSONO Secretary General Indonesia Chamber of Commerce Malaysia Division Indonesia Ms Lefianna Hartati FERDINANDUS First Secretary Political Section Indonesian Embassy Laos Mr Ekkaphab PHANTHAVONG Deputy Director for External Relations Division ASEAN Division Ministry of Foreign Affairs Lao People’s Democratic Republic H.E. Thouane VORASARN Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Embassy of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic Singapore Philippines Mrs Rosanna Marie B. Villamor VOOGEL Second Secretary and Consul Embassy of the Republic of the Philippines Philippines

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Singapore Mr ARUN Mahizhnan Acting Director Institute of Policy Studies Singapore Ms Cheryll CHAN Assistant Director ASEAN Division Ministry of Trade and Industry Singapore Dr CHIN Kin Wah Deputy Director Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore Ms CHUA Ying Ying Deputy Director ASEAN Directorate Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore Ms Venetta MIRANDA Deputy Director ASEAN Division Ministry of Trade and Industry Singapore

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Mr Alpana ROY Senior Assistant Director APEC & Americas Ministry of Trade and Industry Singapore Mr Daljit SINGH Visiting Senior Research Fellow Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore Ms Tracy TAN Desk Officer ASEAN Directorate Ministry of Foreign Affairs Singapore Thailand Dr Tanya LAOHATHAI First Secretary Royal Thai Embassy Singapore Vietnam H.E. NGYUEN Trung Thanh Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Embassy of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam Singapore

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Mr TRAN Duc Binh Assistant Director-General ASEAN Department Ministry of Foreign Affairs Vietnam

Secretariat Ms CHANG Li Lin Public Affairs Manager Institute of Policy Studies Singapore Dr Terence CHONG Fellow Regional Social and Cultural Studies Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore

Rapporteurs Mr MUSTAFA Izzuddin Research Associate Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore

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Ms Karyn WANG Research Associate Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Singapore

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Ms Karen BROOKS Partner BrooksBowerAsia United States Dr Kurt M. CAMPBELL Chief Executive Officer and Co-Founder Center for a New American Security United States H.E. Patricia L. HERBOLD Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Embassy of the United States of America Singapore Professor G. John IKENBERRY Politics and International Affairs Princeton University United States

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Ambassador Franklin LAVIN Managing Director and COO Cushman Wakefield Investors Asia Hong Kong Dr Daniel B. PONEMAN Principal The Scowcroft Group United States Dr Mitchell REISS Vice Provost International Affairs The College of William & Mary United States Dr Susan RICE Senior Fellow Foreign Policy Studies The Brookings Institution United States Mr Robert M. SCHER Associate Booz Allen Hamilton Inc United States

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Dr Anne-Marie SLAUGHTER Dean Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs Princeton University United States Mr James B. STEINBERG Dean Lyndon B Johnson School of Public Affairs The University of Texas at Austin United States Dr Philip D. ZELIKOW White Burkett Miller Professor Of History University of Virginia United States

Observers Ms Tracy BROWN Political Officer Economic/Political Section Embassy of the United States of America Singapore

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Ms Willow DARSIE Hefner Fellow Lee Kuan Yew School Of Public Policy National University of Singapore Singapore Mr Nirav Sudhir PATEL Research Associate Center for a New American Security United States Mr Ike REED Head of Economic/Political Section Embassy of the United States of America Singapore Mr Billy SOUNTORNSORN Special Projects Coordinator Center for a New American Security United States ASEAN-U.S. Symposium Album

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ASEAN-U.S. SYMPOSIUM ALBUM

(Left to right) Surin Pitsuwan, Ong Keng Yong, Rodolfo C. Severino

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Tharman Shanmugaratnam

(Left to right) Anne Maria Slaughter, Daniel Poneman, Tharman Shanmugaratnam

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Mari Pangestu

(Left to right) Frank Lavin, Mahani Zainal Abidin

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(Left to right) Tommy Koh, Kishore Mahbubani

(Left to right) Chan Heng Chee, Kurt Campbell

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James B. Steinberg

G. John Ikenberry

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(Left to right) Philip D. Zelikow, Sabam Siagian

(Left to right) Hiem Phommachanh, Mitchell Reiss

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(Left to right) Susan Rice, Surin Pitsuwan

Singapore Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam addressing the audience

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ASEAN-U.S. Symposium Group Photo

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