Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America (Environmental History, 16) [1st ed. 2023] 3031448804, 9783031448805

Table of contents :
Acknowledgements
Contents
1 Introduction
References
2 Potential GIAHS Sites in Africa
2.1 The Jessour System, Tunisia (Afef Zanzana, Francesco Piras, Beatrice Fiore)
2.2 The Mountain Oases, Tunisia (Fadwa Benyahia, Antonio Santoro, Francesco Piras)
2.3 The Charfia System in Kerkennah Island, Tunisia (Fatma Dammak, Alessandra Bazzurro, Federica Romano)
2.4 Agricultural Production System in the Nubian Village of West Aswan, Egypt (Maha Elsheemy, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro)
2.5 The Cultural Landscape of Konso, Ethiopia (Yenewa Dessie Alemu, Fethia Abdullahi Ahmed, Federica Romano)
2.6 Gedeo Mixed Cultural Multistory Agroforestry System and Natural Landscape, Ethiopia (Meron Tefera Lakew, Francesco Piras, Alessandra Bazzurro)
2.7 The Marakwet Traditional Irrigation System, Kenya (Sheilla Jeruto Tallam, Antonio Santoro, Francesco Piras)
2.8 Kerio Valley Agrobiodiversity Heritage System, Kenya (Caroline Jepchumba Kibii, Beatrice Fiore, Federica Romano)
References
3 Potential GIAHS Sites in Asia and Middle East
3.1 The Floating Garden System of the Inle Lake, Myanmar (Moe Thae Oo, Zin Wai Aung, Wai Mar Myint, Antonio Santoro)
3.2 Traditional Agricultural System of Bagan, Myanmar (Naw Thiri Han, Antonio Santoro, Federica Romano)
3.3 The Lychee Cultivation System in Haikou City, China (Xieli Bai, Alessandra Bazzurro, Francesco Piras)
3.4 The Ancient Terraced Agricultural System in Shouf, Lebanon (Marwa Abou Assi, Francesco Piras, Beatrice Fiore)
3.5 Anfeh Sea Salt Production System, Lebanon (Wael Saad, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro)
3.6 Cultivation of Mohammadi Flower and Rosewater Production System in Barzok, Iran (Mohammad Amin Emadi, Francesco Piras, Alessandra Bazzurro)
3.7 The Multistory and Polyculture Farming System of Qasr-E Qand, Sistan and Baluchestan, Iran (Maedeh Salimi, Antonio Santoro, Federica Romano)
3.8 Battir, a Holistic Agricultural Heritage Site, Palestine (Asil Bader, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro)
References
4 Potential GIAHS Sites in Europe
4.1 The Rainfed Mulching Agriculture in the Volcanic Island of Lanzarote, Spain (Marta Arnés, Beatrice Fiore, Francesco Piras)
4.2 The Traditional Alpine Agriculture in Valtellina and Valposchiavo, Italy–Switzerland (Michelangelo Ferri, Alessandra Bazzurro, Federica Romano)
4.3 The Terraced Vineyards of Lamole in Chianti, Italy (Francesco Piras, Antonio Santoro)
4.4 The Green Pistachio of Bronte, Italy (Dario Pollicino, Beatrice Fiore, Francesco Piras)
4.5 The Karstic Landscape of Vallecorsa, Italy (Livia Sagliocco, Francesco Piras, Federica Romano)
4.6 The Traditional Agricultural System of the Hills of Vërtop, Albania (Florjan Boduri, Alessandra Bazzurro, Beatrice Fiore)
References
5 Potential GIAHS Sites in Central and South America
5.1 The Traditional Coffee Productive System in the Sierra del Rosario, Cuba (Alejandro Gonzalez, Mauro Agnoletti, Francesco Piras)
5.2 The Sustainable Agricultural System of the Sierra Maestra, Cuba (Yenia Molina Pelegrín, Federica Romano, Mauro Agnoletti)
5.3 The Traditional Tobacco Agricultural System of Viñales, Cuba (Liane Bárbara Portuondo Farías, Mauro Agnoletti, Francesco Piras)
5.4 The Sabana de Morro Agroforestry System in Dolores, El Salvador (Ever Alexis Martínez Aguilar, Francesco Piras, Antonio Santoro)
5.5 Mesoamerican Milpa System on Comasagua, La Libertad, El Salvador (Felipe Toledo Larin, Beatrice Fiore, Federica Romano)
5.6 The Chagras Agroforestry System of the Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa, Colombia (María Alejandra Hernández Marentes, Antonio Santoro)
5.7 The Vertical Productive System in the Charazani Valley, Bolivia (Fabiana Navia, Federica Romano, Alessandra Bazzurro)
5.8 Traditional Vineyards in the Community of Camargo, Bolivia (Gilca Tamar Aruni Flores, Alessandra Bazzurro, Beatrice Fiore)
References

Citation preview

Environmental History 16

Mauro Agnoletti · Antonio Santoro · Beatrice Fiore · Francesco Piras · Federica Romano · Alessandra Bazzurro

Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America

Environmental History Volume 16

Series Editor Mauro Agnoletti, Florence, Italy

The series intends to act as a link for ongoing researches concerning the historical interrelationships between man and the natural world, with special regard to the modern and contemporary ages. The main commitment should be to bring together different areas of expertise in both the natural and the social sciences to help them find a common language and a common perspective. Interdisciplinarity and transdisciplinarity are needed for more and better understanding of the environment and its history, with new epistemological frameworks and methodological practices. The links between human activities and flora, fauna, water, soil, are examples of the most debated topics in EH, while established discipline like forest history, agricultural history and urban history are also dealing with it. The human impacts on ecosystems and landscapes over time, the preservation of cultural heritage, studies of historical trajectories in pattern and processes, as well as applied research on historical use and management of landscapes and ecosystems, are also taken into account. Other important topics relate to the history of environmental ideas and movements, policies, laws, regulations, conservation, the history of immaterial heritage, such as traditional knowledge related to the environment.

Mauro Agnoletti · Antonio Santoro · Beatrice Fiore · Francesco Piras · Federica Romano · Alessandra Bazzurro

Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America

Mauro Agnoletti UNESCO Chair Agricultural Heritage Landscapes Department of Agriculture Food Environment and Forestry (DAGRI) University of Florence Florence, Italy

Antonio Santoro UNESCO Chair Agricultural Heritage Landscapes Department of Agriculture Food Environment and Forestry (DAGRI) University of Florence Florence, Italy

Beatrice Fiore UNESCO Chair Agricultural Heritage Landscapes Department of Agriculture Food Environment and Forestry (DAGRI) University of Florence Florence, Italy

Francesco Piras UNESCO Chair Agricultural Heritage Landscapes Department of Agriculture Food Environment and Forestry (DAGRI) University of Florence Florence, Italy

Federica Romano UNESCO Chair Agricultural Heritage Landscapes Department of Agriculture Food Environment and Forestry (DAGRI) University of Florence Florence, Italy

Alessandra Bazzurro UNESCO Chair Agricultural Heritage Landscapes Department of Agriculture Food Environment and Forestry (DAGRI) University of Florence Florence, Italy

ISSN 2211-9019 ISSN 2211-9027 (electronic) Environmental History ISBN 978-3-031-44880-5 ISBN 978-3-031-44881-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44881-2 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Paper in this product is recyclable.

Acknowledgements

This activity is part of the project “GIAHS Building Capacity” funded by the Italian Agency for Development Cooperation and carried out by the DAGRI Department of the University of Florence.

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1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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2 Potential GIAHS Sites in Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 2.1 The Jessour System, Tunisia (Afef Zanzana, Francesco Piras, Beatrice Fiore) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 2.2 The Mountain Oases, Tunisia (Fadwa Benyahia, Antonio Santoro, Francesco Piras) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 2.3 The Charfia System in Kerkennah Island, Tunisia (Fatma Dammak, Alessandra Bazzurro, Federica Romano) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43 2.4 Agricultural Production System in the Nubian Village of West Aswan, Egypt (Maha Elsheemy, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51 2.5 The Cultural Landscape of Konso, Ethiopia (Yenewa Dessie Alemu, Fethia Abdullahi Ahmed, Federica Romano) . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 2.6 Gedeo Mixed Cultural Multistory Agroforestry System and Natural Landscape, Ethiopia (Meron Tefera Lakew, Francesco Piras, Alessandra Bazzurro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 2.7 The Marakwet Traditional Irrigation System, Kenya (Sheilla Jeruto Tallam, Antonio Santoro, Francesco Piras) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 2.8 Kerio Valley Agrobiodiversity Heritage System, Kenya (Caroline Jepchumba Kibii, Beatrice Fiore, Federica Romano) . . . . 91 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 3 Potential GIAHS Sites in Asia and Middle East . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 The Floating Garden System of the Inle Lake, Myanmar (Moe Thae Oo, Zin Wai Aung, Wai Mar Myint, Antonio Santoro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Traditional Agricultural System of Bagan, Myanmar (Naw Thiri Han, Antonio Santoro, Federica Romano) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 The Lychee Cultivation System in Haikou City, China (Xieli Bai, Alessandra Bazzurro, Francesco Piras) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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3.4 The Ancient Terraced Agricultural System in Shouf, Lebanon (Marwa Abou Assi, Francesco Piras, Beatrice Fiore) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.5 Anfeh Sea Salt Production System, Lebanon (Wael Saad, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6 Cultivation of Mohammadi Flower and Rosewater Production System in Barzok, Iran (Mohammad Amin Emadi, Francesco Piras, Alessandra Bazzurro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.7 The Multistory and Polyculture Farming System of Qasr-E Qand, Sistan and Baluchestan, Iran (Maedeh Salimi, Antonio Santoro, Federica Romano) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.8 Battir, a Holistic Agricultural Heritage Site, Palestine (Asil Bader, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Potential GIAHS Sites in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 The Rainfed Mulching Agriculture in the Volcanic Island of Lanzarote, Spain (Marta Arnés, Beatrice Fiore, Francesco Piras) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 The Traditional Alpine Agriculture in Valtellina and Valposchiavo, Italy–Switzerland (Michelangelo Ferri, Alessandra Bazzurro, Federica Romano) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 The Terraced Vineyards of Lamole in Chianti, Italy (Francesco Piras, Antonio Santoro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 The Green Pistachio of Bronte, Italy (Dario Pollicino, Beatrice Fiore, Francesco Piras) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5 The Karstic Landscape of Vallecorsa, Italy (Livia Sagliocco, Francesco Piras, Federica Romano) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6 The Traditional Agricultural System of the Hills of Vërtop, Albania (Florjan Boduri, Alessandra Bazzurro, Beatrice Fiore) . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Potential GIAHS Sites in Central and South America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 The Traditional Coffee Productive System in the Sierra del Rosario, Cuba (Alejandro Gonzalez, Mauro Agnoletti, Francesco Piras) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 The Sustainable Agricultural System of the Sierra Maestra, Cuba (Yenia Molina Pelegrín, Federica Romano, Mauro Agnoletti) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.3 The Traditional Tobacco Agricultural System of Viñales, Cuba (Liane Bárbara Portuondo Farías, Mauro Agnoletti, Francesco Piras) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 The Sabana de Morro Agroforestry System in Dolores, El Salvador (Ever Alexis Martínez Aguilar, Francesco Piras, Antonio Santoro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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5.5 Mesoamerican Milpa System on Comasagua, La Libertad, El Salvador (Felipe Toledo Larin, Beatrice Fiore, Federica Romano) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6 The Chagras Agroforestry System of the Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa, Colombia (María Alejandra Hernández Marentes, Antonio Santoro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7 The Vertical Productive System in the Charazani Valley, Bolivia (Fabiana Navia, Federica Romano, Alessandra Bazzurro) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8 Traditional Vineyards in the Community of Camargo, Bolivia (Gilca Tamar Aruni Flores, Alessandra Bazzurro, Beatrice Fiore) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 1

Introduction

Today the world is facing numerous challenges in the face of changes in almost every sphere of life. This clearly seems to be a transition period in the economic, social, ethical, cultural, and technological fields, and this is in addition to modifications in weather conditions and cycles of nature, caused by a harsh and sudden climate change occurring on our planet. According to the analysis of scientists, the impact of these changes is stronger due to the effect of unsustainable practices carried out by human activities. Examples of these practices are the incorrect, imbalanced, and unsustainable use of natural resources, as well as untenable development models, which do not consider long-term impacts or “side effects” (Tsiafouli et al. 2015; Karp et al. 2012; Rezzoug 2019; IPBES 2019). All this is worsened by inadequate policies and insufficient actions (Sutherland 2002). One of the human activities which has a direct relationship with nature and environment is agriculture (including forestry, fisheries, and livestock) which is considered as one of the main drivers of this negative trend, representing the greatest immediate threat to species and ecosystems. In fact, unsustainable farming practices result in land use changes, habitat loss, inefficient use of water, soil erosion and degradation, pollution, and genetic erosion, among many other negative impacts on wild and human life (Robertson et al. 2000; Bindi and Olesen 2011). Simultaneously, agriculture is suffering from climate change and natural resource loss, being a direct user of soil, water, and biodiversity. Nevertheless, when agriculture is practised in a sustainable way, it can contribute to the preservation and restoration of habitats, to the protection of watersheds, and to the preservation and improvement of soil health and water quality (Howden et al. 2007). In addition, sustainable farming and fisheries areas represent important habitats for many wild species (Harvey et al. 2005). The use of sustainable and ecological practices is the key feature distinguishing traditional agriculture from modern and intensive one. Traditional agricultural practices developed over decades, even centuries, based on long experience and proven traditions. Traditional agriculture may not provide very high yields, but ensures sustainable yields over time, thanks to © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Agnoletti et al., Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America, Environmental History 16, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44881-2_1

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time-tested technologies and traditional know-hows, being more sustainable and less polluting than industrial techniques, as it has to rely on local and sometimes scarce resources (water, soil, etc.) with low external energy inputs. This type of agriculture can be found most often in small-scale farms and as subsistence agriculture. It is also important to remember that civilisation mostly occurred through the development of agriculture. Therefore, preserving agricultural heritage systems helps to understand the history of mankind. Ingenious management practices, based on traditional knowledge and developed by rural communities over the centuries, have contributed significantly to the world’s natural and cultural heritage by creating and maintaining landscapes of outstanding beauty while helping to sustain production of multiple goods and services that enhance livelihood security and quality of life. Rural policy in the past decades has often favoured the degradation of traditional landscapes and traditional knowledge. The importance given to productive issues and technological development, the current urbanisation processes, and the abandonment of farmed land taking place in many developed countries have accelerated disappearance of traditional cultivation practices, homogenising landscape, and generating conflicts. Socio-economic development pressures, rising exploitation of local resources, imbalanced economic and political power relations usually put local communities at a distinct disadvantage, in view of global cultural homogenisation, economic globalisation, including unfavourable policies. Traditional forest knowledge and their related landscapes are even more vulnerable to threats due to the exclusion of cultural factors in sustainable forest management strategies at the global level. The fact that cultural values currently play such a limited role indicates the scant consideration given to the role of culture and history in the overall valuation of rural policies within the paradigm of sustainability developed. Failure to coherently address culture and history may very well be a growing weakness that will have to be reconciled if the public and local communities are to have confidence in policies designed to foster sustainable management. What is of utmost importance in this context is the recognition of the cultural identity of the places and the development of a strategy to counterbalance globalisation forces that are affecting landscape, putting together private and public administrations in order to develop common initiatives, understanding diversities, favouring integration, and reducing conflicts. In addition, traditional agricultural practices are related to the concept of biocultural diversity, a dynamic aspect arising from the links between cultural and biological diversity, and resulting from the combination of historical and ongoing environmental and land use processes and cultural heritage (Agnoletti and Rotherham 2015). A declaration on biocultural diversity was produced during the UNESCO-CBD meeting held in Florence (Italy) in 2014 (UNESCO–CBD 2014). Cultural landscapes managed through traditional agrosilvo-pastoral practices, became reservoirs, and even hotspots, of biocultural diversity, especially the ones with complex land use mosaics. This is not true only for agricultural landscapes, as also cultural forests and agroforestry systems based on traditional forest knowledge are also rich in biological diversity. This knowledge is not only important as a historical or cultural heritage, but is crucial for the future of rural areas, as traditional agricultural and/or forest knowledge and related landscapes support the economic

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development of rural areas, also through tourism and promotion of local products, contributing to the conservation of the biodiversity generated by human influence on the landscape, and to the quality of life of the local communities. Based on this approach to sustainable rural development, in 2002 FAO launched the concept of Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS), to identify and safeguard agricultural sites which have survived using traditional techniques and are still providing many ecosystem services, while maintaining magnificent landscapes, wild and agricultural biodiversity, ancestral knowledge transmitted through generations, and strong cultural and social values (Koohafkan and Altieri 2011). From 2015, based on the outcomes of the 39th FAO Conference, GIAHS has become an FAO corporate programme, with a stable structure and clear contribution to FAO’s mandate and objectives. Until 2015, only the UNESCO World Heritage List, specifically the category of cultural landscapes established in 1992, can be considered an initiative similar to GIAHS, given the fact that agricultural landscapes can be designated among the other cultural landscapes of the WHL. The background of creation and maintenance of these systems are farmers’ efforts to overcome disadvantageous and even harsh environmental conditions and to increase and stabilise crop yields in a sustainable manner. Building on generations of accumulated knowledge and the experience of smallholders, family farmers, and indigenous communities, these systems have been adapted to ever-changing environment and climate conditions, finally acquiring resilience and robustness so as to ensure food and livelihood security to the local communities; at the same time, they proved to be capable of reducing risks, such as hydrogeological ones. In addition, these traditional systems are currently receiving increasing attention at the international and policy level as examples of sustainable adaptation and mitigation to climate change and as models of resilience and sustainability (Zhang et al. 2017; Kajihara et al. 2018; Santoro et al. 2020). GIAHS and Resilient Agriculture The skill to build a resilient agriculture is probably one of the most important contributions of GIAHS to the current needs of world’s agriculture. The concept of resilience originated in the study of ecosystems and has evolved over several decades into an object of study across many different disciplines. Although there is little agreement today as to a precise definition, broadly speaking, resilience can be defined as the dynamic capacity to continue to achieve goals despite disturbances. Since there is a wide variety of risks relating to understanding resilience, the UN offers the following definition (UNISDR 2009): The ability of individuals, households, communities, cities, institutions, systems and societies to prevent, anticipate, absorb, adapt, and transform positively, efficiently and effectively when faced with a wide range of risks, while maintaining an acceptable level of functioning and without compromising long-term prospects for sustainable development, peace and security, human rights and well-being for all.

This definition underscores the fact that shocks and stresses can have detrimental effects in the short and the long term. For agrifood systems to overcome shocks

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and stresses, they require five distinct resilience capacities—to prevent, anticipate, absorb, adapt, and transform in the short and the long term in the face of multiple evolving, overlapping, and even colliding events. The six dimensions of food security are the following (FAO 2021): – – – – – –

Stability Sustainability Availability Access Utilisation Agency.

Agricultural systems’ resilience focuses on all six dimensions of food security and nutrition, but more specifically on stability of access and sustainability, to ensure short- and long-term food security and nutrition. Agrifood systems’ resilience is a dynamic process defined as: the capacity over time of agrifood systems, in the face of any disruption, to sustainably ensure availability of and access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food for all, and sustain the livelihoods of agrifood systems’ actors.

Agency is a key dimension of food security, is deeply connected to human rights, including the right to food, and emphasises the need for inclusiveness in agrifood systems. Historically disadvantaged individuals and communities, such as women and small-scale agricultural producers, often lack agency with respect to food security and food systems, and frequently experience high levels of food insecurity. Their disempowerment manifests itself in, for example: income and gender inequalities affecting choices; uneven local and global power dynamics regarding individual and community decisions on agrifood systems; weak and fragmented governance of agrifood systems; and the failure of States to uphold the right to food. When agency is upheld, all people and groups can make choices and use their voice to shape agrifood systems and the livelihood opportunities they provide. Agricultural heritage systems become crucial not only in cases of extreme climate conditions, but also when political and economic shocks occur, as in the case of the current war between Russia and Ukraine. The globalisation of cereal production, with few countries producing most of the amount traded, few companies controlling the market and some North African countries almost entirely depending on imports from Russia and Ukraine, may turn a local crisis into a world food crisis, because there are no longer local small producers capable of providing enough cereals (Ali et al. 2022; Glauben et al. 2022). Globalisation has put small farmers in many regions of the world “out of the market” basically because they are no longer competitive with prices and amounts. Nevertheless, traditional agricultural systems could ensure local food security if supported by specific national and international policies. Considering that the agricultural landscape is threatened by abandonment from one side, urbanisation and intensification on the other, there is surely the need to preserve this kind of agriculture.

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The GIAHS programme also aims at contributing to the development of rural areas, requiring an action plan for the sites designated in the program. Rural development must take advantage of the entire set of resources offered by the rural territory. Ingenious agricultural traditional techniques are often the only way of cultivating areas not suited for industrialised agriculture, such as mountain areas or areas where climatic conditions require specific production strategies. However, the market value of wood and food products can also be strongly supported by the added value of the landscapes from which they are derived. This can be achieved by developing a “competitive identity” based on a concept of quality integrating landscape and local food, taking into consideration tourism as part of the rural economy. This is a crucial factor in the increasing competition at national and international market level. Landscape resources represent a unique factor of competitiveness for each country or region that cannot be reproduced by a competitor in another country. Therefore, preserving traditional landscapes is an economic action equivalent in importance to increased or improved production. Although traditional agricultural practices are usually labour intensive, GIAHS are also particularly suited to help address the many challenges, across the value chain that small producers, and even small economies face, improving inclusiveness by linking smallholder producers (farmers, foresters, and fisher folk and their organisation) with supply chains for their effective and sustainable participation in global, regional, and national markets. The GIAHS programme may contribute to the development of economic activities for the conservation and promotion of landscape resources, infrastructures, services, and marketing of landscape resources, diversifying the rural economy. It is also worth noting that GIAHS is the only UN programme specifically developed to preserve agricultural heritage, given the fact the UNESCO WHL does not specifically address agriculture, a term that is not mentioned in the UNESCO convention. The Five Criteria of the GIAHS Programme According to the official definition, GIAHS is “Remarkable land use systems and landscapes which are rich in globally significant biocultural and biological diversity evolving from the co-adaptation of a community with its environment and its needs and aspirations for sustainable development.” This definition highlights the modern concept of landscapes, which can be considered as a process resulting from the integration of economic, social, and environmental processes in time and space. Considering the FAO criteria, these areas must also be of global importance. This is a composite criterion under which the overall value of an agricultural system with historical background and contemporary relevance is recognised as a heritage of humankind. The features of the system should be summarised in terms of their agricultural and cultural heritage value, their relevance to global concerns addressing sustainable development, biocultural diversity, including agrobiodiversity and ecosystems management. The system’s contemporary relevance is established by its present and future capacity to provide food and livelihood security, to contribute to human well-being and quality of life, and to generate other local, national, and global economic and environmental goods and services to its community and wider society. This relates to the relevance of an agricultural system/site

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to global or national policy and sustainable development challenges, most prominently achieving food security, human well-being, and environmental goals, such as climate adaptation, carbon sequestration, water, land, and biodiversity conservation. It should highlight particular lessons learnt or principles that can be derived from the system/site, which might be applied elsewhere. The GIAHS sites are multifunctional landscapes and/or seascapes providing a crucial and effective space for integration of biological and cultural diversity for human well-being. Five criteria have been developed to represent the totality of the functionalities, goods and services provided by the system. The criteria reflect the complex relationships and linkages between the system’s elements as an integrative holistic system. 1. Food and Livelihood Security The proposed agricultural system contributes to food and/or livelihood security of local communities. This includes a wide variety of agricultural types such as selfsufficient and semi-subsistence agriculture where provisioning and exchanges take place among local communities, which contributes to the rural economy. 2. Agrobiodiversity Agricultural biodiversity is defined by FAO as the variety of animals, plants, and microorganisms that are used directly or indirectly for food and agriculture, including crops, livestock, forestry, and fisheries. The system should be endowed with globally significant biodiversity and genetic resources for food and agriculture (e.g. endemic, domesticated, rare, endangered species of crops and animals). FAO defines agrobiodiversity as follows: The variety and variability of animals, plants, and microorganisms that are used directly or indirectly for food and agriculture, including crops, livestock, forestry, and fisheries. It comprises the diversity of genetic resources (varieties, breeds) and species used for food, fodder, fibre, fuel, and pharmaceuticals. It also includes the diversity of non-harvested species that support production (soil microorganisms, predators, pollinators), and those in the wider environment that support agroecosystems (agricultural, pastoral, forest, and aquatic) as well as the diversity of the agroecosystems.In the GIAHS criteria biodiversity is included into the wider concept of "biocultural diversity", as stated in the revision of the five criteria occurred in 2016. 3. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The system should maintain local and invaluable traditional knowledge and practices, ingenious adaptive technology, and management systems of natural resources, including biota, land, water which have supported agricultural, forestry, and/or fishery activities. 4. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisations Cultural identity and sense of place are embedded in and belong to specific agricultural sites. Social organisation, value systems, and cultural practices associated

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with resource management and food production may ensure conservation of and promote equity in the use and access to natural resources. Such social organisation and practices may take the form of customary laws and practices as well as ceremonial, religious, and/or spiritual experiences. Local social organisation may play a critical role in balancing environmental and socio-economic objectives, enhancing resilience and reproducing all elements and processes critical to the functioning of the agricultural systems. 5. Landscapes and Seascapes Features GIAHS sites should represent landscapes or seascapes that have been developed over time through the interaction between humans and the environment and appear to have stabilised or to evolve very slowly. Their form, shape, and interlinkages are characterised by long historical persistence and a strong connection with the local socio-economic systems that produced them. Their stability, or slow evolution, is the evidence of integration of food production, the environment, and culture in a given area or region. They may have the form of complex land use systems, such as land use mosaics, water, and coastal management systems. The Italian Contribution to GIAHS Italy started to include rural landscape and traditional practices in the agricultural policies with the national strategic program for rural development 2007–2013. Until that time, landscape conservation, already included in a law of 1922, was mainly based on aesthetic values, with an emphasis on environment and nature conservation. The strategies proposed in 2007 were developed taking into consideration the results of a state of the knowledge report, highlighting the main trends affecting the Italian rural landscapes. The most important being the high rate of abandonment of rural areas, especially those not suited for intensive agriculture and mostly concentrated in mountain and hilly areas, a crucial issue considering that mountains and hills represent 77% of the Italian territory. Another important threat was the simplification of the landscape mosaic, due to the modification of traditional landscape patterns to adapt to intensive agriculture. These trends, together with the reduction of the number of workers in agriculture and the increase of urban areas, resulting from internal migration, are reflected by the development level in rural areas. Less than 25% of the rural territory is well developed, while the remaining territories are in stagnation or in economic decline. The strategies and the actions proposed in the plan 2007–2013 were not very successful, mostly because of the generalised little knowledge of the features of the Italian rural landscape and the resistance to adopt specific strategies for the areas not suited for intensive agriculture. These areas are often characterised by high-quality foods, valuable landscapes, and environmental resources and are very much suited for rural tourism. Considering the limits of the “top-down” approach used in 2007, in the year 2009, an investigation to build the National Register of Historical Rural Landscapes was carried out. The activity was developed by the laboratory for Landscape and Cultural Heritage of the Faculty of Agriculture of the University of Florence, today included in the UNESCO Chair on Agricultural

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Heritage Landscapes, in collaboration with 14 universities. The investigation identified 126 sites considered as examples of traditional agriculture, for their historical significance and integrity. The results of the investigation brought to the development by the Ministry of Agriculture Food and Forestry Policies of the National Register of Historical Rural Landscapes, Traditional Knowledge and Traditional Agricultural Practices. The register was included among the activities of the National Observatory of Rural Landscapes, which was also created to develop specific policies. The initiatives to apply for the Register do not start from the Ministry or from the Regional Governments but have been put in the hands of the local institutions (association of farmers, municipalities, etc.), while the procedures are managed by the offices of the Ministry of Agriculture. Today 30 sites have been designated and in 2023; the national association of historical rural landscapes was founded by the authorities representing the sites, confirming the success of the “bottom-up” approach. About 80 sites asked to apply for the register so far (Agnoletti 2010). The complementarity between the FAO GIAHS and the National Register suggested the development of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Ministry of Agriculture and the FAO signed in 2016. In 2022, two Italian sites were designated in the GIAHS, while the 30 sites listed in the national register of historical rural landscapes are supported by the national agricultural policies in the framework of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (2023–2030). Considering these developments, in 2018, the Italian Agency for Development Cooperation (AICS), together with the Department of Agriculture, Food, Environment and Forestry (DAGRI) of the University of Florence, developed a project called “GIAHS Building Capacity: Asia, Africa, Central and South America,” aimed at identifying agricultural heritage sites in these regions of the world and to support high-level university training courses on this topic. The chapters presented in this book represent some of the potential GIAHS sites identified by the project . Being among the rich countries of the world, with a highly developed agriculture Europe may seem not particularly interested in the GIAHS approach, but the times we are living suggest reflecting on the model followed by European agriculture. It is interesting to report that during the conference on the State of the European Union held in Florence (Italy) in May 2023, the European Commissioner on Agriculture, Janusz Wojciechowski, replying to a question on the role of innovation in agriculture, explained that in these times of climatic and political crisis, innovation may often mean to return to traditional agricultural practices. GIAHS and the State of Agriculture A better understanding of the potential role of agricultural heritage systems suggests to refer to the content of the State of Agriculture (SoA) (FAO 2021).1 This report uses the term “agrifood systems” that encompasses primary agricultural production of food and non-food products, the food supply chain from producer to consumer, 1

The content of this paragraph has been taken from various chapters of the FAO State of Agriculture 2021. The aim of the paragraph is to highlight the connections between this important document and the GIAHS programme.

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and the final consumer of food. According to the State of Agriculture (SoA), globally, these systems produce some 11 billion tons of food each year and form the backbone of many economies. Ideally, agrifood systems would be resilient, inclusive, and sustainable, producing sufficient, safe, and nutritious food for all, and generating livelihoods that guarantee people’s economic access to that food. Today, however, agrifood systems fail to keep about 10% of the world’s population free from hunger. More and more often food supply chains and the livelihoods of agrifood systems’ actors are threatened by shocks—from droughts and floods to armed conflict and food price hikes—and long-term stresses, including climate change and environmental degradation. Risk and uncertainty are inherent in agrifood systems, affecting both primary production and their middle and downstream food supply components, as well as all actors at all stages. The vulnerability of agrifood systems was even more clear in 2020, when measures to contain the COVID-19 pandemic disrupted global and national supply chains and caused economic downturns in many countries. Loss of purchasing power harmed the food security and nutrition of billions of people, particularly in low-income countries and among the poorest. In our view, the term “agrifood systems” looks a bit too limited to express the wider meaning connected to areas that are not simply producing food and cannot be disconnected from the set of economic, social, and environmental values associated with them. Therefore, agricultural system is perhaps a better term, while agricultural heritage systems specifically refer to the content of the GIAHS programme. In the effort to build more resilient agricultural systems, the SoA says that the key actors are the primary producers, mainly small-scale farmers that represent the majority of producers at world level and are mostly found in areas characterised by traditional agricultural systems. Resilient agricultural systems must have a robust capacity to prevent, anticipate, absorb, adapt, and transform in the face of any disruption, with the functional goal of ensuring food security and nutrition for all and decent livelihoods and incomes for agricultural systems’ actors. Such resilience addresses all dimensions of food security, but focuses specifically on stability of access and sustainability, which ensure food security in both the short and the long term. In this respect, agricultural heritage systems have been able to provide access and sustainability of food resources for centuries. Compared to other economic sectors, agriculture is very much exposed and vulnerable to adverse natural hazards, especially those climates related. Shocks have immediate impact, while stresses are slow processes that gradually weaken the capacity of agricultural systems to cope with change that makes them more vulnerable. Agricultural systems are exposed to shocks and stresses of various types and intensity and, because their components are interlinked, disruption in any of them can spread quickly throughout systems. Among producers, shocks are most likely to affect the livelihoods of low-income, small-scale operators. Among food consumers, the poorest will be the most affected by rising food prices. If risk management strategies may help build agrifood systems’ resilience, it is evident that agricultural heritage systems that survived centuries of climatic change may suggest useful adaptation strategies.

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The COVID-19 crisis has shown that some shocks are unpredictable in terms of timing and extent. Similar problems can be observed with political crises like the war in Ukraine started in 2022. The effects of a reduced amount of cereal traded generate higher prices and limit the possibilities of low-income countries to buy wheat, but this danger is increased by the abandonment of agriculture due to the reduced competitiveness of agricultural systems not suited to intensification. Even rich countries, like several European nations, may encounter problems due to the fact that they have abandoned thousands of hectares of farmed land in the past decades and are no longer able to react to a sudden shortage of cereals. These problems are increased by the fact that trading of commodities is in the hands of a few international players that are controlling the market, often putting local production in the situation of not being competitive with world’s market prices. Agricultural heritage systems have the capacity to continue functioning in the presence of shocks that are not foreseeable, even though they may be not competitive in terms of production at global level. Resilient agricultural systems are a strategic component of the world’s response to ongoing and future challenges, but it should be better defined which systems are the ones on which we focus. One thing is industrial agriculture, mostly devoted to produce standardised food products for the global market, another thing are traditional agricultural systems producing high-quality food and not characterised by high external energy inputs and basically related to local markets. In face of the current challenges, it is agreed that an important objective to achieve should be building the capacity of agricultural systems to absorb the impacts of shocks and stresses. Shocks and stresses can be very different in nature and origin. The magnitude of their impact is shaped by the specific vulnerabilities and resilience capacity of the systems’ components and actors, as well as the surrounding context (including climatic, environmental, socio-economic, and political dimensions) and external sectors, such as energy and health. Complex, bidirectional linkages between the different systems’ components mean that disruptions to food production eventually impact on household food security, while shocks affecting food consumption can ripple back to affect producers; this in turn will affect the environment. In low-income countries, agricultural households often rely on crop diversification and crop–livestock integration to mitigate the risks associated with climate variability and market volatility. In fact, the capacity of primary producers to absorb shocks concerns also the possibility to diversify the production. An important function of agricultural heritage systems is to make available a diverse range of foods that provide the nutrients essential for human health. According to FAO countries diversify their sources of food in different ways and effectiveness in diversifying does not depend on country size or income level. Therefore, the heterogeneity of farms and businesses must be recognised. According to the SoA, policies and interventions should facilitate a mix of traditional, transitional, and modern food supply chains, which can buffer shocks and stresses of different types. Policymakers should acknowledge the heterogeneity of farms and businesses along the urban–rural continuum and address vulnerabilities at different scales. Even in this case identifying agricultural heritage systems would

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highly contribute to understand and assess agricultural diversification in diverse economic, environmental, and social conditions. Well-functioning agricultural systems must also ensure people’s economic access to food. According to FAO, some 3 billion people cannot afford a healthy diet, one that protects against malnutrition in all its forms. Since the share of household expenditure on food is highest in low-income households, any significant loss of purchasing power poses a threat to their food security and nutrition. In this framework, smallscale agriculture may offer an important contribution to respond to these threats. GIAHS sites represent examples of small-scale agriculture generally associated with family farming structures. These systems are good examples of resilience-enhancing strategies because of the adoption of more sustainable production practices quite in line with the approach of agroecology that applies ecological and social principles to the design and management of agricultural systems. These principles are very well integrated with agricultural biodiversity, which boosts resilience to shocks and stresses, facilitates adaptation, maintains stability, and supports recovery from disturbances. The Sites Identified in This Volume The sites described in this volume represent the results of the GIAHS capacity building project. All the sites are in line with the five fundamental criteria of GIAHS but can be presented also for their contribution to many challenges affecting the planet that we can briefly address. Considering the scarcity of water, the jessour technique of Southern Tunisia, also found in neighbouring countries, is a traditional water harvesting technique based on drystone terraces that block the course of uadi (temporary water streams) allowing the cultivation of figs, olive trees, and other crops. In the Mountain Oases of Western Tunisia, local farmers developed flourishing oases only relying on the local scarce water sources that still support the livelihood of local communities. In other cases, local population adapted to the excess of water, developing floating islands used to cultivate vegetables as in the case of the floating garden system of the Inle Lake, Myanmar, where the Intha ethnic group use to cultivate tomatoes and other crops on floating islands made of vegetal material and lake mud that are anchored to the lake bottom trough long bamboo poles, creating not only an agricultural system with economic relevance, as tomatoes are marketed in all the country, but also a unique landscape. Unique agricultural landscapes are in fact the results of different strategies of adaptation to different environmental conditions and limitations even in the case of catastrophic events. Volcanic soils, lack of rain, and consistent winds are typical limitations of some Mediterranean islands; in the island of Lanzarote, Spain, agriculture was developed on lava beds, local farmers use to build drystone walls around small holes dug in the lava, where single vine plants and fruit trees are planted, for maintaining the temperature, reducing evapotranspiration, conserving soil moisture, while the stone walls protect the plants from the heavy winds. It is worth remembering that the current agricultural system in Lanzarote is the result of the eruption of a volcano that destroyed agriculture and forced local farmers to adapt to a new environment cultivating on the lava beds. Also on the slopes of Etna volcano, in

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Sicily islands (Italy), local farmers cultivate on lava beds and built drystone walls to grow the Green Pistachio of Bronte. Steep slopes and rugged terrain always limited agricultural activities, but farmers learned to build terraces to obtain cultivable surface, from Europe, to Asia, from Africa to South America. In Vallecorsa, Italy, local farmers not only built stone terraces, but also excavated the local karstic stones to obtain space for planting olive trees along the slopes, while the narrow valley bottom is dedicated so small patches of vineyards, rainfed arable crops, and intercropping. Traditional drystone terraces are a peculiar feature of Mediterranean landscape, as testified by the researches on the hills of Vertop, Albania and on the agricultural system close to the Shouf Reserve, Lebanon; both systems are still crucial for the livelihood of local farmers and for agrobiodiversity conservation, even if they are threatened in the last decades by ageing of the farmers, migration, and abandonment of rural activities. The slopes around the municipalities in the Shouf Reserve were intensively terraced and cultivated since very old times for the production of vines, olives, mulberries, walnut, and almond trees in addition to figs and grains. Agriculture terraces were very much used in the past to produce, in particular, mulberry trees for the silk industry. The presence of several grape and olive presses from the Roman times is an indicator of the ancient culture of terraced crops in the region. Olives are still cultivated in terraces, as well as a number of fruit trees. In other cases, local farmers developed vertical systems, with different activities carried out at different altitudes depending also on the season, as in the Alpine area of Valtellina and Valposchiavo, Italy-Switzerland, where a vertical system made of meadows in the valley bottom, terraced vineyards along the lower part of the slopes, woods for timber, chestnuts and firewood at middle altitude, and summer grazing pastures in the upper part of the mountains, has supported local population with different products and services during the centuries. Vertical agricultural systems can also be found in South America, along the Andean Chain, as testified by the research on the Charazani valley, Bolivia, where thanks to the high-altitude variation from the peaks to the valley floor, it is possible to find different agroecological zones, a wide range of agricultural and livestock products and different traditional agricultural practices. The productive system and the vertical control of the Charazani valley’s multiple ecological floors that survived the invasions and the multiple territorial reorganisation are nowadays an example of sustainable management of the landscape for their ability to satisfy the needs and desires of people, relating culture to agricultural and economic productivity without compromising the ecosystem services. The technologies associated to those systems persist in time and permit an agricultural production in difficult conditions that continue meaning the main economic activity and the source of food for the local population. Another important contribution of agricultural heritage systems to sustainability and resilience is the conservation of biodiversity. This is not only crucial per se, but, according to different studies it can effectively contribute to food security, to reduce the pressure of agriculture on fragile areas and endangered species, to make farming systems more resilient and sustainable, to pest management, to preserve soil and

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soil fertility, to diversify products and income opportunities, and to reduce dependency on external inputs and in particular on fossil fuels and chemicals (Thrupp 1997, 1998; Khane et al. 2013). Supporting and promoting traditional agricultural systems and related cultural landscapes is therefore the best strategy to preserve and valorise agrobiodiversity and biodiversity in agricultural areas, at the same time dealing with current global challenges, such as migration, climate change, and food security (Jackson et al. 2007; Zimmerer 2014). Traditional oases are good examples of adaptation to very dry climate, but are also a crucial genetic basin of local date palm and fruit varieties, as testified by the research on the Mountain Oases, Tunisia, where 20 varieties of date palms have been recorded, together with 21 varieties of fruit trees, 21 vegetable crops, and 2 fodder crops. Traditional agricultural systems are not only important to preserve different varieties or species of cultivated plants. The two researches made in Cuba islands in Sierra del Rosario, Cuba, and in the Sierra Maestra, Cuba, highlighted that they can also be important for the conservation of other flora and fauna species not directly used by local populations; in fact, the traditional use of shading trees for coffee cultivation creates particular microclimate conditions favourable not only for coffee plants, but also for fauna species and for spontaneous flora species. Sierra del Rosario is recognised for its crop genetic resources with high levels of varietal diversity of coffee (Coffea sp.), maize (Zea mays), lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus), common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), chilli (Capsicum sp.), etc. The multistate agroecosystem areas can include up to 500 plant species, most of which are ornamental and medicinal, followed by fruit and timber species. There is also a high number of plants used and preserved by farmers because of its sacred conditions. This allows a strong resilience of the systems, tested after the impact of devastating hurricanes, changes in rainfall patterns and droughts. A high functional agrobiodiversity is present in the “conucos,” these are family parcels, a traditional form of integrated production. This traditional practice facilitates the existence of a high intraspecific variability as in the case of corn landraces (Zea maiz). It is also relevant for the cultivation of grains such as the frijol caballero (Phaseolus lunatus), a crop that the farmers use mainly for his diet and that has very little or null presence in the market. In the Amazon basin, the indigenous reserve of monochoa (Colombia), the presence of different indigenous groups in remote areas that still practice traditional “Chagras” agroforestry activities, is not only crucial for preserving different cultivated and wild species, but also can actively contribute to control deforestation in a global important hotspot for biodiversity that is facing different threats. Chagras are a complex of different activities related to agroforestry practices, carried out by local indigenous communities in the Amazon area common to different South American Countries, and have been defined as “a polyculture mode, in appearance simple, around which the other productive activities of the indigenous population revolve, but that implies a management of time, space and cultural identity that increases the system complexity” (Triana-Moreno et al. 2016). “These agroforestry systems are embedded with a huge agrobiodiversity, thanks to the traditional practices carried out by indigenous populations including horticulture, hunting, harvesting of fruits, and fishing. This integrates knowledge and practices that are specific to women and men,

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in a complementary and interdependent way” (GAIA Amazonas 2019). Amazonian Chagras are the place of conservation of many endemic species of flora as “they contain an exceptionally high diversity of species, about a quarter of those that exist in the world. It has been estimated that it contains 30 thousand species of vascular plants, including from 5 to 10 thousand tree species. Of the total, 2 thousand have been classified for their usefulness for food, medicine and other purposes” (Ramírez 2012). Agroforestry systems proved to be important for providing a wide ranges of ecosystem services to the local communities, but most of all, they are particularly linked to family farming and to the intensive use of different crops cultivated on multilayered systems, often with one of them considered as the cash crop, and the other ones used for direct consumption by the farmers. Cash crop can be represented by dates as in the Mountain oases of Tunisia, by mangoes in West Aswan, Egypt, by dates, rice, and mango as in Qasr-e Qand, Iran, or by coffee and enset (Ensete ventricosum) in Gedeo, Ethiopia. In the mountain oases of Tunisia, the multilayered cultivation system is typical for traditional oases that are widespread all over the Maghreb area and consists in organising the crops according to a vertical structure based on three layers. The three oases are considered as traditional ones as the richness of agrobiodiversity and the high density of plantation characterise them, as well as the management applied and the social structure linked to them. The lower layer is dedicated to vegetables and forage crops, the second one consists of fruit trees, and the upper layer is made of date palm trees. This vertical structure creates different microhabitats allowing the cultivation of different crops and the optimal use of natural resources. Nowadays, the cultivation system is facing some changes, for example, the two-layer land use is the dominant typology. The neglect of one of the layers affects the diversity of cultures among the oases and reduces the market supply, and therefore, it affects the profitability of small-farm holders. In the site of Qasr-e Qand (Iran), the multistory and polyculture cropping system is very diverse, and local farmers have developed an agroforestry system which has evolved over the years. In this landscape, local farmers have planted different types of fruit trees, vegetables, cereals, and legumes, and keep different livestock. Beside agricultural plant species, many other plants can be found in the area. Traditional knowledge has a prominent role in preserving agricultural systems. The ingenuity of the farmers has been able to find sophisticated solutions for developing agriculture in harsh environmental conditions. Terracing, both in the case of drystone terraces and simple terraces without stones, has allowed to develop agriculture in most of the mountain and hilly areas of the world, creating horizontal surfaces even on slopes with a steepness of 70–80%. These systems, as in the case of Lamole in Chianti (Italy), are particularly suited for reducing runoff during extreme rainfall events, contributing to the reduction of hydrogeological risk, but also preserving the fertility compared to the uphill cultivation systems. During summer and winter, the stones are able to reduce extreme temperatures, while in hot summers they contribute to maintain the humidity of the soil. This is also the case of the terraced landscape of Konso, Ethiopia, shaped through the centuries by generation of farmers. In the case of Marakwet irrigation system, Kenya, we are instead in front of a wise management

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tradition that allows to have a fair and sustainable management of water sources. The Marakwet traditional irrigation systems were developed as early as about 500 years ago. The system is entirely depended on farming activities in these dry lands. The Marakwet landscape is among the UNESCO tentative list of Kenya because the irrigation system and the entire landscape in which it operates, together with the associated tangible and intangible heritage, makes it of outstanding universal value. In Central America, in El Salvador, traditional knowledge allows the maintenance of the Sabana de Morro agroforestry system in Dolores, with a system of wood pastures allowing the local farmers to integrate the animal diet with morro fruits also to obtain an appreciated local cheese. Wood pastures as well as pastured wood are examples of forests with a very long history in many cases starting even before the development of stable agricultural settlements. In the Mesoamerican Milpa System on Comasagua, local farmers apply traditional rotations and intercropping to obtain different products for their own consumption and partly as cash crops. Traditional knowledge is also related to the development of indigenous fishing techniques, as in the case of the Charfia System in Kerkennah island, Tunisia, that is also well integrated with local agriculture. These fisheries exploit shallow water depths and tidal movements. The principle consists of circumscribing a certain area of sea at high tide by means of artificial partitions constituted by palm traps. The existence of an important tidal phenomenon at the level of the shallows, essentially constituted by dense vegetation that surrounds the Kerkennah archipelago, has favoured, since ancient times, the development of original techniques of artisanal fishing with fixed traps based on the negative rheotaxis of the fish. Thus, the fishermen have been able to develop an adequate technique by the installation of fixed traps according to an architecture adapted to the topology of the shallows and the tidal movements (Mekki 2000). The Charfia is constructed entirely from date palm products, either on the shallows or close to the shore to form pathways at the end of which fish are trapped. It is therefore dismantled every year at the beginning of the summer to reorganise its structure and give the fauna a biological rest period. Traditional knowledge is often applied not only to the cultivation practices, but also to the processing of local products, as in the case of the cultivation of Mohammadi flower for rosewater production in Barzok, Iran, to obtain a high-quality final product. The economic value of the final product due to higher quality can have a key role in guaranteeing a fair income to farmers. In Lamole in Chianti, Italy, small wine producers have higher costs of production due to the fact that vineyards are planted on drystone terraces, where mechanisation is limited. This is a very interesting case because Lamole was one of the first sites included in the Italian National of Historical Rural Landscapes. At the initial stage, few people believed that this kind of approach would contribute to change the local economic conditions. Lamole was a marginal place in the wine region of Chianti, where drystone terraces were abandoned and few farmers tried to maintain and to restore them. After five years of activities including research and marketing, the situation has completely changed. Most of the farmers are restoring stone terraces, wine prices doubled, tourism increased. From this point of view what was considered the weakness of the area, an outdated traditional practice like stone terraces and the resulting landscape, has become an added value for the

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development of the area that cannot be replicated by a competitor. Tuscany is the first region of Italy for agritourism, representing today a fundamental resource for the farmers. These strategies can be applied in many other sites in the world. In the case of the Green Pistachio of Bronte (Italy), the market price of the local pistachio that is considered of high-quality on national and international markets supports the livelihood of around 4000 small farmers, whose average cultivated size is less than 1 ha and with a number of pistachio plants around 400–600 plants/hectare. In Viñales, Cuba, local farmers in pre-COVID years used to integrate the incomes coming from tobacco selling with agritourism, as testified by official data reporting more than 600,000 and 700,000 visitors in 2016 and 2017. Tourists can enjoy the beautiful cultural landscape, visit the tobacco farms and processing facilities, and can practise hiking, cycling, and climbing. The touristic sector is not only crucial to farmers, as around 5000 self-employed workers are engaged in tourism-related activities. Tourism is also important in the lychee cultivation system of Haikou City, China, even if is limited to national visitors, but local farmers in the last years started to develop also online selling to maximise the market opportunities for their high-quality lychees; in addition, thanks to the morphologic characteristic of the site, mechanisation is limited and, therefore, agronomic activities represent a job for many people living in the villages, making the system crucial for supporting a large number of people and not only the farms’ owners. Many of these systems are also linked to cultural landscapes. It is the case of Battir agricultural site, Palestine, where the terraced olive and vine groves and the related traditional system of water distribution have an ancient origin and survived almost unchanged to this day, leading to the inscription of the system in the UNESCO World Heritage List with the name of “Palestine: Land of Olives and Vines—Cultural Landscape of Southern Jerusalem, Battir.” In Bagan, Myanmar, agricultural activities are still carried out according to traditional techniques among the remains of 3959 ancient monuments built between eleventh and thirteenth centuries that dot the Bagan plain, one of the most important religious and archaeological sites in Asia. The site is recognised by UNESCO for its historical and archaeological value, but what makes the landscape unique is also the fact that the area is a mosaic of different plots still cultivated by local small farmers adapting to the dry climate. The relationship between the UNESCO WHL and GIAHS is a matter of growing interest considering that both programmes are protecting agricultural sites and in several cases some sites are designated at the same time in UNESCO and FAO. The memorandum of understanding signed in 2018 between UNESCO and FAO addressed the importance of the collaboration between the two programmes. Although GIAHS is entirely dedicated to agriculture and UNESCO WHL include instead a wider set of properties, the collaboration between the two UN programmes in the light of the 17 SDG of the Agenda 2030 looks like an important opportunity. Agricultural heritage is also the main topic of the recently founded UNESCO Chair on agricultural heritage landscapes, based at the University of Florence. It is worth remembering that agricultural heritage represents a set of values that allowed what we call “civilisation,” there will still be the need to cultivate the land to ensure the survival of humanity for centuries to come.

References

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References Agnoletti M (ed) (2010) Italian historical rural landscapes, cultural values for the environment and rural development. Springer, Dordrecht Agnoletti M, Rotherham ID (2015) Landscape and biocultural diversity. Biodivers Conserv 24(13):3155–3165 Ali AA, Azaroual F, Bourhriba O, Dadush U (2022) The economic implications of the war in Ukraine for Africa and Morocco. Policy Center for the New South, PB-11/22 Bindi M, Olesen JE (2011) The responses of agriculture in Europe to climate change. Reg Envriron Chang 11(1):151–158) FAO (2021) The State of Food and Agriculture 2021. Making agrifood systems more resilient to shocks and stresses. FAO, Rome. https://doi.org/10.4060/cb4476en GAIA Amazonas (2019) Chagra: food source, integrated system and foundation of life. https:// www.gaiaamazon.as.org/en/noticias/57/ Glauben T, Svanidze M, Götz L, Prehn S, Jamali Jaghdani T, Ðuri´c I, Kuhn L (2022) The war in Ukraine, agricultural trade and risks to global food security. Intereconomics 57(3):157–163 Harvey CA, Alpízar F, Chacón M, Madrigal R (2005) Assessing linkages between agriculture and biodiversity in Central America: historical overview and future perspectives. In: Mesoamerican & Caribbean Region, Conservation Science Program. The Nature Conservancy (TNC), San José, Costa Rica Howden SM, Soussana JF, Tubiello FN, Chhetri N, Dunlop M, Meinke H (2007) Adapting agriculture to climate change. Proc Natl Acad Sci 104(50):19691–19696 IPBES (2019) Global assessment report on biodiversity and ecosystem services. Intergovernmental science-policy platform on biodiversity and ecosystem services. Bonn, Germany Jackson LE, Pascual U, Hodgkin T (2007) Utilizing and conserving agrobiodiversity in agricultural landscapes. Agric Ecosyst Environ 121(3):196–210 Kahane R, Hodgkin T, Jaenicke H, Hoogendoorn C, Hermann M, d’Arros Hughes J, Looney N (2013) Agrobiodiversity for food security, health and income. Agron Sustain Dev 33(4):671– 693) Kajihara H, Zhang S, You W, Min Q (2018) Concerns and opportunities around cultural heritage in East Asian globally important agricultural heritage systems (GIAHS). Sustainability 10(4):1235 Karp DS, Rominger AJ, Zook J, Ranganathan J, Ehrlich PR, Daily GC (2012) Intensive agriculture erodes β-diversity at large scales. Ecol Lett 15(9):963–970 Koohafkan P, Altieri MA (2011) Globally important agricultural heritage systems. A legacy for the future. Food and Agriculture organisation of the United Nations, Rome Mekki T (2000) Caractérisation de la pêche à la charfia au Sud des îles de Kerkennah Projet de fin d’études, 82p Parrotta JA, Agnoletti M (2007) Traditional forest knowledge: challenges and opportunities. For Ecol Manag 249:1–4 Ramírez S (2012) La Cooperación Amazónica. Recuperado el 16 de Julio de 2019, de Desafíos y Oportunidades de la Cooperación Amazónica a través de la OTCA. http://www.cancilleria.gov. co/sites/default/files/otca-libro-socorro-ramirez.pdf Rezzoug C (2019) The impact of using modern irrigation techniques on the ancient Mougheul palm grove, South-West of Algeria. J Water Land Dev 40(I–III):97–102 Robertson GP, Paul EA, Harwood RR (2000) Greenhouse gases in intensive agriculture: contributions of individual gases to the radiative forcing of the atmosphere. Science 289(5486):1922– 1925 Santoro A, Venturi M, Bertani R, Agnoletti M (2020) A review of the role of forests and agroforestry systems in the FAO Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS) programme. Forests 11(8):860 Sutherland WJ (2002) Restoring a sustainable countryside. Trends Ecol Evol 17(3):148–150

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Triana-Moreno LA, Rodríguez NC, García J (2016) Dinámica del sistema agroforestal de chagras como eje de la producción indígena en el Trapecio Amazónico (Colombia). Agronomía Colombiana, Bogotá, vol 24, no 1 Tsiafouli MA, Thébault E, Sgardelis SP, De Ruiter PC, Van Der Putten WH, Birkhofer K, Hedlund K (2015) Intensive agriculture reduces soil biodiversity across Europe. Glob Change Biol 21(2):973–985 Thrupp LA (1997) Linking biodiversity and agriculture: challenges and opportunities for sustainable food security. World Resources Institute, USA Thrupp LA (1998) Cultivating diversity: agrobiodiversity and food security. World Resources Institute UNESCO–CBD. Joint program between biological and cultural diversity. Florence declaration on the links between biological and cultural diversity. Florence (Italy). 11 Apr 2014. Available online: https://www.cbd.int/portals/culturaldiversity/docs/21040410-declaration-florenceen.pdf UNISDR (2009) Terminology on disaster risk reduction. UNISDR, Geneva Zhang Y, Min Q, Li H, He L, Zhang C, Yang L (2017) A conservation approach of globally important agricultural heritage systems (GIAHS): improving traditional agricultural patterns and promoting scaleproduction. Sustainability 9(2):295 Zimmerer KS (2014) Conserving agrobiodiversity amid global change, migration, and nontraditional livelihood networks: the dynamic uses of cultural landscape knowledge. Ecol Soc 19(2)

Chapter 2

Potential GIAHS Sites in Africa

2.1 The Jessour System, Tunisia (Afef Zanzana, Francesco Piras, Beatrice Fiore)

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Agnoletti et al., Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America, Environmental History 16, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44881-2_2

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Summary Information Location of the site

Region of Douiret, 21 km from the city of Tataouine (south-east of Tunisia) 32°52 07.0 N, 10°17 22.0 E

Area of coverage

205,000 ha

Topographic features Vast intermountain depression bordered by the characteristic Matmata plateau – Minor wadi beds and outlets of mountain ranges are distinguished by soils rather thick alluvial supply, presenting a coarse texture and containing a high load of pebbles and rolled blocks (most often limestone); – Places affected by the phenomenon of silting are characterised by mineral soils often characterised by finely sandy and/or siliceous formations that can take the appearance of several micro forms (sandy sails, mico nebkas, macronebkha, interdune hollow, sandy beach). Their organic substances content is extremely low (usually less than 0.3%), – The slopes of jebels and hills are occupied by undeveloped soils with silty or sandy silty textures, locally rich in calcium bicarbonates (especially on silts of Matmata and poor in organic matter) Climate type

The region of Tataouine is located in the south-eastern part of Tunisia, which is on the borders of two opposite meteorological action centres: 1. The Western Sahara which is subject to a hot and dry sub-tropical Saharan climate 2. The Gulf of Gabes in the north-east enjoying a Mediterranean temperate, hot, and relatively wet climate The climate of the region is a factor favouring desertification

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Amazigh (Berber) origin

Global Significance Jessour are the oldest traditional system of Tunisian runoff collection and recovery, historically used for the cultivation of olive, fig, and date trees (Calianno et al. 2020) that is mainly found in the mountainous areas of the watershed. This ancient water harvesting technique is widely spread in the region of the Matmata mountains, in south-east Tunisia. They are constructed in the intermountain and hill watercourses to intercept runoff and sediments and are the result of local communities’ adaptation to the surrounding environmental features. Jessour are constituted by drystone walls which form a chain along the thalwegs to constitute terraces on the watershed called chaaba. Thanks to the jessour system in such harsh climate conditions it is possible to create cultivable surfaces in order to sustain local communities’ needs while increasing the agrobiodiversity variety. On the surfaces created thanks to the jessour system also cereals and vegetable crops are grown, partially intercropped in small areas. In addition to their agronomic value, these structures play an important role in limiting runoff and reducing the effects of water erosion during torrential rains. They thus contribute to protection of all the populated areas from flooding

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while allowing the infiltration and recharge of groundwater. The jessour system illustrates a way of life in symbiosis with nature. This ancestral empirical technique, which has helped to maintain a fragile balance between man and his natural environment, is today threatened because of the agricultural abandonment and profound socio-economic changes affecting the south-east region during the last five decades. Food and Livelihood Security Food and nutrition security relates not only to food issues but also to broader areas of development, overall peace, security, and stability, as articulated by the SDGs, and it is also inseparable from agricultural security. Over the past two decades, Tunisian agriculture has made significant progress, notably by achieving self-sufficiency concerning certain products (milk, meat, fruit, and vegetables), limiting import dependence and strengthening its presence in foreign markets as a result of the good quality/price ratio of its products. In semi-arid regions, competition for water resources between upland and lowland areas is a recurrent problem as population and water needs increase (Labombe et al. 2008). The jessour system creation has given the possibility to cultivate in such a difficult environment and provide food to local communities. The social protection system constitutes a key instrument that can be leveraged to ensure access to food for the most vulnerable groups and promote community resilience. The social protection system is a mechanism to mitigate and where relevant eliminate food insecurity and hunger at the household level. Well-designed and well-implemented social protection programmes can effectively intervene on the causes of food insecurity. The portion of the active population in the Douiret region is about 48% of the total population whose main activities are agriculture, commerce, and daily work (CRDA 2005). Thanks to the jessour, the area near Douiret is cultivable thus providing food and ensuring the local community’s livelihood. The traditional cultivation system guarantees the possibility to cultivate a high variety of species ensuring a varied diet. The olive trees are cultivated in 90% of the jessour and also fruit trees like fig, almond, pistachio, and some crops like wheat and barley are cultivated in the surfaces created thanks to jessour. The jessour system is the main source of food of the region, since it’s the only system that allows cultivation of the barren land. Thanks to this system, the rocky desert can be cultivated as a garden, and it can host a wide variety of crops, trees and vegetables, allowing a strong and resilient agrobiodiversity managed by the experience of the local population (Altieri and Toledo 2005). Agrobiodiversity The jessour system guarantees the possibility to cultivate a large number of species among which the most representative is the olive tree, followed by figs. Most of the agricultural production is for self-consumption while in the case of olives and figs they are also sold. Regarding the olive trees there are several varieties cultivated in the area considered like the Chemlali Tataouine (Chemlali Aberan in Berber’s language) which is, with Zarrazi, one of the two main olive oil varieties of the Tataouine region. The Zarrazi variety faces a problem of homonymy. Indeed, under this denomination at least two morphologically and biochemically different varieties

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are identified, namely the Southern Zarrazi and the Zarrazi of Gafsa. It is the Southern Zarrazi which is the most widespread in Tunisia since it is cultivated in the region of Medenine and the jessour of Matmata and Tataouine. This variety is sterile and male, which means that it is always cultivated next to the pollinating varieties called Dhokkar or with the varieties Zalmati and Chemlali. The fruits of this variety are quite large which makes it a double purpose variety used for both oil production and canning. The variety is vigorous with early maturity; the fruits are spherical while the cores are oval. Other olive varieties are the Fakhari and the Toffehi (Afake’; Tédefouit in Berber’s language). Cantoned in the region of Douiret in Tataouine, these varieties are found in reduced specimens where they meet the varieties Chemlali Ontha, Zarrazi and Chemlali Tataouine. These varieties are oval-shaped and large enough to be suitable for both oil production and canning. There are also the Jemri varieties. Under the name of Jemri, we meet several varieties that have in common the colour of the pulp which is bright, reminiscent of ember. The variety Jemri-Dhokkar is a diffuse variety of the area, the tree of which is of medium vigour with erect habit; the density of the foliage is medium, the leaf has a lanceolate shape of medium width and length. The blade is flat with a dark green colour on the upper side and light green on the other side. This variety serves as a pollinator of the Zarrazi variety. This one is characterised by the following varieties: Limouni Limouni, Zarrazi Injassi, Dhokkar. Another variety named Dhokkar Ontha also exists in this region. According to the farmers, the olive oil of this variety is sweet and its olives can be directly eaten without salt. Another widespread cultivation of the area are the fig trees; in the area there are different cultivars defined by the production and the way to cultivate them. In the Douiret area we can expect to find two fig varieties, the Smyrna Fig and the San Pedro Fig. For the first variety, pollination is mandatory, otherwise the fruits will drop from the tree before they are fully developed. The second type produces two crops of fruit each season; the first crop (Breba crop) grows on old branches and develops without crosspollination; the second crop comes from the new growth, but the fruit will usually drop from the tree before it matures if pollination hasn’t occurred. The varieties characterising the area are: • Bither which grows in the mountainous desert and is intended primarily for fresh consumption. • Tayouri Akhdhar, an accession of the Smyrna type with mandatory pollination. It is characterised by a ripening that matures from late August to early September. This accession is moderately productive and intended for direct consumption as well as drying. • Rogabi, an accession of the Smyrna type. Its fruits are of good taste quality and intended mainly for fresh consumption. It is characterised by a long period of production, which runs from mid-July to early September. • Wedlani: For the production of fresh autumn figs, Wedlani is among the most important; the Smyrna type, with obligatory caprification. The fruits become ripe

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from the end of July and continue until early September. This accession is moderately productive, but the figs are of great calibre and excellent quality, and this fore, recommended for direct consumption. Drying is possible, but the figs become dark in colour. Accession is widespread in the southern desert (Douiret) and the coastal-south (Zarzis) because of its water requirements and the caprification. • Zidi, a variety of the type Smyrna, with a maturation period from mid-July to early September according to the natural regions of Tunisia. It is very productive. In southern Tunisia, this variety has shown a good adaptation. It is the most productive of all other accessions investigated, large to very large fruit, which are widely marketed fresh in the market. These figs are also used for the production of dried figs. Surpluses and waste are delivered to the processing industries. Other fruit trees are commonly cultivated in the area, for self-consumption: Almond (Prunus dulcis), Pistachio (Pistacia vera), Peach (Prunus persica), Grape (Vitis vinifera), Date Palm (Phoenix dactylifera). Regarding the endemic flora species there is the desert truffle that, due to exceptional weather conditions, is usually harvested between February and April. Furthermore, there are other vegetable species utilised as forage or food like: Stipa tenacissima (forage), Stipagrostis pungens (forage), Hammada scoparia (forage), Chamaemelum nobile (food), Diplotaxis tenuifolia (food). The livestock is one of the principal rural activities in the region of Douiret; sheep and goats are the principal animals that are bred followed by camels. Some people also have chickens for their consumption. Regarding the wild fauna, species which can be found in the area include: the crested porcupine (Hystrix cristata); the Desert Goundi (Ctenodactylus vali), a species of small rodents of the family Ctenodactylidae, also called Goundi of the Sahara, the Fennec (Vulpes zerda); the Chacal (Canis); the Outarde Hbara or Houbara (Chlamydotis undulata), a large bird of the family Otididae; the viper (Cerastes cerastes). Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems In many semi-arid and arid regions in Mediterranean countries, such as southern Tunisia, water harvesting techniques have a long history (Fleskens et al. 2005). To guarantee the possibility of cultivation in these areas, different kinds of structures have been developed. In this particular area in southern Tunisia, jessour are traditional structures adopted in order to cultivate in such a harsh environment. Jessour is the plural of a jessr which is a hydraulic unit made of three main components: 1. Dike (locally also called tabia) in the form of a small earth embankment sometimes consolidated with stones in the thalwegs and depressions to retain runoff and thrust materials. Due to sedimentation after each flood, new layers of soil settle behind the dikes. Over time, a levelling of the initial slope of the thalwegs is done naturally. After a few layers of sedimentation, it is necessary to raise the dike in the earth to exceed in some cases the 5 m height. The excess water is discharged through a lateral weir (menfess) or central (masref ) reinforced with dry stones whose threshold is about 30–80 cm below the jessr level.

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2. The terrace is the reservoir where the runoff accumulates. This is the site where arboriculture (olive trees, fig trees, almond trees, palm trees) and annual crops (barley, beans, lentils, wheat) are cultivated. The runoff water brings sediments that accumulate by sedimentation behind the dam wall ( jessr) creating a suitable space for cultivations. 3. The impluvium is a natural limit. It is delimited by a line of water between sub-basins pouring each jessr. The way of system management is related to rooted traditions passed on from generation to generation. In fact, sites are managed on a collective and community basis following local costumes and enforced by Islamic law. Under such systems, water is considered as a communal property and is consumed to meet the community’s needs without waste. Local expertise is anchored in an awareness of the reciprocal relationship between surface water and groundwater. In the region, agriculture usually is rainfed but sometimes people irrigate their crops in a dry year. So they use the tractor and water cistern. They also use the water well with the traditional way to bring water until nowadays. In the past, two springs could be found in the area but lately just one still exists called “Ain Magel.” On the surfaces created thanks to the jessour construction the principal species cultivated are olive and fruit trees, but also a traditional, complex polyculture system able to satisfy food needs. Trees with big dimensions are very common, since local people didn’t like to cut branches and twigs of their fruit trees too much. Therefore, in this region there is the biggest olive tree in Tunisia called the “Akarit” tree. Because of the small area created thanks to jessour, people use the traditional harvest grain so they use the sickle to harvest the barley and wheat. For food conservation clay pots for olive oil are used while salt is used for conserving table olives. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The Traditional House in the Old Village The singularity of the old village of Douiret lies in its location, and in the techniques and building materials used, so it seems to form part of the mountain and the surrounding environment. The troglodytic houses of Douiret appear similarly ordered. It is a century-old vernacular architecture that reflects the material and ideal needs of its inhabitants. The dwellings are generally composed of several rooms dug horizontally in the rock (ghar), in front of the hollow Ghar extends a raised and discovered terrace (doukkana) connected by stairs to a sort of patio (bahw). A stone built part in front of the rooms stands between the street and the patio, in which there are cells serving as family granaries (ghorfa), a kitchen (matbakh), sometimes a livestock barn (zriba), and a chicane (skifa) mark the separation between the street and the interior of the dwelling. These walls are at the same time partitions and ramparts and are built in materials from the mountain itself (the rocks extracted from the caves). The number of Ghar cells grows as the family grows. A long corridor along a tool shed, all surmounted by a vaulted attic, leads to the court of Douirie House.

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The habitual house is at the end of the courtyard, carved in the mountains. A six metres wide by seven metres deep, installer who separates a wall built and opened on penetrates by two beautiful doors made of palm wood: the room where the loom is installed and the living room. Handicrafts and Marriage Traditions Among the handicraft productions of women, two must be mentioned: the decorated shawl, bakhnûg, and patterned pottery, two products reserved for domestic use. The wedding tradition requires that on Thursday, at nightfall, the bride is led by a noisy procession from her parents’ house to the one of her future husband. The bride sees nothing because she is perfectly isolated inside the breeding palanquin ( jahfatjahfa) carried by a camel. This breeding palanquin is prepared in the late afternoon and its frame is a curved arch structure in olive branches. This frame belongs to the whole village together with the veils that will cover it and is loaned on the occasion of each marriage by the family who keeps it at home for a symbolic dinar. We cannot speak about manufacturing of the palanquin but of assembling or dressing. This task is the responsibility of the family or friends of the groom who often do it as a gift for the bride. The Social Organisation In the village of Douiret, the first public official who represents the state is the Omda (Ministry of the Interior). Administratively, he is responsible for the smallest administrative unit (Imada), from the popular milieu in both urban and rural areas. The Omda generally ensures a political and social mission, and through him the state aids and all community’s needs are managed. As such, it is a key actor in the implementation of development policies and administrative issues. • Association of Nature Conservation and Environmental Protection in Douiret (ASNAPED): This association is an NGO created in 1986, registered at the Ministry of the Interior in 1986 classified as an association of general interest. The association’s principal mission is to work for the development of the Douiret region through the conservation and promotion of the biological, sociocultural, and architectural heritage. In addition, it promotes economic and cultural activities. • The Agricultural Development Group (GDA): Agricultural development groups are formal interest structures dedicated to collective activities related to agricultural and pastoral areas and therefore play a central role in the participatory management of collective pathways. They do not actually have the authority to manage the routes and decide on the organisation of their operation. According to the law, only the Management Board is empowered to make important decisions in this regard (Sghaier 2010). In the Douiret region, there is no agricultural development group, but there is something very similar dedicated to women, the GFDA. The GFDA are informal groups that arise from the personal initiative of the first members. The objectives pursued normally include support related to income-generating activities. This is

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part of the fight against poverty. These groups also contribute to the democratic culture and socio-economic development of the area. The membership is voluntary and is achieved upon payment of a membership fee. Regional Organisation • The Regional Commissariat for Agricultural Development (CRDA): It constitutes the main actor and stakeholder in the field of agricultural development. Regarding agropastoral development, this was strengthened since 2003 through the implementation of different projects and the promotion of local initiatives co-financed by IFAD, OPEC and the Tunisian Government, the South ODS Development Agency, the Agricultural Investment Promotion Agency (APIA), the OEP Livestock and Grazing Office and the Office of Cereals. More in detail, these institutions put in place important interventions for the development and improvement of fodder production in rangelands. • The OEP Livestock and Pastoral Office: It is a non-administrative public enterprise (EPNA), which operates under the supervision of the Ministry of Agriculture and for the development and promotion of the livestock and pasture sector in quality of institution delivering technical assistance to public authorities. OEP interventions in rangeland are part of the National Strategy for Reforestation, Water and Soil Conservation and Soil Fighting, which started in 1990. Among the various stakeholders active in the field (OEP, DG Forests, DG ACTA, ODESYPANO), the OEP intervened on private rangeland with a participative approach. • The General Directorate of Forests of the Ministry of Agriculture: It implements state policies related to the management of rangelands ensuring the conservation and protection of the state forests as well as areas subject to forest management. • The Regional Directorate for Equipment and Housing: This regional ministry acts for the improvement of rangelands and the creation of infrastructure by managing rural and Saharan roads networks facilitating mobility. • The Institute of Tataouine Arid Regions (Ministry of Agriculture): This research centre was created with the following aims: – The realisation of the necessary research for the improvement and the conservation of the courses on the regional scale. – Participation in extension and technical supervision for the conservation of pastoral resources against risks. – The realisation of project studies for the promotion of natural resources at the level of the region. • The Tunisian Union of Agriculture and Fisheries UTAP: The UTAP effectively ensures its trade union role, through its balanced structure that combines the role of management of its basic structures, local and regional, with its key role in the development of agrofood economic sectors, concretised by sectoral and specialised federations. It is also represented in national committees and councils that affect the agricultural sector (professional groups, cooperatives, joint commissions, offices, etc.).

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• Regional cultural associations. The importance of heritage resources in the Tataouine governorate encouraged civil society to create several cultural associations. The major interest of these associations in safeguarding the heritage has enriched the public’s awareness of the socio-cultural values of the heritage and the interest in its protection and enhancement. Today there are some twenty cultural associations in the world regional scale. • Regional Federation of Travel Agencies (FRAV) that has for mission: – Promotion of tourism activities related to heritage at regional and local level; – The support of the Tunisian State’s strategic plans as part of the promotion of the tourism sector at the level of the governorate. • Regional Tourist Office in Tataouine (Ministry of Tourism) The importance of heritage resources in the Tataouine governorate has encouraged the development of alternative tourism in recent years which has become a strategic issue for all stakeholders. The promotion of this activity has been strengthened at the regional level, especially with the creation in December 2006 of the Regional Tourist Office which carries out its missions under the supervision of the Tunisian National Tourist Office. The Regional Tourist Office in Tataouine (CRTT) aims to: – Exploitation and enhancement of heritage for tourism purposes; – Participation in conservation and rehabilitation actions. • Regional Delegation of Crafts (DRA). The Regional Delegation of Handicrafts carries out its mission in the governorate of Tataouine under the tutelage of the Ministry of Commerce and Handicrafts. This delegation aims to the development and promotion of intangible heritage at the regional level (local know-how); the development of professional skills of human resources in the craft sector; the promotion of strategies for the safeguarding and preservation of intangible heritage at the regional level. • Regional Commissariat of Culture (CRC). This police station is under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture and its objectives include heritage promotion at the regional level and organisation of festivals, seminars, workshops and events related to tangible and intangible heritage. • Regional Office of the National Institute of Heritage. This regional office is under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture and is coordinated by a regional inspector. Since September 24, 2014, a permanent councillor has been appointed in the governorate of Tataouine, whose mission is to monitor the state of the heritage in the management of heritage restoration projects. The purpose of this regional office is to identify existing built heritage and heritage restoration at the regional level. • Tataouine Agricultural Investment Promotion Agency (Ministry of Agriculture). The main objective of the Agricultural Investment Promotion Agency in the Tataouine governorate is to promote investments at the regional level (granting

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of loans and financial benefits). Among these investments are those related to the conservation and enhancement of the natural heritage. • Southern Development Office: Regional Development Directorate (DRD). A regional development department is located in the governorate of Tataouine. Its mission is the development of regional development plans and promotion to private investors. This directorate is placed under the supervision of the South Development Office (Ministry of Economy and Finance). Landscapes and Seascapes Features The formation of Douiret is characterised by two easily recognisable lithological components. The lower section is marked by the repetition of sequences, starting from the base and extending to the top, consisting of greenish argillaceous silts, friable fine sands, and finely lumachellated and locally stromatolitic red dolomites. On the other hand, the upper section is composed solely of greenish clays from lagoons, exhibiting a rhythmic pattern of centimetres-thick layers of whitish limestone. These layers are formed due to cyclic fluctuations associated with Milankovitch’s parameters (Peybernes et al. 1993). Prior to the construction of the new village, this area served as rangelands where the villagers grazed their sheep and goats. In 1850, Douiret had approximately 3500 inhabitants. Among them, half were permanent residents who strongly identified with their Jebel (mountain), while the others lived a semi-nomadic lifestyle, engaging in transhumance for farming and harvesting, as well as herding their flocks along the Dhahar routes. Many also participated in caravan journeys to Ghadames. The traditional water conservation system of jessour is widely employed in the region of the Matmata mountains (Hill and Woodland 2003). This ancient and labourintensive form of earthworks in ravines is used for cultivating olive, fig, and date trees. In some cases, cereals and vegetables are grown in small intercropped areas. These structures are constructed within watercourses to intercept runoff and sediment or at the base of slopes. The jessour system has shaped a distinctive landscape that has evolved through centuries of interaction between humans and nature, forming a coevolutionary relationship. The traditional dikes have established a unique system that enables cultivation in such a challenging environment, providing food and products for local consumption or sale, which are essential for the local economy. Furthermore, by creating cultivable spaces and improving water harvesting, the system promotes a diverse range of plant species, contributing to the overall landscape diversification.

2.2 The Mountain Oases, Tunisia (Fadwa Benyahia, Antonio Santoro …

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2.2 The Mountain Oases, Tunisia (Fadwa Benyahia, Antonio Santoro, Francesco Piras)

Summary Information Location of the site

Chebika, Tamaghza and Mides, delegation of Tamaghza, province of Tozeur, Tunisia 34°19 8.724 N, 7°56 6.684 E 34°19 02.3 N, 7°56 24.4 E 34°24 45.36 N; 7°55 41.52 E

Area of coverage

210 ha

Topographic features Mountains, oued and flat areas Climate type

Tozeur has a hot desert climate (Köppen climate classification BWh) typical of the northern edge of the Sahara Desert, with annual average rainfall of 81.8 mm. Summers are extremely hot, with daily highs often exceeding 45 °C in the shade, while in winter it can sometimes freeze at night and before the sunrise as temperatures drop below 0 °C

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Arabs, with very few people who are still attached to the Berber/ Amazigh origin

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Global Significance The Tunisian Oases of Mides, Tamaghza, and Chebika lie on the edge of the Sahara Desert, offering visitors a captivating experience of the country’s enigmatic desert landscape. These areas are renowned for their lush oases amidst the desert, the mountain ranges located north-west of Mides and Tamaghza, close to the Algerian border, and east of Chebika, as well as their ancient villages, waterfalls, and canyons. Not to mention the remarkable and unique geomorphological and geological features that contribute to the dynamic landscape and agricultural heritage systems. The site has a rich history that dates back to the time before the Middle Ages when the Phoenicians introduced the cultivation of date palms. Consequently, these oases became vital stopovers along trade and transportation routes, serving as crossing points for caravans heading to the Sahara. They played a crucial role in providing food and water to travellers and migrants. Due to their significance, various political, economic, and military forces attempted to control the trade in the area. Over the centuries, the site was influenced by different civilisations, from the Romans to the Byzantines and then the Arabs, each leaving their cultural and heritage imprint (De Haas 2001; Battesti 2005, 2013). These oases did not only serve as communication routes for people but also for biodiversity preservation. The Carthaginians and Romans brought agricultural tools that allowed the inhabitants to diversify their crops. However, it was only after the Arab influence in the region that the cultivation of date palms began to flourish, with different varieties being planted based on the date kernels brought by travellers from the eastern regions. Since then, these oases have thrived through the trade they maintained between the Mediterranean and sub-Saharan regions, serving as green havens within the sandy and rocky stretches. Mides, Tamaghza, and Chebika, with their privately owned smallholdings, offer various agricultural productions where date palms, fruit trees, and herbaceous plants are interconnected and shape the landscape. The fertility provided by these oases has attracted humans to settle in these areas over the years. Mides, Tamaghza, and Chebika Oases ecosystems are among the few remaining traditional oases, although the current market pressures favour modern oases characterised by monoculture, particularly the Deglet Nour variety, due to its high marketing potential at the regional, national, and international levels. Moreover, these oases represent resilient ecosystems capable of maintaining a delicate balance between resource availability and people’s needs. Despite the extreme climatic conditions and desert environment, oasis communities have developed production practices that preserve natural resources, making them outstanding examples of sustainable development in this region (Tisserand 1990; Bourzat and Goe 1990). Some of the local agricultural products are not only sold in the local market but also attract tourists, which has facilitated the integration of oasis agriculture into national and international trade. Therefore, these ecosystem services significantly benefit tourism. In addition to agriculture, tourism plays a crucial role in generating income and employment, supporting the socio-economic development of these oases. However, the post-revolution years have brought economic uncertainty, and

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Fig. 2.1 Fruit trees under date palms in the Mountain Oasis of Mides (photo Antonio Santoro)

the country’s tourism sector, including these sites, has suffered from political instability. Unfortunately, tourism has experienced a sharp decline since the Arab Spring. Nevertheless, Tunisia has faced and overcome numerous challenges during its transition from autocracy to democracy. With the ongoing improvements in social and economic stability, the tourism sector is expected to recover. The peaceful character of these sites, combined with their rich natural and cultural landscapes, has attracted a growing number of tourists, contributing to the preservation of this unique heritage (Fig. 2.1). Food and Livelihood Security Agriculture has played a crucial role in these areas and continues to do so. It is a vital source of livelihood for the population and enables the community to develop various agricultural products, by-products, and ecosystem services that would otherwise be challenging to cultivate in such a desert environment, as has been the case since ancient times. Traditional oases are characterised by a multilayered cultivation system, which organises crops into three vertical layers. These three oases are considered traditional due to their rich agrobiodiversity, high density of plantations, applied management practices, and associated social structure. The lower layer is dedicated to growing vegetables and forage crops, the second layer consists of fruit trees, and the upper layer includes date palm trees. This vertical structure creates diverse microhabitats, enabling the cultivation of different crops and the optimal utilisation of natural

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resources. However, changes are occurring in the cultivation system, with the twolayer land use replacing the traditional three-layer system. Neglecting one of the layers impacts crop diversity within the oases, reducing market supply and the profitability of small-farm holders. The average production (expressed in t/ha) of common tree cultivations in the three oases is presented in the table below (PGDEO 2014). Mides

Tamaghza

Chebika

Dates

3

5

5

Agrumes

5

–

–

Olives

2

2

2

Pomegranates

5

8

8

Breeding is a fundamental traditional activity in the oases’ production system, where sheep, goats, and camels are present. These animals can be found both inside the oases and in the surrounding areas, such as along the sides of the riverbed where spontaneous cane grows. In the Tozeur region, various goat breeds (Serti, Arbi, Damasquine, Alpine) characterised by high polymorphism (Nafti et al. 2009) can be found. Livestock is still integrated into the parcel system of the oasis in Mides, while in Tamahgza and Chebika, animals mainly graze at the borders of the oases. Beekeeping is a distinctive feature of the Mides Oasis, where honey production is on the rise. The GDEO (Sustainable Management of Oasis Ecosystems) project has encouraged youths to engage in oasis agriculture and participate in the beekeeping project, launched through the ADDPBA Association (Association for Sustainable Development and Mides). The local agricultural production system plays a significant role in the economy of the local communities. Around 23% of the population is engaged in farming activities as their main source of income, making agriculture an important means of livelihood. It’s worth noting that this percentage refers to the Tamaghza community and not to the one of the entire proposed area. Based on surveys conducted in the three sites, the local economy is based on two main activities: agriculture and tourism. While many inhabitants work in the public sector, agriculture is pursued as an additional occupation, not only for income generation but also as linked to local culture and to the desire to preserve the oases for future generations. This attachment is reflected in the high regard for biodiversity, which ensures the consumption needs of the community, primarily in vegetables and fruit trees. Dates, in particular, hold significant market value and are exported worldwide. Apart from its importance in trade, the dates sector also provides employment opportunities, generates income, and serves as a high-value confectionery for domestic consumption. Date cultivation remains a crucial crop for the local population, given its adaptability to harsh environments and ability to withstand high temperatures, salinity, drought, and other challenging conditions.

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The economic importance of agriculture is further emphasised by the substantial number of farmers involved in each oasis: 70 in Mides, 116 in Chebika, and 300 in Tamaghza, not including seasonal employees. Overall, more than 50% of the inhabitants in each oasis operate in agriculture either as their primary activity or as an additional occupation. However, the younger generation is increasingly drawn to the tourism sector, making agriculture less appealing to them. This lack of interest among the youth poses a risk to the preservation of the oases’ heritage value, needing efforts to encourage their involvement. Despite the challenges faced by Tozeur due to ongoing political, economic, and social changes in Tunisia since the 2011 revolution, some individuals continue to dedicate their efforts and time to the tourism sector. While agriculture requires substantial time and hard work before yielding significant returns, tourism offers higher immediate income. The country’s improving stability holds promise for rapid growth in the tourism sector, which could have significant long-term economic benefits. Tamaghza and Chebika experience a more pronounced emphasis on tourism compared to Mides. In addition to their agricultural expertise, the local population has developed artisanal activities throughout history, such as weaving and basketry, as an alternative source of income. These activities primarily involve elderly individuals, both men and women, but recently, younger women have shown interest as well. Regarding date product marketing, the local market dominates the process, with export marketing accounting for only a small percentage of local production, as the market favours the Deglet Nour variety. Domestic marketing of dates operates independently of direct government involvement and falls under the sole responsibility of the private sector and producers. Multiple channels facilitate the flow of dates from farms to local and foreign consumers: 1. Direct traditional marketing to consumers: Producers sell their dates immediately after harvesting directly to local markets located in the production areas and neighbouring markets without any additional processing. 2. Marketing to factories: Dates are delivered to collectors who have already negotiated prices with farmers, following predetermined norms and standards set by the factories. From there, dates are either shipped to retailers and then to consumers or directly exported. 3. Marketing to wholesale markets: Collectors deliver dates to wholesalers, who then distribute them to retailers, either for the local market or direct consumption by consumers. In the mountain oases of Tunisia, there are two primary types of labour. The first type is family labour, where the owner-operator’s main concern is to compensate for their own work and, if possible, the work of their family members. Additional employees may be hired during peak periods, but it remains minimal, usually just a few days a year. The second type of labour is represented by employees. Among them, permanent workers known as sharecroppers or khammes in the local language play a significant role in managing the farms and this practice is still widely prevalent in the oases. Generally, khammes are compensated based on a proportion of the date

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yield, typically around 1/5 of the harvest (khammes comes from the Arabic word khamsa, which means “five” in English). Alternatively, there are seasonal workers who are hired mainly during peak periods when specific skills are required for tasks such as pollination, thinning, covering, leaf pruning, and manual harvesting. In both Tamaghza and Mides, families directly or indirectly involved in the oases contribute more to the cultivation system compared to Chebika, where a high dependency on hired labour has been observed, reaching 72%. This high percentage may be attributed to the fact that rather elderly individuals tend to own their parcels and, being unable to perform the necessary maintenance operations, they hire seasonal workers. Harvest time is when people are most actively engaged, and mutual assistance is common among the community members. The average plot size is very small, not exceeding 0.5 ha in the entire region and only around 0.32 ha in the Tamaghza delegation. Consequently, the three mountain oases have highly fragmented ownership, which can pose a vulnerability as the income generated from these small plots may not be sufficient, especially in cases of collective ownership. This situation can lead to conflicts among families regarding inheritance and, consequently, the abandonment and degradation of some plots. While this issue is more pronounced in Mides, it also exists to some extent in Chebika and Tamaghza. Differentiating between plots visually while visiting the oases, especially in Mides, can be quite challenging. Even for farmers themselves, it is not always clear due to the absence of clear boundary markers, such as fences or barriers, delineating their properties. However, in Chebika and Tamaghza, it is more common to use fences to demarcate and protect the lands, making the farms easily distinguishable without crossing them. Agrobiodiversity Agriculture plays a crucial role in supporting biodiversity, with farmers serving as key custodians of agrobiodiversity conservation and management. Throughout human history, farming communities have carefully nurtured and shaped the diversity of species that contribute to agricultural production systems. They have played a significant role in preserving local varieties and traditional knowledge related to agricultural and food practices. The mountain oases, characterised by their rich biodiversity, represent ecosystems where local varieties have adapted to the environmental conditions and are cultivated thanks to the availability of water from natural sources or man-made wells. These oases are excellent examples where traditional knowledge and good agricultural practices have contributed significantly to the preservation of diversity. Biodiversity is not only crucial for meeting social needs but also forms the foundation for climate change adaptation. A biodiverse environment provides numerous opportunities for sustainable economic activities, enhances human wellbeing and helps mitigate and adapt to a changing climate. Vegetation, in particular, plays a vital role in maintaining agricultural stability in arid regions (Hamza et al. 2006; Loumerem et al. 2013).

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The diversity of palm dates can be observed in terms of varieties, quality, and maturity levels. Midès has the highest planting density of date palms, with 203.68 palms/ha, and also exhibits the highest recovery rate of date palm trees among the other oases, reaching nearly 95%. Chebika oasis, on the other hand, has the lowest planting density and consequently the lowest recovery rate. Sixteen different date palm varieties have been identified in both Midès and Chebika. In Chebika, Deglet Nour is the most abundant variety (27%), followed by Rtob (24%) and Alligue (22%). In Midès, Alligue is the dominant variety (45%), followed by Deglet Nour (28%). Midès stands out as the only oasis in the Djerid region where the majority of palms are of a variety other than Deglet Nour, while in Tamaghza, Deglet Nour is the most common variety, representing 63% of the frequency. Alligue and Deglet Nour are the most cultivated varieties, with approximately 15% of farmers cultivating either one of these varieties and 31% cultivating both due to a rejuvenation programme implemented a few years ago. In addition to these varieties, there are other rare palm trees, represented by only one or a few trees, with symbolic value as they have been inherited over generations. These trees, known as Khalte or Chaken, result from sowing and vegetative reproduction, and though they are now rare, their presence is essential as a reservoir of genetic and agrobiodiversity. However, many of these rare palm varieties are at risk of disappearing due to various factors. The primary cause is often economic, as production is oriented towards a market dominated by the Deglet Nour variety, thanks to its high quality and demand both nationally and internationally. Small growers frequently replace aged palms with Deglet Nour trees, which can pose a risk to the oases’ ecosystems. More than 20 varieties of date palm coexist harmoniously with other trees and plants in the second layer of the oases. Across the three oases, 21 species of fruit trees have been identified. The combination of crops, their distribution, the frequency of each species, and their dominance depend on factors such as regional vocation, climatic conditions, farmers’ commitments, expectations, and knowledge. Midès, with its high recovery rate, stands out as the oasis with the most significant number of fruit tree species, while Tamaghza exhibits the lowest number. Species diversity is more pronounced and distinct in Midès compared to Chebika and Tamaghza, with over 30% of farmers in Midès cultivating more than five fruit tree species in their parcels. Pomegranates and citrus fruits (mainly mandarin and orange) dominate in Tamaghza and Midès, respectively, whereas olives are the most abundant fruit tree in Chebika, accounting for nearly 45% of the frequency. Other species, including apricot, peach, grapevine, and apple, are also cultivated but with lower frequencies. Some fruit species, like the prickly pear in Midès, serve purposes beyond consumption, such as acting as fences to delineate different properties and parcels. While many local varieties and species are identified and replanted, others, such as almonds in Midès, are disappearing. The high level of agrobiodiversity associated with fruit tree cultivation stems not only from the number of species but also from the significant genetic diversity preserved in the traditional agricultural systems of the mountain oases.

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2 Potential GIAHS Sites in Africa

The third layer of the oases plays a vital role in supporting the livelihoods of local communities by providing a variety of vegetables for family consumption and fodder for animals. Across Midès, Tamaghza, and Chebika, 21 vegetable species and two fodder crops are cultivated. The conservation of indigenous seed varieties and their continued cultivation contribute to the unique food culture of the region, which is also considered a regional attraction. The oases feature crops such as peppers (Midès), pumpkins (Midès), onions, chard, lettuce (Chebika), parsley, jute mallow (Chebika), and okra (Chebika). Midès boasts the highest recovery rate of vegetables (13.8%) and is known for cultivating a specific chilli pepper variety among many farmers. Forage crops, primarily alfalfa and barley, are also present in the mountain oases, as most farmers engage in animal husbandry. Aromatic and medicinal plants, including Jasminum Sambac, Jasminum officinale, Lawsania inermis, Ricinus communis, Laurus nobilis, Rosa damascena, Mentha spicata, Mentha suaveolens, Ocimum basilicum, Pelargonium graveolens, and Vitex agnus-castus, can also be found in the oases. Livestock breeding is a fundamental component of the oases’ production ecosystem, with sheep, goats, and camels being raised in the area. These animals graze within the oasis, particularly in the streams where spontaneous cane is grown and used as fodder, as well as in the surrounding areas with natural vegetation. Streams and watersheds also harbour birds, ducks, and frogs. Apiculture has been introduced to the area recently, particularly in Midès. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Water and soil management are interconnected with agrobiodiversity and ecosystem function. When soils are well-managed, they have the capacity to effectively absorb water, resulting in less water loss through evaporation. Healthy soils, achieved through proper management, optimise water usage, support crop cultivation and livestock rearing, and contribute to the conservation of agrobiodiversity. The Oases predominantly consist of alluvial soil-fluviatile, formed on the oued terraces, which are considered the most fertile soil in the area. However, efficient land management is crucial for successful crop growth. Previously, farmers practised superficial tillage and used animal manure as a fertiliser in nearly all plots. In Midès, the oasis territory is divided into two parts: a smaller section, accounting for 33% of the total surface area, and a larger section, comprising 67% of the oasis. According to this division, farmers have access to water for four days in the smaller section and 10 days in the larger section, making a complete cycle of 14 days. This means that each plot receives water twice per month. The irrigation technique employed is surface irrigation, and it varies based on the season. During summer, the plots are irrigated day and night, while in winter, irrigation only occurs during the daytime. Both traditional and modern irrigation systems are utilised. The traditional system, although largely abandoned, consists of a network of open concrete and stone channels. It relies on large circular wells, but only a few of these wells are still operational, mainly in the section of the oasis not covered by modern irrigation systems. The modern irrigation systems rely on a single large pump located at the northern end of the oasis. It pumps water from a depth of 65 m underground and

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diverts it into two main branches with a capacity of 25 L/s. From there, the water is distributed to the plots through plastic pipes with a diameter of 20 cm. These pipes are supposed to be covered with sand (although currently they are mostly exposed) to protect them from direct sunlight and potential damage caused by people or grazing animals stepping on them. Several concrete water tanks receive the water from these pipes. As of May 2019, the modern system covered approximately 2130 m, accounting for roughly 50% of the parcels, and further expansion was planned for the following months. However, this system already exhibits various weaknesses due to construction techniques, resulting in significant water wastage through leakages in the plastic pipe junctions and cracks in the concrete tanks. Farmers typically pay an electricity fee of around 3 dinars/h to the Groupement de Développement Agricole (GDA) for operating the pump. Some temporary ponds for the animals can also be found in the area. In Chebika, there are two water sources: a natural spring called Ain Chebika, which maintains an average flow of 20 L/s throughout the year, and a pumping well connected to a water storage basin constructed under the Gestion Durable des Ecosystèmes Oasiens en Tunisie (GDEO) project. Traditionally, farmers in Chebika used a local technique known as gadous, developed by the Tunisian historian and Imam Ibn Chabbat in the thirteenth century. This system involved the use of special clay containers called clepsydre, which had a hole at the bottom allowing for the controlled release of 8 L of water in 12 min. The parcels were measured based on the number of gadous required for irrigation. However, this system is no longer in use, though local people still refer to gadous as a measuring unit. Presently, a pumping well-known as Dghima’s well supplies water that is stored in a basin and then distributed to the oasis through concrete channels constructed in 2015. Smaller earth channels branch off from these main concrete channels to deliver water to the different plots. Unlike the water from the natural spring, the water from the pumping well is not free for the farmers. It operates only upon request and payment, while the spring water remains free. Consequently, farmers prefer to utilise water from the spring. However, during the dry season when the natural spring water is scarce, they have no choice but to request and pay for water from the pumping well. In recent years, farmers have increasingly relied on water from the basin as the natural spring water has become scarcer. Tamaghza boasts abundant natural water resources that provide a year-round water supply, complemented by seasonal support from dams that replenish the watershed during dry seasons. The primary natural spring feeds four main channels (Targjdeyine, Gholen, Souiguia, Ejjrour) with a combined flow of 55 L/s. The remaining flow in the upstream catchment, formed by the confluence of three oueds (El Frid, Negueb, also known as El Msalla, and El Brir), feeds two additional main channels (Essod, Litaima) with flows of 42 and 30 L/s, respectively. Water flows through earthen and concrete canals, allowing the main water distribution system to the parcels to operate solely through gravity. This aspect is recognised as the main resilience of the traditional system. After a recent flood in 2010, the traditional earthen waterways were replaced with concrete canals that can withstand such events. In some areas of the oasis where major landslides occurred, land depressions

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2 Potential GIAHS Sites in Africa

required the construction of aqueducts and pipes to maintain the traditional gravitybased system. In other cases, farmers had to dig wells on their plots for irrigation, as the traditional gravitational system was no longer feasible. Approximately 50 farmers use generators to pump water to their private plots, either from wells or from a lower water stream (Santoro et al. 2020). Managing the oases is a year-round, complex task that demands expertise and a thorough understanding of the environment and its requirements. Oasis farmers employ practices and techniques that have been passed down through generations, constituting a valuable wealth that deserves preservation and dissemination (Dolle and Toutain 1999; Trommetter 2000). As the oasis ecosystem revolves around the date palm tree in conjunction with fruit trees and vegetables, the following techniques primarily pertain to palm tree management. The traditional approach to date palm plantation aims to maximise plot coverage to provide sufficient shading for other crops. In traditional mountain oases, there is no standardised spacing for palm trees; however, recent recommendations suggest a spacing of 10 m between palm trees. In traditional coastal oases, the spacing is around 12 m, while in modern oases, it is approximately 8 m. Date palms can be propagated from either seeds or offshoots to ensure genetic identity. Offshoots emerge from axillary buds on the trunk near the soil surface during the date palm’s juvenile stage. They develop roots and can be detached from the parental palm and planted after 3–5 years. Date palms are dioecious plants, with male palms producing pollen and female palms bearing fruit. The pollination technique involves cutting strands of male flowers from a freshly opened male spathe and manually inserting them inverted between the strands of the female inflorescence. This is done after pollen has been shaken over the female inflorescence. The number of flowers inserted depends on the female cultivar and the quality of the pollen but is typically limited to 3 or 4 strands. To secure the male strands in place and prevent entanglement of the female cluster’s strands during rapid growth, they are tied with palm leaflets. Satisfactory pollination ranges from 60 to 80% of female flowers and usually leads to a good fruit set. Not all parcels contain male trees since male flowers are available in local markets, and farmers prefer planting productive female palms for fruit production rather than males for pollination. Skilled individuals typically conduct manual pollination from March to May, sometimes extending into early June depending on the bunches. Bunch thinning and removal are common practices to ensure high fruit quality. Techwich involves removing the lower one-third or slightly more of the bunch by trimming the tips of all strands. This promotes more uniform bunch sizes based on the fruit set. Six to eight weeks later, tekhtim takes place, where the entire central strands are removed, reducing the number of strands in the bunch by one-third to about half for very large bunches. Bunch removal is regularly performed when the number of bunches per palm is excessive and is done immediately after fruit set. An adult date palm can produce 20 or more fruit bunches. If the number of fruit bunches per palm is not reduced to an appropriate level, it can result in low production the following year. Date palm bunches are covered in mid-August for protection against humidity, rain, bird attacks, and insect damage. In the past, palm leaves were traditionally

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used for covering, but nowadays, mosquito nets and plastic materials are commonly employed for effective fruit bunch protection. In the three villages, various marketable food products made from dates can be easily prepared and consumed. Secondary edible products include palm juice, locally known as Lagmi, and date jam. In addition to food products, palms are extensively used for handicrafts and as construction material. Another significant traditional use of palm leaves is for fencing the different plots. Traditional fences are constructed using dried palm leaves and palm fibres (or iron wire) to tie them together, with palm trunks serving as pillars. These fences are typically less than 150 cm high and can last up to 15 years with proper maintenance. Unfortunately, in recent years, these aesthetically pleasing and environmentally sustainable structures have been partially replaced by concrete pillars instead of palm trunks, and wire fencing has replaced dried palm leaves or acts as support for them. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The local social structure is composed of local communities, which lack hierarchy or differentiation among them. These communities share a similar social status and are deeply rooted in the area despite the challenging conditions. Despite the harsh environment, the local communities have a strong attachment to their villages. The inhabitants believe that the natural features shape the landscape and give it a higher value. Moreover, most of the inhabitants have inherited their lands from their ancestors, which gives the territory a high symbolic value as it represents their identities and family heritage. The oases are not only considered a source of income but also hold a significant cultural importance. As an old farmer in Chebika confirmed, the more effort you put into the land, the more happiness it brings. Many locals view the ancient village as an essential part of their identity that needs to be rebuilt, rather than just a memory of the past. Despite the younger generation’s decreasing involvement in agricultural activities and their desire to migrate for a “better lifestyle,” they would prefer to improve living standards in the area instead of abandoning it. This is partly due to the worsening economic situation and limited job opportunities in larger cities in Tunisia in recent years. The role of women in Chebika is particularly noteworthy, as they significantly contribute to the village’s economy through agriculture and handicrafts, making use of by-products. In contrast, the contribution of women in Tamaghza and Mides is still limited. This represents a significant social change, considering that in the past, Chebika was a highly conservative area where women were not allowed to work. These changes have made Chebika’s women more socially active and economically productive, fulfilling their families’ needs. The involvement of women in various activities, including decision-making, can have significant mid- to long-term benefits for the socio-economy of these oases.

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At the regional level, the CRRAO Degeuche and CRDA Tozeur are the main organisations working for the benefit of the oases. The CRRAO focuses on research and experimentation in oasis agriculture, particularly concerning palm diseases, biodiversity, and land and water management. These organisations are subunits of the Ministry of Agriculture. Each village has a common governmental organisation called GDA (Groupement de Développement Agricole), which is responsible for sensitisation, consultation, exchange, discussion, and raising awareness among farmers. The GDA also organises workshops, safeguards natural resources, and manages irrigated areas. The GDEO project, funded by the World Bank and supported by the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development (MEDD) at the national level, CRRAO regionally, and GDA locally, implements various micro-projects to sustain the vitality of the oases based on the national strategy of sustainable management of traditional oases. The preservation and transmission of local knowledge from one generation to another primarily rely on oral and practical family traditions, as most farmers are not certified in agriculture. The traditional agricultural knowledge and practices are mainly passed down through generations and prove to be sufficient and effective. Despite the younger generation’s reluctance to engage in farming throughout the year, they show interest and ability during peak cultivation periods. The elderly people work on their lands to preserve them for the younger generation, considering themselves as the sole guardians of oasis sustainability. They believe in the proverb “Give and receive” and want to pass down the oasis to their children in the same or even better condition for their well-being. The population remains committed to preserving ancestral agricultural and craft traditions, as well as socio-cultural traditions. To celebrate the cultural heritage, the town holds the International Festival of Oases of Tozeur every November and December, paying tribute to the artistic and folkloric heritage of the Djerid region. Another traditional festival takes place in the mountainous oasis of Tamaghza for 3–4 days in March each year. This festival showcases the unique aspects of the oasis through poetry, traditional costumes, Bedouin singing, local dishes, Berber customs, cultural heritage, and exhibitions featuring trade fairs, crafts, and date palm products. In the Delegation of Tamaghza, there is a common tradition where newborn babies are presented to other farmers in the oases, and some sand is placed in their navels to symbolise the transfer of identity and their parents’ passion for agriculture to maintain the lands. In Chebika, there are two additional small festivities. The first one is celebrated after the harvest of cereals, where sheep are slaughtered, meat is grilled, and everyone eats together near the marabout of Sidi Soltane. The second one is celebrated after the date harvest, where families with newborn babies in the village gather to perform circumcisions together. In Mides, people celebrate the Heritage Day in May by wearing traditional clothes, cooking local and traditional food (such as mtabga, barkoukech, and rakhsessi), and presenting theatre shows.

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Landscapes and Seascapes Features The site showcases unique Saharan and oasis landscapes that possess a rich and valuable heritage, offering captivating and panoramic views. Chebika is situated in the foothills of the Gafsa-Tamaghza Range, specifically Djebel El Ngueb. Within this area, freshwater springs emerge, forming captivating waterfalls that fascinate and impress visitors. One prominent characteristic of its landscape is the geological structure of the mountain beyond the oasis, which has been gradually shaped into an almost vertical direction over millennia. Tamaghza, the largest mountain oasis, reaches an altitude of 300 m above sea level and was formed by a natural water source. The Oasis is crossed by the rivers Oued El Ferid, Oued El Brir, and Oued El Msla, which contribute to its abundant water supply. Alongside its agricultural production system, the area presents a distinct natural landscape that combines waterfalls, mountains, and desert, creating an aesthetically pleasing environment. Its proximity to the oued’s riverbed results in high-quality soil compared to other areas. Mides, located near the Algerian border, benefits from the Oudeï’s oued, which largely lies within Algerian territory. The agricultural lands and the ancient village are situated next to a deep canyon carved into the limestone highlands. The ancient villages in the three oases have been abandoned since 1969 until the present day. However, the village in Chebika has been partially reconstructed through the GDEO project (Ginex 2011). In Tamaghza and Mides, the villages are mostly in ruins, with deteriorating walls and roofs. Nevertheless, similar construction techniques and materials were used. The walls are made of sandstone, and the floors are covered with clay tiles traditionally produced in each oasis. The roofs consist of two layers of interlaced palm leaves and compacted earth (containing sand and clay). Date palm trunks support the roofs. These trunks are dried using a traditional technique, which involves cutting the trunk and submerging it in the salty lake of Chott El Djerid for a period to ensure its durability. The trunks are then ready to be used as a building material. The architecture of the houses was designed for the harsh environment, with most houses having a single main entrance and small high windows that act as thermal regulators, allowing for continuous air circulation throughout the day. The clay walls and sometimes compacted earth roofs also contribute to thermoregulation by reducing heat transfer inside the houses. Earth terraces and walls can be found near the oases of Mides and Tamaghza. These structures were not built for agricultural activities on the terraces but serve to decrease water runoff and soil erosion. The two-layer land use system is the most common typology of cultivation, ranging from 32% in Tamaghza to 42% in Chebika and 45% in Midès. The threelayer typology is more prevalent in Tamaghza (24%) compared to Midès (14%) or Chebika (10%). The one-layer land use system is primarily found in Tamaghza and Chebika (13 and 10%, respectively), but it is rare in Midès (2%). Regarding other types of single cultivations, olive groves are more common in Chebika, located in the southern part near the oasis’s border facing the desert. Herbaceous crops (vegetables and fodder) are predominantly cultivated in the eastern part of Midès, facing the canyon, and partially in the north of the oasis, where a greenhouse is also present.

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Some areas of agricultural land have been abandoned. In Midès, approximately 4.9 ha (9.4%) are abandoned, primarily in the north-eastern and central parts of the area. The north-eastern patch is often used for grazing goats and sheep, maintaining traditional activities. A larger abandoned patch can be found in Tamaghza, extending for 7.1 ha (6.5%) in the eastern part. In Chebika, the abandonment of traditional agricultural activities is limited to small scattered patches, totaling about 1 ha. All three oases include old abandoned villages, with the largest in Tamaghza (2.6 ha) and the smallest in Chebika (0.81 ha). Within the overall system, some modern buildings are incorporated, serving as restaurants, cafés, and shops for tourists visiting the oases. Lastly, a significant portion of the surface area (10.7 ha) in Tamaghza is covered by semi-natural vegetation growing along the riverbed (Santoro et al. 2020) (Fig. 2.2).

Fig. 2.2 Mountain Oasis of Mides seen from the ruins of the ancient village (photo Antonio Santoro)

2.3 The Charfia System in Kerkennah Island, Tunisia (Fatma Dammak …

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2.3 The Charfia System in Kerkennah Island, Tunisia (Fatma Dammak, Alessandra Bazzurro, Federica Romano)

Summary Information Location of the site

Kerkennah island, Tunisia 34°39 29 N, 11°04 07 E

Area of coverage

16,000 ha

Topographic features It is made up of two main islands: Gharbia (Dzira or Mellita), in the South-West and Cherguia (or Kerkena), in the North-East Climate type

Arid Mediterranean climate; annual average temperatures are about 18.8 °C, and the average maximum and minimum are reached in August (26.3 °C) and January (11 °C), respectively (INM 2011). Precipitation is characterised by a great irregularity: October, the most watered month, has an average of 44 mm and thus has almost 1/5 of the average annual total; July is the driest month with an average less than 1 mm

Ethnicity/Indigenous population

The population is of very varied origin, many families came from eastern Tunisia, some maraboutique families would be of southern Moroccan origin, others come from the small Syrte (Djerba, Zouara). The island of Mellita has only recently been populated by people coming from Blad el Arab, semi-nomadic regions of the Sahelian or Sfaxian hinterland

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Global Significance The Kerkennah archipelago, with a population of 15,501 residents according to the 2014 census by the National Institute of Statistics, is home to several villages. These include Mellita and Ouled Ezzeddine, El Attaya, Remla or Erramla, Ennajet or Najet, Kraten, Ouled Kacem, Kellabine and El Abassia, Ouled Yaneg, Ouled Bou Ali, and Sidi Fredj, Ech Chergui, or Chergui. The traditional fishing practices in the Gulf of Gabes, from Chebba to Zarzis, are known as “Charfia” in the Kerkeno-Sfaxian region and “Zriba” in the Djerba-Zarzis region. These fishing techniques likely have roots dating back to the Phoenician period. The presence of significant tidal phenomena in the shallows, surrounded by dense vegetation, has facilitated the development of unique artisanal fishing techniques based on the negative rheotaxis of fish. Over time, fishermen have devised appropriate methods by constructing fixed traps that align with the shallows’ topology and tidal movements (Mekki 2000). The Charfia structures are entirely built using date palm materials and are placed either on the shallows or near the shore to create pathways where fish get trapped. Each year, at the beginning of summer, the structures are dismantled to allow for restructuring and provide a biological rest period for the fauna. These fisheries target shallow waters and exploit tidal movements. The method involves enclosing a specific area of the sea during high tide using artificial partitions made of palm traps. As the tide recedes, fish caught in the current are trapped in the strategically placed chambers. The design of the system aims to guide fish towards the traps, which are then collected by the fishermen from their boats (Gargouri 2013). Consumer awareness regarding the origin and safety of fishery products has prompted the development of brands and quality indicators. This emphasis on branding plays a crucial role in promoting and valorising these products. Achieving this involves collective efforts from all stakeholders in the sector, particularly the artisanal fishermen of the Charfia. It requires implementing necessary support measures in terms of finance, human resources, and organisation. Food and Livelihood Security Food and nutrition security not only pertain to food-related issues but also have broader implications for development, overall peace, security, and stability, as outlined by the SDGs. The review acknowledges that food and nutrition security cannot be separated from agricultural security. In the past two decades, Tunisian agriculture has made significant strides, achieving self-sufficiency in certain products such as milk, meat, fruit, and vegetables. This has reduced import dependency and bolstered its presence in foreign markets due to the favourable quality/price ratio of Tunisian products. Fishing is the oldest profession in the Kerkennah Islands, with over 4000 fishermen supporting more than a third of the local population through maritime activities. Along the Kerkennah coastline, several ports and landing points are scattered, and fishermen sometimes anchor their boats in front of their homes. The main

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fishing ports in the archipelago are Kraten (in the North), Ataya (in the NorthEast), and Mellita (in the South). Kraten and Attaya employ 2300 fishermen. The Kerkennah Islands fleet consists of three types of boats: canoes (rowing) measuring 3–4.5 m, feluccas (sailing boats) ranging from 5 to 7 m, designed specifically for fishing, and motorboats of 6 m and above, locally known as babour. On favourable fishing days, a charfia trap can yield around 40–50 kg/day, while during the bad season, the average yield is around 10 kg, and during the good season, it ranges from 15 to 30 kg. Spring, characterised by strong winds, records average yields of 1.5– 2.5 kg/day/nass. The months of July and August are dedicated to maintaining and repairing the fisheries, including renewing old fins to enhance their water tightness and minimise the chances of catch escaping (Gargouri 2013). The Kerkennah Islands are located along the northern coast of the Gulf of Gabes, an environmentally fragile and vulnerable area with limited resources. The region faces three major challenges: continental erosion, marine erosion, and land salinisation along with the expansion of sebkhas (salt flats). Sebkhas and chotts cover one-third of the islands’ total surface area. Despite these natural constraints, agriculture remains a significant activity in Kerkennah and is the second most important economic sector after fishing. It primarily consists of traditional subsistence agriculture focused on self-consumption, which must contend with the climatic and soil constraints of the environment. Fruit cultivation, including vines, fig trees, and olive trees, dominates the agricultural landscape, with limited space for irrigated crops (Ben Salah 2003). Additionally, the archipelago is known for its palm groves, which represent a valuable genetic heritage. Fishing and agriculture, the pillars of the local economy, are facing a severe crisis due to the abandonment of traditional practices adapted to the natural environment and the migration of young people to pursue other opportunities outside the archipelago (DZIRI 2013). To address this situation, various stakeholders at the local, regional, and national levels have initiated numerous projects, often in collaboration with international partners. These projects aim to conserve biodiversity in the archipelago, preserve endangered traditional practices, and transfer knowledge related to biodiversity conservation and sustainable use. Given the geographical location of the Kerkennah archipelago, the primary economic activities revolve around both land-based and maritime agriculture. These activities are generally complementary in terms of time management and are often shared between men and women. Women are primarily involved in agricultural work, including planting, post-harvest activities, transportation, and household chores. They play a crucial role in decision-making regarding crop selection, distribution of production for consumption, reserves, and sales. Women are active participants in the agricultural sector, whereas men are primarily engaged in fishing. The farming methods employed have been passed down through generations to ensure optimal product processing. Conversely, sea-related activities are predominantly carried out by men and constitute the main source of income for families, despite concerns about unregulated fishing. Local fisheries, particularly in the northern and eastern parts of the archipelago, face profitability issues and a lack of interest from younger generations. The main vulnerabilities include overfishing, illegal fishing, resource scarcity,

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ecosystem degradation, the introduction of exotic species, and erosion, all of which pose significant threats to traditional fishing activities. With its extensive coastline and potential for ecological tourism, the Charfias fishermen of Kerkennah can explore tourism as a means to diversify their income, which has already been affected by declining productivity. By attracting tourists interested in witnessing the local fisheries up close, they can promote the concept of sustainable fishing and highlight their role in marine resource management, thereby enhancing the image of their products. Additionally, the fragile nature of the Kerkennah Archipelago, with its unique terrestrial and marine ecosystems, including diverse landscapes and exceptional geological features, presents an opportunity for the development of ecotourism that can benefit the fishermen (CAR/ASP and PNUE/ PAM 2015). Agrobiodiversity The north-eastern area of the Kerkennah Archipelago is known for its remarkable underwater landscape, characterised by an extensive and vibrant Posidonia oceanica meadow. This herbarium, covering both deep sea and surface areas during low tides, is considered one of the most significant in the Mediterranean. Its uniqueness lies in its large-scale presence within the archipelago, its rare “tiger herbarium” structure influenced by tidal currents, and its crucial ecological role in maintaining coastal balances. Apart from Posidonia oceanica, another phanerogam called Cymodocea nodosa also contributes to the marine vegetation of the area, covering over 1000 km2 . These prairies, consisting of Cymodocea nodosa and Posidonia oceanica, play a vital hydrodynamic role and aid in sediment fixation. Moreover, they provide support, shelter, and high primary production, creating ecological niches for various organisms, including those that utilise them as their exclusive or preferred habitat for reproductive or juvenile stages. The Kerkennah Archipelago hosts two notable species of bivalve molluscs: the large mother-of-pearl Pinna nobilis, which serves as a bioindicator for the Mediterranean coastal environment’s quality, and Pinctada radiata. Additionally, the archipelago is renowned for its role in Tunisian commercial sponge production, with identified species including Spongia officinalis, Petrosia ficiformis, and Hippospongia communis. Marine vertebrates recorded in the area consist of six species of marine mammals (three odontocetes: bottlenose dolphin, blue and white dolphin, risso dolphin, and three mysticetes: fin whale, mega whale, and minke whale) and three species of marine turtles (loggerhead, green, and leatherback turtles). These species hold significant heritage value and are protected under various conventions ratified by Tunisia. The chrafis (traditional fishing method) in the Kerkennah Archipelago yield several commercially valuable fish species. The catches and their composition vary based on factors such as tides, seasons, and the type and location of the chrafis. Catches are more abundant in fast-flowing waters and offshore structures near river outlets, while windier springs negatively impact production. Some of the main fish caught using the charfia system include sparidae species (sparaillon, sea bream, marbled, pagoda, saupe, and toothed), mullidae species (red mullet, red mullet),

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scorpion fish, mugilidae species, wolffish, serranidae, labridae, soleidae, and certain cartilaginous fish, primarily stingrays. Chrafis also bring back common octopus, musk octopus, cuttlefish, and squid. The Kerkennah Archipelago is classified as an Important Bird and Biodiversity Area (IBA), emphasising its significance for birdlife. The extensive sebkhas, covering a third of the archipelago’s total area, provide sought-after wintering areas with permanent water presence for numerous water bird species, including the great cormorant, gulls, and terns such as Larus genei, Larus fuscus, Larus cachinnans, Sterna caspia, and Sterna sandvicensis. Other breeding species on the archipelago include the common kestrel, cream-coloured courser, European bee-eater, greater flamingo, and great grey shrike. The archipelago is also an essential stopover for migrating passerines during spring and autumn. Cultivated plants in the Kerkennah Archipelago include date palms, olive trees, vine varieties (such as Asli, Jerbi, Mehdoui, and Tounsi), figs, peach trees, prickly pears, carob trees, almonds, apricots, pomegranates (Guebsi variety), pistachios, and mulberries, although their numbers are limited. In recent years, the surface area dedicated to olive trees has been expanding and currently covers 2925 ha, despite challenges related to water scarcity. The archipelago is home to both wild and cultivated palm trees, with the latter numbering around 20,000. While wild palms hold no commercial value, they are essential for biodiversity and the preservation of local genetic resources. Among the eight types of fig tree cultivars found in the Kerkennah islands, including Baghli, Bithri, Kahli, Jebali, and Temri, Kerkennah figs are highly prized by the local population, whether consumed fresh or dried. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Fishing activities and agricultural production in the Kerkennah Islands have been carried out for centuries, and these traditions continue to be practised with minimal differences. Charfia is a type of fixed and passive fishing method consisting of vertical partitions constructed primarily using palm leaves. These partitions, known as palisades, are long and intercept fish, guiding them towards catch chambers that end in traps. The palm leaves used in constructing the charfias in Kerkennah come from the longer palm trees in the oases of Gabés. These leaves are cleared of thorns before being transported by boat to the fishing site. Charfias are located near the shallow waters close to the shore or further offshore, often at the edge of a river or in a maritime depression. The shape of the chrafis varies, but they generally have a core module that forms the structure and can be repeated to create larger chrafis with multiple capture chambers and traps. Fishermen build their charfia traps based on available space, depth, and tidal range. Starting from the shore, a straight wall of palm leaves about 500 m long leads to two palm hedges in the shape of an open “V,” pointing towards the sea to direct the ebb current. At the point of the “V,” there is an entrance corridor leading to a capture chamber called a dar, which gives access to several traps called drayen. These traps capture fish carried by the ebb tide during low tide. The capture chamber consists of two chambers—the large chamber and the small

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chamber—each with a different shape and function. The chambers are connected through a small door. The management system practised by the islanders is unique: each island family owns plots of sea where the charfia structures are passed down through generations. The traditional division of shares among farming families in each village has evolved into a recognised property right, transferable through inheritance. The appropriation of the sea by fishermen in the Sfax and Kerkennah region dates back several centuries, with the practice being passed down from fathers to sons. Due to the aridity of the land and limited agricultural opportunities, the Kerkennians turned to the sea and became skilled marine fishermen. This historical context largely explains the prevalence of fixed deep-sea fisheries, locally known as ksir, which are subject to this traditional regime of land ownership. Currently, there are two types of exploitation of the fixed chrafia fisheries: one involves fishermen with long-standing property deeds, while the other is based on renting the public maritime domain. The rental process occurs through an annual auction held in the third week of June. Only native fishermen specialising in this type of fishing are eligible to participate in the auctions. Currently, Kerkennah has 428 counted chrafias, with 217 leased on the marine public domain. Since the renewal of a chrafia takes about two months, Kerkennian fishermen also employ other fishing methods to secure their income, such as net fishing or sautade. Sautade Damessa is a technique used to catch jumping fish like mullet in shallow water (0.5–1.2 m). It involves the use of vertical and horizontal nets to create a circular net chamber. Once the circle is closed, fishermen enter the chamber and create disturbances by shouting, shaking, and tapping the water, causing the fish to move against the barrier net. Other traditional fishing techniques include zroubs, similar to chrafia but movable; octopus fishing with traditional traps; bordigue, a V-shaped dam with catch chambers located in the communication area between the lagoon and the sea; fyke nets, specific fixed structures for eel fishing; straight nets; line fishing with a single line and multiple hooks; shore fishing using harpoons or foens for octopus, cuttlefish, and sole; and clam harvesting. Sponge fishing, an ancient activity, involves harvesting sponges by snorkelling or scuba diving, where sponges are manually pulled out or cut with a knife. Sponge fishing occurs during two periods of the year: in winter, in shallow waters between 3 and 10 m deep, and in summer, at depths of 15–20 m. In terms of traditional knowledge related to agriculture, the date palm plays a crucial role, not only in date production but also as a source of various materials. At least 28 different uses have been recorded for date palm by-products. Date palm leaves are the primary construction material for charfias, but in recent years, local residents have imported palm leaves from Gabes due to insufficient local production. The variety of date palm called Bouhattam, cultivated in Gabes, is preferred for its durability. Dry palm twigs resulting from post-harvesting are strong and long, suitable for constructing the catch chambers of charfias. Palm leaves and spines are also used to make fish and octopus traps, while palm trunks are utilised for roofing houses or constructing the traditional Kerkenian dugout canoe (kh’tam). The trunks are cut in half lengthwise and connected with wooden bars and ropes made from

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palm heart. Palm trunks serve various other purposes, such as creating shelters and animal enclosures. Kerkennians classify dates into three groups based on their maturity: Temri, Rotbi, and Cherki. Each group has specific uses, conservation techniques, processing methods, and preferred consumption practices. cheddakh refers to dates preserved and consumed without pitting, a technique used for dates of the Rotbi group. Teflit involves picking the dates, sun-drying them for several days, and then preserving them. This technique is used for dates in the Temri group. The preserved dates are stored in stacked madhrebs (large jars). Both preservation methods are used for sailors’ provisions, especially during winter. Apart from adding thyme to teflit, the Kerkennians do not typically add other products to the preserved dates. Traditional methods are used to prepare various products from dates, such as date syrup (known as rob) and date jam. Additionally, date vinegar is produced from low-quality or damaged dates. However, the consumption of preserved or processed dates is continuously decreasing, and the techniques of preservation, such as teflit and cheddakh, are no longer being practised by younger generations. Cultures, Value Systems and Social Organisation The population distribution in the archipelago is characterised by the prevalence of small settlements scattered throughout the islands. These villages, some of which are very old, range in size from 500 to 2000 inhabitants. Due to its geographical position, the archipelago faces challenges in terms of the population’s access to organisation and institutions that lack local representation. The date palm holds significant cultural and environmental importance in the archipelago. It is intertwined with traditions, festivals, daily life, nicknames, beliefs, poetry, and songs, reflecting its deep-rooted presence in Kerkennian society. The local knowledge encompasses the valorisation of agricultural and fishing products, such as dried octopus, dried figs (chriha), dried grapes (zbib), and dried dates (teflit). Harvesting and preserving dates are activities primarily carried out by women, and the stoning and preparation of teflit dates often involve community gatherings where family and neighbours come together to assist one another. The archipelago also holds archaeological and cultural treasures, including Borj El H’sar, the most important archaeological site in Kerkennah, featuring a Turkish fort. The submerged Roman city of Cercina reveals remarkable artefacts like frescoes, mosaics, sculptures, and ceramics. Other notable sites include the ancient port of Cercina with its submerged lighthouse (Hajret El Baou) and remnants of a Punic and Roman city on the eastern side of the Sidi Founkhal peninsula. The Museum of Mediterranean Island Heritage, located in El Abassia, a village on the island of Gharbi, is a private museum that showcases the archipelago’s history, crafts, and intriguing objects, such as a mysteriously washed-up cetacean skeleton, through reconstructed scenes and architectural decorations in a traditional house. Handicrafts play a significant role in the archipelago’s history and economy. Kerkennah is renowned for its unique artisanal products, which have deep historical roots. A socio-economic survey conducted in the Gulf of Gabes in 2009 highlighted the importance of handicrafts as a source of income for Kerkennian families.

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The percentage of income derived from handicrafts ranged from 10.4% in Attaya to 50% in the village of Echarki among the surveyed families. Handicraft activities are predominantly carried out by women and are passed down to girls as a means of generating income. Traditional clothing, such as jebba, tarf, coufia and zonnar for women, and jebba, kadroun and barnous for men, mainly made from wool by women, are examples of these crafts, although this knowledge is fading away. Local cuisine reflects the traditions of fishing and agriculture, incorporating local fish varieties such as pataclet, mullet, and sea bream, as well as ingredients like crushed barley, dates, raisins, and dried octopus. Paradoxically, in recent years, fish has become scarcer in the local diet due to its high value, making it less affordable for many Kerkennians compared to before. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The Kerkennah Islands possess significant landscape assets, characterised by coastal features. The coast mainly consists of sea cliffs, which form the majority of the coastline and are typically small, rarely exceeding 3–4 m in height. Additionally, there are numerous low rocky coastlines, typically composed of carbonate rocks. However, the uninhabited islets in northern Kerkennah, along with sebkhas, shorrums, and sea marshes, hold greater importance than the cliffs and rocky coasts, as they serve as wintering grounds for several species of migratory birds. In Kerkennah, the rising sea levels and their encroachment upon the low-lying areas have led to the formation of shorres. Originally, a shorre is a coastal sebkha with runoff channels and tussocks of halophilic vegetation. Over time, the muddy soil forms, and tidal channels start to traverse the shorre. Most of the sebkhas in the archipelago have been impacted by human activity, such as the construction of tracks, saltworks exploitation, or the presence of dikes and roads without drainage systems. As a result, the environment has been disturbed and weakened. Beaches are scarce in Kerkennah and are generally underdeveloped, lacking significant width and depth. Furthermore, sandy beaches lack substantial border dunes. They can be found in small, intermittent segments near the port of Sid Youssef, along the coast between Sidi Fraj and the Founkhal peninsula, as well as at the north-eastern point of the Gremdi islet and the eastern end of the Roumadiya islet. Marine marshes play a vital role in the local landscape, particularly in the northeastern part of Chergui Island and the islets of Gremdi and Lazdad. The expansion of these marshes can be attributed to the tides, as well as the gentle topography and intricate arrangement of the shoreline, which create sheltered areas. The most extensive marshes develop around large tidal channels, often aligned with the underwater riverbeds that crisscross the shallows. The archipelago’s port infrastructure comprises three ports (Sidi Youssef, El Kraten, and Attaya) and ten sheltered dikes. The three ports have relatively adequate infrastructure to support the needs of the fishing fleet they accommodate. However, there is an imbalance in the geographical distribution of ports and sheltered sites between the two islands of the archipelago. Gharbi Island houses the port of Sidi Youssef in the extreme south-west, along with three shelter sites (Macheni, Skala Gueblia, and Marsa Ouled Ezzeddine). Cherguia Island, on the other hand, hosts the

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two ports (Attaya and Kraten) at the extreme north-east of the archipelago, as well as seven shelter sites located on the west and east coasts of the island (Sidi Frej, Marsa Bounouma, Marsa Ouled Bouali, Sidi Gaaben, Marsa El Abbassya, Marsa Attaya, and Marsa Ejlija). Additionally, the presence of numerous villages and fishermen, particularly on the west coast of Cherguia Island, has led to the development of eight berthing sites where fishermen can land their catches. These sites include Marsa El Achrine, Marsa El Branka, Marsa El Ksar, Marsa Ouled Yaneg, Marsa Ouled Kacem, Marsa El Kellebine, Marsa Fom El Oued, and Marsa Essaadi (APAL 2008, 2018).

2.4 Agricultural Production System in the Nubian Village of West Aswan, Egypt (Maha Elsheemy, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro)

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2 Potential GIAHS Sites in Africa

Summary Information Location of the site

West Aswan Village, Aswan Province, Egypt 24°07 25 N, 32°53 17 E

Area of coverage

900 ha

Topographic features

River banks

Climate type

Hot desert climate with average high temperatures consistently above 40 °C during summer while average low temperatures remain above 25 °C. With less than 1 mm of average annual precipitation, Aswan is one of the least humid cities on the planet, with an average relative humidity of only 26%, with a maximum mean of 42% during winter and a minimum mean of 16% during summer

Ethnicity/Indigenous population

Nubians, Saidis (Upper Egyptians), Bishari (nomadic and semi-nomadic), people of Sudanese descent

Global Significance The site is situated on the banks of the River Nile in Aswan Province, specifically in the Nubian village of West Aswan. It is bordered to the north by Copanic Village, to the south by the Aga Khan Cemetery, to the east by the Nile River, and to the west by the Western Desert. The village covers an area of 8 km in length and 3.2 km in width, with an estimated population of around 12,097 people, consisting of Nubians, Saidis (Upper Egyptians), Bishari (nomadic and semi-nomadic), and people of Sudanese descent. The most prominent topographic feature in the area is the longitudinal section of the agricultural land along the banks of the Nile River, which serves as a vital irrigation source for agricultural crops. This traditional irrigation system has enabled people to survive and cultivate various products in the hot and arid climate, including mangoes, guavas, lemons, figs, grapes, peaches, date palms, Doum palms, onions, corn, Molokhia, Hibiscus Sabdariffa, Henna, okra, squash, vegetables, wheat, maize, beans, and alfalfa. Agriculture and ecotourism are the main sources of livelihood in the village. However, the residents of West Aswan cannot rely solely on farming to sustain themselves, and many of them seek employment outside the village. Throughout history, the people of West Aswan, known as Aswalis, have utilised their proximity to the Nile River and integrated it into their way of life, beliefs, and traditions. They have developed agricultural practices centred around the river, as the floodwater provides well-watered and fertile soil for their orchards. The villagers have adopted various irrigation methods, such as flood irrigation and the use of cattle-powered waterwheels (elsakya) to bring water from the canal for irrigation purposes. The deposition of silt from the Nile River has resulted in fertile soil with favourable physical, chemical, and biological properties. Consequently, the cultivation of different varieties of mangoes and date palms has spread throughout the village, ensuring food security and subsistence agriculture.

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Furthermore, the rural landscape of West Aswan plays a crucial role in local and international ecotourism due to its remarkable archaeological sites. Additionally, the village’s agricultural system creates a microclimate and contributes to combating climate change through carbon sequestration, as the cultivated orchards are nourished by organic livestock manure. In summary, the indigenous people of West Aswan have demonstrated wise management of natural resources, transforming the village into a distinctive national agricultural heritage and ecotourism site that attracts numerous tourists each year. Its unique location has given rise to exceptional natural and cultural landscapes, where Nubian, Saidi, and folk cultures coexist harmoniously. The global significance of this area lies in the remarkable combination of factors that possess notable quality features resulting from the co-adaptation of the rural community with their environment. The endurance of these elements over an extended period, coupled with their exceptional quality, has made them an integral part of the cultural and agricultural heritage of humankind. Food and Livelihood Security Agriculture plays a significant role in the employment sector of Aswan governorate, with approximately 29% of the active population engaged in agriculture and fishing (El Tahtawy and Kerim 2003). Similarly, agriculture holds great economic importance in West Aswan village. Mango is the primary cash crop and holds high value for the local population, followed by dates. Egypt’s mango exports reached 36,299 tons in 2019, according to official statistics from the Ministry of Agriculture. Dates are a staple in the local diet and are commonly used in traditional Nubian cuisine, particularly in a dish called magly. This dish consists of dried dates, which are stored for at least a year before cooking, then ground and mixed with boiled cowpeas and Nubian spices. Dried dates are also used in making a common dessert known as agwaa, which can be enjoyed either stuffed in pastries or plain with bread. Dates are recommended for daily consumption due to their abundance in essential minerals such as sodium, zinc, potassium, manganese, phosphorus, magnesium, selenium, iron, fluorine, and copper. They are also rich in vitamins, especially β-carotene (vitamin A), thiamine (B), riboflavin (B), niacin, ascorbic acid (C), and folic acid, which contribute to positive medical outcomes in various diseases such as cardiac conditions, intestinal disorders, immunity strength, anaemia, and others. Doum fruits (Hyphaene thebaica) are consumed fresh or used by villagers to make tea or as a remedy for certain ailments. Vegetables like okra and molokhia (Corchorus olitorius) are grown for preparing traditional Nubian dishes, locally known as kudpah and japkout, respectively. Cereals are also cultivated to produce flour for bread. Two types of bread are commonly produced: dukaa bread made from barley and maize flour, and “Sunny bread,” which is left to dry in the sun for approximately two hours before being baked in the oven.

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Maize flour is also used to make abreyaa, a popular Nubian cold drink mixed with yeast, Nubian spices, and lemon or hibiscus tea. This refreshing beverage is favoured by the villagers to quench thirst and combat hot climatic conditions, particularly during the holy month of Ramadan. Thanks to the rich ecosystem and wise management of natural resources by the indigenous people of West Aswan village, the village has become a distinctive national agricultural heritage and ecotourism site. The integrated agricultural system within the village meets the minimum requirements for food supply and livelihood security of the local residents. Agriculture also provides significant employment opportunities in the village, as most villagers engage in farming to sustain their own food needs and exchange agricultural products. Date palm cultivation, in particular, is a noteworthy exchangeable product among local farmers, especially during Ramadan. Agricultural activities are primarily conducted at the family level, with most farms having small average sizes (El Tahtawy and Kerim 2003). Livestock also plays an important role, particularly in terms of livelihood security, as it provides a vital source of protein for the local population and organic manure for fertilising crops. The village has approximately 500 cattle and 500 camels. Cattle are raised for daily dietary needs, self-sufficiency, sales, and various uses such as farming (e.g., powering waterwheels) and ploughing fields. Camels are raised for food sufficiency, farming purposes, and ecotourism, as tourists visiting the village enjoy camel rides to explore the natural beauty of the desert. Additionally, villagers raise poultry for eggs and meat. The socio-economic role of the agricultural system in the proposed site extends beyond food production and self-sufficiency. It also contributes to the promotion of ecotourism, attracting both local and foreign tourists. Ecotourism plays a pivotal role in the village, as the income of many families relies heavily on tourists. Agrobiodiversity Despite its limited size, the cultivated area of West Aswan village boasts a diverse range of cultivated species and varieties. Various mango varieties (Mangifera indica) are grown in the area, creating a sustainable micro-ecosystem that provides various ecosystem services, including food, shade for other crops, protection against soil erosion, and preservation of water sources. Mango fruits come in different colours, shapes, and sizes, ranging from oval, heart-shaped, kidney-shaped, spherical, to rectangular, and weigh between 0.15 and 2.5 kg. While the most common commercial mango varieties in West Aswan Village are imported from India, Sri Lanka, or Florida (USA), they have been cultivated in the area for decades. Additionally, some local varieties like Zebdeya or Tymor are also grown. Other cultivars include Hindi Senara, Gulk, Owais, Baladi, and Seddeqaa. These different mango varieties have varying ripening periods, ensuring that their production is spread throughout the year. In recent years, new mango cultivars have been introduced in the Aswan governorate to explore the potential for increased productivity and fruit quality (Ahmed et al. 2016).

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When it comes to date palms, over ten varieties, including Sakkoti, Gondila, Bartamouda, Malakabi, Degna, Amhaat, Zaghloul, and Barkoudaa, are cultivated in the area. The most common one is the Sakkoti cultivar. These date palm cultivars mainly belong to the dry dates category, with a moisture content of less than 20%. Dates are consumed in their dried phase. Doum palm (Hyphaene thebaica), a species that has been cultivated in the area since ancient times, holds historical significance. Seeds of the doum palm have been found in pharaoh’s tombs dating back 3000 years, indicating its traditional use in funeral rituals. The doum palm is a tall palm tree with oval edible fruit. However, it takes many years for the tree to bear fruit, often exceeding three decades. The palm’s leaves are primarily used as construction materials, and the seeds are utilised in arts and crafts. The fruits are sold in herbalist shops and are popular among children. In addition to date palms, the village is also home to guava, figs, blackberries, oranges, lemons, and various cereal crops. Wheat (Triticum aestivum), barley (Hordeum vulgare), and sorghum (Sorghum bicolor) play a crucial role in ensuring food sufficiency, providing food, feed, and fuel for the villagers, even though they are cultivated in small quantities. Sorghum is mainly used as animal feed, along with alfalfa (Medicago sativa). Local farmers cultivate a variety of vegetables to meet their food and medicinal needs. These include onions, garlic, eggplant, zucchini squash, molokhia, okra, tomatoes, spinach, rocca, cabbage, cauliflower, dill, fennel, coriander, parsley, henna, basil, and mint. Although vegetables are grown on a small scale, the rotation of vegetable crops helps with nitrogen fixation and replenishes soil fertility. Animal husbandry is another important aspect of agrobiodiversity in West Aswan village. Cattle, camels, buffaloes, sheep, goats, and poultry are raised, forming an integral part of the agricultural system. These animals are fed with pruned plant parts, sorghum, and alfalfa, and their manure serves as the main source of fertiliser for the crops. Cattle are also employed in farming practices such as irrigation using traditional techniques like elsakya (cattle-powered waterwheels) and for ploughing the fields. Therefore, the farming system contributes to the sustainability of the environment and exemplifies a circular economy, where crop and livestock waste are utilised in a sustainable manner. The village is also rich in wild biodiversity, particularly bird species, including sparrows, cattle egrets, ravens, and migratory birds. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Mango and date palm cultivation in the area follows traditional techniques that have been practised for many years. The planting of mango trees began in 1963–1964. During the winter, mango trees are pruned to remove mites, malformations, and dry branches. This process also involves opening up the crown and removing the top of tall trees. After pruning, the branches are treated with a fungicide. In the winter months, flowering buds are manually removed, and the trunks are painted with a mixture of copper sulphate (CuSO4 ) and slaked lime (Ca(OH)2 ) as a fungicide. Summer pruning is also conducted to remove flowering buds that did not undergo

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fruit formation. The pruned branches are commonly used as firewood for cooking at home. Mango trees have a mixed type of pollination, rarely pollinating themselves. The female organ of the flower ripens and is pollinated by pollen from another flower before the pollen from the same flower matures. This is due to the varying dates of maturity of the sexual organs within the flower. Traditional irrigation methods are crucial for mango cultivation due to the hot climate. Flooding irrigation is employed using cattle-powered water wheels called elsakya to bring water from the Nile River to the plantations. Additionally, large ponds called bawaky are present in the cultivated areas, hosting up to six trees and regularly filled with water. Mango fruits are harvested at different stages of ripening based on their intended use. Immature green fruits are sold to merchants for pickle production. Other fruits are collected at a later stage but before full ripening and placed in wheat bran bags in a moderate temperature environment for two weeks to complete the ripening process. Alternatively, some fruits are left to ripen on the trees and then collected by spreading plastic bags on the ground and using a hook to pick them. It is estimated that the average yield of mango per hectare per year is around 7–8 tons with proper maintenance. Regarding date palms, pruning is conducted using sharp tools like an axe or sword to remove yellow, dry fronds. This process aids in facilitating pollination, allowing sunlight to reach the crown of the palm, and preventing diseases. The residues from pruning are commonly utilised in creating art crafts and ecofriendly industrial products. Pollination is carried out by experienced farmers, and palm reproduction is achieved through offshoots. After pollination, a curving process is applied by tying bunches to leaf stalks to support the health and weight of the fruit. Fruit thinning takes place in June, 4–6 weeks after fruit formation, to enhance aeration, prevent moisture in the palm crown, manage bunches, and increase fruit size. Fruit thinning can involve removing entire bunches, eliminating dry and malformed bunches, or reducing the number of strands or fruits per strand. Date palms are often intercropped with maize, barley, and alfalfa. During August and September, dry and semi-dry date palm varieties are harvested by spreading mats made of date palm leaf stalks on the ground beneath the palms. Bunches are cut using a sharp tool (sword) and thrown onto the mats. The average production rate of a palm is estimated to be around 20–70 kg/year. Drying of dates also follows traditional techniques. Date bunches are left on the mats under the palms, frequently flipped for 2–3 days. After this initial phase, dates are stored in a shady place and flipped regularly for 10–15 days until completely dry. Finally, dates are preserved in silos or iron barrels, with the addition of preservation materials, to maintain their quality. The post-drying process varies for each variety. Some are packed in boxes made of date palm leaves and sold in local and regional markets, while others are primarily used for fresh self-consumption. Merchants from a neighbouring village called Abou Alreesh often purchase pruning and date palm waste from West Aswan village. They have workshops and small enterprises specialising in creating art crafts such as tables, seats, boxes, and

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other products from date palm waste. Various non-food uses and secondary products are derived from different parts of the palm. Annual pruning of the green leaf stalks produces art crafts like chairs, tables, beds, baskets, mats, and boxes. Nubian women, particularly the elderly, are renowned for their distinctive Nubian art crafts. They engage in handmade production as a means of entertainment, avoiding boredom, and passing down their Nubian legacy to the younger generation. Other non-food uses of the palm include utilising the annual pruning of dry leaf stalks and trunks as building materials for roofs of traditional Nubian houses. The roofs are made from palm leaves, covered with straw and a mixture of clay and organic manure, and left to settle for several days. The dry leaf stalks and trunks also serve as a source of fuel for cooking purposes. Additionally, date palm seeds and low-quality dates are used as livestock feed in the village. Date palm and doum palm seeds find application in creating women’s accessories and house decorations such as curtains, wall frames, and drawings. Nubian women even produce cosmetics, like black eyeliner, from dried date palm seeds. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The agricultural system of West Aswan village embodies the essence of intangible cultural heritage values passed down from one generation to another. This heritage stems from ancestral knowledge, customs, and traditions learned within families and the community. Consequently, it allows local residents to form collective understandings of the origin and existence of Nubian culture, making it an iconic culture in Egypt. The indigenous Nubian villagers have harmoniously connected with the elements of nature, creating a distinctive agricultural system where the Nile River plays a central role in their success. This connection with the river as a source of water and life is exemplified through rituals. For instance, newborn babies are taken to the Nile banks on their seventh day, where their faces are washed with Nile water and a small boat made of wheat stacks is set on fire for boys, while girls have celebrations on the Nile banks. Nubian cuisine, which is an integral part of the local identity, combines the richness of ingredients with the simplicity that reflects the lifestyle of the local people. Local cuisine also plays a significant role in various rituals. During wedding ceremonies, villagers traditionally use mango branches as firewood for cooking the local dishes, as they lend a unique flavour to the food. It is common in the village to store dried dates for about a year and then grind them into a powdery texture to prepare a Nubian traditional dish called magly. This dish holds special importance during the religious Muslim day known as the “day of Ashuraa” and is typically consumed at lunch and dinner. Agricultural activities in West Aswan village are closely tied to traditional medicine, as many cultivated plants are also used for medicinal purposes. Guava leaves, for example, are employed to relieve cold and cough symptoms by disinfecting the respiratory tract, throat, and lungs, aiding in the release of mucus. Doum palm, a potent antioxidant, is believed to counteract the growth of tumours and cancer cells, particularly in prostate cancer. Additionally, doum palm helps reduce cholesterol levels in the blood, promoting cardiovascular health, preventing strokes and

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vascular disease, and even combating Alzheimer’s disease and insomnia. Hibiscus tea is known to lower high blood pressure levels, promote healthy cholesterol levels, and reduce triglyceride levels. Another cultural medical treatment involves using sand as a form of physical therapy to treat arthritis and stimulate blood circulation. This practice has been passed down from ancestors to the current generation. Sand treatments are conducted under the supervision of an elder specialised in this discipline, where the patient is buried in hot sand during sunny periods. Following the sand treatment, the patient is covered with heavy blankets and offered a hot medicinal natural syrup made from locally cultivated herbs. West Aswan village is a conservative community, and during social and religious occasions, a common social ritual involves allocating separate spaces for men and women. However, women play a crucial role in families, children’s education, and some agricultural activities. Additionally, women engage in art crafts using date and doum palm seeds and leaves to supplement their income. Empowering women in Aswan through tourism can leverage the unique Nubian way of life, culture, traditions, customs, heritage sites, natural resources, and hospitality, as well as handicrafts. Women can contribute to tourism activities by offering services such as tour guiding and catering. However, proper training is essential for them to acquire the necessary skills and knowledge. In public, older women typically wear veils and long dresses locally known as galabeya sufra and kumikol, with a brightly coloured kerchief called madil on their heads. Younger women wear a semi-transparent dress called jarjar. On the other hand, Nubian men commonly wear white galabeya and a turban, while during fieldwork, they often don blue galabeya. The village comprises 22 neja (hamlets), with each neja separated from its neighbouring ones by open desert. The 22 neja include Naga Al-Qobba, Ja’alabiyya, AlMoawadab Qebli, Al-Mudab, Al-Hamdab, Al-Shadeed, Al-Gulabalab, Al-Qurtabab, Sheikh Diab, Al-Moawadab Bahri, Al-Jaranis, Al-Arkhayb, Al-Hamadab, Al-Hijab, Abu Issa, Al-Faras, Sidr, Al-Khaleelab, Al-Baghdalab, The Basion, Blida, and Sheikh Muhammad. The village is governed by two councils. The first is the executive council, consisting of nine members appointed by the Aswan governor. The second is the local council, with sixteen members elected by the villagers, all of whom are villagers themselves. The village has an official known as mayor (or omda), whose main responsibilities include providing services to improve the lives of the villagers, settling disputes, and addressing petitions when necessary. In 2007, West Aswan Village was awarded the National Excellence Prize for being the best village at the republic level. The competition assessed the village’s plan based on five pillars: environmental sanitation, urban development, local development, popular participation, and other improvement services. In the agricultural sector, the Agricultural Cooperative Society plays a significant role. This government-funded development entity is located in Neja Alshadeed, close to the local council in the Nubian village. Its objectives include supporting Egyptian farmers and improving their living standards. The society provides farmers with fertilisers, pesticides, fungicides, herbicides, and other agricultural chemicals. Additionally, it conducts agricultural inspections to offer local farmers guidance and recommendations from the Ministry of Agriculture. The society assigns a team of

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agricultural engineers to carry out tasks and instructions for integrated pest control. These engineers visit the fields in the village, inspect them, and inform the association’s managers to take official and legal development actions. The society also addresses issues related to encroachment on agricultural lands by notifying the Ministry of Agriculture for appropriate legal measures. Moreover, it supplies farmers with seeds, seedlings, and medical treatments for livestock. Landscapes and Seascapes Features In 1963–1964, the majority of Nubian villagers were relocated and resettled due to the construction of the Aswan High Dam. This dam was built to address the recurring issues of devastating floods and prolonged droughts that had posed threats to lives and food security for thousands of years (Abd-El Monsef et al. 2015). Ancient Nubian communities inhabited the west bank of the Nile River and developed a distinct agricultural system based on their traditions and knowledge. The fertile banks of the Nile played a crucial role in the development of agriculture and the utilisation of innovative techniques (Janick 2000; Hughes 1992). Today, the site is characterised by a captivating landscape of stark contrasts, appreciated by local residents, artists, tourists, and observers alike. The Nile River is the lifeblood of the village, sustaining vegetation, human activities, and agricultural practices. The horizontal organisation of the agricultural system begins at the river, with various crop cultivations stretching along its banks and extending up to 450 m inland through water distribution channels. Moving further inward, at distances ranging from 300 to 1200 m from the river, is the village, surrounded by the desert. The vertical structure of the agricultural system is based on frequent intercropping and a multilayered approach. The upper layer consists of palm or mango trees, while the intermediate layer consists of fruit trees. The lower layer encompasses vegetables, fodder, and cereals. This multilayered system creates a microclimate characterised by shade, lower temperatures, and higher air humidity. These conditions enable the cultivation of alfalfa and vegetables in a hot climate, resulting in increased profitability and socio-economic benefits for farmers. Moreover, the mixed cropping system, particularly with alfalfa, which is a perennial crop lasting around seven years, provides fodder that can be harvested multiple times per year. Additionally, alfalfa’s nitrogen-fixing properties contribute to soil replenishment and enrichment. The surrounding area of West Aswan village is home to numerous significant archaeological sites associated with ancient Egyptian civilisation. One such site is Al-Hawa Dome, a rocky mountain situated on the west bank of the Nile near Aswan. Here, one can find tombs carved into the rock, which belonged to the nobles and priests of Aswan during the time of the ancient Egyptians. At the southern peak of the mountain, there is a tomb dedicated to a Muslim saint named Sidi Ali Ibn Al-Hawa, marked by a white shrine with a dome. Beneath it lie the remains of a Coptic monastery known as Saint George. The high-carved tombs are arranged in three layers along the length of the mountain. There are over 100 tombs dating back to the Old Kingdom and the New Kingdom, with approximately 1000 men, women, and children buried within them. These tombs are particularly notable as they belonged to the nobles, governors, and prominent figures associated with the Nuba region

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during the era of the Pharaohs. The tombs are chambers carved into the mountain, featuring decorated walls of various sizes and designs. The wall engravings depict scenes from the daily lives of the ancient Egyptians, many of which are related to agricultural practices. The Nile River has always played a vital role, even dating back to the ancient Egyptian civilisation, where its fluctuations in flood levels during the summer were crucial for agricultural production. Over time, the local population developed an agricultural system along the Nile, adapting to the water’s seasonal variations, resulting in a dynamic landscape and diverse cultural practices based on specific historical circumstances (Hassan 1997). In West Aswan village, traditional Nubian houses serve as a testament to the local culture. Given the Nile’s significance as a source of life, Nubians traditionally paint their homes in light blue, incorporating elements of two other colours: green representing the surrounding cultivations and yellow symbolising the desert sands. The building materials used in Nubian houses include silt, sand, cow excrement, and hay. The walls are constructed using sand and clay, while the roofs are made from a combination of sand, clay, hay, and cow excrement. This blend of materials helps regulate the temperature inside the Nubian homes, increasing moisture during the summer and providing warmth in the winter. Additionally, hibiscus is used to create ecofriendly colouring and paint for the houses. Upon entering a Nubian home, visitors pass through a large wooden door into a hallway that leads to a guest room where they are entertained. Male visitors who are unfamiliar to the family generally remain within this designated area, while female visitors may be invited to explore the inner parts of the house where the family resides. Continuing through the hallway, one arrives at a spacious courtyard (hosh) with a sandy floor. Traditional Nubian houses are quite expansive, consisting of multiple rooms surrounding the courtyard, all enclosed within high walls. During the late afternoon, the houses can become quite hot as the clay bricks retain the heat accumulated throughout the day. In the evenings during the summer, both men and women gather on the mastabas, which are benches made of smoothly plastered clay built along the exterior walls. Here, they engage in tasks, conversations, and enjoy the cool evening breeze. However, during the winter months, the walls release the heat accumulated during the day, creating a warm climate inside the house.

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2.5 The Cultural Landscape of Konso, Ethiopia (Yenewa Dessie Alemu, Fethia Abdullahi Ahmed, Federica Romano)

Summary Information Location of the site

Konso is situated in Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPRS) of Ethiopia 5°16 16 N, 37°20 05 E

Area of coverage

23,000 ha

Topographic features Hills (continued)

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(continued) Climate type

The climate type in Konso is classified under tropical savanna climates with the monthly mean temperature above 18 °C (64 °F) in every month of the year. Through the course of the year, the temperature typically varies from 17 to 35 °C and is rarely below 15 °C or above 38 °C. The prevailing climate is referred to as a steppe climate In Konso, there is little rainfall throughout the year. The average annual temperature is 22.1 °C with an average rainfall of 507 mm, the driest month having precipitation less than 60 mm. Generally, records from the past show that there are two rainy seasons, the main one from March to June and the minor one from the end of September to December (Hallpike 1972) Rainfall varies between years, with a maximum of 1500 mm to a minimum of 500 mm (Amborn 1989). The average rainfall between 1977 and 1992 was only 540 mm (Watson 1997)

Ethnicity/indigenous population

–

Global Significance Konso has a rich historical heritage that continues to have significant contributions to the entire ecosystem. One of its notable features is the presence of sacred forests, which are semi-wild areas of spiritual importance protected from logging based on the traditional socio-spiritual belief system of Konso culture. The Konso tribe is divided into nine patrilineal clans (known as kaffa), which are present in all villages across Konso. These clans have social responsibilities towards their members wherever they are in Konso. Before the arrival of Protestant missionaries in the 1950s, the clan system was closely linked to the spiritual practices of the area. One aspect of this system involved the clan chiefs or poqalas, who were the oldest males in the line from the clan’s founder. They were required to live a semihermetic lifestyle in designated forest areas, where they would commune with various spirits for the benefit of the clan and society as a whole. This practice has led to the preservation of semi-natural forests, often found on hilltops. These forests also play a crucial role in environmental modification by reducing the release of carbon dioxide. However, despite the cultivation of annual legume crops and the maintenance of some tree legumes around farmlands, continuous cultivation of the main sorghum crop on terraces has resulted in soil depletion. The soil is tilled by hand, and while some decomposed manures are added during tillage, most of the organic matter, such as harvested grain and straw, is not returned to the soil. Animal manure produced in the villages is often burned or piled up in gullies, leading to its eventual washout during rainfall. As a result, the fertility of the land is gradually declining. Some terraces have been cultivated continuously for hundreds of years. Therefore, it is crucial to raise awareness about better management of harvested grain and straw to improve soil fertility. Currently, Konso is facing food insecurity. According to the UNDP’s Rapid Assessment Report in 1999, drought-induced famines have plagued Konso and the surrounding area almost once every ten years since the 1950s. Devastating droughts

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occurred in 1973/74 and 1983/84. Unfortunately, little has changed, as witnessed by the food aid brought in during the 2007/2008 drought, supplied by UN trucks carrying wheat overproduced under subsidies from the other side of the planet. This situation has created a mentality of dependence on food aid rather than genuine efforts to develop resilient local food production capable of withstanding the changing global climate. Relying on indigenous techniques or drought-tolerant crop species is the most viable solution, and it can be achieved through awareness campaigns conducted by government bodies such as the agricultural office. Food and Livelihood Security Ethiopia is primarily an agricultural and pastoral country, where agriculture plays a dominant role in people’s lives. Without direct attention to agriculture, little progress can be made. However, Ethiopia’s agriculture is characterised by primitive practices, and despite recent government efforts, significant obstacles to development remain. There are two main agricultural systems in Ethiopia: mixed agriculture in the highlands, which integrates both crop cultivation and livestock production, and pastoralism in the lowlands. Within the mixed agriculture system, various subsystems can be observed. A recent development is the emergence of commercial agriculture in river basins like the Awash Basin. The Konso people practise a distinctive and sustainable form of agriculture that involves the construction and maintenance of stone terraces, as well as the use of manure for fertilisation. Their fields are characterised by the presence of the endemic tree crop, moringa stenopetala. The main crop cultivated is sorghum, along with some root crops and cotton. In terms of animal husbandry, the Konso rear goats, cattle, and the unique Konso fat-tailed sheep. The animals are tethered near grain stores and fed with hand-cut food, particularly sorghum straw. Additionally, many households have garden areas where they grow various food plants such as pumpkin, yams, banana, cassava, sweet potato, chilies, cherry tomatoes, and even tobacco. Animal dung and wastewater are utilised to irrigate these plants, reflecting the practice of a circular economy as a tradition in this area. Around the houses, animals are often found beneath coffee, bananas, citrus trees, or Mexican apple trees. However, the most common tree present in the compounds is the Ubiquitous moringa stenopetala, which is a celebrated indigenous staple vegetable in the Konso diet. Locally known as “haloko,” this remarkable plant provides an extraordinary range of vitamins and minerals, ensuring the people’s strength and nourishment even in challenging circumstances. One of the most renowned features of Konso is its terracing, which has been constructed through centuries of communal labour across the rugged landscape. These terraces effectively reduce soil erosion and are engineered to strike a balance between water infiltration into the ground and drainage during heavy rainfall, preventing their collapse. Sorghum is the primary crop cultivated on these terraces, as it is one of the most resilient dryland grains. However, its success is still dependent on sufficient rainfall.

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Sorghum is cultivated alongside a variety of other species, particularly annual legumes such as lablab beans, pigeon peas, climbing beans, and bush beans. These legumes play a vital role in maintaining soil fertility. Other annual crops grown include sunflowers, maize, millet, chickpeas, pumpkins, amaranth, cotton, and cassava. Cassava serves as a fallback option or can be sold as a cash crop when not needed, as it holds significant value and is even exported to Kenya. Within the extensive farmland, perennial shrubs such as coffee and ch’at (Catha edulis, a non-food cash crop) are cultivated, while trees like Terminalia brownii, Cupressus sp., and Ziziphus sp. are grown for timber. Terminalia, known as weybetta in the Konso language, is the most commonly planted tree on the vast farmlands. It is pruned to grow into long, relatively straight poles, with the continuous removal of side branches that also serve as animal fodder. This tree is so prevalent in the extensive farmland that it defines the skyline, with clusters of its twisting trunks visible on the peaks of ridges. Moringa is also planted on the terraces, although not as densely as in the villages. The terraces are fertilised with waste materials from the villages, including partially burned plant residues and decomposed animal dung. The Konso farmers demonstrate great skill in integrating multiple species on their farmland, striking a balance that ensures enough food during unfavourable years with limited rainfall while also maximising the yield of cash crops during years with ample rainfall. Sorghum serves as the primary staple in the Konso diet and is consumed in two main forms. One is “dama,” boiled balls of sorghum flour eaten with halako (boiled Moringa leaves). The other is chagga, a sorghum-based broth mixed with hot water, which is highly carbohydrate-rich and provides ample energy for strenuous labour. However, it is important to note that consuming chagga can lead to varying degrees of intoxication. Agrobiodiversity The Konso people possess a well-developed knowledge of which wild food plants can serve as a dietary supplement during periods of food scarcity. Despite their reputation for hard work and sophisticated agricultural practices, the Konso have been severely affected by drought since 1996. They have experienced significant crop losses and even complete failures. However, until June 1999, most Konso people managed to endure these harsh climatic conditions by increasing their consumption of wild food plants. Although damaged or reduced crop harvests were partially compensated by the collection of wild foods, three consecutive years of meagre harvests followed by another failure in 1999 proved too much for many in the ecologically fragile area of Konso, despite their remarkable efforts to protect and conserve the local environment. Huernia sp. (locally known as baqibaqa) is considered a typical famine food plant. Bagana, a type of corm plant, exists in three varieties: Normal bagana, Litota (also known as panshala), and Romitta. All three grow in farm fields. The Litota variety (Arisaema flavum) is preferred due to its relatively acceptable taste, shorter preparation time, and better storability. However, all three varieties must be crushed, dried, and ground into powder before further cooking. The powder is then mixed with

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water and cooked for approximately 30 min, similar to maize. It may take several days of preparation before the other two Bagana varieties can be consumed. Baqibaqa is a small, stick-like drought-tolerant plant with a plastic-like structure that propagates vegetatively through cuttings. In Konso, farmers distinguish three varieties of Baqibaqa, but they do not have specific names. The first variety is brown and can reach up to 25 cm in length, the second is green and slightly longer, and the third is grey, short, and thick (approximately 10 cm). Farmers explained that boiled Baqibaqa tastes relatively good without any unpleasant side effects. In Konso, it is commonly eaten together with kurkufa, locally prepared sorghum balls. Other examples of typical famine food plants in Konso include Sterculia africana (known as qawureta in Konso language), Dobera glabra (karsata), Portulaca quadrifolia (marayita), and Cadaba sp. (kadhi). Wild food plants serve to bridge various food gaps. For instance, if the previous crop harvest does not provide enough food until the next harvest, wild leafy vegetables, cabbage, and tuber-type famine food plants are consumed after the first rains, while farmers are preparing their fields. These plants grow rapidly after the initial rainfall and can be consumed shortly thereafter. Wild tree fruits typically mature once a year, usually coinciding with the growth cycle of cereal crops. Therefore, in cases where a dry spell exacerbates severe crop losses or complete failures, wild fruits help fill the immediate food gap after a failed harvest. However, it was observed in most surveyed areas that different wild fruits are available throughout the year, indicating that wild food can be collected almost year-round. Nevertheless, the biomass production from famine food plants is often insufficient to meet the required needs. For example, in Konso, there are three fruiting periods depending on the tree species. The main fruiting periods for most tree species occur from May to June and from October to November. However, farmers have reported that Balanites aegyptiaca and Balanites rotunda trees bear fruit in December and January. Wild fruits are typically consumed raw after being picked. Leaves and tender parts of wild plants are prepared by chopping them into small pieces and boiling them in water, similar to cabbage and other vegetables. Roots can be eaten raw or cooked. Some wild tubers are dried and crushed before consumption. Roots generally require longer preparation time, especially those that are toxic and require special treatment. Kernels, seeds, and nuts are usually cooked for an extended period before consumption. Consumers have mentioned that they often need to use more salt to mask the unpleasant taste of these prepared food items. Typical famine food plants are associated with unpleasant side effects such as bad taste, complex and lengthy preparation, stomachaches, constipation, diarrhoea, and even intoxication. For instance, the fruits of Dobera glabra, known as the drought indicator plant for the Konso people, are edible, but the kernel, considered a typical famine food, needs to be cooked for up to 24 h and emits a bad smell. Excessive consumption of this kernel can lead to stomach aches and other intestinal problems. There are variations in local consumption practices for the same species. For example, Konso people only eat the fruits of Balanites rotunda, a small evergreen tree. However, in the Kamba Wereda of North Omo Zone, the entire fruit is boiled, the skin is removed, and the flesh is eaten off the kernel during times of food shortage.

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The kernel is then broken, and the inner parts are consumed. Piliostigma thonningii trees (known as o lofo in the Hamer language) provide another example. In Alduba village (South Omo Zone), the Hamer people collect the pods of these trees and eat the fleshy part around the small seeds like biscuits. In Bedessa and Kindo Koyisha villages, however, the same part of the tree is commonly used as animal forage and not for human consumption. These variations in knowledge regarding the uses and edibility of different parts of the same species may be influenced by the frequency of food shortages in specific areas and people’s way of life. In semi-arid areas where basic resources like food are scarce, people may be under pressure to adapt to harsh living conditions and discover a wider variety of edible wild plants and their respective parts. In highly populated areas with intensive cultivation, biodiversity is significantly reduced, and the availability of wild food plants is minimised compared to lowland areas. Unfortunately, there is a shortage of available data to quantify and analyse the trend in crop production in this area. However, national agricultural production, in general, has shown a rapid increase in volume due to improvements in the use of inputs and farm management practices. Local and traditional knowledge systems play a crucial role in the Konso agricultural system. Much of the Konso highland is protected by drystone walls that primarily serve erosion control purposes. The construction in Konso relies heavily on natural materials. The traditional knowledge of Konso societies encompasses various aspects, including soil and water conservation techniques. The communities possess a deep understanding of soil erosion and soil fertility preservation. Farmers recognise that fertile soil is more prone to erosion due to its texture and particle size. The communities are aware of this scientific knowledge and practice soil and water conservation techniques to preserve fertile soil using stone terraces. They follow their indigenous knowledge passed down through generations for centuries to protect their environment. Resource management is predominantly governed by traditional administrations that enforce operational and maintenance responsibilities with actionable consequences for those who disobey. Due to the wide application of soil and water conservation practices in the area, farmers have developed a thorough understanding of the system through years of experience. Every drop of rain is valuable, and the communities strive to preserve it. Therefore, the knowledge possessed by the Konso societies is exceptional and provides effective mechanisms for managing land with high slopes and severe erosion. The traditional practices and knowledge regarding agriculture in the communities include, but are not limited to: • • • • •

Terracing to prevent soil erosion and preserve water. Mulching to provide protective covering and reduce evaporation. Crop rotation to maintain soil fertility. Agroforestry, utilising multipurpose trees. Contour ploughing, a practice based on indigenous knowledge to reduce water runoff and prevent erosion. • Fallowing and mixed cropping to retain soil fertility.

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The conservation of trees in Konso is evident both within and outside farmland. The primary tree species planted for shade, meals, and medicinal purposes is the Moringa tree (Moringa Stenopetala), locally known as such. Other tree species include Juniperus procera, Euphorbia spp, Terminalia browenii, Olea africana, Ficus sori, Cordia africana, Sterculia africana, and Accia abysinica (Mulat 2013). The community values these trees for soil and water conservation, as well as for their ritual practices. Meetings are often held under the shade of these trees, which serve multiple purposes. The societies are well aware of the benefits and ritual significance of these trees and are committed to their preservation to avoid any negative consequences. Water resources in the area are scarce and unevenly distributed. The distance of residences from water sources also varies. According to traditional administration, the household closest to a natural water resource is responsible for safeguarding and monitoring it. Water resource management in Konso is mainly centred around ponds (harta) that have been managed for over five centuries. The community also relies on springs. Since the rules for managing water resources are respected, there is no specific designated control authority (Behailu et al. 2016). The ponds are collectively owned by the residents of the same peasant association living in a walled town, ensuring their conservation. These ponds, constructed by the community, have a length of 60 m and walls as high as 13 m. The galleys leading to the water reservoirs are carefully cleaned and sometimes lined with stones to reduce siltation. The people of Konso demonstrate skillful resource-related activities, exercising supervision over their land and forests. Traditional forests, located near the residences of the priests, play a significant role in rituals. Within the Konso land, there are three main sacred forests known as Kala, Bamale, and Kufa. Kala is the central area for ritual activities and contains burial sites for ritual leaders (one for the priest and another for the priest’s wife). Bamale serves as the burial ground for earlier ritual leaders, while Kufa is an ancient grave for ritual leaders (ancestors). The Konso people have also built kilometres of terraces to preserve soil and have planted drought-resistant, multifunctional trees. Their knowledge extends to selecting suitable sites based on soil type and identifying potential areas for water collection. Additionally, they construct silt trap structures to slow down the flow of water before it reaches the ponds (Behailu et al. 2016). In terms of marketing, there are two methods: direct transactions between consumers and producer farmers, and marketplace interactions between the two parties. The accessibility of roads and affordability of transportation pose challenges to establishing local markets. The integrated agricultural system practised by the Konso people is deeply rooted in their culture and essential to their way of life. Preserving this heritage is crucial for future generations and the well-being of the entire globe. The site holds many historical aspects that scientific papers may not cover comprehensively. It serves as a role model and requires preservation and conservation. Most importantly, the sustainable agricultural practices carried out by the Konso people on a daily basis play a vital role in maintaining sustainable environmental management. Recognitions like Globally Important Agricultural Heritage Systems (GIAHS) are essential for safeguarding this long-standing tradition.

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Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The people of Konso have developed a robust socio-political system that enables them to organise and manage their natural resources internally. Archaeological investigations indicate that the stone-walled settlements of Konso reflect the settlement patterns and cultural history of the society. The traditional towns of Konso are protected by tall surrounding walls. The community has a hereditary ritual leader who is responsible for the well-being of the place. The selection of social organisation within the settlement is based on personal qualities and must be acknowledged by the majority of the Konso people. Checks and balances are in place to prevent conflicts among the authorities. Another notable feature of the Konso society is the transfer of communal duties. These transfers occur every nine and eleven years, following the traditional lunar calendar, while a full generational cycle is ritually performed every eighteen years (UNESCO nomination). In terms of family culture and inheritance, Konso follows an age-based system. The oldest son typically inherits most of the father’s possessions as he is considered the most reliable among the siblings. The first son in a family is considered special and is given a distinct first name. The second child receives their father’s name as a second name, distinguishing them as the subsequent child. The Konso society consists of both hereditary and non-hereditary officials. Hereditary positions are passed down from father to oldest son. Additionally, a Konso man may have multiple wives depending on his wealth. The first son of a second wife holds the name lemita and has a higher status than the younger sons of the first wife. The traditional Konso system encompasses various aspects, including cultural and social organisation, belief systems, rituals, and art. This traditional knowledge is applied to their daily activities, including agricultural practices. Konso is internationally recognised for its traditional wooden statues, sacred spaces, and the management system within their walled towns. These elements of identity and culture are valuable for the sustainable use and access to natural resources. When communities respect these values, it positively impacts resource management and their way of life, strengthening their commitment. As the communities live in close proximity to each other, it fosters interaction and collective responsibility for the environment they inhabit, allowing for sustainable practices and monitoring. Each community has its internal administration, which varies depending on different social functions related to peace and security. The indigenous institutions are rooted in religious foundations. The production process, from sowing to harvesting, is preceded by annual spiritual practices. Water wells are blessed by designated elder family members, and the protection of forests is linked to a divine connection. Due to the spiritual significance associated with these forests, they are not cut down to avoid facing misfortune in the future. In land transactions, the final oath of sale is conducted in the presence of a local land sale facilitator who symbolises the oath by cutting a blade of grass from the land. The economy of Konso relies heavily on intensive agriculture, which involves irrigation and terracing of mountain slopes. Staple crops include corn (maize) and

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various sorghum varieties, while cotton and coffee serve as cash crops. To protect their fields, the Konso keep their cattle in stalls and feed them by hand or oversee their grazing. They utilise both the milk and meat of cattle, as well as the meat of sheep and goats, for sustenance. The dung of these animals is collected for use as fertiliser. There are specific taboos regarding the consumption of certain animals as food. The Konso people are highly dependent on local food production. The area’s isolation from the modern world contributes to the reliance on self-produced food for securing the local economy. The intensive traditional agricultural practices in the area have played a significant role in the growth and survival of the local economy. The sloping nature of the land makes it unsuitable for commercial agriculture, even for local conventional farming. According to the survey, farmers in Konso can purchase agricultural inputs such as fertilisers and chemicals from domestic suppliers. Agricultural Input Supplies play a major role in input distribution in Ethiopia, and there are also private distributors like Wondo Trading House, Guna Trading, Densho, MEKAMB PLC, KEMTEX PLC, LION INTERNATIONAL, MCOBE, Green Line, AMBASEL, and others operating in the country. The quantity of inputs is determined based on the growers’ requirements. The buyer is responsible for covering the transportation cost from the distribution centres to the farms, and payment is made in cash or through credit agreements between the buyer and the seller. Regarding fruit seedlings, the purchasing arrangement varies depending on the supplier. Research institutes provide seedlings free of charge to farmers and agricultural offices, but investors at the research sites may require minimal payments from those who take the seedlings for their own farms. In commercial farms, seedlings are sold to growers at a reasonable price at the farm gate, with immediate payment. Ownership of the product is transferred to the buyer at the research site, which implies that transportation costs, insurance during travel, and other expenses are covered by the purchaser. In Konso, most products are sold in the local market near the village, and the marketing channel is direct from the producer to the customers. However, for exportable items like chat, there are brokers, agents, and wholesalers involved between producers and consumers. Konso’s agricultural practices are more sustainable compared to other forms of subsistence agriculture practised in Ethiopia, even though their system of land management requires labour-intensive work. Traditionally, animals are kept inside the housing compounds in the villages, and it is the women’s responsibility to gather food for them. This practice helps protect the animals from potential theft and prevents damage to the terraces. Women also carry water from the valley bottoms for domestic use and to provide for the animals. Firewood is another task they undertake. There are no draft animals, so the land is tilled by hand. While men may assist with some tasks, it is not exclusively their responsibility. Stone for terracing is also manually transported. Men construct the terraces, while women bear the burden of carrying stones. After the harvest, it is the women who transport the grain to the market. Ownership

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of the land is traditionally passed down to the younger generation, and the landowner works diligently on their land to manage it effectively and construct terraces using the indigenous knowledge inherited through traditional practices. In Ethiopia, land is owned by the government according to the 1975 government decree. Consequently, all Konso land is owned by the government, whereas individual members of the community own the terraces on the land. Terrace ownership is typically transferred from fathers to sons, but it can also be bought and sold within the community. Hence, both the government’s legal framework and the traditional ownership system coexist. Elizabeth E. Watson eloquently expresses this “dilemma” of ownership in her work, stating that both forms of land tenure are true and legitimised through different discourses (Watson 1997, pp. 22, 23). The water ponds (harda) are collectively owned by the residents of the Peasant Association living in a walled town (Paleta), ensuring their conservation. Traditionally protected forests serve as residences and burial grounds for ritual chiefs (poqola) and are owned by them. While technically, these areas belong to the government after the land reform proclamation, they are practically “owned” and managed by the Poqola and their family members, with their ownership status defined by traditional law. Customary law and traditional ownership rights are practised without conflict. The walled towns are collectively owned by community members, with the responsibility for maintaining the walls falling on the entire community, as organised under the local Peasant Association. Individual homesteads are owned by individual families. Cultural spaces (mora) are owned by community members living in each ward (kanta), and the ritually significant mora and its cultural objects are owned by the entire town community. Wakas and burial marker stones (daga-diruma) are privately owned by family members of the deceased who carved the statuettes or erected the stones. The grooves (dina) are owned by individual Kantas but are accessible to all town members when needed. It is worth noting that the federal and regional governments tolerate the practice of traditional laws as long as they do not cause inconvenience and are followed as agreed upon by the communities. The Konso people are divided into two social strata: etenta and hawuda. Etenta refers to agriculturalists, while hawuda comprises various artisans. Agriculture is not only an economic foundation but also an esteemed occupation in Konso culture. Consequently, etenta is accorded a superior position, while hawuda holds an inferior status within society. The hawuda artisans include hawuda ayata (weavers), hawuda tuma or hawuda bosa (blacksmiths), hawuda kolata (tanners), hawuda okotawa (potters), and hawuda kolata or hawuda gerba (butchers). Customary laws dictate that marriage between the two groups is prohibited, with hawuda obliged to marry only within their own ranks. By these customary laws, hawuda individuals do not own agricultural land or engage in agricultural work. Disobeying these customs and related practices is considered taboo, and the transgressor may face excommunication from the society. However, since the military takeover in 1974, some people have started to disregard these customary laws. Presently, there are instances of etenta men being married to hawuda women, although such unions are generally not widely accepted.

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Traditionally, hawudas were not allowed to participate in the meetings of the council of elders, and they are still prohibited from touching the timba (a sacred object) or assuming the office of Aba Timba. As they lack agricultural fields, their burials take place in the dina, multipurpose forests surrounding the walled towns. Despite these discriminatory practices, hawudas coexist within the same towns as etenta members. Despite their inferior status, hawudas have engaged in commercial activities, achieved economic success, and play significant roles as masters of ceremonies in important rituals, particularly in funeral rites related to clan chiefs and their families, as they are believed to possess mystical powers. In general, the major social organisation in Konso can be categorised into three types: kafa (clan/lineage) organisation, kanta (neighbourhood) organisation, and helta (age group) organisation. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The Konso landscape is characterised by its prominent feature, the terraces. The hills are shaped by these drystone terraces, which can reach heights of up to 5 m in certain areas, such as between Kala and Gamole. The terrace walls are built using heavier blocks at the base, and the agricultural saddles are typically between four and eight metres wide. When visiting Konso, one cannot help but be captivated by the view of the landscape, a testament to centuries of relentless human effort to tame the harsh, dry, and rocky environment. This perseverance has resulted in the magnificent outline of the drystone terraces (Hallpike 1972, p. 21). The exact origins of these terraces are unknown, as they predate living memory. However, the Konso people unanimously attribute them to their ancestors of the distant past. The Konso cultural landscape spans an arid area of 55 km2 and comprises stonewalled terraces and fortified settlements in the Konso highlands of Ethiopia. It serves as a remarkable example of a living cultural tradition that has adapted over 21 generations (more than 400 years) to thrive in a hostile and dry environment. The landscape showcases the shared values, social cohesion, and engineering knowledge of the Konso communities. Additionally, the site features anthropomorphic wooden statues, which represent esteemed members of the community and commemorate heroic events. These statues are a precious testament to funeral traditions that are at risk of disappearing. The towns also display stone steles, which symbolise a complex system of commemorating successive generations of leaders. Indigenous soil conservation terraces are practised in various regions of Ethiopia, including Konso in the south, south Shewa in the central area, and the Harangue plateau in the east. These terraces range from simple stone lines to sophisticated terracing infrastructure. Konso, in particular, is renowned for its stone-walled terraces. In recognition of the cultural significance of Konso’s traditional terraces, they were designated as a UNESCO World Heritage site in June 2011 (UNESCO 2011).

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2.6 Gedeo Mixed Cultural Multistory Agroforestry System and Natural Landscape, Ethiopia (Meron Tefera Lakew, Francesco Piras, Alessandra Bazzurro)

Summary Information Location of the site

The “Gedeo Mixed Cultural Multi-Story Agroforestry System and Natural Landscape” is located in Gedeo Zone, Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPRS) of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. The Gedeo Zone lies between 50 and 70 North latitude and 380 and 400 East longitude, in the escarpments of the south-eastern Ethiopian highlands overlooking the Rift Valley, in the narrow strip of land running from North (Sidama zone) to South (Oromiya region). It shares the largest boundary with Oromiya regional state and only in the north-east with Sidama Zone. Administratively, it lies in the South Nation Nationalities and People Regional State (SNNPRS) (Southern Region of Ethiopia) one of the nine self-administering regions in Ethiopia (Negash et al. 2012) 6°09 36.1 N, 38°12 10.4 E

Area of coverage

134,000 ha (continued)

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(continued) Topographic features Gedeo topography is very irregular and so also geographical features. The minimum altitude in the area is 1170 m a.s.l., while the highest point reaches 3000 m a.s.l. and the average elevation is 1940 m a.s.l Climate type

The climate of Gedeo country is characterised as warm humid temperate. The average annual temperature ranges between 17 and 22.4 °C and the average annual rainfall between 1200 and 1800 mm. The Gedeo country is thus endowed with two rainy seasons, from March to May and from July to December, with interruptions of 3–4 dry months. However, the truly dry months are only January and February, others count with intermittent rain showers. The climate is suitable for abundant forest cover (EMP 1988)

Ethnicity/indigenous population

The four largest ethnic groups of this zone are the Gedeo (86.14%), the Oromo (4.71%), the Amhara (3.37%), and the Gurage (1.55%); all other ethnic groups represent 4.23% of the population

Global Significance In Ethiopia, traditional mixed agroforestry systems, specifically in the south-west region, are widespread and highly successful in sustaining the livelihoods of local communities while preserving the environment (Senbeta et al. 2013). One of the oldest intensively cultivated farming systems in Ethiopia is the Gedeo indigenous agroforestry system, also known as the “home-garden.” Socio-economic studies conducted in the area reveal that the teachings of ancestors on the importance of preserving and maintaining trees within and around farms have led to the development of a diverse and multilayered home-garden in the Gedeo region. Some key features of the “Gedeo Mixed Cultural Multi-Story Agroforestry System and Natural Landscape” that contribute to its resilience as following: • The home-garden is built entirely on indigenous knowledge. • It addresses the increasing economic and ecological needs of the community. • Continuous vegetation cover protects the soil, and an indigenous organic soil management system is implemented. • Careful species selection and arrangement improve the system’s carrying capacity. • Introduced crop species, such as enset, coffee, avocado, mango, and banana, are drought-resistant. • There is no threat of soil erosion or fertility decline. • Soil productivity is maintained through the application of green manure and household refuse, based on local knowledge. • Weedy vegetation serves as green mulch, playing a crucial role in nutrient cycling and fulfilling various other functions. • Farmers possess well-established knowledge to effectively manage each component of the system. • The landscape features a rich historical background dating back to the eighth century, characterised by a megalithic culture with numerous distinct forms of stelae found in at least 60 documented locations.

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• The local community has a well-established, multigenerational culture. • Traditional administrative institutions provide both secular and ritual leadership. The “Gedeo Mixed Cultural Multi-Story Agroforestry System and Natural Landscape” represents a harmonious integration of nature and cultural civilisation. Food and Livelihood Security The Gedeo people have a traditional agricultural practice that is specifically adapted to their local landscape. They cultivate various varieties of enset and coffee, which are believed to have been domesticated in the Gedeo region. While wild enset and coffee were present in Gedeo just two decades ago, today over 20 million people in south-west Ethiopia rely on enset as their staple food. Unlike other enset-growing societies where it is cultivated in home gardens, in Gedeo, enset is grown in fields alongside coffee trees to ensure moisture retention during dry seasons. This mixed agricultural system not only protects the soil from erosion but also provides a diverse range of crops for sustainability. The Gedeo people maintain this agroforestry system through their traditional institutions. In Gedeo, enset is cultivated as a crop in the fields, occupying a significant amount of land, unlike in other parts of southern Ethiopia where it is grown in house gardens. Coffee is also cultivated alongside enset, taking into consideration the altitude variations in the region. Regardless of the steepness of the land, enset is grown in the rugged terrains of Gedeo, with some areas even cultivating it on slopes exceeding 70°. The enset-coffee agroforestry system plays a dominant role in Gedeo’s agrobiodiversity and contributes to the environmental and ecological sustainability of the region. It is the primary component of their agrobiodiversity, driven by the objective of self-sufficiency, minimising crop losses, meeting nutritional demands, and ensuring a year-round harvest of food crops. This has been supported by previous studies conducted by Cromwell et al. (1999) and Abebe et al. (2010). The enset plant’s sheath retains water, which is released slowly during the dry season. This water is utilised by the coffee plants, which also benefit from the shade provided by the enset. This interdependency between the two crops has been observed and practised for generations. Ethiopia is recognised as the centre of origin for highland coffee (Coffea arabica L), which is a valuable cash crop and a major agricultural export, contributing 20– 25% of the country’s foreign exchange earnings (ECFF 2015). The coffee sector contributes approximately 4–5% to the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) and creates numerous local job opportunities. Nowadays, coffee is consumed globally, and Ethiopia not only stands as one of the main producers and exporters of coffee but also has a rich coffee culture with long-standing coffee ceremonies enjoyed by Ethiopians themselves. The Gedeo zone, with its highly favourable agroecology and potential land, is well-suited for coffee production. For the people of Gedeo, coffee is not just a source of income but also a cultural crop. Out of the six woredas in the zone, five specialise in coffee production, while one diversifies its agricultural practices. There are 115,523

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coffee-producing farmers in the region, with a coffee productivity potential covering approximately 67,164 ha of land. Each year, around 51,698.35 ha of land become productive. Gedeo boasts extensive genetic diversity and unique coffee varieties renowned for their taste and flavour, particularly the Yirgacheffe brand (Wolde 2017). Gedeo practises intercropping of high-quality specialty or fully washed coffee with various agroforestry techniques due to limited land availability, allowing farmers to combine food and cash crops effectively. Coffee productivity in the area is enhanced through practices such as mulching, pruning, and composting, which not only boost yields but also improve soil properties and prevent moisture loss during the dry season. However, coffee farmers face challenges, particularly concerning low coffee prices. The dominant coffee varieties planted in most farms are Fiyate, Qoti, 744, and 7487, with additional varieties adopted from the Bonga area including 74,112, 74,110, 74,140, and 74,165. Gedeb Woreda reported the highest coffee parchment yields at 20 quintals/ha (20 Q ha−1 ). Coffee production in the region is organic, without the use of inorganic fertilisers, resulting in the distinct flavour and taste of Yirgacheffe coffee, which is highly regarded in the global market. Yirgacheffe is known for producing Ethiopia’s most prestigious coffees, cultivated on the high plateaus of western Ethiopia at altitudes reaching up to 2000 m. The Gedeo people handpick the cherries when they are ripe and process them collectively in treatment stations. Yirgacheffe beans are visually appealing and versatile, suitable for both hot and cold brews. They produce a delicious light or medium-roast coffee with distinctive floral notes, offering a mellow flavour with a mild body and strong coffee character. The coffee variety cultivated in Gedeo, especially Yirgacheffe, has become a renowned global brand known for its high quality and is preferred by major coffee chains like Starbucks. Unfortunately, local farmers still struggle to receive fair prices for their coffee due to various reasons. The traditional coffee production system in the area is based on agroforestry, with the integration of tree-crop production. Agroforestry is a fundamental coffee forest system in the Gedeo Zone, distinguishing it from other coffee forest areas (Zinabu 2015). To increase coffee yield to an economically feasible level, the plantation of shade trees and canopy management are crucial. The planting of coffee shade trees varies depending on new and old plantation sites in the study area. The Gedeo farmers have their own operational calendar for pollarding. Beekeeping in Gedeo is practised alongside other agricultural activities and has significant potential. The majority of households keep bees, utilising traditional (log and bamboo), top bar (transitional), and movable frame (modern) bee hives, as classified by Gebretsadik et al. (2016). Around 31% of beekeepers harvest honey only once a year, mostly using traditional hives. The remaining 69% harvest honey twice a year, as they provide supplementary feed during the dry season and follow seasonal colony management practices. Beekeeping contributes over 15% to the total household incomes of rural communities in the area. Despite facing constraints and challenges, there are ample opportunities to maximise the potential and improve community livelihoods in a sustainable manner. Different tribes possess well-developed

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indigenous knowledge on successive honey harvesting methods without harming the colonies. Agrobiodiversity The Gedeo region offers a unique opportunity to study the relationship between humans and the environment, which is upheld through indigenous institutions, values, and practices. The Gedeo people are renowned for their innovative agroforestry system, which is vital for their survival. The land in this area exhibits remarkable variations in altitude and geomorphology over short distances. Within a span of just 30 km, the altitude rises sharply from 1200 m above sea level (m.a.s.l.) in the east (the Rift floor) to 3200 m a.s.l. in the west. The total land utilised in Gedeo covers 134,686 ha, with agroforestry accounting for 94.5% of the area, grassland 1.4%, wetland 0.8%, natural forest 0.5%, plantations 0.1%, and others 2.7%. This indicates a strong prevalence of the agroforestry system (Mebrate 2007). The nominated area’s agroforestry cover exceeds 95% of the total land coverage. Among the agrobiodiversity in Gedeo, 40% is occupied by enset and coffee crops, with Ensete ventricosum (enset) occupying 21% and Coffea arabica (coffee) occupying 19%. Native woody species associated with enset-coffee crops play a significant role in ensuring food security and ecological sustainability. The variation in soil formation is influenced by the distinctive gradient, with rolling slopes incised by perennial rivers in the highlands and alluvial deposits in the lowlands. On the highlands where soil is formed on volcanic rocks (rhyolites) and the slope gradient is steeper, soil depth ranges from 50 cm to 2 m, consisting mostly of clay mixed with scree. As one descends to lower altitudes, the soil becomes thicker and predominantly silty clay or clayey silt. This fertile soil, combined with the altitudinal variation, fosters the growth of diverse and abundant plant life across various ecozones. Due to the topographic characteristics, the area is unsuitable for settlement and monocropping agriculture. Some areas have slope gradients reaching up to 70%, with nearly 50% of the landscape characterised by steep slopes exceeding 10% gradient. As per the country’s land use policy, such areas should remain free from any agricultural activity. Any activity conducted on land with a slope gradient above 30% should prioritise protection. However, the Gedeo people have been successfully cultivating land with slopes above 30% without major environmental issues, despite the challenges posed by cultivating such steep terrain prone to mass movement. The traditional farming system employed by the Gedeo enables them to cultivate all necessary crops in a small area, fostering mutual support among the plants. The Gedeo agriculture boasts a plant biodiversity consisting of a total of 195 species distributed across 155 genera and 66 families. The Fabaceae family has the highest number of species (17 species, 8.72%), followed by Asteraceae and Euphorbiaceae (11 species each, 5.64%), Poaceae (10 species, 5.13%), Lamiaceae (10 species, 5.13%), and Rosaceae and Solanaceae (8 species each, 4.10%). The Gedeo agroforestry system exhibits a forest-like appearance, characterised by several tree species such as Millettia ferruginea, Croton macrostachyus, Cordia

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africana, Fagaropsis angolensis, and Brucea antidysenterica. Among these, Millettia ferruginea is highly favoured by the Gedeo people for its positive impact on soil fertility. Coffee and enset plants benefit from its shade, as it has a light crown and small leaves. During the active growing season of coffee shoots and fruits, this tree sheds its leaves. In fact, 96% of the sampled plots contained this tree species along with other woody species. On the other hand, Croton macrostachyus is preferred by people living in highlands areas due to its soil fertility enhancement properties. However, those in the midlands believe it is unsuitable for coffee plants as it depletes soil moisture. This tree is also used for treating skin problems and stomach disorders. Brucea antidysenterica is deliberately retained in the agroforestry system due to its medicinal value in treating dysentery (Kassa 2015; Kippie 2002). The species in the agrobiodiversity of Gedeo can be categorised into four different growth forms: tree, shrub, herb, and climber. Herb and tree species account for 39% (76 species) and 31.3% (61 species) of the total composition, respectively. Shrub species represent 22.0% (43 species), while climbers make up 7.70% (15 species). Ensete ventricosum, Coffea arabica, Millettia ferruginea, and Croton macrostachyus are frequently observed species in Gedeo’s agrobiodiversity. The dominant groups in Gedeo’s agrobiodiversity are the woody species associated with enset-coffee cultivation, which play a crucial role in the environmental and ecological sustainability of the region. The agrobiodiversity primarily consists of the enset-coffee agroforestry system, which constitutes a significant portion of the overall agrobiodiversity. Maintaining this system with high agrobiodiversity in Gedeo’s home gardens is driven by the objective of achieving self-sufficiency in producing almost all necessary subsistence products, minimising crop losses from hazards, producing diverse food items that meet the household’s nutritional needs, and ensuring year-round availability of harvestable food crops. These findings are supported by the studies of Cromwell et al. (1999) and Abebe et al. (2010). A study conducted by Asfaw (2001) identified a total of 165 plant species belonging to 135 genera and 65 families as useful plants in Gedeo’s home gardens and the surrounding areas. Among the useful plants recorded, 45% were herbaceous, 31% were trees, 18% were shrubs, and 6% were climbers. The Fabaceae family had the highest representation with 16 (9.6%) species, followed by Poaceae with 11 (6.6%), Asteraceae with 10 (6.0%), Lamiaceae with 9 (5.4%), and Solanaceae with 8 (4.8%) species. Out of the total, 92 species (56%) were cultivated plants, of which 54 (33% of the total) were edible. The remaining 73 species (44% of the total) were wild or semi-wild useful plants managed in and around home gardens, either tolerated, encouraged, or deliberately planted. Among the total species, 68 (41%) were edible, 32 (19%) were medicinal, 34 (21%) were ornamental, and 40 (24%) were used in the material culture of the Gedeo people. Furthermore, 29 species (18%) were categorised as forage plants, 26 (16%) as live fences, 19 (12%) as firewood, and 37 (22%) as miscellaneous uses. Additionally, there were 43 multipurpose species, accounting for 26% of the total. Woody species were integral components of Gedeo’s home gardens, with 81 species (49%) being trees and shrubs managed in and around home gardens for various purposes. Community matrix ranking and analysis of the index of cultural significance identified Syzygium guineense, Cordia africana, and

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Albizia gummifera as the most culturally important plants among the multipurpose species. These results indicate that these species are more vulnerable to depletion and, therefore, require high conservation priority. Similarly, Ensete ventricosum, Zea mays, and Brassica carinata were identified as important food crops, while Coffea arabica, followed by Catha edulis, were considered significant cash crops in the area (Tamrat 2011 ). Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The Gedeo people have developed an indigenous agroforestry system based on their local knowledge. They primarily cultivate enset, an indigenous food crop, and coffee trees while also preserving the natural forest for environmental sustainability. This system has allowed them to sustain themselves for hundreds of years without experiencing hunger or drought. The agroforestry system creates multiple layers of canopy, with trees providing shade, enset plants offering shade and water during droughts, and coffee plants benefiting from the shade and water. Smaller plants at the base thrive with sufficient water and limited light. The Gedeo agriculturalists have a deep understanding of the symbiotic relationship among these various plants. The Gedeo people have a long-standing agricultural tradition that is adapted to the local landscape. They maintain the agroforestry system through their traditional institutions. Within this landscape, there are archaeological sites that bear witness to a rich history of megalithic traditions spanning several hundred years. These megalithic sites, which have been created over 700 years, are abundant, with at least 60 documented sites. The Gedeo people continue to preserve and protect these archaeological sites through their traditional institutions. In the midst of the enset and coffee farms, they have also conserved fragmented forests that harbour indigenous plant species. These spots are actively used by elders to perform rituals that focus on preserving the balance between nature and humans. Additionally, the Gedeo people plant, care for, and nurture indigenous tree varieties. These trees provide much-needed shade in the coffee plantations, protecting the coffee trees from direct sunlight. Thus, the Gedeo land showcases an adaptation to rugged terrain through the conservation of indigenous tree species and the cultivation of interdependent crop types: enset for food and coffee for the market and consumption. Due to their agricultural and soil conservation practices, the Gedeo area has so far been able to avoid drought and food shortages resulting from climatic hazards. The entire landscape captivates any traveller with its scenic beauty, characterised by rolling terrain covered with enset, coffee, and indigenous trees. The Gedeo people have established an indigenous agroforestry system based on their locally developed knowledge, primarily cultivating enset and coffee trees while also preserving the natural forest to sustain the environment. This system has enabled them to sustain themselves for hundreds of years without experiencing hunger or drought. The Gedeo agriculturalists have a deep understanding of the symbiotic relationship between the various plants. Within the enset and coffee farms, they have preserved and protected fragmented forests that harbour indigenous plant species. These areas are also actively used for rituals by elders to maintain the balance between nature and humans. Additionally, the Gedeo people have a megalithic culture

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with numerous stelae in at least 60 documented locations within their landscape, dating back to the eighth century. Petroglyphs of earlier forms of cattle can be found in ancient cave walls, reflecting the region’s history of cattle herding. All of these features illustrate the complex social order and cultural development of the Gedeo people over time, influenced by their natural environment and various social, economic, and cultural forces. The indigenous farmers of the Gedeo communities have been using local knowledge to protect and conserve soil resources. These practices have enabled them to increase food production and improve their livelihoods in rugged terrain without negative impacts on the environment. Kanshie (2012) argued that land degradation, soil erosion, and nutrient depletion contribute to low agricultural productivity, poverty, and food insecurity in many hilly areas. However, the study conducted by Kanshie (2012) stated that Gedeo farmers have been able to create ecologically sound and economically viable land use systems through their traditional practices and local knowledge. They have been able to sustain their livelihoods and preserve the environment in rugged and undulated landscapes, avoiding food insecurity, flooding, and soil erosion. Therefore, the current study aims to document the local knowledge practices related to tree conservation, soil fertility management, and acidic soil amendments in the highland (Dega) and midland (Woina-dega) agroecological zones. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The origin of the Gedeo people is not well documented. According to Tadesse Kippie Kanshie, one story suggests that the Gedeo trace their roots back to the aboriginal tribe called Murgga-Gosallo, possibly the earliest inhabitants of the region (Centre 2018). Another Gedeo tradition links their origins to a figure named Daraso, who was the older brother of Gujo, the ancestor of the Guji Oromo, and Boro, the ancestor of the Borana Oromo. These two pastoral groups live to the east of the Gedeo. This tradition may have originated from the Oromo practice of adopting indigenous ethnic groups in large numbers, known as guddifacha. Daraso is said to have had seven sons from two wives, and these sons became the ancestors of the seven Gedeo clans: Doobba’a, Darashsha, Gorggorshsha, Hanuma, Bakarro, Henbba’a, and Logoda. These clans are further organised into two groups or “houses”: Shoole baxxe, consisting of the first four clans and Sase baxee, comprising the last three clans. The Shoole baxxee has more than twenty-five sub-tribes, while the Sase baxxe has ten sub-tribes, all of which practice exogamy (Kippie 2002). Each clan has specific roles attributed to it, with only members from certain clans or sub-clans being eligible for leadership positions, while others perform duties associated with rituals, traditional medicine, and so on. For instance, the Aba Gada position was traditionally filled by a member of the Logoda or Henbba’a clans (CSAE 2009). The Gedeo people believe in Mageno, the supreme being, considering his works of creation as manifestations of his presence. As a result, the Gedeo hold great reverence for nature in general. They also recognise the role of the elderly men and women as intermediaries between Mageno and humanity. Ancestral spirits are considered legitimate intermediaries as well. Some individuals among the Gedeo are regarded as saints, known as Wabeeko, and are believed to possess the ability

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to predict future events. When individuals are troubled about their relationship with Mageno, they consult the Wabeeko for advice. Certain places, such as riversides, hillsides, or large trees, serve as locations where individuals present their petitions to Mageno. The Gedeo often offer xeero, which are offerings presented to Mageno. A xeero typically consists of a piece of food and/or a mouthful of honey sprayed over the area. During these rituals, the Gedeo acknowledge Mageno as the creator of these natural elements, such as rivers, hills, or trees. This practice is sometimes misunderstood by outsiders as pagan. Each Gedeo village has its own songgo, a place for communal prayer called qeexala. Christian missionaries arrived among the Gedeo in the early 1950s and established two churches: the Ethiopian Kalehiywot Church and the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekaneyesus. The Ethiopian Kalehiywot Church attracted the majority of the Gedeo population and had a significant influence. According to the Central Statistical Authority (1996), 43.2% of the Gedeo population today identifies as Protestant Christian, predominantly affiliated with either of these two Protestant churches. Followers of the original Gedeo religion make up 24.6% of the population. Orthodox Ethiopian Christians account for 28%, while Catholic Christians and Muslims represent 2.8% each. The latter three religions are primarily practised in towns. The majority of the rural population (over 83% of the total) either follows the indigenous religion or identifies as Protestant Christian. The missionaries found it relatively easy to introduce Christianity among the Gedeo, as they only needed to replace the Gedeo’s concept of Mageno with the Christian God. The Gedeo were already familiar with the concept of the Christian God due to previous exposure to Orthodox Ethiopian Christians. However, the missionaries were able to relate this concept to the Gedeo’s situation, specifically their oppression by feudalists who professed Christianity themselves. The idea of equality before God for all races, nations, men, and women, as emphasised by the missionaries, strongly resonated with the Gedeo. Similar situations were reported for Christian missionaries working among other peoples, such as the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus (EECMY) among the Sidamo and the Oromo (Tolo 1989). The Gedeo culture is characterised by two distinct features. Firstly, there is the baalle, a tradition of ranks and age classes that resembles the Gadaa system of the Oromo people. Beckingham and Huntingford describe this system as consisting of seven grades that span a 10-year period, creating a 70-year cycle. The Gedeo adopted this practice from the Guji Oromo, with whom they historically had a close relationship. On the other hand, their agricultural economy is centred around cultivating enset, similar to their neighbouring Sidama people, whose language is closely related to theirs. Geopolitically, the Gedeo are considered Horners, while ethnically, they are categorised as Cushites (Wikipedia). The Gedeo have various cultural practices, including culturally enriched annual ceremonies and significant life events. This study highlights two major traditions: Fachi’e and Deraro. The Gedeo believe in Megeno, the One Supreme God, and their religious practices are rooted in tradition, originating indigenously, and strongly intertwined with the natural environment. Fachi’e and Deraro serve as the key cultural festivals of the Gedeo people. The Gedeo possess a rich culture that promotes hard work and egalitarian principles. Begging for money or food, even for the blind and physically disabled, is strictly

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prohibited. Until recently, the Gedeo generally avoided engaging in paid work, a sentiment that still prevails in many rural areas. Violence is also discouraged, as the Gedeo believe that violence begets only more violence. Therefore, taking the life of another human being is not merely considered a crime, but a curse (munddo) among the Gedeo. Those who commit such acts in any form are subjected to excommunication. A special purification process must be undertaken to reintegrate those who were compelled to kill during times of war. Before slaughtering animals for food, the Gedeo offer prayers (mageno kadhata) or make offerings (xeeroo). Theft, lying, and adultery are regarded as socially and morally reprehensible. Individuals who engage in these acts are publicly punished. Baallee, the Gedeo gada tradition, is also an integral part of their cultural heritage. Various methods, such as songs (e.g., olkka, sirbba, wereío, qeexala, googoree, wiídhishsha, gadda, boochchisaa, weeddo, dookko, meella) and mass meetings (haagana) that foster public debates, are employed to transmit these principles and values to the younger generation. The Gedeo possess drums that accompany their songs. The drum (okolee) holds such significance in Gedeo culture that there are specialists dedicated to its production. The Gedeo also have a vibrant sporting culture that includes activities such as jumping (utaalchcha), running (gongga), throwing (mogido), and hockey (qallee). The game played by two individuals using stones on a wooden board or stone (saddeeqaa) remains popular. There is limited archaeological and anthropological documentation pertaining to the Gedeo, not due to a lack of evidence, but rather a lack of research. French archaeologists studying in the Gedeo Zone (Tutu-Fela site) are now making some efforts in this regard. There are numerous megaliths scattered throughout Gedeo territory, some of which are claimed to predate the Egyptian pyramids. Unfortunately, these cultural heritages, which hold immense potential for learning and enrichment, have not been adequately recorded and are rapidly disappearing with the elder generation. This is an area where the Kale-Hiywot Church, mistakenly regarding all traditional practices as satanic, has inflicted significant damage. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The Gedeo Mixed Cultural and Natural Landscape represents the harmonious blend of nature and cultural civilisation. It is a result of human interaction with the natural environment. Within the agroforestry zone, one can observe the presence of ancient megalithic stones scattered throughout the vast natural heritage of Gedeo. The Gedeo region occupies a portion of the east-African rift floor and its western escarpment. This geographical setting gives the landscape a rapid increase in altitude, ranging from 1200 to 3200 m above sea level along a 20 km east–west transect. The volcanic nature of the terrain has led to the formation of soil layers, which are typically 2–5 m thick on the higher slopes. One distinctive feature of the Gedeo landscape is the abundant presence of enset plants (Enset ventricosum), which serve as the defining flora. Enset is a vital staple food for the Gedeo people. Alongside enset, they also cultivate coffee (Coffea arabica) when the altitude is suitable (between 1500 and 2500 m above sea level). In higher altitudes (above 2500 m above sea level) where coffee trees are not favourable,

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enset is cultivated alone. Indigenous tree species are also cultivated by the Gedeo to provide shade for the coffee plants. Additionally, they grow root crops such as cassava, magnock, beans, cabbage, medicinal plants, and shrubs used as fodder for their animals. Thus, these plants establish a unique symbiotic relationship, each occupying its distinct vertical space. The Gedeo cultural landscape is a remarkable testament to the indigenous knowledge and adaptation of agroforestry practices. This is evident both on the ground and through satellite imagery, and its archaeological significance goes beyond local and national boundaries. In addition to the exceptional agroforestry practices, the Gedeo region is renowned for its abundance of megalithic monuments that dot the landscape. Since the early twentieth century, numerous researchers have visited the area and witnessed the great variety and quantity of these monuments throughout Gedeo land. The archaeological richness of the region further reveals evidence of Neolithic herders who once inhabited the landscape. Petroglyphic art found in ancient caves and ritual sites indicates occupation prior to the arrival of agriculturalists. Two particularly distinct and unique sites, Shappe and Odda-Galma, bear witness to the presence of pastoralists who herded specific types of cattle. However, these cattle types disappeared from the local archaeological records before the beginning of the current era. The artistic style and execution of these sites make them truly exceptional. The Gedeo cultural landscape, characterised by its highland agroforestry system and the presence of megalithic and cave art sites, exemplifies the enduring traditional agricultural knowledge, resilience, and adaptive strategies of the people throughout the past millennia in this region. Since the eighth century, the Gedeo have embraced a megalithic culture, evidenced by the existence of numerous stelae in at least 60 documented locations within their landscape. Furthermore, the landscape bears witness to a time when cattle herding began in this area, with petroglyphs depicting earlier forms of cattle engraved on ancient cave walls, dating back to the 2nd and 3rd millennium BC. These elements provide insights into the complex social order and cultural development that have shaped the Gedeo cultural landscape over time, influenced by the physical characteristics of their natural environment and various external and internal forces. The specific land use practices employed by the Gedeo still remain somewhat mysterious. What is known is the output it yields, including coffee, honey, highquality rams (male sheep), and enset as a food source. It does not fall into the categories of pure agriculture, cattle raising, or forestry. This posed a significant challenge for many agricultural specialists who were assigned to work with the Gedeo, as they had a primary focus on cereal crops. For the farmers, the cultivation of enset served as a survival strategy. While many landlords were not interested in enset as a food source, they found coffee appealing. The ability of farmers to intercrop these two plants was crucial to them. The landlords did not interfere with this intercropping arrangement, as it benefited both parties by ensuring a sustained yield. The farmers derived minimal benefits from coffee production, as a significant portion of it went to the landlords, who intentionally extended the tax from previous years. For each unit of coffee unpaid in the previous year, the

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landlord would receive two units in subsequent years. This practice became one of the primary ways in which farmers were pushed into indebtedness. Consequently, it was more advantageous for gabar farmers to give all the coffee produced as a kind of tax to the landlord. By receiving all the produce as tax, the landlord had nothing to extend into the following year.

2.7 The Marakwet Traditional Irrigation System, Kenya (Sheilla Jeruto Tallam, Antonio Santoro, Francesco Piras)

Summary Information Location of the site

The Marakwet irrigation furrows are situated in Elgeyo Marakwet County in the Western part of Kenya along Africa’s Great Rift Valley 0°39 38.1 N, 35°32 35.6 E

Area of coverage

300,000 ha

Topographic features The County comprises three distinctive topographical zones: the Escarpment (11% of the total land area), the Highlands (49% of the total land area), and the Valley (40% of the total land area) (continued)

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(continued) Climate type

Temperatures range from a minimum of 14 °C to a maximum of 24 °C. The rainfall ranges between 400 mm and 1400 mm/annum. Seventy-two percent of the County’s land area is arable and is used for crop production and livestock rearing (Ministry of Agriculture Livestock and Fisheries, 2017). In the escarpment, sorghum, millet, maize, and beans are grown despite the high risk of rock falls, landslides, and soil erosion. The highlands are 7 suitable for maize, beans, potatoes, and wheat. The area is also conducive for sheep and dairy cows. Whereas the valley is a semi-arid area and farmers grow such crops as groundnuts, green grams and fruits, they also keep indigenous cattle (zebu cattle), poultry, goats and sheep

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Marakwet community

Global Significance The Marakwet community developed their traditional irrigation systems approximately 500 years ago, relying entirely on farming activities in these dry lands. The decision to settle in their current location was influenced by security concerns, as documented by Kipkorir (1983). The Cherangany hills forests and Kerio River provided protection from the west and east, respectively. By strategically settling on the escarpment, the Marakwet could easily spot enemies crossing from the Kerio River. Additionally, the fear of venturing beyond the Kerio River and the dense Cherangany hills forests limited the Marakwet to the flat land between the escarpment and the river. Due to the arid and semi-arid climate and limited water availability in the flat lands, the Marakwet turned to irrigation to cultivate their farms, utilising furrows to supply water and establishing the Marakwet traditional irrigation systems. Initially, the construction of the furrows relied on locally available materials such as tree leaves, grass, tree logs, and mud from light soil. However, frequent breakdowns and soil erosion challenges led to modifications in the materials used for construction at intake points, water distribution, and transmission. Over time, this traditional irrigation system has evolved through individual and community knowledge, supporting a diverse range of crops including cereals, legumes, and fruits. It holds significant economic, socio-cultural, and ecological value for the Marakwet community. Irrigation systems play a crucial role in ensuring food security, especially in arid and semi-arid areas. The skill of irrigation was developed thousands of years ago as a means to promote food security. Since its inception, irrigation has played a significant role in crop production worldwide, with projections indicating that one-third of the world’s food is produced through irrigation (FAO 1995). The importance of the Marakwet landscape, both for the community and its diverse practices, has been recognised by UNESCO. The Marakwet traditional irrigation system was listed as a World Heritage site in September 2018. UNESCO considers

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the irrigation system, along with the entire associated tangible and intangible heritage within the landscape, to possess exceptional universal value deserving of recognition. Food and Livelihood Security The location of Arror falls within the arid and semi-arid regions of agroecological zones III, IV, and V. The majority of farming activities are concentrated in agroecological zone IV, which accounts for approximately 60% of the location’s area. Zone IV is characterised by a moisture index of less than 50%, low annual mean rainfall ranging from 600 to 1000 mm, and warm mean temperatures of 22–25 °C. These dry conditions are not conducive to sufficient food production, thus necessitating the establishment of traditional irrigation systems. The irrigated areas are generally flat with gentle slopes towards the Kerio River on the eastern side. To overcome water scarcity, the Arror community harnesses water from the Arror River and channels it through furrows to flood the farms. The furrows provide 100% of the required water during the dry season and serve as supplementary irrigation during the rainy season. In times of extended drought, the system is highly reliable, ensuring the community maintains normal food production. The farmers employ a planting system that involves intercropping and separately planting multiple crops within the same farm. Cereals (such as maize, finger millet, sorghum, and green peas), fruits (including bananas, papayas, mangoes, and watermelons), horticultural crops (such as kale, cabbage, tomatoes, onions, and capsicum), and other crops like cassava, sweet potatoes, cotton, and pasture (Napier grass) for livestock are the main crops cultivated. These crops serve both household (subsistence) and commercial purposes. Many farmers generate income by selling surplus produce to local and regional traders, and even internally, such as with graft apple mangoes. However, the demand for farm produce within the community is typically low, and better markets are found in neighbouring urban centres like Iten, Eldoret, and Kabarnet. Small-scale traders have established themselves within the local market centres in Arror. The limited demand within the location leads to low prices for farm products, resulting in fluctuating crop prices, resource wastage, and reduced agricultural activities. The lack of proper transport infrastructure hinders trading outside the community, as the major road connecting Iten and Kabarnet is unpaved and includes bridges, impeding the movement of people and goods to external markets. In addition to crop cultivation, traditional irrigation furrows also support dairy livestock keeping, although this practice is not yet widespread among the Marakwet community, known primarily for their livestock keeping of cattle, goats, and sheep. The Marakwet community, being agropastoral, heavily relies on agriculture as their main source of food and income. Elgeyo Marakwet County has fertile soils suitable for growing crops like sorghum, finger millet, cassava, and maize, which have contributed significantly to the county’s economy. The irrigation system plays a crucial role in supplementing rainfed agriculture during dry seasons, ensuring food and livelihood security in the region. The presence of granaries in the area indicates that the majority of the community produces enough food, storing surplus for future use. The grains are stored in separate granaries for the husband and wife, a tradition

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widely practised by the Marakwet community as a food security measure. The man’s granary serves as a strategic food reserve during droughts, while the woman controls her granary and balances the amount of food for household consumption and surplus for sale to meet household needs. The granaries are circular in shape, with floors and inner walls smeared with cow dung mixed with clay. They are constructed using mud, stone, and wattle, elevated on stone stilts to protect the grains from rodents and pests. The traditional irrigation furrows play a crucial role in crop cultivation in the area, and their management involves the entire community in maintenance and water distribution to farmers. For centuries, Marakwet households have been able to produce sufficient food thanks to the irrigation system. The traditional irrigation systems have tremendous potential in achieving and sustaining food security in households and the region as a whole. In conclusion, the production of food crops in Arror heavily relies on traditional furrow irrigation. The main planting seasons are April, May, September, October, November, and December, with two harvest seasons in March and August for most food crops, excluding perennial crops like cassava. Agrobiodiversity The traditional irrigation system of the Marakwet community has enabled them to cultivate various crops, including both local varieties and improved species that are agriculturally important. This is particularly significant because the area, categorised as agroecological zone IV, has limited vegetation and experiences short growing seasons, which can be further hindered by unpredictable rainfall patterns. Without human intervention, this region would constantly rely on external food supplies. However, thanks to the irrigation system, a wide range of crops can be grown, such as maize, beans, sorghum, finger millet, traditional millet varieties, green peas, cowpeas, paw paw, bananas, local mangoes, apple mangoes, cotton, groundnuts, onions, vegetables, horticultural crops (kale, cabbage, onions, peppers, tomatoes), potatoes, watermelon, melons, capsicum, and Napier fodder for livestock. In total, approximately 25 different types of field crops and fruits are cultivated using irrigation. In Arror, maize and millet are highly valued crops due to their cultural significance. They are used to produce traditional alcoholic beverages for important community events such as rites of passage, welcoming distinguished visitors, and performing certain rituals. These crops are grown by all farmers and are abundantly available within the community. Other crops, especially fruits and cotton, have primarily economic importance. Their markets lie outside the community, in nearby urban areas, and some, like apple mangoes, are even exported. The primary areas for cultivating sorghum and finger millet are located on the valley floor, where families commonly farm communal land measuring half to one hectare, often divided into multiple plots. Many families also have maize fields of up to half a hectare in the higher parts of the hills. In contrast to crop farming, livestock rearing is not as developed in the area. The community still practises traditional free-range livestock keeping, maintaining

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indigenous breeds of cattle, goats, and sheep. Livestock graze freely in the fields, with the exception of areas where crops have been planted and fenced off. The main livestock kept includes goats, cows, poultry, and some families also rear sheep. Half of the families own beehives since honey holds significant importance for the community, serving as food, sweetener, medicine, and an ingredient for brewing traditional liquor. Honey is also used in preparing herbal medicine. Goats serve as a source of meat, milk, and income for the community. During the wet season, each goat produces a cup of milk, which is given to children. Goats hold both economic and ceremonial value and are used for settling debts, paying for water, fines, providing meat to those who help with farm work, marriage settlements, and ceremonial occasions. Sheep, on the other hand, are seen as humble creatures that do not pose a threat to crops. They are sacrificed in certain circumstances, such as to heal breaches in irrigation canals, restore land affected by pests or landslides, or at locations where someone has been killed. Compensation for losses, however, is paid in goats. Sheep are associated with healing wounds, while goats symbolise building the future. The community also cultivates traditional crops, known as “orphan crops,” including sorghum, millet, green grams, and cowpeas, among others, using the traditional irrigation system. This system plays a crucial role in promoting agrobiodiversity, as water is used not only for irrigating crops but also for livestock and household consumption. Being agropastoral, the community’s way of life ensures a harmonious and mutually beneficial relationship between flora and fauna. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The traditional irrigation system of the Marakwet community relies on the Arror River, which diverts its water through furrows. A portion of the river is blocked, and logs are used to redirect the water into the furrows. These furrows are designed to allow gravity-driven water flow and can cover distances of up to 4 km from the intake point. The furrows are dug on the ground, but in some cases, they are raised, especially in areas with gullies or depressions. Water from the main furrows is then distributed to clans, families, and individuals in the community through sub-furrows. The construction of these furrows utilises locally available materials such as logs (at the intake), twigs, barks, leaves, grass, soil, and stones (over gullies and depressions). This system, which was established about 500 years ago, effectively optimises the available resources. At the farm level, fields are flooded with water to allow the soil to absorb moisture. However, this practice is not ideal as it can lead to uneven water distribution and, in some cases, result in sheet erosion. A committee is responsible for managing all the indigenous irrigation furrows, appointing individuals annually to monitor the system’s functioning. These individuals work tirelessly and seek community engagement when needed. Of particular importance are the furrow intakes, as disruptions can lead to dry furrows. The monitoring individuals spend their time inspecting the furrows and only seek assistance from the community for issues beyond their capabilities. Routine tasks include clearing soil deposits from the furrows, addressing leakages, clearing vegetation along the furrow edges, and blocking water at the furrow intakes during heavy rainfall episodes.

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Breakages in the furrows are a common challenge, often caused by falling rocks or weakened structures due to water pressure. Flooding is another significant hazard, resulting from excessive water intake or heavy rainfall. Loose soil, easily carried away by water, exacerbates the damage caused by flooding. These incidents frequently disrupt farm operations. To prevent excessive water diversion, spillways are incorporated into the furrows. Monitoring individuals are responsible for releasing the spillways and opening sluice gates when necessary. In return for their work, these individuals receive priority water supply to their own farms and special recognition within the community. When challenges arise and excess, insufficient, or no water reaches the farms, the monitoring individuals take action. If overwhelmed, they call upon the respective clans or families to collaborate in rectifying the situation. The community members are summoned by blowing a horn, indicating their presence is required to attend to the furrows. Each household benefiting from irrigation through a specific furrow must be represented during maintenance and repairs. Representation is typically limited to capable men who can handle the demanding tasks. Regularly, the community organises collective maintenance efforts, involving vegetation clearing, obstacle removal, desilting, and furrow repairs. Participants utilise common farm implements like shovels, hoes, and pangas, with tasks assigned according to their physical abilities. Upon completion, the participants gather to identify any households not represented and evaluate the validity of their absence, such as illness. If a homestead fails to send a representative, they are fined a goat, which is then slaughtered and consumed by those who attended to the furrows. Overall, this maintenance and repair approach can be considered efficient and effective. It operates on a non-bureaucratic basis, with supervision determined collaboratively by elderly participants and furrow monitors. The imposition of fines for nonrepresentation motivates widespread participation. Furthermore, the cost of the entire process is minimal as participants are not paid. The essential aspect of this approach lies in public participation. However, a notable drawback is the representation of certain families by young boys who may lack the ability to contribute substantially. This trend is concerning as it may eventually lead to a loss of morale among capable adults who might opt to send young boys in their place. The consequence would be subpar work and inefficient furrows. The skill of utilising water furrows for irrigation dates back to the Marakwet community’s early occupation of the Kerio Valley around 1800. The design and management of the Marakwet irrigation system have been preserved through traditional knowledge passed down from generation to generation. The construction of furrows using traditional materials like wood, mud, grass, stones, and leaves has withstood the test of time, even in the face of pressures for modernisation. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The Marakwet community has greatly relied on the traditional irrigation system, which has played a vital role in preserving their culture, values, and social organisation. It has specifically supported the production of staple crops like millet, sorghum, and maize, which are used for food and traditional alcohol. These crops are prepared

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as light porridge for toddlers and thick porridge for those who can consume solid food. Moreover, these crops hold significant cultural importance in Marakwet traditions. They are used to brew traditional alcohol served during rite of passage ceremonies, marriage proposals, and actual marriage ceremonies. Serving this alcohol to important visitors signifies a high level of respect. If elders are not served the alcohol during their visits, it indicates a lack of friendship with the homestead. This traditional alcohol also promotes social cohesion by being served as a refreshing drink to the elders. The Marakwet community exhibits a highly interconnected society in the construction, maintenance, and water sharing of the irrigation system. They recognise the interdependence of their existence, leading to collaborative efforts in utilising the scarce resources in their area. The construction of irrigation furrows is a collective endeavour, involving clans and villages, with each household sending a representative (usually men). They have established a well-organised system of water sharing and display compassion towards those who are unwilling to participate in communal furrow repairs and maintenance. Water sharing guidelines and regulations are developed and passed by the community as a whole. Certain regulations, such as not using the furrow water for laundry, bathing, or washing utensils, ensure water quality downstream. Under Marakwet customary laws, it is forbidden for women to divert furrow irrigation water to crop fields, as this responsibility traditionally belongs to men. Women who are menstruating are culturally prohibited from having contact with the furrow water due to fears of contamination, which could lead to furrow leakage, structural damage, or drying up of the furrow streams. These beliefs and regulations are in place to maintain water quality for downstream users. The practice of shifting cultivation among the Marakwet community has resulted in unique land ownership patterns. Individuals own small pieces of land in different sections of the location to facilitate resource sharing. Initially, the limitations of the traditional furrow irrigation system meant that a common piece of land was identified and shared equally among community members each season. As a result, individuals ended up owning multiple small pieces of land, each measuring less than a quarter of an acre. The rights to utilise irrigation channels are tied to localised clan sections, and the channels are named after the clans. Clans are spread across the Marakwet territory, so many clans have multiple lands and corresponding furrows. It is not uncommon for multiple furrows to share the same name, either derived from a broader clan unit or features of the landscape, events, stories, or significant people in the community. In general, most channels have multiple names. Furrows are communally owned and flexible, meaning they are not individually owned but rather individuals have the right to use them. The rights to use a channel are primarily tied to clans, so historically, furrows are associated with kinship. Each clan plays a significant role in the construction and maintenance of the irrigation channels. To have the privilege of using the irrigation system, individuals must engage in agricultural activities and contribute to the communal maintenance of the channels.

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Men are primarily responsible for furrow maintenance, while women play a role in collecting and transporting building materials. Women make decisions regarding the crops grown in the fields and are responsible for tilling the land, making their choices and decisions influential in determining the household’s crop selection. While the rights to use irrigation channels for agricultural purposes are tied to kinship, access to water for domestic use is available to anyone in need. Therefore, water is considered a communal resource, while the rights to channel water to the fields are contingent on kinship and other previously discussed conditions. According to Östberg (2015), fields are still cultivated today using the same tools and methods as in the 70s. Industrially produced hoes and machetes were already commonly used back then. In those times, most families owned two to three machetes, two to four hoes, and an axe. All the farm work was done manually, and this practice continues to this day. In the 1970s, men irrigated the land by moving water with long-shafted hoes to cover all corners of the field. Nowadays, women have also taken on this activity, but the maintenance of the canals remains predominantly a male responsibility. The most notable feature of the area is the pre-colonial irrigation complex, which has been managed in essentially the same way for 300 years. Drawing water from the rivers without the use of machinery is a skillful and expert operation. The process involves transporting water down the steep escarpment, reaching a depth of 1000 m to the Kerio Valley. Dams are used to direct the water into several kilometres of carefully levelled and embanked canals along the escarpment. In certain sections, aqueducts are constructed using hollow tree trunks and supported by wooden gallows, enabling the water to eventually reach the valley and irrigate the fields. The construction of irrigation furrows involves the use of logs, brushwood, rocks, grass, and soil to define their path and reinforce their structure. The local knowledge and utilisation of local materials allow the water to flow along approximately 40 km of the escarpment. There are a total of 91 main canals, totaling 315 km in length. Water allocation for irrigation to farming households is determined by the clan’s water council. The distribution of water for irrigation primarily relies on communal participation in furrow maintenance. According to Adams et al. (1997), households have the right to be allocated water during any irrigation period of their choice. Those who do not have rights to any canals obtain water by forming alliances with clans that own the furrows or by purchasing it. Additionally, Adams et al. (1997) noted that households without furrow rights typically acquire water during free periods when clans are “taking over” water from other members. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The Marakwet community settled in an area characterised by diverse land forms, including steep slopes, hills, valleys, and some flat land. Their decision to settle in this region was influenced by security reasons, as mentioned earlier. Over time, the landscape has played a crucial role in the conception, design, and functioning of the Marakwet traditional irrigation system. A portion of water is diverted from the main river and directed to the relatively flat land by utilising the slope of the escarpment. Without these specific land forms, the irrigation system would not have

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been able to function and endure for such a long period. Recognising the value of the natural landscape, the Marakwet community has made efforts to preserve it, except for the gently sloping lands where farming is restricted. Some farmers have even established themselves along the escarpment. The cultivation of various cereals, fruits, and other crops has contributed to the enhancement of the landscape, which would have otherwise been arid or semi-arid. The range of crops grown in terms of variety and quantity has supported human settlements in the area. The analysis of land use and land cover modifications reveals the location and extent of different land use categories. It shows clearly demarcated farms where land has been modified for crop farming, both by private individuals and the Kerio Valley Development Authority (KVDA). The KVDA operates two farms in the area, with a combined area of 86 ha. Conversely, private individuals cultivate crops on a total area of 1394 ha. The modification of land cover and land use has been made possible through the utilisation of both traditional furrow irrigation and modern irrigation systems.

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Summary Information Location of the Kerio Valley, Baringo County Kenya site 0°36 22.7 N 35°37 40.2 E Area of coverage

10,000 ha

Topographic features

The site is around 800–1300 m.a.s.l. and lies between Tugen and the Elgeyo escarpments. Kerio River is the main river although there are other smaller rivers and streams such as river Eron

Climate type

Arid and semi-arid areas experiencing hot and dry as well as warm and wet periods. Average annual rainfall of about 400–760 mm and temperature of 24 °C (Iiyama et al. 2008)

Ethnicity/ indigenous population

Tugen (Arror and Samor) subtribe of the larger Kalenjin Tribe of Kenya

Global Significance Kerio Valley, located in Baringo County, is an agrobiodiversity heritage site situated between the Keiyo and Tugen escarpments. This site holds significance at the local, national, and global levels due to its impact on nutritional, environmental, cultural, social, and economic aspects. The valley not only serves as a source of food for the local residents but also for the wider region, including the exportation of valued products like dried mangoes and packaged mango juice. The cultivation of various food products in the area involves a combination of traditional knowledge systems and modern methods. The primary community in the region is the Tugen, which is further divided into sub-tribes known as Samor and Arror, each with its own distinct cultures. Intermarriage and migration have taken place due to the proximity of the Keiyo and Marakwet communities. The Kerio Valley Development Authority, a government parastatal, has been established to promote sustainable development in marginalised communities. It has provided support to the community through initiatives such as distributing fruit tree seedlings and facilitating the value addition of honey and mangoes. Agricultural production has been an integral part of the lives of Kerio Valley residents for many decades. Initially, pastoralism was the predominant practice with minimal farming. However, due to limited land availability, changing lifestyles, and the impact of climate change, crop farming has taken precedence. The practice of pastoralism has also diminished as more people have fenced their lands, restricting the free movement of livestock. Crop farming has evolved from cultivating traditional crops like beans, maize, millet, and sorghum to incorporating a wide range of fruits and crop varieties such as bananas, mangoes, and papayas. Similarly, livestock rearing has transitioned from raising traditional animal breeds to embracing crossbred improved cattle, sheep, and goat breeds.

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Food and Livelihood Security Kerio Valley is an ecosystem that produces a variety of foods due to its soil type and climatic conditions. The region cultivates different crops including bananas, pawpaws, citrus fruits, watermelons, beans, millet, sorghum, and mangoes. The site is particularly known for its authentic and specific crops, such as the sweet bananas which are aptly named due to their delightful taste. In addition to the sweet bananas, Kerio Valley also cultivates other banana varieties like Ng’ombe, Nusu Ng’ombe, Giant Cavendish, Phia 1, Phia 17, Chinese Dwarf, and Grand Naine. Pawpaw farming is another popular and unique agricultural practice in Kerio Valley, where the local residents cultivate the fruit for both household use and income generation. The Solo Sunrise Variety is the commonly grown pawpaw variety in the valley (Mfani 2020). Many farmers in the area focus on commercial pawpaw production, which not only enhances their livelihoods through sales but also creates employment opportunities on the farms and adds value to the fruit. Watermelon farming is a prevalent practice in Kerio Valley, where farmers rely on irrigation methods. It not only provides food but also generates revenue and employment opportunities for the local population. This has led to the emergence of a new business model, involving brokers who connect farmers to ready markets. From farm to market, the watermelon supply chain is well-established in Kerio Valley. The dominant watermelon variety in the region is the Sukari F1, which is renowned for its uniqueness, making Kerio Valley an important source of watermelons. The short maturation period and high yield per acreage contribute significantly to the community’s income, improving their social standards and ensuring food security in an arid and semi-arid area with unpredictable rainfall. Other common watermelon varieties in the region, albeit in smaller quantities, include Sugar baby, Crimson sweet, and Sweet rose. However, water scarcity, drought, and climate change pose challenges to watermelon farming. In 2018, the Government of Kenya reported that a severe water shortage was devastating farming in Kerio Valley (KNA 2018). Kerio Valley also thrives in the cultivation of cereals and grains such as maize, millet, sorghum, and beans. While maize production is insufficient to support the community, millet and sorghum flourish in the warm to hot weather conditions. Millet and sorghum fetch high prices in the market due to their nutritional value, to the extent that many people prescribe porridge or ugali made from these grains for the sick. Additionally, cassava, a drought-resistant crop, is commonly grown in Kerio Valley. Mango farming has positioned Kerio Valley in the international market due to its unique varieties and high yields. The valley continues to cultivate traditional mango varieties, which contribute to its prominence and the need for protection. Other recommended mango varieties available in Kerio Valley include Apple, Ngowe, Kent, Vandyke, Tommy Atkins, and Sensation. Cheptebo Centre Farm has established certified seedlings of these mango varieties, with the Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service involved. Mangoes in Kerio Valley are processed into mango juice, which is distributed in retail stores, supermarkets, and wholesale markets. According to the Kerio Valley Development Authority (KVDA 2022), the wider Kerio Valley region,

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extending beyond the study area, produces over 50,000 tons of mango fruits annually. This capacity has the potential to enhance people’s livelihoods and strengthen the social and economic power of the region. To cope with climate variability, including devastating drought, the community and the government have resorted to grafting mango trees, combining traditional and other varieties. The region also boasts a mango drying factory where farmers can have their fruits dried and subsequently exported. Beekeeping is a common activity in Kerio Valley, providing both food and income for the local population. The natural ecosystem, indigenous forests with abundant flowers, water sources, and favourable climate contribute to the production of unique honey in the area. This honey is not only sold in its raw form but also valorised and available in retail stores, supermarkets, restaurants, and other wholesale markets. Farmers in the region still utilise traditional methods, such as placing log hives on specific trees in the wild, to produce honey. By-products of honey are sold to other companies for the production of body lotions and hair oils. Livestock keeping is another significant source of food in Kerio Valley, with many residents raising cattle, goats, and sheep for milk and meat. In addition to traditional breeds, crossbreeds are also prevalent. The high number of livestock in the area has led to the establishment of a monthly livestock market, where primarily butchers purchase animals for slaughter. The community practises mixed farming, keeping both crops and livestock on the same land. Most people engage in small-scale farming on their limited plots. The adoption of mixed farming aims to promote food diversity, particularly in the face of uncertain weather conditions, erratic rainfall, and frequent dry spells. Intercropping is a common farming method in the region for several reasons: a long-standing tradition, small plot sizes necessitating the cultivation of different crops on the same land, the promotion of food diversity, and adaptation to climate variability. Monocropping is rare, although a few farmers exclusively cultivate mangoes. Agrobiodiversity Kerio Valley boasts rich biodiversity, encompassing diverse flora and fauna. The area is predominantly characterised by indigenous acacia trees and shrubs, which thrive under the favourable climatic conditions. Some of the tree species found in the region include Acacia elatior, Diospyros abyssinica, Zizyphus mauritiana, and Acacia tortilis. Additionally, Aloe lateritia, Salvadora persica, and Balanites sp (FAO 2008) are present in Kerio Valley. The valley also serves as a habitat for other tree species that are preserved due to their medicinal and cultural significance. These trees are often utilised during special occasions such as coming-of-age ceremonies, dowry rituals, or naming ceremonies, varying across clans and families. Examples of such trees include Sokee, Lelekwee, Yemtit, Toboswee, and Temwee. Temwee, in particular, is highly valued for its roots and bark, which are used in the treatment of flu and allergies. Individuals who have these tree species on their farms make efforts to preserve them, and those growing in forests are also protected. Herbalists collect the bark and roots and sell them within the local market. Sokee is equally important; its fruits are consumed by people, birds, and other animals when ripe, and the leaves

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are boiled to create a solution used for bathing to alleviate skin diseases. The roots of Sokee are used to treat a wide range of ailments. Kabukerik, which produces small red fruits, serves as a food source for people, livestock (especially goats and sheep), as well as birds and other wildlife. Nerkwo is another plant species highly regarded in the community, as its twigs are burned and used for spearing the inner part of the milk gourd, which is typically employed in the preparation of mursik. The tree species is also used to create flutes that children play with or use for communication while herding cattle. The smoke from this tree is employed in the treatment of allergies, and the leaves and twigs are boiled in water, which is then used for bathing to treat skin conditions. Lokoiwet, another significant plant, thrives near water sources, rivers, and lakes. Livestock rearing in Kerio Valley includes local chicken varieties and beekeeping. Traditional and crossbred cattle are raised in the valley, with Sahiwal and FriesianSahiwal crossbreeds being the common cattle breeds. Red Maasai sheep, indigenous to East Africa, are predominantly kept by pastoralists and small-scale farmers in the region. The Small East African Goat, Boer, and indigenous Galla goats are the most common goat breeds in Kerio Valley (State Department of Livestock 2019). In recent times, more farmers have started rearing Alpines and Toggenburgs for milk production due to their resilience and ability to adapt to various agroclimatic conditions while maintaining high productivity. Various chicken breeds are raised in Kerio Valley. The primary breed is the Original Kienyeji, which is a pure indigenous chicken breed unaffected by research interventions. These chickens are mainly scavengers and exhibit high resistance to diseases. Other breeds found in the area include Kenbro, Kari improved Kienyeji, Rainbow rooster, and Kuroiler. All these breeds are raised for both eggs and meat and are primarily allowed to freely feed and roam. All tree species within Kerio Valley serve vital ecological functions. Lokoiwet, a special tree, is believed to protect streams and purify water. The community often fetches water from the point where this tree grows. Acacia tree species are common in the area and are primarily utilised for soil preservation and windbreaks, although they are also used for charcoal production. Consequently, the acacias face threats from the thriving charcoal business, as there is high demand, particularly in large cities and towns. This is due to the expensive cost of cooking with electricity and gas cookers. There exists a symbiotic relationship between human activities in the area, although certain activities have negative implications for biodiversity and agricultural practices. For instance, farming near springs and rivers leads to siltation, which impacts the water flow. This water is often used for irrigation, livestock, wildlife, and domestic purposes. Agrobiodiversity in Kerio Valley is interconnected and shaped by cultural norms, where people’s livelihoods heavily rely on it. Consequently, environmental pressures resulting from farming and other human activities are mitigated through livelihood diversification. For instance, to ensure the success of pastoralism, the community ensures the preservation of forested areas for livestock grazing. Specific tree species

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are protected due to their medicinal, cultural, and ecological values. As a result, the site continues to thrive and maintain its rich biological diversity. Planting various grass and tree species along farm edges and boundaries is another practice employed to prevent soil erosion, thereby promoting the long-term sustainability of the area. Agrobiodiversity in Kerio Valley faces threats from intense human activities upstream and downstream, such as deforestation for charcoal production, intensive farming practices, and infrastructure development that leads to siltation in lakes and rivers. Additionally, climate change poses a threat to livelihoods, ranging from farming to livestock keeping and biological diversity. Weak policy implementation and governance issues also jeopardise the preservation and sustainable use of biological resources in the area. Human-wildlife conflict is another challenge that could undermine the site’s sustainability, including food security, as a result of human encroachment into wildlife habitats within the forests. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Kerio Valley still preserves a significant amount of its traditional knowledge systems. One example is the use of traditional farming practices, which encompass various stages from seed preservation to planting and post-harvest techniques. Despite the availability of hybrid seeds from authorised corporations like Kenya Seed Limited, traditional seed preparation and preservation methods are still followed until the planting season. During maize harvesting, specific maize seeds are identified, dried, and hung in smoke-infused areas, typically on kitchen roofs, to be used for planting in the next season. The seeds are left intact on the maize cob, following a longstanding traditional practice that acts as a preservative, protecting them from insects and consumption during planting. Farmers in the area still rely on organic manure for fertilising their farms during planting. Additionally, plant residues are utilised as a form of manure. For onion and vegetable crops, farmers use ash to shield the roots from insect attacks. Another traditional technique observed during maize harvesting is the bundling of maize stalks for a few days before removing the maize kernels. This process allows excess moisture to be released and varies in duration depending on the time of year. Drying grains and cereals after harvest is typically done in a traditional manner, utilising solar energy. The seeds are spread in the sun for several days, taking into account the moisture level, which is determined by weather patterns and harvest time. In Kerio Valley, maize shelling is manually performed using iron rods, sharpened twigs, or hands. While modern methods such as chemicals are used to control pests and diseases, natural methods are also employed. Many farmers soak hot pepper and use it as a spray on vegetables, beans, fruits, and other crops. Ashes are also sprinkled as a pest control measure. The preservation of crops, cereals, and other food products, including milk, involves the application of traditional knowledge passed down through generations. Cereals are stored in sacks that are manually sealed by sewing using a handmade latch hook. The community uses intertwined sisal as thread for sewing. This skill is

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learned by both male and female children through practice and observation of their parents and guardians, as it is a regular activity. To prolong the shelf life of milk, many farmers ferment it in gourds known as mugee, allowing it to be consumed over several days without wastage. Once fermented, the milk is referred to as mursik, a practice associated with the Kalenjin community, who also inhabit Kerio Valley. This milk is commonly associated with traditional ceremonies such as rites of passage, dowry payment ceremonies, and other celebrations like elder crowning or victory celebrations. Farming in Kerio Valley is carried out using traditional tools like jembe, forkjembe, and hoe. To determine the spacing between maize and other crops, a sisal or manila rope is laid down, and the distance is estimated using steps or a specific long twig. This measurement is then used to create holes in a straight line. Land management in the community relies on manual labour. Individuals are contracted for specific periods, such as tillage, planting, weeding, and harvesting. Water resources are considered public assets, and their management, protection, and preservation are communal responsibilities. Representatives and water committees are entrusted with safeguarding and developing strategies for their proper management. Land ownership in Kerio Valley can be categorised as absolute, community trust, or public land. Residents have complete control over their privately owned farms. Some people lease land through local agreements with landowners. In these cases, tenants are restricted from cultivating permanent or long-maturing crops, which poses a challenge to sustainable crop production and land management. Public or government-owned land is prohibited from being farmed for single-user benefit unless specified otherwise. Similarly, various practices are employed to manage and preserve the soil, including contour farming, agroforestry, and the construction of terraces. Terraces are typically made from stones or piled soil, while grasses such as star grass and Napier grasses are planted. Gabions are also utilised to prevent soil erosion on steep slopes, riverbeds, and deep gullies. In order to ensure community resilience and food security during times of drought, famine, or uncertainty, traditional knowledge is applied for food preservation. Vegetables like lupchat and black nightshade are harvested, cut into smaller pieces, and sun-dried for storage. Similarly, meat is preserved for several months or even years by slicing the fleshy parts into chain-like pieces and hanging them in kitchen houses where the smoke acts as a natural preservative. Other products, like cassava, are dried and stored for future consumption. To promote the continuity and sustainability of traditional and crossbred agricultural products, seeds are locally stored in warm places, often in the kitchen. They are collected, dried, and benefit from the smoke, which helps protect them from infestation by insects or worms. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisations Kerio Valley takes pride in its rich cultural beliefs, norms, and practices related to farming and livestock keeping. Prior to the planting season, farmers rely on various

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indicators to predict the onset of rains, including animal behaviour, the flowering of specific trees, cloud formations, sunlight, and wind patterns. In cases where rainfall is delayed despite these indicators, certain individuals perform rituals in sacred areas or shrines, often located on hilltops, in an attempt to call forth the rain (kekur ropta). The majority of Kerio Valley’s inhabitants are Tugens who speak the Samor and Arror dialects. They share similar customs, such as singing songs of praise to celebrate a bountiful harvest. Additionally, circumcision ceremonies, which mark the transition from boyhood to manhood, take place between November and December each year. This timing coincides with the post-harvest period when maize, the main ingredient for ugali, a staple dish, is abundant. During the month-long isolation period for young men undergoing circumcision, ugali is served as their main food. Gourds used for milk storage or making mursik (fermented milk) are also adorned with beads attached to cattle or goat skin. In addition to ugali and mursik, the residents of Kerio Valley produce an alcoholic beverage called busaa, made from a combination of maize flour and millet or sorghum flour. Another unique alcoholic beverage called kipketinik is made from honey and is reserved for special occasions like dowry payments, initiation ceremonies, and other cultural rituals. Similarly, gifting plays an important role in Kerio Valley, especially during significant events such as initiation ceremonies, marriages, and childbirth. Individuals often offer animals like chickens, goats, cattle, and sheep as gifts. Some may also present grains or fruit trees such as bananas or tree tomatoes. These gifting practices are influenced by personal choices, cultural norms, and a sense of reciprocity (Mutua et al. 2017). Agricultural practices in Kerio Valley are managed through collaboration among different organisations, including community-level, faith-based, governmental, and non-governmental agencies. Cheptebo Rural Development Centre, a faith-based organisation associated with the African Inland Church, plays an active role in Kerio Valley. It provides support, training, and value addition to agricultural products. Through the Cheptebo Agricultural Training and Innovation Centre, individuals from within and beyond Kerio Valley receive training in livestock keeping, nursery establishment, and environmentally friendly farming practices suitable for the area’s socio-economic and climatic conditions. The Kerio Valley Development Authority (KVDA) is a government parastatal that supports agricultural produce in the region. It provides assistance in marketing, training, and value addition for products like mangoes and honey. KVDA is one of the six Regional Development Authorities in Kenya, established by an Act of Parliament CAP 441. Its mandate includes initiating, planning, and developing resources in the Kerio River basin. The Kerio Valley Region covers West Pokot, Turkana, Baringo, Elgeyo Marakwet, and parts of Samburu and Nakuru Counties, with an estimated population of around 3 million people. The Baringo County Government actively participates in the management and support of agricultural and environmental resources in Kerio Valley. Key departments include Agriculture, Livestock Development and Fisheries, as well as Environment,

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Natural Resources, Tourism, and Wildlife Management. The central government, through agencies like KVDA, is also involved, although many functions have been delegated to the county government and implemented through specific departments. Various non-governmental organisations have been and continue to be present in Kerio Valley, providing support in farm management, soil erosion control, agricultural production, sustainable use of natural resources, strengthening food security, and establishing market connections. The cultural practices, norms, and ideologies within Kerio Valley, along with social organisation, play a crucial role in ensuring the sustainability and resilience of their agricultural systems. For example, the community prohibits farming along rivers to ensure the water bodies serve the needs of the community and wildlife, despite their seasonal nature and climate variability. The community comes together, guided by social organisation and government bodies, to dig gabions in areas with deep gullies to prevent soil erosion. However, the cultural values, norms, and practices within Kerio Valley are facing threats due to lack of documentation and declining interest among the younger generation. Changing lifestyles limit the transmission and practice of cultural norms and values. Rising cases of cattle rustling and banditry also disrupt the continuation of traditional practices. Climate change and environmental degradation pose additional threats that may hinder the preservation of traditional agricultural methods. Land tenure issues and land use changes also force many to abandon cultural systems that have defined the authenticity of their agricultural management practices. Landscapes Features Kerio Valley, as an agrobiodiversity zone, exhibits various land uses, although the landscape lacks a unified organisation or zoning. Individual farmers have the autonomy to decide what to cultivate on their farms, with designated forest lands and protected areas being exceptions. Forested regions serve as pasture and grazing areas, particularly for small-scale sedentary pastoralists. Settlements are scattered in some areas and concentrated in others. The dispersion of settlements is attributed to the fact that land is privately owned, allowing individuals to live anywhere within their own property. However, temporary stone walls, trenches, and short terraces are common on many farms to prevent soil erosion in slightly steep areas. Tree rows are also utilised as territorial markers and fences. Kerio Valley is predominantly rural, and therefore, settlements are primarily constructed within individual land parcels, aligning with cultural ideologies. The establishment of settlements on forest lands, nature reserves, or water reservoirs is prohibited by both national legislation and unwritten communal norms and values. Land management practices in Kerio Valley are influenced by various acts, including the Environmental Management Act of 1999 and 2015, agricultural policies, and communal laws governed by Kenya’s Constitution. These guidelines inform and shape agricultural systems in the region. However, due to the individual land ownership system and the freedom to plan one’s own land, there are challenges in zoning and developing sustainable, long-term

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plans to promote landscape sustainability. Charcoal burning, deforestation, and intensified commercial farming pose significant threats to the landscape’s sustainability, particularly in areas already degraded by massive soil erosion. The weak implementation of existing county and state policies further compounds these challenges, jeopardising landscape sustainability. Additionally, the lack of technical knowledge on landscape management and the restoration of degraded lands and natural resources poses a future challenge, particularly in the face of climate change.

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Kebaili Tarchouna M (2014) L’archipel de Kerkena: organisation de l’espace et aménagement. Centre de Publication Universitaire, p 432 Khalil S (2018) Women empowerment in marginalized villages via tourism: a case of Aswan Governorate, Egypt. Int J Heritage Tourism Hosp 12(2):19–31 Kipkorir BE (1983) Historical perspectives on development of the Kerio Valley. In: Kipkorir BE, Soper RC, Ssennyonga JW (eds) Kerio valley: past, present and future. Institute of African Studies, Nairobi, pp 1–11 Kippie Kanshie T (2002) Five thousand years of sustainability? A case study on Gedeo land use. Southern Ethiopia. Treebook, Netherlands KNA (2018) Acute water and food shortage threatens learning in Kerio valley KVDA (2022) Mango value chain. Kerio Valley Development Authority Lacombe G et al (2008) Hydrological impact of water and soil conservation works in the Merguellil catchment of central Tunisia. J Hydrol 359(3):210–224 Loumerem M, Khorchani S, Bouaicha A, Jalouali S (2014) Maintien de l’agriculture oasienne et préservation de l’agro-diversité dans le Périmètre Public Irrigué d’El ferch. Revue Des Régions Arides 35:19–38 Maru Y, Gebrekirstos A, Haile G (2019) Farmers’indigenous knowledge of tree conservation and acidic soil amendments: the role of “Baabbo” and “Mona” systems: lessons from Gedeo community, Southern Ethiopia. Cogent Food Agric 5(1):11–17 Mebrate BT (2007) Agroforestry practices in Gedeo zone Ethiopia a geographical analysis. Department of Geography, Panjab University Mekki T (2000) Caractérisation de la pêche à la charfia au Sud des îles de Kerkennah. Projet de fin d’études, p 82 Mfani E (2020) The ultimate pawpaw production guide from planting to marketing. Richfarm Kenya MoALF (2018) Climate risk profile for Elgeyo Marakwet County. Kenya county climate risk profile series. The Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries (MoALF), Nairobi, Kenya Moore H (1986) Space, text and gender: anthropological study of the Marakwet of Kenya. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Mulat Y (2013) Indigenous knowledge practices in soil conservation at Konso people, south western Ethiopia. J Agric Environ Sci 2(2):1–10 Mutua E et al (2017) Youth participation in smallholder livestock production and marketing. Inst Dev Stud Bull 48(3):95–108 Nafti M, Khaldi Z, Rekik B, Ben Gara A (2009) Biodiversity in goats in the Tunisian oasis. Livestock Res Rural Dev 21(10) Negash M, Yirdaw E, Luukkanen O (2012) Potential of indigenous multistrata agroforests for maintaining native floristic diversity in the south-eastern Rift Valley escarpment, Ethiopia. Agrofor Syst 85:9–28 Östberg W (2015) Life among the Marakwet. Kenya past Present 42:53–67 Oueslati A (1995) Formes de dégradation du milieu naturel et de l’environnement dans les îles Kerkena (Tunisie orientale). Revue Tunisienne De Géographie 28:183–195 Peybernes B, Kamoun F, Youssef MB, Trigui A, Ghanmi M, Zarbout M, Frechengues M (1993) Sequence stratigraphy and micropaleontology of the Triassic series from the southern part of Tunisia. J Afr Earth Sci (and the Middle East) 17(3):293–305. https://doi.org/10.1016/0899-536 2(93)90074-Z PGDEO (2014) Plan de développement participatif de l’Oasis de Mides, Tamaghza et Chebika. Projet de gestion durable des écosystèmes oasiens en Tunisie Regional Commissariat of Agricultural Development (2005) Etude Monographique du Gouvernorat de Tataouine, Tunisia Rhouma A (2005) Le palmier dattier en Tunisie, I. Le patrimoine génétique. IPGRI, UNDP, GEF/ FEM, Inrat, Rome, vol 2, p 255 Santoro A, Venturi M, Ben Maachia S, Benyahia F, Corrieri F, Piras F, Agnoletti M (2020) Agroforestry heritage systems as agrobiodiversity hotspots. The case of the mountain oases of Tunisia. Sustainability 12(4054):4054. https://doi.org/10.3390/su12104054

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Senbeta F, Woldemariam Gole T, Denich M, Kelbessa E (2013) Diversity of useful plants in the coffee forests of Ethiopia. Ethnobot Res Appl 11:049–069 State Department of Livestock (2019) Kenya Livestock Breeds Catalogue. Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock, Fisheries and Cooperatives The Authority for Research and Conservation of Cultural Heritages (2011) The Konso cultural landscape. World Heritage Nomination Dossier Tisserand JL (1990) Les Ressources Alimentaires pour le Bétail. Les Systèmes agricoles oasiens. In: Options méditerranéennes, Série A. Séminaires Méditerranéens n. 11, CIHEAM, Paris Tolo A (1989) Sidama & Ethiopian; the emergence of the Mekane Yesus Church in Sidama, Studia Missionalia, Upsaliensia. Uppsala, p 312 Trommetter M (2000) Gérer la conservation des ressources génétiques végétales: valeur et valorisation des collections. Cahiers d’études et de Recherches Francophones/Agric 9(5):381–389 Watson EE (1997) Ritual leaders and agricultural resources in Southwestern Ethiopia. Poqallas, land and labour in Konso. In: Fukui K, Kurimoto E, Shigeta M (eds) Ethiopia in broader perspective: papers of the XIII international conference of Ethiopian studies, Kyoto, Shakodo Book Sellers, vol 2, pp 652–669 Zinabu W (2015) Phosphorus sorption characteristics and external phosphorus requirement of Bulle and Wonago Woreda. Southern Ethiopia. J Biol Agric Healthc 5(5):232–241 CRDA (2005) Etude Monographique du Gouvernorat de Tataouine. Sghaier M (2010) Etude de la gouvernance des ressources naturelles dans les oasis en Tunisie. Tunisie. Loumerem M, Khorchani S, Bouaicha A, Jalouali S (2013) Maintien de l’agriculture oasienne et préservation de l’agro-diversité dans le Périmètre Public Irrigué d’El ferch. Revue des Régions Arides 35:19-38. Lasram M (1990) Les systèmes agricoles oasiens dans le Sud de la Tunisie. In: Dollé V, Toutain G (eds) Les Systèmes Agricoles Oasiens. Options Méditerranéennes, Série A, Séminaires Méditerranéens n. 11). CIHEAM: Montpellier, France, pp. 21–27. Amborn H (1989) Agricultural intensification in the Burji-Konso cluster of South Western Ethiopia. Azania 24:71-83. UNESCO (2011) World Heritage Nomination Dossier. The Konso Cultural Landscape. ECFF Environment and Coffee Forest Forum (2015) Production system in Ethiopia. Addis Ababa, EthiopiaCoffee. Wolde Z (2017) A Review on Coffee Farming, Production Potential and Constraints in Gedeo Zone, Southern Ethiopia. Journal of Natural Sciences Research 7:1-9. Mebrate BT (2007) Agroforestry practices in gedeo zone ethiopia a geographical analysis. Panjab University, Department of Geography. Kanshie TK (2002) Five thousand years of sustainability? A case study on Gedeo land use (Southern Ethiopia). Wageningen University, The Netherlands. Adams WM, Elizabeth EW, Samuel KM (1997) Water, Rules and Gender: Water Rights in an Indigenous Irrigation System, Marakwet. Kenya. Development and Change 28:707-730. Miyuki, Iiyama Patrick, Kariuki Patti, Kristjanson Simeon, Kaitibie Joseph, Maitima (2008) Livelihood diversification strategies incomes and soil management strategies: a case study from Kerio Valley Kenya Journal of International Development 20(3) 380-397 10.1002/(ISSN)1099-1328 10.1002/jid.v20:3 10.1002/jid.1419 Tamrat S (2011) Study of useful plants in and around Gate Uduma (Traditional Gedeo Homegardens Gardens) in Kochere Wereda of Gedeo zone, SNNPR, Ethiopia: An ethnobotanical approach. Dissertation, Addis Ababa Uiversity.

Chapter 3

Potential GIAHS Sites in Asia and Middle East

3.1 The Floating Garden System of the Inle Lake, Myanmar (Moe Thae Oo, Zin Wai Aung, Wai Mar Myint, Antonio Santoro)

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Agnoletti et al., Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America, Environmental History 16, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44881-2_3

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Summary Information Location of the site

Inle Lake is situated in Nyaung Shwe township, Taunggyi District, Southern Shan State, Myanmar, at an altitude of 890 m above sea level 20°34′46.8″ N, 96°53′43.9″ E

Area of coverage

16,000 ha

Topographic features

Inle Lake is a shallow lake located in an elongated, flat-bottomed valley bordered by parallel mountains

Climate type

Cwa—Monsoon-influenced humid subtropical climate (Kottek et al. 2006). The average annual temperature is 23 °C while the maximum temperature is over 35 °C during the summer season and mean annual rainfall is about 930 mm

Ethnicity/indigenous population

The Intha ethnic group dominates around the lake (70%), but there are also Shan (15%), Pa-O (10%), Myanmar (3%), Dhanu and Taung Yoe people (together 2%) inhabiting the surrounding hills (UNDP 2005)

Global Significance Inle Lake, originally a tectonic lake, underwent a transformation during the Tertiary Period (1.6–65 million years ago) to become a solution lake. The lake was named after the first four villages (Nanpan, Ywagyi Banpon, Naung Taw, and Heya Ywama) that were located in the surrounding area. The primary inhabitants of Inle Lake are the Intha ethnic group, who rely on farming, fishing, and weaving for their livelihoods. The farming system on Inle Lake is unique, as farmers cultivate tomatoes and other horticultural crops on floating islands specially created on the water’s surface. These floating islands, known as Ye-chan locally, are organic blocks with organic-rich soils of low bulk density, floating about 10–20 cm above the water. The structure and fertility of these islands are enhanced by adding silt, clay alluvium from the lake bottom, and seaweed. The lake’s climate allows for two tomato yields per year in some areas, unlike other regions of Myanmar. The floating islands can be used for gardening for approximately 15 years or more, depending on the floatability of the submerged mattress and farmers’ practices. Eggplants, cucumbers, and long beans are also cultivated on these islands, but tomatoes are the main cash crop due to their higher income potential. Farmers collaborate with their neighbours through a cooperative labour exchange system for planting and harvesting on the floating fields. This production system serves as the primary source of livelihood for around 90% of the local inhabitants of Inle Lake. Due to its rich biodiversity, fish endemism, cultural and historical significance, and aesthetic value, Inle Lake is considered a priority area for conservation. It is a high-altitude natural fault-like lake with unique wetland ecosystems, rare species, migratory birds, and cultural richness. As a result, it was designated a RAMSAR

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site by the Conservation on Wetland Association in 2018 and recognised as an Important Bird Area (IBA). The Inle Wetland Wildlife Sanctuary (IWWS) was established in 1985 to protect the lake’s biodiversity and endemism. In addition, Inle Lake has been acknowledged as the 190th World’s Ecoregion, one of the ASEAN Heritage Sites, and a freshwater biodiversity hotspot. UNESCO designated it as the first Myanmar Man and Biosphere (MAB) in 2015, aiming to enhance the interaction between people and their natural environment. In the past, farmers used to trim naturally formed wild floating islands, which accumulated in the west and north corners of the lake, and utilise them for crop production. The preparation of floating gardens involves adding silt and seaweed as growing media and inputs for the plants. These local knowledge practices can be seen as the ecological function of the lake. The floating islands serve as a major adaptive measure, adjusting well to the fluctuating water levels throughout the seasons. Additionally, the agricultural system offers the advantage of immediate water availability for crop production since the crops are cultivated directly in the water. Food and Livelihood Security There are 36 villages within Nyaung Shwe Township, consisting of 444 villages, 32,139 households, and approximately 168,130 people in and around Inle Lake. Of these, 17 village tracts are located within the lake, while 5 village tracts are partially within the lake and partially on dry land. The remaining 14 village tracts are situated near the lake on land. Regarding the employment sectors in Nyaung Shwe Township, among the population interested in the proposed area, 54% of employed individuals work in agriculture, followed by other elementary occupations (15%) and craft and related trades workers (14%) (Department of Population 2017). It’s important to note that forestry and fishery-related jobs are categorised under the agriculture sector. Livelihoods in the region include land-based and floating agriculture, fishing within the lake, textile cottage industries, tourism, fish farms (ponds on land and cages within the lake), metal smithing, and motor-driven boat transportation (MoECAF 2014). Since their houses are located on or near the lake, boats are the main mode of transportation. In recent years, small single-cylinder petrol engines have been used for transportation purposes, such as going to school, the market, or neighbouring houses. Additionally, long-tail boats with engines have become popular for carrying local passengers, transporting agricultural products to and from Nyaung Shwe Town, and providing tours for tourists. However, for Intha households, small boats remain the primary means of transport for their daily activities. Within the floating agricultural system, three types of growing patterns can be identified based on the depth of water and water availability. The first type is where water is accessible year-round, allowing farmers to cultivate tomatoes twice a year. The water-level ranges from a minimum of around 5 feet in the summer season to a maximum of about 12 feet in the rainy season. Typically, farmers grow tomatoes in February for the first cycle and then again in July and August after harvesting the first crop. These areas with deeper water can mainly be found in Inn

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Chan Kay Lar, Min Chaung, Lin Kin, and Kyun Gyi village tracts. Inn Chan Kay Lar and Min Chaung are known for having the densest floating garden areas and bringing the floating gardens to the lake’s surface from other sources. However, the lifespan of floating gardens is shortened due to this one-cycle practice. Generally, farmers need to replace the floating islands every 7–10 years. Mediumdepth water levels suitable for tomato production can be found in Khaung Tine, Lin Kin, and Nga Hpe’ Chaung village tracts. Farmers in these areas grow tomatoes from May to August, depending on the water level, which is typically around 4–5 feet. However, during the rainy season, the water level can reach up to 12 feet. The shallowest areas are locally known as shallow water areas, where farmers cultivate tomatoes around July and August. The average water depth is about 2 feet, and drought conditions occur in the summer season. In these village tracts, most farmers practise only one production cycle per year, allowing the floating islands to sustain for about 30 years, and potentially up to 60 years. In the past few years, Intha fishermen primarily used small wooden boats without engines. However, they have now started using boats equipped with single-cylinder engines and employ various types of fishing gear. There are four main types of gear: set gillnet (htaung pyite), hook and line (nga myar than), Saung, and fish traps (myone). The most commonly used gear is the set gillnet and hook and line. With the set gillnet, Intha fishermen can fish during the day or at night. The main fish species caught using gillnets are tilapia, featherbacks (ngape, Notopterus spp.), and snakehead (ngayan, Channa spp.). Additionally, unique local species such as Inle carp (nga phaine, Cyprinus intha) and ngalu (Crossocheilus latius) are also caught. Tilapia accounts for a significant portion of the catch, but its market value is generally lower compared to other species. Hook and line fishing use small shrimp as bait and target high-value fish like ngape and ngaphaine. The saung, which is often depicted in pictures of Lake Inle, is no longer commonly used due to its low catch. Despite a three-month official fishing ban during the rainy season (June to August) for spawning, fishermen can still fish year-round if they choose to. Interestingly, the catch during the rainy season is typically larger than in the dry or hot season. The actual fishing period varies depending on the income opportunities available to each household. For example, those involved in farming activities, such as paddy and tomato cultivation, only go fishing after completing their agricultural work, usually around September. If they don’t have other sources of income, they rely on fishing throughout the year. Most of the fish caught in the lake are either sold within the village (including village brokers), purchased by buyers on boats, or sold during the five nearby market days or in Nyaung Shwe Town. Some fish is consumed at home. The five-day markets play a crucial role as major centres for exchanging products, and a portion of the fish is also sold in Nyaung Shwe Town and marketed to other parts of Southern Shan State. These Intha fishermen can be described as “subsistence” or “artisan” fishermen rather than “commercial fishermen” since their fishing methods and marketing primarily serve local needs and provide only sufficient income for subsistence.

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It was stated that during the early 2000s, fishermen were able to catch about 550–650 tons of fish per year (FAO 2013). However, the current amount appears to be much smaller. According to available data, 73% of the fishermen reported a decrease in the quantities of the three main fish species (ngayit, ngaku (fresh catfish), ngalu). In addition to fishing, other crucial activities for the local population include cotton and silk fabric weaving and dyeing cottage industries, goldsmithing, carpentry (furniture making), and domestic and international tourism. The booming tourism industry has allowed many Intha people to capitalise on their long-standing handicraft traditions. Furthermore, the lotus fibre industry is gaining traction due to demand from international visitors and local users in Inle. This industry has a high economic impact, particularly for women in rural areas where lotus is naturally available. The lotus fibre industry promotes biodiversity conservation through sustainable trade in natural ingredients and brings economic and social benefits to the local community in Myanmar. During the low seasons and for landless farmers, rolling cheroots is a common income-generating activity for women, while men often choose fishing. Cheroots, which are widely smoked in Myanmar regardless of age, gender, or ethnicity, are made by chopping and scenting cured tobacco leaves with vinegar made from the sap of Palmyra palm, banana, pineapple, or tamarind. The chopped stems and roots are also scented and roasted. The tobacco mixture is wrapped in a leaf from the thanatphet (Cordia dicotoma) plant, with a filter made of maize husks (bract). Rolling cheroots is a piece-work job, and the earnings depend on how many cheroots they can roll per day. The typical rate is 3000 Myanmar Kyat (MMK) (~ 2 USD) for 1000 cigars wrapped in a leaf. Another significant source of income for landless farmers is casual labour on farms, particularly during tomato production, which requires labour-intensive tasks throughout the growing period. The wage rate for farm casual labour is 5000 MMK (~ 3.33 USD) per day, usually involving around 7 h of work. Additionally, there are small-scale poultry and duck farming operations in the Inle Lake area (Fig. 3.1). Agrobiodiversity Tomatoes are the predominant cash crop cultivated on the floating gardens, accounting for approximately 90% of their production. They are sold in markets across the country. In addition to tomatoes, other vegetables such as long beans, cucumbers, eggplants, squash, bottle gourds, and wax gourds are grown on the floating islands, primarily for local consumption. Ornamental flowers are also cultivated. The flat areas surrounding the lake and the hills surrounding the plateau are primarily used for agricultural activities. The flat areas are mainly dedicated to paddy (Oryza sativa) cultivation, followed by sugar cane (Saccharum officinarum), wheat (Triticum aestivum), groundnut (Arachis hypogaea), maize (Zea mays),

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Fig. 3.1  A local farmer checking tomato cultivations on the Inle Lake (photo Antonio Santoro)

and Hyoscyamus niger. Vegetables such as potatoes (Solanum tuberosum), chilli (Capsicum annuum), and flowers like chrysanthemum (Chrysanthemum sp.) are also grown near the streams entering the lake. The hills surrounding the lake are utilised for agroforestry systems or shifting cultivation. Many farmers cultivate the sebesten tree (cheroot) (Cordia dichotoma), locally known as thanatphet. Some local farmers have started building terraces for rice cultivation and agroforestry systems to combat land degradation and erosion. These systems consist of perennial crops such as mango (Mangifera indica) and annuals like soybean (Glycine max), ricebean (Vigna umbellata), groundnut (Arachis hypogaea), maize, and rainfed rice (Oryza sativa). Different ethnic groups are associated with different types of cultivation. Intha people mainly practise floating agriculture, while cheroot plantations are primarily linked to the Pa-O ethnic group in the eastern mountain range. The Pa-O have also started growing mango orchards and cultivating tamarind trees, avocados, dragon fruit, and jackfruit. The Taung Yoe ethnic group, residing mainly in the western mountain range, practices slash and burn (Taung-Yar) cultivation, growing crops such as paddy, wheat, maize, sesame, and lentils. In addition to cultivated plants, the lake and its surroundings are home to a diverse range of flora and fauna. The floating-leaved water plants and submerged plants in the lake create different temperature zones and microenvironments. According to the assessment conducted by MoECAF (2014), the native flora of the lake includes:

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• Amphibious plants: Marsilea, Colocasia, Polygonum sp., Alternanthera sp. (possibly including the introduced A. philoxeroides). • Creeping plants: Ludwigia adscendens, Ipomoea aquatica, grasses resembling Echinochloa. • Emergent plants: Phragmites sp., Nelumbo nucifera, Typha sp., Sagittaria sp., Saccharum sp. • Free-floating plants: Eichhornia crassipes, Salvinia sp., Pistia stratiotes. • Floating-leaved plants: Two species of Potamogeton, Nymphoides sp., two colour variants of Nymphaea sp. • Submerged rooted plants: Najas sp., Chara, Nitella (often encrusted with calcium). • Submerged, non-rooted plants: Elodea sp., Hydrilla verticillata, two species of Utricularia. • Planktonic Phytoplankton: Dominated by Ceratium, with a mixture of Microcystis, Dinobryon, and Botryococcus. • Planktonic Zooplankton: Dominated by Heliodiaptomus cinctus (62%), with Moina micrura as a subdominant species (34%); Daphnia lumholtzi, Moina micrura, and Bosminopsis deitersi are also present but in lower numbers. Rotifers are dominated by Polyarthra (61%). In a second sample taken, Macrophytes and Ascomorpha were dominant (80%). Overall, twenty-one species were found. The local fauna in the Inle Lake area comprises the following species: • Birds: A total of 355 bird species have been identified and documented. Among these, 7 species are classified as vulnerable according to IUCN Criteria. The Eastern Sarus Crane is endemic to the Inle region, while the remaining 6 species are migratory birds that visit the area during the winter months. – Waterbirds: Within the Inle Lake Wildlife Sanctuary, there are 95 species of waterbirds. This includes the Great Cormorant, Little Cormorant, Purple Heron, Great Egret, Intermediate Egret, Cattle Egret, Indian Pond-Heron, Black-crowned Night Heron, Lesser Whistling Duck, Ruddy Shelduck, Common Shelduck, Eurasian Pigeon, Spot-billed Duck, Northern Pintail, Garganey, Common Teal, Ferruginous Pochard, Purple Swamphen, Common Moorhen, Common Coot, Pheasant-tailed Jacana, Common Sandpiper, Herring Gull, Black-headed Gull, and Brown-headed Gull. – Other birds: The Eastern Marsh Harrier, Black-winged Kite, Black Kite, Steppe Eagle, Common Kingfisher, White-throated Kingfisher, Black-capped Kingfisher, House Crow, Magpie Robin, Brown Shrike, Long-tailed Shrike, Stonechat, Baya Weaver, White-vented Myna, Black-collared Starling, Vinous-breasted Starling, Asian Pied Starling, Collared Myna, Yellow-bellied Prinia, Lesser Coucal, Greater Coucal, Little Green Bee-eater, Black Drongo, Red-rumped Swallow, Arctic Warbler, White Wagtail, Citrine Wagtail, and Long-billed Vulture.

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• Fishes: The fish diversity in the lake is estimated to range from 23 to 42 species. Recent research suggests that there are around 36 species, with some species found only in the inflows and outflows. This includes two endemic Cyprinid Genera, the Inle Cypris and the Sawbwa. There are 16 endemic sub-species, with 12 of them belonging to the Cyprinidae family. This indicates a 50% specific endemism in Inle Lake, making it one of the most important lakes in Southeast Asia in terms of fish endemism. Additionally, there are approximately seven introduced species, such as Ctenopharyngodon idellus and Labeo rohita, which are stocked by the Fisheries Department to control water plants. African catfish (Clarias gariepinus) had also been introduced to the lake and its surroundings through on-land ponds and cage culture. Although this practice has been prohibited for over a decade, some villagers continue to engage in it due to the high profit gains. • Mammals: Local reports indicate the presence of otters (Aonyx/Lutra sp.), Large Indian Civet (Viverra zibetha), Masked Palm Civet (Viverra tangalunga), Mongoose (Herpestes sp.), Barking Deer (Muntiacus muntjak), Myanmar Hare (Lepus peguensis), and Jackal (Canis aureus). • Amphibians: There are 23 species of amphibians within Inle Lake and 17 species within the “Wet Phyu Reserved.” • Turtles and Snails: Three species of turtles and 20 species of snails were identified within the Wildlife Sanctuary.

Fig. 3.2  A wide variety of vegetables are cultivated in the areas surrounding Inle Lake and sold by local farmers in markets taking place in the different villages on the lake shore (photo Antonio Santoro)

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• Butterflies: A total of 94 butterfly species were identified and listed within the Wildlife Sanctuary (Fig. 3.2). Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The Intha ethnic group has developed its own culture and lifestyle that revolves around the lake. They live in stilt houses, use small boats for transportation, and cultivate food in floating gardens. In certain areas of the lake, particularly in the swampy regions of the North and South-West, winds and currents cause the accumulation of floating islands. These islands are composed of various plant materials, predominantly Saccharum spontaneum (Elephant grass), locally known as kaing. These floating islands consist of intermingled floating roots, forming a dense and solid mass called kwyan myo. Over time, a layer of soil builds up on the floating mass, while underwater roots trap silt. It takes approximately 30 years for the mass to become thick and compact enough to support a person’s weight. Once ready, it is used for farming, following a specific cultivation cycle. To create the floating islands for cultivation, farmers cut the abundant natural vegetation covering the wild floating islands and divide them into strips that are 1.5–2 m wide, with varying lengths up to 40 m. These strips are tied to boats and transported near the farmer village, leaving 2-m-wide circulation channels between them. Bamboo poles are used to anchor the strips to the lakebed, allowing them to move up and down according to water-level fluctuations. Mud from the lakebed, a layer of lake-weeds, and another layer of silt are added to cover the floating islands and provide fertilisation for the crops. Floating islands are organic blocks with soil that is rich in organic matter, has low bulk density, and floats 10–20 cm above the water and about 1.5 m below the surface. Once the last layer of silt is added, the floating islands are ready for cultivation, and seedling plants can be transplanted. The cultivation of floating islands typically lasts around 15 years, depending on the floatability of the submerged vegetation mattress and farmers’ practices. In the past, farmers used local tomato varieties such as Kyar Chayar, Japan Gaung Sein, and Inn Phyu Thee. However, these local varieties had low yield, poor quality, were susceptible to pests and diseases, and had a short shelf life during transportation. Nowadays, farmers cultivate hybrid varieties that offer higher yield, resistance to pests and diseases, and longer shelf life. Farmers establish nurseries on artificial fixed islands near their homes, using compost soil and mud from the lake as a substrate for germinating the tomato seeds. After three weeks, the young seedlings are transplanted onto the floating beds. Most farmers grow two lines of tomatoes per island, and in 7–15 days after transplanting, farmers add a new layer of silt around the small plants. Typically, farmers apply silt three times and seaweed five times every 15 days during the production cycle. One month later, farmers also use bamboo sticks to support the branches and fruits by tying them to the plants. After two months of transplanting, farmers begin harvesting tomatoes. Tomatoes are picked when ripe or green, with green ones being easier to transport

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and preferred by consumers. Typically, they are harvested at least 10 times every 10 days with the help of labourers. If tomato prices are high, farmers increase the use of fertilisers to extend the plant’s lifespan and harvest up to 14 times in one cycle. The picking season takes place from June to August. Yields on the floating islands are much higher compared to those on the mainland. While tomatoes are the main crop, different vegetables are also cultivated on the floating islands. The harvested tomatoes are placed in bamboo baskets weighing 30 viss (48 kg) and stored at the farmers’ houses, awaiting price increases. Subsequently, the baskets are loaded onto long boats and transported to Nyaungshwe, the region’s sole trade and logistics hub. To be shipped to major cities in Myanmar, the tomatoes are packed into wooden boxes and loaded onto trucks. The art of lotus weaving originated nearly a century ago when a woman named Daw Sa Oo picked a lotus flower from Inle Lake to offer at a Buddhist temple. Daw Sa Oo, a skilled craftswoman at the age of 50, successfully wove a lotus robe for the first time. Her intention was to present a special gift to the head Abbot of the local Buddhist temple. While plucking a lotus flower for offering at the pagoda, she noticed the filament protruding from the lotus stem. This sparked her idea to reel the filaments together and weave textiles from lotus stems. Lotus stems with long lengths are ideal for lotus weaving. The major type of lotus used for weaving in Myanmar is the Padonma kya (Nelumbo nucifera), also known as the Sacred Lotus, Chinese water-lily, or Indian lotus. Padonma kya comes in two varieties: large and small Padonma kya. The best season for lotus weaving is from June to November when the lotus plants thrive and are abundant. The water level significantly affects lotus growth. Collectors use canoes or small boats to harvest the lotus without causing harm and to conserve the plants. After harvesting, the lotus leaves and stems are separated. Only the lotus stems are used for fibre production, while the leaves have other purposes such as packing and decorating food. The stems are soaked in water for two nights to obtain strong filaments and prevent them from drying out. A bunch of four to five lotus stems is taken at a time to strip them. The outer parts of the stem, approximately 3 cm from the end, are carefully cut with a small knife and gently pulled apart to obtain the fibre. These raw fibres are half a metre long and rolled together on a damp board. This process is repeated by adding more fibres. To join one piece of thread to another, a 10 cm thread is left at the end of the board and rolled together with the next bunch of fibres to create a long thread. The thread is then spun by hand using spinning wheels made from old bicycle parts. All the fibres are gathered on a loom and tied together as a bundle. Throughout the process, water is applied to the fibre to maintain moisture. Finally, the yarn is rinsed with clean water and naturally dried in the open air to preserve the natural colour. The fibre threads are individually pulled down onto a tray or bowl to form layers, making it easier to roll them up into a lotus fibre skein. The extraction and spinning of lotus fibres occur under the shade. The threads are cleaned with water before being sun-dried. Once dried, the lotus threads are spun using a traditional spinner to create a reel. To strengthen the lotus threads for weaving, they are coated with traditional glue made from rice. Before weaving, the glued threads are rubbed with wax, prepared as a clutch, and placed in the traditional loom for readiness.

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Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The primary attraction of the area is the unique Intha culture, which includes floating gardens, leg rowers, flat-bottomed boats, 5-day rotating ethnic markets, and cloth woven from lotus stalks and silk. The Intha people are known for their tradition of rowing boats while standing on one leg at the back edge of the boat, with the other leg curled around a long oar for propulsion. Boats are essential for these people as they live in lake villages and rely on them for transportation. The 5-day rotating market around Inle Lake provides an excellent opportunity to meet various local tribes. These markets occur every 5 days in different villages across the region for the exchange of goods throughout the Inlay watershed and hill areas. These markets have been in existence for centuries and serve as important events in the weekly calendar of the villages. The variety of vegetables available at these markets reflects the vast agrobiodiversity of the lake and its surrounding areas. Key market locations include Nampan, Indian, Ywam, Maing Tahuk, Thaung Tho, Kyauk Taung villages around Inle Lake, as well as Nyaungshwe and Kalaw Towns and villages surrounding Samkar Lake. There are numerous pagodas and stupas that were built on the lake in the eleventh century. Phaung Daw Oo and Ah Lo Daw Pauk Pagodas hold significant cultural and spiritual importance. Many pagodas in the Indein village area have forms similar to those from the Bagan period. Stone inscriptions at Shwe Indein Pagoda and Thandaung Pagoda (1785 AD) indicate links to Bagan’s cultural heritage and style. Some pagodas and shrines date back 800 years, such as those in Samkar village on Samkar Lake, downstream of Inle Lake. The Phaung Daw Oo Pagoda Festival is perhaps the most well-known celebration on Inle Lake. Lasting about 18 days in October, the festival involves carrying four out of the five Buddha images from Phaung Daw Oo Pagoda around the lake on a decorated royal barge, stopping at every village to allow believers to pay homage. The images are carried on a traditional Burmese barge shaped like the mythical bird karaweik. The barge is pulled by a group of Intha “hundred-man boats,” each rowed by individuals from specific villages on and around the lake. Flags, bells, and, more recently, speakers are attached to the boats, making the Phaung Daw Oo Pagoda Festival one of the liveliest and visually stunning festivals in Myanmar. The festival is vibrant and rich in traditional influences. One of the most fascinating events of the festival is the Shan traditional boat races, where both men and women, dressed in their national costumes, participate. On the western bank of Inle Lake, amidst Myanmar’s jungles, lies the small village of Indein, home to hundreds of ancient pagodas. The Shwe Indein Pagoda is a complex of ancient Buddhist stupas, varying in shape, size, and state of preservation. Some have been restored, while others remain in a crumbling state, overgrown with bushes, creating an incredible collection of weather-beaten stupas. The local cuisine is an integral part of the local culture and is closely tied to the region’s agricultural products. One of the most popular dishes in the Inle Lake region is Shan noodles. These are flat rice noodles served in a clear broth with marinated pork or chicken. They are often garnished with toasted sesame seeds, a

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drizzle of garlic oil, and sweet herbs. Though relatively simple, Shan noodles are consistently delicious. Alongside agricultural products, fish also play a fundamental role in the local people’s diet. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The local landscape is an essential intangible element formed by the integration between human beings and the environment. The vertical stakes that dot the waters play a significant role in shaping the floating garden landscape. This labour-intensive technique, known for its high yields, has spread across the lake, becoming a defining feature of the landscape and economy. Additionally, the unique arrangement of houses situated on stilts in the lake and the waterways used for transportation reflect the traditional way of life in the area. The floating farms surrounding the houses and villages add to the beauty of the local landscape. Consequently, Inle Lake represents the core of a highly specific agricultural practice that is found in very few other places in the world. The system of Inle Lake encompasses not only the lake surface but also the surrounding areas. The total surface area is approximately 16,000 ha, with floating cultivations covering about 3833 ha (24% of the area), terrestrial cultivations (mainly paddy fields) occupying 2983 ha (18%), and 244 ha (1.53%) designated as uncultivated land. Swamps and wet areas encompass 3498 ha (21.9%), while non-cultivated waters account for 4475 ha (28%). The lake is inhabited by people living in floating villages (500 ha, 3.14%) or mainland villages (313 ha, 1.96%), with over 58 ha occupied by large resorts. These data highlight the importance of agriculture in the region. Despite significant growth in tourism over the past decades, agriculture remains the primary activity and source of income. Floating gardens are predominantly located along the western shore of the lake, where the main villages are also situated. However, it’s worth noting that the main town of the area, Nyaungshwe, is not within the study area’s boundaries. Inle Lake is also a critical area for biodiversity conservation, with the establishment of four different protected areas in recent years: a RAMSAR site, an Important Bird Area (IBA), the Inle Wetland Wildlife Sanctuary (IWWS), and a Man and Biosphere (MAB) site. Additionally, Inle Lake became an ASEAN Heritage Park in 2003, and some of these protected areas overlap. Traditional architecture plays a significant role in the local landscape. Given Inle Lake’s tropical hot and humid climate, ensuring sufficient airflow is important for indoor comfort. The traditional bamboo houses on stilts feature walls woven together from bamboo strips, providing shade from the sun while allowing air and light to pass through the small gaps. This design facilitates natural ventilation without the need for numerous windows that would let in heat. The raised stilt structure allows for airflow on all sides, and roof overhangs protect the walls from rain. The lightweight structure also ensures quick drying in the humid environment. Building houses on the lake offers additional benefits, as water evaporation cools the surrounding air. Water’s high thermal capacity leads to more stable temperatures compared to land, keeping the houses and villages cooler during the

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day and warmer at night. The absence of obstructions on the lake allows for higher wind speeds, providing increased cooling airflow and ventilation. Some newer houses are constructed with wood for durability and perceived status, but these houses have less airflow due to their more solid walls. Additionally, they require more materials, and regular wood grows much slower than bamboo. Among the region’s important cultural heritage sites, Nga Hpe’ Chaung Monastery stands out. This beautiful wooden monastery, built on stilts over Inle Lake around 200 years ago, is considered the oldest and largest monastery in the area. Surrounded by floating gardens, it is worth visiting. The monastery houses an impressive collection of Buddha images in various styles, including Shan, Tibetan, Bagan, and Inwa. The tall mosaic-decorated pedestals and cases built to showcase the images reflect Shan and Northern Thai Buddhist art and have a history of over 100 years. These landscapes, combined with religious structures, exemplify the deep-rooted religious beliefs passed down through generations.

3.2 Traditional Agricultural System of Bagan, Myanmar (Naw Thiri Han, Antonio Santoro, Federica Romano)

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Summary Information Location of the site

The area is located in the far west of the Mandalay Region, central part of the central dry zone of Myanmar (formerly Burma). The proposed site deals with a small area compared to the immensity of the CDZ, the latter covers about 13% of the country’s total area extending latitudinally for 560 km and longitudinally for 130 km. It is situated at an altitude ranging from 21 to 71 m. The shape of the proposed area is trapezoidal. The north– south axis is approximately 10 km and the east west axis is approximately 9 km 21°09′29.6″ N, 94°52′51.5″ E

Area of coverage

4000 ha

Topographic features

Most part of the proposed site, Bagan area is located within Ayeyarwady River Basin. Fertile alluvial soils and fertile deposits derived soils are found along the extensive alluvial flats of Ayeyarwady River including the proposed site. Central dry zone holds a vast plain area although hill heights of 100 m or so are also present in the area, extending latitudinally about 560 km and longitudinally about 130 km

Climate type

The highest temperature is recorded at 45 °C during summer months and the lowest is recorded at 10.2 °C. Although the area is generally referred as central dry zone, conditions range from semi-arid and even arid in certain areas to semi-humid in areas closer to Arakan Yoma mountain ranges contacted to the central Myanmar Basin. Though the whole area in general has a semiarid and arid climate with an excess of evaporation over precipitation, the climate is not homogenous across the area and high variability of rainfall is also recorded across different parts of the central dry zone. During monsoon months, the area receives scanty rainfall in general although the intensities of these dry spells can be very diverse depending on different geographical features. High variability in rainfall patterns are not limited to time sequence but also occur on horizontal space

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Regarding religion, 95.7% Buddhist, 1.1% Christian, 3.0% Islam, 0.2% Hindu and less than 0–1% of animists have been identified in the area. The majority (more than 90%) of the population is Bamar (Myanmar) although other ethnic groups such as Kachin, Kayin, Chin, Rakhine and Shan also live in the area, albeit the percentage being statistically insignificant

Global Significance The site is considered one of the most important religious sites in the country and is renowned for its unique cultural landscape. It is home to ancient monuments

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that were built between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries AD as part of the merit-making tradition in Theravada Buddhism. Despite experiencing major earthquakes in 1975 and 2016, a remarkable 3959 ancient monuments still stand today. This site holds significant archaeological value, with exceptional architectural and artistic achievements evident in the intricate ornamentation and outstanding mural paintings of its monuments (Weise 2016). Bagan’s dynamic and original form of architecture places it among other great Buddhist centres in southeast Asia, such as Angkor Wat in Cambodia and Borobudur in Java, Indonesia (Zaw et al. 2018). Bagan is also known for having one of the highest concentrations of the Bamar population, the dominant ethnic group in Myanmar, a country that is home to 135 ethnic groups. Often referred to as the heart of Myanmar, Bagan is renowned for its magnificent landscape, cultural value, and historical significance. These attributes have contributed to its status as a popular tourist destination and the most visited place in Myanmar by international tourists. In addition to being a pilgrimage site for the local population and a major cultural tourism destination, Bagan is also recognised for its agricultural heritage, which reflects the agricultural development during the highly evolved and significant Bagan Kingdom. The site boasts a unique ecosystem, and the Ayeyarwady River Region in Bagan has international designations as an “Important Bird Area” (IBA) and a “Key Biodiversity Area” (KBA). Key Biodiversity Areas hold global significance for biodiversity, and the Ayeyarwady River Region, where the site is located, is one of Myanmar’s 132 KBAs (MCRB 2018). In July 2019, Bagan was successfully inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, meeting the selection criteria (iii), (iv), and (vi) (MORAC 2018). Food and Livelihood Security The most common livelihood activities in the area include agriculture, forestry, fishing, and casual employment. Traditional trade, livestock sales, artisan work, and tourism-related jobs are also prevalent due to the site’s popularity as a major tourism destination in the country. Other livelihood options include casual labour farming, remittance, and wood/bamboo cutting. People with a decent social and educational background often work in public administration as civil servants and engage in administrative and support service activities. The education sector, public health, social work activities, construction, and manufacturing are commonly chosen by those in the public sector, although the percentage is statistically insignificant. The highest proportion of employed individuals aged 15–64 are skilled agricultural workers, accounting for 30.6%. This group also engages in fishery activities. Among skilled agricultural workers, 31.8% are males and 29.2% are females. Since the majority of the local population is engaged in agricultural activities, livelihoods are heavily dependent on the southwest monsoon. However, the Bagan-Nyaung Oo area, as part of the central dry zone, receives chronically less rainfall compared to other states and regions of Myanmar. Erratic rainfall and regular dry spells often lead to water shortages and pose a constant threat to the livelihoods of farming communities.

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According to research conducted by the World Food Programme, households without access to land or with small plot sizes below 2 acres are more likely to be food insecure (Poe 2011). The study also reveals that income diversification among smallholder farmers is a key strategy for addressing food security. Households engaged in traditional trade, crafts, artisan work, seasonal tourism employment, or earning a regular salary are more likely to be food secure. Conversely, households relying solely on agriculture, wood/bamboo cutting, and casual labour are at a higher risk of food insecurity. Food insecurity is a primary constraint for communities in the dry zone. It is characterised by a reliance on purchasing food from the market in a context of low, undiversified, agriculture-based incomes, high debts, and reliance on credit (MERCY CORPS 2015). While agriculture plays an important role in strengthening food security in the proposed site, technical and financial support is needed to provide drought-resilient farming methods to farmers, enhancing the resilience of subsistence agriculture in the area in the face of climate change and ongoing water scarcity. In the past decade, the area has benefited from development projects implemented by both local and international organisations as part of climate change adaptation strategies for farmers. The chart below demonstrates the main agricultural constraints faced by farming households in Bagan that contribute to food insecurity. In general, the number of income earners and food security are positively correlated. The more income earners in a household, the greater the chance of improved food security. Biodiversity is another factor contributing to better food security. Survey data shows that households engaged in multiple cropping are more likely to be food secure than those with less crop diversity. However, the type of crop grown is also a determining factor. For example, even though only 2% of households cultivate sunflowers, all of these households were classified as food secure (Poe 2011). In the proposed site, it is observed that food secure households often cultivate rice in addition to pulses, compared to severely and moderately food insecure households that do not cultivate rice. Increasing market prices for key food commodities also mean that farming households in Bagan are generally more food secure than those in casual employment and other livelihoods. Among the agricultural constraints mentioned above, households reporting dry spells/droughts or a lack of capital to buy agricultural inputs tend to be more food insecure than those reporting other agricultural constraints. The following key determinants would play a crucial role in improving household food security in the proposed area: improved rainfall allowing for the cultivation of larger plots and increased crop diversity, diversification of income streams by farming households during the offseason, and the development of policies to improve marketing strategies for agricultural produce, thereby strengthening the purchasing power of households. Although the farming season only lasts six to seven months, and there is increased employment in other sectors such as tourism and hospitality due to Bagan’s reputation as a well-known cultural tourism destination, agriculture remains the most important livelihood for the local community, followed by casual labour and the handicraft sector. Often, income from agriculture alone is not sufficient to support the entire household, so additional sources of income

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beyond agriculture are necessary for the community’s livelihood and food security, although they also pose a long-term threat to traditional agriculture. The phenomenon of agricultural abandonment, as the new generation increasingly gives up farming in favour of non-agricultural activities and outmigration, poses a threat to the potential loss of Bagan’s agricultural heritage. To mitigate this impact, a system should be established to strengthen farmers’ resilience in a changing economic environment. Farmers need to be provided with financial and technical support to establish a farmers’ association, which could potentially enhance capacity building in value chain development, processing, packaging, marketing, and branding of products from the proposed site. The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, one of the key ministries responsible for safeguarding the cultural heritage of the site, suggests that the establishment of a Bagan Heritage brand should be further developed to improve the income and livelihoods of local farming households, thereby motivating them to continue traditional farming practices with decent income while conserving the agricultural heritage of the site. The desired outcome is an organised farming community that has better options for ensuring the feasibility of continuing traditional farming practices. The challenges of traditional farming would need to be offset by a support system that provides assurance to farmers, even in the event of crop loss. The proposed GIAHS site is also renowned for its unique handicraft industry, which employs a significant portion of the local population and serves as an important source of income. Lacquerware production is particularly prominent, known for its centuries-old craftsmanship, use of natural ingredients throughout the production process, and strong historical connection to the site. Another popular product is fermented bean paste, locally known as pone ye gyi, which has become a symbol of Bagan and is featured in gastronomic tourism in the area. It is made from horse gram beans and other beans, and has a dark red-brown colour. This dish holds cultural significance for the central dry zone and upper Myanmar, with the best ones produced in Bagan. The beans used for pone ye gyi production are typically sourced locally. These agricultural products support the farmers who play a vital role in maintaining the agricultural heritage of the site. Other well-known handicrafts with strong cultural values include rattan ware, bamboo products, earthenware, ceramic kilns, and puppets, which are significant cultural symbols of the proposed site. Puppet shows are often featured as a highlight of the tourism industry in the area. Over the years, the tourism sector has become a major employment provider, creating job opportunities for the local community, but it has also impacted the traditional way of life. In recent years, the younger generation has favoured livelihood options linked to the tourism sector, particularly in hotels, restaurants, as tour guides, and driving horse-carts for tourists. Agricultural challenges such as erratic rainfall, indebtedness, low crop prices, and plant diseases have led the younger generation to seek alternative livelihoods in the tourism sector. However, these jobs are not equally accessible to all farming households and are more suited to those with a basic education. It’s also worth noting that households with better food security are more likely to enrol their children in school compared to households with limited access to food.

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Agrobiodiversity Bagan is home to a unique ecosystem, and the Ayeyarwady River Region in Bagan has received international recognition as an “Important Bird Area” (IBA) and a “Key Biodiversity Area” (KBA), supporting numerous endemic species. The river is abundant in biodiversity and plays a crucial role in providing food security for the communities residing along its banks, with a diverse range of fish species listed in the appendix. Given the dry climate, farmers in Bagan have traditionally favoured the cultivation of drought-tolerant oilseeds and pulses. Livestock breeding is also an important source of income for farmers, serving as a supplement to their agricultural earnings, and they selectively breed heat-tolerant animals as a priority. In addition to cultivated crops, the proposed site also boasts a variety of non-domesticated wild resources, including diverse plant and tree species. Horticultural crop production in the proposed site is primarily focused on mangoes, dates, plums, grapefruits, longan fruit, and guavas, although the percentage of these crops is incomparable to that of oilseed crops. Besides the agrobiodiversity and fish biodiversity in the Ayeyarwady River, the site is also home to the Lawkananda Wildlife Sanctuary, a designated forest area spanning 104 acres. Founded in 1995, its purpose is to protect the ecological system of the area and preserve endangered species such as the Golden Deer and the star tortoise, which are on the brink of extinction. As of July 2020, a total of 7500 star tortoises were recorded for conservation at the Lawkananda Wildlife Sanctuary. Being situated in the central dry zone of Myanmar, where annual rainfall rarely exceeds 1000 mm, farmers in the proposed site primarily focus on the production of oilseed crops and pulses, although there is also some rice cultivation through irrigation systems. The main crops grown in the proposed site are oil crops (89% sesame, 69% groundnut, 70% sunflowers), pulses (93% pigeon pea, 97% chickpea), and rice (22% rainfed and 29% irrigated of the national total) (MOALI 2016). Generally, the central dry zone accounts for 40–90% of the total production of pulses and beans in Myanmar, with the exception of black gram, which is mostly cultivated in the Delta area of the Ayeyarwady region. Additionally, the proposed site also produces onions and garlic. Onions, in particular, are considered a representative vegetable of the proposed site due to their high production rate in the dry zone. Farmers often choose onions as an ideal cash crop, as they are suitable for sandy soil, and the central dry zone accounts for 94% of the onions produced in the country (JICA 2010). Livestock farming is an important activity throughout Myanmar, providing smallholders with income diversification. In Bagan, like other areas in the central dry zone, farmers rely heavily on livestock raising as a major source of income, benefiting from the availability of large plain areas for grazing and to supplement their agricultural earnings. In the proposed site, farmers primarily opt for traditional livestock breeds that are well-suited to the dry zone climate, such as draft cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, and poultry. However, it is also observed that some households raise indigenous cows, hybrid dairy cows, and various types of fowl. Among livestock choices, cattle remains the most popular among farmers due to

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their production of milk and meat, as well as their usefulness in agricultural activities, including transportation purposes. After cattle, goats, and sheep are the second most popular choices among smallholders, thanks to their excellent adaptability to extreme weather conditions, high reproduction rate, acceptance of low-value feed, and versatile habits. While cattle are essential in farming, goats are particularly suitable for vulnerable families with low income, as they are less expensive than cattle and easier to manage. Their disease resistance and tolerance to heat in arid and semi-arid areas make goats and sheep comprise 77% of livestock in the proposed site. The proposed site is situated along the banks of the Ayeyarwady River, which flows through central Myanmar and into the Andaman Sea. Known as Myanmar’s “vein of life,” the Ayeyarwady River is vital for its significant ecosystem services and diverse biodiversity. The river is home to various fish species, including Xenentodon caccila, Lepidocephalichthys Berdmorei, Cirrhinus Cirrhosus, Catla Catla, Puntius Chola, Cirrhina Mrigala, Raiamas Guttatus, Aspidopari Amorar, Salmophasia Sardinella, Labeo Angra, Labeo Calbasu, Labeo Rohita, Labeo Boga, Osteobrama Alfrediana, Osteobrama Cotio, Tenualosa Ilisha, Gudusiavariegata, Chaca Burmensis, Wallago Attu, Ompokbimaculatus, Mystuscavasius, Mystus Aor, Mystus Yittatus, Silonia Silondia, Gagatacenia, Bagariusbagarius, Parambassisranga, Anabas Testudineus, Colisalabiosus, Channaorientalis, Glossogobiusgiuris, Nibeasoldado, Oreochromissp, Notopterusnotopterus, Rhinomugilcorsula, Mastacembelusarmatus, and Etraodoncutcutla. The ancient city of Bagan, which is built on the bend of the Ayeyarwady River and internationally designated as an “Important Bird Area” (IBA), is home to many bird species, including some rare native ones. Among the bird species found in the proposed site are the Hooded Treepie, White-Throated Babbler, Burmese Bushlark, Ruddy Shelduck, Bar-Headed Goose, Small Pratincole, Black-Bellied Tern, Yellow-Breasted Bunting, Indian Skimmer, Jerdon’s Minivet, Burmese Collared Dove, Ayeyarwady Bulbul, Vinous-Breasted Myna, Plain-Backed Sparrow, Burmese Shrike, Spotted Owlet, Yellow-eyed Babbler, Brown Prinia, Laggar Falcon, White-Tailed Stonechat, Sand Lark, Striated Babbler, and Red Avadavat. The proposed area boasts a unique ecosystem and is designated as a “Key Biodiversity Area” (KBA). In addition to the aforementioned bird species, the area is also home to some of the most endangered reptile species, including the Burmese Star Tortoise, which is on the verge of extinction but is now being conserved at the Lawkananda Wildlife Sanctuary, and the Burmese Roofed Turtle. Given its location in the dry zone, the area is commonly inhabited by various types of snakes, including venomous ones such as the King Cobra, Burmese Spitting Cobra (also known as the Mandalay Spitting Cobra), Green Vine Snake, Chequered Keelback Water Snake, Splendid Krait, Eastern Russel’s Viper, Splendid Kukri Snake, Indian Wolf Snake, and Common Krait. Apart from the cultivated crop varieties, the proposed site is abundant in non-domesticated wild resources found within fields and forests in the surrounding area.

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The area is home to a diverse range of plant and tree species, including Lagerstroemia Tomentosa, Haplophragma Adenophyllum, Holoptelea Integrifolia Planch, Stereos permum Personatum, Millettia Brandisiana, Chukrasia Tabularis, Briedelia Retusa, Albizzia Lebbek Benth, Acacia Leucophloea, Borassus Flabellifer, Ziziphus Mauritiana, Bougainvillea Glabra, Tectona Grandis, Tetrameles Nudiflors, Albizia Chinensis, Schleichera Oleosa, Antiaris Toxicaria, Adina Cordifoloa, Hymenodictyon Excelsum, Salmalia Malabarica, Anthocephalus Cadamna, Duabanga Grandiflora, Lannea Coromandelica, Terminalia Chebula, Lagerstroemia Speciosa, Terminalia Tomentosa, Bombax Ceiba, Alstonia Scholaris, Mangifera, Eugenia, Protium Serratum, Ficus, Nauclea Sessilifolia, Terminalia Bellirica, Schrebera Swietenioides, Gmelina Arborea, Lagerstroemia Villosa, Senegalia Catechu, Bauhinia Racemosa, Euphorbia Antiquorum, and Tamarindus Indica. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Agriculture is considered the primary source of livelihood for the local people in Bagan, despite it being a dry zone. Throughout history, the majority of households have engaged in farming activities, despite the unfavourable natural conditions. Due to the fragile landscape, harsh climate, and lack of funds for modern farming technologies, agriculture in the proposed area has remained largely unchanged, and farmers have been conservative in their practices. Traditional agricultural tools, manually operated or attached to cattle, are still being used for ploughing and tillage operations. Most farmers heavily rely on human and animal power for their agricultural activities. Efficient strategies for enhancing pulse production include improved crop establishment and management practices, as well as integrated soil fertility and pest management practices. These strategies not only increase productivity and profitability but also contribute to environmental and social sustainability, while ensuring food security. When adopting an intercropping system, it is essential to choose varieties with adapted maturity duration, structure, and adequate biomass production to prevent a reduction in the yield of associated crops (Saxena 2006; Mula and Saxena 2010). Based on traditional and indigenous knowledge systems, farmers choose crops and cropping systems that are suitable for the semi-arid climate. Farmers report that different growth patterns and crop geometry are crucial factors in selecting compatible crops for intercropping systems, allowing the crops to complement each other and reduce competition for resources both within and between species. Most farming households in the proposed area primarily cultivate pigeon pea to generate agricultural income, while other crops such as sesame, groundnut, and rice are grown for household consumption. For field crop production, the majority of farming households lack access to the supplementary irrigation system implemented by the government. Being located in the dry zone with erratic rainfall, water scarcity remains the biggest challenge for farmers in Bagan. Additionally, the soils in Bagan, like other central dry zone regions in Myanmar, are characterised by sandy soils that include gravel, sandy loam, clay, and thin soil cover.

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The soils at the proposed site have a low moisture-holding capacity, and all soil series found in Bagan have low fertility, with significantly low potassium levels for agriculture. Given these natural conditions, traditional knowledge guides farmers in selecting crops that can only be produced under rainfed conditions during the rainy season. The common cropping system practised by most farmers is sesame-pigeon pea intercropping. Most pigeon pea varieties are drought-resistant and can yield grains even during dry periods, which is not common among many legumes. The ability of pigeon pea to remain resilient during dry spells is attributed to its deep roots and osmotic adjustment in the leaves (Odney 2007). Pigeon pea can grow well throughout the six-month dry season, although the optimal temperature range is between 18 and 29 °C (Cook et al. 2005). However, flowering will be delayed, and seed yields will decrease under prolonged periods of drought (Mullen et al. 2003) (Fig. 3.3). Sesame oil is a staple in the local people’s daily diet and plays a significant role in the crop selection process. Both crops, sesame and pigeon pea, are grown in May, with sesame being harvested in August, while pigeon pea continues to grow for the next few months. The growth of pigeon pea is not affected by the shade of sesame leaves due to its smaller leaf blades and the shedding of lower, older leaves. After the sesame harvest, the area receives a considerable amount of rainfall in August and September, which supports the growth of pigeon pea. The moisture stored in the soil during the monsoon period is sufficient for its later growth. Taking adverse weather conditions and agricultural hardships into consideration, the farming experience and traditional knowledge systems of the local community suggest that pigeon pea is the most suitable crop to support local livelihood and food security due to its resilience and high productivity, even in the absence of rain in late October and November. Additionally, the presence of jujube trees in these farmlands complements the intercropping system, as this drought-tolerant

Fig. 3.3  Bagan ancient temples are interspersed among the cultivations (photo Antonio Santoro)

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crop provides additional income for farmers with minimal agricultural inputs. There is a somewhat stable market demand for both pigeon pea and jujube from neighbouring countries, mainly India and China. Intercropping has proven to be a beneficial system for farmers, showing substantial yield advantages over monocropping while reducing agricultural risks (Singh et al. 1992). Intercropping promotes field diversity and stability, reduces the need for chemical/fertiliser applications, optimises weed management systems, and decreases vulnerability to insects and diseases. Farmers in Bagan have long employed intercropping systems as a way to enhance agricultural viability and reduce the risk of total crop loss. As a climate-resilient crop, pigeon pea plays a crucial role as a cash crop for farming households in Bagan, given the harsh climate, and the pigeon pea-based cropping pattern remains the major traditional cropping system. Farmers have utilised different pigeon pea cropping systems, such as crop rotation, intercropping, and multiple cropping, as effective methods to reduce plant diseases (Thurston 2019). While pigeon pea is suitable for several cropping systems, small-scale farmers in Bagan commonly cultivate it in crop rotation systems and intercropping systems with sesame, peanuts, or other pulses (FAO 2016). Pigeon pea is also suggested as an excellent trap crop in the pest management of heteropteran species when grown together with cowpea (Atachi and Rurema 2006). In the proposed area, farmers traditionally cultivate a single row of pigeon pea alternating with several rows of other pulses. In the sorghum-pigeon pea combination, two rows of pigeon pea spaced 30 cm apart in 75 cm row spacing produce the highest yield and make the best use of land. In the proposed area, most farmers still practise manual weed management, relying on manpower such as family members. The method of weed management involves picking the weeds by hand, which is environmentally friendly compared to the use of machines or chemicals. In the central part of the country, in the Mandalay Region, the proposed GIAHS site and the ancient city of Bagan, which is also a UNESCO World Heritage Site, are known for the production of traditional lacquerware in Myanmar. The most important raw material used in the production of lacquerware is the sap. The sap used in lacquerware is locally called Thit-Si, which translates to wood varnish. It is also interchangeably known as burmese lacquer, theetsee, or ringas. This sap comes from the Gluta Usitata tree, previously known as Melanorrhoea Usitata, which is native to Southeast Asia. The lacquer tree can grow up to a height of 15–18 m and has a width of 2–3 m in the sandy soils of Myanmar’s drier forests, typically reaching an elevation of up to three thousand feet. Its first branches begin several metres above the ground. The process of extracting the sap is similar to the extraction of rubber latex. A groove is sliced into the bark of the tree at a depth of a quarter inch using a hooked knife, and then the bark is peeled to harvest the sap. The initial coating of the interior is covered with thit si, a resin paste mixed with lacquer and ashes. This work is primarily done by hand or with very fine

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gloves. The quality of the lacquer is determined by the number of layers applied to the object. To achieve a beautiful layer of lacquer, several layers are typically applied. The craftsman applies the layers by hand to ensure smoothness and regularity. These craftsmen have been using this technique for many years, passing it down from generation to generation. Most of the lacquerware workshops in Bagan are family-owned businesses that have been operating for generations. All materials used in lacquerware production are natural. The base is made of wood, bamboo, or horsehair, while the lacquer sap is obtained from the Melanorrhoea Usitata tree found in Myanmar’s dry forests. To prepare the base of the lacquerware, bamboo is split into very thin layers, and skilled craftsmen weave and connect these bamboo sheets to create the desired structure of the product. The structures are then painted with lacquer. In order to create a high-quality piece of lacquerware, the surface must be coated with lacquer both on the inside and outside, and then stored in a dry cellar. The lacquer is applied in at least eight to sixteen different layers to achieve a fine texture. In the final and most important stage, the lacquerware artist uses a needle to draw traditional designs. The lines of the patterns are filled with different colours, although maroon and dark green are classic colours for standard lacquerware designs. The red colour comes from cinnabar, which gives the sap a rich maroon hue. After the lacquerware has dried and been removed from the cellar, artisans etch designs on the products by hand (Fig. 3.4).

Fig. 3.4  Local women working in the fields in the Bagan area (photo Antonio Santoro)

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Cultures, Value systems, and Social Organisation The tangible cultural heritage of Bagan is represented by thousands of ancient monuments and pagodas, which showcase centuries of Theravada Buddhist traditions and the practice of merit-making. These constructions date back to the Bagan period (eleventh-thirteenth centuries) and serve as living testimonies of underlying intangible beliefs, traditions, values, and customs. While the tangible heritage of the site is more visible and well-known, the intangible cultural heritage of Bagan is equally important in shaping the cultural identity of the site. As an agricultural country, Myanmar’s festivals and celebrations are closely linked to agricultural activities and often coincide with farming seasons. Pagoda festivals hold significant meaning beyond religious ceremonies; they also symbolise the country’s growing and harvest seasons. Local people actively participate in these age-old traditions, and the cultural aspect of pagoda festivals has become intertwined with the social and cultural dimensions of agriculture. The tradition of alms giving and donations, which is central to Buddhist practices, is also observed during pagoda festivals. This tradition reflects the value system associated with the agricultural livelihoods of local people and their religious beliefs. Locals believe that generous donations towards religious figures, Buddhist rituals, and ceremonies will bring agricultural prosperity in the next farming season. Consequently, farmers often allocate a specific portion of their annual earnings from agricultural activities for charitable purposes and schedule festivities and religious ceremonies around the harvest season. The Ananda Pagoda Festival is one of Myanmar’s most renowned pagoda festivals. The Ananda Pagoda, also known as Ananda Temple or Ananda Pahto (Stupa), was built by King Kyansittha (AD1084-1113) of the Pagan Dynasty. It is considered one of Bagan’s finest, most beautiful, and historically significant sacred architectural structures. The festival takes place for 15 days, starting from the full moon of Pyatho and ending on the 5th waning day of Pyatho, according to the Burmese Lunisolar Calendar, which usually falls in January. The timing of the festival coincides with the harvest season, creating a joyous atmosphere for local people. The festival celebrates the magnificent Ananda Pagoda and its centuries-old tradition of alms giving ceremonies, which have been practised since the beginning of the Bagan period. During the 15-day festival, 1000 monks perform religious rituals and chant Buddhist scriptures continuously for 72 h without interruption. Local people arrive at the festival in traditional bullock carts, loaded with agricultural produce and offerings for donation. The lineup and camping of hundreds of carts surrounding the pagoda site create a unique landscape that has become a significant cultural symbol of Bagan over time. The tradition of alms giving, a fundamental value system in Buddhism, is prominently displayed throughout the festival. Thousands of pilgrims line up to donate rice, money, and other goods to the monks. Additionally, the festival aims to raise funds for the maintenance of the temple.

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The Shwezigon Pagoda Festival is another famous and well-celebrated pagoda festival in the Bagan-Nyaung Oo area, similar to the Ananda Pagoda Festival. It is celebrated annually from the 8th waxing day of Tazaungmone to the new moon day of Tazaungmone, according to the Burmese Lunisolar Calendar, which usually falls around October or November in the Gregorian Calendar. This festival has been celebrated since ancient times during the Pagan Dynasty and recently marked its 960th anniversary in 2019. The highlight of the festival is the procession of hundreds of Buddhist monks during the alms giving ceremony on the full moon day of Tazaungmone, accompanied by the recitation of mantras echoing through the night. On the same night, pilgrims light up 5000 cd lights on the gold-gilded stupa, symbolising the enlightenment of Buddha. This creates a spectacular sight against the dark starry night backdrop. While the Ananda Pagoda Festival coincides with the harvest season in Myanmar, the Shwezigon Pagoda Festival marks the end of the monsoon period on the Bagan plains after four months of heavy rainfall. With pilgrims and local people in a festive mood, enjoying the bustling night market, this festival creates a mixed atmosphere of a country fair intertwined with traditional religious ceremonies. Like most open-air festivals in Myanmar, traditional performing arts, including stage plays depicting tales of Buddhism and animist spirits worshipped by some locals, play an essential role. Shinbyu, a Burmese term for the “Novitation Ceremony”, is considered one of the most significant religious ceremonies in Myanmar culture and Buddhism. While the ritual is practised throughout the country, complex Shinbyu ceremonies are particularly observed in Bagan due to its historical connection with Buddhism. Bagan was the place where Buddhism was first introduced to Myanmar, and it maintains a strong Buddhist faith and cultural traditions. These ceremonies mostly take place in April, during the Burmese New Year, or in July, at the beginning of the monsoon season known as “Vassa” (Hongsar 2016). According to Buddhist beliefs and values in Myanmar, every young layperson (male) is expected to spend a period of their life as a monk in the local Buddhist clergy, known as sangha, before turning 20. The duration of their monkhood can vary from weeks to months or even years. On the day of the ceremony, young men who will become monks dress in elaborate royal costumes depicting the life story of Buddha. They are then paraded through the village, town, or city centre on horseback, making their way to the monastery. Depending on the family’s wealth, transportation means may vary from traditional horseback riding to ox carts or even elephants for influential and powerful families. The transition to monkhood occurs when invited monks shave off the novice-to-be’s hair, and the novice changes from the elaborate costume to simple maroon-coloured Buddhist robes, symbolising the renouncement of material wealth and the transition to novitiate (Hongsar 2016). The ceremony is followed by a donation ceremony and a feast for all the invited attendees.

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In the proposed site, the specific social organisation and individuals with leading roles within the community are as follows: • Village head (village administrator in modern times): The village head or village administrator is an influential and historical figure in the governance of rural communities. In the past, this position was often held by male heirs from the same generation. They typically come from families with authority, stable financial status, and have long-held positions. Village heads are important sources of information on agricultural land use, ownership, and inheritance history within their territories due to oral history and social ties. They play a highly regarded role in rural communities, expected to practise good governance principles, including being participatory, consensus-oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive, and following the rule of law. Throughout history, village heads have been involved in resource management, conservation efforts within the village territory, and managing access to natural resources. They take on responsibilities for governing the community, implementing legislative and administrative measures, and performing ceremonial rituals. • Religious figures (monks, priests): In Myanmar, religious figures such as monks and priests have significant and active roles in the socio-cultural development of the community. Monks and monasteries are considered key institutions that hold communities together. Their involvement in social, cultural, and political matters typically occurs when their teachings are requested. • Other relevant civil society organisation: Besides the aforementioned social organisation and religious figures, various civil society organisations contribute to the sustainable management of the site. While their efforts may not be specific to the preservation of agricultural heritage or farming activities, these organisations have contributed to the socio-economic development of the area and demonstrated a high level of social capital. Some of the active organisation involved in supporting the safeguarding and valorisation of the proposed site are Bagan Heritage Trust, Bagan Development organisation, Myanmar Tourism Federation, Sake Satanar Free Clinic and Public Aids, Regional Economic Development Association, Myanmar Lacquerware Association, Myanmar Engineering Society, Association of Myanmar Architects, Myanmar Red Cross Association, and Myanmar Geosciences Society. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The landscape of Bagan encompasses various land forms, vegetation patches, crop fields, unmanaged vegetated cover, exposed lands, shrublands, settlement areas, and Buddhist temples built between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries in the Bagan plain on the eastern bank of the Irrawaddy River. Bagan’s landscape has a distinct character defined by its dry climate. Located in the central dry zone of Myanmar, where annual rainfall rarely exceeds 1000 mm, Bagan’s landscape can be described as a tropical savanna landscape. It is adorned with thousands

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of ancient monuments scattered across the Bagan plain. As the former capital of the Pagan Kingdom, which unified regions that now constitute modern Myanmar, Bagan’s landscape bears witness to the socio-economic, political, diplomatic, and cultural developments that occurred between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries. The landscape showcases ancient religious structures and agricultural lands that have endured the test of time and harsh climate. Agriculture, plantations, and the majestic Irrawaddy River, which is vital for transportation and livelihoods, largely define the setting of Bagan’s monuments and archaeology. The proposed site is located on the river’s bend between the Tangyi-taung and Tuyin-taung hill ranges. One of the unique features of the site is the presence of cultivated fields interspersed with ancient brick monuments, highlighting the harmonious coexistence of built cultural heritage and natural heritage. Bagan’s landscape is considered a highly developed cultural landscape where over 3000 ancient monuments exist in harmony with the site’s natural heritage in the Bagan plains. It is a living testament to the merit-making tradition rooted in Theravada Buddhism during the Pagan Kingdom (849–1297). The landscape showcases the religious practices and beliefs of both royal families and citizens during the kingdom’s height, resulting in the construction of over 10,000 monuments, of which around 3595 have survived to this day. These monuments include pagodas, stupas, and other religious buildings. Scattered across the vast plain of Bagan against the backdrop of agricultural fields, the ancient monuments create a spectacular cultural landscape that represents the socio-economic development of the Pagan Kingdom. While the landscape has undergone some anthropogenic modifications over time, its integrity has largely remained intact, thanks to the support of religious communities who are the primary stakeholders for its stewardship. They have contributed to the maintenance and preservation of these living monuments for centuries. Both the cultural and agricultural landscapes hold immense value as part of Bagan’s cultural heritage site. The agricultural landscape in Bagan is the result of farming activities intertwined with the natural setting of the area. Agriculture is the primary livelihood for the local inhabitants, despite Bagan being located in the dry zone of Myanmar. Throughout history, farmers have maintained conservative farming practices due to the fragile landscape and harsh climate (Aung and Shibata 2019). The prohibition of modern technology near the archaeological zone has helped preserve the integrity of the landscape. The scale and beauty of the agricultural landscape in Bagan are remarkable. The persistence and continuity of the landscape are closely linked to the community and their farming activities. The agricultural fields serve as the interface between the contemporary living cultural heritage of the villagers and the ancient historic site. Recognising the significant value of the site’s agricultural landscape, the proposed management framework for the conservation of Bagan’s heritage suggests allowing appropriate changes within the landscape to ensure the viability of agriculture for the local community. This can be achieved through improved crop varieties, sustainable farming practices, technological advancements in processing and marketing, and strengthening the value chain.

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The interface between the agricultural landscape and the activities of the local community is an important testament to the continuity of Bagan’s heritage. The unique agricultural landscape must be considered as an integral part of the wellknown cultural heritage property in Bagan. The existing agricultural landscape, accompanied by thousands of temples, holds significant potential to become a distinct phenomenon in its own right if properly managed and valorised. The present landscape is the result of local farmers persisting with conventional farming methods passed down through generations. Their activities are regulated to ensure farming only occurs at a certain distance from the monuments to prevent any impact on the historical structures. However, to preserve this landscape, both the form and traditional methods of cultivation must be maintained. The challenge lies in maintaining the integrity of the landscape while strengthening traditional agricultural activities that are suitable not only for the heritage zone but also for the traditional livelihoods of local communities.

3.3 The Lychee Cultivation System in Haikou City, China (Xieli Bai, Alessandra Bazzurro, Francesco Piras)

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Summary Information Location of the site

Yangshan, Hainan Island, China 19°54′31″ N, 110°12′24″ E

Area of coverage

23,000 ha

Topographic features

Yongxing Town and Shishan Town are located in the hinterland of Yangshan area. They are located in a hilly area made of volcanic ridges such as Leihu, Yongmao, Qunxiang, and Qunren. The area can be divided in two parts: a small hilly area in the central and south part, and a hilly area with more gentle slopes in the north

Climate type

Tropical climate; the annual average temperature is between 23–25 ℃. The annual sunlight is 1750–2750 h, and the annual solar radiant heat is 4.6 × 106 ~ 5.82 × 105 J. The annual rainfall is equal to 1500–2000 mm

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Han (汉族) people accounts for 98.6% of the total population in Shishan and Yongxing Towns, Li (黎族) and Miao (苗族) are the main minorities in two towns, accounting for 1.4% of towns’ population

Global Significance The site integrates the characteristics of natural heritage and cultural landscape. It includes material heritage as well as non-material heritage. The material heritage includes agricultural landscape, land use system, farming tools, animals, plants, etc.; the non-material heritage includes the various cultural phenomena linked to the agricultural heritage system, such as agricultural knowledge, traditions and local farming customs, traditional songs and dancing, handcraft, food. Specialised in the cultivation of wild lychee and lychee, Hainan Yangshan lychee cultivation system has a long history of agriculture production, outstanding characteristics of diversified ecosystems and biodiversity, unique topography, remarkable landscapes, and rich farming culture. Food and Livelihood Security The lychee and other interplanted fruits and crops have played an important role in ensuring the food and livelihood security for the local people. Lychee cultivation is the dominant plant in the site and it is the most important income resource for local farmers. The most favourable lychee planting seasons correspond to spring and autumn. The planting area should be far away from sources of pollution, while soil should be loosened with rich organic matter. It also requires well-functional irrigation and drainage systems. The areas should be open in order to guarantee enough sunlight for the seedlings, while areas with low temperatures should be avoided. According to the slope of the terrain different techniques are found: on gentle slopes it is

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possible to find wider and contiguous plantations up to 3–5 ha, for the slopes above 5° terraces are required, while slopes above 20° are not suitable for lychee plantation. The harvest time usually lasts one month, from late May to late June. The ancient trees which are over 100 years old can still produce fruits, but the production is not high. The production of lychee in 2018 was around 10,000 tons which doubled the number of the previous year. The long history of lychee cultivation and domestication has led to the presence of different lychee varieties. Traditional lychee varieties have been well preserved within this site, which are adapted to the local environment and characterised by high quality and rich in nutrients. Lychees contain several healthy minerals, vitamins, and antioxidants, such as potassium, copper, vitamin C, epicatechin, and rutin. These fruits are therefore considered beneficial, as they protect against heart disease, cancer, and diabetes. Traditional Chinese medicine retains that lychees that taste sweet, slightly bitter, mild have the effects of liver-to-hepatic and renal-reinforcing. Modern medical research has also shown that lychee seeds have the effects of decreasing blood sugar, preventing and treating diabetes, inhibiting hepatitis B virus surface antigen, and protecting the liver. In addition, lychee seed has a strong anti-oxidation effect, which has a blocking effect on nitrosamine synthesis and can effectively remove nitrite ions. The agricultural system is dominated by lychee cultivations, intercropped with other plants and with livestock that is raised in the same system. Despite the role of biodiversity conservation, ecology stabilisation and resilience improvement to natural disasters, the system also secures livelihood in the site. Lychee have, in fact, stable and good yields. The lychee planting has become an important shortcut for the local government to alleviate poverty among the local farmers. Until 2018, the total planting area of lychee in the heritage site has been increased to 4000 ha (60,000 μ), and the production reached nearly 10,000 tons. One mu of volcanic soil with lychee trees can provide an income of around 20,000 yuan/year to local farmers. Since the picking period is relatively short, the family members usually have other jobs and therefore the annual income of the family can reach 100,000 yuan, leading to a relatively comfortable lifestyle. Since 2018, with the support of the local government, around 80% of poor households have been lifted out of poverty. It is common for local farmers to diversify their production, cultivating other crops among the lychee fields, mainly for self-consumption. Agriculture has played an important role in maintaining the livelihood of the local people and promoting the development of the local economy in the system. According to the “Proposal of National Important Agriculture Heritage Site in China,” the data shows that by the end of 2015, the total regional product was equal to 540 million yuan, agricultural production was 243 million yuan which accounted for 45% of regional product. The production of secondary industry and third industry accounted for 29.07 and 26.11%, respectively. The per capita disposable income of farmers in 2015 has increased to 5610 yuan/year. In March 2015, Yongxing Lychee was awarded the Geographical Indications Trademark Certificate issued by the Trademark Office of the State Administration for Industry

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and Commerce. It has become the first geographical indication certificate mark in Haikou which has been recognised at country level. At the end of 2015, the total production value in Shishan town was 556 million yuan. The agricultural production was 326 million yuan which accounted for 58.63% of regional products. In recent years, Shishan Town has continuously promoted agricultural tourism, accelerated the construction of Internet platforms, and started the operation of village-level service centres. Lychee is the most important agricultural product in Haikou City. Apart from offering the basic production support function, it also plays an important role in promoting the employment of farmers in the land and digesting the rural surplus labour force. Unlike ordinary field crops, the picking process of lychee cannot be mechanised, instead, it has to be done manually. According to local experts, depending on the variety and harvesting requirements, one mu requires 30–50 h of manual work. In the heritage site, the area of lychee plantation is more than 10,000 μ, which requires a lot of labour force. At the same time, the acquisition, transportation, sales, processing, and other lychee-related activities, together with the rural tourism and other industries, provide employment opportunities for many people living in the area. In Shishan Town, some farmers also established their start-ups for lychee commercialisation, representing a new channel of increasing incomes. In Yongxing Town, about 20,000 k/year are usually commercialised through online lychee selling. Agrobiodiversity The lychee trees interplanted with existing secondary forests, with the support of a favourable ecological environment, creates a system particularly rich in biodiversity. Cultivated species include cereals, gourds and other traditional vegetables, leguminous; fruits are also collected from the forests while livestock is also part of the system. Carambola, longan, guava, jackfruit, papaya, and various vegetables are traditionally mixed with lychee trees, especially where the terrain is flat and the soil layers are thick. In order to make full use of space resources, the people in Yangshan area also raise chickens, sheep and other livestock under the lychee trees which have formed a compound breeding system. Chicken manure can be used as fertiliser, and the lychee orchard provides a good environment for livestock and poultry. Forests are rich in tree species, including wild lychee, big-leaved fig (Ficus virens var. sublanceolata), small-leaved fig (Ficus microcarpa var. pusillifolia), mountain fig (Ficus altissima), cotton tree (Bombax ceiba), wild longan, Java plum, bead tree (Melia azedarach), crabapple (malus spp). In addition, shrubs like Microcos paniculata, or liana and epiphyte plants such as orchids, or herbaceous species, are found. The system hosts 1980 species of wild vascular plants, which accounts for 44% of total plants in Hainan. Trees and shrubs are more than 180 species, which accounts for 9.1% of total plants in the province, of which 80 species have a high economic value for their timber. There are also about 1200

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species of medical plants, 9 species of national protected trees, and 29 endemic trees. Forests also represent an important habitat for a great number of animals, such as arthropods, helpful insects, small mammals, birds, frogs, and snakes. The lychee forest ecosystem is well preserved, the climate is pleasant, the water source and food are abundant, which provides a good environment for the survival and reproduction of animals: there are 199 wild terrestrial vertebrates, which include 22 amphibians, 36 reptiles, 119 birds, and 24 carnivores. There are 3 endemic species in Hainan, and 13 species of wild animals listed in the national protection lists. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The formation of the ancient lychee system has gone through thousands of years. The special environment for plant growing and diversified crop species planted in the system constitutes a specific farming mode. Pruning, soil management, cultivation, and pest control are adapted to local environmental characteristics. People in the site take local materials according to local conditions, for instance, they use volcanic rock to build houses or terraces. The traditional crown-replacement technique is used to renovate the varieties of seedling lychee forest in order to minimise the damage to the forest ecosystem. Raising chickens, goats, and bees under the forest is also a way to control weeds and pests and minimise the damage to the lychee forest caused by pests and diseases. To tackle the pests and diseases, lychee farmers apply different traditional practices. A good example is the orchard cleaning, which is usually done in the late autumn or in winter. It includes weeding the orchard, loosening and sun-drying the soil, winter pruning, burning the weeds and pruned twigs, and soil application of lime. These methods can remarkably reduce the incidence of diseases and pests, especially the soil-borne ones. Another good example is to get the fruits bagged, which effectively protects the fruit from most of the pests and diseases. On the other hand, people in the site carried out an integrated treatment method. Nowadays they usually pay more attention to site selection for plantations and enhance pest management. The new orchard should be selected at the leeward sunningdale, loosen the soil and instal a good drainage system. The selected place should be in deep ploughing and organic fertiliser should be used to improve the soil quality. It is also necessary to increase the application of phosphorus and potassium to improve the disease resistance of the trees while it is not appropriate to apply nitrogen. After fruiting, before intertillage, farmers do the pruning on the branches which are infected by pests, overlapping branches, over dense branches, drooping branches, and weak branches to enhance the ventilation and light transmission among the trees. They also remove the diseased fruits, deeply bury or burn diseased leaves. These techniques and knowledge have effectively improved the biodiversity, the stability of the Yangshan ecosystem, and the capability to prevent natural disasters. In addition, to protect the ecosystem, some measures have been taken at province level, i.e. logging is strictly forbidden as well as destroying the wetlands in Yangshan area.

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Lychee is a cross-pollination tree. Its gene is very complex, and its genotype is heterozygous. After natural pollination, the offspring produces the variants due to genetic recombination. The offspring choose excellent seedling varieties through primary selection, second selection, and final selection. In history, the cultivation of lychee is primarily dependent on natural pollination. The traditional lychee varieties are mostly from individual plants of seedling genetic recombination. Most of the varieties of lychee in the Yangshan area are unintentionally or intentionally selected from the seedling resources. In the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, some good varieties were already selected in Hainan. Fruit colour is an important indicator of fruit maturity. During maturation, the peel undergoes the colour changes from green to yellowish green and to bright red in 7–10 days. When the peel changes from bright to dark red, the fruit is overmatured and its storability is reduced as well as sugar content. Hence, the best time for harvesting is when their peel is 80% fully red. As to the picking time, even if trees are of the same cultivar, the picking time varies depending on the age, tree conditions, and fruit amounts. Ageing trees should be harvested earlier, trees with more fruits should be harvested periodically in order to recover the tree vigour. Rainy days and mid-day blazing sun are undesirable for harvesting; rainy and humid weather not only increases the incidence of fruit drop and cracking, but also brings diseases and pests as well as difficulties in the management of the picking operations. In order to increase the area of arable land, the working people in the heritage site used to pile up the volcanic rocks around the fields. As time passed by, the walls were gradually formed. Firstly, the flatness of the fields was increased, which was more favourable for farming. Secondly, these walls naturally became the boundary of the farmer’s field. Traditional farming tools are made to adapt to the characteristics of the local soil. Plough include three types namely: water plough, slop plough, and tow plough. They can be made of either iron or wood. Harrow is made of iron, except for the part that is held by hand that is made of wood; two types of harrows are found, slop harrow and paddy harrow, with the last one that is smaller but easier to use, while slop harrow is mainly used for flattening soil and to remove weeds. Hoe is instead used to shape soil, remove weeds, clear soil, and harvest root crops. Cultures, Value systems, and Social Organisation The Yangshan area boasts a rich history of lychee cultivation and utilisation, intertwined with numerous folk legends and stories related to agricultural practices. Even during the Tang Dynasty, there existed a legendary tale about Yangshan lychee. The exquisite taste of lychee greatly pleased Emperor Wu Zetian. It is believed that over 1400 years ago, around 710 AD, a merchant from Lingnan presented a special tribute of lychee to Wu Zetian in Qiongzhou. Upon tasting a single lychee, Empress Wu Zetian burst into laughter and exclaimed, “This fruit is sweet and delicious! I would gladly eat it until I am full.” Subsequently, Emperor Wu Zetian issued regular orders for the acquisition of lychee products from Qiongzhou.

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As a result, the people of Qiongzhou extensively cultivated lychee, which eventually became a royal tribute, establishing the unique culture of lychee tributes. As lychee can grow in a difficult environment, lychee had become for poets a symbol to either praise or criticise the conditions they were in. The poems that described lychee follow a similar structure. First, it can be used to describe the frustration feelings regarding their careers, when poets want to show that their talents are not fully appreciated. They show their sorrows and angers to those who had less talent, but their career took off quicker. Such as in Song Dynasty, a poet was banished to Yazhou (Qiong area of Hainan), where he made a poem claiming that God was jealous of his talent and sent him to this area to plant lychee, which means that his talent can only be used to plant lychee in Yanzhou. Secondly, the poems focused more on lychee’s wonderful taste or the beautiful landscape of lychee orchards. For example, in Song Dynasty (1146), Official Li Guang was assigned to a city where only few lychee plantations were found, and he felt happy only when he saw the lychee on his hands, the only reason why he liked the city. In other cases, as lychee usually grew in remote areas, poets used this symbol to express the fact that it is hard to discover talented people. For instance, in Ming Dynasty, Mr. Qiu Jun, who was a politician, scientist, and poet once said in his “Yong Lizhi” that lychee was the most precious fruit in the world due to its taste, but unfortunately, lychee could only grow in a poor area, exactly just like him that was forced to remain in the same poor area. The life of Yangshan people is closely related to lychee. For thousands of years, people in the site not only mastered the cultivation techniques of lychee, but also integrated the fruit into traditional song and dance, creating the unique lychee culture of Yangshan. The heritage site is blessed with abundant food culture and customs. Both ingredients and cooking skills are filled with wisdom, which present Yangshan’s exploration of the nature and inheritance of their traditional culture. One of the important events in the site is Gong Qi, a traditional festival dating back to about 1400 years ago, to worship the ancestors and show people’s appreciation for the peaceful life and good harvesting. It usually falls in January or February depending on the Chinese lunar calendar. On that day, the villagers carry ancestor’s statues and walk on the street, while households come out to pray, expecting that their ancestors can bless them to have another peaceful and fruitful year. Black goats are consumed as sacrifice. Beside the use as a sacrifice for this celebration, black goats are commonly eaten in the area, representing the main ingredient for different local dishes. Soup of cow muscles and bones is another local food which is welcomed by local people. Shi Hu (a herb growing on local volcanic rocks) is used as one of the ingredients of the soup. Local people also use lychees to produce a wine which is considered to have beneficial effects on health and that is used to welcome guests in special occasions or for festivals like the Gong Qi. Lychee honey is another product which is famous all over Chin and is believed to have beneficial effects on the liver and stomach. The site is an area with recurring severe natural disasters such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and typhoons. It also recorded one of the most intense and

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frequent volcanic activities since the new era in China. At the entrance of every village, it is possible to notice the presence of ancient temples built with volcanic rocks, which are dedicated to the gods of the land, the gods of the mountains, and the gods of the wind and rain. Local people considered ancient lychee trees and ancient banyan trees as Feng Shui trees, symbols of guards of the villages. People worshipped them and pried for favourable weather so as to have good harvests and calm and peaceful life. For thousands of years, the elderly and children have been resting and chatting under the ancient trees in the village. In the evening, the villagers gather together to enjoy the cool and have free chatting. The centuries-old temples, ancient trees, and the unique volcanic rock villages of Yangshan are integrated in the local landscape and one another. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The ancient villages were established in the site more than 1000 years ago, and today there are several well-preserved ancient villages that represent a traditional and material feature of the distinctive volcanic culture. These villages include houses, meandering footpaths, wells, fences, all built with local volcanic rocks, making them a well-integrated feature of the local landscape. Outside of the villages, starts the forest and the lychee orchards, which in ancient times were also a sort of barrier to protect the village. The forest belt can be wide tens of metres or even hundreds of metres, and hundreds of old lychee trees were distributed in this belt. There are not only tall trees but also various small trees and shrubs around the old trees. In the forest belt, there is a small path connecting the village and farmland, with volcanic rocks distributed at the roadside. Farther from the villages and the forest, along the mountain slopes, it is possible to observe the terraces, with various sizes, that are used to cultivate different crops. Above the terraces are the remains of craters which have formed the spatial distribution pattern of the village-lychee forest belt-volcanic stone terraces. There are two types of craters due to different forms of volcanic eruptions. One is the remains of the anhydrous crater formed by cooling of the magma after eruption; the other one is that was formed when the magma ascended but didn’t erupt. After years of accumulation, a small lake can be found within the crater, representing the main water resource for the forests and farmland nearby. The ancient lychee trees growing in the volcanic area have a strong adaptability to the environment and strong vitality. The ancient lychee trees in the heritage site are mainly distributed in the wild lychee forest. The trees have its growing advantages in the forest land due to its height and wide crown. Mostly, the wild lychee propagate by means of seeds, so they usually have a strong resistance to the environment. Therefore, in the vicinity of tall ancient lychee trees, the wild lychee trees which germinated with the seeds of ancient lychee trees can always be seen. The age of wild lychee trees is about a hundred years old. In addition, in the farmland forest system of the heritage site and from the beginning to the end of the village, the distribution of tall and ancient lychee trees can be found everywhere, creating delightful scenery.

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In addition to the ancient lychee trees, there are many other ancient trees in the heritage site, such as the ancient banyan trees which can be found at the entrance of the village, or other ancient trees like Antiaris toxicaria, Terminalia catappa, or Bischofia polycarpa. These ancient trees, part of the rich biological resources of the site, are not only a valuable material heritage left by ancestors, but also an important resource for the development of rural tourism. The arable land in the heritage is cultivated by the local farmers. Due to the morphological conditions, the farms are characterised by a high fragmentation of the fields, and large size farmland is not common in the area. Papaya and some young fruit trees are planted around the farmland, and the outside is a forest network dominated by lychee trees. The barrier of trees not only has a wind-proof effect, but also forms a unique farmland forest network landscape. Local farmers used to clear the farmland from the volcanic rocks, by creating piles of them along field borders, that nowadays represent boundaries but also an ecological network, as these dry-stone walls made of volcanic rocks are important habitats for small plants.

3.4 The Ancient Terraced Agricultural System in Shouf, Lebanon (Marwa Abou Assi, Francesco Piras, Beatrice Fiore)

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Summary Information Location of the site

The site is located in Shouf district, one of the six districts of Mount Lebanon governorate. The site is composed of four villages, each one corresponding to a different municipality. The site extends on the higher top of Shouf mountain on the board of Bekaa governorate 33°41′05.1″ N, 35°42′19.3″ E

Area of coverage

3900 ha

Topographic features

The altitude of the site starts from 1100 m a.s.l., up to 2250 m on the top of the mountain where the reserve of cedars of Maaser el Shouf is located

Climate type

Mediterranean climate with four distinct seasons where the average temperature of the warmest month (August) is 20 °C, and the one of the coldest month (January) is 4 °C. Summers are warm and dry while winters are cool and wet

Ethnicity/indigenous population

In Maaser el Shouf and Khraybeh Christians and Druze communities live together, while in Mrusti and Jbaa only the Druze community is present

Global Significance The Shouf Biosphere Reserve (SBR) is under the authority of the Lebanese Ministry of Environment (MOE), which manages it through the Appointed Protected Area Committee (APAC) that includes among its members the Al Shouf Cedar Society (ACS), the Mayors of the larger villages, and independent environment experts. The site is found in Shouf district, exactly in the buffer zone of the oldest cedars forest in Lebanon. Cedar forests are one of the oldest documented forests in history; they were featured prominently in the earliest written records of the Sumerians dating from the third millennium BC. Cedar wood was highly valued for its durability and for this reason it has been used for boats and sarcophagi in ancient Egypt. Terraced landscapes represent a very ancient cultural practice that goes back to the Bronze Age (about 3700 years ago) in steep areas throughout the Mediterranean region to create arable land opportunities in steep mountain areas (Aalen 2001; Dunjo et al. 2003; Modica et al. 2017; Lasanta et al. 2017). The terraces provide a wide range of ecosystem services: preserve fertile soil and favourable microclimate conditions for crops; slow down the water runoff; support biodiversity in the microhabitats provided by the stone walls; act as firebreaks in forested mountain landscapes (Arnaez et al. 2011; Tarolli et al. 2014). The slopes around the Shouf Biosphere Reserve were intensively terraced and cultivated since very old times for the production of grapes, olives, walnuts, and almonds, in addition to figs and cereals. Agriculture terraces were also very much used in the past to cultivate mulberries to raise silkworms for the silk industry

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(Diane and Brandon 2010, 2019). This particular kind of silk was called baladi (local), and was famed for its beautiful yellow colour. The presence of several millstones from Roman times is an indicator of the ancient culture of terraced crops in the region, in particular of the olive tree. Olive trees are still cultivated in terraces, as well as a number of fruit trees. While the production of wine and arak is a major economic activity in the West Beqaa side, most terraces dedicated to vines are currently abandoned in the Shouf side. Food and Livelihood Security Long time ago cereals were the dominant cultivation, usually associated with livestock breeding; cereals were partly used to feed the animals, but they were largely used as the main ingredient for traditional Lebanon dishes, like bourghoul or frike. VInes were also cultivated, especially in the nearby Beqaa area, while in Shouf vines were less frequent, as wine is forbidden in druze religion, although they were used to make a sweet kind of molasses called debes. In 1950 phylloxera attacked the vines of higher Shouf; from 1950 till 1970 a lot of vines were lost, in addition to the abandonment of the land due to the civil war that started in 1948 (Markou and Kavazis 2006). In 1950, apple trees were introduced in the area, starting with the “English variety;” nowadays, according to the second report on the state of plant genetic resources for food and agriculture by FAO and Lebanese Agricultural Research Institute, apple tree is the second fruit tree, after olive trees, to be cultivated in Lebanon. The main apple varieties belong mostly to the traditional Starking and Golden groups, thus limiting the export to the Arab countries. An increasing number of modern improved varieties are currently being introduced from France, Italy, and recently from the USA, through nurseries and private companies. Cherry trees were introduced to higher Shouf right after apples, especially in Mrusti and Jbaa areas rather than in Maaser and Khraibe. It started to be introduced as a landscape tree and then they started to improve the fruit production and today Mrusti and Jbaa areas represent the main areas for cherry production in Shouf. The majority of farmers is engaged in horticulture and tree crops (apples, olives, cherries, peaches, pears), in addition to apiculture (cedar and oak honey, and multifloral honey), floriculture, and the harvesting of wild plants (origanum, sumac, dandelion greens, akkoub, among others). Farmers and rural women also are engaged in product processing to reduce fresh fruits’ perishability and increase its diversification and benefits. Main processed products are: olive oil, apple-based products (e.g. apple cider, jam, juice, and molasses), grape molasses, tomato paste, pomegranate juice and molasses, mixed of dried herbs, dried fruits, herbal infusions, mouneh, and dairy products. Considering the Investment Development Authority of Lebanon (IDAL) survey of 2016, 109 companies were registered in Shouf district, most of them belonging to the food and beverage sector, highlighting a good and organised local value chain from the farmers to the processing and distribution sector.

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Apiculture is an ancient industry dating back thousands of years that currently remains an important part of the local culture and economy. Clay hives still containing residues of honey have been found in Phoenician and Roman archaeological sites. Cedar honey is produced mainly by the Lebanese bee strain called Apis mellifera syriaca. This is the only type of bee that can withstand the vast fluctuations in climate and temperature that are found in the high altitudes of the Lebanese mountains, where the weather can be very hot during the day and very cold at night. The Lebanese bee consumes the honeydew released from the aphids in the cedar trunks to produce honey. Although their production in terms of quantity is relatively lower than that of other strains of bees, they are still the most efficient in such an environment. Cedar honey is used as food, as well as in folk medicine as an unguent due to the wound healing properties. In the same way as cedars, oak forests are an important resource for the production of high-quality oak honey, produced in the same way as cedar honey, highly appreciated in the national market and with a high market value. Traditional food reflects the cultural identity, history and lifestyle of the local community. Numerous wild herbs such as Origanum syriacum, Thymbra spicata, Asparagus acutifolius, Eryngium glomeratum, Scolymus maculatus, Scorzonera mollis, Centaurea iberica, Cichorium intybus, and Pyrus syriaca are traditionally collected by local people, especially women, and used for both self-consumption and selling, as part of a very rich gastronomic culture. Oak forests are also a basic source of food for livestock in the autumn winter period, due to the highly energetic and nutritive value of their acorns, especially of the high mountain oak Quercus brantii, whose acorns are very large. Moreover, oak forests are an important source of firewood to heat the houses in winter, as firewood or, more recently, as briquettes. The wood products resulting from the thinning and pruning operations were used in the following way: (i) the thicker branches were distributed to the local population for direct heating; (ii) the thinner ones were shredded to provide raw material for the manufacturing of briquettes; (iii) very thin branches were used for reviving the traditional knowledge of charcoal production. Livestock is mainly composed of goat herds from shepherds in neighbouring villages that graze in designated areas following a traditional short transhumance system (from spring to autumn in the mountains and at lower areas in winter outside the SBR landscape). Milk production is mainly used for processing traditional dairy products, including cheese, labneh, and kishk, which are sold both locally and at national level. Kishk, a fermented product prepared with bulgur (dry cracked wheat) and yoghurt, is a traditional product from both the West Beqaa and the Shouf area, probably originated around the tenth century, exclusively produced in rural areas during summer to serve as a provision for winter time. Consumption is common all over the country and constitutes an important part of the winter diet when consumed as a thick soup containing qawarma (preserved lamb meat), as well as in pizza or manousheh. The development of ecotourism and agritourism within the Shouf Biosphere Reserve opened new opportunities for the local farmers and rural women. The SBR organises different activities (hiking in the reserve, musical events, village

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festivals) that attract many visitors, providing good opportunities for the local farmers to sell their products. The events organised by SBR do not stop in winter and they also represent an opportunity for local women and youth to work and to create more services for the tourists. Many guest houses have been opened during the last decade, in addition to the new small restaurants and bakeries. Small investments are crucial to actively support the economy of the local communities and to reduce the migration of the rural population towards the big cities to find better jobs. Agrobiodiversity So far, about 1070 vascular plant species are known in the SBR. The landscape is rich in medicinal, edible, and aromatic plants (e.g. Gundelia tournefortii, Crataegus azarolus, Scorzonera mollis, Thymus syriacus, Origanum syriacum, Rhus coriaria) very much harvested and used by local inhabitants. It is also home to 25 internationally and nationally threatened species, 48 endemics to Lebanon or to the Syria/Lebanon/Turkey area, and 14 rare species, whilst 214 species are restricted to the Eastern Mediterranean or Middle East area. Venerable trees and old growth forest stands are linked to sacred places and village folk traditions, becoming the representation of the collective memory. The cedar tree is also a religious symbol, a national emblem and icon. The SBR has a high diversity of vegetation types. Along the altitudinal gradient of the SBR mountainous landscape, a series of bioclimatic zones (Supra Mediterranean bioclimatic zone, Oro-Mediterranean bioclimatic zone) follow one another, defined by the temperature changes from the warmest basal zone to the coldest zone at the mountain summit. Each bioclimatic zone corresponds to a series of plant communities. The vegetation that characterises the Supra Mediterranean bioclimatic zone consist of forest habitats in which the dominant tree species are the evergreen oak (Quercus calliprinos), the deciduous oak (Quercus infectoria), the Stone pine (Pinus pinea), and the Calabrian pine (Pinus brutia). The companion species change according to the type of substrate. In the forests occurring in limestone substrates companion species include fruit trees of small size, such as the wild pear (Pyrus syriaca), the wild plum (Prunus ursina), the azerole (Crataegus azarolus), the wild pistachio (Pistacia palaestina), the Syrian maple (Acer obtusifolium), and the oriental strawberry tree (Arbutus andrachne); climbing shrubs such as Clematis vitalba, Lonicera etrusca, Tamus communis, Smilax aspera; shrubs such as Rhamnus punctata, the wild rose (Rosa canina), the Spanish broom (Spartium junceum); aromatic plants such as Origanum syriacum, Stachys distans, and Teucrium divaricatum; grass species such as Dactylis glomerata, Brachypodium pinnatum, and Melica angustifolia. The Oro-Mediterranean bioclimatic zone extends along an altitudinal range between 1500 and 1900 m, almost up to the mountain summit. The vegetation of the later successional stages is characterised by forest habitats in which the dominant tree species are the cedar tree (Cedrus libani) only in the western sea facing

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slopes, and by the high mountain oak species (Quercus brantii) on both mountain sides. In the lower parts of this bioclimatic zone, Quercus calliprinos can be abundant. The forest canopy is usually dominated by one species, although mixed forest stands are also found with an upper tree layer dominated by cedar trees and a lower tree layer dominated by oaks and scattered fruit trees (Sorbus flabellifolia, Sorbus torminalis, Malus trilobata) and Acer hyrcanum sbsp. tauricolum. Companion species include fruit trees of small size, such as the wild pear (Pyrus syriaca), the wild plum (Prunus ursina), the azerole (Crataegus azarolus), the common hawthorn (Crataegus monogyna), scattered fruit trees (Sorbus flabellifolia, Sorbus torminalis, Malus trilobata), and Acer hyrcanum sbsp. tauricolum; shrubs such as Colutea cilicica, Styrax officinalis, Berberis libanotica, Cotoneaster nummularius, and the Spanish broom (Spartium junceum); grass species such as Dactylis glomerata, Poa diversifolia, Stipa barbata, and Agropyron panormitanum; herbal species such as Geranium libani, Lathyrus libani, Corydalis solida, Rubia aucheri, Doronicum caucasicum. Recently abandoned agriculture terraces in limestone substrates are colonised by communities of herbaceous plants, including several orchids (e.g. Orchis anatolica, O. italica, O. galilaea, Neotinea tridentata, Anacamptis papilionaceae, A. morio subsp. syriaca), legumes (e.g. Trifolium stellatum, T. campestre, Ononis natrix, Medicago sativa, Ononis adenotricha), aromatic plants (Helichrysum sanguineum, Origanum syriacum), grass species (Hordeum bulbosum, Avena barbata, Dactylis barbata, Dactylis glomerata), edible herbs (Scorzonera cana and Eryngium glomeratum), and other species (such as Nigella ciliaris, Linum pubescens, Allium ampeloprasum, Allium descendens, Pallenis spinosa). Shrublands are very important for livestock grazing too, with numerous highly palatable legume species, such as the Spanish broom (Spartium junceum), Calycotome villosa, Astragalus spp., and other shrubs such as Rhamnus punctatus, Sarcopoterium spinosum, and Cistus spp. Autumn grazing mainly takes place in the slopes of the main massif below the strict protected zone, due to the availability of oak acorns which are the most appreciated resource by livestock due to their high energy and protein value. Other important fodder—leaves and fruits—are small fruit trees from the Rosaceae family. During winter, shepherds move livestock at lower altitudes closer to the coast with milder climate. Regarding fruit species, field gene banks were established at Lebanese Agriculture Research Institution (LARI). The main crops are olive, grape, stone fruits, and citrus species. In addition, local nurseries host a large number of fruit species and could be considered as ex situ collections. The following table reports the different varieties of the three main fruit species that are found within the area. Apple

Grape

Cherry

Golden delicious

Haifawe

Nouwary

Starking delicious

Bayyade

Feraouni

Double red

Aswad taweel

Italiyan (continued)

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146 Apple

Grape

Cherry

Super red

Jawzeni

Kalb el tayr

Gala

Baytamouni

Soukari

Granny smith

Meksese

Pink

English

Lawwan helo Mmassak Aswad mda7bar aw Aswad shatawe Hzeirani Salte Aasame

The SBR landscape is home to 32 species of mammals, being one of the last remaining areas in Lebanon where large mammals that once roamed the region can still be found. Mammals have increased in number since the SBR was established. Over 275 bird species have been recorded in the Shouf Biosphere Reserve and the Ammiq Wetland. The birdlife of the SBR landscape includes rare or threatened species such as the Syrian serin (Serinus syriacus), Eagle owl (Bubo bubo), Chukar partridge (Alectoris chukar), Long legged buzzard (Buteo rufinus), among others. The whole area, strategically placed between Europe, Africa, and West Asia is very important for bird migration, with over 240 different bird species using this flyway. Each year countless storks (Ciconia ciconia), pelicans (Pelecanus onocrotalus), cranes (Grus grus), birds of prey (e.g. Milvus migrans), and other migrants pass over the reserve and use it as a resting, feeding, and roosting site. The SBR also includes 31 species of reptiles and amphibians. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Agriculture terraces were very much used in the past for the production of mulberry trees for the silk industry. The first Kerkhana (silk factory in Persian) for the reeling of cocoons was built in Btater in the Shouf region. Teams of spinners were brought from France to train young women, who for the first time were encouraged to leave their households, to go out to work. The old black mulberry trees named kboush shami or tout are the remnants of the abundant orchards that were once shaping the landscape of West Bekaa and Shouf villages. Mulberry trees are also known as the golden trees, since they produce delicious fruits which are used to make sharab el Tout (mulberry cordial), tout ice cream, jam, and molasses. At the same time of silk production wheat and barley production was also important because wheat is a very important component in traditional Lebanese dishes in addition to the dairy products such as milk, laban (yoghurt), labneh. Livestock was part of a specific productive cycle: wheat and barley were used for self-consumption and for feeding animals that produced the dairy products, while

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the animal manure was used as an organic fertiliser. As raising animals decreased, planting cereals also decreased. This was not the only cause of the decrease of cereal production, as the imported cereals with lower prices from outside Lebanon also caused the decrease of local cereal cultivations. Pruning of fruit trees is done in March or April, when there is no risk of frosts. The tools used in pruning have always been the same (saws and scissors) from centuries ago. In old times local farmers were ploughing twice or three times per year which is not used anymore because of the recommendations of experts about conservative methods in agriculture and for economic issues. In the past, traditional farmers were not aware of chemical treatments to combat pests or diseases. Even today, some new farmers have experimented with chemicals but have discovered that they result in high production costs and a loss of fruit quality and taste. As a result, they are reverting to their parents’ traditional methods of pests prevention. These farmers are now employing natural mixtures with strong scents to repel insects, such as oregano water or a mixture of garlic and onion soaked in water for 15 days, and use it as a spray on their vegetables. Additionally, they have started planting lavender and oregano in the fields to attract natural predators. During the olive harvest, the entire family would come together to work. The father and children would head to the field first, followed shortly by the mother who would bring a packed lunch and lend a hand. Neighbours would also assist each other if they had finished their own harvests. Despite the hard work, these are joyful times, and the farmers would sing as they worked. The harvest took place between September and December, depending on the region and whether they were producing green (early harvest) or black olives (late harvest). A common method employed by cultivators was to spread a piece of fabric around the base of the tree. They would then strike the trunk and large branches with a stick, causing the fruit to fall onto the fabric. However, this method resulted in both ripe and unripe fruit falling, leaving very few olives on the tree. This traditional method is still used in all Shouf regions. Once all the fruits are collected, they are placed in bags and taken home to be stored until the entire picking process is completed. After the collection, olives are sorted according to their best use. The finest olives are set aside for pickling, while the majority are taken to the olive mill to be transformed into olive oil. Traditional olive presses used grindstones to crush the olives, creating a paste from which the oil could be extracted. Unlike the horizontally mounted grindstones in a mill, the grindstones in an olive press are vertically mounted and rotate in a tub, crushing the olives against the tub’s floor. In the past, mules or horses were used to power the grinder, requiring periodic rest breaks and making the process time-consuming. In the 1940s, motors replaced animals, significantly speeding up the process. The resulting paste is spread onto round mats, traditionally made of horsehair. To extract the olive oil, the stacked paste is pressed against the press. The oil begins to drip down the sides of the stack, collecting in a basin and then flowing into a holding tank. Once drained, the olive

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mash is removed, and the process is repeated. The mash, composed of skin and ground pits, was and still is used as fuel for fires in winter. The lower-quality oil is instead used for soap-making or as fuel for oil lamps. The oil that emerges from the press is impure, containing solid matter and a significant amount of water. It is allowed to settle in holding tanks to separate the water from the oil. The press operator adds water to the mixture, causing the oil to move to an adjacent tank, leaving impurities behind. This process is repeated several times to obtain the purest oil possible. The olive oil is then stored in large clay pots or stainless steel vats in a cool, dark room away from direct light and heat sources. Soaps are made from the lowest quality oil. The traditional method is labour-intensive and time-consuming. First, the olive oil is boiled and stirred in a large cauldron for six hours. Additional ingredients are added and briefly heated until the oil transforms into a smooth paste. Natural scents and colours are then incorporated. The hot mixture is left to cool overnight before being cut into cube shapes. Wheat harvesting is still done manually using traditional tools, as the parcels are small and terraced and only a few people continue to cultivate wheat. Due to limited space, it is difficult to use large machines, and the roads leading to the cultivated lands are narrow. The traditional irrigation system used is furrow irrigation, and old canals distribute water from springs or from the municipal network to the fields. There are still old rainwater collection pools that have been used for a long time to store water and use it during the summer. Restaurants also prepare traditional food in clay pots called fekhar in Arabic. This traditional cooking method helps to keep the food warm and gives it a unique flavour. Local bakeries offer visitors the traditional Lebanese dish known as mankoushe, which is made using the traditional Lebanese bread. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation Venerable trees standing in the SBR landscape are given names and hold significance in family or village histories, representing collective memory. Cultural practices related to forests, livestock management, and agriculture have existed since ancient times, shaping the identity of the SBR landscape. Tree worship is a traditional cultural practice in the SBR landscape, with the Druze community being particularly involved in kissing and worshipping trees. Four ancient oak trees (Quercus calliprinos) are linked to sacred rites and have become part of the region’s collective memory. These trees are located in Barouk forest in Delboun, Botme, Khraibe, and in the Druze sanctuary in Niha municipality, where the tomb of El Nabi Ayyoub (the prophet Job) is housed. There is a tree behind the Darih El Nabi Ayyoub shrine that is believed to possess miraculous properties. Additionally, there is a forest with old growth oaks and a century-old tree known for its miraculous and blessed nature. Local traditions claim that this tree cured Job of a skin disease, and devotees perform various rituals such as hanging string and cloth in its branches. Some even take home fragments of the bark for good fortune.

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Raising animals is an important part of the village’s culture, reflecting traditional attitudes. The houses in these rural villages are designed to accommodate animal husbandry, with large surrounding space. Chicken rearing is common, not only for dairy products like white meat and eggs, but also to reduce food waste and utilise chicken waste as fertiliser. Other animals, such as goats, sheep, cows, and donkeys, are also raised for agricultural practices. In old houses, there is often a small water-filled pot near the main house to provide water for cats and birds. Bread and milk are placed outside the house to attract cats, which helps reduce the presence of snakes and mice. This simple practice of encouraging natural predators was preferred over using poison. Rabbits are not raised due to their attraction to snakes. The architecture of the houses found in these villages is rural, traditional, and harmoniously blends with the landscape. Through careful terrace construction, the land was cultivated, and the houses were built using local stones and timbers, showcasing simplicity and refinement. The relationship between architecture and nature is a central aspect of Lebanese house design. The houses are designed to be open to the outside, embracing the landscape and capturing the cool breeze of summer and the warm sun of winter. Depending on the owner’s wealth, the house may feature a simple window or an elaborate gallery. The houses were often built “wall to wall,” with shared walls between neighbouring houses, allowing family members to remain close and reducing construction costs. The simplest Lebanese house consists of a large upper room called al illiya and a vaulted lower room known as the kabou, used for storage of animals, firewood, and tools. The illiya is the living quarters and offers the best views. The roof of the illiya is made of light timber and supported by external walls and one or two internal columns, two in more wealthy households. Regular maintenance is required to compact the earth layer on the roof, preventing rainwater or melted snow from penetrating during the winter season. The terrace in front of the house, called stayha, is a gathering place for the family in the evening, providing a cool spot to sleep on hot summer nights. Often, the stayha is covered with a grapevine to offer shade from the sun and protection from evening dew. The most common type of Lebanese house is the central hall house, featuring a simple cube shape with a red-tiled roof. These houses typically have two floors, with the lower one vaulted for storage and the upper one serving as the living area. The windows are elegantly framed and decorated with iron or plaster motifs inspired by nature, such as abstract floral and leaf patterns commonly found in old village houses, adding to the harmony between architecture and the landscape. Like music, dance is a universal language shared by all nations, and it has been intertwined with humanity since its inception. Dabke, a Levantine folk dance, is performed by various communities residing in the mountains above the Mediterranean coastline. It originated in the Middle Eastern region encompassing Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, and Syria. As civilization progressed, dance evolved into different forms. Dabke is a group dance performed in a circular formation within a confined space. All types of Dabke share one common element: the dancers stomp their feet forcefully on the ground. Legend has it that in the past, the

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roofs of houses in the region were made of tree branches and mud. Whenever the weather changed, the mud would crack, and family or community members would come together, forming a line, joining hands, and stomping the mud to patch it up. During colder months, they would sing to keep themselves warm. The origin of Dabke dates back to the time when village people would gather for Dal’ouna, a practice rooted in the Aramaic word ouna meaning mutual aid. It involved assisting the owner of a newly constructed house by compacting the roof with their feet. This technique was later replaced by the use of a roller. The popularity of Dabke in the Lebanese countryside accounts for the dance’s diverse rhythms (ranging from slow to fast), steps (mtanniye, mtallate, arja), and inherited tunes and melodies (dal’ouna, houwara, nadda, haykalo, zayno, etc.). Despite the existence of numerous dance styles, Dabke remains a fundamental element of the dance culture in Lebanon. It is not solely confined to weddings and joyful occasions but holds a significant place within the artistic movement, becoming an integral part of musicals and operettas staged in all the country. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The landscape of the site encompasses the same landscape found throughout the higher Shouf region. It is characterised by a diverse combination of agricultural land, agroforestry, semi-natural woodlands, and pastures. According to the information provided by the SBR, agriculture is the primary land use in the area, covering 30% of the territory. However, approximately 19.4% (4100 ha) of the agricultural land is currently abandoned. Forests cover 16.1% of the landscape, with cedar forests accounting for about 403 ha, and representing approximately 25% of Lebanon’s total cedar forests. In many cases, secondary oak forests, primarily consisting of Quercus infectoria mixed with Pinus brutia, have developed on abandoned agricultural terraces in the southwestern side of the buffer zone of the biosphere reserve, becoming dense and unmanaged forests with significant accumulation of dry biomass, representing a risk for forest fires occurrence. The landscape is most extensively modified by human activity in the mountain foothills at the Supra Mediterranean level. Terraces are constructed in this area due to favourable climate conditions and geological features. The presence of deeper soils, higher soil water content, and availability of freshwater make this zone suitable for agriculture, settlement, and fulfilling various needs. Pastureland covers 14% of the SBR, with 61.5% comprising high mountain grasslands located in the core zone, and 38.5% being low mountain pastures where livestock grazing is permitted. Some of the low mountain pastureland is situated on abandoned terraces at the bottom of narrow valleys between the main mountain massif and parallel hills. Livestock grazing, mainly consisting of goats and a few sheep, follows a short-distance transhumant system, with daily movements between the surrounding villages or nearby livestock farms and the mountain slopes during the spring and autumn seasons. Currently, grazing management does not follow an organised rotation system but is based on the shepherds’ daily decisions, primarily considering the availability of water. Stone pine forests at lower elevations also serve as important grazing areas, with the presence of Cistus spp. shrubs.

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Additionally, there are shrublands that develop on abandoned agricultural terraces and degraded forest land, covering 15% of the total surface of the SBR landscape. Rocky outcrops are widespread on mountain slopes and hills, occupying 19% of the SBR territory. These areas are significant habitats for chasmophytic plant species and the recently introduced Nubian ibex. Quarries for limestone stone and sand extraction are scattered throughout the SBR, covering 2.4% of the surface. Terraces are a prominent feature in the agricultural landscapes of the southern Levant. Building these terraces required significant human effort to meet the community’s food needs. An agricultural terrace is a levelled surface that is more horizontal than the original land surface. It provides additional space for cultivating crops, and water, whether from rain or springs, flows across the levelled surface, providing a crucial resource for crop growth. The terrace’s ability to retain and conserve water depends on the depth and soil texture of the terrace deposits. Although there are different types of terraces, the basic principle is to replace a slope with steps, using horizontal “treads” of soil and vertical or near-vertical “risers” in the form of retaining walls. The walls are constructed using stone obtained from the terracing process or quarried nearby. The amount of work required and its cost depend on factors such as slope, rock type, soil abundance or scarcity, vegetation, and the type of terrace being built. Recently, UNESCO recognised “The art of drystone walls” as an intangible World Heritage Site, as it represents a harmonious relationship between humans and nature. The slopes surrounding the villages in the Shouf district, especially the high-altitude villages like the ones in the site, have been extensively terraced and cultivated for centuries. The presence of Roman-era grape and olive presses indicates the ancient tradition of terraced agriculture in the region. However, the war and subsequent population migration led to the abandonment of many cultivated lands, resulting in the destruction of ancient agricultural terraces, soil erosion, and reduced water flow and storage capacity of the terraced soils. In some cases, secondary vegetation has taken over the abandoned terraces, progressing from pastures to thickets and forests over time. This vegetation now poses a significant fire risk due to the accumulation of dry biomass. Despite the challenges, agriculture remains an important tradition for the rural Lebanese population, and many still hold agricultural parcels and terraces inherited from their ancestors, producing food primarily for self-consumption. These lands hold cultural and historical significance, serving as a source of pride, cultural roots, and additional income. One critical issue in the Shouf district is the unclear land tenure boundaries, along with the absence of land use planning in the Biosphere Reserve landscape. These factors have contributed to uncontrolled urbanisation and mining activities in the buffer zone and core zone of the reserve. The rapid and unregulated urban sprawl has also been favoured by the remittances sent by Lebanese emigrants who desire a home in Lebanon. The abandonment of customary governance systems that regulated natural resource management in communal and public lands has resulted in conflicts among land users and the overexploitation of natural ecosystems and wildlife. Additionally, significant population increases have contributed to landscape degradation.

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3.5 Anfeh Sea Salt Production System, Lebanon (Wael Saad, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro)

Summary Information Location of the site

Anfeh, Koura District, North Governorate, Lebanon 34°22′34.3″ N 35°44′20.1″ E

Area of coverage

811 ha

Topographic features

Coastal plain

Climate type

Mediterranean Climate

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Arabs and Lebanese, distributed among several religious groups, mainly Greek Orthodox with a Maronite (oriental Catholics) minority and a Muslim Sunni minority

Global Significance The proposed site is situated in Anfeh, a small coastal town in Northern Lebanon, 70 km north of Beirut. It boasts a wealth of archaeological and cultural heritage, and its community has depended on salt extraction from the sea for centuries.

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Thanks to its distinctive geographical location, Anfeh has been a focal point throughout history, playing a significant economic role during various periods, including the Late Bronze Age, the Phoenician, Roman, Byzantine, Medieval eras, and even into the Ottoman period (Panayot 2015). Food and Livelihoods Security Salt extraction is a Lebanese historical practice that dates back to the Bronze Age and has persisted through various historical periods. It experienced periods of growth and decline, influenced by socio-economic and political events. The peak of salt extraction occurred in the 1940s until the Lebanese civil war that began in 1975 (Kalindjian 2022). In 1943, following Lebanon’s independence from French mandate, the Lebanese government granted permission to salt producers in Anfeh to resume their production, which had been in decline during the French mandate and Ottoman rule. The government formalised salt production in the 1940s and allowed producers to register their production through renewable yearly permits. These permits enabled producers to exploit land for salt production while paying production taxes. Between 1953 and 1975, thousands of families relied on salt extraction for their livelihoods, leading to a period of growth that allowed the Anfeh community to prosper, expand its markets, and build its livelihoods. It was estimated that during this period, annual production reached 50,000 tons, while Lebanon’s yearly consumption was around 70,000 tons (Kalindjian 2022). Therefore, there was a balance between local production and imported salt to meet the needs of the national population. Anfeh’s salt production was also exported to neighbouring countries, particularly Syria. This growth in production created employment opportunities for the local community and attracted labour from nearby cities. In addition to salt production, Anfeh historically had a reputation for producing wine, olive oil, and olive by-products. Wine production thrived until the Ottoman era, which led to its decline and its replacement with olive cultivation and production. The decline in the number of salt producers and overall salt production in Anfeh in the last decades can be attributed to several challenges and events that significantly impacted the production system. The lack of support and conservation efforts in the years following the civil war played a major role in altering the economic landscape of Anfeh and greatly affecting the sustainability of the salt production system. The main challenges that affected production and contributed to the decrease in the number of producers included the importation of refined salt from Egypt, the categorisation of northern coastal regions as tourist areas, and industrial development in the southern borders of Anfeh. As a result, the number of salt producers decreased exponentially, and what was once a profitable production system supporting hundreds of families and thousands of individuals now has only a few remaining producers struggling for survival.

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In terms of productivity, an average salt farm was reported to produce up to 300 tons per year, with an estimated yield of 20 kg of salt per square metre per year. For production to be profitable, the price per ton should be between 100 and 150 USD. However, current producers have reported not reaching this threshold, and during interviews, they refrained from disclosing sales numbers and profits. Consequently, salt producers rely on various additional economic activities to sustain their livelihoods, as salt production alone is insufficient. By engaging in agriculture, trade, and other small jobs, producers can diversify their income. Many families who traditionally relied on salt extraction have abandoned the practice and started tourism projects along the coast to promote and showcase the heritage and identity of Anfeh, attracting customers for tourist activities and generating income. Recently, with the support of European funds and international non-governmental organisation (NGOs), projects have been developed to support income diversification in salt farms. These initiatives mainly focus on increasing ecotourism, funding new innovative productions (such as algae for fodder and fertilisers), and creating market opportunities to ensure the sustainability and preservation of the salt production system. Multiple stakeholders, including international donors, local organisation, community-based organisation (CBOs), Fairtrade, and research institutions, are involved in these efforts. Agrobiodiversity The Mediterranean biome, renowned for its rich biodiversity, is widely recognised as a global conservation priority. However, Lebanon’s marine and coastal ecosystems are facing a steady decline due to an array of increasing threats. These threats include coastal urbanisation, pollution from both land and sea sources such as sewage and oil dumping, habitat degradation, unsustainable fishing practices, growing demands on marine resources, the introduction of invasive species, and larger-scale impacts like global climate change (Shaer et al. 2012). The coast of Anfeh is no exception. The coastal plains surrounding the salt ponds are divided into cultivated lands (olive orchards, vineyards, and vegetable crops) and wild flora. The Ras el Mlelih promontory, located on the southern borders of Anfeh, is home to the oldest salt ponds, which have been enlarged by human intervention over the centuries. These ponds serve as vital resting and feeding grounds for numerous species of water birds, including endangered species. It is crucial to emphasize the significance of a diverse and healthy agrobiodiversity system in the traditional production of sea salt. The conservation of the sea salt ponds contributes to the preservation of coastal and marine biodiversity, resulting in mutual benefits for both systems. A clean and biodiverse marine ecosystem enhances water and salt quality, ultimately reducing the need for water purification and associated costs. Furthermore, the conservation of sea salt production systems helps safeguard coastal and marine biodiversity from various threats. Considering the seasonal nature of sea salt production, farmers, and producers

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primarily rely on agriculture to sustain their livelihoods. This establishes a close correlation between coastal biodiversity and traditional agriculture, providing farmers with year-round livelihood opportunities. However, this delicate equilibrium faces constant existential threats arising from years of mismanagement and governance policies that have had a negative impact on the ecosystem. Such policies have encouraged the exploitation of natural resources, ecosystems, and areas with heritage, cultural, and ecological value. Anfeh’s ecosystem, like the entire coastal landscape of Lebanon, is confronted with several threats, including the following: • Direct threats from industry, tourism, and real estate development: There are numerous industrial facilities along the coast that prioritise rapid shipping, with approximately 20,000 units operating in unclassified industrial zones or without legal permits. Consequently, the industrial sector becomes a significant source of pollution, posing hazards to human health and endangering maritime and coastal biodiversity. The Chekka cement production plant, situated on the southern boundary of Anfeh, releases chemicals, including asbestos, into the sea, while other particulates travel through the air. Real estate developers target the coastal zone for large-scale development projects aimed at maximising profits. Many of these projects manage to bypass the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process, ultimately causing damage to the existing environmental conditions of the coast and maritime ecosystem (MOE/UNDP/ECODIT 2011). • Climate change: The Levant Basin, which marks the southeastern boundary for the distribution of most Mediterranean and Atlanto-Mediterranean species, is considered one of the marine regions most susceptible to the effects of climate change (Badreddine 2018). Lebanon has demonstrated its vulnerability to climate variability and change through a series of extreme events in recent years, including heavy rainfall leading to floods and landslides, storm surges, heatwaves, and subsequent forest fires. • Alien species: serious threats to biodiversity and natural ecosystems functioning: In the past century, the Eastern Mediterranean, including Lebanon, has experienced significant environmental changes. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 facilitated the migration of numerous marine organisms from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean. As a result, new species from the Red Sea continue to be discovered in the Mediterranean, particularly in the Eastern basin. This process is commonly referred to as Lessepsian migration, named after Ferdinand de Lesseps, the builder of the Suez Canal (Badreddine 2018). Local and Traditional Knowledge System The traditional knowledge of sea salt production has been passed down for centuries and through many generations. This valuable expertise has primarily been transmitted orally and continues to be preserved to this day. Identifying the appropriate climatic conditions, locations, and techniques for harvesting various salt products is crucial to ensure a clean and dependable production process. Sea salt

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production is based on three main factors: wind speed and air humidity; sunlight; sea water. Type of Basins: In sea salt extraction, producers utilise two different types of basins: deep, large basins for the initial production phases, and shallow, smaller basins for the remaining stages. Originally, these basins were carved in rocks, but they are now made of cement. The deep basins, known as ghabbit—‫ الغبيط‬in the local dialect, are approximately 1–1.20 cm deep. They are used in the first phase of production, where seawater is pumped using wind energy through traditional windmills. The water is stored for 15–20 days, allowing the evaporation process to commence, increasing salt concentration, and enabling sufficient time for sedimentation. This separates all residues from the water used in the production. Once the initial phase is complete, the producers transition to a different type of basin for the remaining process. They use a shallow basin, locally known as jurun—‫جرن‬, which is approximately 10–20 cm deep. This basin facilitates the completion of evaporation and the extraction process (Fig. 3.5). Extraction process: The process of salt extraction begins after the rainy season ends. The preparation begins in April, focusing on the maintenance and cleaning of the basins. During winter, the production and extraction sites are left untouched. Maintenance can involve either full rehabilitation of the basins, which typically

Fig. 3.5  Shallow basins called jurun (photo Wael Saad)

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occurs every 3–4 years based on assessments, or minor interventions to repair cracks in the cement. Cracks are addressed using a mixture of tar, resins, and light fabrics to prevent leaks and structural damage. Recently, there has been a shift towards more eco-friendly and less harmful materials, but their high cost limits their widespread use among producers. The second step involves filling the deep basins with seawater to initiate the extraction process. Traditionally, this was done manually using clay or metallic jars carried by hand to fill the large basins. Water distribution among the basins was achieved through a wooden canal network connecting the entire production system. In the mid-twentieth century, wind energy was harnessed by setting up windmills near the water. These windmills powered mechanical pumps that transferred seawater to higher elevations, allowing it to reach the large basins for storage. In later stages, fuel-powered water pumps were used to transport water to salt basins located farther from the coast, but this practice was abandoned due to the increasing cost of fuel. The production season begins when the large basins are filled with water. This step involves cleaning the water and initiating the evaporation process to increase salt concentration, which usually takes 15–20 days. Cleaning is achieved through gravity and sedimentation, as well as the addition of mullet fish to the large basins. The fish help eliminates mosquito larvae, eggs, insects, and algae by feeding on them. The use of mullet fish in the salt extraction process was legally mandated for salt producers in 1962. After the initial 15 days, the water is transferred to the small basins, which have a shallow depth of 15–20 cm. The water in the small basins is left undisturbed for the first 15 days, during which the first type of salt, known as “bitter salt,” forms. This salt, which is inedible, is calmly and steadily swept to the corners of the basins. Traditionally, bitter salt has been used in leather factories and for cloth and textile production. This step, along with the initial cleaning phase in the large basins, ensures the removal of impurities. The cleaning process is entirely natural, resulting in naturally refined salt. It involves lightly sweeping the surface of the water to remove residues and pollutants carried by the air. Once the cleaning process is complete and sediments, undesired materials, and bitter salt are collected in the corners of the basins, the producers proceed with the mixing process. This delicate mixing is performed using a specific shovel to break up salt crystals and facilitate the completion of the evaporation process while preventing salt from sticking to the bottom of the basin (Fig. 3.6). After approximately three weeks of initial salt crystal formation, the salt is ready for collection. This involves gathering it in the extraction basins, forming small salt dunes, and allowing it to dry completely. After a few days of drying, the salt is collected and placed into white bags, which are then manually sewn and closed. The bags, each weighing 50 kg, are subsequently moved by hand and accumulated in batches, left exposed to the open air for a period to ensure complete drying before being transferred to clean storage facilities (Fig. 3.7). Cultures, Values System, and Social Organisation The Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990) had a significant impact on local and community-based organisation, as well as civil society actors, in terms of their

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Fig. 3.6  Salt crystals formation in Anfeh (photo Wael Saad)

Fig. 3.7  Bags filled and stocked for extra drying in Anfeh (photo Wael Saad)

presence and functions. Many existing social entities gradually disappeared or experienced a decline in influence and proactivity. This was due to various factors such as limited resources, changes in the socio-economic landscape, and lack

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of support from the government or international institutions. One of the key local organisation associated with the salt extraction system was the Salt Producers Syndicate. Following the independence of the Lebanese republic in 1943, the Lebanese government formalised and granted permission to salt producers to extract soil and utilise the coastal region. Production thrived after periods of discouragement and persecution under different authorities (Ottoman, French). In 1956, the syndicate/union for salt producers in Anfeh was established by the producers, with Aziz Jabbour as its leader. The syndicate focused on advocating for the implementation of a taxation law on imported salt, protecting local production, and supporting the rights of local producers. While the union received significant support from the local community, it faced challenges and changes in the socio-economic landscape, which ultimately coincided with the start of the civil war in 1975. In an effort to preserve its natural and cultural heritage (both tangible and intangible) in a single site, and driven by a strong commitment to promote, value, and develop sustainability, the municipal council of Anfeh signed the HIMA agreement with SNPL (Association for the Protection of Nature in Lebanon) in 2017. Hima is an Arabic term that means “protected place” according to a traditional indigenous system of managing and conserving biodiversity, natural resources, and cultural resources. This agreement aims to facilitate the implementation of conservation and mitigation measures for both nature and culture, integrating them into ecotourism projects to have a positive impact on a low-income area with a rich and diverse heritage. Lebanon is known for its religious and cultural richness. The relationship between communities, culture, and religion is a significant aspect. This is particularly evident in the case of Anfeh, where the close bond between the community and religious establishments throughout history is highlighted by the abundance of religious historical sites in the village. Anfeh is home to more than six churches, one mosque, and several small religious pilgrimage sites known as Mazar. This cultural richness adds value to the society and fosters strong connections with traditions, identity, and heritage. Deir Al Natour, meaning the “Monastery of the Watchman” was originally built by the Crusaders on Byzantine ruins and later expanded and renovated during the Ottoman era. The monastery holds great spiritual significance and serves as a major pilgrimage site, which is closely tied to the pristine, natural, and productive environment that surrounds it. Another historically important church is Saydet Al Rih, which translates to “The Church of Our Lady of the Wind.” This small church, located on the Ras Al Qalaat promontory, is considered one of the oldest churches dedicated to St. Mary in the Levant. Archaeological research and excavations have revealed its rich historical heritage, with estimates suggesting that it was built during the Crusades atop the remains of an ancient Byzantine church. Anfeh is also home to seven other religious sites, churches, and shrines belonging to Greek Orthodox and Oriental Catholics (Maronites) religious groups.

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Seascapes and Landscapes Features Remaining and abandoned salt ponds present a desolate scene; however, fortunately, they have preserved the archaeological layers beneath and have become a safe haven for migrating birds. The deserted landscape of former salt works has led to the proliferation of wastelands that were once highly organised to support the salt economy. Today, these wastelands form a unique and remarkable landscape that should be classified alongside the ancestral knowledge of salt production. Amidst the ruins and the proliferation of wilderness, canals, concrete ponds, and systems of pedestrian and car routes still exist, indicating the interconnectedness of the sea, shore, salt works, and ponds. These areas are now symbolic features of Anfeh’s cultural landscapes (Trovato and Panayot 2018). The Anfeh peninsula and coastal region are limestone headlands surrounded by muddy-sand bottoms. The coastline in the area features a more or less wide abrasion platform (2–10 m width) with rocky pools, and in some places, there are small littoral caves. The shallower rocky seabed consists of submarine vertical surfaces (1–6 m high) with large blocks at the base. The submarine topography shows variations between the northern and southern sectors. In the north, the slope is more gradual, whereas from the east to the south, the seabed topography changes significantly, with a large narrow rocky reef at a depth of 40 m and an irregular topography in the southern part of Anfeh, characterised by rocks and blocks. Until the beginning of the last century, there was a strong connection between fishing, salt production activities, and agricultural practices along the coast and inland areas. However, today, the inland economy has declined significantly, and the coastal landscape is being heavily exploited by the mass tourism sector and its unsustainable development. Resorts and marinas are filling the void left by productive activities, leading to the artificialisation of the coastal landscape. This phenomenon is causing the erosion of Anfeh’s valuable natural and cultural heritage, resulting in ecological disturbance, land use change, and the loss of cultural identity (Trovato and Panayot 2018).

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3.6 Cultivation of Mohammadi Flower and Rosewater Production System in Barzok, Iran (Mohammad Amin Emadi, Francesco Piras, Alessandra Bazzurro)

Summary Information Location of the site

Islamic Republic of Iran, Barzok district, Kashan county, Isfahan province 33°47′29.0″ N, 51°13′51.0″ E

Area of coverage

2100 ha

Topographic features

Barzok is situated in a mountainous location and in downhill of Karkas mountain ranges. Its height is 1600–3588 m a.s.l

Climate type

Barzok has a temperate climate during summers and cold weather in winters. Annual rainfall in the lowest altitudes is approximately 200 mm and in highlands has reached up to 400 mm. The maximum temperature will be 20 °C in summer and reach to − 20 °C during winter (continued)

162 Ethnicity/indigenous population

3  Potential GIAHS Sites in Asia and Middle East People from Barzok belong to the Aryan ethnic group and their mixture with Turkic and Arab people was so rare. It is one of the main reasons that Old Persian language has been kept among people. Official language in the region is Persian. However, in the past the dominant dialect was Raji (or Rayeji) as Raji (or Rayeji), but today people use the dialect rarely and is only spoken between older generations. Nowadays the main religion Islam (Twelver Branch of Shia), but some remains of old beliefs and religions have been found in the region, such as worshipping fire by Zoroastrians

Global Significance Based on various references, documents, and plant biologists, the Mohammadi flower species is believed to have originated from the Middle East and the Iranian plateau (Nikbakht and Kafi 2008). It was then introduced to Macedonia and Bulgaria after Alexander’s attack on Persia and subsequently cultivated in those regions (Akbari 2002). The presence of this plant in Western Europe can be traced back to the Crusades of 1254–1276 when Robert de Brie brought the flower from the Levant (Syria) to Europe. This explains why the Mohammadi flower is known as the Damascus rose in Europe. Furthermore, Nikbakht and Kafi (2008) discuss the suggestion that Rosa damascena is named after Damascus, Syria, not necessarily because it originated there, but because it was discovered and studied there for the first time. The cultivation of the Mohammadi flower primarily takes place in highlands and arid areas in Iran, at altitudes ranging from 2000 to 3000 m a.s.l. The provinces of Isfahan, Kerman, Kermanshah, Fars, and East Azerbaijan are the main producers of the Mohammadi flower in Iran. Due to the cold and arid climate of these regions, pest control is less of a concern, and the use of toxins and pesticides in the cultivation process is minimal. Agriculture is a major occupation in Barzok, with people engaged in horticulture and agriculture. According to the Agriculture Jahad of Kashan, the total cultivated area in Barzok is 1999 ha, with agricultural land, fruit gardens, and Mohammadi flower gardens occupying 222, 556, and 1221 ha, respectively. Among the locals, the Mohammadi flower is often referred to as the aromatic gold (Kafi 2001). This fragrant flower has been recognised for its nutritional and medicinal properties since ancient times (Nasery et al. 2016). The main products derived from the Mohammadi flower are traditionally produced, including rosewater (golab), essence, petals, and dried buds. Rosewater, in particular, is used in religious events, baking various pastries, and washing sacred places such as holy shrines. Additionally, it holds a special place in funeral ceremonies within Iranian culture, thanks to its calming and aromatic effects.

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Food and Livelihood Security The Mohammadi flower has served as a diverse food source and played an important role in human nutrition, livestock feed, and even as a food source for certain insects. In Barzok, Kashan, this food source includes the leaves, petals, and residue of the Mohammadi flower found in the rosewater pot after the rosewater-making process. The scented Mohammadi flower has long been valued for its nutrient and pharmaceutical properties, contributing to improved health conditions. It is used in various culinary preparations, therapeutic supplements, herbal teas, and decorative applications. The flower petals contain tannin, Gallic acid, essences, fatty substances, and colour substances. The fruit of the Mohammadi flower, in turn, contains Ascorbic acid and vitamin C (0.5–1.7% vitamin C content). Besides its primary use in distillation and rosewater production, the flower petals are also used for making jam and syrup, or in the confectionery industries. Rosewater finds application in making ice cream and various Iranian desserts, such as Sholezard. Mohammadi flower tea (known as damnoush) possesses tranquilising properties and is rich in antioxidants and anti-cancer compounds. The flower’s powder, due to its nutritious properties, is often consumed with yoghurt or used as a spice in many dishes. While the Mohammadi flower serves as a direct and indirect source of human nutrition, it also serves as an important food source for honeybees in Barzok. Additionally, various insects, including Eucnaemidophorus rhododactylus, Notocelia roborana, Acleris variegan, Lyonetiidae and Gracillariidae leafminers, Mohammadi flower leafminer, Ospheranteria coerolescens, aphids, leafhoppers, thrips, whiteflies, Tetranychus urticae (two-spotted spider mite), and Dermanyssus gallinae (red mite) rely on the Mohammadi flower for sustenance. The residue left in the rosewater pot, known as bangel, is used as livestock feed when fresh, while the dried residue serves as fuel during winter. Apart from its culinary and nutritional uses, the Mohammadi flower also possesses medicinal properties. Numerous studies have been conducted on different parts of the flower, including the flowers themselves, petals, fruits, and seeds. The plant contains compounds such as Terpene, Glycoside, Flavonoid, Anthocyanin, Carboxylic Acid, Myricetin, Vitamin C, Kaempferol, Quercetin, and Geraniol. It is also rich in phenolic compounds like Eugenol and Granvil, which exhibit various effects on the body. These compounds act as antioxidants, inhibit free radicals, and have anti-cancer, anti-inflammatory, anti-mutated, and anti-depressant properties. Flavonoids and terpenes found in the flower are beneficial for treating depression and promoting cardiovascular function. The plant’s extract, with its unsaturated fatty acids, aids in dendrite growth. Research has indicated that the Mohammadi flower is anti-HIV, tranquilising, hypnotic, and possesses antioxidant, anti-cough, anti-contraction properties. The plant’s pharmaceutical properties have long been recognised, with Hippocrates prescribing it for stomach and intestinal pains, earaches, toothaches, and wound healing. The petal extract is used for mouth ulcers, headaches, sore throats, fever, insomnia, and vomiting.

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The production of rosewater using the current method dates back a thousand years and is attributed to Avicenna, the great Persian polymath. Avicenna considered rosewater (golab) to be astringent and prescribed its syrup for liver and bile dysfunction. The Iranian people utilise rosewater derived from the Mohammadi flower to treat a wide range of ailments affecting different parts of the body, including skin conditions, heart issues, liver problems, digestive disorders, female-related diseases, anorexia, respiratory ailments, eye ailments, oral health, bruises, cuts, injuries, blood vessels, joint pains, headaches, infectious diseases, and nervous disorders. Anbargol, one of the by-products in the rosewater industry, appearing as a black substance that remains at the end of the distillation process alongside the flower residue in the pot, has beneficial properties for treating muscle pains. Mohammadi flower syrup has been used to treat gastrointestinal and respiratory diseases and is also effective in reducing hyperthermia. The juice of the flower is primarily consumed as a refreshing beverage with anti-depressant and anti-stress properties. It is commonly used during funeral ceremonies. The flower’s consumption is also believed to alleviate sexual dysfunction, particularly when stress and depression are the underlying causes. Moreover, the flower is known for its ability to strengthen the heart, reduce inflammation, and provide pain relief, especially for joint pains. Rosewater proves useful in treating gastrointestinal conditions like tympanites, vomiting, and chronic diarrhoea. It is also effective in relieving rheumatism pains. Inhaling steam infused with rosewater can help alleviate sore throats and respiratory ailments. Rosewater is known to strengthen the heart and stomach while reducing anxiety. It is recommended to treat hyperthermia by giving the affected person rosewater with ice cubes until vomiting occurs, which helps eliminate bile. For those experiencing chest and throat bleeding, rosewater is considered the best drink. It helps alleviate chest pains and prevents unconsciousness. Drinking and inhaling rosewater can relieve headaches, particularly those caused by breathing polluted air or exposure to loud noises. Aromatherapy and topical application of the volatile oils from the Mohammadi flower on the skin have a calming effect. The flower’s wonderful aroma and health properties make it a valuable ingredient in beauty and skincare products. It acts as a natural moisturiser, hydrating dry, damaged, or ageing skin. Research indicates that the volatile oils of the Mohammadi flower possess potent natural antioxidants and antimicrobial properties. The flower aids in treating circulatory and cardiovascular issues and can alleviate cardiac problems such as palpitations, especially in women experiencing hormonal changes. It is also used to reduce breast tenderness during menstruation and alleviate inflammation, particularly in the neck area. Rosewater is employed as a food ingredient and as a hormone replacement therapy to restore hormonal balance in the body. The residents of Barzok are engaged in various occupations, including carpet weaving, agriculture, gardening, animal husbandry, beekeeping, and rosewater production. Agriculture in Barzok predominantly revolves around gardening, with crops grown on trees such as walnut, plum, almond, mulberry, apricot (gheysi), apple, and grape.

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According to reports from the Ministry of Agriculture Jahad, Barzok accounts for 55% of floriculture and rosewater production in Kashkan. Agrobiodiversity The climatic conditions and soil properties in Barzok provide an ideal environment for cultivating various plants alongside the Mohammadi flower. These plants fall into two categories: wildflowers and cultivated species, which include crops grown for farming and gardening. The soil in the region is characterised by the presence of calcareous and schist structures, as well as several mountains, resulting in immature soil. Alluvial soil with a coarse texture is only found in the valley. As a result, the vegetation in the region is semi-arid steppe with scattered shrubs and relatively low density. The vegetation in the region includes some medicinal and aromatic plants like chicory (Kasni), violet (Gol Banafshe), ziziphora (Kakoti), thyme (Avishan), lavender (Ostokhodos), Echium amoenum (Gol Gavzaban), Plantago major (Barhang), sage (Maryam gholi), anghoze, yarrow (Bomadaran), and Wild Koknar are also present. However, most of these plants are annual or perennial shrubs found in gardens, and while some possess medicinal and industrial properties, they are often considered weeds. Many gardeners remove them to strengthen the Mohammadi flower gardens. Due to the presence of calcareous and schist structures and the mountainous terrain, the soil in the region is immature. Alluvial soil with a coarse texture is found only in the valley, leading to agricultural activities in the region being primarily focused on gardening. While Mohammadi flower cultivation is widespread in the region, other agricultural crops are grown in gardens, small independent farms, and alongside Mohammadi flower gardens. Given the geographical conditions, crops such as wheat, barley, canola, sunflower, beans, cotton, corn, sugar beets, legumes, saffron, watermelon, cucumber, tomatoes, and vegetables are grown there. In addition to Mohammadi flowers, gardeners also cultivate a variety of fruit trees, including walnut, plum, almond, mulberry, apricot, apple, and grapes. The region is known for its four unique products: Mohammadi flower, mulberry, walnut, and plum. Mulberry, with approximately 45 ha of cultivation area, is particularly popular, with an annual production of 400 tons. The yellow plum, known as Khighi plum and Morghi plum, is famous in the region, although its production has decreased in recent years. The total cultivation area for plum trees is 50 ha, with an annual production of 750 tons of fresh plums and 225 tons of dried plums. Walnut gardens cover 150 ha, with an annual production of 375 tons. The region’s walnuts are highly valued for their unique and exceptional taste. According to the Agriculture Jahad of Kashan’s management in 2015, the majority of gardens in Barzok are dedicated to Mohammadi flower cultivation. Approximately 1300 ha of land in Barzok are allocated to cultivating this flower, with an average yield of 3000 kg/ha. The total annual production is 3663 tons, accounting for 55% of floriculture and rosewater production in Kashan.

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In Persian, there are different names for rose varieties, including Sorkhe gol, Mohammadi flower, and Gole Chay. However, these names are not sufficient to represent the wide range of varieties within this flower. Over 20,000 varieties have been reported for the rose, making it one of the most diverse flowers in terms of structure, colour, and fragrance. No other plant species can compare to the rose in terms of evolution and cultivars. In this discussion, we focus on the species of the red rose or Mohammadi flower, which are classified into seven categories based on race. • Rosier de France; • Dog rose (Nastaran); • Tea rose (Gole Chay); • Rosier Multiflore Polyanta; • Rosier Miniature; • Rosier Bengale; • Roser de Perse. Among the various varieties of roses and red roses, the Roser de Perse or Mohammad flower, which belongs to the Rosaceae family, is a unique species of Iran. It is also known as the Damask Rose in various sources, Western countries, and English languages. According to different references, documents, and plant biologists, this species has been cultivated in Iran since ancient times and later spread to other parts of the world. The physical characteristics and appearance of the Mohammadi flower or aromatic gold include a pink colour, strong fragrance, egg-shaped leaves with 5–7 leaflets and a terminal leaf. It is a shrub that reaches a height of 1.5 m and has numerous thorns, particularly on its young stems. The area serves as a habitat for more than 16 mammal species, including foxes, rabbits, pikas, squirrels, and boars. Many bird species, including migratory birds, can also be found in the region. Among them, the numbers of sparrows, magpies, partridges, rock doves, and starlings are higher compared to other birds. Reptiles in the region include Eryx jaculus, Testudo graeca ibera, Spalerosophis diadema, Vipera lebetina obtusa, Coluber karelini, and Spalerosophis diadema schirazianus. The presence of roses in the area supports a diverse range of insects. Honeybees, belonging to the order Hymenoptera, play an important role. They have chewing and sucking mouthparts and undergo complete metamorphosis. Honeybees collect nectar from flowers using their proboscis and store it in their honey bags. Another insect present in the area is Eucnaemidophorus rhododactylus, a moth of light yellow–brown colour with lobed wings. The insect has a body length ranging from 6 to 8 mm and a wingspan of 20–24 mm when the wings are open. The larvae of this insect feed on the Mohammadi flower, damaging small buds during the early growth of the shrubs and forming nests inside the developing buds, which can cause damage or destruction. Notocelia roborana is another moth found in the region. It has a body length ranging from 10 to 12 mm and a wingspan of 18–22 mm when the wings are open. The insect has a grey colour with a small dark spot on the inner edge of its front wing. The larvae of this pest,

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along with Eucnaemidophorus rhododactylus, attack the flower buds and shoots, forming nests inside the buds and feeding on them. Apart from the Mohammadi flower, this insect also feeds on fruit trees located on the margins of flower gardens. Acleris variegana is a dark yellow insect with a length ranging from 10 to 12 mm and a wingspan of 18–22 mm when the wings are open. It has a brown spot on the inner edge of the front wing, forming a rhombus-shaped spot on the body. The hairy green larvae of this insect create webs between adjacent leaves, tying them together to form nests for nourishment. They feed on the leaves of the Mohammadi flower and also on fruit trees on the margins of flower gardens. Leafminers are insects whose larvae feed on the parenchyma part of the leaf, creating various forms of corridors within the leaf. Several types of leafminers can be found on the Mohammadi flower, including Lyonetiidae leafminer, Gracillariidae leafminer, and Mohammadi flower leafminer. The Mohammadi flower leafminer was first collected and reported in Kashan. These small moths have a body size of about 5–10 mm and a dark or shiny metallic colour. Their wings, especially the hind wings, are thin and tall. The larvae are very small, ranging from 6 to 8 mm in length. Ospheranteria coerolescens is a beetle with an average length of 30 mm, black colour, long legs, and antennae longer than the body. The light yellow larvae of this beetle have a cylindrical and wrinkled body, reaching a maximum length of 30 mm. They feed on the branches of trees and shrubs, including the Mohammadi flower. The larvae create channels inside the branches, causing the branches to dry and weaken as the vessels are severed. Tetranychus urticae, also known as the two-spotted spider mite, is a mite species with a yellow to green body. They measure between 0.5 and 0.7 mm in length and feed on vegetable juices. These mites are more active in hot and dry conditions and can produce several generations. They typically reside under the leaves, and their feeding results in pale spots (chlorosis) on the leaves and the presence of spider webs on the undersides. Their activity at the bottom of the leaves can cause browning (necrosis) and leaf drop. Sucking insects, which have mouthparts designed for sucking sap from plants, can weaken the Mohammadi flower. These insects can cause the plant to turn yellow and stunt the growth of shoots and other aerial organs. The most common sucking insects in flower gardens include aphids, leafhoppers, thrips, and whiteflies. In addition, there are also aphids, leafhoppers, thrips, and whiteflies in the region. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The Mohammadi flower can be propagated through various methods, including branch layering, grafting, planting seeds, cutting, and basal shoots. In Barzok and Kashan, cutting and basal shoot methods are commonly used. On average, each Mohammadi flower plant produces 20–60 basal shoots, which grow quickly. Young basal shoots have the most thorns. From the third and fourth year, basal shoots can be produced from each plant. These basal shoots develop from shoots that grow on the roots of the Mohammadi flower shrub, near the crown of the plant. Propagation is done during the dormant stage, usually from November to early March. Basal shoots are then transferred to the appropriate location, and 2–3

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of them are planted there. The shoots with roots are carefully removed from the mother plant using a sharp and antistatic knife. After preparing the land, they are planted immediately and watered. In the grafting method, the grafts should be pencil-thick, about 20 cm in length, and selected from woody and lateral parts. The end shoots are removed, and the grafts are planted at a depth of 7.5–10 cm in a pot or the ground. The planting bed should consist of 50% garden soil and 50% washed sand. Before planting the Mohammadi flower, the land is prepared in the autumn by deep ploughing or turning the soil over to a depth of 60 cm. About 8–10 tons of rotted manure fertiliser per hectare are added to the soil a few weeks before planting. On loose and sandy soils, cow manure is recommended. The manure and fertiliser will decompose quickly, allowing for timely planting. In heavy clay soils, lightweight fertilisers such as straw and leaf soil should be used to improve the soil. These fertilisers are best applied at the end of summer or autumn before planting trees. In a study conducted in Kashan, significant differences were observed in flower production between fields that used manure fertiliser and those that did not. Fields receiving 20 tons of manure fertiliser per year had higher flower production. The Mohammadi flower can be planted in two seasons: winter (end of February and beginning of March) and autumn. Planting methods include furrow and ridge (gutter) cultivation or plot cultivation. The spacing depends on the purpose of planting. For fence construction, the spacing is typically 2–2.5 m between rows and 1–1.5 m along the row. For flower gardens, the distances in plot cultivation are 2.5 × 3.5 m, and in furrow and ridge (gutter) cultivation, they are 2 × 3 m. The appropriate distance depends on the type and intensity of pruning. High-density planting can lead to difficulties in accessing the plants, reduced exposure to sunlight, and shading among the plants. The size of planting holes depends on the soil type. In deep and fertile loamy soil, holes of 50 × 50 cm are used, while in lower-quality soil, holes of at least 60 × 60 cm are recommended. The larger holes in the early years allow for increased root volume and proper placement of the plant. During cultivation, about 3–4 kg of rotted manure is mixed with the soil, and the topsoil is poured over the roots before irrigation. The Mohammadi flower is known for its resistance to drought conditions. During the first two years, it is usually irrigated every 12–15 days. Afterwards, the frequency of irrigation can be reduced. The flowering stage is the most sensitive to water deficiency, so irrigation intervals should be shorter to minimize water stress. Irrigation should occur every 7 days during this stage to maintain flower size and quality. Pruning of the Mohammadi flower is done for various purposes, such as removing dried and pest-infested branches, preventing the development of excessively long branches that hinder harvesting, shaping the shrubs, and promoting the growth of new shoots for continuous flowering and prolonged plant lifespan. In flower gardens, economic production is achieved from the third year onward. Generally, production increases until 9–12 years and then starts to decline.

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To rejuvenate the gardens, shrubs are grafted. This is done when there is an increase in pest and disease infestation, dried branches, and excessive height. Severe pruning helps balance and regulate plant growth, stimulating the production of multiple strong basal shoots in the field. However, this action puts the plant out of the production cycle for 2–3 years. Proper annual pruning increases light penetration and photosynthesis, resulting in higher-quality crops. It also facilitates movement within the fields. In contrast, fields that are not pruned have low-quality products and are difficult to navigate due to the presence of numerous basal shoots and branches. Pruning is typically performed after winter ends and before the shoots begin to grow. Strong branches with 7–10 shoots are retained, while weak branches are pruned after 2–3 shoots. This stimulates the growth of a large number of shoots on pruned branches, which can then produce new branches. Weeds in flower gardens have a detrimental effect on both the quality and quantity of flowers. One particular species of parasitic plant, known as Cuscuta (referred to as Ses in Persian), causes significant damage in flower gardens. This plant has the ability to reproduce asexually, producing a large number of seeds. It can attach itself to multiple hosts, grows rapidly, and can remain active for up to 6 days, making it a formidable parasite. Shrubs that become infested with the parasite weaken and eventually dry out. Unfortunately, there is no chemical method available to combat this parasite. The only effective way to eradicate it is by burning contaminated shrubs before the Cuscuta plant starts producing flowers and seeds. This action helps eliminate the parasite. Some gardeners also use rotted manure fertilisers around the base of the bushes in early spring, spread straw in flower gardens, and remove weeds that can serve as hosts for the parasite in their efforts to combat weeds and this parasitic plant. The Mohammadi flower faces common pests that are also found in other roses. The most significant pests affecting the flower include Eucnaemidophorus rhododactylus, Ospheranteria coerolescens, aphids, and thrips. If these pests become prevalent, it is necessary to control and combat them. Proper field maintenance practices such as weed removal, pruning, basal shoot removal, fertilisation, and regular irrigation not only have a positive impact on the Mohammadi flower but also play a vital role in managing pest control. Mohammadi flowers are typically harvested in the early morning with the assistance of a large number of workers. The harvested parts of the flower include petals, receptacles, and parts of the peduncles. During the harvesting process, all members of the family, including women, men, children, and people of all ages, participate, but women play a particularly important role. As the flowers are harvested, they are poured into a large cloth bag that is fastened around the workers’ waists. Once the bags are filled, the petals are transferred into larger fabric bags called goni. At the end of each day, all the harvested flowers are sent to traditional workshops or industrial plants for the production of rosewater or essence. Harvesting the flowers is the most crucial, delicate, and expensive step in the production of Mohammadi flowers. In Barzok, Kashan, the flowering season typically lasts from early May to the end of June, with the peak flowering period occurring

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10–20 days after the first flowers bloom, which is known as shor goldehi in Persian. Once the flowers have opened, they remain on the branches for a short period. If the flowers are harvested late, they will wither and fall within 24 h. Therefore, it is essential to harvest the open flowers daily before sunrise, preferably in the cool morning weather. Based on this, the flowers are typically harvested from early morning until 9 am. Harvesting the flowers on time helps to prevent wilting, a decrease in the amount of essence obtained, and poor quality of the distillation. Rosewater is extracted through the distillation of Mohammadi flowers, which are renowned for their superior fragrance compared to other flowers. This flower possesses various healing properties, and the fragrance is retained in the rosewater. The primary technology employed in the process is the conversion of Mohammadi flowers into rosewater. This procedure closely resembles distillation, wherein water and raw flowers are transformed into rosewater. The Iranians pioneered the technique of distillation and have employed it for many years. Barzok’s rosewater is renowned as one of the most distinguished varieties in Kashan. For centuries, local gardeners have utilised their one-year-old crops to produce rosewater. They follow traditional methods and employ tools that have remained largely unchanged over the years. This aspect of production is predominantly carried out by men. Rosewater is produced both through traditional and industrial means. The traditionally produced rosewater boasts high quality and a superior fragrance. Even a single drop of this rosewater, when applied to fabric, retains its scent for an extended period. The traditional method has a maximum capacity of processing 30 kg of flowers with 45 L of water. Each system can produce rosewater four to five times, resulting in a total daily consumption of 120–150 kg of flowers. In traditional workshops where rosewater is made, the flowers are placed in pots made of copper or iron and mixed with water before being distilled. The distilled product is then cooled with water, resulting in two layers: the top layer contains the essence or perfume, while the bottom layer is rosewater. The rosewater undergoes further distillation for the second and third times, yielding both the essence and rosewater each time. By combining the essences obtained from different stages, a pure essence of the Mohammadi flower is obtained. The production of one litre of Mohammadi flower essence requires four tons of petals, making it a highly valuable product. It should be noted that Mohammadi flower essence is among the most important essences and is classified as the third largest in terms of volume. It finds application in perfume and aromatic industries, as well as in health and cosmetic products such as various creams, lotions, soaps, shampoos, cleansers, and beauty baths. Additionally, it is used in the food industry for items like sweets, beverages, puddings, jellies, and more. Pharmaceutical industries also utilise it, and it is employed in the design and creation of room fragrances. Bulgaria is one of the pioneering countries in rose essence production, and other countries that produce essence include Turkey, India, China, France, and Iran. To dry the flowers in a traditional manner, the petals and receptacles are separated and placed on a white cloth in a suitable location with good airflow, avoiding

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direct sunlight. This method ensures that the colour of the petals remains consistent and that the dried flowers maintain higher quality. In large-scale cultivation areas of Mohammadi flowers, a drying system is employed to dry the flowers. Dried buds are another product associated with the flower. Mohammadi flower buds are used in bathwater, their extract serves as a hair conditioner, or they can be used for decorative purposes. Cultures, Value systems, and Social Organisation Roses have played an important role in Iranian culture and hold a respected position in Iran-Islam culture with a holy and religious connotation. It is said that when Mohammed, the Prophet of Islam, encountered a rose, he kissed it, placed it on his eyes, and proclaimed it as a sign of God’s beauty. The rose also holds a significant position in Sufi literature, where it is considered a sacred flower symbolising God’s beauty. In traditional symbolism, flowers represent passive, feminine, and gynoecium forms. Within the realm of Iranian flowers, roses dominate and hold supremacy. In Persian language, the word for “flower” encompasses both rose and flower itself. Roses are a complex symbol, representing both time and eternity, heavenly perfection, and earthly suffering (Abolghasemi 1992). During the Middle Ages, the Islamic world led the cultivation of Mohammadi flowers and the production of essence and rosewater. Salah ad-Din Ayyub, the great Islamic general, ordered the washing of 500 bottles of rosewater brought from Damascus at the Omar Mosque after the conquest of Jerusalem in 1187. Similarly, Sultan Muhammad II, the Ottoman sultan, performed a similar act at the Hagia Sophia Mosque in 1453 after the conquest of Istanbul. Today, during the holiest Islamic ceremonies in the Kaaba, it is washed twice a year (in Sha’bān and Zil-Hajj) using the finest rosewater from Kashan. Rosewater holds an important place in religious ceremonies for Muslims and Iranians alike. It is used in the name of the great Prophet of Islam and is sprayed over the heads and bodies of individuals during the mourning days of Aba’-Abdullah al-Hussein. The Imams have also made references to Mohammadi flowers and rosewater in their teachings. The Prophet stated that pouring rosewater on the face increases its radiance and relieves distress. It is narrated that the Prophet said, “Whoever uses rosewater on their face will not experience bad conditions or distress. It is better to use rosewater on the hands and face while praying and sending salutations to the Prophet and his family.” Imam Sadiq stated that pouring rosewater on the face on the first day of Ramadan protects one from disasters and stress on that day. Additionally, pouring rosewater on the head is believed to keep pleurisy and meningitis at bay. Imam Ali quoted the Prophet as saying “The Prophet filled both of their hands with rose flowers and said that these are the best flowers of paradise, second only to myrtle.” Rosewater and dried flowers hold an important place in Iranian food culture due to their aroma and properties. One of the main properties of Mohammadi flowers and rosewater is their ability to calm and tranquilise, which makes them

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useful in reducing depression, stress, and insomnia. They are also used in funeral ceremonies. Rosewater is commonly used in the baking of different types of halva and syrups served during Iranian funeral ceremonies. Rosewater and dried flowers are also used in baking pastries, ice cream, and syrup, as their aroma, taste, and properties enhance the flavour. These products are also used in food design. Dried flowers are also used as a seasoning in foods such as abdokhiar, mastokhiar, and with yoghurt. The highest usage of flowers and rosewater in Iran can be observed in religious traditions, holy places, funeral ceremonies, and other events, including feasts and various ceremonies. In the ancient Iranian calendar, the 19th day of each month was named Farvardin. A festival called Noruz Anhar used to be celebrated in the month of Esphand, where people would go near rivers and springs to pour rosewater into the water. Another festival called Gol afshani, mentioned in Tarikh Beyhaqi, took place on a special day, during which people would exchange rose flowers with each other. Today, only a few ceremonies related to rose flowers have remained. One such ceremony is the submerging of babies under a flower festival, which takes place in the first spring of a baby’s life. This ceremony can be performed anytime from birth up to one year of age. People in the region believe that submerging babies under Mohammadi flower petals can help maintain their freshness and protect them from various diseases. This traditional ceremony has been registered in the Intangible Cultural Heritage list of Iran (Razi 1979). To date, thirteen flower and rosewater festivals have been held in Barzok. These festivals take place from the 27th to the 30th of May. The most important programmes of the festival include an excursion to Iran’s largest Mohammadi flower garden, the first festival for submerging babies under flowers, a traditional medicine conference, the first traditional and local food festival at the Barzok Ethnological Museum, a national poetry congress focusing on describing the Prophet, and the flower and rosewater festival to celebrate the harvest of Mohammadi flowers and the production of high-quality rosewater. The women of Barzok are particularly attentive to the condition of Mohammadi flower gardens. They assist their fathers and husbands in gardening tasks, and their dedication becomes even more apparent during the harvest season. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The gardens of Mohammadi flowers, mulberry trees, and other fruits surround Barzok and stretch along the Barzok valley like a green belt. These gardens contribute to the region’s beauty and splendour, as valleys and mountains adorned with flower gardens and trees enhance the scenic surroundings. During springtime, the blooming of Mohammadi flowers adds beauty and freshness to the region. Barzok, located next to an old river that flows between villages and fields in a picturesque valley with favourable weather, is abundant in qanats (underground aqueducts) and springs. This geographical setting, combined with the presence of several springs with a high flow rate that contribute to the development of fruit gardens, has transformed Barzok into an attractive destination for tourists. With

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its stunning landscape and the natural music of flowing water, Barzok has become one of the largest and most important tourist centres in Kashan. Barzok encompasses several villages, including Sade, Viduj, Viduja, Ozvar, Varkan, Arenjan, Pendas, Tajareh, Azaran, Sadiane, Maraq, and Nabar. The central area of Barzok consists of seven sections: Sargaver, Darb Masjed Jame, Darb Ziarat, Mosala, Sardel, Karghah, and Baghestan. The history of Barzok dates back 5000 years. Some of the historical and spectacular sites in this district include the shrine of Imamzadeh Siraj din ibn Musa bin Ja’far, the Safavid-era Hammam, the Qajar Ab anbar (water reservoir), the old water mill, the historical castle hill, the waterfall and river, the Sa’ad Abad tourist road, Ahmadabad Spring, and the Museum of Anthropology. The shrine of Imamzadeh Siraj din ibn Musa bin Ja’far has a history dating back 500 years to the Safavid dynasty. Outside the shrine, there is a cemetery with ancient tombstones that depict the region’s history. This shrine was registered on November 13, 2006, with No. 16197 on the list of National Works of Iran. The Museum of Anthropology is housed in a building from the Zand Era and is constructed in the traditional architectural style of the area. It currently serves as the Museum of Anthropology of Barzok and the centre for the study of the people from Barzok. The museum exhibits various old knitting machines, such as rug weaving machines, wrapper weaving machines, carpet weaving machines, and the wooden door of the Jame mosque. It holds over 250 artefacts from ancient times. This museum was registered on March 5, 2007, with No. 17810 on the list of National Works of Iran. The Safavid-era Hammam dates back to the Safavid era and required excavating 10 m of earth to build. It was founded and reinforced using lead and a traditional mixture called Sarouj, which consists of sand, grape juice, ash, and egg white. The hammam features two Khazineh (final bathing rooms), two small pools called Estak, and two flat prayer areas. The required water is sourced from a nearby spring called Ahmad Abad Spring. This hammam was registered on November 15, 2006, with No. 16213 on the list of National Works of Iran. The Kardan Old House, one of the oldest houses in Barzok, was built during the Zand dynasty. It has remained in the possession of the Kardan family since its construction and has become renowned by that name among the people of Barzok. This historical monument, situated in the old section of the district, has served as a residential place and is still occupied by its owner. The house was registered on November 15, 2007, with No. 16314 on the list of National Works of Iran. Located in the southern part of Sa’d Abad valley, the Sa’d Abad Watermill dates back approximately 200 years. It was constructed using materials such as adobe, mud, beams, and cane, which can still be seen today. The watermill features a chimney from which water flows, creating enough pressure to turn the grinding stones weighing 500 kg. Wheat placed between these stones is crushed to produce flour. This watermill was registered on November 15, 2006, with No. 16218 on the list of National Works of Iran. The historic castle hill belongs to the Seljuk dynasty and the period preceding it. Excavations on the hill have uncovered a cave and various artefacts, including

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clay chimneys, pottery dishes, and stone mortars. These findings indicate that life has existed in this location since ancient times. Barzok has 20 springs, 7 qanats, and 3 wells. The Barzok valley divides into two main valleys, where water from melting snow flows. The runoff from melting snow includes springs such as Goloab and Vishang, as well as those in other valleys like Darashare, Se selkh rizab, Chale sefid, and Bidek. The most important qanat in the district is the Oyla qanat, with a water flow rate of 110 L per second. Currently, these water sources not only supply the necessary water for gardens and agricultural lands but also serve as a major recreational area.

3.7 The Multistory and Polyculture Farming System of Qasr-E Qand, Sistan and Baluchestan, Iran (Maedeh Salimi, Antonio Santoro, Federica Romano)

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Summary Information Location of the site

Qasr-e Qand county, Sistan and Baluchestan province, Iran 26°14′54″ N, 60°45′09″ E

Area of coverage

12,300 ha

Topographic features

Mountainous and plain area

Climate type

Hot and dry desert climate with an average annual temperature of 28 °C and average rainfall of 175 mm. The highest average monthly temperature in Qasr-e Qand station is 43.3 °C and the lowest average monthly temperature is 17.2 °C

Ethnicity/indigenous population

The majority of the inhabitants belong to the Baluch ethnic group of Iran, who speak their native Baluchi language and Persian

Global Significance The Qasr-e Qand site is situated in southeastern Iran, specifically in the Sistan and Baluchestan province. It falls within a subtropical agroecological zone with a hot and dry climate, experiencing less than 200 mm of annual rainfall. The site is located on the northern heights of the Oman Sea, along the Kajo River and the Bashagard Mountains. These environmental factors have played a crucial role in shaping the region’s agricultural sector. In hot and arid areas, access to water resources has been a pivotal factor in the formation of human civilizations. In the Sistan and Baluchestan province, the establishment of human settlements and livelihoods has relied on agriculture and horticulture along the rivers. The Kajo River is particularly significant in providing water to the region, contributing to the development of numerous settlements from prehistoric times to the Islamic era. This is evident through the presence of fourteen historical monuments in Qasr-e Qand, which are listed as national treasures. Noteworthy examples include the hills of Dambigan, Siah Bin, and Koushk, the carvings in the northern part of Qasr-e Qand, the Dembegour area, and the Islamic-era castles such as Qasr-e Qand and Qala Beg. These historical and ancient landmarks showcase the rich heritage of the city. The historical relationship between humans and nature in the region has resulted in unique landscapes amidst the desert. Qasr-e Qand can be described as a city garden, characterised by two types of farming systems: flat area farms and terraced farming along the riverside. Local farmers in this region have enhanced the resilience and sustainability of their agricultural ecosystems by diversifying the species and genetic resources over time and space. Diversification plays a crucial role in promoting ecological stability and diversity, adapting to the negative impacts of climate change, reducing costs and external inputs, and mitigating biodiversity loss. Indigenous farmers in this region employ various methods to protect

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their crops, including rotation, fallow periods, increasing biodiversity on farms, practicing integrated and conservation agriculture, and adopting low-tillage and no-tillage techniques to preserve soil and improve fertility. Cash crops like dates, rice, and mangoes are cultivated for both local consumption and export to other national or international regions. On the other hand, vegetables, fibre crops, fruits, and fodder crops are primarily grown for local consumption and sometimes sold as surplus in local markets. In this arid ecosystem, the indigenous population relied on their traditional knowledge to manage and conserve water resources. They employed ancient techniques, such as qanat or korju, to secure water for agricultural and everyday needs. These methods prove to be the most effective solution for coping with water scarcity in arid and semi-arid regions, ensuring year-round water availability for the local community and mitigating the adverse effects of drought. The presence of natural and man-made landscapes, along with the sustainable and environmentally friendly use of land, is a testament to the profound indigenous knowledge and the local community’s dedication to preserving this invaluable wisdom. The indigenous practices of water and soil management, diverse crop production, and the establishment of sustainable livelihoods exemplify a successful model of food sovereignty. Globally, several challenges exist, including declining biodiversity, climate change, poverty, drought, water scarcity, hunger, and malnutrition. These six issues are interconnected, and agricultural activities play a significant role in addressing these challenges. The agricultural heritage system of Qasr-e Qand serves as an exemplary multifunctional farming system in an arid area, yielding ecological, economic, social, and cultural benefits. The distinctive characteristics of this system contribute to the production of healthy and nutritious food, support local livelihoods, and alleviate poverty, hunger, and malnutrition at the local level. Moreover, this system can be adopted in other arid and semi-arid climates and prove valuable for regions facing climate change impacts. Food and Livelihood Security In Qasr-e Qand, 85% of the indigenous population relies on agriculture for their livelihood, which ensures local food security as well. The region boasts a high diversity of agricultural and horticultural crops, as well as animal husbandry. The indigenous people are self-sufficient in food production and fulfil various needs through their agricultural activities. A notable characteristic of the traditional agriculture system in this region is the utilisation of species and genetic diversity. The abundance of species and genetic resources directly and indirectly contributes to the local diet, resulting in a diverse range of foods consumed by the people. The area cultivates a variety of temporary crops, including clover, alfalfa, rice, wheat, barley, beans, forage sorghum, mung beans, watermelon, garlic, tomatoes, leafy vegetables, okra, onions, turnips, carrots, eggplants, cucumbers, lettuce, and sesame. Permanent crops consist of dates, mangoes, jujubes, citrus fruits, guavas, and bananas. Some products such as dates, rice, and mangoes serve as cash

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crops, while others like fenugreek (known as anbag in the local language) hold cultural significance in the local diet. Each crop requires different land preparation, planting, harvesting, and irrigation techniques, which are detailed in the local and traditional knowledge systems. In addition to agriculture and horticulture, animal husbandry is also practiced by the indigenous people of this region. Livestock products are primarily used for family consumption, with any surplus being sold in the local market. As per the 2016 general population and housing census, Qasr-e Qand had a population of 61,076, comprising 30,325 men and 30,751 women. Of the total population, 49,471 individuals (24,590 men and 24,881 women) resided in rural areas, while 11,605 individuals (5735 men and 5870 women) lived in Qasr-e Qand city, the only urban area in the region. The structure of the agricultural sector is based on small-scale farms, with farm surfaces ranging from less than 1–10 ha. These smallholders prioritise the stability of the farm household system, relying mainly on family labour for production and consumption (FAO 2013). The cultivated area in Qasr-e Qand county spans 9750 ha, with 2850 ha allocated for permanent crops and 6900 ha for temporary crops. In the 2019 crop season, it is estimated that approximately 85% of the annual crops were cultivated on an area of 800 ha for clover, 280 ha for alfalfa, 600 ha for rice, 2120 ha for forage sorghum, and 2000 ha for mung beans. Date palms cover the largest area among the permanent crops, with 2400 ha, followed by mangoes (260 ha), citrus fruits (50 ha), and jujubes (40 ha). Agricultural development is hindered by water scarcity, making the cultivated area variable each year depending on rainfall and water availability. Animal husbandry is an integral part of the Baluch people’s heritage, primarily practiced by nomads but also by those residing in cities and villages who keep a small number of livestock for their families’ needs. In Qasr-e Qand county, the inhabitants own 41,814 small livestock (sheep and goats), 12,042 large livestock (cows and camels), and 5634 poultry. The local breeds of sheep, goats, cows, and camels in this region possess unique characteristics and adaptability to the local climatic and environmental conditions, displaying remarkable resistance to both biotic and abiotic stresses, particularly water scarcity and drought. The farmers in Qasr-e Qand employ an integrated traditional crop-livestock system, a mixed production approach that utilises crops and livestock in a mutually beneficial manner, complementing each other spatially and temporally. In addition to agriculture, other activities play a crucial role in people’s livelihoods and significantly contribute to their income. These include Baluchi embroidery, wickerwork, and pottery. Baluchi embroidery, an ancient domestic art form, represents one of the finest examples of Iranian handicrafts. It involves the use of threads with vibrant colours, beads, and small mirrors, and has been passed down through generations. Baluchi embroidery decorates the traditional clothing of Baluchi women and serves as a form of house decoration. Baluchi women and girls possess traditional knowledge handed down from mothers and/or grandmothers, enabling them to create Baluchi clothes.

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Wickerwork is another important aspect of local life and livelihoods. The locals use leaves from daz (Nannorhops ritchiana) or date palms to produce various tools and items such as wicker mats, tablecloths, baskets, shoes, and agricultural tools like palm tree climbing belts (merdak) and date storage baskets. Woven mats also find application in the region’s traditional architecture, serving as roof and wall covers. Carpet, rug, and kilim weaving are predominantly carried out by Baluch women and contribute significantly to the region’s economy. Baluch rugs are known for their softness, durability, and stability, thanks to the high-quality wool obtained from Baluch sheep. The carpets are traditionally woven by Baluchi people, who were once nomadic. The primary wool used is from sheep, but goat and camel wool are also employed. These carpets are characterised by their dark red colour, which is prevalent in most Baluch rugs. Natural dyes, such as henna for orange, walnut for brown, and grape leaves for red, are used to colour the yarns. The texture of these carpets typically features 1600 knots per 10 cm. The pottery produced in this region retains a unique characteristic: the production technique has remained unchanged for thousands of years. The skilled female potters of the region craft pottery solely by hand, without the use of machinery. The motifs found on these potteries have ancient roots and are generally geometric and abstract. Kalpurgan potteries lack glaze and are made using a specific type of soil gathered by men from a region called Mash Takuk, located two kilometres away from the village. Agrobiodiversity The cropping system in Qasr-e Qand is characterised by multistory and polyculture practices, which have been developed and evolved by local farmers over the years. This diverse landscape includes various fruit trees, vegetables, cereals, legumes, and livestock. The main species cultivated in this region are as follows: • Fruit trees: Date (Phoenix dactylifera), Mango (Mangifera indica), Lemons, Mulberry (Morus alba), Guava (Psidium guajava), Citron (Citrus medica), Bitter orange (Citrus × aurantium), Orange (Citrus × sinensis), Banana (Musa spp.). • Cereals: Rice (Oryza sativa japonica), Wheat (Triticum), Barley (Hordeum vulgare). • Legumes: Chickpea (Cicer arietinum), Broad bean (Vicia faba), Clover (Trifolium), Alfalfa (Medicago sativa), Green bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), Mung bean (Vigna radiata). • Vegetables: Garlic (Allium sativum), Onion (Allium cepa), Lettuce (Lactuca sativa), Tomato (Solanum lycopersicum), Potato (Solanum tuberosum), Cucumber (Cucumis sativus), Eggplants (Solanum melongena), Fenugreek (Trigonella foenum-graecum), Turnip (Brassica rapa subsp. rapa), and leafy vegetables such as Parsley (Petroselinum crispum), Chives (Allium schoenoprasum), Basil (Ocimum basilicum), Coriander (Coriandrum sativum), Mint (Mentha spp.), Garden cress (Lepidium sativum), Garden radish (Raphanus sativus var. sativus).

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The date palm, known as mach in Baluchi language, holds significant agricultural importance in Qasr-e Qand. These plants are grown either in orchards or at the edges of arable land. Historically, the region was home to more than forty-five varieties of dates, including Mazafati, Vashkang, Kalgi, Miss Baloo, Shukri, Goga Gla, Beg Berni, Abdani, Pishna, Kodumi, Negal (the earliest date in the entire county), Halileh, Capri Kuruj, Golkand, Dashtari, Sabzpag, Veshklont, Helineh Gon, Mazafati Gon, Kodumi Gon, Kember (Ghanbar) Kruj, Jozuk, Fajr, Clear Kruj, Dezki, Vashna, Pish Kruj, Redby, Makili, Terban Clinic, Other, Kaneshki, Silelet, Ghandgol, Gozli, Charpan, Roghani, and Mardasang. However, today, only about fifteen cultivars of palms remain, with widespread cultivation of varieties such as Mazafati, Halileh, Negal, and Roghani. Rice holds significant agricultural importance in the Qasr-e Qand region, where it can be cultivated up to three times a year through rotation with clover and beans. In the local language, the land dedicated to rice cultivation is referred to as degar. The region boasts rich genetic diversity in rice varieties. Traditional varieties such as Champa Siah, Sadri, Bhutto, Dom Siyah, Pakistani Kernel, Basmati, and Hir have long been cultivated in the paddy fields, and recently, other varieties such as Shafaq, Shiroodi, Fajr, Neda, Nemat, Kadous, Sepinrud, and Tarom have been introduced. Bhutto and Sadri are the most extensively cultivated varieties, with Bhutto being an early-maturing variety and Sadri being a late-maturing variety planted in autumn. Mango cultivation is also a significant cash crop in the region, with approximately twenty varieties currently cultivated, encompassing both landraces and improved varieties. Alongside improved varieties like Dodo, Sandri, local, Hezari, Chosa, Begum Pali, Fajri, and Negal, the yield of mango landraces is noteworthy. In addition to cultivated plant species, the area is also home to various other wild plants. Some common ones include Salsola drummondii, Salsola imbricata, Suaeda vermiculata, Haloxylon recurvum, Capparis decidua, Acacia nilotica, Acacia ehrenbergiana, Prosopis koelziana, Prosopis cineraria, Zygophyllum, Tamarix, Moringa peregrine, and Nannorrhops ritchiana. Although not directly cultivated by local farmers, these plants are significant as they are frequently used for food and medicinal purposes, with over 50 species having such applications. Moringa (Moringa peregrine) holds particular importance in the region, with its oil being used in industries such as aviation, watchmaking, and cosmetics. Indigenous people also utilise the plant’s oil for medicinal purposes, including the treatment of leprosy, rheumatism, and pain relief. The leaves, branches, fruit, and bark of Moringa are suitable fodder for livestock, and its flowers are beneficial for beekeeping and the production of medicinal honey. Nannorrhops ritchiana, known as the daz or Mazari palm, is a significant plant species in the region, playing a vital role in the daily lives of local people and in the development of handicrafts and traditional housing. All parts of this deciduous shrub, including leaves, stems, fruits, and kernels, are utilised, with the shrub’s leaves being a valuable raw material for handicrafts. The daz shrubs are also used to make various tools needed by the local people and agricultural implements.

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Livestock include Goat, Cow, Sheep, Chicken, Honey bee, Turkey, Donkey, and Camel. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The multistory system employed in the Qasr-e Qand region allows for the creation of diverse microhabitats, ensuring optimal environmental conditions for cultivating a variety of crops. By incorporating both horizontal and vertical structural diversity within their farms, local farmers utilise their indigenous knowledge and adopt sustainable practices to create a small-scale cultivation system that promotes closed material and energy cycles through effective recycling methods. These indigenous farmers employ various agroecological methods and strategies with the aim of utilising vertical space more efficiently. This type of cultivation not only maintains ecological balance but also facilitates the efficient use of natural resources, playing a crucial role in preserving local agrobiodiversity (Santoro et al. 2020a, b). These techniques and strategies contribute to increased biodiversity, reduced dependence on pesticides and chemical fertilisers, improved soil and water resource management, and better pest and disease control. Consequently, the current agricultural system in Qasr-e Qand promotes sustainable and multifunctional farming practices, providing greater benefits for farmers and enhancing their resilience to climate change and other environmental pressures. In this system, taller crops receive intense sunlight and have a higher evaporative foliage demand, while shorter components with shade-requiring foliage or higher humidity preferences coexist. Plots in Qasr-e Qand are organised along irrigation channels and typically consist of square-shaped plots surrounded by channels on all four sides. Along the plot borders, palm trees are planted in a single line, serving as windbreaks to protect the crops from strong winds and excessive heat. Crop rotation is a common practice in the region, facilitated by favourable climatic conditions, allowing for the cultivation of various crops throughout the year. Within the yearly rotation, winter crops such as clover, legumes (beans, chickpeas, green beans), and vegetables (basil, mint, parsley, lettuce, tomatoes, onions, garlic, peppers, fenugreek) are planted, while summer crops include rice, forage sorghum, okra, and eggplants. When planting date palms, local farmers typically propagate them by cutting offshoots that grow from the root of young trees (10–20 years old) and planting them in wells with a depth of 30–50 cm. The harvested dates are categorised by quality, with high-quality dates being sold in the market for income generation, while a portion is kept by families for self-consumption. Lower-quality dates are commonly used for producing date syrup or as fodder for livestock. Palm leaves, on the other hand, find applications as construction materials or in the production of handicrafts such as mats, baskets, and shoes. Prior to planting rice, farmers prepare a small plot of land for a rice nursery. The location of the nursery and the source of water entering it are crucial factors for successful rice cultivation in the region. Based on traditional knowledge, local farmers

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prefer using qanat water for the nursery due to its higher mineral salt content and temperature compared to river water. After preparing the nursery, rice seeds are soaked in qanat water for approximately 24 h and then left to dry for another 24 h. Subsequently, the seeds are transferred to the nursery and allowed to grow for about a month, receiving regular irrigation. Initially, the nursery is filled with water during the day and emptied at night for the first four days. Following this, the nursery is filled with water each morning. Once the seedlings have grown, the farmers flatten the paddy field, fill it with water, and transplant the seedlings from the nursery. Before harvesting, farmers assess the maturity of the crop, and if ready, they cease irrigating the paddy field for a week before proceeding with the harvest. Mango orchards require a meticulously planned irrigation system, with the trees being irrigated once a week or every ten days in winter and twice a week in summer. Mango tree seedlings are planted at intervals of eight to twelve metres, and small streams connect the qanat streams to the cultivation area. Prior to mango planting, local farmers enhance soil fertility by sowing alfalfa. Fenugreek (Anbag) is sown in October in paddy fields and harvested after 30–40 days. Some farmers cultivate fenugreek multiple times a year. Fenugreek is beneficial for improving soil fertility, which is why its cultivation begins after the third cycle of rice cultivation. Local farmers in the Qasr-e Qand region employ various traditional methods to preserve soil texture and fertility. They utilise no-tillage or low-tillage systems using traditional tools and equipment. Consequently, the region practices conservation agriculture, which involves minimising soil disturbance through the farming system, particularly by implementing no-tillage techniques. To maintain soil fertility, the region emphasises factors such as the use of a diverse range of crops, crop rotation, green manure, and the incorporation of nitrogen stabilising plants in each field unit. After harvesting, crop residues are utilised as livestock feed. Additionally, certain tree leaves, like those from the Daz tree, are employed in constructing houses, weaving mats, and crafting other handmade items. The management of water resources plays a crucial role in enabling agricultural activities and sustaining the local population’s livelihood in this region. Three sources of water are observed in the area: 1. The seasonal Kaju river. 2. The traditional qanat system. 3. The collection of sediments and spring water. Qanats are constructed as a series of well-like vertical shafts connected by gently sloping tunnels. They efficiently bring large amounts of subterranean water to the surface without the need for pumping. The water flows naturally by gravity, usually from an upland aquifer to a lower destination. Qanats enable the transportation of water over long distances in hot and dry climates while minimising water loss through evaporation (Angelakis 2016). The traditional communal management system that remains in place ensures fair and sustainable water sharing and distribution. In some cases, water from a qanat is stored in a reservoir and can be used for various purposes, including everyday activities and drinking water,

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in addition to agricultural irrigation (Kheirabadi 1991). Qanat management typically involves three key aspects: drilling management, structural management, and maintenance management. Qasr-e-ghand county has 126 qanats, with 21 of them located in Qasr-e Qand city. In the past, the responsibility of distributing water among the qanat shareholders was entrusted to a trusted individual known as apansar. In return for his services, the apansar received a portion of the farmers’ produce as compensation. However, apansar no longer exists in the city of Qasr-e Qand, and his role has been assumed by a sharik (also known as baziyar). The sharik now manages the lands, cultivates them, and receives half of the harvested crops as his share. The Kaju River holds great significance in the Qasr-e Qand region as it serves as a primary irrigation source for agricultural lands. To harness the river’s water for agricultural purposes, the local inhabitants constructed a traditional structure known as korju. Positioned in the foothills of the adjacent mountain, this elevated stream diverts the river’s water towards the surrounding terraced cultivated plots. The korju is located approximately one metre higher than the riverbed and, in some instances, can span several kilometres. The purpose of this structure is twofold: first, to transport water from the riverbed to a higher elevation, ensuring a more efficient water supply to the terraced fields, and second, to safeguard agricultural products during periods of rising river water and potential floods. As the river’s water level is lower than the location of the korju, local experts have constructed a structure called dobanzel to channel the river water into the korju. The dobanzel, resembling a small dam, is constructed using a combination of rocks and rice straw. In some cases, native plants are also planted on this dam to reinforce its structure. The placement of these small dams along the riverbed is determined by local experts (moghani). With the dobanzel in place, the water level in the river becomes equal to that of the korju, enabling the directed flow of water from the river to the korju. Khoshab or hushab is a traditional structure used to transform sandy and rocky areas into suitable cultivable land by utilising flood collection and sedimentation techniques. Typically constructed in the plains along rivers, at the foothills, or in wide riverbeds, this structure takes the form of a small drystone dam, reaching a maximum height of four metres, and serves as a natural reservoir for floodwater collection. The sedimentation process in khoshab may take several years. Once the sedimentation process is complete, the land is ploughed and levelled using traditional tools and equipment, making it ready for cultivation of various crops such as wheat, barley, mung beans, corn, watermelon, and melon. On the other hand, kolag refers to a small pool constructed near a spring to collect and store spring water for irrigation purposes. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation Since ancient times, social institutions and organisation have gradually emerged to meet the needs of communities. In the absence of governmental institutions, communities have devised mechanisms to overcome daily challenges. In Iran, there is a

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long-standing tradition of collaborative community-based organisation, and Qasre Qand is no exception. The harsh climate in this region necessitates cooperation as the only means of survival for its inhabitants. Indigenous communities have developed various systems of cooperation and collaboration, known as hashar in the local language. These systems primarily revolve around managing water sources and activities related to agriculture, including planting, tending, and harvesting. The most significant cooperative systems in Qasr-e Qand are hamyari, khodyari, and degaryari. Hamyari is a system of social cooperation and exchange among the indigenous people that encompasses a wide range of societal issues. It involves tasks such as dredging qanats and water streams, cultivating and harvesting agricultural products, and constructing infrastructure. In this social system, community members come together to solve problems or engage in activities for the collective welfare. All members of society, regardless of their water rights for agriculture, participate in dredging qanats, korju, and related waterways. Water is vital for life in this area, and the water from the qanat is also used for human consumption and personal needs. Additionally, farmers utilise this system to gather and package dates, with women playing a significant role in this activity. The khodyari cooperation system involves a group of individuals in the community with joint or legal ownership collaborating on specific activities. In this system, people come together to pursue common interests and contribute profits back to the community. When the qanats and streams require dredging or repairs, the shareholders consult an expert to estimate the necessary costs. Each shareholder then contributes a certain amount based on their share of the subterranean water and employs workers to carry out the task. Degaryari, in its simplest form, is a charitable system aimed at helping those in need. In Qasr-e Qand, some farmers who possess water rights, especially those who do not plant clover in the winter to rotate their rice crops, provide a certain amount of water to others. This enables farmers with limited access to water and land to engage in agricultural activities and cultivate their desired crops. In addition to these historical and traditional cooperative systems, several new social organisation have emerged, including agricultural cooperatives and handicraft production workshops such as needlework and mat weaving groups. The history of agriculture and animal husbandry in Qasr-e Qand has directly influenced their food culture, resulting in a diverse range of local dishes. Dates, cereals, legumes, meat, vegetables, and wild plants are common ingredients in the region’s traditional cuisine. Some of the most significant local foods include anbag, tabahang, dooghpa, tanurcheh, doogh burk or darzanak, dalak, helsa, sabzak, and takhlan. Anbag, the most renowned food in the area, is recognised as an intangible heritage of Iran due to its unique cooking technique. The main ingredient of this dish is fenugreek, locally known as anbag. Anbag is a popular traditional dish in the southern Sistan and Baluchestan province, originating from Qasr-e Qand city. It consists of fenugreek, chicken, onions, and local spices. Anbag is also known for its blood sugar regulation properties. To prepare anbag, finely chop the fenugreek and extract its juice by squeezing. Rinse the chopped fenugreek seven times to

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remove any bitterness or toxins. Next, fry it in a pot for a few minutes, then add chicken meat, onions, local spices, and water. Slowly cook the ingredients for an hour until the water evaporates. Anbag can be served as a standalone meal with or without bread, or as a stew with rice. Tabahang is another famous local dish commonly prepared during Ramadan. A month before Ramadan (Sha’ban), the local community slaughters a goat or sheep and cuts the meat into pieces. The meat is then mixed with pomegranate powder and salt, and dried under the sun. Although this traditional method was originally used to preserve the meat without refrigeration, it is still followed today. To prepare tabahang, cook the meat with water and salt for about half an hour. The remaining water can be used to cook rice. In Qasr-e Qand, various types of bread are baked using locally cultivated cereals and dates or animal oil. Additionally, a variety of sweets, such as chnagal, are made using local ingredients. The region is also known for its assortment of local pickles and condiments, including lemon pickle, mango pickle, and vegetable decoction. Lemon pickle, referred to as haram in the local language, and mango pickle, known as chetani, are commonly used condiments among the people of Qasr-e Qand. In Qasr-e Qand, there are various beliefs, ceremonies, and festivals centred around agricultural activities. One of these celebrations is Hamin, known as the date harvest season in the Baluchi language. During this event, local farmers gather to harvest and pack date products while reciting traditional poems dedicated to Baluchi dates. Another significant festival is the wheat festival, locally known as Pele festival. During this festival, batches of non-mature (green) wheat are harvested and grilled over a fire, symbolising a bountiful wheat yield. Landscapes and Seascapes Features Qasr-e Qand county consists mainly of mountainous and plain areas, with the Ahuran and Karchan mountain ranges being the prominent heights in the region. The climate of this area is influenced by both the topography of the mountains and the Oman Sea. The county is intersected by several rivers, such as Kajo, Kooshat, Mortbis, Pask, Dehrati, Dirman, Velenjvar, Marang, Kankuro, and Klor. These rivers are episodic, meaning they are dry for most of the year but fill with water during the rainy seasons. The close relationship between the local inhabitants and the natural environment, along with the application of indigenous knowledge, has contributed to the creation of a unique landscape characterised by a stark contrast between the green agricultural areas and the surrounding desert. The majority of farms that rely on qanats for irrigation are located in flat areas, while the farming lands on the slopes near the rivers feature terraces and channels. The main landscape features of the area include: • Rivers and streams: these water bodies play a crucial role in shaping human settlements and arable lands. • Rural settlements: typically situated along streams, these settlements can be either concentrated or decentralised. Villages are often spaced far apart, but in

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the floodplain of the Kajo River, they are closer together and have a larger population. Some larger villages may have a few garden-houses as well. • Urban settlements: urban areas in Qasr-e Qand are centralised, with different neighbourhoods interspersed among the arable lands. • Rural arable lands: these lands are primarily located alongside rivers, particularly in the sedimentation sections or point bars of the streams. • Urban arable lands: these lands are situated in the floodplain of the Kajo River. • Qanats and korjus: these features represent essential water management systems in the region.

3.8 Battir, a Holistic Agricultural Heritage Site, Palestine (Asil Bader, Beatrice Fiore, Alessandra Bazzurro)

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Summary Information Location of the site

Battir is a Palestinian village in Bethlehem Governorate located 6.4 km north-west of Bethlehem city. Battir is bordered by Beit Jala town and Al Walaja village to the east, Husan village to the west, Husan an Al Khader to the south, and the 1949 Armistice Line (the Green Line) to the north 31°43′29″ N, 35°8′12″ E

Area of coverage

960 ha

Topographic features

Mountains and valleys

Climate type

Sub-humid. Battir is located at an altitude of 761 m a.s.l., with mean annual rainfall of 518.4 mm and average annual temperature of 16 °C. Average annual humidity is about 60%

Ethnicity/indigenous population

The population of Battir is made of Palestinian people. Battir village dates back to the Roman and Canaanite eras, when the residents originate from Iraq and Yemen

Global Significance Battir village is surrounded by terraced mountains, and the soothing sound of flowing water through the canals creates a sense of tranquillity and natural beauty. Battir village represents the rich agricultural heritage of Palestine and deserves recognition as a global agro-tourism destination. Firstly, the defining feature of the village is its steep and terraced mountains, which are adorned with forests, vineyards, olive groves, fruit trees, and vegetable terraces. This farming system has been passed down by ancestors, enabling the village to adapt to its natural landscape and provide a diverse range of food products. This sustainable approach ensures self-sufficiency and food security for the village inhabitants. The agricultural system relies on terraced plantations and on water, which is supplied through one of the oldest irrigation systems in the world. Four springs channel water through ancient canals, effectively irrigating the agricultural lands on the terraced mountains and valleys of Battir. This system eliminates the need for additional sources of irrigation. The combination of terraced landscapes and the abundance of water motivates the villagers to cultivate various types of fruits and vegetables. Among all the Palestinian cities and towns, Battir is particularly renowned for its eggplants. The locals stuff eggplants with rice and meat, cooking them in tomato sauce as a flavourful hot main dish for lunch or dinner. Alternatively, they stuff them with carrots and nuts and preserve them as pickles. The presence of old houses and stone walls in Battir reflects the community’s commitment to preserving their cultural heritage. No old houses have been destroyed or abandoned. A rehabilitation committee actively works to restore these historic houses, assisting the people of Battir in maintaining their homes and preserving the village’s identity.

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In 2014, the site was included in the UNESCO World Heritage List, among the cultural landscapes, with the name “Palestine: Land of Olives and Vines—Cultural Landscape of Southern Jerusalem, Battir”. Food and Livelihood Security The availability of irrigation water and its low cost strongly encourage the residents of Battir village to cultivate their lands. Regardless of their primary occupation, every person in Battir owns a piece of land, which can consist of multiple terraces, a single terrace, or a rectangular-shaped mashkabah. The clean irrigation water originates from the springs of Ein Al Balad and Ein Al Jame’ and is collected in pools. It nourishes the majority of agricultural terraces in Battir village through Roman pools and canals. This efficient system ensures the water is distributed effortlessly and at no cost, reaching all the agricultural lands. Different vegetables are cultivated by local farmers: cauliflower, beans, spinach, mint, parsley, onion, radish, and cabbage. In addition, there are olive trees, grape vines, lemon, orange, and almond trees. According to the Battir Agricultural Society, most farmers in the village use minimal or no pesticides, making the food from Battir’s lands safer and more affordable. Moreover, the rural women of Battir actively utilise their vegetables and fruits to create different products, including various types of pickles and jams. Furthermore, the Battir Agricultural Society owns beehives to produce high-quality honey, which attracts people from all over the Bethlehem governorate, despite its slightly higher price compared to the average honey. The variety and quantity of agricultural products produced by the village are generally sufficient for household consumption and can easily be marketed outside the village due to their quality and the village’s excellent reputation for its vegetables and fruits. However, nowadays, families cannot rely solely on agricultural products as their main source of livelihood due to increased living expenses. According to a 2010 research conducted by the Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem (ARIJ), the primary source of livelihood in Battir village was the labour force working in the occupied lands within the green line, accounting for 65% of the workforce. The government or private sector employees followed at 20%, while the agricultural sector constituted 10%, and trade and industry workers accounted for 3 and 2%, respectively. Community representatives have indicated that these percentages remain largely unchanged today. This indicates the strong connection of Battir’s inhabitants to their lands. Regardless of their professions, jobs, or needs, they continue to cultivate and preserve their inherited culture. Agrobiodiversity The village is situated on a hilly mountainous area with a steep descent, which necessitated the construction of stone terraces to prevent soil erosion, retain soil moisture, and create suitable land for cultivation. There are three main types of agricultural practices in Battir village: vegetable plantations, trees (including fruit

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trees, vineyards, and olive groves), and beehives. The village has a small number of sheep but no cows. The fruit trees primarily rely on rainwater for irrigation, while the springs serve as the main source of irrigation for vegetables, particularly during the hot summer. The traditional cultivation of olive trees holds a crucial role in the historical development of the cultural landscape systems in this area. It encompasses various environmental, agricultural, socio-cultural, and symbolic aspects. Local cultures strongly associate the practice of olive cultivation with their historical roots and Palestinian identity. According to the ARIJ database, most of the agricultural land in Battir is dedicated to olive cultivation. Currently, the total area of land dedicated to olive tree cultivation in the nominated region is 223 ha, accounting for 28% of the entire territory and 54% of the cultivated land. The olives and oil produced are mainly used for self-consumption and local markets. The predominant olive tree variety cultivated for productive purposes in this area is locally known as nabali or baladi, which means “local”. The significance of olive cultivation goes beyond its economic and agricultural value. Many contemporary traditional olive farmers in the area are driven by sentimental and cultural reasons. Taking care of their olive groves is considered an integral part of their quality of life, even when their income is secured through other activities. Among the olive trees, Palestinian oak trees can also be found in some terraces farther away from the village, while the agricultural areas are surrounded by forests, primarily consisting of pine trees and other native plants and shrubs. The 4034 dunums allocated to agriculture within the Battir district are divided as follows (Isaac et al. 2005). Crop

Dunum

Olive trees

3640

Vegetables

177

Vines

100

Stone fruit trees

70

Fig trees

54

Field crops

21

Pome trees

19

Medical plants

7.5

Nut trees

5

The northern and northwestern areas of Battir, on both sides of the Armistice Line, serve as habitats for a wide range of wildlife species. The region experiences an average annual rainfall exceeding 600 mm, the highest in the West Bank. The presence of forests, open land, and water resources has created favourable conditions for fauna and flora. The forested areas, along with the challenging terrain of the wadi and its surroundings, provide suitable shelter and habitats for wild

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189

animals. Additionally, due to restricted land use and restricted movement of people between the West Bank and Israel, the borders have become safe habitats for native species and wild animals. The land surrounding the springs remains consistently moist throughout the year due to the continuous flow of water. This condition creates suitable habitats for both aquatic and terrestrial plant species to thrive (Isaac et al. 2005). Villagers have observed a variety of wild animals in the area, including mountain gazelles, hyenas, wolves, Cairo spring mice, Indian crested porcupines, Palestinian mole rats, and red foxes. These animals come from various locations, including the Israeli side, to access the springs in search of water. Unfortunately, the only spring located on the Israeli side was destroyed by railway lines. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Since 3000 BC, the inhabitants of Battir have adapted to the steep mountains by constructing drystone walls and terraces, and they have utilised the available water from springs by building pools and canals. Similar to other regions in the Mediterranean, the landscape surrounding Battir is abundant in stone. Consequently, traditional dry-stone architecture is prevalent, as collecting these stones also creates arable fields for agriculture. The diverse varieties of stone in the area have been used by the local people to construct their shelters, fences, and monuments, taking advantage of the specific aesthetic, physical, and geological characteristics of each type. Additionally, they have employed the stones to shape the rocky mountainous terrain and make it suitable for their agricultural activities (UNESCO 2014). The historical significance of this cultural landscape is deeply connected to the system of drystone terrace walls that define the rugged terrain. Olive groves stretch from the valley to the mountains, and thousands of stones were used to construct the dry-stone walls. These walls serve the dual purpose of containing the soil and creating multiple level areas on the hillside where olive trees are planted. Along the stream that runs through the valley, similar stones are used as borders to minimize soil erosion during the rainy season (UNESCO 2014). Various types of drystone walls and terraces have been identified in the Al-Makhrour area, serving the purpose of adapting, organising, and maintaining the land for agriculture. The terraces range from simple structures that require minimal modification of the land, known locally as stone piles called rujum, made from rocks and stones cleared from the land, to flat and smooth slope division walls (senasel) used to separate plots, demarcate land ownership, and prevent animals from entering plantations. Another type of structure is the pocket terrace (midwath), a short circular or semi-circular wall built around a single tree, often associated with olive tree cultivation. Finally, there are complex systems of dry and irrigated terraces along with drystone retaining walls known as habale (UNESCO 2014). The people of Battir have been farmers for thousands of years, cultivating olive groves, grape vines, fruit trees, and vegetables. In their agricultural lands, located

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3  Potential GIAHS Sites in Asia and Middle East

far from the village centre, they constructed watchtowers to oversee the plantation and cultivation of their crops and to protect their agricultural lands from theft and animals. During the 1948 Nakbah, when many Palestinian villages, including Battir, were besieged by the Israeli Occupation, the inhabitants were forced to leave their houses in order to protect their lives. However, a teacher named Hassan Mustafa remained in the village and safeguarded it by lighting all the houses with oil lamps. This clever tactic deceived the enemy into believing that the inhabitants were still present. His actions not only protected the village but also made him a hero, leading the development movement in Battir thereafter. Inspired by his heroism, Hassan Mustafa established a girls’ school and promoted women’s education. He also encouraged men and women to work together in agricultural activities. Additionally, he invited legal professionals and tourists to visit the village, supporting the people of Battir in learning different languages. The cultivation of olive trees in Battir typically involves low-density plantations, sometimes arranged in an irregular pattern, minimal labour and resources, and manual harvesting. These plantations cover vast areas on the hilly and mountainous terrain, which are susceptible to soil erosion caused by water runoff. Olive-related agricultural activities are primarily managed by individual families, and the olives and oil produced are predominantly used for personal consumption and local markets (UNESCO 2014). The people of Battir have preserved their ancestral traditions throughout the entire process of planting and cultivating, as well as in their harmonious understanding of the irrigation system. The terraced landscape is inaccessible by cars or large machinery, requiring farmers to navigate narrow agricultural paths to reach their lands, terraces, or mashkebah. Consequently, traditional agricultural tools like hoes, mattocks, and shovels are exclusively used by the farmers in Battir village. In terms of the irrigation system, Battir village previously had eight water springs, but four of them have dried up, leaving four springs that continue to irrigate the agricultural lands. These springs supply water to the village through water pools, canals (both open and closed pipes). Battir village comprises eight prominent families, and the distribution of the spring water is divided among them. The allocation of water to each family is determined using a system called al ma’doud, which measures the quantity of water produced by the springs. Each family has their own arrangement for the water flow in the canals on their lands. Some families utilise the water in the early morning, while others use it in the afternoon, and so on. This system has been in place for many years and is subject to regular changes based on agreements among the families. The traditional irrigation system, which has been in use for centuries and is still employed today, has its roots in the ancient practices of the people of Battir, possibly dating back to Roman times. The ancient rock-hewn canals are still functional and can be seen amidst the distinct terraces (UNESCO 2014).

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191

Cultures, Value systems and Social Organisation Battir has a Local Council that gained municipality status in 2016, comprising 11 members, two of whom are women. The village also boasts four active institutions: • Battir Charitable Society: A non-profit NGO established in 1972, which includes a kindergarten and focuses on cultural activities and programmes. • Battir Sports Club: Founded in 1973 to foster sports activities in Battir, with a membership exceeding 200 individuals. • Battir Women’s Club: Established in 2003, providing educational and technical courses for young women in Battir. • Battir Agricultural Society: Founded in 2016 to support and serve the farmers in Battir. Battir is home to four public schools, consisting of two schools for girls and two for boys, in addition to three kindergartens. Furthermore, the village is proud to have the Battir Family Handmade Museum, where various handmade products crafted by the people of Battir are showcased under one roof. The exhibited items range from embroidered accessories and bags to traditional Palestinian Kofiyeh styles, candles, ceramic plates, mugs, and other souvenirs that represent the rich culture and natural beauty of the village. Historically, Battir was renowned as the vegetable basket of Jerusalem, but this designation has changed due to the current border restrictions between Bethlehem and Jerusalem. Nevertheless, the vegetables grown in Battir have always been highly regarded in nearby towns and villages. Today, Battir plays a significant role as one of the main sources of vegetables for Bethlehem. While the terraces near the village contain a few scattered olive trees, they are primarily dedicated to other crops, including grapevines, fruit trees, seasonal vegetables, and herbs. Some citrus trees, predominantly lemon trees, can also be found in these fields, although they are cultivated solely for domestic use. Every year, the village of Battir hosts a special festival known as the “Battir Eggplant Festival” to celebrate its renowned eggplants and other local products. This festival, which takes place in the main square of Battir, spans two weeks, starting from July 15th and ending on August 1st. People from all over the West Bank visit the festival to purchase various goods. The municipality and other village institutions manage the festival, and it receives support from different Palestinian companies and NGOs each year. The festival showcases a wide range of products, including accessories, clothing, fruits, vegetables, pickles, Makdous, and other Palestinian goods that participants wish to promote. The inclusion of the cultural landscape of Battir in the UNESCO World Heritage List has played a crucial role in preserving its identity. Furthermore, the people of Battir are accustomed to receiving tourists in the village, and they always look forward to welcoming visitors. Battir attracts hikers from across Palestine as well as international tourists. A popular 5-km hiking trail starts from

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3  Potential GIAHS Sites in Asia and Middle East

Al-Makhrour mountain and leads to Battir. Along the trail, hikers pass through olive groves, vineyards, terraces, ancient water springs, pools, and remnants of the old railway that once connected Jaffa and Jerusalem. Most residents of Battir are well-versed in the village’s history and are eager to provide advice on various activities you can engage in. They may offer to take you on a tour of the agricultural lands and terraces, guide you along the Al-Makhrour hiking trail, suggest accommodation options, or even invite you into their own homes. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The surrounding valley is adorned with man-made terraces primarily planted with olive trees, some of which are of ancient origin. This intentional shaping of the landscape has resulted in a breathtaking scenery. Similar terraces have characterised the central hills of Palestine since ancient times. Research tracing the origins of terraced agriculture indicates that this system dates back to the Chalcolithic period (4500–3000 BC). During this period, advanced farming villages emerged, and agriculture intensified, with evidence of cultivation of fruits like olives and grapes. Archaeological excavations in Palestine and Egypt reveal that wine and olive oil were among the most valuable commodities imported from Palestine to Egypt. Documentation from the Early Dynastic Period of the Pharaohs around 3000 BC records the trade of valuable Canaanite goods from relatively small Palestinian villages. The advent of planned farming communities, characterised by houses with courtyards, marked the beginning of traditional village patterns, similar to those observed in present-day Palestinian villages. Battir’s strategic location along the route connecting central Palestine, specifically Jerusalem, with the Mediterranean coast, coupled with the presence of springs, contributed to the development of these terraces. The terraces, extending along the Wadi Al-Makhrour valley towards Battir, are composed of thousands of metres of drystone walls (senasel). These walls create a flat earthen surface known as habaleh, effectively preventing soil erosion and preserving soil moisture. The traditional cultivation of olive trees plays a vital role in the historical evolution of the cultural landscape in this region, serving multiple environmental, agricultural, socio-cultural, and symbolic purposes. Local cultures deeply connect olive cultivation with their historical roots and Palestinian identity. The domestication of the olive tree dates back to the Chalcolithic period, while the production of olive oil has a history of over 5000 years. The significance of olive farming goes beyond its economic and agricultural value. Many traditional olive farmers in the area are motivated by sentimental and cultural reasons, considering the care of their olive groves as an essential aspect of their quality of life, even when their income comes from other sources.

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Chapter 4

Potential GIAHS Sites in Europe

4.1 The Rainfed Mulching Agriculture in the Volcanic Island of Lanzarote, Spain (Marta Arnés, Beatrice Fiore, Francesco Piras)

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Agnoletti et al., Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America, Environmental History 16, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44881-2_4

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Summary Information Location of the site

Lanzarote is a volcanic island that is part of the Canary Islands archipelago. This island is located in the belt of the trade winds of the North Atlantic 29°03 51.1 N, 13°39 39.5 W

Area of coverage

22,000 ha

Topographic features Lanzarote reliefs are very low, and the highest elevations do not exceed 670 m (Las Peñas del Chache). This low relief does not exceed the altitude necessary to cause the trade winds to reverse, so that the humidity they bring does not find obstacles to precipitate in the form of rains as it occurs in other of the Canary Islands. The homogeneity in the relief has been key in the powerful influence that the wind has on the island, being also the driest island of those that make up the Canary archipelago. The relative humidity of the island is high (around 70%), but the drying action of the trade winds generates aridity conditions that prevent the natural growth of forests and represents a huge limitation for the development of agricultural activity, which is restricted only to specific areas of the island Climate type

The Koppen classification places most of the island in a desert and warm climate and some regions of the north and south-central—coincident with areas of relief and maximum rainfall—in the steppe and cool climate

Ethnicity/indigenous population

There is no specific ethnic group

Global Significance The island of Lanzarote is characterised by various climatic, geological, and meteorological factors that have created a unique environment where life has developed ingenious mechanisms to adapt to the challenges it presents. The agricultural systems on the island exemplify this ingenious adaptation, having evolved in harmony with the environment, resulting in a distinctive landscape. The people of Lanzarote have learned to harness the volcanic emissions, known as arenas, and the wind-blown sands from the sea, known as jables. These materials possess the unique ability to retain temperature and conserve soil moisture. Recognising the potential of these properties, humans have developed specific and unique agricultural techniques through observation and trial and error. These techniques effectively manage the mobility of the jables and the harshness of the arenas. The cultivation methods on the island primarily involve hole and surface cultivation, utilising drystone walls made of volcanic rocks found in the surrounding areas. This traditional method relies heavily on manual labour and has limited mechanisation. However, the need to increase crop yields has led to the development of trench cultivation, which involves shallower mulching layers and wider planting frames to facilitate mechanisation and higher yields. This more modern form of cultivation still utilises mulching and drystone walls, reflecting a commitment to sustainability in agricultural practices. However, it has also sparked debates within the local population regarding landscape transformation.

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The landscape of Lanzarote experienced a drastic and almost complete transformation during the volcanic eruption of 1730. The soils covered by volcanic emissions proved to be highly fertile, and previously unimportant crops began to thrive. As a result, the practice of using volcanic emissions, or arenados, for mulching spread across the island as people transported them to areas with less productive soil. The people of Lanzarote have always demonstrated a deep respect for their land and a commitment to preserving its resources. This island’s landscape has remained relatively unchanged, harmonising with the surrounding factors, where black, white, and green are constants. However, the rapid pace of urbanisation, tourism, and the abandonment of agricultural fields poses a threat that mirrors global trends. On Lanzarote, the loss of traditional knowledge would not only signify a loss of cultural heritage but also jeopardise food sovereignty on an arid and inhospitable island that has been tamed through a collective memory unique to its inhabitants. Food and Livelihood Security Lanzarote is a world-renowned tourist destination known for its captivating landscapes, which serve as a significant source of income. The undeniable influence of the island’s cultural landscape attracts tourists from far and wide. Although agriculture may not be a major employment generator or a significant contributor to the economy in terms of production, it plays a vital role in supporting one of the island’s most significant industries: tourism. The most notable agricultural product on the island is wine, followed by various vegetables, tubers, and fruits. In 1993, Lanzarote’s wine received the prestigious European recognition as a Protected Designation of Origin (PDO), leading to the establishment of the Lanzarote Wine Designation of Origin Regulatory Council. This PDO and council represent the entire island, its vineyards, and the wine produced, involving over 1700 winegrowers and 2000 ha of vineyards. The council comprises 17 wineries, with 13 located in the La Geria-Masdache-Tinajo region, which falls within the proposed GIAHS area. The dominant grape varieties cultivated are Malvasía Volcánica and Listán Blanca. In 2018, the average price per kilogram of grapes for these varieties was e1.90 for Volcanic Malvasia and e1.60 for Listán Blanca. La Geria’s distinctive landscape, characterised by its traditional cultivation method using volcanic sand pits, has gained notable recognition within the island’s wine industry. Wine production in Lanzarote began after the volcanic eruption in 1730. Prior to that, wine was imported, although vineyards were already cultivated in some parts of the island. The traditional vineyards of La Geria, which include centuries-old vines, do not meet the demands of the current market. The PDO aims to address this by offering a high-quality brand. However, the cost of maintaining the vineyards is high, resulting in the abandonment of many plots. The planting frame varies, ranging from 1.5 m in the northern areas with artificial sand pits to up to 4 m in La Geria. In the traditional mulching agriculture of the island, there are ongoing transformations aimed at increasing yield and competing with the international market. These transformations include reducing planting frames, converting holes into linear trenches, and introducing irrigation. While vineyards are famous for being grown in sand pits (arenados), a variety of other crops also thrive in these artificial sand

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pits, including onions, sweet potatoes, potatoes, and corn. Jable crops, which refer to crops grown in wind-blown sands, accommodate these varieties as well as others that are not suited for sand pits, such as watermelon, melon, cereal forage varieties, and legumes. The continuation of arenados and jable crops in Lanzarote is currently at risk due to the abandonment of agriculture caused by ageing farmers and the lack of involvement of younger generations. This poses a threat to the preservation of the island’s cultural landscape, which can only be sustained through active agricultural practices. The El Jable Agrarian Transformation Society (SAT) consists of a group of approximately 40–50 farmers who cultivate jable soils. Their collective objective is to promote and enhance the cultivation of rainfed seashell sand mulching, utilising the inherited traditional knowledge that ensures product quality and efficient resource utilisation. In La Geria, the Cabildo de Lanzarote has initiated a project called “Save La Geria” aimed at reclaiming abandoned properties and providing assistance to owners in the form of cleaning and maintenance work. This project also prioritises the employment of individuals with disabilities in the restoration and upkeep of these plots. Agrobiodiversity The isolation and dynamic nature of oceanic islands make them mysterious and captivating ecosystems. These islands have been home to original species as well as those introduced by humans, which have adapted to their unique conditions. As a result, a significant number of highly specific and delicate endemic species can be observed. While the Canary Islands archipelago is relatively young compared to other oceanic islands, it is a haven for relic endemic ecosystems. The Canarian vascular flora comprises around 2000 species, with over 500 being endemic and approximately 560 surviving in Lanzarote (Bramwell 1990). Additionally, the vertebrate fauna on the island includes 3 species of reptiles, 2 mammals, 1 amphibian, and 39 species of nesting birds (García 1999). These species, both those present historically and those known today, have coexisted with humans since the fifth century when the first settlers arrived and established themselves in the most fertile areas, particularly the Central Plain. These early settlements were already stable, and livestock grazing was the main occupation (Hercowitz 2001). The island’s constant dynamics, including significant volcanic eruptions, have impacted humans, plants, and animals, leading to the development of adaptation mechanisms. However, it is undeniable that human adaptation has resulted in a much greater influence over other species, transforming the landscape and ecosystem functions. The specificity reflected in the endemic species is also evident in the activities carried out by humans, who have utilised the ecosystem resources, creating an interdependence between plants, animals, and humans. In general, Lanzarote’s vegetation consists of species adapted to thrive in harsh conditions characterised by drought, malpaís (volcanic terrain), and wind for a significant part of the year. Consequently, tree-like plants are scarce, with the exception of palms and fruit trees. Even the few pine trees, which have been the result of human

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reforestation efforts, have not developed the typical stature seen in other locations due to the island’s strong winds, resulting in smaller-sized trees. The grazing activities in the sand and jable areas of the interior region promote the growth of two species that have evolved in conjunction with this practice: Launaea arborescens (aulaga) and Cenchrus ciliaris (grama). Alongside them, in this endemic thicket landscape, we also find Heliotropium bacciferum (camellera), Lotus lancerottensis (yerba múa), Polycarpaea nívea (white saladillo), and Salvia aegyptiaca (alhucema de gato). Cyperus capitatus ( junquillo) is associated with the presence of jable wind-blown sands in this region (Gil and Peña 2018). Unfortunately, the degradation of the original oceanic jable now leads to the reduction and disappearance of certain species that inhabit these areas, such as Limonium papillatum, Atractylis arbuscula, and Naplius schultzii. In the case of La Geria, a landscape shaped by agricultural practices on lapilli sands, 295 taxa belonging to 65 families have been identified, accounting for 45.6% of Lanzarote’s flora. Lichen communities (Estereocaulon Vesubianum, Ramalina sp., etc.), rock-dwelling plants (ferns like Davallia canariensis or herbaceous angiosperms such as Salvia canariensis), nitrophilous grasslands, and herbaceous vegetation (Hiparrhenia hirta, Chenopodio muralis, Mesembryanthemym nodiflorum, etc.), as well as shrub vegetation (tabaibales and aulagar-salsolar), accompany the agricultural activity where vineyards, fig trees, and mulberry trees are the main cultivated varieties. The proximity to the African continent reduces the level of isolation for the island of Lanzarote, particularly in terms of its wildlife, especially birds. Many birds migrate to the African continent or nearby islands, while others have been introduced by humans or arrived as stowaways on trans-oceanic voyages. Among the nesting birds of prey on the island, 40% possess endemic characteristics, such as Falco eleonorae (eleonora’s falcon), Passer hispanoliensis (Spanish sparrow), Bucanetes githagineus (trumpeter finch), Bubulcus ibis (cattle egret), Egretta garzetta (little egret), and Himantopus himantopus (black-winged stilt). Endemic reptiles include Tarentola angusstimentalis (rough gecko), Chalcides occidentalis/simonyi (majorera lizard), Gallotia atlantica (Haría lizard), and Crocidura canariensis (Canarian shrew). Lanzarote is also home to significant populations of Chlamydotis undulata (houbara bustard), which are directly associated with the cultivation of sweet potatoes and other crops in El Jable. The area of El Jable also hosts steppe birds of great interest, such as alcaravan and engañamuchachos. The importance of birds in Lanzarote is underscored by the designation of over 50% of the territory as Special Protection Areas for birds (SPAs) within the Natura 2000 network. Vineyards are currently the most common crop on the island of Lanzarote, particularly in volcanic sand mulching systems. These vineyards have greatly benefited from the volcanic eruptions that occurred in the first half of the eighteenth century. The open spaces between the volcanic soil and sand allowed for easy cultivation of vineyards, as well as mulberry and fig trees. Over time, this crop expanded and diversified through various techniques, contributing to the richness of the cultural landscape. In the remote and inland areas of La Geria, there are ancient vineyards with century-old vines. The stems of these vines spread out in large diameters within the holes where they grow. These vineyards are unique in Europe as they have not been

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grafted onto phylloxera-resistant American vine rootstocks, as the Canary Islands are unaffected by this pest. The ancient and massive roots of these vines serve as evidence of their resilience, which can be attributed to good agricultural practices and human care, enabling them to survive for decades. Sweet potatoes are the predominant crop in El Jable. Although their presence on the island is relatively recent, they play a significant role in jable production. Introduced in the nineteenth century, sweet potatoes served as an essential food source for the island’s population, particularly during the postwar period. The existence of sweet potatoes on the island does not align with the extensive cultivation around them, but it predates the postwar period. At that time, sweet potatoes became vital for the subsistence of the population. Their importance during that period, as well as their subsequent cultivation for export, has given this crop a social significance that persists today. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The history of Lanzarote, until a few decades ago, can be summarised as a chronicle of the struggle against water scarcity. The severe limitations in water resources compelled the population to develop numerous strategies in order to ensure their survival. Water has been the most influential factor in the evolution of Lanzarote (Gil 2014). The island has a rich social and technological heritage related to the conservation and efficient utilisation of the limited rainfall it receives each year. Traditional methods such as tides, reservoirs, galleries, and wells have played a crucial role, despite the hardships and sacrifices endured by those who implemented them. Subsequently, the establishment of a water treatment plant and a desalination plant in Lanzarote enabled the introduction of irrigation. This has greatly benefited many agricultural farms on the island. However, the lack of knowledge and excessive use of water have also led to significant disasters in agricultural fields and the quality of resulting products. For example, the excessive watering of sweet potatoes caused them to grow rapidly but become waterlogged and prone to rot, resulting in reduced traceability. Such practices have also tainted the reputation of sweet potato crops grown using rainfed mulching agriculture, which is another method employed on the island. Arenados agricultural system. The thickness of the lapilli layer, known as arenados, varies across different plots and areas of the island. This variation is influenced by the proximity to the volcanic eruption focus of 1730 and agricultural practices that will be explained later. One notable practice is the creation of “artificial arenados,” which involves transporting and depositing the lapilli layer from original volcanic areas to other locations where it is either absent or scarce. This practice, popularised during the twentieth century, was facilitated by the support of the National Institute of Colonization (INC) (Peña 2005). Prior to the intervention of the INC, the transportation of the lapilli material was primarily carried out using camels. Possessing and utilising arenados was initially limited to affluent families who could afford the costs associated with its creation. The thickness of the “sand” layer plays a significant role in crops that rely on it as a cover, and it also poses limitations based on the type of crop being cultivated. The thickness requirement

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differs for vineyards compared to those cultivating tomatoes, onions, legumes, and other crops, where a thinner layer may be sufficient. Growing in holes in the arenas and grooves in the jable. According to the literature, these cultivation methods must have been initially practised in areas closest to the emission cones, which were in the direction of the prevailing winds. In these areas, the pyroclastic deposits were so deep that it was not feasible to remove them and access the hidden ground (Acosta and Ferrer 2013). This was referred to as “natural arenados.“ Hole cultivation is predominantly a manual process, utilising shovels and hoes, with very limited mechanisation. The irregular arrangement of the holes was originally the most efficient way to make use of the available space. However, this arrangement, along with other factors, has hindered the mechanisation of hole cultivation, making access to the holes quite challenging. The diameter of the hole dug depends on the thickness of the lapilli layer, with a larger diameter required for thicker layers. The hole is dug through the lapilli layer until reaching the vegetal soil, known as vermeja. This creates a funnel-shaped structure for the hole. The topsoil is where the seeds are planted. Only one plant is grown in each hole, with a low planting density, typically consisting of trees with deep root systems. Fertilisation is carried out every 5 years by applying a layer of manure and either ammonium nitrate or ammonium sulphate to the exposed vegetal soil at the bottom of the hole. After applying this layer, it is covered again with sand. Cleaning the holes involves removing any sand that has fallen inside, while weed management is not a major task as the lapilli layer limits weed growth. Hole cleaning is typically done every 2 or 3 years. New cultivation techniques have also been developed. It is crucial to avoid mixing the underlying soil with the sand layer below, as this would diminish the benefits provided by the sand. Therefore, any work conducted should aim to maintain this separation. The arenados are raked superficially, releasing only the layer of sand without disturbing the ground, and planting is usually done carefully using seedlings in furrows or small holes. In the case of jable grooves, the technique is similar to that of hole cultivation in arenados. The grooves are manually dug until reaching the humid area of the jable, where seeds or cuttings (in the case of sweet potatoes) are placed. It is not necessary to reach the topsoil, often referred to as “mother soil.” The direction of the wind is considered when making jable grooves to ensure that the prevailing winds do not create opposition between the furrows. Therefore, the crops are aligned along lines in the same direction as the prevailing wind, typically the northeast wind. Damage caused by winds from the south is infrequent but can be significant when they occur, which happens every couple of years or more. Artificial arenados. The process of creating artificial arenados begins with the cleaning and preparation of the plant soil that is not yet covered by the layer of pyroclasts. This involves removing plants and stones from the area. Then, a layer of manure, about 2–3 cm thick, is placed on the soil without mixing it. This is followed by the placement of the pyroclast layer, which typically has a thickness between 10 and 15 cm, depending on the size of the grains. Approximately every 10 years, the subscriber layer (known as “coarse arenados”) and the pyroclast layer are renewed to prevent mixing with the underlying layers. Planting is usually done

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using seedlings in rows or grooves called cazolejas, which are carefully opened. In some cases, after several years of cultivation, this process is repeated by separating the pyroclast layer and recapping the planting area. Fertilisation is done annually by adding ammonium sulphate or granulated ammonium nitrate, which is spread on the surface of the pyroclasts to be washed by rain or deposited in small amounts inside the planting holes. Weeding is carried out manually or with a harrow to remove weeds. Harvesting is done by hand. The pyroclast layer is renewed every 15–20 years to maintain effectiveness as the soil mixes with it over time. The lower thickness of mulch in artificial arenados allows for greater crop diversification, higher planting density, and intensified agricultural activity. However, mechanisation is limited due to the risk of mixing the pyroclast layer with the underlying soil. In-line cultivation is a characteristic feature of artificial arenados where lapilli soils are less deep. This modern and organised form of cultivation allows for easier mechanisation. It also involves a smaller planting framework compared to holes, which increases the number of plants per plot and therefore the yield. The impact of these new features on the landscape is currently a topic of debate, although the characteristic drystone walls and rainfed volcanic sand mulching are mostly preserved. Another distinctive geological formation on the island of Lanzarote, as well as neighbouring Fuerteventura, is the presence of dune or jable deposits. These sedimentary accumulations of marine-origin sand stretch from Famara, traversing the central area of the island towards Guasimenta in the east. During periods of cold and arid climate, accompanied by frequent winds, which occurred in the last few million years of Earth’s history and were associated with drops in sea level, large volumes of sand were remobilised from the coast inland. The establishment of vegetation on these sands led to their stabilisation, forming extensive fossil dune accumulations that can be observed in the Mala area and near Soo and Muñique. Unlike other vine cultivation methods, in Lanzarote, efforts are made to train the vine to grow parallel to the ground at a low height of about 20 cm. This approach provides protection from the wind due to the depth of the hole and the stone souk. Pruning is carried out after the grape harvest, typically in the months of September to October. This task aims to strengthen, clean, and maintain the vineyard in a healthy state. Jable crops, particularly those located close to the Famara coast where wind-blown sands originate, have adapted their agricultural practices to the constant presence of north and northeast winds. To prevent the continuous movement of these sands, barriers known as bardos are placed in a line, keeping the jable within the plot and preventing the intrusion of sands that could harm the crops. These bardos are typically made from rye, either by sowing seeds or using dried plants from previous years. Another common practice involves the placement of stones to retain the jable, and in some cases, a mixture of lapilli and jable is used to create a soil type known as polvillos (little dust). While less dynamic, this type of soil has inferior mulching properties. The influence of the prevailing trade winds necessitates the configuration of crops to always provide protection from the wind coming from the northeast. As a result, the drystone walls, constructed using volcanic stone, are oriented towards the trade

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Fig. 4.1 Fruit trees cultivated in holes and protected by semi-circular drystone walls in Lanzarote (photo Mauro Agnoletti)

winds. These walls are built with porous volcanic rocks, without any bonding or sealing, and the gaps between the rocks allow for oxygenation of the vineyard, which helps prevent pests. This gentle ventilation, combined with the ability to retain moisture, significantly reduces the proliferation of fungi and pests. The stones used in the construction of drystone walls are typically gathered from nearby washings, exhibiting characteristic red, black, or light colours. The diversity of drystone walls can be observed across the farmland, varying based on the wind influence, hole diameter, as well as the location of towns and wineries (Fig. 4.1). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The Agrarian Transformation Societies (SATs) are civil societies with an economic and social purpose related to the production, processing, and marketing of agricultural, livestock, or forestry products. They also aim to improve the rural environment, promote agricultural development, and provide common services in these areas. SATs have their own legal identity and require authorisation for their establishment and registration in the appropriate registry. Furthermore, SATs have the option to associate or integrate with each other, forming a collective of SATs with legal standing and the ability to take action. The origins of these societies can be traced back to the former Colonization Trade Union Groups since 1941 and the “Family Gardens” initiative. The SAT of Jable consists of approximately 40–50 farmers in the El Jable region. They specialise in rainfed cultivation using seashell sand mulching fields. The

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SAT of Jable advocates for traditional practices that ensure the sustainable preservation of the ecosystem functions in El Jable, knowledge that has been passed down through generations of conejeros (local farmers). The Cabildo de Lanzarote is the governing body of the island of Lanzarote, located in the Canary Islands, Spain. Like all cabildos, it was established by the Law of Cabildos in 1912 and serves as the governmental and administrative authority for the Canary Islands. It has two main functions: providing services and exercising the powers of the Autonomous Community, as well as governing the local affairs of the island. The Cabildo’s departments have played a crucial role in implementing the Biosphere Reserve plan and the Special Protection of the Geria Landscape, demonstrating a significant commitment from public administrations towards promoting sustainable development. Gofio is a food made from unsifted flour of roasted cereals, typically wheat or millet (corn), and is used in various culinary preparations. It resembles white flour but has a darker or yellowish hue, which depends on its specific composition and the level of roasting. In the Canary Islands, it has been consumed since pre-Hispanic times by the indigenous people, known as Guanches, who belonged to the Berber ethnic group. Today, gofio is the most traditional food in the Canary archipelago and serves as a central element of Canarian gastronomy, representing its cultural identity. Some plant species found in the area have been recognised for their significance in traditional medicine. However, these traditional medicinal practices are no longer in current use on the island. The Peasant Museum House architecture is based on the restoration of an old hamlet by the artist César Manrique. Its main objective is to promote the traditional practices of the island, showcasing the connection between labour and the land. One prominent feature of this presentation is the renowned Monument to the Peasant, a tribute to the fertile land of Lanzarote and its traditional farmers. Following César Manrique’s original vision, the Peasant Museum House immerses visitors in the rich popular culture of Lanzarote. Through architecture, agriculture, crafts, and traditional gastronomy, it offers a journey that allows one to appreciate the beauty of this unique island. Despite the challenges they have faced, the people of Lanzarote have created their own distinctive way of life. Landscapes and Seascapes Features Famara beach serves as the primary entry point for jable, the wind-blown sand, on the island. The sands are carried from the northeast coast along the El Jable corridor and into the inland areas. The construction efforts in this region have been minimal due to the recognition by the islanders of the unique ecosystem of the jable corridor, which plays a crucial role in agriculture through the seashell sand mulching. The entrance of the jable is home to a diverse range of halophyte plants that have adapted to the climatic and marine conditions. The jaulaga, which currently occupies significant coastal areas, almost disappeared in the eighteenth century due to its use as fuel. These vegetation thickets acted as barriers against the wind-blown sands, and their decline resulted in the expansion of the jable, leading to the mentioned disasters for crops and villages.

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The regions where jable and arenados (lapilli) cultivation intersect are particularly fertile, providing a wide variety of vegetables, legumes, cereals, and other crops to the local markets. The integration of both types of mulching enhances agricultural productivity in these areas. The mills played a significant role in the agricultural practices of Lanzarote during the expansion of wheat and barley cultivation. However, only a few mills remain today, primarily located in the central area of La Geria and between Tinajo and San Bartolomé. While these mills no longer serve agricultural purposes, they hold ornamental, cultural, and touristic value. In the traditional rural architecture of Lanzarote, the stone walls take centre stage in the farmland, complemented by other equally important structures. Stone shelters or small huts were designed to meet the needs of cultivation farms, providing storage for tools (known as aperos in Spanish) and protection from the sun, wind, rain, and the long hours dedicated to tilling the land. These huts were incorporated into the walls to maximise the use of productive soil (Gil et al. 2018). Wineries play a crucial role in processing and storing wine and in ensuring its certified origin protection. The structures of these wineries, both modern and ancient, are integral elements of the agricultural landscape. Similarly, the towns on the island are built following the same patterns, with white, black, green, and brown being the characteristic colours that define the landscape of Lanzarote. The volcanic eruption of 1730 brought about a dramatic transformation in the island’s landscape. The eruption emitted vast amounts of volcanic material, causing significant changes across the island, although some areas were less affected. In the five years following the initial eruption, there was a continuous dynamic of lava flows and eruptions, which virtually halted all agricultural activities. However, shortly after, humans started shaping the lapilli sands and incorporating them with the jable to establish the primary form of agriculture, expanding in areas unaffected by the eruptions. Since then, agricultural techniques and management practices have been adapted and improved to suit mulching agriculture. The landscape has evolved accordingly, with valleys, cones, and lava flows layered with drystone walls, terraces, and protective barriers in La Geria, among other features. Architecture exemplifies integration, with wineries and villages playing a vital role in the agricultural economy. The arenados or holes in La Geria serve as the main tourist attraction, attracting thousands of visitors each year. The transformation of these holes into ditches reflects an important evolution in the landscape due to increased demand. However, efforts are being made to integrate these elements sustainably, preserving their main characteristics such as drystone walls and volcanic sand mulching.

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4.2 The Traditional Alpine Agriculture in Valtellina and Valposchiavo, Italy–Switzerland (Michelangelo Ferri, Alessandra Bazzurro, Federica Romano)

Summary Information Location of the site

Valtellina marks the northern-eastern border of Italy’s Lombardy region with Trentino-Südtirol region and Switzerland; Valposchiavo, also called Bernina region, is part of the Canton of Grisons in eastern Switzerland: it is surrounded on three sides by Valtellina, while bordering in the north with the Swiss Maloja Region 46°14 42.8 N, 10°07 58.5 E

Area of coverage

16,500 ha (continued)

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(continued) Topographic features The mid-Valtellina is a fairly large valley with a straight west to east orientation, and the valley floor is between 2 and 2.5 km wide, ranging between 250 and 430 m a.s.l.; Valposchiavo floor valley starts at 530 m, right after the Italian border, and reaches up to 1200 m a.s.l., and is much narrower, with a width ranging between 300 and 1200 m. The surrounding mountains’ height range between 2000 and 2500 m a.s.l. in the southern and western slopes up to 3500–3700 in the northern and eastern chains. The gradients are very steep in the Swiss side, especially in the Brusio municipality, while they are a bit more gentle in both sides of mid-Valtellina Climate type

The climate is continental cold: summers are not too hot as the average maximum temperature reaches a maximum of 24–26 °C, winters are cold with a temperature ranging between + 5 and − 5 °C; due to the difference in altitude, the lower part of Valtellina valley has an average temperature approximately 5–6 °C hotter than the Valposchiavo area. The two main seasons are equally divided along the year. In Valtellina snowfall is a fairly exceptional phenomenon, whereas in Valposchiavo the average is over 20 mm per month between December and March

Ethnicity/indigenous population

The main cultural group is of Italian roots

Global Significance Valtellina and Valposchiavo were both ruled by the Grigioni state for nearly three centuries, from 1512 to 1797. However, Valtellina was later assigned to a newly formed Italian state by Napoleon. The connection with the central-northern Alps played a crucial role in the significant expansion of viticulture in Valtellina over the centuries. Valposchiavo served as the primary route for exporting wine. The relationship between the two valleys is further emphasised by the location of the traditional market and annual fair in the city of Tirano, situated at the junction of the two valleys, where the Poschiavino river meets the Adda river. In the alpine region, farming families have developed a natural multifunctionality as a means to achieve self-sufficiency with the limited land and natural resources available to them. Each family used to have a vegetable garden and cultivated fields with cereals for bread-making and linen production for the family’s clothing. The women in the family were responsible for sowing the crops. Additionally, each family kept at least one cow for daily milk sales, a pig, and a couple of sheep to provide meat for the autumn season. These activities were managed by a large number of family members. However, over generations, the efficiency of land utilisation gradually declined as it was divided among heirs upon the owner’s death. Today, many of these production chains, such as linen production, have been abandoned. However, some of them still characterise the landscape, diet, and social events, as locals preserve them as a cultural heritage of agricultural traditions.

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Food and Livelihood Security Valtellina The average grape production for high-quality wines (DOC, DOCG, and IGT denominations of origin) between 2011 and 2017 was approximately 3630 tons per year. This allowed for the commercialisation of around 3 million bottles, with 70% being sold in the local or national market, while the remaining portion was primarily exported to Switzerland and Germany, the valley’s historical target markets. There are 2150 grape-growers who sell their produce, with 50 enterprises that process the grapes into wine and bring it to the market. The Rhaetian slope, where DOC and DOCG wines are produced, is divided into six sub-zones: Sassella, Grumello basso e inferno, Grumello alto, Valgella, Tirano Santa Perpetua, and Tirano Baruffini. Each subzone has distinct characteristics such as soil composition, architecture, wall height, strip width, integration with urban centres or wooded areas, rocky outcrops, and microclimatic conditions, resulting in wines with specific flavours and characteristics. Most of the other traditional production chains now operate in niche markets, sometimes selling directly to locals through networks of buyers interested in traditional and organic food. Some of these chains are currently quite fragile, but they play a crucial role in preserving local varieties and practices. This includes the cultivation of traditional grain varieties, which are grown in small plots around the municipality of Teglio (totalling only 3–4 ha) and in fields near Poschiavo (about 7.5 ha). Two products, the “Violino di Capra della Valchiavenna” (meat) and the “Formaggio Bitto Storico Ribelle,” (cheese) have received recognition from Slow Food and are still made using ancient processes. The production of Bitto Storico Ribelle is very limited, with only eight people involved in its production. However, thanks to the Slow Food recognition, the product can be sold at very high prices, ranging from 17 euros per kilo for lower quality to 390 euros for the 10-year-aged cheese, which is often sold in auctions. The production of Violino di Capra is even smaller, with only three producers selling it on the market, while others consume it within their families. From each goat, only four pieces are produced, totalling about 10 kilos, with a selling price of around 22 euros per kilo. However, other products have become mostly industrialised, relying on low-cost raw materials from foreign sources, as in the case of bresaola, a traditional cured meat, now largely produced using Brazilian beef. The agricultural sector employs less than 4% of the population. According to a 2007 report, the largest sectors of employment in the valley are building construction (15.1%) and local commerce (12.2%) sectors. Manufacturing and banking are also significant economic sectors in the valley today. The tourism sector employs approximately 11.3% of the population. However, the current tourism strategy focuses heavily on outdoor sports and nature-related activities, with limited connections to the agricultural sector. Nonetheless, a 70-km walking and cycling path has recently been developed, connecting Morbegno with Tirano, allowing tourists to explore the terraced vineyards and the Rhaetian slope, known as “La via dei terrazzamenti.”

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Valposchiavo The agricultural sector in the valley supports nearly 10% of the local workforce across various production chains. The maintenance of small vegetable plots within and around the villages is a testament to the valley’s agricultural heritage. Until the 1950s and 1960s, one of the main activities in the valley was the cultivation of vegetables and fruits for sale in the wealthier, tourism-oriented areas of Switzerland that lacked the same favourable climate and altitude conditions as Valposchiavo. Today, these small-scale productions continue to provide a source of local and organic food for the inhabitants. The agricultural sector contributes approximately 7% to Valposchiavo’s GDP, with an additional 3% supported by related activities. To address global market competition, the administration has supported a project since the early 2000s to enhance the marketing and commercialisation of local food products known as “100% Poschiavo”. This project has led to the revitalisation of local dairy, meat, and to a lesser extent, grain production chains. A new communal dairy was built, the mill was restored, and two Protected Designations of Origin brands were established: the “100% Valposchiavo” label, which signifies products made entirely with local ingredients and processed locally, and the “Fait sü in Valposchiavo,” which denotes products that may contain foreign ingredients but are processed within the valley. These products have received a positive response in the market and have played a significant role in supporting local food production, agricultural activities, and establishing a clear identity for the valley. The project also aims to achieve a territorial organic designation from BioSuisse, further reinforcing the marketing strategy of becoming a leader in the organic products sector and providing reassurance to farmers about the value of their work (92% of food production and transformation enterprises are currently organic). The estimated daily cheese production is around 300 kg in winter and 100 kg in summer, averaging 2300 kg throughout the year. The consumer selling prices are around 26 CHF per kilo, resulting in potential daily revenue streams of up to 60,000 CHF. Regarding the meat chain, around 50 local pigs are slaughtered annually, but many other animals are sold to be butchered outside the valley. The largest number of workers are employed in the local services sector (16%), building construction (13%), and manufacturing (11%), similar to Valtellina. Tourism provides employment for approximately 11% of the population. The tourist offerings are also comparable to Valtellina, with the main targets being the elderly (65+) and mountain bike enthusiasts, which sometimes causes conflicts with farming activities in the fields. Agrotourism is not highly developed, but there are strong connections between farmers, retailers, hotels, and restaurants, which often promote the local origin of the food they serve. Agrobiodiversity Concerning viticulture, the Nebbiolo grape variety, known locally as chiavennasca or ciuvinasca, is the most popular grape variety cultivated in Valtellina. It is believed to have been introduced to the region by Napoleonic troops in the late eighteenth century from the Piemonte area. This particular variety represents approximately 90%

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of the production. Additionally, minor grape varieties such as Rossola, Brugnola, and Pignola are also grown, but they are only allowed in small proportions within the DOCG and DOC wine blends, with a maximum limit of 5–10%. Buckwheat is a key ingredient in the local traditional cuisine and is still produced in both valleys, albeit in small quantities. In Valposchiavo, it is used to make the local pizzoccheri, a thick pasta made from a blend of buckwheat and other cereal flours, which is marketed nationally under the “100% Valposchiavo” label. After the Second World War, the cultivation of buckwheat almost disappeared as more productive wheat varieties took its place, with a trend similar to wheat in all Europe, that declined due to competition from producers outside the European Union. Although technically not a member of the cereal family, buckwheat is referred to as a cereal product in the market because it is used similarly in cooking. Buckwheat is naturally gluten-free, which has contributed to its growing popularity. It also contains amino acids that support insulin production and may be used in diabetes therapies. The local varieties of crops developed over centuries to adapt to the local climate conditions include buckwheat (grano saraceno nustran di Teglio, cultivated since the seventeenth century, and grano saraceno curunin, introduced between the late 19th and early twentieth centuries), Siberian wheat (grano siberiano valtellinese or nzibaria), rye (segale invernale di Teglio), maize (maisrostrato rosso di Valtellina, also introduced in the seventeenth century), barley (orzo distico delle Alpi locally called dumega), wheat ( frumento alpino fiorina originating from Valposchiavo), and blue potatoes (patata blu di Valtellina). These local and ancient varieties face challenges in the market and are at risk of extinction. Some farmers are actively preserving these varieties through experimental crops and specific projects aimed at promoting the values associated with locally developed biodiversity and preventing the loss of genetic diversity. The primary production areas for these field crops are the vicinity of the municipality of Teglio and the fields between the lake and the village of Poschiavo. The region is home to two distinct native goat breeds: the orobica and the frisa Valtellinese (or frontalasca). These breeds are valued for both their milk and meat. They are kept in a semi-wild state and are able to graze in marginal areas where other animals cannot thrive. The orobica, of unknown origin and possibly endemic, is primarily bred in Valgerola and the surrounding valleys, as well as in the southernwestern part of Valtellina, Lecco, and Bergamo provinces. It is well-adapted to harsh conditions, and its milk is primarily used in the production of “Bitto” cheese. These goats are of medium size, possess long curved horns, and have long hair. They were considered endangered in recent decades, but now farmers have formed an association to protect and support their breeding. According to records from 2004, there were approximately 4300 goats bred in 192 farms. The frontalasca is endemic to the upper-eastern part of Valtellina, with the name derived from Frontale in Val di Rezzalo. It is now found throughout the province of Sondrio and part of Bergamo province. The estimated population in 2004 was 6000 goats in 300 breeding farms. This breed is robust and larger in size, making its meat particularly valued, while milk is considered of secondary importance, and the meat is used to produce the “Violino di capra della Valchiavenna.”

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In the past, chestnut cultivation was widespread throughout the area below 800 m a.s.l. However, nowadays, only about 500 chestnut trees are regularly managed in the lower part of the Poschiavo valley, specifically in the municipality of Brusio. This is mainly done as a hobby activity by local farmers. These trees belong to a local native variety known as tudiscia. Their chestnuts are small in size, dark-coloured, and have a very sweet taste. Unfortunately, this variety holds little value in the market due to consumers’ lack of familiarity with it. Despite this, the locals have a strong attachment to chestnut cultivation and the landscape of chestnut groves. To celebrate this heritage, they have recently established an annual festival in October where chestnut products are sold in the streets of Brusio and Poschiavo. In Valtellina too, there are also local chestnut varieties, although many groves are no longer actively managed, and the fruits are simply collected from the ground. Chestnuts have historically played a significant role in the traditional cuisine of both valleys, and some of the chestnut trees are more than a hundred years old. The two valleys have also collaborated in finding an insect antagonist that has helped restore the chestnut groves in Valposchiavo by combating the spread of the chestnut gall wasp disease caused by an insect native to China (Dryocosmus kuriphilus), known as cinipede, which affects the leaves and flowers of the trees. In the higher altitudes, there is an abundance of rare flowers in the alpine meadows. To prevent the loss of these species due to haymaking or grazing, farmers in Valposchiavo are encouraged to preserve designated wild patches on the edges of their meadows or delay cutting their fields. This allows the late-blooming species to spread their seeds on the ground. These practices are rewarded with additional public subsidies. The cultivation of wild and medicinal herbs is also a significant cultural heritage in the region. It is celebrated during the “Wild Herbs Festival,” a recently established local event held in May in Poschiavo. The festival aims to educate children and locals about the ecological principles of biodiversity and the economic value of wild herbs. It is organised in collaboration with schools and local businesses that create new products from wild herbs, such as necklaces, pillows made from pine chips, beer brewed from spruce sprouts, and elderberry juice. Additionally, participants receive seeds collected during haymaking, which they can then plant in their own gardens and plots. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems DryStone Walls The construction of drystone walls in the mid-Valtellina, where the vineyards are located, posed significant challenges due to the thin soil and rocky substrate. These walls serve a dual purpose: creating additional land for vineyards and providing stability to the slope by controlling the flow of runoff water. The process begins by excavating the topsoil to create a small trench until reaching the solid rocky base. The earth and stones are separated into distinct piles. The larger stones are used to build the wall, while the smaller ones are placed at the bottom of the soil strip to enhance drainage beneath the surface. Excess stones are laid in a continuous row along the maximum gradient of the slope for future use. The space behind the wall is

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then filled with a layer of manure at the bottom, followed by the drainage layer, and finally with the limited amount of earth available, often supplemented with soil from the valley bottom if the depth is insufficient for vine planting. Nowadays, where feasible, workers may employ excavators to lift and position large stones, but the overall process and techniques used remain largely unchanged since the fifteenth century. Grape growers have long been aware of the beneficial effects of thermal inertia provided by the walls. The stone mass absorbs radiation during the day and releases it as heat during the night. This helps the plants withstand freezing winter temperatures and promotes a higher degree of ripeness and concentration of sugar content during the summer. Grape Growing and Wine Making In modern times, the most commonly used training system for vineyards is the archetto valtellinese capovolto (Valtellinean backward arch). This system is a modification of the traditional arch system, designed to facilitate pruning and tying operations, and ultimately reduce working time. This is a crucial aspect for ensuring the sustainability of production in today’s context. The vine plants are trained with 2 or 3 branches that end in a fruitful section (containing 14–24 buds), which is bent downwards towards the base of the plant. The development of the training system has also been accelerated by vineyard renovations that were undertaken after the outbreak of phylloxera infestations in the early 1900s. The quality of the wines can be enhanced by storing them in high-altitude cellars, reaching elevations of up to 1400 m a.s.l. Furthermore, the finest wines have a favourable characteristic for ageing, allowing them to mature for several decades. Livestock Management: Pastures, Meadows, and Hay Production The traditional alpine system was composed of three stations: valley bottom, maggenghi, and Alps. However, nowadays, only the valley bottom and Alps are still used for grazing, while the maggenghi pastures are used for a brief period of 2–3 weeks before reaching the Alps. From October to April, the livestock is kept inside the winter stables. Then, from mid-April to mid-May, the animals are allowed to graze in the valley bottom pastures (below 1200 m a.s.l.) for about a month before being taken to the alpine pastures (1500 m a.s.l. and higher) for three months until late August. In September, depending on grass availability and meadow productivity, the animals may still be taken to the low pastures. Additionally, these same fields can be used in the summer for grazing smaller animals like goats and sheep. In Valposchiavo’s alpine systems, there are mixed areas between forests and meadows where the trees are more spaced out, allowing the animals to graze among them. These pastured woods have a dual production of timber and fodder for animals. The animals benefit from the shelter provided by the woods, while the woods benefit from the additional manure spread by the animals. The spacing between trees also enables sunlight to reach the ground, enhancing the diversity of plants within the forest.

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Certain meadows are left ungrazed to produce hay, which will be used to feed the animals in the winter stables when alpine pastures are unavailable. The grass is cut one to three or four times during the summer, depending on factors such as ripeness, altitude, and field productivity. In high meadows where rare flowers can bloom, a late cut is often encouraged to allow the flowers to disperse their seeds into the ground. For the same reason, the application of manure may be restricted or prohibited to prevent excessive growth of competing plants. After the grass is cut, it is left on the field for a few days to dry and initiate the fermentation process. Once enough moisture is lost, the hay is gathered into round sheaves and covered with a usually plastic sheet to continue fermenting, initially in the fields and then in the haylofts located in the upper part of the barns. In Valposchiavo, the stables are typically equipped for manure collection, which is locally used in the fields (both crop fields and meadows) as per organic production criteria. No chemical fertilisers are allowed, and many manure gathering sites can be seen in the fields. To comply with organic criteria for dairy products, the number of animals is kept under control to minimise the need for additional hay and fodder from outside, ensuring that the animals are fed only with fresh local fodder. The system consists of open pastured areas, created by clearing patches of forest, and surrounding pastured woods where trees are planted with less density than in a forest. This integrated silvo-pastoral landscape has a long history in Europe, dating back to the copper age (2500 BC). However, in modern times, these systems have been largely abandoned in favour of more specialised land uses. They involve using the same land for both wood production and animal grazing, resulting in several positive effects on biodiversity and the health of the forest. In some cases, the animals can also utilise more biomass when the tree leaves are used as fodder. The maintenance of this system relies on the knowledge and practices passed down through generations by the farmers who care for these pastured woods. Irrigation is not a significant concern in the pastures since the winter snow provides a consistent water supply throughout most of the year. However, in the alpine pastures, farmers dig artificial channels to guide water flow across their meadows. These channels divert water from the alpine streams, and the farmers take turns, according to customary agreements, to irrigate their meadows. They often use stones or slabs to divert the streams. Cheese Making Alpine regions have traditionally been associated with cheese production, which plays a crucial role in transforming high-altitude grass biomass into edible products for human consumption. Cheese is a valuable commodity that supports the economic sustainability of the entire alpine pasture and meadow system. Traditionally, cheese was produced in small facilities adjacent to the main barns in the alpine areas known as malghe. However, only a few of these high-altitude cheese factories are still in operation. In the case of Valposchiavo, the cheese production has recently undergone restructuring. While only two small factories continue to produce alpine cheese, the majority of the production is now centralised in a collective factory located in the

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valley bottom, a few kilometres north of Poschiavo. This new facility has stateof-the-art machinery and can process nearly all the milk produced in the valley. Despite the modernisation, the cheese-making process remains true to the traditional methods used in the alpine barns. Following organic principles, the cow’s milk, sourced exclusively from cows fed with local fresh fodder, is processed fresh each day. The cheese-making process involves minimal ingredients such as rennet, salt, and selected lactic ferments. The milk, whether skimmed or unskimmed, undergoes a specific mild form of pasteurisation at lower temperatures followed by cooking, which is a deviation from the practices in Italian valleys where this process is usually skipped. The coagulated mass is manually broken into pieces and removed from the bottom of the pot using a cloth. The resulting curds are then pressed to remove excess whey, hand-cut into various shapes, placed in moulds for 24 h, and subsequently immersed in an organic salt solution for 4 to 36 h, depending on the type of cheese. After this process, the cheese is ready for maturation in the cellar, with different ageing periods ranging from 10 to 15 days to 3 years, depending on the desired product. In Valtellina, the most traditional cheese is called bitto. The traditional method of producing bitto is still practised by a small group of farmers in Valgerola, a lateral valley south of Morbegno. However, due to a dispute over a change in regulations for Protected Designation of Origin (DOP) production, these farmers have separated from the Valtellina Cheese Consortium. As a result, they are no longer able to use the commercial brand bitto for their product, despite their centuries-old production methods. They now market their cheese as Storico Ribelle (translated as “historical rebel”) in defiance of the consortium’s authority. Unlike the case in Poschiavo, this cheese is made in 12 alpine areas using raw cow’s milk (typically from the bruno alpina breed), with a 10–20% addition of goat milk (from the endemic and endangered capra orobica breed). The production is limited to specific climate conditions and takes place between June 1 and September 30. The milk must be processed immediately after milking, which is done twice a day and solely by hand, to retain its natural heat. To achieve this, the alpine areas have special ancient drystone structures called calècc scattered throughout the pastures. These structures house large copper pots (culdera) that are heated with wood fires. The milk is heated to 35–37 °C, calf rennet is added, and the resulting curds are broken into fine pieces using a wooden rod with metal spikes called a spìgn. The curds are then reheated to 50–52 °C over a two-hour period. After that, they are removed using a linen cloth and placed in wooden moulds with a diameter of about 50 cm. The use of wood is considered crucial by the cheesemakers as it allows the cheese to breathe after being divided into wheels and during the dry salting process. Once again, the animals can only be fed with local fresh fodder, and the addition of lactic ferments is forbidden. This allows the natural bacterial flora unique to each alpine area to act undisturbed, resulting in highly differentiated cheeses but also posing a certain degree of risk for organoleptic defects. For this reason, the cheese is evaluated and selected at a communal facility in the municipality of Gerola Alta. The maturation process can be extended for up to 10 years.

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Another traditional cheese in the region is Valtellina Casera, which is made from semi-skimmed cow’s milk in cheese factories located in the valley bottom. Technically, it is not considered an alpine cheese. The DOP regulations require the use of milk from local herds, which can only be partially fed with foreign silage hay. Valtellina Casera must be aged for a minimum of 70 days. This cheese is widely used in local recipes and pairs well with other buckwheat products. A local variety of ricotta called maschèrpa is also produced in the alpine cheese factories and is a typical product of both Valtellina and Valposchiavo, although its production is now limited. Crop and Cereal Production Historically, cereal crops have played a significant role in providing the region with various food products, including rye, buckwheat, maize, barley, and potatoes. The cultivation of these crops is primarily carried out in areas ranging from 600 to 1200 m a.s.l. to avoid excessive humidity found in the valley bottom, with the exception of maize and potatoes. The traditional production cycle begins in October with the sowing of winter varieties such as rye or common wheat, which are then harvested in July. Alternatively, barley is harvested before summer, allowing for a subsequent resting period. Following this, buckwheat is sown in the second half of July and subsequently harvested in early October. Chestnut Production The management of chestnut trees in the region has a long history, with its origins attributed to the Romans. This practice reached its peak during the medieval era and continued until the eighteenth century when chestnuts were a significant component of the local diet, consumed in the form of flours or as fresh or dried fruit. However, in recent times, many of the chestnut groves have been abandoned. Local residents are actively encouraging more farmers to take care of chestnut trees and promoting the consumption of their fruits. In this area, the trees are planted on land belonging to the municipality, but the individuals who plant them have ownership rights. This unique legal provision, known as jus plantandi, is believed to have originated from Roman heritage. The tree owners have the right to harvest the fruits until November 1, after which anyone can gather the remaining fruits to prevent them from going to waste. Traditionally, chestnuts were left to dry in small stone huts, where a fire was lit on the ground level, and a large wooden grill was used to hold the fresh fruits a few metres above the ground. However, this practice is now mostly abandoned, and the fruits are typically grilled in a pan during the winter season. While there are several local chestnut varieties found in the Valtellina and surrounding valleys, there is a lack of comprehensive studies documenting their characteristics and records. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation Considering the significance of drystone walls in the region, there is a great need for their management and restoration. This need is evident in both Valtellina, where these walls encompass almost all the land where vineyards are planted, and in

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Valposchiavo, where they form part of the infrastructure supporting the Rhaetian Railway, also known as “The red Bernina train.” This impressive railway route, constructed in the early twentieth century and designated as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2008, reaches the highest point in the entire European railway network. In Poschiavo, the professional training centre Polo Poschiavo has played a significant role as one of the Swiss institutions advocating for the inclusion of “The art of drystone walling” in UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. This recognition was achieved in 2018. The centre is dedicated to capacity building for the local area and offers an annual course specifically focused on the management and construction of drystone walls. A similar approach is being taken in Valtellina through the Sondrio Professional Training Centre (Polo di Formazione Professionale di Sondrio). Supported by the ProVinea Foundation, the province of Sondrio, and other local stakeholders, the centre has developed courses to enhance the skills and knowledge related to drystone walling from 2018 to 2020. Additionally, an observatory called Osservatorio Terrazzamenti has been established to monitor the condition of the walls on the Rhaetian slope. So far, a survey has been conducted on 330 ha of land. The majority of terraced vineyards in the area fall within the IGT, DOC, and DOCG production areas. These designations of origin are legal measures that govern the agricultural and transformation practices for wine production. They ensure that grape-growers and wine-makers follow appropriate procedures, ultimately guaranteeing the quality of the final product. The regulations stipulate that environmental and farming conditions should align with the typical conditions in the area. They also aim to achieve the grape and quality objectives set by the Valtellina Wine Consortium. Proper vineyard management and environmental stewardship are crucial for attaining these quality objectives. According to Paolo Giovio, a local historian, doctor, and bishop (1559, Lari lacus decriptio), wine from Valtellina was exported to the north as early as the eleventh century. It was renowned for its sweetness and quality to the extent that doctors used it as a medicinal product. After ageing, it was described as “more like honey than wine.” Wine has always played a central role in the local culture and has been the primary driver of the region’s development. In the marketplace, wine was traded for cereals, tools, textiles, and particularly salt, which was used in the ageing of cheese and cured meats—other prominent products in the local food culture. Villages outside the main growing area developed related activities such as pole making, wine ageing, and trading. In 1513, shortly after the Grigioni ruling began in Valtellina, an annual nine-day fair was established in the churchyard of the Chiesa della Beata Vergine. This fair, held to commemorate the apparition of the Virgin on September 29, 1504, became the valley’s main economic driver for three centuries. It significantly contributed to the reputation of local wine, which reached cities as far as Lyon, Vienna, and Prague. However, as modern national states emerged and imposed additional duties on international commerce, the fair gradually declined.

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Valtellina has a strong connection between wine and religious rituals. The region has been home to many monasteries and religious communities that have played a crucial role in agricultural development and terracing activities since the early Middle Ages. Liturgical codes found in 13th-century churches provide evidence of these rituals. For example, on August 7, a ceremony of Roman origin linked to the memory of Saint Pope Sisto II took place to bless the new grapes. On December 18, the new wine would be blessed, and the head of the family would distribute it to fellow diners for use on special occasions such as weddings, battles, and pilgrimages. In some cases, the wine would be spilled over grape buds that were about to be planted in the countryside. The act of drinking and the act of spilling were both believed to bring benefits, as indicated by a prayer referencing Saint John the Apostle, who consumed poisoned wine without harm. The prayer suggests that “whoever drinks it with gratitude to God, thanks to the intercession of the Saint will be sanctified in its guts; whoever drinks poison will be exempt from contagion and will come one without damage.” Cereal crops were a crucial component of the local diet, providing essential food for the winter due to their ability to be stored for extended periods. Traditional bread, made from rye flour, played a significant role in the region. To protect it from mice and other animals, the bread was shaped into circular loaves and hung from metal bars beneath the ceilings. In each small rural settlement, a shared oven was used by a few families to bake bread a few times a year. Initially, the traditional bread consisted solely of rye flour. However, from the nineteenth century onwards, wheat flour was gradually added due to the availability of inexpensive white flour from European markets. In Valposchiavo, the ring-shaped rye bread is known as brasciadela, while Valtellina is currently promoting a project called “Segale 100% Valtellina” to enhance its production in the area. Ten bakeries have already joined this initiative. The bread was typically consumed after drying in a designated room and often softened by soaking it in milk or soups. During the winter season, when the fields are covered in snow and there is little agricultural work to be done, farmers would dedicate their time to stockpiling meat for the upcoming year. The cold weather was advantageous as it prevented the fresh meat from spoiling quickly. The process of pig slaughtering was a labour intensive task that required significant effort, so large families would come together in a seasonal ritual known as becarìa or mazziglia to share the workload and time. Various parts of the pig were utilised for different purposes: the blood was used to make fresh sausages that needed to be consumed within a few days, the thighs were reserved for ham, the fat was used for lard and bacon, the rind was used for cotechini sausages, the meat was used for both fresh sausages and aged cured meat products, and the less desirable parts such as the liver, kidneys, neck, and side meat were utilised for mortadella sausages. The bones were used for making broths, animal feed, or to produce farmer’s glue. Each family had their own unique recipes that involved combining different parts of the pig with spices, fat, or wine. Lard played a particularly significant role in many local dishes.

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Landscapes and Seascapes Features The northern slope of the Valtellina valley, where the majority of vineyards are located, is referred to as the Rhaetian slope, named after the ancient Raeti people who settled in the region from the eastern areas of Trentino and Tirol. The history of winemaking in the area is believed to have started during Roman times, following their conquest of the region. Written accounts from that period (Virgil, Pliny the Elder, Plutarch, and others between the first century BC and the first century AD) already mention the Rhaetian wine as an excellent wine, although it remains unclear whether they were specifically referring to wine from the Valtellina area or other eastern Rhaetian provinces. The viticulture industry experienced significant growth during the central Middle Ages, driven by the establishment of monasteries in the valley, the reformation of land ownership structures under the Carolingian Empire, and the success of wine as a marketable commodity on both sides of the Alps. Monks played a crucial role in cultivating vineyards in the lower part of the valley. The vineyard expansion took place between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries. During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Valtellina wine gained a reputation as an excellent product. By the mid-fourteenth century, the estimated vineyard area covered approximately 500 ha. Around the same time, the construction of drystone walls began due to the growing demand for the product from outside the valley. These walls were a result of the significant and consistent demand and helped recover the capital invested in their construction. In the sixteenth century, the valley came under the control of the Grigioni State, leading to further expansion of viticulture, with the northern side of the Alps serving as the main market. By 1530, the cadastre recorded a vineyard area of 3500 ha, which increased to 5000–6000 ha by the end of the eighteenth century. During this period, wine production reached 200,000 hectolitres per year, with more than half of the valley’s workforce involved in the industry. Grapes were even cultivated in disadvantaged areas at altitudes above 800 m. However, the system collapsed in the eighteenth century due to the spread of fungal diseases, grape parasites, and the separation of Valtellina from its primary market due to the formation of the Italian nation-state. By 1954, the vineyard coverage had already decreased to 2030 ha, and it has further decreased to 820 ha today. Despite the loss of its original extent and integrity, the landscape still retains its distinctiveness, and according to an analysis of land use dynamics in the Rhaetian slope between 1954 and 2015, 58% of the land maintained its original land use. The most notable feature of this landscape is still the dense and extensive drystone walls system, which is well integrated with religious complexes and small villages, as well as with various stone structures used for tool storage, some of which are built into the walls or against the ground. The presence of wooded patches among the terraced vineyards also contributes to greater biodiversity in the area. Traditionally, vine rows were organised parallel to the slope direction using the rittochino system. However, with the introduction of minor mechanisation, some vineyards have rearranged their rows perpendicular to the slope direction, adopting the girapoggio arrangement. As of 2015, around 11% of the vineyard area had switched to the new system, which helps reduce management costs. Locals perceive this change as a way to improve

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the competitiveness of their wine rather than a threat to the integrity of their cultural landscape. The reasons behind the traditional choice of the rittochino system are not fully agreed upon, but it may have been a practical solution for dividing properties among heirs, as shorter rows would be easier to allocate. Far from the lower altitudes of mid-Valtellina, where the grapes are cultivated, the landscape is characterised by meadows, pastures, and forests. This alpine pasture landscape is typically found above 1500 m a.s.l. At intermediate altitudes along the slopes, remnants of the maggenghi (intermediate stations) are often visible. However, farming activities in these areas have mostly ceased with the decline of transhumance, and these structures are now used as private vacation homes or bed and breakfasts for tourists. Pastures and forests are often intertwined, with mixed areas where livestock graze among trees and shrubs. Throughout the alpine region, we can find small houses that were built for shepherds who tended to the herds and flocks. During the summer, families would spread out across the three different stations to manage various activities, and each family had their temporary houses in the maggenghi and in the alpine areas. In higher elevations, coupled family houses can often be found, where multiple families would gather and cooperate in managing livestock and pastures. At the top of the alp, there is usually a large summer stable where milk is collected and processed into cheese daily, known as the malga. These structures are frequently managed at the community level and are still owned by municipalities. Many shepherds bring their animals here during the central weeks of summer when the meadows are more productive and offer abundant grazing opportunities. In recent times, due to the crisis in the livestock sector, many of these buildings have been repurposed as restaurants, hotels, or mountain shelters to enhance the tourist experience. However, some cheese factories are still actively producing cheese and other dairy products. In the valley floor of Valposchiavo, the landscape is characterised by an alternation of meadows and crop fields. The meadows are abundant in small plants and flowers, which contribute to the nutritional quality of the hay after it is cut. The concentration of drystone walls in Valposchiavo is lower compared to Valtellina, but they can still be found as the ground is rich in stones. An estimated 60 kms of linear walls has been built in the valley. Around the villages of Poschiavo and Brusio, the walls were constructed to expand the available area for vegetable gardens and fruit tree groves. In open meadows, the walls were primarily used to level the ground and remove stones. In both cases, the purpose was to facilitate the manual hay-cutting activities with scythes, as any stones or irregularities could damage the cutting edge of the tool. Additionally, drystone walls are found in parts of the chestnut groves around Brusio to aid in the care of the plants and prevent the rolling of the fruits. This is because the trees are privately owned, but the ground is public, and as generations passed, property fragmentation occurred, resulting in many owners having only a few trees each.

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Throughout the territory, there are scattered drystone structures that serve as evidence of the enduring tradition of cheese making and other activities related to animal husbandry. One particular building has a hemispherical shape, constructed with overlapping rows of stones arranged in concentric circles, without the use of mortar or foundation. These structures were often situated near a small stream that would enter from one side and exit from the other. Inside, stone or copper containers were used to hold the milk before the advent of modern storage equipment. The presence of the stream would increase humidity, while the stones would prevent its dispersion outside. Consequently, the interior temperature could be significantly lower than the outside temperature, even as low as 4–5 °C, enabling the preservation of milk awaiting processing, as well as butter and cheese awaiting transportation to markets. These structures were often built with one side against a sloping terrain, utilising the ground to enhance insulation and humidity. In some cases, they took advantage of underground cool air flows that circulated through gaps in the moraines formed by the action of glaciers. Historians speculate that these structures may have originated from Celtic traditions, as the Celts are believed to have been the first cheese makers in the region after being displaced from the southern plains by the Romans. Consequently, these structures may not only be centuries old but even millennia old. The architecture and layout of rural houses in the Alps also reflect the multifunctional nature of family activities. These spaces serve various purposes, including housing for the family, a barn for keeping and milking animals, a hayloft for storing and fermenting hay during the summer and autumn, as well as providing feed for the animals during the winter. Additionally, there is often a rural oven for cooking milk into cheese and a cellar for storing food in a cool and fresh environment. Traditionally, rural buildings are constructed using a combination of stones and wood. Stones are primarily used for the structural parts, while wood is used for the rustic elements. This construction style allows for a straightforward understanding of the internal organisation of the buildings simply by observing from the outside. The haylofts are often constructed with wooden walls and flooring to promote air circulation, aiding in the drying process. Furthermore, these spaces were also used to beat harvested sheaves, separating the stems from the cereal seeds. The roofs of these buildings are typically made of thin stone slabs, although in many cases, cheaper metal sheets have been used as replacements in recent times. The local stone, known as losa or pioda in Valtellina, serves as a building material for both roofs and floors. It is also used for cooking tools due to its excellent heat retention properties, which contribute to insulation and cooking meats. This local stone is extracted from quarries in the nearby regions of Valmalenco and Valchiavenna.

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4.3 The Terraced Vineyards of Lamole in Chianti, Italy (Francesco Piras, Antonio Santoro)

Summary Information Location of the site

Greve in Chianti, Florence province, Italy 43°33 08.6 N, 11°21 21.3 E

Area of coverage

700 ha

Topographic features

The area of Lamole is situated in the western side of the Chianti mountains (Monti del Chianti), a mountain range that lies in the middle of the region. The area is entirely included in the municipality of Greve in Chianti. The average altitude of the site is 547 m a.s.l., with lower altitude equal to 306 and higher equal to 858 m a.s.l. The area is extremely steep, with an average slope of 33%

Climate type

The average annual temperature of the site is approximately 14 °C, with much higher temperature during summer, especially in July where the value increases to nearly 30 °C. Regarding the precipitation, the rainiest month is October, with an average value of 192 mm

Ethnicity/indigenous population

No specific ethnic group

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Global Significance Lamole in Chianti exemplifies the Chianti agricultural system at its best, with cultivated fields interspersed with small patches of forest. The vineyards produce one of the world’s most renowned wines, and the local environment has been shaped by the people who have inhabited the area for centuries. Since the seventeenth century, Italy has enjoyed a certain reputation among foreign states, primarily due to the noble and wealthy families undertaking the Grand Tour. Tuscany played a significant role in these travels, thanks in part to its geographical position. Travellers either visited Tuscany or passed through it on their way to other destinations; it was never overlooked. However, the Chianti area was often underappreciated due to its wild and backward character. The rugged terrain and the distance from major settlements resulted in the development of small, isolated villages that were largely self-sufficient, with limited or no communication with the major cities. The absence of a solid road network until the twentieth century both caused and resulted from this isolation. This climate of mental and geographical seclusion fostered the growth of a deeply rooted knowledge system focused on the local features, and two villages on opposite sides of the same mountain could have completely different sets of knowledge and practices. This means that Lamole, despite being one of the finest examples of the Chianti agricultural landscape, is also unique, with specific traditions and characteristics that cannot be found elsewhere. The terraces, constructed using ancient drystone wall techniques as old as the settlement itself, the alberello-style vines evolved in symbiosis with the terraces, and the architecture of the farmhouses, which constantly evolved over the ages to accommodate the needs of the owners, all bear witness to the rich human history that has shaped the territory. The Chianti region’s main attractions, which have drawn tourists from all over the world, lie in its incredibly diverse landscape, shaped by the skilled hands of its inhabitants over more than two millennia. The forests, gentle hills, cultivated fields, steep mountains, and picturesque farmhouses scattered throughout the area all speak of the human efforts to obtain agricultural products from such rugged land (Greffe 1994). From the tireless work of the local population, their countless challenges, and their long history of trial-and-error processes, a place has emerged that requires protection and valorisation, preserving its origins, inherent traditions, and the knowledge accumulated through millennia of small changes and selection. Differently from most of the Chianti area, Lamole has perfectly preserved (and restored) the traditional landscape, thanks to the willingness of its people and to the morphology of the terrain (Fig. 4.2). Food and Livelihood Security Lamole is the birthplace of the Sangiovese vine, the variety of Vitis vinifera used to produce Chianti wines. Since the Roman Empire, this region has been known for producing one of Italy’s most sought-after wines, not necessarily renowned for its full-bodied nature, but for its finesse and rich aromas. In 1967, Chianti wine received

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Fig. 4.2 Drystone terraces cultivated with vineyards for the production of high-quality wine in Lamole, Chianti (photo Antonio Santoro)

the DOC label (designation of origin) and in 1984, the DOCG label (a higher-quality designation), which all wines produced in Lamole proudly display. Furthermore, four out of the nine Lamole producers have the Grand Selection label, which highlights and guarantees the exceptional organoleptic properties of the highest-quality Chianti wines. It’s important to note that the first recognition and protection of quality dates back much earlier than 1967. The borders of the Chianti region were defined by the Grand Duke of Tuscany Cosimo III in 1716. In 1924, the Consortium for the defence of traditional Chianti wine was established, featuring the iconic black rooster logo. In 1932, the suffix Classico was added to distinguish the wine produced within the area delimited in 1716 from a larger productive area. Today, the Consorzio Vino Chianti Classico is the direct successor of the 1924 consortium. It is responsible for safeguarding, overseeing, and promoting the denomination, representing approximately 96% of the DOCG producers. The entire supply chain, from grape production to bottle labelling, adheres to a traceability system, and the data is entered into an online public database for consumer accessibility. This system enables consumers worldwide to verify the origin of the bottle they purchased. One of the factors contributing to the uniqueness of Lamole wine compared to other Chianti Classico wines is the presence of terraces. The stones of the terrace walls, warmed by the sun during the day, aid in the ripening of grapes at night, particularly benefiting the lower grapes typically produced using the alberello style. This is a clear example of how the interaction

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between a well-known grape variety and a specific agricultural practice can result in a distinct quality of traditional product. Many Lamole producers have recognised through first-hand experience that they cannot compete with large wine producers in terms of quantity. They have a clear understanding of their position in the wine market and aim to shine in this sector by offering truly traditional products of high quality and uniqueness, intended for connoisseurs rather than targeting large retailers. The cultivation of olive trees in Lamole has a long history, just like the cultivation of vineyards, and played a crucial role in the survival of the surrounding villages. Olive tree cultivation is one of the most common specialised practices in Tuscany, renowned for its olive oil. In the past, traditional practices involved growing olive trees alongside other crops, particularly vineyards and cereals, in a mixed-crop system that utilised the entire land for production. Due to the lack of roads and the isolation of the area, every inch of land was valuable and utilised for cultivation, often with different plant species. Today in Lamole, olive trees are predominantly cultivated in specialised groves, although some well-maintained mixed-crop systems, including fruit trees, can still be found. It is essential to highlight that nearly every wine producer in the area also has at least one hectare of olive grove or a vineyard with olive trees. This demonstrates the enduring cultural significance of this plant. Many of these olive groves are now planted on terraces, either as specialised plantations or mixed crops, contributing to the landscape’s appeal for tourists. They embody the idealised image of the Chianti landscape promoted worldwide. Most of the time, the olive oil production is not aimed at the market but instead used for self-consumption by Lamole families or used in local restaurants. Some producers do sell their oil, but it is not competitive in the larger market. Therefore, it is mainly sold to tourists who visit Lamole. An historical cultivation of Lamole is represented by the iris flower. The Iris pallida was in the past a common crop in certain areas of Chianti and Pratomagno areas. It played a significant role in the local economy, as the essential oils extracted from its rhizome were highly sought after by the French cosmetic industry (Angelini 1965). Typically, this cultivation was limited to marginal patches of land where other crops were not viable. Farmers would work in the shade of large trees during the hottest hours of the day. However, since the end of the 1990s, many of these cultivations have disappeared, despite the continued demand for the plant extracts. Several reasons account for this drastic reduction. Firstly, the difficulty of processing and farming, which excludes the use of machinery. Secondly, market instability and the introduction of alternative resources that are not suitable for quality cosmetics but are still in high demand. Lastly, the loss of the older generation, which had knowledge of this type of cultivation and the associated practices required for the final product. Another issue specific to Lamole is the presence of the porcupine, which has a voracious appetite for this plant. Currently, not every farmer is involved in the cultivation of this flower, and many only cultivate small dedicated patches of land. In the past, the market-related problem was quite serious as a few large dealers managed the demand and could impose prices on the producers. The typical iris cultivation system, on the field margins, forced farmers to produce only small quantities, making it difficult for them to negotiate favourable prices with the dealers.

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To address this issue, in the 1980s, the producers established the Toscana Giaggiolo, a cooperative that provided them with more negotiating power as a unified entity. This cooperative managed almost all the iris products from the Chianti and Pratomagno areas. From one hectare of land planted with iris, approximately 3.5 tons of dry product can be obtained, which corresponds to about 10 tons of wet product. This is a considerable amount that few families could afford to produce, given the lengthy and complex processes involved. There were also two types of final product: giaggiolo bianco (white iris), where the rhizome was cleaned and required extra work, resulting in higher pay, and giaggiolo nero (black iris), where the dry product retained the peel, requiring less labour but guaranteeing lower compensation. Typically, farmers preferred to produce the white variety, but a certain amount of black product still resulted from the process. Agrobiodiversity The Sangiovese is one of the most widely cultivated grape varieties in Italy. It can be found from the Romagna area to Campania and is particularly prevalent in Tuscany. The term Sangiovese encompasses a multitude of varieties or clones that have evolved over the centuries in different regions. In Tuscany, two main branches can be identified: Sangiovese grosso and Sangiovese piccolo, with the latter being more widespread in the region. Due to the numerous varieties of this grape, it is challenging to establish common characteristics for the wines produced from it, as it is capable of yielding both inexpensive and high-quality wines. However, some consistent features include a good concentration of tannins and high acidity. Lamole, specifically, is the birthplace of Sangiovese wine and has its own clone from the Sangiovese grosso family known as Sangioveto di Lamole. This particular biotype is characterised by medium to medium-large stalks and large grapes, or medium-small stalks and large grapes. In the early twentieth century, the Phylloxera epidemic devastated the majority of Italian vines, and Lamole was not spared from this catastrophe. This forced the viticulture industry to graft many vines with American rootstocks, which are resistant to the insect. However, thanks to a few forward-thinking farmers in Lamole, some ungrafted plants still exist. These plants were saved from the epidemic as seedlings and planted after its end, preserving the original Lamole genome. The second traditional cultivation in Lamole is the olive tree (Olea europea), which produces high-quality oil. The main variety cultivated in Lamole is the Frantoio, originating from Tuscany. The olive oil produced from this variety is widely known and appreciated, and it is now available in many countries. Other cultivars found in the area include Leccino and Moraiolo, although they are fewer in number and primarily used as pollinators, their olives are also used for oil production. The cultivation of olive trees has a long-standing tradition in the region and has historically grown alongside vineyards as part of mixed-crop cultivation. However, most of the trees today were planted during the second half of the 1980s, as a result of a devastating freeze in 1985 that caused the majority of olive trees in the Chianti area to die. This event had a profound impact on the local and regional economy. The Frantoio variety is characterised by medium-sized trees with long branches and thick foliage. It bears abundant and consistent fruit, producing medium-sized olives with a high oil

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yield (20–22%). While originating from Tuscany, it is widely cultivated throughout Italy and even in some other countries due to the quality of the oil it produces. The origins of the Leccino variety are uncertain, but it is likely also from Tuscany. It is characterised by medium to tall trees with wide and dense foliage. It possesses good resistance to adversity and can adapt to various types of terrain, making it popular across the country. It has a consistent production and yields medium oil (18–21%). The Moraiolo variety, another typical Tuscan variety, is widespread throughout the country. The tree has small and less dense foliage and thrives in hilly terrains but does not fare well in flat areas. It consistently produces a high quantity of olives, yielding average to good oil (18–20%). Iris is a genus belonging to the Iridaceae family, which comprises over 250 species. It is characterised by its showy flowers and rhizomatous root system, from which essential oils highly sought after by the cosmetic industry are extracted. One of the most widespread species is Iris germanica, but in Tuscany, the predominant species is Iris pallida, known for its light purple flowers and essential oils that are particularly suitable for high-quality cosmetics. In the past, the most commonly cultivated variety in the Tuscany area was Iris fiorentina, which had white and light blue flowers. However, it was quickly replaced by the Iris pallida, as its rhizome was richer and had a more pleasant fragrance. This species can grow in various types of terrain but prefers rocky and arid conditions. The flowering period occurs in May/ June, and the cultivation cycle typically lasts two to three years (usually three). The predominant landscape feature of the Lamole landscape is the terraced agricultural surface, but the productive areas are surrounded and interspersed with deciduous forests, which cover a significant percentage of the surface. In fact, the Chianti area is one of the areas with the largest forested surfaces in the region, equal to about 70%. Although the forests have undergone a process of abandonment in recent times, they still hold great importance not only for the landscape but also for the region’s biodiversity. In the past, there were numerous chestnut woods dedicated to fruit gathering, known as marroneti in Italian, where the best chestnut variety, the marroni, was collected. Oak forests were also present and served as a source of wood and animal fodder, while isolated pine trees could also be found. However, today, chestnut woods have significantly diminished and have been replaced by other forest species. Additionally, the introduction of different ungulate species in the past century has had negative effects on the natural forest renovations. Although vineyards are one of the oldest cultivated crops in the area, they used to be grown in combination with other species. In the case of Lamole, vineyards were mixed with fruit trees. While there are still some examples of this mixed cultivation today, it is no longer widely practised in the area. The most common fruit trees included apple (with two varieties, one small and sour, often used as pig feed, and the other larger and sweeter, dried and stored by the local population), pear, apricot, fig, plum, peach, cherry, and medlar tree. Cereals were also grown between the trees and vines in this mixed-crop system. It’s worth mentioning the medlar tree, as in Italian (and many other European languages), the same term nespola is used for both the fruit from Mespilus germanica and Eriobotrya japonica (commonly known as loquat or Japanese medlar). In the

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Lamole area, as in the rest of Italy, the Mespilus germanica was commonly found, but in the past two centuries, the Japanese medlar has gradually replaced the European variety. The traditional European medlar has slowly disappeared in Lamole, and now only the Japanese medlar is present. Beside vines, olive trees, and fruit trees, local farmers cultivate small vegetable gardens for self-consumption. The main cultivated vegetables include pumpkin, rhubarb, cabbage, lettuce, zucchini, eggplant, and chicory. In addition to cultivated crops, there are also spontaneous or ornamental plants in the area, such as caper plants on drystone walls, poppies, mallow, gorse, rosemary, wild prickly pear (not suitable for eating), ferns, lavender, and oleander along the roadside. Walnut trees can also be found scattered throughout the area. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Already present during the Roman Empire, drystone terraces in Lamole have suffered from abandonment due to the agricultural crisis in the second half of the twentieth century. Over time, many of them have fallen into disrepair or been reclaimed by the forest. Only in recent decades has there been a renewed appreciation for the added quality that this system can bring to the wine and the landscape itself, which has encouraged farmers and landowners to reclaim and restore them, partially aided by European contributions through the Regional Rural Development Plans. Some of the dilapidated walls have been restored and cleared of vegetation, along with the implementation of various hydraulic measures to combat soil erosion (Tucci et al. 2019). These hydraulic systems, crucial for maintaining terrain stability, consist of a wide ditch (1-m width and height) lined with stones on the base and filled with smaller rocks, finally covered with soil. Terraces can be constructed in various ways, and in Lamole, they are constructed following the contour lines, with their height and shape determined by the slope of the hillsides and the desired width of the land strip. The steeper the slope, the narrower the strip, although slight adjustments can be made by varying the wall height. The walls themselves are built using local stones. This process not only enables the collection of the primary building material but also clears the land of stones that would otherwise hinder cultivation. As a result, the materials blend seamlessly into the landscape, becoming an integral part of it. The integration of drystone walls with the local environment and agriculture is complete, with minimal visual and ecological impact. When properly constructed, this system ensures long-lasting wall stability with minimal regular maintenance. Routine tasks such as clearing the ditch and monitoring drainage systems are sufficient to ensure centuries of use. However, without proper maintenance, the entire system is at risk. If the drainage fails, water-accumulated upstream of the wall can overload it, leading to collapse. In some cases, an abandoned terrace can pose a greater danger than an excessively steep slope, highlighting the importance of restoring these abandoned structures. The most traditional form of agriculture in Lamole is the alberello-style vine training method (alberello meaning small tree in Italian). This technique, with uncertain origins, has a significant impact on the site’s landscape and the quality of the wine produced. The method involves allowing the vine to grow up to one metre

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in height, where the branches are then shaped into a horizontal circle. From these branches, leafy sprigs grow upwards and, when they reach a certain height, they are tied with straw strings. The resulting plant resembles a miniature tree, with grape clusters hanging beneath the foliage. This system not only transforms the landscape, as it is distinctly different from the modern intensive cultivation methods commonly used today, but it is also closely tied to the drystone wall system itself. As mentioned earlier, the walls play a crucial role in the ripening of grapes, providing invaluable support to local production. Additionally, this cultivation technique allows the grape clusters to grow closer to the ground, where the heat lingers longer during the night. Alberello vines today represent a minority of the vines cultivated in Lamole, as many farmers adopted other and more recent, ways to train the vines. One of the oldest and most widespread traditions in the Tuscany region is the grape harvest for winemaking. Nowadays, this process is carried out using sophisticated machinery especially in modern vineyards, but in the past or in terraced ones, where the use of machinery is limited, it is still done manually by seasonal workers. The grape harvest typically takes place in September, although there is no specific date and it is challenging to predict precisely because it depends on the ripeness of the grapes. The timing of the harvest is one of the most crucial phases in the entire process and is influenced by various factors such as the desired wine type, altitude, sun exposure, weather conditions, and grape variety. All these factors determine the ideal period for the harvest, and farmers take pride in finding the perfect balance for their wine. The desired wine type plays a significant role in the decision-making process as it is influenced by the sugar-to-acid ratio in the grapes, which, in turn, is heavily affected by the ripeness of the fruit. However, the level of ripeness is influenced by factors such as sun exposure, temperature, altitude of the vineyard, and the specific weather conditions of the year. In Lamole, the harvest is carried out manually due to the presence of steep terrain and the producers’ commitment to making high-quality wine. The practical aspect of the harvest requires minimal tools, such as scissors or a sharp knife with a curved point. The grape bunches are collected in small wicker baskets to avoid compressing the fruit. There are also some general guidelines to follow for achieving better results: the grapes should be dry to prevent compromising the quality of the must, and it is advisable to avoid harvesting during the warmer hours of the day to prevent unwanted fermentation. Additionally, the grapes should be transported as quickly as possible to the winemaking location to begin the winemaking process. Cultivation and Processing of the Giaggiolo As already mentioned, giaggiolo was a typical cultivation in Lamole. Farmers used to divide the marginal area of their fields into four parts: one for each stage of the plant’s growth, plus one year of fallow. This allowed for an annual income and distributed the labour intensive tasks over several years. Each year of the cycle required specific attention to ensure proper plant growth. At the beginning of autumn, the new plants saved from the previous harvest had to be planted in the fallow land from the previous year. In the following spring, the wild grass had to be removed using a small hoe since the plants were still young and unable to overcome it. This process, known

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as sarchiatura, was relatively straightforward in the first year when the iris plants were small and the rhizomes had not grown significantly yet. During the second year’s spring, another round of weeding was required. However, this time it was more challenging because the plants had rooted in the ground and grown numerous leaves, hindering the work. Using a hoe was not feasible due to the plant’s roots, so many farmers preferred to do it by hand. Following this, the second fertilisation took place. By the third spring, there was no need for weeding as the plants had grown large enough to prevent the growth of wild grass. Harvesting period began at the end of June and involved every family member due to various tasks. First, the plant was extracted from the ground using a large hoe, which was pushed into the ground to lift the entire plant. Immediately after that, another person had to separate the leaves from the rhizome and save some plants for the next year’s planting. After the extraction, the rhizome was cleaned of rootlets and washed, which was a timeconsuming process. Cleaning the rhizomes was lengthy and tedious, and a pair of workers could clean up to 100 kg of rhizomes in a morning. Following the washing, the rhizomes had to be peeled to obtain white iris, removing the peel as thinly as possible to preserve the main product. This was another time-consuming task, and a skilled person could peel 25–30 kg of rhizomes per workday. The final step was the drying process, which involved spreading the sliced rhizomes under the sun. This was a crucial phase that required sunny days and was rarely done using an oven, as it could potentially damage the final quality. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation Lamole exemplifies how humans have successfully harnessed the potential of their surroundings despite unfavourable conditions. The rugged terrain of the site is adorned with terraces, an agrohydraulic system constructed to transform steep slopes into flat lands, thereby reshaping the hillsides and the overall landscape. The name Lamole itself is derived from the Latin word lamule, meaning small blades, likely referring to the small strips of land formed by terraces. The primary reason for the area’s importance lies in the production of high-quality wine by small farmers that were able to preserve and even restore the historical terraced landscapes. The Iris flower shares a profound connection with Florence. The city’s gonfalon proudly displays a red flower known as the Giglio bottonato, which refers to a lily but is, in fact, an iris flower (likely from the florentina sub-species). The origin of this association can be traced back to a legend that is still passed down among iris producers. According to the tale, a beautiful Florentine woman named Iride promised her love to a young painter on the condition that he could paint a flower so exquisite and lifelike that it would attract a butterfly to rest upon it. The painter succeeded beyond all expectations, bringing the flower to life, and it was named Iris, becoming the symbol of Florence. The Italian name giaggiolo, fervently supported by the producers, derives from the term ghiacciolo (small piece of ice), used to refer to the Iris florentina, with its white-blue hue resembling ice. Since 2002, the producers of Lamole have initiated an annual festival called Profumi di Lamole to promote their products. Organised by the eponymous cultural association, this festival brings together nine producers from the area and has become

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a new tradition for Lamole. During the festival, each wine producer showcases and offers their products to visitors who come from far and wide. Attendees can participate in tasting experiences and have the opportunity to purchase the wines. A special ritual takes place during the festival known as the nono vino (ninth wine). In this ritual, each of the nine producers contributes some of their wine to a single barrel, which is then mixed together and bottled as a symbolic representation of unity and collaboration. This unique blend cannot be sold but is distributed among the nine producers. Typically, the festival is held on the first weekend of June and features various attractions related to the world of wine. The nine producers work together to provide the best experience for guests, including live music and the showcasing of other local traditional products such as extra-virgin olive oil. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The characteristics of the current Tuscan landscape can be traced back to the eleventh century when, following an economic, political, and demographic recovery, the feudal system began to decline. As people from the cities started to populate and cultivate the rural areas, the forests were gradually cleared. This process intensified in the sixteenth century, extending even to mountainous terrain and resulting in hydrogeological issues. It was within this context that terraced structures with drystone walls emerged, taking advantage of the hilly terrain and the abundance of stones. These terraces played a crucial role in facilitating the cultivation of one of the region’s most iconic crops, the olive tree. While Tuscany possesses an ideal climate for olive trees, the steep slopes would have posed a challenge. The introduction of terraced lands effectively addressed this issue. Lamole is characterised by the presence of farms and structures with significant landscape and historical value. Today, the village itself consists of a church and several residential buildings. The road leading to Lamole is also an attraction in itself, adorned with cypress trees and passing through quaint villages, cultivated areas, and springs. It is also possible to discover the remnants of the old paved road that once connected Lamole to Panzano and Greve. Although commonly referred to as the Roman road, it was actually constructed during the Middle Ages. This road can still be traversed today, offering a captivating immersion into the forested landscape and providing an opportunity for beautiful hikes. Another noteworthy architectural feature is the Lamole Castle. Perched on a small rocky spur, the castle was constructed around the eleventh century to defend the Florentine borders during the war against Siena. Presently, the castle ruins have been repurposed into a fortified village, where the old walls can be observed alongside the houses. In the thirteenth century, the castle assumed a defensive role for the Chianti region, and during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, it likely held great military significance. According to a Florentine document dated August 23, 1478, the castle was besieged and burned down by the Aragonese army. Subsequently, it was rebuilt and continued to serve an administrative function until its military importance diminished in the sixteenth century. As a result, the towers and barracks were transformed into country residences, while the walls were dismantled, and the stones were used for constructing new houses. It was during this period that the steep

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slopes surrounding the castle were terraced. The castle also experienced the effects of rural depopulation in the mid-twentieth century. However, it underwent renovations in the 1970s. Another notable architectural gem is the Church of San Donato, constructed in the thirteenth century and subsequently rebuilt in the nineteenth century. Located in the heart of Lamole village, it contains paintings from the seventeenth century and hosts classical music concerts during summer months. Most of the remaining buildings in the area were constructed prior to 1919, and a significant number of them are well-preserved, enhancing the overall landscape value of the region. Some serve as residences, while others function as hostels or bed and breakfast establishments. It is important to note that the majority, if not all, of these buildings are farmhouses. Consequently, despite their age spanning several centuries, they have evolved over time along with their owners. Each farmhouse can be viewed as a distinct landscape in itself. Initially built with a particular design, it has undergone modifications and adaptations to meet the needs of its owners. New sections have been added, while others have been removed. Doors, windows, and walls have been repositioned to accommodate different families with diverse occupations. The result is a combination of various elements brought together without an apparent reason, but stemming from multiple layers of purpose. The original farmhouse design is no longer discernible, but the beauty and uniqueness of these structures lie in that very fact. One can sense the profound presence of humanity within the irregularly angled stone walls, the off-axis or differently shaped windows, and the doors requiring a few steps to reach. A former arch may have been closed off to create a wall, yet remnants of the vault can still be seen, lending a sense of vitality to the entire house. A balcony adorned with columns might now serve as a children’s room. As previously mentioned, the dominant feature of the site is the forest, covering approximately 70% of the land. This land use plays a crucial role in the local ecosystem, providing a habitat for numerous animal species. The majority of the forested area (72%) is composed of broadleaf forests. Mixed forests, consisting of both coniferous and broadleaf trees, account for 10%, while coniferous forests make up 9% of the total forest area. The remaining 9% is occupied by shrubland. The built-up area is limited, encompassing only 5% of the site. This is due to both the site’s topography, which hinders urban expansion, and strict regulations in the rural plan that prohibit the construction of new buildings. Agricultural activities cover 26% of the site, with vineyards being the predominant cultivation, occupying 60% of the cultivated area. Olive groves account for 23% of the cultivated land, while meadows and pastures cover 12%. It is worth noting the relatively low presence of mixed crops, which were the primary cultivation system in the past but now only occupy 3% of the total cultivated area. Arable land and vegetable gardens have a limited presence and are scattered in small patches around the farmhouses. The total length of drystone walls in Lamole is 34,774 m. This impressive data becomes understandable when considering the steep slopes of the hillsides and the vital role these walls played and continue to play in the area. Many of these walls are closely spaced, serving to balance the gradients of the terrain and creating narrow strips of land. Vineyards are the predominant form of terraced cultivation, accounting

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for 52% of the total terraced area, followed by olive groves at 36%. The remaining terraced lands are either left uncultivated (8%) or consist of mixed crops of vineyards and olive trees (3%). The landscape should be considered not only as a physical entity but also as a perception from an observer. Therefore, a study based on questionnaires was proposed to a sample of tourists visiting Lamole, aiming to investigate their perception of the landscape and understand which elements they consider most important (Santoro et al. 2020). After gathering general information about the interviewees, the questionnaire delves into more detailed aspects of the landscape, including the terraces and their specific components such as the type of cultivation and the presence of woods. The participants were asked to rate the importance of these elements on a scale from 1 (not important) to 5 (very important). The data collected from the questionnaires reveals that many elements hold significant importance in the perception of Lamole’s landscape. This is particularly true for the terraced elements, as both vineyards (with an average score of 4.59) and olive groves (with an average score of 4.42) received high ratings. The less appreciated elements are meadows (average score of 2.72) and arable lands (average score of 3.03). Nevertheless, it is still interesting to note that these results indicate that the less complex elements (flat surfaces with fewer distinct features) are not perceived as important as the more complex ones (the terraced cultivations). The mixed-crop system is also no longer perceived as very important, with an average score of 3.83, possibly due to its decreased prevalence as happened in similar landscapes (Frank et al. 2013). Another noteworthy result from the questionnaire is the value assigned to broadleaved forests, which received an average score of 4.19. As previously mentioned, oak and chestnut forests are the characteristic of this region, and tourists visit to experience the beautiful mosaic of cultivated lands and woodlands. Although not typical of the Chianti region, coniferous woods also received a high average score of 4.04. The elements that generated more indecisiveness among the respondents were those with the lowest scores. Non-terraced vineyards had the most varied ratings, indicating a lack of agreement regarding their importance. Specialised vineyards are something that tourists expect from the Chianti region, but perhaps they are not as well integrated into Lamole. Another important question specifically focused on drystone terraces, where the interviewees further emphasised the significance of these structures for the Chianti landscape. About 64% of respondents stated that drystone wall terraces are a fundamental feature, 25% were unsure, and only 11% claimed that the terraces were not that important, confirming the data from the previous question where the stone terraces ranked as the most important element. In the last part of the questionnaire, the interviewees were asked to choose between two pair of images. This section aimed to showcase a traditional landscape versus a more intensive one, in order to better understand tourists’ expectations and preferences. In the first pair of images, there was no clear preference. The traditional image was slightly more appreciated by the tourists, but not significantly so, as the second picture, despite depicting an intensive vineyard, still contained elements of tradition

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such as olive trees, a forest in the background, and architectural heritage. In contrast, the first image of the second pair was much more preferred than the second image (with 77% of the preferences). In this case, the second picture solely showcased an intensive vineyard with some traditional components (such as the castle in the background), but it was predominantly dominated by modern features. The first picture, on the other hand, presented a diverse landscape with cultivated areas, traditional structures, and wooded areas—exactly the mix that tourists expect and want to see.

4.4 The Green Pistachio of Bronte, Italy (Dario Pollicino, Beatrice Fiore, Francesco Piras)

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Summary Information Location of the site

Municipality of Bronte and Adrano (province of Catania) 37°47 25.0 N, 14°50 06.0 E

Area of coverage

6500 ha

Topographic features The western slope of Mt. Etna is an area characterised by topographically rugged terrain and by thin and rocky volcanic soils. The whole Mt. Etna region encompasses a wide territorial surface which has historically been affected and interested by eruptions that began to occur 200 thousand years ago Climate type

The area interested by the cultivation of pistachio is defined by a semi-arid sub-tropical Mediterranean climate typical of the southern Italian regions. Summers are generally long and dry with just occasional heavy rains; the maximum temperatures can reach up to 35 °C with quite low levels of humidity and minimum temperatures of around 17 °C. Autumn and winter are the seasons that register the highest precipitation rates and the lowest average temperatures (6–8 °C), sporadic snowfalls, and the most significant temperature changes between day and night. Thus, winter is the wettest season with 235 mm, followed by autumn with 197 mm, spring with 145 mm, and summer with 54 mm. The average annual temperature is around 14 °C

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Non applicable

Global Significance The cultivation of pistachios exemplifies the harmonious adaptation of the local community to the unique environmental conditions of the area. The natural pistachio plantations seamlessly blend into the breathtaking landscape characterised by the steep slopes of Mt. Etna. The territory being examined possesses distinctive pedological features that cannot be found or replicated elsewhere. Pistachio trees are cultivated on rugged and uneven terrains where exposed rocks make mechanised agriculture impossible. The land consists of ancient lava flows gradually colonised by natural vegetation that thrived in the shallow and nutrient-poor soil, which historically rendered the area unsuitable for cultivating other crops. The pistachios of Bronte are grown in small plots of land that were not initially considered arable. To overcome this challenge, generations of farmers worked the soil surface and constructed retaining walls using the same lava stones they had cleared. The lava stone, often shaped or carved, also serves as the primary building material and has traditionally been used to create essential agricultural structures such as drywalls for terrace support, rural houses, fences, and water management infrastructures. Considering the area’s unique characteristics that preclude the use of machinery, another crucial aspect of this system is that most agricultural operations, including cultivation, harvesting, and pruning, are still predominantly carried out by hand. This labour intensive approach makes pistachio farming arduous and contributes to a significant increase in production costs (Mipaaf 2012).

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The pistachios of Bronte have long been esteemed in national and international markets due to their vibrant green cotyledons, elongated shape, high monounsaturated fat content, substantial weight, robust flavour, and delicate aroma after hull removal (Giuffrida et al. 2006). These exceptional attributes are the result of combining the superior organoleptic qualities of the native Napoletana cultivar with the unique ecological and cultural forces at play in the area. Food and Livelihood Security The production of pistachios in Italy contributes to less than 0.8% of global production. Notably, during the period of 2018–2019, over 99% of pistachio orchards cultivated in Italy were located in Sicily, with more than 89% concentrated within the province of Catania. Bronte holds the prominent position as the main production centre in the country, with approximately 3000 ha dedicated to pistachio farming (Manuelli 2019). While the majority of farms focus solely on pistachio cultivation, it is possible to come across fields where pistachios are grown in combination with other crops such as prickly pears, olives, and almond groves (Mipaaf 2012; Putrino 2007). Around 3500–4000 farms are involved in pistachio production, and although their sizes vary, the average farm is less than 1 ha. In fact, 80% of them cover an area of approximately 1 ha, while the remaining farms generally range from 5 to 10 ha in size. The planting density is typically between 400 and 600 trees per hectare (CORERAS 2005). In the past, pistachio kernels were primarily used for basic products in confectionery or the meat industry. However, nowadays, the fruit is marketed in various forms, with a wide range of pistachio goods and by-products directly available in the industry. These include tignosella (pistachio in-shell), sgusciato (shelled with the endocarp), pelato (shelled without the endocarp), granulated pistachios, pistachio flour, cream, pesto, and paste. Tignosella is commonly enjoyed as a snack or appetiser to accompany drinks. The shape and size of pistachios are the most sought-after qualities, which is why historically, imported produce from Central Asia has been preferred over Italian pistachios. A significant portion of the pistachios harvested in Bronte is sold after undergoing semi-processing or processing. From 1998 to 2003, 53% of the total production was sold as pelato, 38.7% as sgusciato, and the remainder as pesto, cream, granulated, or flour. The semi-processed pelato is primarily purchased by the bagged meat industry due to the kernels’ aroma and taste, while the sgusciato variety is mainly destined for the confectionery industry because of the bright green colour of the cotyledons, which are typically ground (CORERAS 2005; Briamonte 2007). The pistachios are grown on the western slopes of Mt. Etna and are processed and marketed within the Bronte district. The local processing facilities play a crucial role in adding value to the harvested pistachios and contributing to the overall wellbeing of the community. Over the past thirty years, the industry has seen significant success, evident from the increase in the number of processing facilities. In 1995, there were 3–4 active transformation centres, which grew to 8–9 in 2005 and eventually reached 16 centres in 2019 (Barilaro 2011; Marzialetti 2019). Therefore,

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farmers primarily engage in trade with local businesses that handle the processing and commercialisation of the product. Recent data shows that 35–40% of the processed and unprocessed pistachio goods from Bronte are exported, while the remaining 60% is consumed domestically. In the national market, the retail sector has been the main outlet for most firms, followed closely by large supermarket chains. The confectionery and bagged meat industry also account for a smaller portion of the market. In terms of international exports and value, Japan alone purchased half of the exported Sicilian pistachios in 2004– 2005, followed by France at 20% and the USA at 11%. A similar pattern emerges when considering the quantity of pistachios exported during the same period. Japan remains the major importer, followed by France, the USA, and Spain (Putrino 2007). Finally, it is important to highlight additional economic factors that contribute to the cultivation of Bronte pistachios and the livelihoods of the local population. Farmers rely heavily on family labour for weeding and phytosanitary operations. External workers are sometimes hired to assist with pruning and harvesting, but the family labour force remains essential and often exceeds the hired workers. While pistachio production and sale form the economic backbone of Bronte, there are other economic activities that have also expanded in the region. Craftsmanship has gained significance as artisans collaborate with farmers and local businesses to create specialised equipment and machinery, including hulling and shelling machines. The tourism and agrotourism sectors have also grown, driven by the fascination and interest in Mt. Etna among visitors from Europe and other parts of the world (CORERAS 2005; Petino 2010). Agrobiodiversity The Pistacia genus includes a diverse range of species that share certain characteristics, such as being dioecious and containing resins. Male trees can be easily distinguished from female trees due to their inflorescence, greater strength, and larger leaves. Female plants have flowers without petals, which are merged in axillary panicle inflorescences, while male plants have flowers united in cymose inflorescences. Each tree produces around 100–400 flowers, but only 15–20% of them develop into fruits. The embryo of the fruit consists of two cotyledons that can have a colour ranging from green to yellow, depending on the cultivar (Barilaro 2011; Marino 2012). In Italy, only a few species of the Pistacia genus have successfully flowered and multiplied, namely Pistacia vera, P. terebinthus, and P. lentiscus. Among these, P. vera is the only species that produces edible fruits. Many other species, both in Italy and abroad, have been used as rootstocks to support P. vera. The characteristics of P. vera can be described as follows: it grows slowly, it has a long lifespan (as evidenced by centuries-old trees), and its stem and branches have an ash-coloured bark. The leaves are deciduous, odd-pinnate, composed of 3–5 oval leaflets, and they become smooth and leathery as they mature (Marino 2012). P. terebinthus, which represents the main rootstock for P. vera, has found favourable conditions for spontaneous growth and spreading in the southern regions of Italy. This shrub is a sun-loving, heat-tolerant, and resilient species. It possesses

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a unique ability to adapt to a wide range of soil and climatic conditions, although it tends to prefer calcareous soils. It is also known for its exceptionally hard wood and extensive root system, which allows it to thrive even in nutrient-poor lava soils. The range of Italian pistachio varieties is quite limited. In Sicily, the germplasm includes the following cultivars: Napoletana (commonly known as Bianca), Agostana, Natarola, Femminella, Cerasola, Insolia, Olivarola, and Silvana (Avanzato and Raparelli 2000). Sicilian pistachio production is heavily centred around the cultivar Napoletana, which accounts for approximately 95% of the total harvest (MIPAAF 2012) using P. terebinthus as a primary rootstock (Barone and Marra 2004). The remaining cultivars have a minimal role in terms of cultivation area and production quantities. In 2009, the “Green Pistachio of Bronte” was granted Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) status. The subsequent production regulations aim to promote and protect the Napoletana cultivar. This cultivar has a long unproductive period of approximately 6–7 years after planting. Blooming starts in the second week of April and lasts for over two weeks. The ripening phase occurs relatively early, concluding in the first half of September (Barone et al. 1997; Avanzato and Raparelli 2000). Compared to other Sicilian and foreign cultivars, the Napoletana cultivated in Bronte has a significantly higher chlorophyll content, primarily Chlorophyll a (Avanzato and Vassallo 2008). Pistachio groves in Bronte serve a significant ecological and landscape function due to the tree’s ability to withstand drought and adapt to shallow, rocky soils. They have successfully colonised every available piece of volcanic land, transforming rocky and rugged terrains into productive agricultural areas that would otherwise be unsuitable for cultivation or other rural species. The remarkable uniformity and consistency of the pistachio groves are occasionally interrupted at the outskirts of the Bronte district. However, in these areas, one can witness stunning, multicoloured landscapes where olive trees, prickly pears, and almonds thrive alongside pistachio trees, creating a harmonious intercropping system (Petino 2010). Adding further beauty to this scenery are occasional woodlands, shrubs, and lava formations resulting from volcanic eruptions. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The majority of pistachio orchards in Bronte are commonly referred to as “natural pistachio plantations.” This term is used because they consist of young Pistacia vera buds grafted onto P. terebinthus trees that grow spontaneously in situ, irregularly scattered across the rocky slopes of volcanic origin. Traditionally, transplanting operations have been conducted directly in the field (MIPAAF 2012). However, farmers have recently begun using seed and horticultural production techniques, despite the high initial costs and slow response of the plants. They are focused on perfecting the interplanting of P. terebinthus on potted seedlings grown in nurseries, aiming to reduce waiting times and increase planting density (Marino 2012). To support these efforts, a few nurseries have been established in Bronte to provide farmers with the necessary plant materials. Additionally, according to the PDO production regulations, alongside the traditional cultivation forms such as ceppaia

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(stump) and vaso libero, single-stem training systems are also allowed to facilitate harvesting and cultural operations (Council Regulation 2009). Pistachio groves are typically considered specialised as they are not mixed with other crops. The natural pollination of pistachio orchards is ensured by the sub-tropical Mediterranean climate, the prevailing westward winds, and the orographic lift resulting from the mountainous topography (Wilson et al. 2018). Traditionally, pollination has relied on the presence of wild P. terebinthus male trees scattered throughout the land. The use of some P. vera genotypes for pollination purposes is still being tested and is practised by only a limited number of farmers, although it holds potential due to slightly higher germinability rates (Marino and Marra 2019). However, two specific issues arise when considering natural pollination. Firstly, the ratio of male trees within pistachio plantings is approximately 1% according to the Ministry of Agricultural, Food, and Forestry Policies (2012), while Barone and Marra (2004) note that the observed female/male ratio in Bronte is around 1/20. In both cases, the number of male plants relative to female plants is dangerously low. Studies suggest that a ratio of 1/8 is recommended for improved efficiency, productivity, and the species’ survival and propagation (MIPAAF 2012). Secondly, the blooming periods of P. vera and P. terebinthus do not fully overlap, with the latter tending to germinate slightly earlier. This mismatch hinders the fructification and productivity of the agricultural system in question. The Napoletana cultivar begins to sprout in the first two weeks of April, the nuts start developing two months later, and the ripening phase concludes between August and September (Barone et al. 1997; Martelli and Longhitano 1987). Due to limited water and nutrient availability, annual production and sustainable plant use have been challenging. From an agronomic standpoint, fruit-bearing is an energy-intensive activity for the plant. It needs to absorb and utilise water and nutrients to promote and increase vegetative and reproductive biomass, which includes growing branches, roots, leaves, flowers, and fruits. Due to these reasons, local farmers have chosen to harvest the nuts only in odd-numbered years. During non-harvest years, farmers remove flower buds to redirect the plant’s energy towards vegetative growth and accumulate sufficient nutritional resources for the following year. This management practice aims to enhance both the quantity and quality of production in harvest years, reduce agricultural expenses, and support the plant’s sustainable life cycle. Additionally, complete removal of inflorescences in off years serves as a biological control measure by disrupting the life cycle of pests (Barone and Marra 2004; Wilson et al. 2018). Farmers also employ additional land management practices related to fertiliser use and weed control. Fertilisers are not essential for pistachio cultivation, as they are rarely applied. However, due to the challenging terrain that restricts machinery use and the need for dryland farming techniques dictated by weather and soil conditions, farmers occasionally utilise foliar fertilisers. Regular weed control operations are carried out each year to prevent competition, as well as to facilitate harvesting since productive branches of the pistachio tree often reach the ground.

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After being picked from the trees, the fruits are de-hulled and dried by the farmers themselves. The household members and hired workers handpick ripe in-hull pistachios from the fruit-bearing branches. They often use long poles with hooks to reach the farthest fruits, although they may need to climb the trees carefully to avoid damaging them or causing the drupes to fall. The paniere, a basket capable of holding about 9–10 kg of produce, is used for harvesting and can be carried on the back. In regular plantations with easier access, farmers use a traditional method known as bacchiatura. This involves shaking the pistachio branches with poles or through vibration while placing a net under the plant to collect the falling fruits and prevent them from touching the ground. Once gathered in the nets, the fallen fruits are manually transferred to baskets that can hold up to 50 kg. However, the rocky lava soils make this practice applicable only in small portions of the productive area. Farmers determine the harvest time when they observe a rose/white colour on the hull and a translucent/matte appearance of the shell, typically occurring from the last week of August to the end of September (MIPAAF 2012). The hulled nuts undergo a process known as sgrullati using electrical and pounding hulling machines. To dry the in-shell pistachios, farmers place the nuts on tarps called stindituri under the sun for 4–5 days. Professional drying machines have recently been introduced in the pistachio processing line, to dry the fruits at a temperature of 40–50 °C without affecting the chlorophyll content (Marino and Marra 2019; Barilaro 2011). Shelling, which involves the removal of the endocarp, is considered one of the most critical phases in the transformation of pistachios. The fruits are steamed in almost boiling water (90 °C) for a few minutes to facilitate separation of the endocarp. The film that forms the endocarp is then removed as the fruits pass through rotating rubber rollers at different speeds. Subsequently, the nuts are dried and subjected to fibre-optic machines that discard fruits that have not been adequately peeled or fail to meet the standards (Matarazzo et al. 2015). The final product undergoes meticulous manual quality checks performed by specialised personnel (Fig. 4.3). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The high-quality product can evolve into a symbol that represents more than just a valuable commodity in international markets. In the case of Bronte pistachios, they embody agricultural, landscape, environmental, and, above all, cultural values. This local product has played a significant role in strengthening the community’s sense of place and cultural identity by recounting its history and traditions. The cultivation of this special food item represents an agricultural activity rich in meaning and symbolic values that are closely tied to a specific geographic context. On the one hand, the traditions stemming from the utilisation of this natural resource have nurtured and influenced all aspects of social life, while, on the other hand, these traditions have also taken root in the community. An event that demonstrates the enduring cultural significance of Bronte pistachios is the annual festival dedicated entirely to this product, known as the Sagra del pistacchio di Bronte. Over the years, this festival has proven to be a successful initiative, attracting an increasing number of tourists, with some occasions surpassing

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Fig. 4.3 Piatachio plants grow among volcanic rocks and terraces on the Etna slopes (photo Mauro Agnoletti)

one hundred thousand attendees. This success generates enthusiasm among the local population, who consider the festival the ultimate showcase for Bronte’s green pistachios and their producers. Moreover, the event provides an excellent opportunity to explore and discover the various traditional uses of pistachios. While it has gained widespread fame in the confectionery, pastry, and ice cream industries, pistachios are also integral to a wide range of culinary offerings, including bagged meats and pasta made with delicious pistachio flour. To provide a better understanding of the contemporary cultural significance of the agricultural system under analysis, it is worth mentioning the official tagline adopted by the municipality of Bronte: “City of Pistachio.” The case of Bronte pistachios demonstrates how food production can enhance the local sense of place, just like historical and artistic heritage sites. In Bronte, it is rare to find a bar or restaurant that doesn’t offer nougats, cakes, ice cream, and pastries made with the famous green gem. Furthermore, the appeal of Bronte extends to the entire value chain, with widespread and traditional social engagement. From late August to mid-September, men, women, children, and even the elderly participate in the harvesting operations, giving the city an empty appearance. The harvest holds such significance and vitality for the local population that it is said marriages and baptisms were exclusively celebrated during those years, which occur every two years (Lombardo 2015).

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Over the past twenty years, various institutions have been established to recognise the intrinsic values associated with this agricultural system and promote land use development that aligns with local socio-cultural norms. The consorzio di tutela (consortium for protection) was established in 2004, bringing together farmers who produce the green pistachios of Bronte within the boundaries defined by production regulations. It includes associations, cooperatives, producer organisation, and packaging and distribution companies, encompassing all those who comply with the consortium’s rules. This institution serves multiple purposes. Its primary goals are to safeguard, support, and promote the product, as well as the traditions and customs that have been passed down through generations. While the consortium plays an important role in these aspects, its existence is also essential for any group of farmers seeking PDO certification from the European Union. Therefore, the organisation was primarily established to pave the way towards achieving this objective. Several years of technical and bureaucratic work were required before the farmers of Bronte could proudly rely on certification to protect their product in the global market against lower quality and cheaper pistachios. This designation was finally obtained in 2009. The criteria for awarding this significant certification take into account not only the climatic, geologic, and agronomic features of the area but also the traditional production processes and unique socio-cultural factors that distinguish the local population (Petino 2009). In addition, the pistachio of Bronte achieved another important recognition in 2000 when it became an official Slow Food Presidium. The Presidia programme aims to acknowledge and support sites where farmers play a crucial role as guardians of biodiversity, defenders of traditional values and landscapes, and advocates for the adoption of agroecological practices. This achievement will contribute to further safeguarding the agricultural system and the product in international markets (Petino 2010). Three local organisations deserve to be briefly described for their role regarding pistachio-related culture: Pistacchio Smeraldo Bronte, Pro Loco Bronte, and Bioregione Etnea. Pistacchio Smeraldo Bronte is a cooperative of producers established in 1971. It consists of thirty farms located on the western slopes of Mount Etna and certified with the PDO Pistacchio Verde di Bronte. These farms account for approximately 15% of the total production. The cooperative aims to improve and enhance pistachio production from a socio-economic perspective while prioritising high landscape and environmental values. The Pro Loco Bronte is an association that was founded in 1960. It has distinguished itself by revitalising and perpetuating various traditional events and celebrations, including carnival allegorical floats and art exhibitions. Moreover, it guides tourists in discovering the municipality’s most captivating treasures. Since the 1970s, the organisation has been dedicated to supporting local agricultural products, particularly pistachios. Their efforts culminated in the successful organisation of the inaugural Sagra del Pistacchio di Bronte (pistachio festival) in 1981. Lastly, the Bioregione Etnea is a project established to promote and expand organic agricultural production. It offers technical assistance services to assist farmers

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in adopting and implementing organic methods, thus protecting the territory and enhancing the value of the final product (Petino 2010). Landscapes and Seascapes Features The disciplinary regulations for the PDO Green Pistachio of Bronte commend the successful integration of environmental and human factors that have created the ideal conditions for cultivating this renowned pistachio. It states: “The production area, characterised by volcanic soils and a semi-arid, sub-tropical Mediterranean climate, with long, dry summers, concentrated autumn and winter rains, and significant temperature fluctuations between day and night, along with the use of terebinth (Pistacia terebinthus) introduced by humans, imparts unique qualities to the fruit (…) that are difficult to replicate in other production areas or elsewhere on the Etna massif. This combination of soil, climate, and human factors gives the Pistacchio Verde di Bronte PDO its distinct qualities, making it a truly exceptional product.” (Council Regulation 2009). The description provided in the production regulations succinctly captures the essential characteristics of the agricultural landscape. It highlights the constructive synergies that have emerged between human activities and the climatic, morphological, and topographic elements of the region. Geomorphologically, each volcanic eruption has added layers of pyroclastic materials to the slopes, constantly reshaping the topography over time. The rugged areas covered with pistachio groves feature rocky volcanic soils. It is important to emphasise that this crop has transformed the land use practices and fostered an agricultural system that harmoniously integrates with the environment. The cultivation of pistachios, along with the accompanying human activities, has added immense landscape value to an area previously deemed unsuitable for agriculture, often considered barren volcanic land. Many of the ingeniously built terraces, a testament to the determination of farmers to settle and cultivate challenging terrain, have been abandoned (Ente Parco dell’Etna 2009). In the southern part of the pistachio orchards, lava flows from ancient volcanic cones (100–200 thousand years ago) are observable. The area surrounding Bronte is characterised by more recent sedimentary soils and magma flows, dating back to the twelfth-seventeenth centuries AD. Among these volcanic features, Monte Barca, an ancient volcanic cone, stands prominently near the city’s cemetery. The historical city centre represents the main anthropic element within the socio-cultural landscape. It, along with a few scattered farms, stands in contrast to the vast natural panorama of the mountain (Petino 2010). Bronte boasts original and austere manor architecture, designed to support traditional activities. The public space, also made of lava stone, serves as a connective element with its paving patterns that extend across the farmed fields. This infrastructure network covers the entire area. The city and the countryside are intricately intertwined, lacking clear boundaries between them. This is the outcome of a gradual and intelligent adaptation by the community, which has effectively utilised and harmonised with the area’s morphological and lithological characteristics (Barbera et al. 2015).

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4.5 The Karstic Landscape of Vallecorsa, Italy (Livia Sagliocco, Francesco Piras, Federica Romano)

Summary Information Location of the site

The territory concerned by this proposal falls entirely within the province of Frosinone, close to the border with the province of Latina, that is part of the Lazio region, Italy 41°26 43.0 N, 13°24 45.0 E

Area of coverage

1300 ha

Topographic features Characterised by a predominantly mountain-hill morphology, this landscape develops from the lower altitude of 160 m a.s.l., coinciding with the confluence of the stream “Il Fossato,” to the top of “Cima del Nibbio” at an altitude of 1054.5 m a.s.l. The city of Vallecorsa is located at 350 m a.s.l. The territory is constituted by calcareous rocks and has been profoundly shaped by karstic phenomena Climate type

Temperate

Ethnicity/indigenous population

No specific ethnic group

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Global Significance The municipality of Vallecorsa is situated in southern Lazio, central Italy, and is characterised by traditional small-scale agriculture primarily focused on selfconsumption. The agricultural landscape in the area follows a traditional low-input approach, with olive groves, vineyards, and non-irrigated arable land being the main woody agricultural crops. The territory is also marked by different types of woodland. The dominant feature of the area is a series of terraced olive groves created by shaping calcareous blocks. These olive groves consist of a local cultivar called “Vallecorsana” and are characterised by a low-density planting system (less than 200 trees per hectare) and minimal tillage. The landscape, known as the “stone landscape,” is composed of exposed limestone rocks that have been shaped by the labour of generations of farmers. The construction of a dense network of drystone walls was necessary to support the unique terraces, which had to fit between large boulders emerging from the ground. The proposed area, including the valley floor, exhibits a high density of these terraces, resulting in a complex and heterogeneous landscape. Over the centuries, the farmers of Vallecorsa have successfully transformed a challenging terrain, abundant in rocky outcrops and lacking in water, into productive land. By using sledgehammers, they modified the rocky surface to accommodate olive tree cultivation, which dates back to the fourteenth century. The construction of drystone walls, locally known as “macère” (singular “macèra”), allowed them to utilise the steep land. This practice of building drystone walls has been recognised as UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage. The terraces in Vallecorsa differ significantly from those found in other parts of Italy and the Mediterranean region. The presence of unavoidable rocky boulders during the construction of drystone walls gives each macèra a unique character. While terracing is a common solution for cultivating steep slopes and creating arable land in the Mediterranean area, Vallecorsa represents a distinct manifestation of human adaptation to nature. It stands as a unique and possibly internationally recognised example. Although the olive groves’ green colour and the white calcareous rocks create a sense of uniformity in the landscape, closer inspection reveals significant variations among the terraces. This is because local inhabitants had to adapt to the massive boulders in their own unique way, resulting in a heterogeneous collection of drystone walls. In some instances, where the blocks and the terrain did not allow for other options, special enclosures called “lunette” were built for individual olive trees. The macère are particularly impressive, with an average thickness of 1 m and heights ranging from 2 to 3.5 m. Food and Livelihood Security In the arid and barren territory of Vallecorsa, agriculture has played a vital role in promoting its development and sustaining the livelihoods of its people. The local community has found the cultivation of olive trees to be a crucial source of food

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and income, enabling the territory to flourish and support itself through the production of olive-derived products, particularly olive oil. This tradition dates back to the eighteenth century, a time of rapid population growth when the “ogliararo” (plural “ogliarari”) from Vallecorsa emerged as prominent figures. These ogliarari were traders who specialised in selling oil, representing the distinctive economic aspect of southern Lazio. They marketed olive oil in neighbouring areas, and even as far as Rome, highlighting Vallecorsa’s active involvement in olive oil production during that period. Initially, before formal corporations were established, they transported the oil using chariots and pack animals along the main trade routes leading from their lands of origin, primarily Umbria, Sabina, and lower Lazio. Examining the origins of the imported oil that arrived in Rome via sea routes, it is noteworthy that in the fifteenth century, the Gaeta region accounted for approximately 52% of the total, indicating that lower Lazio was already a prosperous area for olive cultivation at that time. The regions supplying the raw materials were mainly the hinterland areas where olive groves were prevalent, including Castelforte, Itri, Lenola, and Vallecorsa (Lombardi 2018). In the present day, the municipality of Vallecorsa is home to 502 farms, with only one being a cooperative society. The local social structure primarily consists of family farms, where the labour on the farms is often carried out by the spouse or other family members. Over the years, the number of farms has decreased. Although there has been a significant reduction (− 42.6%) in the number of farms between 1982 and 2010, it is worth noting that the number still remains relatively high considering the modest size of the municipality of Vallecorsa. A comparison with the territory of Assisi, which is part of the GIAHS site “Olive groves of the slope between Assisi and Spoleto,” can provide an understanding of the dense agricultural network present in Vallecorsa. By analysing the ratio between the number of farms and the population in the two municipalities, it becomes evident that Vallecorsa has a significantly higher density of farms in relation to its total population compared to Assisi. This higher density of farms in Vallecorsa remains even when considering the size of the territory. In the past, farms in Vallecorsa were also more focused on livestock breeding, particularly sheep and goats. In 1982, 258 farms (30%) were engaged in livestock breeding. However, by 2010, this number had decreased, and according to the latest available ISTAT census (2010), out of the 502 farms in Vallecorsa, only 58 (12%) also have livestock units. For centuries, alongside agriculture, pastoralism has been a fundamental aspect of Vallecorsa’s civilisation, following the practice known as “pascolivo,” which involved grazing sheep among the terraced olive groves. Sheep farming played a crucial role, not only in terms of food security but also in providing environmental benefits such as fertilising the olive groves until the 1960s. However, in the latter half of the twentieth century, this sector began to decline. Historical data from the land register of 1929 indicates that there used to be a much larger number of sheep (2683) and goats (775) compared to the present-day Figures (423 and 75, respectively). While sheep farming still plays a marginal role in the territory, it was once a fundamental activity

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for both the region and the landscape. Currently, there are approximately 500 sheep and goats in the entire municipal area, and a few shepherds, primarily located on the valley floor, who mainly produce goods for self-consumption or direct sale to local residents. One notable cheese produced is the Marzolina, which is also recognised as a Slow Food Presidium. The majority of farms in Vallecorsa are relatively small in size. Specifically, 235 farms (47%) have a surface area of less than one hectare, and an additional 134 farms (27%) range between 1 and 2 ha. This indicates that 94% of the farms in the area can be classified as small scale, reflecting the predominantly small-scale nature of agriculture in Vallecorsa. The vast majority (98%) of farms in the proposed area primarily produce for self-consumption (ISTAT, 2010). Within this group, there are three categories: farms that solely dedicate their entire production for self-consumption (60%), farms that allocate over half of their product for self-consumption (32%), and farms that allocate less than half of their production for self-consumption (6%). Out of the total of 199 farms (40%) that engage in marketing their products, albeit in some cases only partially, a distinction can be made between farms that sell directly to consumers and those that utilise other sales channels. Data is available for 154 farms, including one cooperative society. Although some farms may employ multiple marketing strategies simultaneously, the most common approach is direct sales to consumers, with 151 farms primarily selling their products directly at the farm. Agrobiodiversity Olive cultivation is one of the most prevalent agricultural systems in the Mediterranean region. In Italy, since the 1990s, the olive tree has surpassed wine as the most important woody crop. However, it is important to note that olive trees contribute to shaping countless landscapes across different areas of the country, each with its unique characteristics and products. The remarkable diversity of the Italian genetic heritage is also reflected in the presence of approximately 650 different cultivars. The study conducted by Brunori et al. (2018), which focused on the terraced systems of southern Lazio, the region where Vallecorsa is located, distinguishes between two main types of olive groves: specialised and polycultural. According to this research, the majority of terraces in Vallecorsa fall into the category of polycultural olive groves, characterised by the coexistence of olive trees with fruit trees and vines. While the majority of terraces primarily host olive trees, it is not uncommon, particularly on less steep slopes, to find rows of vines interspersed with olive trees, employing the Guyot method to delineate the terraced areas. Additionally, various other plant species can be found alongside olive groves on these terraces. These include figs, prickly pears, cherries, pears, apples, peaches, apricots, hazelnuts, walnuts, and plum trees. Lazio produces different olive varieties. Specifically, in the province of Frosinone, where Vallecorsa is located, the main cultivars are Moraiolo, Rosciola, and Leccino. Vallecorsa, representing 10% of the “other” category, has its own

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autochthonous cultivar named Vallecorsana. In a passage taken from “Memoria sulle piante economiche della provincia di Terra di Lavoro” (1815), an agronomic report dedicated to studying the resistance of crops to the olive fly by agronomist Francescantonio Notarjanni, the Vallecorsa olive tree is already distinguished from other olive tree varieties in the region. Until recently, it was believed that the olive groves in Vallecorsa consisted of the Carboncella cultivar. However, studies have revealed the presence of an indigenous Vallecorsana cultivar since the nineteenth century. This discovery prompted the Institute of Biosciences and Bioresources of the National Research Council to conduct studies in 2017, analysing the characteristics of this cultivar. The dossier on the characterisation of the indigenous Vallecorsana variety provides substantial evidence of its genetic uniqueness and the distinctive qualities of its oil, which is described as “extreme.” Vallecorsa olive trees grow amid large limestone blocks and do not reach monumental sizes. They have moderate vigour, a spreading growth habit, and dense foliage. The drupe of the Vallecorsana olive is relatively small compared to those produced in neighbouring municipalities, earning it the name “olivella” (small olive) in past centuries. As it matures, the olive changes from a brown to reddish-brown colour. Currently, it is estimated that there are around 100,000–200,000 Vallecorsana olive plants, with approximately 50% of them in production. The remaining plants are in a state of neglect, overgrown with shrubs and secondary vegetation. The indigenous Vallecorsana variety is used to produce a monocultivar extra-virgin olive oil, serving as a showcase for promoting the development of this unique cultivar. Forest biodiversity in the area predominantly consists of downy oaks, hornbeams, holm oaks, and chestnut groves. The characteristics and distribution of these species are described in the table based on data from the Lazio Region GeoPortal. Typology

Scientific name

Features and distribution area

Downy oak forests

Quercus pubescens

Tree layer dominated by downy oak, with subordinate presence of other deciduous trees (ornamental ash, opal maple, black hornbeam, hornbeam; locally also minor maple, colutea, Judas tree) and broom with sessile leaves and often with high herbaceous coverage. Drought-resistant species. Internal limestone reliefs, up to 1000–1200 m

Hornbeams

Ostrya carpinifolia and Fraxinus ornus

Tree layer with a prevalence of black hornbeam and/or hornbeam, generally mixed with downy oak. Typically pioneer formations, on low hills and hillsides, clayey and calcareous substrates

Holm oaks

Quercus ilex

Arboreal layer dominated by holm oak, with subordinate presence of hornbeam, black hornbeam, and downy oak. From 600–700 m up to 1200 m a.s.l., generally on the slopes facing west and south of almost all the calcareous reliefs (continued)

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(continued) Typology

Scientific name

Features and distribution area

Chestnut grove of calcareous reliefs

Castanea sativa

Tree layer dominated by chestnut, pure in chestnut groves or associated with turkey oak, oak, ornament, hazelnut, and hornbeam. Calcareous reliefs

In addition to the species listed in the table, which are the most common in the area, there are also conifer plantations (Pinus pinea, Cupressus arizonica, and Cupressus sempervirens) near the town of Vallecorsa. These plantations were established in the 1980s as part of a reforestation project. Within the pre-forestry formations, such as bushes, high scrubland, and forested areas, there is a significant presence of temperate shrubs. These shrubs are found on the edges of hill and mountain woods or in areas that have been abandoned due to agriculture and grazing practices. Other habitats with less prevalence include the Tyrrhenian-sub-Mediterranean vegetation with Rubus ulmifolius, characterised by formations dominated by rambling roses and shrubs accompanied by a significant number of lianas. Fertilised and grazed meadows, as well as post-crop vegetation, represent secondary formations associated with Quercion ilicis. Mediterranean dry meadows, considered to have high ecological value, are also present and subject to a high level of ecological sensitivity. In the shrub layer, apart from the black hornbeam, holm oak, and hornbeam, other species such as Rubus hyrtus, Rubus ulmifolius, Rosa arvensis, and Crataegus monogyna can be found. At the herbaceous level, Sesleria autunnalis is the predominant species, along with Brachypodium rupestre, indicating areas that were once used for grazing but have since been abandoned. Some plants of particular interest for their connection to local cuisine include pimpinella (Tordylium apulum), an essential ingredient in the typical bread soup, and mint (Calamintha nepeta), used in snail soup, another traditional dish of peasant origin. Drystone walls serve as breeding and roosting sites for local fauna and provide refuge for plants that bloom in the cavities. They not only offer environmental benefits but also hold cultural significance as traditional features that contribute to the beauty and cultural heritage of landscapes (Agnoletti 2015a, b). These traditional traits, shaped by centuries of human work, play a vital role in how inhabitants perceive and value their surroundings (Assandri et al. 2018). Terraces and traditional stone walls are included in the list of features designated as Ecological Focus Areas (EFAs) under the European Union’s Common Agricultural Policy reform in 2013. This policy introduced the “greening payment” to enhance biodiversity and ecosystem services (Underwood et al. 2016). Terracing and traditional drystone walls are particularly valuable for supporting reptiles, birds, mammals, and terrestrial plants such as ferns, lichens, vascular plants, mosses, and liverworts, thereby promoting biodiversity (Angileri 2017; Collier 2013). Drystone walls are known to host more lichens compared to natural rocky walls and have been positively associated with the presence of molluscan species and butterflies (Dover 2000). While the literature has explored the role of drystone

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walls in supporting various species since the 1980s, there is still a need for further specific studies to be conducted. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Pruning Pruning operations account for approximately 20–30% of the oil production cost. Therefore, the fundamental principle of modern olive cultivation should aim to simplify interventions and reduce production costs. Depending on the climatic conditions, each region has its own pruning technique. In Vallecorsa, farmers traditionally use the polyconical pot shape, which enhances ventilation and light penetration, resulting in increased plant vigour and leaf production. Pruning takes place annually during the production phase, starting from late February to early March, and concluding in early April. The focus of these interventions is on the fruit-bearing branches, specifically removing the central branch and central terminal branch. This thinning of the foliage not only improves air circulation but also promotes the growth of replacement shoots. Harvesting The quality of olive oil is greatly influenced by the cultivar, as well as the timing and technique used during the harvest. Harvesting olives requires significant manual labour, which can account for up to 70% of the oil production costs in certain cases. However, due to the topography and limited accessibility of many parcels in the Vallecorsa territory, mechanisation is challenging. In ancient times, a method called “aurni” involved digging holes in the ground to collect olives and facilitate the harvest. The olives were then transported to the mill using baskets, known as “panari,” which were crafted by the women in the village from olive branches. Nowadays, nets are more commonly used for ease of collection, and the olives are gathered in bags for transportation to the oil mill. Given that mature olive trees can reach a height of about 5–6 m, it is essential to use ladders for harvesting. Younger plants are pruned to a maximum height of around 3.5 m to facilitate the harvest. The harvesting method, known as “bacchiatura,” involves shaking the tree canopy with a long stick called a “pertica” (pole) to make the olives fall to the ground. In recent decades, mechanical tools utilising compressed air have been introduced in parcels located closer to the roads, where access is easier. However, due to the terrain and difficulties in reaching inland areas that are not directly accessible from the road, these methods are not widely adopted. Generally, it is recommended to harvest the olives early to obtain a high-quality product. Early harvesting positively impacts the organoleptic characteristics of the oil, preserving its typical aromas and flavours. In the past, the harvest extended until January or February, whereas nowadays, it typically takes place between October and November. The popular proverb, “St. Francis, the thrush with mistletoe and the olives inside the basket,” signifies that the olive harvest begins on the feast day of

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St. Francis (October 4), coinciding with the arrival of migrating thrushes from the north. The Macère The construction of drystone walls is an ancient practice that has shaped steep hillsides for millennia. In Italy and the Mediterranean area, it is widely regarded as one of the most prevalent traditional building techniques. Throughout history, terraces have served as a means of managing and cultivating challenging slopes, mitigating the risk of landslides in fragile landscapes (Agnoletti 2015a, b). The earliest recorded terraces, aimed at facilitating cultivation on sloping terrain and preventing soil erosion, date back approximately 5000 years to Palestine and Yemen. Over time, terracing became more widespread across the entire Mediterranean region, particularly from the fourteenth century onwards (Wei 2016). Recognising the agronomic and historic-cultural significance of terraces, the UNESCO-CBD Florence Convention in 2014 acknowledged their role in biocultural expression and the diversity of rural areas (Agnoletti 2015a, b). The primary function of terraces is to regulate excess water runoff, maintaining an appropriate balance between air, soil, and water in the substrate while also preventing slope instability and reducing erosion. Vallecorsa offers a fascinating example of a terraced landscape with its unique irregular drystone wall layout. This irregularity arises from the necessity of including the macère between large calcareous boulders that cannot be avoided. In the historical context, men were responsible for constructing the macère, while women played a role in loading fertile soil into baskets made of wicker or small olive branches from the valley bottom. This practice was repeated during maintenance work. Due to the diverse morphology of the region, the inhabitants of Vallecorsa employed various building techniques to expand the cultivable area. Linear terraces of different sizes were constructed based on the slope gradient, as well as irregular terraces and drystone walls designed for cultivating individual plants, some of which were planted in small rock niches. It is estimated that Vallecorsa has approximately 2000 kms of drystone walls. The height of the walls and the thickness of the soil vary throughout the area. On extremely steep slopes, one can also find small lunette terraces, consisting of a semi-circular wall built around a single olive tree to provide a flat surface. Terraces serve two primary functionsclosely associated with the seasons. During winter, they regulate excess water by accommodating the soil’s retention capacity. In summer, they capture and condense water during the cooler nights, ensuring a consistent and valuable water supply for the system (Fig. 4.4). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation Since its early civilisation, the territory of Vallecorsa had a strong inclination towards self-sufficiency due to its unique location. As a result, the inhabitants have centred their economic and social development around the olive tree. The olive tree and its primary product, extra-virgin olive oil, play a vital role in the region as a “social

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Fig. 4.4 Olive trees grow among calcareous rocks and small drystone terraces (photo Federica Romano)

network producer.” The olive groves and the resulting olive oil have been the foundation of the community and continue to hold significant emotional value for the population. In fact, the locally produced oil serves as a valuable commodity exchanged during festive gatherings among family and friends. The Olive Oil in the Mediterranean Diet In 2013, UNESCO declared the Mediterranean diet as an intangible heritage of humanity due to its health benefits. One of the key components of this diet, which is rich in fruits, vegetables, and legumes while being low in saturated fat, is extravirgin olive oil. Olive oil holds a significant position as one of the pillars of the Mediterranean diet, thanks to its unique properties and high content of beneficial antioxidants. The health advantages of olive oil can be attributed to its monounsaturated fatty acids, which contain essential minerals, vitamins (especially vitamin E), as well as anti-oxidant and polyphenol compounds. Numerous studies have demonstrated the positive effects of olive oil on heart health, cancer prevention, diabetes management, and cholesterol control. Extravirgin olive oil serves as the primary source of fat in the Mediterranean diet and forms an essential element in a wide range of dishes within the traditional cuisine of the entire Mediterranean region, including Vallecorsa.

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Traditional Products and Local Cuisine In Vallecorsa’s traditional cuisine, olive oil holds a fundamental role as a key ingredient in a variety of local dishes. These dishes include the “pizza bianca bagnata con l’olio” (white pizza soaked in oil), “scazzuotti” (shortcrust pastry fried in oil), which are sweet treats typically enjoyed during different festivities, especially carnival. Another delicacy is “ciambelle,” fried doughnuts traditionally thrown from windows at weddings, and padèlle, a liquid mixture of flour and water cooked in boiling oil. Vallecorsa’s culinary tradition is rooted in hearty and nourishing meals that reflect the region’s peasant origins and the abundance of olive oil and bread, another essential ingredient utilised in various ways. The emphasis is on substantial, no-frills dishes, resulting in fewer starters. Notable examples include fried vegetables in pastel, Marzolina (a type of pasta), and sausage with olives. Historically, the main course consisted of a bread base complemented with vegetables, legumes, meat, and eggs. This dish originated from the peasant tradition, where men worked in the fields all day and needed a practical way to carry their meal. They would pack everything in a capacious wicker basket for easy transport. The typical composition included the “spasa,” a bowl with the main course, a small container of olives as an appetiser for the men while the women prepared the feast, and a flask of wine. Other typical dishes in Vallecorsa feature bean soup infused with local herbs and served with raw onion or olives, polenta with corn kernels, lamb with cloves, tripe, stracciatella with chicken broth, and yellow bread. Two widely used traditional ingredients are “pimpinella,” a plant found abundantly among the drystone walls and used in bread soup, and mint, which grows in the fields and is primarily utilised in snail soup, a dish associated with the shepherd’s tradition. Snails can be found among the drystone walls. Festive Events and Rituals The majority of popular festivals and rituals in the region are rooted in the Catholic tradition, but they also represent the local resources and gastronomic heritage of the community. One notable celebration that highlights the strong connection of the locals with their resources is the oil festival, which serves as a reason for communal gathering and celebration. Other traditional festivals include: 1. Puppet Procession, April 25: Children from the village visit the Church of San Michele carrying typical sweets shaped like a deer (for boys) and a puppet (for girls). After the mass, a procession takes place through the historic centre, concluding with the blessing of the sweets and the fields. This feast holds ancestral references to religious rituals associated with initiation, fertility, and gratitude. 2. Penitential Processions, Good Friday: Several penitential processions take place accompanied by the sound of “terle” (singular “terla”) which replace the bells. The terla is a wooden instrument with toothed wheels mounted on a pivot, producing a dry and thunderous noise. On the Saturday before Easter, a procession to the upstream cross occurs, and at night, bonfires are lit using honing steel for percussion.

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3. Infiorata, Feast of Corpus Christi (June): The entire community participates in creating floral artworks inspired by religious themes. The old town centre is adorned with colourful flowers, transforming the alleys, squares, and streets until dawn. The following morning, a Mass at the Church of San Martino is held, followed by a procession, culminating in two days of festivity. 4. Palio of the Four Gates, last week of August: The four districts, corresponding to the town’s historical gates, compete for the “drappone” in honour of Jacobella Caetani, Countess of Fondi, who resided in Vallecorsa during the early fifteenth century. The Palio was revived in 2007, but historical documents and a sonnet by Giuseppe Gioachino Belli mentioned earlier Palio events in Vallecorsa. This competition provides an opportunity for the entire community to gather and celebrate. 5. Patronal Feast of Saint Michael with the Offering of the Calf, September 29: During the festivities honouring Saint Michael, a traditional “Offering of the Calf” takes place. A young calf, adorned with red drapes, bows, and rattles, is led from the square in front of the church to the bishop. After genuflecting, it receives the blessing. In the past, the calf would join the herds grazing in the nearby mountains owned by the parish. Today, private breeders provide the calf, and after the ceremony, it returns to its owners. The church of Sant’Angelo preserves the branding iron used in the past to brand the calf, symbolising its connection to St. Michael. The exact origin of this offering is uncertain, as it is not documented, but locals recall its presence since ancient times. The first recorded sacrifice may be traced back to 1542 when the “Festa dell’Otto Maggio” was instituted by the prince Colonna. In the past, the calf itself was an object of devotion, but now it is regarded with reverence, recognising the greatness of the divine reality. This festival showcases the blend of religious spirituality and peasant traditions, emphasising the enduring bond between the population of Vallecorsa and the animal from the agricultural world. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The municipality of Vallecorsa is situated in a valley characterised by carbonatic mountains, ranging in altitude from 500 to 1000 m. The primary lithotypes found in the area are limestone, limestone with flint, and dolomite. The soil consists of a substrate composed of 2–5 cm of slowly decomposing plant residues, mixed with red-brown soil containing numerous large stones and exposed rocks. The soil map of the Lazio region, a recent tool developed by ARSIAL for territorial planning, provides valuable information about the local soil based on analyses conducted over the past decade. The predominant soil sub-systems in the Vallecorsa territory are limestone slopes, partially covered limestone slopes with slope debris deposits, and top shelves on limestone and pyroclastic deposits. The hydrographic network in the area is limited, and the predominant land cover consists of wooded and herbaceous areas with minimal human-made structures. In the valley, there are alluvial deposits known as “Il Fossato,” a stream characterised by its torrential nature, composed of red earth and volcanic materials from the neighbouring apparatuses of the middle Latin Valley (Melofni et al. 2013).

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The vertical landscape of Vallecorsa The Vallecorsa territory covers an area of 3970 ha and extends from an altitude as low as 173 m above sea level (m.a.s.l.), which corresponds to the confluence of the “Il Fossato” stream, to the peak of “Cima del Nibbio” at an altitude of 1054 m.a.s.l. The following table illustrates the distribution of the municipality’s surface area according to elevation bands. The altimetric categories for the municipality were determined based on the classification of the Italian territory by altitude (mountainous areas above 600 m above sea level). Altitude bands (m)

0–299

300–599

600–899

900–1.199

1.200–1.499

Area cover (%)

16.29

47.98

31.52

4.21

0.00

The diagram provided below illustrates the key features of Vallecorsa’s vertical landscape based on altitude and their ecological significance. The landscape section was selected at a specific point within the agricultural landscape that offers a representative view of expansive terraced olive groves and allows for an understanding of their integration within the overall territory. Additionally, notable elements such as the two large wells and the presence of ciglioni earth terraces on the valley floor are also highlighted (Figs. 4.5 and 4.6).

Fig. 4.5 Slopes of Vallecorsa are shaped by the work of farmers who built terraces and excavated rocks to obtain space for olive trees (photo Valentina Iacoponi)

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Fig. 4.6 Vertical organisation of the historical landscape of Vallecorsa

The segment at the summit, ranging from 700 to 1000 m above sea level (in some areas starting as low as 600/650 m above sea level), was traditionally used for pastoral activities. This area is characterised by grassy formations dominated by Ampelodesmos mauritanicus and Salvia officinalis, which are used for extracting essential oils. These formations create secondary scrublands, which consist of grasslands and pseudo-hill and sub-montane garrigue, along with Bromus erectus, Festuca circummediterranea, Brachypodium rupestre, and Helichrysum italicum. There are also secondary arid and semi-arid meadows that have developed on calcareous substrates after deforestation and grazing. These meadows have a significant ecological value. Among these formations, which transition from green to golden hues, the rocky outcrops appear irregular and whitish, while wooded and shrubby patches appear darker. Ampelodesmos mauritanicus is present not only in the high arid slope meadows but also in the terraces that cover the grassy surface of the olive groves. Over time, it has played a central role, serving as a vine binder, a common practice in many Mediterranean regions, as well as an essential material for making haystacks and producing ropes.

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The landscape section between 650 and 340 m features terraced olive groves that create a distinctive horizontal pattern in the landscape. These groves alternate recurring elements, such as the horizontal mark of the macère present on both sides, with elements of discontinuity, represented by the varying altimetric scanning of the macère that perfectly adapt to the irregular geology. The dominant textures and colours in this area include the whitish drystone walls interspersed with the yellow hue of the dense herbaceous cover on the macèra plane. Against this backdrop of grass lines and stones below, the slope is covered in silver-green evergreen vegetation. The land beneath the olive groves is largely occupied by spontaneous vegetation, where prevalent species include Agrostis alba, Phleum pratense, Alopecurus pratensis, Festuca spp., Bromus erectus, Dactylis glomerata, and Lolium spp. Additionally, leguminous plants, such as Lotus and Trifolium, are sometimes present. The municipality of Vallecorsa is located at an elevation of 350 m, providing a commanding view of the valley below. The valley floor, ranging from 340 m on the east side to 250 m on the west side, consists of the ciglionato landscape comprising arable land and vineyards. The larger ciglionato landscapes still retain the characteristics of arable land, while the narrower ones are predominantly used for family viticulture (Carallo and De Pasquale 2018). The valley floor area is characterised by extensive crops and complex farming systems, which encompass traditional agricultural areas with arable farming systems, primarily dedicated to low-impact vegetation cereals. These extensive crops and complex farming systems typically exhibit a highly fragmented structure with small strips of hedges and thickets. Noteworthy elements of the Vallecorsa landscape in the valley bottom are the large wells. Additionally, the valley floor features small plots of land cultivated with wheat, oats, and barley, as well as diverse agricultural areas with buildings, gardens, small family vineyards, vegetable gardens, and orchards for self-consumption. Between 250 and 300 m, a line of deciduous oak forests dominated by Quercus pubescens can be found. These forests often include Carpinus orientalis and other deciduous shrubs such as Crataegus monogyna and Ligustrum vulgare. They hold a high ecological value. The less sun-exposed west side has a smaller number of terraces ranging from 300 to 400 m. This is mainly due to the challenging accessibility of these terraces, resulting in a higher proportion of abandoned plants in this slope. Between 400 and 600 m, there is a mixture of Ampelodesmos and deciduous oak forests.

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4.6 The Traditional Agricultural System of the Hills of Vërtop, Albania (Florjan Boduri, Alessandra Bazzurro, Beatrice Fiore)

Summary Information Location of the site

Vërtop municipality, Berat region, Albania 40°38 47.2 N, 20°03 33.5 E

Area of coverage

9700 ha

Topographic features The Vërtop Administrative Unit has hilly relief located between the Osumi River and the Tomorr mountain at 650 m above sea level. Territory of the municipality of Vërtop is: 18% plain, 53% hilly, and 29% mountainous Climate type

Vërtop is part of a Mediterranean climate region characterised by hot and dry summer, cold, and humid days. The district’s climate is typically Mediterranean, with an average annual temperature of 15.9 °C. The average temperature of the coldest months is 7.2 °C and that of the hottest months is 28.2 °C. The absolute lowest temperature has been –12.2 °C and maximum 47.1 °C

Ethnicity/indigenous population

No specific ethnic groups

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Global Significance Vërtop municipality exhibits a diverse agricultural system, primarily focused on olive groves, fruit orchards, and small arable crops. This system reflects the traditional agricultural practices of the Mediterranean hills and mountains, which have been established by the local population to cultivate a wide range of agricultural products for their own consumption. Presently, this agricultural system remains largely reliant on manual labour and is predominantly carried out by small-scale and family farmers. Food and Livelihood Security Berat is not among the wealthiest regions in Albania. It ranks sixth in terms of GDP per capita for 2009, with a GDP per capita nearly 10% lower than the national average. The region’s closed economy and weak infrastructure contribute to lower productivity in agricultural and industrial activities. Agriculture is the main economic activity in the region, employing a predominantly rural population. Economic activities are concentrated in the central-western part of the region. It is worth noting that, in addition to agriculture, there is a growing trend towards developing other economic sectors such as the mineral industry, textile industry (though with low added value), processing industry, and tourism. Furthermore, the Berat region has a lower poverty level compared to the national average, although around 13% of the region’s population is considered poor. Agriculture accounts for 32% of the regional GDP in the Berat region, which is significantly higher than the national average of 18% (INSTAT 2010). The region is abundant in agricultural resources and has a long-standing tradition of agricultural production. The soil composition is favourable for farming activities, particularly for vegetables, olives, and fruit trees. Berat is renowned for its production of olives, walnuts, figs, grapes, vines, fruits, vegetables, as well as herbs and spices. Following land privatisation (Law No 7501, 19 July 1991), the growth of the agricultural sector in the Berat region was slow due to the limited land area per farm, high fragmentation, and small plot sizes. Most farms in the Berat region range from 0.5 to 2 ha, with only a small proportion exceeding 2 ha. This aligns with the national average farm size, which does not exceed 1.4 ha. In the Vertop unit, the number of farms with less than 0.5 ha is lower compared to other districts. The level of farming sector development varies among districts, with plains showing differences in economic well-being compared to mountainous areas (highlands). Mountainous areas have a larger number of farms with sizes less than 0.5 ha. The arable crop production value represents the highest revenue within the sector, accounting for 42.7% of the total, followed by livestock and orchards. Among arable crop production, vegetables contribute the highest income level (40.6%), followed by forage crops. Meanwhile, crops represent about 27% of total revenue, with industrial plants ranking at the lowest. Greenhouse vegetable production plays a significant role in the districts of Berat and Kuçovë. There has been a notable increase in greenhouse construction over the past decade, resulting in a threefold expansion of cultivated areas (MoAFCP 2013). This trend is particularly evident in the lowland areas of Berat and Kuçovë, which

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benefit from fertile soils and proximity to major markets such as Lushnjë, Durrës, Tirana, and Fier. These factors serve as incentives for expanding the cultivation of protected crops. Cereal production has also seen considerable growth, with yields improving from 3.03 tons per hectare in 2001 to 4.39 tons per hectare in 2011, representing a nearly 45% increase. Cereal production is primarily used for animal feed. Livestock farming is the second most significant agricultural activity in terms of production value. Meat production accounts for 46.8% of the total, followed by milk production at 40.7% and egg production at 10.2%. The majority of farming income is generated through cattle rearing, small ruminants (sheep and goats), pigs, and poultry. Small ruminant livestock rearing is predominant in hilly and mountainous areas, while cattle herds are concentrated in the lowland areas of Kuçovë and Berat. Most meat production is sold in regional markets or processed by three meat-processing units. Cow’s milk dominates milk production, accounting for 79% (goat’s milk represents 11%, and ewe’s milk accounts for 10%). The establishment of agricultural processing units has contributed to an increase in both cultivated areas and agricultural production. Berat has a long-standing tradition of permanent crop production and is known for its native varieties of olives and figs. Over the past eight years (2004–2012), the cultivation of fruit trees has expanded by 50%. Agrobiodiversity Mediterranean ecosystems consist of diverse and varied environments, making them valuable in terms of biodiversity. Albania is also known for its significant biodiversity, and it is crucial to preserve the wild germplasm, which includes individuals with important biological or botanical features that have developed over centuries. There are numerous genetic resources available, but not all of them are usable or potentially usable. To ensure a rational and scientifically based approach, it is essential to identify the possible sources of plant genetic resources. These sources can be categorised into two main groups: wild vegetation and cultivated vegetation. Additionally, secondary sources may include materials derived from genetic improvement processes and introductions. Wild vegetation: Ancestors of wild vegetation or relatives of domesticated species found in our country are often considered as genetic sources. For example, related species such as Triticum monococcum, Triticum dicoccum, and Aegylops are included for wheat. In the case of fruit trees, we can mention Malus silvestris Mill (wild apple, mollçinka), Pyrus communis L. ssp piraster L. (wild pear), Pyrus amygdaliformis Vill (gorica), Sorbus domestica L. (vodhëza), Prunus cerasifera (wild plums), Cerasus avium L. (wild cherry), Cratageus monogyna Jack. (hawthorn), Cornus mas L. (Cornus), Punica granatum L. (wild pomegranate), Ficus carica L. (wild figs), Vitis vinifera L. ssp. Sylvestris Gmel (larushku), etc. An important category within the group of wild vegetation includes endemic plants, which are found only in Albania and are highly endangered. Here is a list of endemic plant species found in Albania that are of particular conservation importance: Arenaria serpentini, Polygonum albanicum, Ranunculus degenii, Lunaria

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telekiana, Sanguisorba albanica, Alchemilla albanica, Genista hassertiana, Astragalus autrani, Hypericum haplophylloides, Viola dukadjinica, Ligusticum albanicum, Forsythia europaea, Moltkia doerferi, Alkanna sandeithi, Ajuga piskoi, Stachys sericiphylla, Stachys albanica, Wulfenia baldaccii, Asyneuma comosiforme, Petasites doerfleri, Centaure kosaninii, Centaure candelabrum, Crepis bertiscea, Colchicum pieperanum, Festucopsis serpentini, Crex markgrafi, and Orchis albani. Wild plants not only serve as a valuable source of genes for genetic improvement of plants but also offer a diverse range of options for food consumption. According to literature, there are over 900 wild species that have the potential to be used as vegetables, fruits, medicinal and aromatic herbs, forage plants, oils, and for various technical and specialised purposes. Domesticated vegetation: In the area it is possible to find many cultivated plants, including primitive cultivars that are no longer actively grown for production. Within this category, there are several sub-groups, with the most prominent ones being: • Autochthonous populations and old/primitive varieties that are still in cultivation. • Varieties and hybrids resulting from genetic improvement or mutation. • Cultivated varieties imported from other countries. Over the centuries, Albanian farmers have gained expertise in selecting the best varieties that meet their preferences, tastes, and productivity requirements. They have also favoured crops that are well-adapted to the local ecological conditions. This lengthy process has contributed to the generation of genetic variability in many cultivated species. Numerous local populations of maize, fruits, vegetables, industrial plants, and fodder, among others, have been preserved and continue to be cultivated to this day. Fruit trees: On the western slope of Tomorr, there are several villages that benefit from the diverse climate created by the different landscapes, ranging from mountains to valleys. The abundance of water sources from the mountains and the freshwater of the Osum River have been advantageous for the cultivation of nuts, hazelnuts, and apples. Moving from south to north, the villages listed at the end of Tomorr include Nishove, Kapinove, Lybeshe, Tomorr, and Qafe Dardhe. Further down the hills of Osumi, you will find the villages of Mbrakull, Drenove, Vertop, Peshtan, Fushe Peshtan, and Vodice. In the past, arboriculture thrived in these villages, adapting well to the local conditions and challenging terrain. Trees and grapevines were grown in small plots and homeyards, particularly in the high mountain villages. Olive trees were more prevalent in the villages near the river. Kapinova, in comparison with its neighbouring villages, is situated on better terrain. The village was known for its significant nut production, boasting 250 nut trees and a considerable amount of hazelnut trees along streams in 1956. Many families owned two or three nut trees. Additionally, the village had 130 families and cultivated apple, pear, fig, cherry, vadheza (wild apple), quince, plum, and mena trees. The cherries in Kapinova were not considered to be of high quality, as they had small and less sweet fruits. The Vijigus figs had medium-sized fruits with a dark colour and stripes, ripening in September–October. Similar characteristics were found in the Cipull figs and the longtail figs.

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Olive and citrus trees were absent in Kapinove due to the unsuitable climate for their cultivation. However, vineyards found more favourable conditions, and some varieties such as Pules, White Sinabel, and the red grape of Kapinova became widespread. The Birvoli variety, similar to Afuzali, had large white fruits with less aroma and grew on Gorrica, Lithocarpus, and Lojfata trees. It was primarily used for producing raki. The most widely cultivated and well-known variety in Kapinova and the surrounding villages is the red grape of Kapinova. It is grown on small plots, weighs around 1 kg, has cherry-shaped fruits, and ripens from July to September. It is not very sweet, so it is not commonly used for winemaking or raki production but rather consumed fresh. While rain does not damage the fruit, it is vulnerable to bees and bumblebees. Due to its delicate nature during transportation, this type of grape does not have significant economic value. However, it remains prevalent in Kapinova, passed down from generation to generation due to its high value for fresh consumption. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Vertop is an area that relies predominantly on agriculture for its sustenance and has remained relatively unaffected by the advancements that Albania has seen in recent decades. This has allowed the traditions and traditional knowledge to be passed down from generation to generation, preserving their value. These inherited traditions primarily revolve around dietary practices, the processing of locally grown agricultural products, and farming techniques aimed at achieving quality and organic farming while keeping costs minimal, given the region’s economic limitations. Food Traditions Regarding the food habits of the inhabitants in this area, it is evident that a majority of their diet consists of food they produce themselves, starting from planting to harvesting, processing, preparation, and finally, consumption. The local community, particularly the elderly women who have inherited knowledge from their ancestors, play a crucial role in preserving and passing down traditional methods of fruit and vegetable processing, milk and meat preservation, and cereal preparation. Fruit processing: Apart from consuming fruits fresh, there is a rich tradition of processing and preserving fruits in the region, upheld primarily by the older generations. The traditional methods of preserving cherries, peaches, pomegranates, Cornus mas, and figs are highly valued. • Grapes: Grapes are primarily used for producing red wine, rakia (a traditional Albanian alcoholic beverage), and grape jam. Rakia, in particular, holds great significance in Vertop as it is renowned for its production. The process involves crushing the grapes in a container, fermenting the juice along with the grape residue, and then distilling it. The distilled rakia is prepared by boiling the fermented juice using a special kettle fuelled by timber. The alcoholic vapours are then cooled down and condensed back into liquid form. Rakia has been a traditional drink in Albania for centuries, with Albanian men consuming an average of 100–200 ml per day. It serves as a customary beverage for guests.

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• Cherries: While select cherries are sold fresh in the market, there are also fruits that are unsuitable for shipping due to overripening. These cherries are preserved using a traditional method, involving the removal of pits, mixing with sugar, and simmering until they reach the desired consistency. The preserved cherries are then stored in glass jars, hermetically sealed, and can last for nearly a year without any chemical preservatives. • Pomegranate: Pomegranates can be preserved by drying them in dark and wellventilated environments, thereby retaining their beneficial health properties. Additionally, pomegranate jam and pomegranate juice are produced and consumed during winter as a means to combat seasonal illnesses. • Cornus mas: Cornus mas fruits yield a highly flavourful and nutritious juice. • Figs: Local residents utilise figs to make fig marmalade or dry them for storage as dried figs. Processing of vegetables: In addition to their fresh use, vegetables in the area are often processed for canning. Tomatoes, cucumbers, cabbage, and peppers are commonly preserved, and peppers can be stuffed with cottage cheese to enhance the flavour. Processing of milk: Milk is primarily utilised for cheese production, along with yoghurt and other by-products like butter, sour cream, and cottage cheese. Cheese is predominantly made from milk obtained from local cheese dairies. Meat processing: An important traditional practice in the region is the preparation of pastirma, which involves ageing the meat from animals that are not suitable for regular consumption due to their tough texture. The meat is cut into long strips and hung above the house’s heating stove during the coldest months, typically from December to February. The constant heat from the fire dries and salts the meat, resulting in pastirma with an excellent flavour. This meat is served as an appetiser or used to enhance the taste of various dishes. Pastirma commands a relatively high price in the local market and provides an opportunity for residents to increase their income. • Meat on skewer: The most traditional method of cooking meat is by using skewers, where an entire lamb or goat is placed on a tall wooden stick and roasted over firewood for approximately three hours. The meat is positioned above a low fire and manually rotated. This dish holds significant cultural value, particularly when welcoming guests. Cereal processing: Wheat is primarily used for flour production, which is then used to make bread, cakes, pancakes, and pies. A unique local use of flour is in the production of trahana. This meal is made by mixing black flour with a generous amount of salt and milk. The mixture is dried outdoors and subsequently broken down into crumbs for families to use as a breakfast food. It is cooked with milk and water and is commonly consumed during the winter months, often accompanied by bread and olive oil. Trahana provides a warm and light meal for the body.

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Agricultural Techniques and Tradition The weak economy and challenging hilly terrain of the Vertop area have limited the adoption of advanced agricultural technology by the local farmers. As a result, traditional techniques and methods continue to be used for agricultural processes. Use of animals: The area is known for its reliance on working animals in agriculture. Horses, mules, and donkeys are extensively used for transportation in agricultural activities. These animals are outfitted with appropriate equipment based on the specific tasks at hand. For example, they are equipped with saddles for transportation, a harness fastened to their backs to ensure the safe transport of various crops such as forage or organic fertilisers, or a yoke for ploughing. In some cases, two animals may work together with double ploughshares to increase power during ploughing. Hoeing: Hoeing is a traditional process carried out manually using a tool called a spud. It involves turning over fertilisers and removing weeds, improving soil structure, ventilation, and water retention capacity. Shovelling: Shovelling is the process of overturning soil to eliminate weeds and is performed using a shovel. This method allows work in areas where agricultural machinery like tractors cannot access, such as steep slopes or densely planted areas. Hand-picked olives: Hand-picking olives is a meticulous process that requires climbing the olive trees and manually harvesting the fruits. This method offers several advantages, such as avoiding damage to the olive branches, which can help prevent the spread of diseases. It also contributes to producing olive oil with lower acidity and higher yield for the following year. Hand harvesting forage: Harvesting forage using manual tools, specifically a sharp 1-m-long tool called a “kosë,” is a laborious process. It is particularly useful in plots where motor vehicles cannot access. Maize harvesting: Maize has a relatively wide stem compared to other forage plants. Therefore, a sickle with a half-moon shape is used for maize harvesting. After harvesting, the corn is collected into haystacks and left to dry further before transportation. Collection and preservation of alfalfa: After harvesting alfalfa using a hand harvester and partially drying it, the next step involves collecting it in rows and flipping it for complete drying. This is achieved using a 40 cm-wide tool called a creeper, equipped with a 1.5-m handle. Once dried, the alfalfa is stacked and stored close to the hut. This method is commonly used in the mountainous regions where agricultural machinery is not accessible, serving as an alternative to baling machines. The stacked alfalfa can be stored for up to two years. Cobblestone road: The cobblestone road is an effective method of constructing roads in villages, especially in challenging terrains. This technique involves placing stones close to each other, ensuring proper support. The road’s design allows for efficient water drainage, preventing damage caused by water accumulation. Drystone walls: The construction of drystone walls is a prevalent practice in the Vertop site. This method, passed down through generations, is highly effective in stabilising banks, facilitating optimal rainwater drainage, and providing strong soil

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support. It is also an economical approach due to the abundance of rocks in the area. Additionally, constructing these walls helps clear the fields of stones. Wooden fences: An interesting, efficient, and cost-effective technique employed by some farmers in the mountainous areas is the construction of wooden fences. Utilising surplus wood sticks, these farmers enclose their parcels to protect them from animals or potential theft. This method is particularly beneficial for young plants susceptible to wind damage. By surrounding the young shoots with wooden fences, the residents create a sheltered environment shielded from strong winds, cold air, and animals. Irrigation: In the lower villages of the Vertop unit, irrigation is primarily carried out using the flood method. Gravity brings water from the Tomorr mountains through irrigation canals that were built years ago. This ancient technique involves allowing water to flow over the ground through the crops, delivering it to the fields. Some villages also utilise pumping systems that draw water from the Osumi River, employing the flood method as well. Farmers have the ability to direct the water to specific areas of interest. Mountain villages rely on underground water sources and the rain method of irrigation. Water is sourced from higher elevations, exerting pressure on the water distribution system. Terraced hills: Only a small portion of the site consists of flat land suitable for cultivation. The majority of agricultural land in the area is located on steep hillsides. Without the construction of terraces, only a limited amount of land would be cultivable. These terraces were established around 1960 under the communist system in Albania. Their construction has enabled the cultivation of fruit trees, crops, forage, medicinal plants, vineyards, and more. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The culture of Vertop encompasses the traditions, beliefs, values, and customs of the Albanian people. These traditions have shaped daily life for centuries and continue to be practised throughout Albania, the Balkans, and the diaspora. This region has a unique culture that has developed over time due to its strategic geography and distinct historical evolution. In Vertop, the family is regarded as the most stable institution, and therefore, it is common for multiple generations to live together, including husbands, wives, children, parents, and siblings. Albanians, particularly women, are known for their hard work. In rural areas, women often engage in agricultural work in addition to their household responsibilities, including tending to livestock. Religion plays a significant role in Vertop, with three practised religions: Catholicism (10%), Orthodoxy (30%), and Islam (with a significant representation of Bektashism). Religious diversity is widely accepted and embraced, with members of the same family often belonging to different religious communities. Religious tolerance is a fundamental value within the tradition, fostering peaceful coexistence among believers of various faiths in the country. Hospitality is deeply ingrained in Vertop’s culture. The local society places great importance on welcoming guests and serving food. It is not uncommon for visitors to be invited to share meals and drinks with locals. The medieval Albanian code of

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honour, known as Besa, emphasises the care and respect for guests and strangers. The word given holds immense significance in Vertop and throughout Albania; breaking a promise or commitment is considered a great shame for the local people. Albanians are native to the Balkan region in Southern Europe, and they refer to themselves as Shqiptarë. They primarily inhabit ethnically concentrated settlements in Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Greece. Albanian culture is characterised by its uniqueness and diversity. Within Albanian territories, there are two cultural groups: the Ghegs in the north and the Tosks in the south. Despite some cultural differences, both groups maintain a strong national identity and ethnic culture. Vertop cuisine is typically Balkan, with influences from Italian and Turkish cuisines, as well as ancient Illyrian, Roman, and Greek cooking. Traditional dishes often incorporate vegetables, spices, meat (such as cow, lamb, rabbit, and chicken), vinegar, yoghurt, and herbs. Vegetables are integral to most dishes, and milk, eggs, and their by-products are staple ingredients. Some popular dishes include Spinach and Cheese Pie, Filled Eggplant, and beans cooked with pastirma meat. Pies are typically made with thin pastry leaves, which are layered with spinach, salt, and cheese, and then baked. Bean Yahni Soup is another well-known dish made with dry white beans, onions, parsley, salt, chilli powder, and olive oil, boiled until a thick sauce is formed. Stuffed Peppers are a common dish, using bell peppers filled with minced meat, rice, fried onions, and chopped dill and parsley, then baked with added water until the rice and peppers are soft. Fried Meatballs are also popular, made from a mixture of ground meat, breadcrumbs, oil, onions, parsley, salt, pepper, and mint, rolled in flour, fried in hot oil, and served with French fries or mashed potatoes. Vertop cuisine also boasts a variety of delicious desserts, with Baklava being the most famous. Baklava is made from rolled dough, walnuts, cinnamon, sugar, and water. Many festivals are celebrated in Vertop, and one of the largest is the pagan Summer Festival, which takes place on March 14. It serves as a commemoration of the end of winter, the rejuvenation of nature, and the revitalisation of the Albanian spirit. On this day, families prepare various traditional dishes, including pies with nettle leaf, boiled eggs that are dyed in different colours, and a traditional cake known as Ballokume. Kënga Magjike (Magical Song) is another significant musical event in Albanian territories, featuring a diverse mix of singers and bands from Albania and neighbouring countries. Songs from this contest have produced numerous hits that have gained popularity among Albanians worldwide. Independence Day is the most important holiday in Albania, celebrated on November 28. It marks the declaration of independence in 1912, signifying the end of five centuries of Ottoman control. The most significant festive period for Vertop inhabitants occurs from August 18 to 25, known as Tomorr’s Mountain Days. During this time, people from the area ascend the mountain to reach the sacred site of Bektashi. Novruz Day, celebrated on March 22, has been a public holiday in Albania since 1996. The holiday is marked by the consumption of a special pie and the traditional

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Bektashi dessert called Ashure, also known as Noah’s Pudding, made with grains, dried fruit, and nuts. Landscapes and Seascapes Features The landscape of the Vertop municipality can be described as a complex one, encompassing various features due to the diverse topography of the area. It is characterised by a rich hydrography, primarily consisting of small torrents and streams, with the Osumi River serving as the main river in the region. The territory is predominantly mountainous and hilly, with the prominent peak of Mount Tomorr situated in the eastern part. The remaining portion of the territory is composed of hills and plateaus, extending from Mount Tomorr to the Osumi River. Given the often rugged topography of the site, local inhabitants have constructed numerous terraces over the centuries to create suitable land for cultivation. These terraces are presently utilised for olive groves, vineyards, fruit orchards, small-scale crops, and meadows. The local agricultural system still revolves around small-scale, family farming, which has implications for the mosaic-like structure of the landscape. The fields tend to be relatively small, particularly on the slopes where uphill cultivation is not feasible. Consequently, the landscape exhibits high levels of fragmentation, especially in the vicinity of villages closer to the mountains. In these areas, drystone and earthen terraces are prominent features of the traditional landscape, along with an extensive network of hedgerows. The presence of these hedgerows is of utmost importance, not only for maintaining the traditional landscape structure but also for their role in supporting biodiversity. They serve as ecological networks, as well as refuges and sources of food for birds and other small animals. The small rural villages blend harmoniously within the rural landscape, comprising small one- or two-storey houses often accompanied by small vegetable gardens where various vegetables are cultivated for self-consumption or local markets. At higher altitudes, particularly towards the east, the landscape adopts a more untamed appearance, with pine forests and rocky outcrops replacing cultivated areas. Additionally, traces of abandoned fields can still be observed in the transition zone between the villages and the mountains, indicating that agricultural activities were once more widespread and at higher elevations.

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Kapaj A, Ilir K (2012) Olive Oil Sector in Albania and Its Perspective. Olive Oil - Constituents, Quality, Health Properties and Bioconversions. InTech Lombardi D (2018) Da Mare e da Terra, Importazioni e Commercio di Olio nella Roma di Fine Medioevo. Ars Olearia, From Olive Grove to Market in the Middle Ages. Centro Sutdi CeSA, pp 123–151 Lombardo R (2015) Prodotti tipici e identita culturale: i casi del lampredetto di Firenze e del pistacchio di Bronte. Humanities 4(7):106–124 Manuelli MT (2019) Pistacchio, l’oro verde di Bronte. Il Sole 24 Ore, 22 September. Available at: https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/pistacchio-l-oro-verde-bronte-ACHJd9l Marino G, Marra FP (2019) Horticultural management of Italian Pistachio orchard systems: current limitations and future prospective. Italus Hortus 26(3):14–26 Marino G (2012) Ricerche su aspetti della fisiologia del pistacchio (Pistacia Vera L.): Alternanza di produzione e propagazione vegetativa. Università degli Studi di Palermo, Dipartimento Demetra / Facoltà di Agraria Martelli S, Longhitano L (1987) Il pistacchio nel territorio di Bronte. Estratto da Agricoltura Ricerca n 79, Istituto di Tecnica e Propaganda Agraria, Roma Marzialetti S (2019) “Pistacchio Economy”, le feste di Natale fanno lievitare il fatturato. Il Sole 24 Ore, 18 December. Available at: https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/pistacchio-economy-festenatale-fanno-lievitarefatturato-ACPMyY4 Matarazzo A, Clasadonte MT, Lo Giudice A (2015) Implementation of guidelines for eco-labelling in the agri-food SMEs: the Sicilian Pistachio sector. Proc Environ Sci Eng Manag 2(1):73–84 Melofni F, Catalano G, Liperi L, Notarmuzzi MC, Sericola A, Zizzari P (2013) I sinkholes di Vallecorsa tra storia e attualità. Memorie Descrittive Carta Geologica D’italia 3:299–320 Ministero delle Politiche Agricole Alimentari e Forestali (Mipaaf) (2012) Piano del Settore Mandorle, Noci, Pistacchi e Carrube 2012/2014 Peña Hernandez M (2005) Breve aproximación a los sistemas agrícolas de Lanzarote. Rincones Del Atlántico 2:220–227 Petino G (2009) The Sicilian agricultural production and the tourism linked to rural areas: the case of a POD product. 3rd IRT Int Sci Conf 2:943.949 Petino G (2010) Considerazioni preliminari sul paesaggio pistacchicolo. Ed. Ass. Culturale Mediterraneo Putrino A (2007) La filiera del pistacchio in Sicilia. Catania: Ricerche nell’ambito delle attività istituzionali dell’Osservatorio sul Sistema dell’Economica Agroalimentare della Sicilia (OSEAAS) Santoro A, Venturi M, Agnoletti A (2020) Agricultural heritage systems and landscape perception among tourists. The Case of Lamole, Chianti (Italy). Sustainability 12(9). https://doi.org/10. 3390/su12093509 Tucci G, Parisi E, Castelli G, Errico A, Corongiu M, Sona G, Viviani E, Bresci E, Preti F (2019) Multi-sensor UAV application for thermal analysis on a dry-stone terraced vineyard in rural tuscany landscape. Int J Geo-Inf 8(2):87. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijgi8020087 Underwood E, Tucker G (2016) Ecological focus area choices and their potential impacts on biodiversity. Report for Birdlife Europe and the European Environmental Bureau, Institute for European Environmental Policy, London Wei W, Chen D, Wang L, Daryanto S, Chen L, Yu Y, Lu Y, Sun G, Feng T (2016) Global synthesis of the classifications, distributions, benefits and issues of terracing. Earth-Sci Rev 159:388–403 Wilson JS, Petino G, Knudsen DC (2018) Geographic context of the Green Pistachio of Bronte, a protected designation of origin product. J Maps 14(3):144–150 Avanzato D, Vassallo I (2008) Following Pistachio footprints (Pistacia vera L.), cultivation and culture, folklore and history, traditions and uses. Scripta Horticulturae, vol. 7. International Society for Horticultural Sciences. Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Consumer Protection (MoAFCP) (2013) Inter-sectoral strategy for agriculture and rural development in Albania. Draft version 1. Tirana, Albany.

Chapter 5

Potential GIAHS Sites in Central and South America

5.1 The Traditional Coffee Productive System in the Sierra del Rosario, Cuba (Alejandro Gonzalez, Mauro Agnoletti, Francesco Piras)

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. Agnoletti et al., Agricultural Heritage Systems in Europe, Asia, Africa, Central and South America, Environmental History 16, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44881-2_5

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Summary Information Location of the site

Western region of Cuba, province of Artemisa 22°48 22.5 N, 83°01 41.5 W

Area of coverage

12,000 ha

Topographic features

Mountainous region which is part of a rage with maximum high of 560 m.o.s.l

Climate type

Tropical humid

Ethnicity/indigenous population

There is a remarkable mixture of people, with both African and European ascendances, probably with also some component of Amerindian genotype

Global Significance Coffee culture plays a significant role in shaping agriculture in the Sierra del Rosario mountains today. The presence of coffee crops is closely tied to the agrobiodiversity of the region, which has historical roots. The first coffee plants were introduced to Cuba in 1748 on a farm in Wajay, a town on the outskirts of Havana (Lapique y García 2014). In Sierra del Rosario, traditional farming systems are currently managed by small farmers and are characterised by mixed systems. Despite the transformation that occurred in the second half of the twentieth century, resulting in afforestation in the eastern range system and the declaration of a Biosphere Reserve in 1985, these traditional farms in the mountains continue to thrive. They feature agroforestry systems with coffee as the main crop, along with areas of secondary vegetation, minor crop fields, and grazing areas. The diversity of land uses allows for dynamic land management and enhances the resilience of these systems. If one aspect of the system fails, other elements continue to produce. This resilience is particularly crucial in the face of natural disasters such as hurricanes. The significance of these systems lies in their ability to preserve high biological diversity within an agroforestry context, showcasing remarkable agrobiodiversity. Additionally, these systems play a role in carbon sequestration due to the abundance of permanent tree cover in agroforestry systems and secondary forests, which provide various benefits for the local communities. As Koohafkan and Altieri (2016) argue, traditional coffee systems have numerous positive ecological contributions. Shade coffee plantings effectively store carbon, protect watersheds by reducing runoff, and help mitigate deforestation. Another vital ecosystem service is pollination, which is essential for maintaining the viability and diversity of flowering plants. Perfecto et al. (2009) also highlight the relevance of shade coffee systems by providing a high-quality matrix within agricultural areas, enabling connectivity for wild species. Food and Livelihood Security The traditional agricultural system in Sierra del Rosario provides the majority of sustenance for local communities, while also “exporting” certain products such as

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coffee and aroids (Xanthosoma spp.), which are highly valued in urban areas. Since this system is primarily agroforestry-based, it can sustainably produce other products such as honey or non-timber resources. Livestock trade is also significant for feeding both local and external populations, as are fruit and charcoal production. The traditional agricultural systems in Sierra del Rosario not only serve as a means of subsistence but also generate income through the sale of products like coffee, bananas, sapotes, and more. Livestock farming is an additional source of income for many traditional farmers due to the mixed nature of the system. As highlighted by Koohafkan and Altieri (2016), agroforests of shade-grown coffee offer various resources beyond coffee itself, contributing to local livelihoods. Traditional farmers have adapted to increasingly unpredictable weather conditions and drought by planting more perennial crops and trees, as well as adjusting the timing of agricultural activities. Agricultural diversification is also encouraged as a way to enhance economic resilience in the face of extreme climate impacts. During a field visit in 2016, Dr. Miguel Altieri and a team of researchers from INIFAT interviewed a group of farmers about the food sovereignty of their farms. In all cases, the estimated self-consumption based on the farm’s products exceeded 80–90%. Traditional farmers only rely on a few products from outside the system, mainly rice, sugar, and salt. However, access to these products is ensured by the state through the “bodegas de abastecimiento” food supply system. Different types of agricultural systems exist based on farm size. Larger farms tend to be self-sufficient and export products outside the system. Smaller farms, particularly those near urban areas, complement family incomes as family members are usually engaged in other economic activities. Even though small farms near urban areas have employment opportunities outside agriculture, they play a vital role in creating commercialization opportunities, particularly for underused species with limited production and demand in remote areas. Managers of small farms are also observed to be important in introducing new high-value cultivated plants. Farms located in mountainous areas tend to have larger land areas compared to those in flat areas nearby the mountains. Domestic animals are present on all farms, indicating a strong connection between this activity and family farming. Poultry, especially chickens, is commonly found on farms, serving as a recurring source of food and protein for families. Occasionally, they may also contribute to income generation, although the number of chickens may not be sufficient for trade beyond self-consumption. Other poultry species include turkeys and ducks. Pig farming is significant throughout the Sierra del Rosario region, particularly in the mountains, where traditional breeding systems are still practised. Pigs are an important source of income, given their frequency and the number of animals on traditional farms. The various pig breeding methods employed contribute to agrobiodiversity within the system (González Álvarez 2016). In general, traditional farms in the mountains of Sierra del Rosario demonstrate a high integration of crop production and animal breeding, aligning with the principles of agroecology. Some farms near urban areas are also involved in the hospitality industry, particularly those near the Soroa community.

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Coffee cultivation, as part of mixed systems, tends to be more prevalent in the southern region of the Sierra del Rosario range system. Conversely, livestock farming (cows and pigs) dominates the more rural farms in the northern part of the range system. The production of coffee in traditional farms, where present, does not appear to be very high in terms of overall production or productivity. This aligns with the argument made by Ospina (2008) that the remarkable aspect of these ecological coffee systems lies in the diversity of food products and ecosystem services they provide. However, in the case of traditional systems in Sierra del Rosario, there is a surplus of coffee production that is distributed in the national markets, largely through state purchases. The home garden is particularly valued on farms where livestock activities prevail. Some of these farms have extensive orchards around the house, cultivating coffee, bananas, and other crops for personal consumption. Agricultural typologies in traditional farms within Sierra del Rosario vary based on topographical differences. For instance, it is notable that sloped areas are not used for agriculture when there is sufficient flat land available in valleys to meet food requirements. As previously mentioned, traditional farming systems have diverse sources of income, which contribute to their resilience. The multitude of agricultural activities and traditional knowledge provide opportunities for the system to function and adapt in stressful situations. The impact of hurricanes is a perfect example, as farmers can shift their focus to short-cycle crops and charcoal production, utilising fallen trees. Agrobiodiversity Sierra del Rosario is renowned for its rich crop genetic resources, boasting high levels of varietal diversity in crops such as coffee (Coffea sp.), maize (Zea mays), lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus), common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris), chilli (Capsicum sp.), and more (Castiñeiras et al. 2006). The agroecosystems in this region can encompass up to 500 plant species, with a majority being ornamental and medicinal plants, followed by fruit and timber species. Some plants are also cultivated and preserved by farmers due to their sacred significance, which contributes to the systems’ resilience, as observed after the impact of devastating hurricanes, changing rainfall patterns, and droughts. The conucos (traditional farming plots) harbour a high functional agrobiodiversity, and the practices and knowledge associated with them foster a significant intraspecific variability, such as in the case of corn races (Zea maiz). The cultivation of grains like frijol caballero (Phaseolus lunatus) is also noteworthy, as farmers primarily use this crop for their own consumption, with minimal or no presence in the market. Additionally, the high variability of chilies (Capsicum spp.) is linked to the existence of traditional cultivated forms and advanced cultivars within the genus, which are prevalent in orchards established through slash-and-burn systems, where complex transitions occur with or without the establishment of an economic crop (García and Castiñeiras 2006). The coffee landscapes in the Sierra del Rosario mountains are characterised by a diverse array of crops surrounding the primary coffee production (Coffea arabica). For example, roots and tubers such as aroids (Xanthosoma spp., Colocasia esculenta), cassava (Manihot esculenta), and fruit species like mamey colorado or sapote

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(Pouteria sapot) and pineapple (Ananas comosus) are cultivated. Forest species are also managed for shading coffee, such as the Piñón Florido (Gliricidia sepium), which produces honey flowers and provides excellent animal fodder through its leaves. Notably, among the endemic forest species, the male pine (Pinus caribaea) stands out due to its multiple economic uses, particularly its timber. Other wild species locally utilised by the communities include the chichicate (Urera baccifera) for medicinal purposes, the maroon vine (Vitis tiliifolia) as a food source, and the cape ax (Trichilia hirta) for crafting wooden utensils. In total, the Sierra del Rosario region has identified over 500 plant species, including a substantial number of ornamentals, within its plant agrobiodiversity. Endemic mammals utilised by humans in these systems include rodents belonging to the Capromydae Family: Capromys pilorides Say (jutía conga) and Mysateles prehensilis Poeppig (jutía carabalí). Furthermore, numerous plant species with limited market presence are conserved and managed in these systems, thanks to farmers’ knowledge of their use in the region. Examples include sago (Maranta arundinacea) and ginger (Zingiber officinale). According to Koohafkan and Altieri (2016), it is common in small-scale family farms of coffee producers in the tropical Global South to have two main types of biodiverse agroforests: the traditional rustic system and the traditional polyculture system (coffee gardens). The agroforestry systems in Sierra del Rosario fall into the second category, as these authors argue that this polyculture represents the most advanced stage of manipulating the native forest ecosystem, including managing shade, topography, and soil fertility. While coffee and fruit trees are crucial components of the traditional systems in Sierra del Rosario, other crop species, such as annual crops, play an important role in complementing these systems. As highlighted by Brown and Hodgkin (2007), plant biodiversity in rural landscapes can be categorised into three groups: • Plant species intentionally cultivated or tended for various uses, including food, fibre, fuel, fodder, timber, medicine, decoration, etc. • Wild species that occur naturally in communities that benefit the agricultural environment by providing protection, shade, and groundwater regulation. • Wild relatives of domesticated plants, which can interbreed with cultivated crops, contribute to their gene pool, exist autonomously, share pests and diseases with crops, and are sometimes consumed during times of famine. The term “underused” or “neglected” species is often used in the literature to refer to those species that are not commonly found in markets. The traditional systems of Sierra del Rosario serve as a significant reservoir of this type of agrobiodiversity. Documenting and preserving this agricultural diversity are crucial, both for in situ conservation and as a future opportunity to add value to these resources. A related category is that of the wild relatives of cultivated plants. The range of resources falling under this category within a specific geographic area can be extensive, depending on how we define “wild relative” and the spectrum of cultivated plants they are associated with. According to Hunter and Heywood (2011), a wild relative of cultivated plants is defined as any species belonging to the same genus as a cultivated plant. This

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definition is based on the argument that species considered similar enough to be grouped in the same genus are likely to be closely related genetically. The database of the Ecological Station of RBSR reports a floristic diversity of 889 upper and 281 lower plant species, with 11% being endemic. Studies conducted at the RBSR also show a high rate of endemism among the wild fauna in Sierra del Rosario. The best represented groups include: • • • •

Birds: 131 species identified, with 12 being endemic. Reptiles: 33 species identified, with 27 being endemic. Amphibians: 16 species identified, with 13 being endemic. Mammals: Bats are particularly numerous, with 11 species, and the presence of two species from the Capromys genus, commonly known as hutias, is especially noteworthy.

Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The land use differences in these agroecosystems reflect their agroecological nature, as traditional farmers make use of the unique characteristics of each plot. South-facing slopes receive more solar radiation and have lower relative humidity. As a result, these plots are used for crops such as maize (Zea mays), pumpkin (Cucurbita moschata), and sugarcane (Saccharum officinarum). On the other hand, north-facing slopes have less solar exposure and higher relative humidity. In this zone, farmers cultivate crops like aroids (Xanthosoma sp., Colocasia esculenta), Arabic coffee (Coffea arabica), and bananas (Musa sp.). South-facing slopes contain higher levels of organic matter and humidity, particularly in the areas where coffee is grown. Notably, in these coffee areas, coffee shrubs are found under large deciduous trees that provide shade while the coffee cherries are developing and allow sunlight exposure during blooming. These large trees also contribute organic matter, acting as “biomass pumps” for the soil. In the north-facing slope, where large trees have been present for a long time, some slash-and-burn practices have been observed. Farmers remove wild shrubs and some trees from the secondary vegetation but retain other large trees that are beneficial for coffee, such as avocados, sapotes, or royal palms. The presence of these trees in the secondary vegetation indicates that the land was previously used for coffee production, and it can be inferred that they were left for natural regeneration and soil fertility restoration. As an example of traditional knowledge related to slash-and-burn practices, some farmers prefer lands where species like macagua (Pseudolmedia spuria) are present. Aroids (Xanthosoma spp., Colocasia esculenta) are the first crops cultivated in a cleared area after slash and burn. Young coffee plants are also established at the same time, but since they take three-four years to start producing, they are usually intercropped with bananas, which provide shade during the initial stages and also have early productivity. Slash-and-burn agriculture is a common practice, especially in steep mountain areas where the absence of valleys forces agriculture on the slopes. Traditional farmers take into account the orientation of the slopes (north or south) and the resulting radiation and moisture conditions when distributing their crops. The use of different annual crops changes over time after coffee is finally established, creating a temporary diversity.

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South-facing slopes, due to their lower resilience, often become pastures, even in areas within the Biosphere Reserve where there has been no agricultural activity for the past 50 years. Processing Methods The primary product, coffee, is predominantly processed using the dry method. This method has been used for ages and serves as a connection to the past when it was the dominant method (Fernández 2012). The freshly harvested cherries are spread out on large surfaces to dry in the sun. To prevent spoilage, the cherries are raked and turned throughout the day and covered at night or during rain to keep them dry. Depending on the weather conditions, this drying process can take several weeks for each batch of coffee until the cherries’ moisture content is reduced. In Sierra del Rosario, during the nineteenth century, coffee was spread out in tendales after being picked until it was completely dried. This method was slower compared to the prevalent wet method in Eastern Cuba. As a result, husking the coffee beans was more challenging and laborious to remove residues and obtain clean beans for export. This is why the dry method requires a significant number of tendales, a pillar mill, and other common elements in both processing methods to achieve the final product (Ramírez and Paredes 2003). The same authors highlight the reasons for the use of different processing methods between western and Eastern Cuba, despite the similar origins of coffee growers in both regions. This can be attributed to various factors. Firstly, there are distinct geographical characteristics in each area. In Sierra del Rosario, the terrain is much lower in elevation compared to the east, resulting in less steep rivers and streams. Additionally, the valleys in Sierra del Rosario are wider, making it challenging to construct dams. The predominantly horizontal nature of the valley bed hindered water control through dams and the gravity-driven conveyance to the processing area, as practised in the east. Furthermore, Sierra del Rosario is characterised by steep slopes, higher elevations, and significant changes in the course of waterways (Fig. 5.1). The hydrography and geology of both regions also differ, contributing to a longer period of water reserves in the eastern part, whereas Sierra del Rosario has considerably lower water reserves. This disparity is exacerbated during dry periods, resulting in the interruption of many streams in the western zone. The coffee harvest period has also varied between the two regions. In the east, the harvest preceded and aligned with the rainy season, ensuring full rivers and reservoirs, which were favourable conditions for processing the beans. In Sierra del Rosario, the harvest occurred later when the grain was fully dry. Consequently, the availability of water was extremely limited, contradicting the requirements of the wet processing method and favouring the dry process, which further relied on extended periods of sunlight for pulp drying. Organisation of the Agricultural Systems Even though proper irrigation systems are not present in traditional systems in Sierra del Rosario, crops are distributed based on the availability of wet areas. Historically, the location of farms in the area was determined by the presence of water streams, which were essential for human consumption and specific agricultural activities.

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Fig. 5.1 Tendales in cafetal “Ermita” (1838) by Federico Miahle

An interesting example of using water streams for agricultural purposes is the widespread distribution of the Cuban national flower (Hedychium coronarium) along the banks of many of these streams. This serves to capture and retain soil, making these areas highly suitable for establishing nurseries. Another characteristic observed in the design of agroecosystems is the practice of planting smaller varieties of bananas alongside young coffee plants to provide the necessary shade. The larger banana varieties are grown outside the coffee plots. However, when the bananas do not interfere with the young coffee plantations, farmers opt for varieties with larger dimensions. Charcoal Production This type of production is deeply rooted in the traditional context of Sierra del Rosario and serves as a significant manifestation of traditional knowledge. It encompasses not only the technical expertise necessary for charcoal production but also the careful selection of suitable species for the purpose. Charcoal production is commonly associated with rural farms and communities, and those involved in its production are often subjected to regulations governing the use of plant resources, as overseen by the state. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social organisation Coffee, being the most significant agricultural commodity globally, is primarily produced by smallholders who have a longstanding connection to their lands. Therefore, when analysing these systems, it is essential to consider the cultural diversity.

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The communities of Sierra del Rosario exhibit a profound relationship between the people and the environment, along with a sense of pride in their rebellious heritage, expressed through maroonage. Religious practices in the region vary, ranging from those closely associated with African expressions of spirituality to different Christian denominations such as Catholicism and Protestantism. These practices, in some cases, relate to the ethnic origins of the practitioners. However, due to a degree of population mixture, it becomes challenging to generalise. It is common to find an interplay between mystic symbols and natural elements. One notable floral emblem of Sierra del Rosario is the Candelaria flower (Bletia purpurea), a small terrestrial orchid with delicate purple flowers that add beauty to the wild and shaded tropical forest. The blooming period coincides with the celebration of the virgin of the Candelaria on February 2, who is the patron saint of the Canary Islands. This region contributed numerous immigrants to rural areas in Cuba, particularly to Sierra del Rosario and nearby places like the municipality of Candelaria. In Cuba, from a religious perspective, the transculturation of African slaves led to the fusion of African religions with Catholicism, giving rise to new religious expressions called Reglas. This term refers to various groups of rituals and magical practices. Plants hold a fundamental role in all these religions, as the spirits or orishas are believed to reside in the forest, and plants serve as a means of communication with them (Esquivel et al. 1995). Consequently, both in Cuba and Sierra del Rosario, there is a cultural background that strengthens the bond between people and their environment in multiple ways. The use of medicinal plants is particularly common and highly valued. African religions, being animistic in nature, have a strong connection with landscape elements, and the use of different plants for magical and religious purposes is noteworthy in the geography of Sierra del Rosario. There is a strong relationship between family farmers and communities with the landscapes, and these connections are influenced by cultural factors. As López Linage (2007) pointed out, non-monetary flows play a crucial role in family farming agriculture. Recognising the economic aspect within the local culture can be highly valuable for future strategies aimed at local development. According to Brookfield (2011), understanding an agricultural system requires considering the organisation of rural properties and the social, economic, and political forces that interact to shape its structure and adaptive dynamism. Historically, the social organisation of coffee farming in Cuba had an intermediate character compared to the other two major crops in Cuban agricultural history, namely sugarcane and tobacco, which have gained global significance (Pérez de la Riva 1944). The author also noted that during the nineteenth century, the coffee industry in Cuba was one of the first to employ free workers and to recommend the colonato system. This land management system involved land distribution by owners, with small sections assigned to small or middle farmers. These farmers were obligated to send their coffee production to a mill for peeling and to pay a specific amount of money to the landowner. The settlers became known as guajiros or sitieros, residing on the property or in its vicinity.

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In Sierra del Rosario, during the first half of the twentieth century, various cultivation practices were observed in the coffee areas of the former province of Pinar del Rio (which now encompasses the mountainous region of the municipalities of Candelaria, Bahia Honda, and San Cristobal, within the present province of Artemisa). The most common form was the colonato a partido, where the settler delivered half of the coffee produced under their management to the farm owner. The settler was responsible for covering all the costs of cultivation and collection. In some cases, settlers were allowed to grow smaller fruits for their own consumption and raise animals. Within this contractual form, there were instances where settlers were required to deliver half of everything they produced, including fruits and animals. Additionally, they had the annual obligation to independently sow one thousand bushels of coffee, without receiving payment. Currently, traditional farmers in Sierra del Rosario are members of agricultural cooperatives, which serve as a means to organise their production and relationships within the community and with the state. Strong ties exist between cooperatives and the state in terms of the plans for major agricultural productions and the market circulation of these products based on prior agreements. Land ownership varies, but the traditional systems in Sierra del Rosario are directly linked to family farming. While farmers hold the primary decision-making authority regarding technical practices on the farm, land ownership can vary between proprietary and usufructuary conditions. However, the longest relationships and expertise among farmers have been observed under the proprietorship condition. Among proprietors, men constitute the majority, although women are not excluded from this possibility. In terms of agricultural tasks, men tend to dominate, although women can occasionally lead their farms. Family farming systems continue to play a fundamental role in the management and conservation of agrobiodiversity. According to Douwe van der Ploeg (2013), this social organisation is at the core of the system’s resilience. Zequeira and Valdivia (1993) conducted studies in Sierra del Rosario in the late 1960s and found that many social aspects were similar to the present situation. They determined that around 28 percent of the territory was occupied by small coffee farmers, while the remaining land was under state ownership. These coffee plantations had an average size of 20 ha and relied on predominantly manual techniques. The head of the family, usually a man, held the primary responsibility for managing the farm, attending to crops and animals, selling products, and assigning work to family members. The man also represented the family in meetings and public activities, making important decisions. These characteristics still hold true today. Zequeira and Valdivia (1993) also discussed the anthropological conditions of family farming in the 1960s. They mentioned that male children started assisting with farm tasks between the ages of 6 and 8, initially performing simple duties such as fetching water, moving animals, and bathing horses. As they grew older, their responsibilities increased, and they began helping their fathers with more agricultural tasks, such as sowing, cleaning, and harvesting, usually in the morning or afternoon while attending school. During holiday seasons, they provided full-day assistance. It was common for sons to leave the farm around the age of 16 to continue their

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education or serve in the military. After leaving, they often pursued other occupations and did not return to farming. As a result, the potential succession of coffee growers was uncertain. These characteristics remain remarkably similar to many present-day farming systems, even fifty years later. Currently, most farmers belong to agricultural cooperatives that are organised under the National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP). Founded in May 1961, ANAP covers all geographical areas of Cuba and aligns its structure with the country’s political administrative divisions, facilitating representation and labour coordination. The organisation’s main objectives include improving the education, technical skills, and professional training of rural peasants. ANAP has also developed an organic institutional structure to address the historical isolation and fragmentation experienced by the peasantry. It represents its members and ensures their access to assistance from the highest state bodies and other social organisations at all levels of government and politics in the country. ANAP is also connected to local institutions. In mountainous areas like Sierra del Rosario, the “Turquino Plan,” conceived in 1987, serves as a strategic programme for economic development and social progress, specifically targeting mountain communities. ANAP is internationally linked to the organisation “La Via Campesina” (Machín et al. 2011). Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features From a geological perspective, the mountains of Sierra del Rosario consist of high horst anticlines with angles ranging from 0° to 45°. These mountains are heavily dissected and sit on top of carstic rocks in certain regions. In other areas, there are denudative and erosive structural litho heights. The soils in the region are redbrown fersialitic, and in some cases, they are also leached, shallow, and rocky. The natural vegetation primarily consists of evergreen and semi-deciduous forests, with the majority located between 270 and 447 m above sea level (Ramírez and Paredes 2005). Sierra del Rosario’s integration into the global commodities markets dates back to the end of the eighteenth century. However, the economic significance of the western territories of Havana was established in the early nineteenth century due to the boom in coffee production in certain areas, including the present-day municipality of San Cristobal. This area acted as a transition zone between the sugar and tobacco regions that further expanded to the west, where coffee and sugar cultivation did not dominate on a large scale. Sierra del Rosario was historically abundant in forests, which supplied wood for Havana’s shipbuilding industry since the eighteenth century. These forests also provided fuel for the sugar mills in the surrounding plains (Herrera and Menéndez 1989). During the first three decades of the twentieth century, the jurisdiction of San Cristóbal, along with some areas of the current municipalities of Bahia Honda and Candelaria, became the largest coffee producer in the western region of Cuba. Despite the introduction of technological innovations such as steam engines in half of the sugar mills, the number of mills in the San Cristóbal region remained relatively stable during the colonial period, indicating the weakness of the sugar economy in the area.

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This jurisdiction was economically significant in the western part of the island due to its agricultural diversity, which included the production and export of tobacco, coffee, sugar, and livestock (Ecured 2019). In the eastern region of Sierra del Rosario, charcoal production and cattle farming were predominant, resulting in environmental damage in certain hills and difficult living conditions for many peasants. After the revolution, significant changes occurred in these eastern areas, which had unfavourable repercussions on the agricultural systems. Massive afforestation plans were implemented primarily in the central area of what is now the Sierra del Rosario Biosphere Reserve. In 1968, 5000 ha were planted with native tree species (Ríos 2013). The reforestation efforts were accompanied by the construction of terraces to control soil erosion, the creation of a road network for accessibility, and the establishment of a community that concentrated the scattered population in the area and provided them with basic needs and new economic activities. The landscapes of Sierra del Rosario are closely associated with the resistance efforts of enslaved individuals against the oppressive conditions imposed upon them. These acts of resistance manifested in three main forms: simple maroonage, cuadrilla, and palenque. Simple maroonage involved the temporary escape of an individual who would prowl near haciendas to sustain themselves by means of theft or other necessary means. Maroonage in cuadrilla represented a more organised group resistance, where several maroons united under a leader or the most capable individual within a basic hierarchical structure. On the other hand, palenques represented the highest form of maroonage, denoting permanent settlements with greater social complexity, including agricultural areas (Colectivo de Autores 2012). According to the same source, the predominant form of maroonage in Sierra del Rosario was cuadrilla, with individuals escaping from sugar mills and coffee plantations. This form of grouping allowed them to constantly move within a region controlled by landowners, ranchers, and other repressive groups who sought to neutralise them. While cuadrilla was the most common form of maroonage in Sierra del Rosario, there were also instances of simple maroonage and palenques. The maroons utilised the resources of the landscape to build temporary rancherias, basic houses constructed using royal palm leaves and natural wood sticks. They also commonly utilised caves and rock shelters, particularly in the cliffs along river valleys. There are historical records from individuals involved in the prosecution of maroons that provide evidence of the maroon life in Sierra del Rosario. On January 16, 1839, ranchers led by the infamous Francisco Estévez captured four maroons whose statements confirmed the existence of their settlements, with Mother Melchora being identified as the leader of one such establishment. Mother Melchora became a legendary figure in the maroonage of Sierra del Rosario who could never be captured. Another testimony comes from rancher Matías Pérez Sánchez, who noted in his diary on March 14, 1815, that he discovered a village formed by 14 abandoned maroon ranches in the mountains of Luis Lazo, with plantings of oranges, sapotes, coffee, and avocado. This testimony is significant as it demonstrates that maroonage also contributed to the agricultural configuration and spread of plant genetic resources across the landscapes of Sierra del Rosario, particularly in more remote areas.

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The landscapes of Sierra del Rosario result from the cumulative interaction between humans and nature over time. The current landscape features a combination of agroforestry systems, pastures, fields for annual crops, and secondary vegetation resulting from land abandonment, afforestation, and accumulated agricultural practices. Coffee production has played a vital role in Sierra del Rosario, shaping the characteristics of the agroecosystem throughout most of its history. It has also facilitated the introduction of other crops, especially fruit trees. Livestock has historically been significant, particularly in pig breeding, although it now represents a complementary agricultural activity to the traditional systems. The historical importance of pig breeding likely contributes to the abundance of forest resources such as the royal palm (Roystonea regia) in the landscapes, as the oleaginous fruits of this species are consumed by pigs, imparting a delicious flavour to the meat. The royal palm tree also holds considerable ecological importance, human uses, and cultural symbolism as the national tree of Cuba. Family farming systems are currently less prevalent in Sierra del Rosario compared to the past, although there is a perceptible increase in the number of farmers following recent political measures aimed at reviving this agricultural sector. However, additional strategies are necessary to protect these systems, which are the result of centuries of evolution, knowledge accumulation, and heritage, in order to recognise and revalue them (Fig. 5.2).

Fig. 5.2 Coffee cultivation is practised under the shade of tall trees and bananas (photo Martina Venturi)

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5.2 The Sustainable Agricultural System of the Sierra Maestra, Cuba (Yenia Molina Pelegrín, Federica Romano, Mauro Agnoletti)

Summary Information Location of the site

Southwestern part and south central of the eastern region of Cuba extend across 14 municipalities of the provinces of Granma, Santiago de Cuba and Guantanamo 20°03 57.2 N, 76°27 29.2 W

Area of coverage

The proposed site occupies a total of about 500,000 ha. The area of coffee and cocoa cultivation is 60,000 ha, the forest occupies 264,000 ha, and other crops about 28,000 ha

Topographic features

Along the massif Sierra Maestra, 250–1200 m above sea level

Climate type

Tropical climates with relatively humid summer, tropical humid with rains all year-round, and warm temperate with rains all year-round (Barranco 1989)

Ethnicity/ indigenous population

–

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Global Significance Coffee is one of the most significant agricultural products globally, cultivated in approximately 80 countries and supporting the livelihoods of around 125 million people (Ferrer 2011). Conversely, there are 5.5 million small farms worldwide dedicated to cocoa production, generating nine billion dollars in revenue. Furthermore, ten companies dominate the chocolate industry, with a combined profit of ninety billion dollars (Márquez 2011). Coffee and chocolate, competing with tea and mate, rank among the most important beverages globally and contribute 1.3% to the Gross Domestic Product of the world economy (Lacerra 2010). The ecological and economic importance of coffee and cocoa on a global scale presents an excellent opportunity to develop sustainable programmes that combine conservation and economic objectives. In Cuba, both crops play a vital role in the economy of mountainous regions, enjoying high demand from the population and renowned for their superior quality (Ferrer et al. 2012). Coffee and cocoa plantations in the Sierra Maestra mountain range, spanning from Guantanamo and Santiago de Cuba to Granma, are fundamental to the production of these commodities. Granma and Santiago de Cuba are the country’s largest and most important coffee producers. Traditional coffee and cocoa cultivation in the Sierra Maestra relies on shadegrown systems within complex agroforestry frameworks, providing a sanctuary for biodiversity and sustaining other ecosystem services. The agroforestry sector in Cuba holds strategic importance for the country’s socioeconomic development, with numerous cultural activities and economic segments directly or indirectly associated with it. The introduction of these practices in Cuba dates back to the eighteenth century when French settlers brought coffee cultivation to the country’s mountainous regions. This marked the first time that trees were integrated into permanent cultivation, aiming to achieve sustained yields in hilly conditions. Additionally, the traditional integrated production known as conucos or family parcels involved agrosilvopastoral practices. These mountainous areas, characterised by challenging access, varied flora and fauna with high endemism, and environmental fragility, require environmentally friendly techniques to maintain ecological balance and ensure profitability for producers. Farmers have been dedicated to the production of coffee and cocoa since their introduction, experiencing different stages that directly impacted their lives. Food and Livelihood Security Agroforestry systems are recognised as a viable alternative for land use planning on farms and interfluvial areas. These systems effectively manage the resources of trees, shrubs, soil, crops, and animals. However, for the system to be successful, it must integrate and ensure the proper functioning and interaction between its components. Failure to do so may result in a good association but would hardly be adequate for protecting the soil-crop-tree system and achieving sustainable production. Various alternatives within agroforestry systems can improve soil conditions, influence water production, or contribute to crop protection (World Vision 2005). The production system in the Sierra Maestra holds particular importance for both the national and local economies. It plays a vital socio-economic role in terms of

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coffee and cocoa exports and consumption. Additionally, the structure of the system itself contributes to increased food and economic production. The attractiveness of the landscape in the mountain range further enhances its significance. In 1960, Cuba ranked as the sixth largest coffee-producing country in the Caribbean region. However, its status as an exporter was not particularly notable, mainly because none of the other coffee-producing countries surpassed Cuba in terms of consumption. The country experienced a decrease in production during the 1960s, which continued until the early 1970s. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the average production was 22,459 tons across 143,280 ha. From 1990 to 2002, production further declined to 12,225 tons, a figure that has not been exceeded in the past decade. In fact, the lowest production in history was recorded in the 2011–2012 harvest, with only 4943 tons. Despite these challenges, coffee remains important for both the economy of the mountainous communities and the local population’s consumption. Cocoa is another significant agricultural product grown in the mountainous areas of Cuba, primarily in the eastern region. Cocoa production experienced growth until the 1960–1961 harvest, reaching 3972.9 tons. Since 1977, production has fluctuated between 1200 and 2200 tons, influenced by various factors related to the production system. Currently, the Sierra Maestra region has 57,673.35 ha dedicated to coffee cultivation and 1393.01 ha for cocoa cultivation. These crops are combined with other agricultural products, contributing to increased biodiversity within the system and enhancing food security for producers and the community. According to a report on the main productivity indicators from the Ministry of Agriculture, Granma and Santiago de Cuba provinces were the largest coffee producers in 2017, accounting for 17.1 and 45.9%, respectively. Together, they represented 63% of the country’s coffee production, with 53% originating from the Sierra Maestra region. Regarding cocoa production, Baracoa is the largest producer, accounting for 51.6% of the output, followed by Granma and Santiago de Cuba at 12.1 and 24.4%, respectively. In terms of the country’s cocoa production, 36.6% is attributed to the Sierra Maestra massif. It is evident that coffee and cocoa production has declined compared to their historical trends. Several factors contribute to these low productions, including population exodus from the mountainous areas due to urban development. Additionally, the industrialization process and improved living conditions in pre-mountain villages have directly impacted the declining workforce dedicated to coffee production. This, in turn, affects the necessary agrotechnical attention required for coffee cultivation and leads to a decrease in production. Limited material and economic resources, combined with adverse climatic events, pest attacks, and the lack of investment in appropriate techniques, further affect the system. The food security aspect and ecological viability of agroforestry systems are exemplified by the family orchards found in the Sierra Maestra system. These agrosilvopastoral practices were widespread in Cuba before 1959. These orchards involve the integrated production of small parcels of agricultural crops, animals, fruits, and forest species adapted to the site’s natural conditions. Typically, these parcels are located around households and aim to provide subsistence production. They serve as a prime example of natural and sustainable agriculture in the Sierra Maestra

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mountain range. The orchards exhibit high biological diversity, featuring diverse combinations of species and partnerships. They demonstrate appropriate soil utilisation and the distribution of components according to their productive potential. Currently, there is a trend to revive traditional practices, including agrosilvopastoral associations, as diversified and sustainable forms of production. This includes intercropping under fruit trees, vegetable gardens, medicinal plant cultivation, livestock production models, and more. In traditional coffee plantations in the mountainous areas of the Sierra Maestra in Cuba, a mixed cultivation approach is employed. Alongside coffee trees, the plantations include trees such as Dioscorea alata and Xanthosoma sp., as well as various banana varieties. Coffee serves as the main source of resources, while the fruit species provide essential supplements to the daily diet of the families involved. Agrobiodiversity Coffee and cocoa agroforestry systems have the potential to support high species richness and serve as a valuable tool for complementing conservation efforts. While these systems are often recognised for their contribution to biodiversity conservation, their primary goal is to improve farmers’ livelihoods by increasing productivity, profitability, and sustainability. Shade trees in coffee systems play a crucial role in providing multiple benefits. They not only enhance global biodiversity but also promote functional biodiversity, which can enhance productivity and ecological resilience. Additionally, farmers have adopted productive diversification strategies, integrating other crops within shaded systems to obtain different resources for self-consumption and sale. Cuba boasts a significant wealth of endemic and exclusive flora and fauna. Vales and Vilamajo (2001) highlight that Cuba has the highest biological diversity among the islands of the Antilles, both in terms of total species richness and endemism, which significantly elevates the value of Cuban biodiversity. The Sierra Maestra region represents the primary hub of biodiversity in Cuba and is one of the key areas in the entire insular Caribbean. In the Sierra Maestra, coffee and cocoa plantations are established under trees, serving as a conservation and biodiversity management tool. These ecosystems host a rich agrobiodiversity, including orchids such as Epidendrum radicans, Apoda prorepentia testaefolia, Acianthera rubroriridis, Isochilus linearis, Specklinia grisebachiana, and Brassia caudata (endemic species from the Sierra Maestra). For centuries, the use of forest trees as shade in coffee and cocoa cultivation has proven to be a sustainable approach. Traditionally, species such as Inga vera, Poeppigiana erythrina, Gliricidia sepium, Lonchocarpus dominguensis, Samanea saman, Spondia mombin, Cedrela odorata, Swietenia mahagoni, Guarea guidonia, Cordia gerascanthoides, Calophyllum antillanum, Regophyllum antillanum, and other economically valuable species have been used as shade trees. These systems also contribute to increased biodiversity, often incorporating fruit trees that provide shade, crop protection, and additional products. In addition to coffee and cocoa, these plantations yield high-quality wood, fruits, and agricultural products such as Dioscorea alata, Musa sp., Ananas comosus, Xanthosoma sagittifolium, Xanthosoma nigrum, Carica papaya, among others.

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Diversified coffee and cocoa plantations that resemble natural forests are excellent for soil protection, water conservation, and maintaining high biodiversity. They provide excellent habitat for wildlife, including species like mollusks that are used for jewellery and personal ornaments due to their colour and beauty, such as Zachrysia bayamensis and Coryda lindoni. Lepidopterans play various roles in food chains and pollination in the Sierra Maestra ecosystems. Species like Greta cubana, Virbia heros (restricted to the Nipe-Sagua-Baracoa and Sierra Maestra mountain ranges), and Calisto isnaeli can be found. The region also exhibits a wide diversity of amphibians and reptiles, including Osteopilus seplentrionalis, Eleutherodactylus auriculatus, Eleutherodactylus cuneatus, Eleutherodactylus dimidiatus, Eleutherodactylus gundlachi, Eleutherodactylus intermedius (endemic to the Sierra Maestra), Sphaerodactylus ramsdeni, Anolis allogua, Anolis alutaceus, Anolis argenteolus, Anolis homolechis, Anolis isolepis, Anolis porcatus, Anolis sagrei, Chamaeleolis porcus, Leucocephala cubensis, Ameiva auberi, and Alsophis cantherigerus. Furthermore, agroforestry systems serve as excellent habitats for terrestrial birds. Trees play a crucial role in the life cycle of land birds, providing habitat, nesting sites, and food sources. The Sierra Maestra is home to a remarkable array of endemic and exclusive fauna. It is inhabited by species like the endemic and threatened Accipiter gundlachi, as well as other endemics such as Myadestes elisabeth, Todus multicolor, and Priotelus temnurus, the national bird of Cuba, which bears the colours of the Cuban flag. Coffea The coffee tree, belonging to the rubiaceae family of the Coffea genus, is a shrub. In Cuba, the most important species within this genus are Coffea Arabica and Coffea Canephora, also known as Robusta, each contributing distinct nuances to coffee. Coffee is cultivated in agroforestry systems in the Sierra Maestra region and serves as a fundamental economic resource for the local peasants. Currently, 57,673.36 ha of land are dedicated to coffee cultivation (Vales and Vilamajo 2001). Theobroma Cacao Cocoa in the country is primarily of the Trinitario type with some resemblance to the Creole variety. The cultivation of cocoa occurs in mountainous areas, with approximately 60% of Cuban cocoa plantations located on slopes ranging from 10 to 40% in topography, necessitating soil conservation measures (Vales and Vilamajo 2001). Malanga Malanga is a highly significant crop in the Sierra Maestra, providing valuable sustenance for the local population. It holds great nutritional value, being easily digestible and possessing favourable culinary properties. Three species of malanga are cultivated in this mountainous region: Xanthosoma sagittifolium, Xanthosoma violacium, and Colocasia esculenta. These species differ in terms of their leaves and rhizomes (Vales and Vilamajo 2001).

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Pumpkin Pumpkins (Cucurbita pepo) are planted in agroforestry systems, either along borders or in small plots intermixed with other crops. Corn Corn (Zea mays) has been cultivated in Cuba since pre-Spanish colonisation, during the time of the indigenous population. It holds significant importance in both human and animal diets. Corn is planted during spring and winter, referred to by farmers as “winter corn.“ While it is traditionally grown as a monoculture, it is also common to intersperse corn cultivation with other crops such as Cucurbita pepo, sweet potato, and cassava. The region primarily uses two corn varieties, Zea mays var. Canilla and Zea mays var. Tusón (Vales and Vilamajo 2001). Banana Bananas hold high priority within the national food programme due to their ability to produce year-round, their high productivity, widespread consumption, and versatile usage. Banana production plays a significant role in Cuba’s overall viand production (Vales and Vilamajo 2001). Other Crops In agroforestry systems, various crops are cultivated together, including coffee and cocoa, while also interspersed with other agricultural crops. These crops, including fruit, forest, and medicinal species, form a significant part of the daily diet and serve as a source of food, income, and livelihood for the producers. Additionally, they contribute to the protection of young plants and soil conservation. Notably, among the representative species found in these crops, the most important are Allium sativum (garlic), Ananas comosus (pineapple), Capsicum sp. (pepper), Citrullus vulgaris (watermelon), Cucumis sativa (cucumber), Cucurbita pepo (pumpkin), Dioscorea alata (yam), Ipomoea batata (sweet potato), Licopersicum sp. (tomato), Manihot esculenta (yucca or cassava), Musa sp. (banana), Oryza sativa (rice), Phaseolus sp. (bean), Saccharum officinarum (sugarcane), Xanthosoma sp. (malanga), and Zea mays (corn). Furthermore, there are several fruit species such as Anacardium occidentale (cashew), Annona muricata (soursop), Annona squamosa (sugar apple), Chrisophyllum immersum (wild star apple), Citrus aurantium (sour orange), Citrus limon (lemon), Citrus reticulata (mandarin), Citrus sinensis (sweet orange), Cocos nucifera (coconut), Mangifera indica (mango), Manilkara zapota (sapodilla), Melicocca bijuga (genip), Persea americana (avocado), Pouteria sapota (red mamey), Psidium guajava (guava), and Spondias purpurea (plum). Forest species present in the area include Bursera simaruba (West Indian birch), Cedrela odorata, Cordia gerascanthoides, Crescentia cujete (calabash), Erythrina berteroana, Gliricidia sepium, Guarea guidonia, Guazuma ulmifolia (bastard cedar), Hibiscus elatus (blue mahoe), Roystonea regia (royal palm), Samanea saman, Spondias mombin (yellow plum), and Swietenia mahagoni (West Indian mahogany). Moreover, there are various medicinal plants like Baldoa purpurescens, Costus spiralis, Foeniculum vulgare (fennel),

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Lippia alba, Majorana hortensis (marjoram), Mentha citrata, and Ocimum basilicum (basil). In addition to the diverse plant species, the agroforestry systems also accommodate various animal species, including pigs, Creole chickens, sheep, goats, dairy cattle, oxen, and horses. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Agroforestry systems have been described by some authors as modern terms for ageold land use practices. These practices can be traced back to ancestral African communities’ “migratory cultivation” and the “cutting-burning” techniques employed by native populations in America. These techniques are regarded as the primitive foundations of agroforestry methods. In Cuba, the adoption of these practices can be traced back to the eighteenth century, specifically in the Sierra Maestra region, when French settlers introduced coffee cultivation (Coffea arabica) in the mountainous areas of the country. This marked the first instance of associating trees with permanent cultivation, with the aim of achieving sustainable yields in hilly conditions. It’s worth noting that traditional agroforestry practices in Cuba also include the conucos or family parcels, which are an integrated form of production known as agrosilvopastoral practices. To fully understand the significance of these agroforestry techniques, it is necessary to consider the long-established agronomic practices employed by farmers on their farms. One such practice involves allowing cultivation plots to rest for one or two years, allowing natural vegetation to flourish. This rotational system ensures that each year a different plot is segregated from the main crop. The purpose of this method is to partially restore the lost fertility caused by continuous cultivation and enhance the organic matter content in the soil. Although crop rotation is still practised to some extent, it is not widespread. In these rotations, farmers intercrop crops with varying nutritional requirements and avoid the continuous cultivation of demanding crops. Traditional rotation cycles in Cuba have included combinations such as yucca-beans-corn-tomatoes-sweet potatoes. The Coffee Tradition The French took an interest in disseminating agricultural knowledge and the benefits of coffee. Among the pioneers in this field, Florence Basile (1801) wrote a treatise on coffee cultivation, which he shared with coffee growers in the country. Boloix and Roduzo (1817) translated a text by Juan Laboire that was distributed to producers in 1822, covering topics such as planting, production, and pruning. Alejandro Dumond (1823) published a work titled “Considerations on the cultivation of coffee,” which advised the use of green fertilisers to preserve soil fertility. Serrano (1837), whose expertise in coffee plantations earned recognition from the Economic Society of Friends of the Country, taught contour-line sowing techniques to prevent erosion. The French adopted a planting distance of 2.54 m × 2.54 m, creating a square pattern that yielded a density of 1550 coffee trees per hectare. This planting distance was used by Cuban farmers throughout the twentieth century and proved suitable for tall coffee varieties like Typica, which was the predominant

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variety planted. The French achieved yields of around 0.41 t/ha of gold coffee. They employed a pruning technique that preserved the coffee tree, allowing for continuous growth and fruit production. This technique, now known as “coffee tree carving,” is believed to have originated from the French word taille, meaning pruning. It is predominantly practised by producers in the Sierra Maestra region. The coffee carver (pruner) was highly skilled and held economic and social recognition. Planting coffee in bags with a small amount of soil around the roots, rather than bare root, and digging large holes enriched with organic matter were common practices introduced by the French and still used today. Coffee production worldwide is carried out using two main systems: full sun and shade. Balmaseda (1890) discusses these cultivation systems, referring to the French method and the rustic method. The French system involved clearing the field and planting coffee plants exposed to sunlight, with only weak protection from bananas and orange trees planted in the squares. The less commonly used rustic system, according to Balmaseda, involved clearing the mountainside by removing bushes and pruning large trees to allow light penetration, without paying much attention to the coffee trees other than an annual cleaning of the area. Balmaseda concludes that coffee plantations following the French system almost disappeared, suggesting that coffee trees require shade as an essential element for their growth. Martinez (1791) provided the initial recommendation for shading coffee trees in Cuba. He advised sowing cotton plants alongside coffee plants to maintain their freshness and ensure proper rooting. The newspaper “El Redactor” (1840) in Santiago de Cuba recommended using Glyricidia sepium as a shade tree for coffee plants. The book “Cuba en la mano” (1940) suggested arranging coffee trees in groups of three or fifteen, with one plant in the centre of each square and a real frame at a distance of 1.5 m between each plant. The recommended shade trees included búcare (Erytrina poeppigiana), búcare espinoso (Erytrina corallodendron), or guaba (Inga vera). After the revolutionary triumph in 1959, significant efforts were made to boost agricultural production in the country, including the cultivation of coffee. New production technologies were applied, and in 1967, the Caturra variety was introduced, which currently occupies the largest percentage of coffee-growing areas. In 1965 (Granma Newspaper, 1965), a set of practical measures proposed by technicians was outlined. These measures included giving the coffee trees at least three rounds of cleaning, pruning and regulating shade, timely pruning and thawing of the coffee, fertilisation, application of organic fertiliser, sealing the coffee plantations, replacing unusable plants, and controlling soil erosion. The first Technical Standards for cultivation were published after the initial national meeting of coffee technicians in 1968 (Agricultural Technical Team-INRA, 1969). Subsequent meetings were held in 1970, 1981, and 1985, resulting in the publication of Technical Instructions for cultivation (Agricultural Technical Team-INRA, 1974; MINAG, 1981 and 1987). These instructions incorporated new knowledge derived from research findings, the introduction of new technologies, and the practical experience gained by producers. The documents covered various aspects such as seed production, nursery management, planting and care of coffee trees and shade trees, cultural practices (including fertilisation, soil conservation, and pest control), as well as coffee harvesting and

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processing. In 2013, the Ministry of Agriculture (National Directorate of Coffee and Cocoa and the Institute of Agroforestry Research) published technical instructions specifically for Arabica and Robusta coffee. Coffee and Cocoa Collection The French introduced the use of baskets for collecting ripe coffee beans in the eighteenth century. This instrument, which is still in use, has proven to be indispensable due to its productivity and ease of manufacturing (Caro 1996). Cocoa, on the other hand, is harvested by cutting the pods with a machete and then collecting the fruits in sacks for transportation to processing centres. During the harvest season, approximately 255,000 people are involved, including around 100,000 farmers and their families, 30,000 workers from other sectors, and 125,000 students (45), highlighting the significant role of this crop in providing employment and generating income for the mountain population. Processing In the production and sale of cherry and cocoa coffee, a unified process has been established. Cooperatives, farmers, and workers cultivate and harvest cherry coffee on the farm and transport it fresh to a collection and processing centre equipped with pulping machines. There are 101 of these centres located throughout the Sierra Maestra massif. However, two different methods are employed in the processing of the beans: (1) direct drying of cherry coffee and cocoa using natural (sunlight) or artificial methods and (2) pulping, fermenting, and washing the cherry coffee and cocoa before drying, either through traditional or ecological means. The dried products are then transported to a processing centre where they are sorted into different categories based on size to obtain high-quality gold coffee. Coffee intended for the producers’ own consumption is naturally dried in the dryers. The drying process of coffee and cocoa holds great significance due to its economic importance. Experience in production has shown that proper drying plays a crucial role in achieving a high-quality marketable product. When the beans are dried correctly, they become easily preservable, while ensuring their desirable taste and aroma. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation Coffee is widely consumed not only for its flavour but also for its stimulating effects. In Cuba, thousands of cups of coffee are enjoyed daily, reflecting its deep-rooted presence in the country’s history, culture, and economy. In both Cuba and the Sierra Maestra region, it is customary to start the day with a cup of coffee before breakfast or offer it to guests during home visits, funerals, or festive occasions. In this region, the traditional method of preparation involves using a colander, which consists of a wooden or metal tool with a cloth sieve where the coffee grounds are placed. Water is boiled with some sugar in a pot, and once it reaches a boiling point, it is gradually poured over the sieve, resulting in an exquisite beverage. Farmers view it as a stimulant and primarily consume it in the morning or during work hours to stay alert and focused. It is also occasionally consumed at night by those seeking to stay awake.

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Festival of Peasant Traditions of the José Martí Pioneer Organisation The festival takes place in the pioneer scout camps, aiming to instil a love for Cuban rural life in the new generation while also contributing to their vocational training in agricultural careers. The pioneers showcase their skills through various activities, including corn shelling, crafting Creole dishes, making ox yokes, horse saddles, cabochons, and more. Each gathering concludes with a grand celebration, known as the peasant farmer party, which is another aspect of the event. During this party, each interest group presents a show that encompasses various forms of expression, ranging from lively debates to small theatrical performances and traditional Cuban music. The festival, which has a competitive nature, sees the participation of 150 contestants, including pioneers and guides. This competition is dedicated to honouring the Cuban peasantry of the Sierra Maestra region. Peasant Traditional Party Peasant traditional parties are gatherings held in the rural areas of the Sierra Maestra. They are known for their attendees, who are typically families or neighbours. During these events, people dance, sing, and engage in a unique form of dialogue known as controversies, all accompanied by music. These celebrations have served as the foundation for many Cuban festivities, including the celebration of saints or birthdays. They represent a cultural tradition deeply ingrained in the peasant community, passed down from one generation to another. Culinary Culture in the Sierra Maestra—The Casabe Indian bread, also known as casabe, is a simple cake made from toasted sour cassava flour. It was the main food for the indigenous populations in the Caribbean. Thanks to casabe, the Tainos were able to expand throughout the Caribbean islands, and after the Iberian conquest, it even reached the Old World as an essential provision on Spanish ships. What’s most fascinating about casabe is its origin. It is made from bitter yucca, a plant species that is poisonous to humans and animals. The indigenous people managed to extract the toxins by pressing the root after scratching it until it turned into a sandy mass. They would then shape it by hand and cook it at high temperatures on an iron griddle called a burén. Despite the passage of centuries, this unique food has not lost its significance at the table. It continues to be produced by families or family groups who have preserved the tradition for generations. New generations of Cubans still know and incorporate casabe into their daily meals. Although casabe is highly sought after during special occasions like Christmas and New Year’s Eve, where it is enjoyed alongside roast pork, it is consumed throughout the year. People eat casabe for breakfast, lunch, and dinner. It can be enjoyed on its own or accompanied by coffee, chocolate, honey, eggs, vegetables, or slightly moistened to create a pleasant texture. It can also be enjoyed as a crispy cake, depending on the consumer’s preference.

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Gender Role In traditional mountain families, women play a crucial role in various essential activities, including seed selection and storage, processing agricultural products, maintaining gardens and family plots, and breeding birds. These tasks contribute significantly to food sovereignty. On the other hand, men are responsible for fetching water from the source, especially when transportation is not available, taking care of burdened animals, performing physical labour, repairing the house, and other related tasks. A similar division of roles can be observed in cooperatives, where women are primarily involved in coffee collection, caring for nurseries, tending to orchards, breeding birds, goats, and cannulas. Meanwhile, men are responsible for digging holes for establishing plantations, loading and unloading coffee bags, and maintaining the coffee plantations, among other duties. Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features The Sierra Maestra remained largely uninhabited and unexploited until the earlytwentieth century. It served as a temporary refuge for fleeing slaves, guerrilla fighters gathering strength, and individuals alienated from the system. However, at the beginning of the century, occupation and assimilation began, primarily driven by three factors: • Coffee plantations were promoted by wealthy entrepreneurs who recognised the market value of coffee and the suitability of the highlands for cultivation. These plantation owners resided outside the mountain range in the plains. Occupation initially occurred along the major rivers, with villages established in the premountainous plain (Veguitas) or in the transitional zone between the plain and the mountains (Guisa, Bartolomé Masó, Buey Arriba). Stone roads were built in the valleys to provide access to the mountains, enabling the transportation of goods. • Displaced subsistence farmers, who were driven out by capitalist expansion and the modernisation of sugar plantations in the early-twentieth century, sought refuge in the Sierra Maestra. They viewed it as a “no man’s land” and a traditional place of resistance. These farmers settled in higher elevations, slopes, and foothills, primarily in remote areas away from the coffee plantations. They practised a system known as “cutting and burn,” where virgin forests were cleared and replaced with smaller crops. After depleting the soil’s fertility, they would move on to new areas, resulting in further deforestation and the expansion of agricultural and pastoral frontiers. • Logging companies, such as Babún, extensively cleared forests, particularly in the southern region (Mosquera Lorenzo et al. 2000). Their primary objective was the exploitation of timber, often accompanied by the establishment of sawmills in the southern plain. The harvested lands were converted into pastures and partially utilised for subsistence farming by local peasants. In terms of infrastructure, these three forms of land use (coffee plantations, smallscale crops and pastures, and natural forests) lacked significant development. There were no roads, networks, or basic amenities in the few human settlements, such as

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schools or healthcare facilities. The marginal nature of this region resulted in isolation and a reliance on spontaneous functioning, both within the eastern macro region and across the entire country. The region underwent two “revolutions,” one social and one natural, which served as catalysts for structural changes. Firstly, the liberating revolution led by Fidel Castro Ruz originated and largely unfolded in the Sierra Maestra. The peasant population, who suffered under the neo-colonial regime throughout the country, selflessly and massively supported this movement. They believed that the revolution aimed to liberate them from indignity and bring about a qualitative leap for the Sierra and the entire nation. Hence, they provided their unwavering support and utilised the organisational experience gained from over 50 years of resistance to contribute to the victory of the revolutionary cause. The “natural revolution” was triggered by the passage of Hurricane Flora in 1963. This powerful hurricane traversed the entire mountain range and the Cauto Valley over the course of a week, looping back along its path. During this time, over 2000 mm of precipitation fell. Hurricane Flora caused a significant environmental and ecological cataclysm. It resulted in the formation of more than 10,000 mass movements, including landslides, rockfalls, ravines, and gullies. The rivers swelled by over 20 m, obliterating terraces and depositing massive blocks in their channels. Almost all crops, including more than half of the coffee plantations, were destroyed. The soil cover, particularly in the foothills and ridges, was decimated, leaving vast areas of bare land. The natural or semi-natural forests were partially felled by the force of winds and heavy rainfall. Numerous settlements and hamlets were demolished, with some buried under layers of mud (Núñez Jiménez 1964). The southern slope of the region suffered extensive damage, becoming desolate and vulnerable to gravitational dynamics. The accumulated debris even reached the beaches at river mouths. These events resulted in a significant transformation of the natural environment, creating a denser and more tumultuous hydrographic network, altering the landscapes of riverbeds and valleys, and giving rise to new areas on the slopes. The Turquino region has experienced a destructive natural erosive process, which is characteristic of many massifs in the eastern macro region. This process has been particularly intense and widespread in this area due to the presence of the large massif of low and medium mountains, which acts as a significant water and gravitational energy reservoir. Consequently, these factors have contributed to powerful erosive actions, including extensive movements of sediment. These two paroxysmal processes, both natural and social, have resulted in a new phase of spatial production characterised by the following features: • A significant decrease in coffee production due to the destructive effects of natural processes, pest infestations, and reduced labour and capital investment. • A sudden reduction in minor crops and the prohibition of “logging and burning” practices. However, there are still existing crop fields, and grazing is being promoted on steep slopes. • A substantial decrease in the dispersed population, with many areas being abandoned due to the exodus of population towards hamlets within the mountain range, especially in villages located on the edge of the massif. Additionally, there has been migration to other towns and cities in the eastern macro region.

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• Notable efforts by government authorities to provide equipment and infrastructure throughout the mountain range, including the construction of roads and highways, reservoirs, protection and tourism facilities, and the improvement and modernisation of municipal and village centres located on the edge of the mountain range. Of particular significance is the construction of the road connecting Pilón with Santiago de Cuba, which runs along the entire southern coastal strip. • A naturalisation process, primarily spontaneous, is occurring in the region. This process involves the recovery of the low and medium mountains’ structure and functioning with minimal human intervention. Within this process, certain areas and elements of space have transitioned into a different threshold and landscape system. These areas include spurs, stirrups, and steep slopes, where the vegetation is more covered with deciduous trees, forming a semi-deciduous dry forest instead of rainforests and mesophilic forests. However, many summits and concave slopes such as valleys and ravines are regenerating a vegetation cover that closely resembles the original, even replacing former coffee plantations. The system of protected areas has been reduced, with the establishment of monitoring and surveillance points, as well as the development of ecotourism and historical tourism trails. However, comprehensive rehabilitation and regeneration measures have not been implemented. As a result, the space that has been evolving in the region since the twenty-first century is primarily composed of regenerating forest formations accompanied by fragments of coffee plantations, pastures, and minor crops (Fig. 5.3).

Fig. 5.3 Typical agroforestry landscape of Sierra Maestra (photo Martina Venturi)

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5.3 The Traditional Tobacco Agricultural System of Viñales, Cuba (Liane Bárbara Portuondo Farías, Mauro Agnoletti, Francesco Piras)

Summary Information Location of the site

Viñales is a municipality located in the central and northern parts of the province of Pinar del Río. It limits to the north with the Caribbean Sea, to the east with the municipality of La Palma, to the south with the municipalities of Consolación del Sur and Pinar del Río, and to the west with the municipality of Minas de Matahambre (ONEI 2018a). Within its territory is the Viñales National Park (VNP), which limits to the north with the longitudinal depressions known as contact poljas. To the south, it borders with the Pizarras del Norte Heights from east to west are: Jagua—La Constancia, Costanera de Linares—Llanos de Manacas—El Abra, Costanera de Galeras—Cayo Las Damas, Guachinango—Pan de Azúcar—Pons Valley and Isabel María Valley. It also borders directly with the Pizarras del Sur Heights in the southwest: Santo Tomás Valley—El Sitio and Viñales Valley—Laguna de Piedra and to the southeast with the Fogón de Los Negros—La Constancia (Govea 2009) 22°37 48.2 N, 83°43 40.9 W (continued)

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(continued) Area of coverage

3500 ha

Topographic features In the Viñales area, there are important elements that catch the eye and constitute attractive natural settings. These include sierras, isolated mountains, poljas, dolinas, river valleys, and underground cavities. There are also semi-natural areas that allow active public use through the practices of ecotourism, scientific tourism, and adventure tourism (Canivell 2018). Similarly, there are large landscape units and a great variety of smaller units; of these, a perfect example is the Faja de Mogotes which consists entirely of sierras, listed as follows: La Chorrera, San Vicente, Viñales, Sitio del Infierno, Santo Tomas, Quemado, Isabel María, Chichones, Derrumbada, Galeras y Ancón). The isolated mountains include Dos Hermanas, Pan de Azúcar and Guachinango, mainly formed on carbonated rocks, with the development of strong karst processes, underground hydrography, and scarce soils (Corvea et al. 2006) Climate type

The duration of the drought period in the region is six months, from mid-autumn to mid-spring. Humidification is classified as high and stable, low evaporation, and cool temperatures with a noticeable daily oscillation of the thermal regime. The average annual air temperature ranges from 22.6 to 24.2 °C; in the winter period between 22 and 24 °C; and in the summer period between 25 and 27 °C (Díaz 2004; ONEI 2018b). The average annual rainfall is approximately 1 600–1 800 mm with average precipitation values in the rainy season of 1200–1400 mm and in the dry period of 200–400 mm. The average annual evaporation values range between 1300 and 1600 mm. The average annual relative humidity at 07:00 is approximately 90–95% and at 13:00 between 65 and 70%. The average annual wetting coefficient is between 1.10 and 1.50 representative of sufficiently humid forest (Govea 2009; ONEI 2018b)

Ethnicity/indigenous population

According to data collected in the archives available to tourist guides at the Adela Azcuy Museum in Viñales, when Cuba was discovered by Christopher Columbus, the entire western part of the island was inhabited by Siboney Indians. The west, to which the territories of Viñales and Minas de Matahambre currently belong, had three basic groups: the Guanahacabibes in the westernmost part of Vuelta Abajo, the Guaniguanico in the central part and the Marien, further east in the region. (Gaiga 2008)

Global Significance At the end of the nineteenth century, Canarian farmers brought new ideas to the area and started cultivating fruit trees, vegetables, coffee, and especially tobacco, which were already grown on the island. Since then, the area has been gradually evolving and continues to do so. The production of tobacco has remained authentic and traditional, as it is believed that modern techniques would harm its quality. Consequently, the area, protected since the 1970s, continues to cultivate this valuable agricultural product using traditional methods passed down through generations. The impact of the past century is evident in the architecture, crafts, and even music of Viñales. The town stretches along Salvador Cisneros Street, where columned

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pathways and red-tiled houses showcase examples of colonial architecture. In the rural areas, houses are simple and constructed using natural materials. The blending of indigenous, African, and colonial influences can be seen in El Veguero, which encompasses the music sung by day labourers and elevated to the status of a musical style by artists like Benito Hernández Cabrera. Viñales has inspired artists such as Domingo Ramos (1894–1956) and Tiburcio Lorenzo (1912–1996), who have captured its beauty in their paintings as the quintessential Cuban rural landscape. Within the valley, there are elevations known as slate heights, formed by the oldest rocks in Cuba, as well as the mogotes of Sierra de los Órganos, which are extraordinary and unique geomorphological formations made of limestone rocks (Corvea et al. 2006). The flora in the area is characterised by its endemism and richness. Among the plant species, the Cork palm (Microcycas calocoma) is particularly popular. Dating back to the carboniferous period of the Paleozoic era, it is the only variety declared a National Monument in Cuba. The cave pictographs allude to the presence of indigenous people, and the bohío, a traditional indigenous dwelling, survived the arrival of the first settlers, eventually evolving into the curing barns that have expanded throughout the valley since the seventeenth century and continue to exist today (Rodríguez and Cruz 1991). In recent years, Viñales has become open to tourism due to its location approximately 200 km west of Havana, the capital of the country. It is an ideal destination for excursions and provides an opportunity to experience Cuban rural life firsthand. Additionally, there are other activities available such as hiking, exploring caves through speleology, and climbing. One of the most typical experiences Viñales offers is visiting a tobacco plantation, where visitors can witness the skilled work of the twisters, who are specialists in rolling authentic Cuban Habanos. Food and Livelihood Security The Viñales municipality is predominantly natural, with some areas used for forestry and subsistence agriculture. While there are small areas dedicated to cultivating food, grains, minor fruits, and vegetables, the primary economic activity is the production of tobacco leaves. Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum) was introduced to the Antilles and other regions before the discovery of the Americas and was later taken to Europe after the fifteenth century. This species belongs to the Solanaceae family. It can grow to a height of 1– 3 m and produces 10–20 broad leaves alternately sprouting from a central stem. The leaves contain nicotine, a toxic alkaloid that can affect the respiratory and circulatory systems of humans. In traditional Cuban agriculture, the tobacco plant is used as an insecticide and is believed to possess vermifuge and anti-dysmenorrheic properties. People in rural areas use the leaves, applying them to the forehead to relieve headaches or brewing a decoction from the root for its febrifuge properties. Farmers who cultivate tobacco rely on the sale of high-quality leaves as their main source of income. Due to the lack of a water distribution system for all residents in the municipality, there is only one area managed by the Tabacuba Group that is designated for seedbeds. Farmers purchase seedlings at a price of 30 pesos for every 1000

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seedlings. Since most farmers have small plots ranging from 1 to 5 ha, they usually buy around 20,000 planting seedlings on rainy days or during light rain. Interestingly, the peasants have an uncanny ability to predict rainy days even after a series of sunny days. They keenly observe the slightest changes in humidity, wind patterns, as well as lunar phases, which play a role in agriculture. These knowledgeable guajiros possess an understanding of the mysteries of nature. After harvesting, the leaves are taken to the tobacco plantations. The Tabacuba Group collects the leaves, which are grouped by quintals on each farm. The value of a quintal varies between 1800 and 2000 pesos. Another significant source of income comes from tourism, which has seen significant growth in the past decade. According to figures from the Ministry of Tourism of Cuba (MINTUR), there were more than 600,000–700,000 visitors in 2016–2017. To cater to a larger number of travellers each season, new modalities have been introduced, including caving, hiking, cycling, climbing, agrotourism, and rural tourism. Nature tourism, in particular, is highly sought-after, and Viñales offers a unique attraction. The town has rapidly prepared itself to accommodate the increasing number of visitors. Currently, it is estimated to have around 2300 rooms available for rent, over 130 restaurants, and approximately 5000 self-employed workers. Since 2000, the local government has aimed to expand the capacity of existing hotel facilities rather than constructing new buildings to preserve the landscape (Canivell 2018). The process of making a Habano is extensive and delicate. It involves various steps, including selecting the land for cultivation, quality control, choosing the appropriate leaves for different parts of the cigar, twisting the leaves, storing them in a suitable environment with controlled temperature and humidity, banding, packaging, and distribution. Highly qualified personnel successfully carry out all these tasks. The tobacco production process begins in September with soil preparation. In October, tobacco plants (seedlings approximately 18 cm tall) are planted, and after three months of growth, when the plant reaches a height of 1.70–1.80 m, pruning is performed to limit growth and promote strength. In April, the collection of leaves begins, which concludes three years later with the twisting process (Espino et al. 2012). The main varieties of tobacco used in the country are Corojo and Criollo. Corojo is a hybrid tobacco plant primarily used for the outer layer of the cigar. Its name originated from the El Corojo plantation, where its seed was developed by a Dutch geneticist in 1948. Since then, several varieties of wrapper tobacco derived from Corojo have been developed, such as Habana 2000, which is used in Cuba and other countries including Nicaragua, Honduras, Ecuador, and the Dominican Republic. Other strains like Corojo 92, Corojo 98, and Corojo 99 have shown improved performance and resistance. The Cuban wrappers are descendants of the Corojo variety, considered the finest wrapper in the world. They are exclusively used by Cubans for their work and are not sold. These leaves are characterised by their thin and elastic nature, rich flavour (sweet, which pairs perfectly with the taste of Cuban fillers), and a wide range of colours, including light, red, and mature. The wrapper should have thin and velvety sheets, dimensions not smaller than 40 × 20 cm, with minimal ribbing, excellent combustibility, a light and uniform colour, and a high

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content of essential oils or resin, which provide the necessary elasticity (Espino et al. 2012). A cigar consists of three types of leaves with different characteristics that serve specific functions. Starting from the outside, they are named wrapper (or layer), binder, and filler. The Corojo leaf is exclusively used for the wrapper. The Criollo leaf is used for both the binder and filler. Criollo grown under direct sunlight is the preferred tobacco plant for creating the binder and filler, and leaves grown in shaded areas that do not meet the criteria for wrapper classification can also be used for binder and filler. From Criollo, four out of the five types of leaves that make up a Habano are obtained, resulting in a diverse range of flavours found in different brands. Criollo is the only authentic Cuban tobacco variety. Depending on the height of the leaf in relation to the base of the plant, its characteristics change, and it will be used as either filler or binder. Agrobiodiversity The exceptional biodiversity of Cuba has been the subject of study for several years Groombridge (1992) acknowledged it as the world’s most biodiverse oceanic island, with approximately 3100 endemic plant species. Another indication of the country’s biodiversity is the presence of around 30 different vegetation types, which places Cuba as one of the key hotspots of biodiversity on the planet (Mittermeier et al. 1999). The Red List of Cuban vascular flora records the existence of 7020 taxa in the country, with approximately 50% of them being endemic (Urquiola et al. 2010). According to Berazaín et al. (2005), 1414 taxa (20% of the total) have been evaluated, and 997 of them are threatened, falling into the categories of Critical Hazard (CR), Endangered (EN), and Vulnerable (VU). Among the threatened flora, there are 1089 endemic taxa (exclusive to the national territory), with 75% of them categorised as threatened. Additionally, 21 monospecific genera are highlighted. Pinar del Río, the westernmost province of Cuba, is part of the country’s second region with high endemism in its flora. It boasts over 3200 species of vascular plants, with approximately 940 being endemic and 348 (11% of the total) categorised as threatened. Among the threatened species, the cork palm (Microcycas calocoma) is an exceptional jewel of the world’s flora (Corvea et al. 2006). This species belongs to a monotypic and paleoendemic genus, a “living fossil” representative of Tertiary flora. The fauna of the region also exhibits significant richness and endemism, particularly among invertebrates such as mollusks and arthropods. In the latter group, there are insects, arachnids, crustaceans, chilopods, diplopods, and others. Vertebrates, including amphibians and reptiles, also show notable levels of endemism. While mammals and birds do not have local endemics, they represent a substantial portion of Cuban endemic species (Corvea et al. 2006). Although a portion of the area is considered protected and characterised by carbonate and sand-clay rocks, there is a wide variety of smaller environments that enhance the ecosystem’s richness. These areas provide habitats and microhabitats associated with water, where species typical of low lagoon-swamp areas thrive.

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The agricultural area of the municipality spans 17,827.1 ha. All of these areas are used for corn cultivation until September, when soil preparation for tobacco planting begins again. In some areas, you can also find crops such as cassava and rice, which are common food sources. Viñales is primarily a forestry municipality, covering an area of 49,247.0 ha, which represents 69.9% of the total area. List of endemic species Agave tubulata Trelease

Hebestigma cubense (Kunth) Urb.

Ancistranthus harpochiloides (Griseb.) Lindau Hypericum styphellioides A. Rich. Anthurium venosum Griseb.

Jacquinia aculeata (L.) Mez.

Aristolochia glandulosa Kickx

Justicia roigii Britt. ex Alain

Aristolochia tigrina A. Rich.

Lantana strigosa (Griseb.) Urb.

Arthrostylidium reflexum Hitchc. & Ekman

Leptocereus ekmanii (Werd.) Knuth

Befaria cubensis Griseb.

Lyonia myrtilloides Griseb.

Behaimia cubensis Griseb.

Machaonia havanensis (Jacq.) Alain

Bombacopsis cubensis A. Robyns

Microcycas calocoma (Miq.) A.DC.

Bursera shaferi (Britt. & Wilson) Urb.

Omphalea hypoleuca Griseb.

Ceratopyxis verbenacea (Griseb.) Hooker f. ex Hooker

Pachyanthus poiretii Griseb.

Clusia brittonii Alain

Pera oppositifolia Griseb.

Cuervea integrifolia (A. Rich.) A.C. Sm.

Pinus caribaea Morelet

Dalechampia denticulata Wr.

Pinus tropicalis Morelet

Ekmanianthe actinophylla (Griseb.) Urb.

Rhytidophyllum rupincola (Urb.) Morton

Erythrina cubensis C. Wright

Roigella correifolia (Griseb.) A. Borhidi & M. Fernández Zequeira

Erythroxylum havanensis Jacq.

Siemensia pendula (Wr. ex Griseb.) Urb.

Espadea amoena A. Rich.

Spathelia brittonii P. Wilson

Eugenia galeata Urb.

Tabernaemontana amblyocarpa Urb.

Eugenia rocana Britt. & Wils.

Terminalia neglecta Bisse

Fleurya havanensis Grudz.

Vernonia aronifolia Gleas.

Gaussia princeps Wendl.

Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems According to studies conducted by Govea (2009), the geographical location and geological features of the Viñales area contribute to the existence of a complex hydrology, which involves various local and regional phenomena. This complexity makes it challenging to categorise the entire territory under a single sector or watershed. Despite being spatially situated north of the province’s main watershed, the surface drainage in the Viñales National Park (VNP) does not follow typical patterns.

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For instance, the Santo Tomás basin, originating from the south, passes through the park and drains westward until it joins the primary river basin in western Cuba. Other basins, such as Palmarito, Novillo, and Zacarías, receive water from the karst massifs, where flows are replenished by local vadose waters. These basins are submerged in underground cavities within the karst mountains, resulting in extensive cave systems spanning over 120 kms. To the north of the karst area, the San Vicente, Las Cuevitas, El Abra, and Pan de Azúcar rivers flow continuously. The Palmarito River basin is particularly significant, as the cracked carbonate rocks facilitate the development of karst processes and house deep aquifers with high-quality carbonated-magnesium waters (Díaz 1999). Additionally, there exists a sub-surface free aquifer of carbonated waters, although it is not usable due to domestic pollutants discharged by older communities and isolated settlers. This aquifer can only be utilised for agricultural purposes, as there is no sewage and treatment system in place. The region also features several endorheic basins, with Los Cañadones being the most prominent. In these basins, funnels or ponores collect surface waters from the surrounding areas. Towards the northwest, there are springs of sulphurous waters partially exploited by the Horizontes San Vicente Hotel. These springs originate from the upwelling of hypothermal waters from deep hydrothermal deposits in sandy-clayey rocks (Díaz and Farfán 2007). In traditional tobacco cultivation in Viñales, a mechanised irrigation system is not employed. The majority of tobacco plots rely on rainwater, with only a few benefiting from surface irrigation. The objectives of sustainable development emphasise the restoration of degraded soils and the improvement of soil health. It is globally recognised that soils should not only support food production but also contribute to water storage and supply, biodiversity preservation, carbon sequestration, and climate resilience. Achieving this goal necessitates the widespread implementation of sustainable land management practices (FAO 2017). Tobacco cultivation serves as the primary source of livelihood in the area. A gram of tobacco seeds can contain between 10,000 and 12,000 seeds. Due to their small size, they are not sown directly into the soil but rather in seedbeds until the plants reach an appropriate size for transplantation. In September, the seedlings are prepared and covered with cloth or straw to protect them from the sun. Germination usually occurs between the fifth and eighth days, and after ten days, insecticides or fungicides can be applied. By the second half of October, when the seedlings reach a height of 15–20 cm, known as “postures,” they are ready for transplanting to the final fields. Once planted, each tobacco plant is regularly tended to through hoeing, phytopathogen control, and the removal of terminal and axillary buds to stimulate leaf growth. This process, called “unbuttoning,” can last for approximately 45–50 days (Hutchens 1999). Temperature plays a crucial role in seed germination and dormancy regulation. Some seeds require cold pre-treatment or alternating temperatures to break dormancy, while the optimal temperature range for tobacco seed germination is 18–23 °C. In Viñales, traditional soil preparation methods are still practised. Peasants use oxen-coupled ploughs, and the furrows are manually terminated using a guataca, a

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tool with a wooden handle and a flat, sharp metal end used for various agricultural tasks. Planting is also done manually by placing the seedlings on the ground. Farmers utilise various sources of fertiliser, including animal manure and crop residues from corn, which is cultivated in rotation with tobacco. The collection process is considered to be the most labour-intensive task as the leaves are handpicked individually or in small groups of two or three. Each Corojo plant has around eight or nine pairs of leaves at different levels. The leaves are collected separately for each level when they are ripe, with intervals of six-seven days. The entire collection cycle for a plant takes about 40 days (Rosa 1981). Once collected, the Corojo and Criollo leaves are taken to the tobacco houses for natural drying before the fermentation phase. These houses are positioned from east to west so that the front and rear are exposed to the sun during sunrise and sunset. The houses remain closed during the leaf healing process (Rosa 1981). In the tobacco houses, the farmers constantly monitor humidity, temperature, and rainfall, adjusting the opening and closing of doors accordingly. The initial task involves skewering the leaves. String machines with large needles pair the leaves and place them on long wooden sticks called cujes, which are about 4–5 m in length. The cujes are then supported on horizontal timbers called sweepers. On an average work day, about 100 cujes are completed. The tobacco undergoes a curing or air-drying process that lasts around 50 days. This natural drying process is closely monitored by controlling temperature and humidity. The strung leaves hang close to the ground and gradually rise to the top of the tobacco house as they dry. The leaves initially wilt and acquire a dark yellow colour. Through oxidation and degradation of chlorophyll, they develop a golden-reddish colour, indicating readiness for the first fermentation. After drying, the tobacco is untied or moored (Bux et al. 1997). The fermentation process, as explained by Pérez et al. (1986), occurs at various stages and follows different procedures depending on the behaviour of the chemical substances in the leaves. Fermentation can take place during piling in the healing house, during selection, destemming, ageing, or at any other deemed necessary. After the dried leaves are available, the sapping or mooring process is carried out, which significantly impacts the quality of the future Habano. The leaves are removed from the sweepers (1000–1500 per unit) in the morning for Corojo to prevent breakage due to excessive dryness. According to Tso (1972), after stacking the leaves, the branched tobacco bundles called matules are pre-selected based on the same cut, and the tobacco is snuffed by shaking the leaves to detach them. The sheets can be wetted for easier handling. The leaves are then classified into layers based on their texture, size, and degree of defects. The leaves are grouped into classes in sheaves or bundles of 40–50 sheets with a ribbon on the head, known as the embellished phase. The puzzled leaves are placed in a basket and handed to the handler, who ties two sheaves together by their heads, turning them with a ribbon. This process is known as a handful. The leaves are straightened, ironed, and another ribbon is passed until it reaches the top of the bunch, where it is secured with a knot. At this point, the second fermentation begins. The dark tobacco leaves are placed on wooden donkeys

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and remain there for one-three months, depending on the type of tobacco. Regular thermal measurements are taken during this process. After fermentation, the tobacco is prepared in packages or tercios, which are formed by closing bundles of tobacco in yaguas. Yagua refers to the fibrous tissue surrounding the top of the royal palm, which is used for various purposes. Once the curing and fermentation process is complete, the leaves are grouped into bales and sent to a central warehouse for distribution to different factories. The leaves are covered with yaguas and separated into groups within wooden boxes, maintaining the tradition of using plant-based materials. In the destemming workshops, the leaves are selected based on their size. Incomplete or broken leaves are directed for use as filler. The leaves intended for wrappers have a quarter of the central vein removed, while those chosen for the layer have the entire central vein extracted. The vein is pulled manually to prevent the leaf from breaking. The tobacco leaves are then placed on a table in groups of 25 half-sheets and moved to the galley for twisting. The filler leaves, after destemming, are placed on tendales or grills made of spaced wooden rods to allow the leaf to lose moisture. They are later packed into large wooden barrels, which are well covered to create splicing leaves. This process removes the natural molasses from the leaves, resulting in better curing for the twister’s work. It improves combustion and prevents frequent extinguishing of the Habanos without compromising their aroma. The cigar twisting process takes place in the galley, typically the brightest and most spacious room on the property. The twister, the skilled artisan responsible for this task, uses various tools such as a board, a blade or key, a guillotine, vegetable-based glue, a press, and moulds. The removal of the tobacco leaf skeleton is one of the oldest tasks associated with Habano production. For female skewers, it is often their primary source of income. Their hands move delicately over the tobacco leaves, treating them as though they were precious treasures. This subtle craft is passed down through generations, becoming a family tradition. The women spend around eight hours a day inside the tobacco houses, meticulously skewering the leaves with needles in hand. They are an indispensable part of the vegas’ history and proudly dedicate their lives to it. These women play a crucial role in determining the quality of the future Habano after twisting (Machín 2019). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The transmission of knowledge from one generation to another begins with oral communication and is solidified through practical work in the field. As agricultural lands are passed down within families, the experienced farmers pass on their knowledge to their children, nephews, or grandchildren who will inherit the land in the future. The farmers’ houses are situated on their own farms, creating an entirely agricultural environment where children grow up and receive education. From a young age, they learn to identify different types of soil and develop skills for cultivating various crops. In the case of tobacco, the younger generation becomes adept at recognising different varieties and their specific characteristics, often surpassing the knowledge of the more experienced farmers, as many new strains are introduced or adapted to the local territory.

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The farmers’ greatest satisfaction comes when their children decide to pursue agronomy studies at the University of Pinar del Río. While traditional knowledge is undoubtedly essential, combining it with innovative ideas such as integrated pest management or the use of crop varieties resistant to local conditions significantly enhances yields without compromising the desired leaf quality. The local government, in collaboration with the Tabacuba Group, organises specialised courses for these young individuals, ensuring their training in tobacco cultivation while preserving the essence of tradition. Families remain united throughout the entire agricultural process of cultivating tobacco. Men prepare the soil for planting, while women primarily engage in leaf stripping after the harvest. However, it is not uncommon to find women assisting with other tasks such as unravelling or harvesting. At the end of each day, conversations revolve around the total production of the season or analysing any changes in weather conditions to anticipate rain. Once the entire season’s production is sold, a portion of the earnings is allocated to a family dinner, serving as a celebration for the completion of the arduous yet rewarding task of tobacco cultivation. The tradition of the Side’s party can be traced back to the nineteenth century and holds great cultural significance in the region. It has been mentioned in texts by Tranquilino Sandalio de Noda, Cirilo Villaverde, and José Victoriano Betancourt. Historical accounts include Félix Manuel Tanco’s chronicle of a cockfight that took place during the Side’s party in 1848 and Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda’s interest in the local festivities during her tribute at the Liceo of Pinar del Río in late September 1863. The festivities were marked by a patron saint and involved games between Creoles and Spaniards, representing different factions (Redpinar 2019). A dance called “The Butterflies” originated in Cortés and La Grifa and later spread to Las Martinas between 1794 and 1850. This dance, influenced by Haitian singing and dance, combined elements of contradanza, zapateo, and African movements. It involved linked formations, with women wearing wide skirts adorned with ribbons, lace, and interlocking. When the women spun, they held the tips of their skirts with both hands, mimicking the open wings of a butterfly (Redpinar 2019). A prominent cultural institution in Viñales is the Marine Azcuy Culture House, which construction began in 1896. Initially known as the Casona de Viñales, it served as a gathering place for Spanish settlers in the area. In 1906, it officially opened under the name of the Spanish Colony after several construction phases. It became one of the most magnificent buildings in the town, designed in harmony with the square in the same architectural style. Starting from 1910, the building began to be used as a cinema, game room, ballroom, and even housing. Following the Cuban revolution, activities such as the filming of “The Days of Water,” which tells the story of the famous left Antoñica, were conducted there. It wasn’t until 1976, with the establishment of the Popular Power, that the Spanish House transformed into the House of Municipal Culture. After undergoing multiple renovations, it was finally inaugurated on July 30, 1982. The House of Culture is responsible for promoting community participation in creative processes, appreciation of arts and literature, and strengthening the cultural identity of the region. It focuses on two main objectives:

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• Enhancing cultural outreach within the municipality by the Culture House towards different local communities. • Providing technical guidance and methodological support to all Popular Councils within the House of Culture system. The Habanos Festival, the largest event of its kind in the world, takes place in Havana and features various activities related to cigars, from cultivation to preparation. More than 2000 participants from around 70 countries attend the festival. International seminars are held, offering lectures by experts, and competitions allow participants from different countries to test their knowledge of the world of Habanos. The festival also includes organised visits to tobacco plantations in the province of Pinar del Río and various factories where the production process takes place. During the presentation of the XXI edition of the Habanos Festival, Habanos S.A., the corporation that exclusively sells the 27 Habanos brands, revealed the economic data for 2018. The business figures showed revenues of 537 million dollars, a 7% growth compared to the previous year. Around 450 million premium cigars were sold worldwide, except in the US due to the trade embargo. At the recently concluded festival, 22 humidors (handcrafted boxes made of precious woods for storing cigars) were auctioned. The humidor dedicated to the San Cristóbal de la Habana brand raised 175,000 euros, H Upmann 150,000 euros, Romeo and Juliet 200,000 euros, and Montecristo 220,000 euros. The most attractive and highest-priced humidors were Trinidad and Cohiba, each selling for 300,000 euros (Habanos 2019). The auction raised a total of four million convertible pesos (CUC), which were donated to the Ministry of Health of Cuba. This is one of the annual donations made by the tobacco sector and the Ministry of Tourism (MINTUR) to sectors affected by the economic embargo. In terms of sales volume, the top five markets for Habanos S.A. historically have been Spain, China, France, Germany, and Cuba. In terms of regions, Europe remains the largest market for Habanos, accounting for 53% of volume sales, followed by America with 18%, Asia and the Pacific with 15%, and Africa and the Middle East with 14%. The current year was significant for Habanos as it marked the fifth centenary of the foundation of the city of Havana and the 50th anniversary of the Trinidad Habanos cigars, one of the company’s iconic brands. Other notable brands include Cohiba, Montecristo, Partagás, Romeo and Julieta, Hoyo de Monterrey, and H. Upmann. Each farmer in Viñales expresses a deep attachment to their village and would never consider leaving. They have a strong connection to their land and enjoy simple pleasures such as drinking a robust cup of coffee in the morning after grinding a few beans on a pylon or smoking their own tobacco leaves in the afternoon on the porch of their houses, shaded by the mogotes. They take pride in being called guajiros, a term used in Cuba to refer to peasants who have been born and lived their entire lives working the land. Interestingly, the word guajiro is originated from the term “war hero” used by Americans during the era of Cuban independence struggles, and became incorporated into the Cuban language.

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Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features Viñales is renowned for its distinct geological features, diverse landscape, and unique geomorphology. In the near future, it may receive recognition as a Geo-Park due to its outstanding geological heritage. Geo-Parks are territories granted a non-normative distinction by UNESCO for their remarkable geological characteristics. The Viñales proposal highlights 57 identified geosites, including 10 of international interest, 27 of national interest, and the remaining sites of regional and local interest (Cubadebate 2019). The region also boasts significant biological diversity, spanning a range of environments that directly or indirectly interact with local socio-economic activities. There are three main geomorphological domains in Viñales: mogotes, heights, and flat contact depressions. Mogotes are low-lying mountains primarily composed of limestone rocks, characterised by intense karst processes. They feature steep slopes, sometimes vertical, with rounded tops and towers. Other forms include conical shapes with pointed peaks, as well as less inclined slopes and extensive areas of eroded karst. Within the large massifs known locally as “saws,” numerous faults and cracks can be found, which expand through dissolution to form sinkholes and karst openings. Underground water passages also develop linearly within the massif, resulting in underground cavities. These processes eventually lead to the formation of dissolution-collapse sinkholes, locally referred to as “holes,” which exhibit notable variations depending on their evolutionary period (Martínez et al. 1991). Mogotes represent a simple karst relief form, lacking significant variations, while the “saws” exhibit a relief characterised by multiple units separated by linear or areal depressions of varying complexity. Positive relief forms include mogotes, mountains, and small eroded elevations, while negative relief forms include sinkholes, depressions, and canyons. The most prominent feature in the territory is the “Sítio del Infierno” mountain range, reaching an elevation of 617 m above sea level, known as “El Americano mogote” (Govea 2009). The underground relief forms are predominantly of river origin, although there are also formations resulting from vadose and lacustrine processes. The dominant surface micro relief is lapiaz, while the underground presents a wide variety of secondary formations and other erosive forms. The processes shaping the mogote geomorphological domain are primarily karst-related, although there is also differential physical erosion on shales and argillites between limestone layers. Graviclastic processes occur on slopes, while dissolution-collapse processes shape the underground relief and sinkholes. Notable isolated mogotes include Pita, El Santero, Sugar Loaf, El Guachinango, Dos Hermanas, Coco Solo, Robustiano, Puertecitas, Esmeralda, and Fogón de Los Negros. The mountain formations include Tumbadero, San Vicente, Viñales, Sitio del Infierno, Ancón, Galeras, Quemado, Sugar Loaf, and Collapsed. The region is also home to large canyons, such as Puerta de Ancón, Abra, El Boquerón, El Serrucho, and El Grillo (Martínez et al. 1991).

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The Pizarras heights consist of sand-clay rocks that undergo strong erosion and denudation processes. They are characterised by their steep slopes and worn peaks. Some peaks have metamorphic mantles of greater hardness, usually representing the highest points with pointed peaks and steeper slopes. The friability of the rocks and the effects of water erosion result in high horizontal dissection, leading to the formation of numerous valleys, ravines, and depressions. Prominent geomorphological elements in the Pizarras heights include Loma del Mango, Loma Blanca, Loma Blanquizales, La Calabaza, and the Mirador de Las Cuevitas, located mostly in the buffer zone. Within the core area, the Loma del Fortín stands out as a natural viewpoint (Lehmann et al. 1956). The most remarkable flat depressions in the region are known as contact moths. These depressions are formed through erosive processes occurring between the two main lithologies in the area: carbonated rocks, where chemical erosion by dissolution predominates, and terrine rocks, where physical (mechanical) erosion prevails. Some unique sites of this relief include Viñales, Laguna de Piedra, San Vicente, Ancón, Santo Tomás, Quemado, Isabel María, La Costanera, Sugar Loaf, Los Cañadones, as well as the blind valleys of Palmarito, La Jutía, La Penitencia, and El Sitio (Lehmann et al. 1956). A distinctive feature of the Viñales landscape, not found elsewhere in Cuba, is the resemblance to the reclining figure of Martí. When observing the mogotes from the road connecting the town of Viñales to the El Moncada community, specifically at a place called Sítio del Infierno, the combination of several mogotes forms a profile that closely resembles José Martí, the national poet of Cuba. Interestingly, it is not a single mountain but three elevations located in the Sierra Guasasa, precisely where the road crosses between the Viñales valley and the San Vicente valley. This remarkable discovery was made during explorations conducted by Prof. Onaney Muñiz, who worked at the National Geography Institute until his retirement. The discovery was significant enough to warrant an article in the Guerrillero newspaper titled “Lying Martí,” published on October 19, 1991. This finding enhances the pride and identity of the residents of the Viñales municipality. The area comprises heavily karstified rock massifs, including Viñales, El Infierno, Celadas, Sierra Collapsed, Sierras de Galeras, Ancón, and the solitary mogote of Pan de Azúcar. Various geological formations dominate the region, such as the Guasasa units, characterised by massive limestones, calcarenites, micritic-calcareous cherts, occasional dolomitization, and stratified limestones (biomicrites) with silicone intercalations. The Jagua formation comprises limestones, shales, argillites, and fossiliferous calcareous concretions in the middle part. The San Cayetano formation consists of sandstones, shales, and filitized shales. Additionally, there are occasional Ensenada Grande formations, mainly composed of alluvial deposits and lacuno-palustrine deposits (Acevedo and Gutiérrez 1974).

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Due to the geological and geomorphological characteristics, most of the territory features skeletal soils. The presence of elevated areas with both carbonate and sand-clay materials, coupled with erosive processes, hinders the accumulation of an effective substrate for soil formation. In the low-lying areas where residual materials from limestone with a high clay content are deposited, red pre-rendzinas are formed, evolving into red rendzinas, which are typical red Ferralitic soils found in dolinas, grapes, and karst moths (Jaimez et al. 2006). Rendzinas usually have limited effective depth, and their acidity is influenced by the organic matter content. The typical red Ferralitic soils are relatively thicker, highly friable, and exhibit an acidic pH of 6–6.5. Brown soils with carbonates are found on the outer slopes of the calcareous heights. These soils are shallow and tend to have a neutral to basic pH. On the Pizarras heights composed of shales, phyllites, heavily fractured and friable quartzites, the soils are prone to weathering. The residual materials from the Pizarras heights, primarily consisting of clays and quartz fragments, accumulate at the bottom of valleys and marginal moths, resulting in red-yellowish Ferralitic soils with varying degrees of leaching based on the content of quartz sand fragments and the duration of evolution. These soils are shallow, acidic, and have a low organic matter content (Jaimez et al. 2006). In the river valleys, alluvial deposits containing patches of sandy-quartzitic soils can be found. In the karst moths characteristic of limestone elevations connected to river caves, red-yellow Ferralitic soils with varying degrees of leaching occur due to the sandy-clay material deposited by river currents. The depth of these soils varies significantly and is associated with local geomorphological characteristics. The pH of the soils also varies, depending on the sediment dynamics and deposit characteristics. In the municipality of Viñales, the total area is 69,300 ha, of which 16,100 ha are classified as agricultural and 53,200 ha as non-agricultural. Within the agricultural area, approximately 8100 ha are cultivated, while 8000 ha are classified as uncultivated, and 2700 ha are idle.

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5.4 The Sabana de Morro Agroforestry System in Dolores, El Salvador (Ever Alexis Martínez Aguilar, Francesco Piras, Antonio Santoro)

Summary Information Location of the site

The site corresponds to the Municipality of Ciudad Dolores, Department of Cabañas, El Salvador 13°46 33 N, 88°34 26 W

Area of coverage

14,000 ha

Topographic features

SIlvopastoral areas on gentle slopes, with an average altitude of 195 m a.s.l

Climate type

Aw-Equatorial savannah with dry winter (Köppen-Geiger climate classification), with average rain per year of 1823 mm and average temperature of 26.6 °C

Ethnicity/indigenous population Not applicable

Global Significance During the initial period of Spanish rule, numerous colonial settlements were established in El Salvador. According to traditional accounts, in the year 1681, several

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Latino and Mulatto families founded a settlement known as Puebla de Titihuapa or simply La Puebla, located 3 km from the Titihuapa River in the San Cristóbal plain. Fifty years later, in 1731, the population of La Puebla was devastated by a smallpox outbreak, and the surviving residents are relocated near the Sisicua River. This new settlement became known as La Puebla Nueva de Titihuapa or simply La Puebla Nueva. In 1740, Don Manuel de Gálvez Corral, the Mayor of San Salvador, visited the area and described it as a valley inhabited by Mulattoes and Mestizos, who were mainly engaged in agriculture (corn, cotton, and beans), poultry farming, and cattle breeding. This indicates that cattle breeding was already a common practice in the region by 1740. In Dolores, traditional cattle breeding techniques are still employed, which have remained largely unchanged since the introduction of cattle to El Salvador 500 years ago during the Spanish colonisation. The local soil is not suitable for cultivation due to its poor fertility and high clay content. Therefore, the farmers in the area have adapted to these conditions by focusing on cattle breeding for cheese production. They have discovered that the naturally growing morro trees in the pastures offer multiple benefits and have decided to leave them intact, creating a unique system and landscape that benefits the cattle, the farmers, and the morro trees. Morro trees can be considered multipurpose trees. They provide fruit and flowers to supplement the cattle’s feed and offer shade for the grazing animals, which is particularly important in Dolores due to the hot equatorial climate. Furthermore, the fruits and seeds of morro trees have other uses, such as the production of handicrafts or horchata de morro, a typical cold beverage. The cattle that consume the pulp and seeds of the morro trees produce milk that is believed to have a distinct flavour, enhancing the traditional cheese production. Additionally, the seeds benefit from the passage through the digestive system and the use of manure for germination. The global significance of this system lies in the fact that it represents a unique and sustainable productive system based on silvopastoral practices and the strong interaction between farmers, cattle, and trees. The system is self-sufficient and sustainable as it primarily relies on local resources with minimal external inputs. Moreover, this system can serve as a model of “good agricultural practices” that can be replicated in similar environments, addressing social vulnerabilities like rural youth migration and providing local farmers with better economic opportunities, particularly through the promotion of local products and rural tourism (Fig. 5.4). Food and Livelihood Security Livestock plays a significant role in agricultural production in El Salvador, with an average of one head of cattle per six people and two chickens per person. Cattle production provides approximately 150,000 permanent jobs, and the majority of livestock owners in El Salvador manage small cattle farms. Of the over 65,000 cattle producers in the country, 73 percent own fewer than 20 head of cattle (Salazar et al. 2019). Although rural activities are crucial for the inhabitants of Dolores Municipality, where only 22.3% of the population is classified as urban, there is a frequent migration of young people from the entire Cabañas Department to larger cities. In Dolores

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Fig. 5.4 Presence of Crescentia alata and C. cujete scattered trees on pastures provides shade and fruits to the livestock (photo Ever ALexis martinez Aguilar)

Municipality, as of 2007, there were 1005 farmers and approximately 2257 individuals employed in agricultural activities (Ministerio de Economia 2009). These figures indicate that around 15.8% of the population consists of farmers, and an additional 35.7% is employed in agriculture. It’s important to note that other family members are often involved in farming activities as well, underscoring the rural nature of Dolores. The social and economic structure of the rural sector primarily revolves around small-scale family farms. Official statistics classify only 290 farmers as commercial farmers, with 18.6% of them being women. In contrast, 714 farmers are classified as small-scale producers, with 11.1% being women, and 275 are categorised as family farms. These numbers highlight the sub-ordinate role of women in farming, despite their crucial contributions to agricultural activities. The prevalence of small-scale and family farms is also evident in the size of the farms themselves: 56.7% have a land area smaller than 1 hectare, while 16% range from 1 to 5 ha. The total number of cattle in Dolores Municipality amounts to 14,139, consisting of 3888 calves, 2997 steers, 485 bulls, 64 oxen, 3064 non-productive cows, and 3642 milk-producing cows (Ministerio de Economia 2009). The average milk production from the dual-purpose cattle commonly raised in Dolores is approximately 8 L per cow per day (equivalent to 11 bottles), which aligns with the values of 4–8 L per day reported by Ortéz et al. (2016). Most local farmers sell their milk production to

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large cheese processors, as it has become more practical and economically feasible compared to producing Puebla Cheese independently. In addition to cattle, other animals are commonly raised in the area. Poultry and pigs, numbering 858 and 514, respectively, in Dolores, are primarily raised for selfconsumption or for sale at the weekly local market, which serves as an important venue for farmers to sell animals and animal products. Official statistics also report the presence of 55 equines, 10 goats, 25 Pelibueyes sheep, and 33 beehives in the region (Ministerio de Economia 2009). Apart from cattle breeding, local farmers also cultivate various crops, mainly for self-consumption or as feed for the livestock. The main crops in Dolores Municipality include maize (Zea mays), sorghum (Sorghum vulgare), and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris, Chaparrastique variety), with two production cycles per year. The Postrera cycle (the second cycle) from August to December is of particular importance to local families. While maize and beans are cultivated for human consumption, sorghum is solely used as animal feed. Additionally, smaller areas are dedicated to the cultivation of other forage species such as Hyparrhenia rufa, Digitaria swazilandesis, Digitaria decumbens, Brachiaria decumbens, Pennisetum purpureum, and Cynodon spp. Morro fruits are not consumed directly by humans, but they hold great importance as a natural product for cattle and serve as a crucial component of the traditional silvopastoral system. Regarding the composition of Morro fruits, they contain 17% crude protein and 32% in vitro digestibility of dry matter (Benavides, 1994). Some researchers recommend providing adult cows and bulls with 3.56–4.4 kg of Morro fruit per animal per day after an adaptation period (Zamora et al. 2001). The quality of Morro fruit for cattle feeding is highly favourable, as indicated by the chemical analysis conducted by the Department of Agricultural Chemistry at the University of El Salvador, which revealed that the pulp contains 22.54% crude protein. In its natural state, the pulp is not edible for humans due to its phytochemical composition, including alkaloids, saponins, and cyanogenic glycosides such as hydrocyanic acid (HCN) (Ogbuagu, 2008). However, Morro fruits can be used as a dietary supplement for cattle, resulting in a 25–50% increase in milk productivity (Sánchez et al. 2013; Zamora et al. 2001). Agrobiodiversity The Sabana de Morro represents a remnant of one of the original types of natural vegetation in El Salvador. Today, only small areas of the country still maintain the original vegetation due to significant changes in species composition and the structure of the land caused by various civilizations and the exploitation of natural resources. Different types of savannah can be identified, depending on the presence of shrubs or trees. The wooded savannah, characterised by the presence of Morro trees (Crescentia alata), is locally known as Morrales (Lötschert 1953). The Morrales zone is widespread throughout the country and transforms into a Sabana de Morro when used for traditional grazing activities. The development of Sabana de Morro likely occurred incrementally as farmers decided to leave Morro trees in the pastures due to their multiple benefits. This incidental adoption of agroforestry practices has resulted in changes to the landscape (Bass 2004).

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The characteristic plants of these regions and the proposed system are Morro and Jícaro (Crescentia cujete), which can be easily identified by the shape of their fruits. Crescentia alata and Crescentia cujete are two deciduous trees from the Bignoniaceae family. They are small trees, ranging from 4 to 8 m in height (maximum 18 m), with a diameter at chest height of 30 cm (maximum 60 cm). They have a slow growth rate and are originally from Mexico, featuring a rounded or spreading crown. These trees are tolerant to temporary floods and poorly drained soils. The leaves are trifoliate, alternate or clustered, with large winged petioles (alata means “winged”) measuring 4–5 cm in length and 0.5–1.0 cm in width. The upper surface of the leaves is dark green and glossy. The fruits of Crescentia alata are round with a diameter of 7–10 cm (maximum 15 cm), while the fruits of C. cujete have a similar shape but can reach larger sizes (15–30 cm). Morro trees begin to bear fruit after 15 years and, according to local farmers, can continue producing for up to 50 years. Fruit production can reach up to 27 kg per tree per year starting from the 8th year, with a variation between 10 and 200 fruits (averaging 60–80) per tree (Reyna de Aguilar 1991). Inside the fruit, there is a white pulp containing numerous seeds (300–900 seeds per fruit). The outer part of the fruit is extremely hard to break. This characteristic is believed to have evolved as a defence mechanism against seed predation by extinct megafauna in the region. However, it now appears to be a counterproductive strategy, as the seeds cannot germinate unless the fruits are opened, and no animals currently living in its native range, except horses and humans, can break open the fruits. The most commonly cultivated plants in Dolores are maize, beans, and sorghum. The local bean variety, called Chaparrastique, is native to El Salvador. In terms of maize, three main varieties are cultivated. One is primarily used for human consumption (H-59), another for both human and animal consumption (H-5), and the third solely for animal feed. As for sorghum, which is exclusively used as animal forage, three main varieties are cultivated. One is a local variety known as Chalateco, while the other two are commercial varieties (CENTA S-2, CENTA S-3). Other herbaceous species are also grown as fodder for cattle, including Cynodon spp. and Pennisetum purpureum. Commercial varieties of Brachiaria hybrid (Cayman® , Camello® , Mulato II® ) are less common. Local species such as Hyparrhenia rufa, Digitaria swazilandesis, Digitaria decumbens, and Brachiaria decumbens are also cultivated for fodder purposes. Historically, El Salvador had a local cattle breed called Creole, which was descended from the bovines brought by Spanish colonists to America (Inchausti and Tagle 1967; Fowler 2011). Unfortunately, this breed became extinct in the twentieth century due to continuous crossbreeding with more productive breeds (Calles 1971; Pleitez et al. 2003). However, some of the Creole breed’s genotype is preserved in the “Criollo Lechero Tropical” (CLT) breed found in other Central American countries (De Alba 1985). Presently, local farmers commonly crossbreed different breeds, including European-origin breeds like Holstein and Brown Swiss, which are known for their milk production, with Brahman (Bos indicus), which is more tolerant to tropical conditions but has lower milk production. An exception is the Gyr (Bos

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indicus) breed, recently introduced, which exhibits high milk production and good adaptation to the tropical climate. The traditional management of Sabana de Morro allows the growth of diverse herbaceous species on the pastures, resulting in a rich agrobiodiversity. The herbaceous plants found in Sabana de Morro pastures mainly belong to the Gramineae, Leguminosae, or Asteraceae families. Common herbaceous plants include Cynodon dactylon (barrenillo), Echinocloa frumentacea, Echinocloa polystachya (pasto alemán), and Digitaria sanguinalis (pata de gallina). Some of these plants are considered weeds, such as Cyperus michelianus and C. difformis (coyolillo) or Stylosanthes hamata. The Morrales are also rich in epiphytes, including Tillandsia caput-medusae and T. schiedeana (both known as gallitos), as well as orchids like Laelia rubescens. Hylocereus undatus (pitahaya) can also be found in the area, and the local population collects and consumes its fruits. If the Sabana de Morro is left unused for several years, spontaneous shrubs begin to grow, initiating an ecological succession towards Sabana de Arbustos Espinosos (thorny bush savannah), which is formed by Acacia farnesiana and Acacia cornigera (Lagos et al. 1997). The areas surrounding Sabana de Morro pastures, as well as simple pastures or cultivated areas, are occupied by dense forests. Local forests are classified as Tropical Dry Forests, typical of the Tropical Arid Low-Hot Land climate (below 700 m a.s.l.) with a dry season lasting 4–7 months. These forests shed their leaves annually during the dry season and represent the potential forest type of El Salvador at lower altitudes, which has been significantly cleared in the past to create agricultural land. The most common species found in these forests include Byrsonima crassifolia (Nance), Apeiba tibourbou (Peine demico), Curatella americana (Chaparro), Tabernaemontana donnell-smithii (Cojon de puerco), Bursera simaruba (Jiote), Gliricidia sepium (Madre cacao), Luehea candida (Cabodehacha), Cochlospermum vitifolium (Tecomasuche), Guazuma ulmifolia (Caulote), Handroanthus chrysanthus, and Ipomoea arborescens (Siete pellejos) (Lötschert 1953; Janzen 1988; Dickey and Van Rossem 1938; Kovar 1945; Mertens 1952). None of these local species are suitable for obtaining high-quality timber, and they are mainly used as firewood. Some of them, like Gliricidia sepium and Bursera simaruba, are also traditionally used for constructing fences that divide the Sabana de Morro patches. The diverse habitats that result from the Sabana de Morro agroforestry systems support a variety of wildlife, including birds (Polyborus plancus, Buteo nitidus, Icterus pectoralis, Columbina talpacoti, Eumomota superciliciosa, Zenaida asiatica), reptiles (Ctenosaura similis, Iguana iguana, Drymarchon melanurus, Boa constrictor), and mammals (Dasypus novemcinctus, Didelphis marsupialis, Canis latrans, Odocoileus virginianus, Sylvilagus floridanus). Among the mammals, the coyote (Canis latrans) poses significant economic risks to local farmers as it can attack pigs, poultry, and cattle calves. The Dolores municipality is crisscrossed by a vast hydrographic network of rivers and streams that also harbour rich biodiversity, including fish, crabs, and shrimps. The most important rivers in the area are the Sisicua River, Titihuapa River, and the Lempa River, which forms the eastern border of the municipality.

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The Sabana de Morro agroforestry system serves as a promising model for other regions, as it simultaneously promotes biodiversity and supports the livelihoods of local farmers. Proper management of the tree component, as observed in Sabana de Morro, can enhance nutrient cycling, benefit pastures, and provide additional tree products such as fodder, timber, firewood, and more, ultimately improving animal productivity (Muschler 2016). While conventional cattle ranching is a significant contributor to greenhouse gas emissions, traditional silvopastoral systems play a crucial role in adapting to and mitigating climate change. The shade provided by trees in tropical climates is particularly valuable, as it enhances animal welfare, leading to a 12–15% increase in milk production and a reduction in the need for veterinary services (Braun et al. 2016). Morro trees also benefit from the traditional system. Their hard peel prevents seeds from germinating unless the outer part of the fruit is broken. Additionally, the seeds remain undamaged as cattle consume the pulp. On the contrary, this process works to their advantage as cows disperse the seeds across the pasture, and the subsequent manure facilitates their germination (Fig. 5.5). Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Many local farmers in Dolores still follow traditional practices when it comes to using Morro fruits in cattle feeding. The most common method is to allow the cattle

Fig. 5.5 Cows resting under Morro trees that protect the cattle from the hot direct sunlight (photo Ever Alexis Martinez Aguilar)

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to freely consume the fruits when they fall to the ground. While this system is costeffective and requires no labour, it can be hazardous for the animals as whole fruits may get stuck in their throats, potentially causing death by asphyxia (enmorradas). To prevent this, farmers can quickly intervene by pushing the fruit down the animal’s throat using a thin stick obtained from the central part of a banana tree stem. Another approach is for farmers to collect the fruits from the trees, cut them with a machete, and leave them on the ground. However, this method also presents problems as cutting the fruit can create sharp edges on the hard peel, leading to internal lacerations. The third approach is to harvest the Morro fruits when they are ripe or just before, cut them, extract the pulp, and place it in the cattle feeder. Cattle breeding in Dolores also follows traditional practices. Farmers divide their pasture and Sabana de Morro into different plots using traditional fences. They primarily rely on the natural grasses found in the Sabana de Morro, necessitating careful plot management to avoid overgrazing. This is due to the poor quality of the Sabana de Morro soils, which are unsuitable for pasture improvement using hybrid varieties. Pasture management mainly involves allowing the cattle to graze in one plot until the grass is depleted and then moving them to another plot to allow for vegetation regrowth. This management approach is also employed with sheep. When a calf is born, the farmer keeps the cow and the calf together for a week, during which the calf exclusively feeds on the cow’s milk. After a week, the farmer begins manually milking the cow while the calf is tied to the cow’s leg, with threequarters of the milk going to the farmer and one-quarter to the calf. After milking, the farmer releases both the cow and the calf, allowing them to stay together so that the calf can learn to eat grass. They are separated only during the night when all the calves are kept together. This management practice continues for approximately five and a half months after the calf’s birth. After this period, the calves are only used to stimulate milk production, being kept with the cow during milking, while the rest of the time, the calves graze freely together in one plot. Productive cows are also kept in separate grazing plots. This management continues until the cows produce enough milk, which can happen up to two years after the calf’s birth. If a cow becomes pregnant during the milk production period, farmers must cease milking at least two months before the new birth. In Dolores, artificial insemination is not commonly used, as local farmers prefer natural breeding with bulls, a practice that has been followed for centuries. Farmers pay special attention to the selection of bulls and invest significant amounts of money to acquire the best bulls for their properties. The evaluation of bull quality is primarily based on the bull’s physical characteristics (phenotype), although genetic analysis is also becoming available. Bulls are allowed to freely roam the pastures with the cows during different periods of the year, aiming to impregnate as many cows as possible. Heifers are usually impregnated at around two years of age. During the dry season, farmers feed all the cattle with silage, which they prepare at the end of the rainy season using maize or sorghum grown on their own farms. Additionally, when the Morro trees flower and the petals fall to the ground, farmers collect the petals or allow the animals to graze on the pasture, as Morro flowers can serve as a source of food for the cattle.

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In Dolores, hedgerows primarily consisting of Bursera simarouba (Jiote) and Jatropha curcas (Tempate), and to a lesser extent Cordia dentata (Tihuilote) and Gliricidia sepium (Madrecacao), are utilised to divide the pastures and Sabana de Morro patches. Initially, farmers instal dead posts made of Lysiloma auritum (Quebracho) wood, to which they attach barbed wire using staples. These dead posts are usually placed at intervals of 2–2.5 m. Young trunks of the selected living fence species are then planted and intertwined in the barbed wire, allowing the wire to remain embedded in the bark as the trunks grow. Traditionally, the hedgerows are pruned every year in March, approximately one month before the onset of the rainy season, to maintain a height of around 1.50 m. During pruning, all horizontally growing branches are removed. The cut branches are utilised as vegetative material for establishing new living fences, except for Gliricidia sepium (Madrecacao), which can be used as cattle forage. Contrary to the past, when farmers processed milk to make Puebla cheese on their own, nowadays, the majority of local farmers sell their milk to local cheese producers. However, the transformation of milk into the traditional square-shaped cheese still follows the techniques introduced during Spanish colonisation. Even during the civil war (1980–1992), milk and cheese productions were uninterrupted in Dolores. Currently, there are three types of cheese produced in Dolores. The traditional type is called Puebla cheese, named after the ancient name of Dolores (La Puebla), which still represents the majority of local production. The other two types are non-traditional: Capita Cheese, produced throughout El Salvador and popularised in the country during the 1970s and 1980s, and Quesillo, sold nationwide and an essential ingredient in the traditional Salvadoran dish called Pupusa. The traditional technique for producing Puebla cheese involves six steps. After collecting the milk, it is poured into a pot and rennet is added. Once the milk curdles, it is cut into cubes using a knife, and the buttermilk is drained from the cheese curd cubes and placed in a barrel, where salt is added to prepare the brine. The cheese cubes are then submerged in the brine for three days. Afterwards, they are placed on a wooden square mould wrapped in cloth. The cheese curd is pressed using a wooden press for two days to remove any remaining buttermilk and brine and to allow the curd to mature. Maturation and preservation in Salvadoran cheeses are solely achieved through the action of brine and salt, without the use of preservatives or additives. The result is a square Puebla cheese ready for consumption (Santoro et al. 2020). Apart from their traditional use in cattle feeding, morro fruits in Dolores are also employed for other purposes. Local farmers sell morro fruits to local manufacturers to produce handicrafts, generating a good profit. The fruits are cut, the pulp is removed, and the outer part of the fruit is left to dry for several days. Furthermore, morro seeds are used to make a typical cold beverage called horchata, which is rich in minerals, vitamin C, and vitamin E. The prepared powder for this traditional beverage is commercially available throughout the country and could serve as an important source of income for the local population. Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation

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The inhabitants of Dolores have a strong attachment to their place, especially the farmers who are deeply connected to the land. Almost all the local farmers were born in Dolores, and despite the common occurrence of emigration from rural areas to larger cities or neighbouring countries, few of them consider leaving Dolores in search of better opportunities elsewhere. Similar to other towns and cities in El Salvador, religious festivals hold great significance for the local communities and play a vital role in strengthening the population’s sense of identity. These celebrations have their roots in the Spanish conquest. The primary religious celebration in Dolores is dedicated to the patron saint, the Virgen de los Dolores (Our Lady of Sorrows), observed on September 15. The festivities for the Virgen de los Dolores usually commence on September 4 and combine religious ceremonies with village fairs and popular festivals held in the town’s main streets. Dolores is renowned for its pilgrimages honouring the virgin of Dolores, attracting pilgrims from across El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras due to the belief in the miraculous nature of her image. The main social organisation associated with cattle breeding in Dolores is a cooperative called ASOPUEBLA de RL, which consists of 27 breeders. Additionally, the government of El Salvador provides technical support to at least 12 families in the municipality of Dolores for their agricultural and cattle breeding activities through the CENTA (Centro Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecuaria y Forestal) agency located in Guacotecti (Cabañas). It is also worth noting the role of subsidies. As of 2007, 54 farmers had requested and received subsidies for agricultural activities, while 27 received subsidies for breeding activities, provided by public or private banks or NGOs. Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features The municipality of Dolores is situated at an elevation ranging from 33 to 750 m above sea level, with an average altitude of 195 m. However, the majority of the area consist of flat or gently sloping terrain. The region is intersected by a network of rivers. The Rio Lempa forms the eastern boundary, while the Rio Titihuapa marks the southern boundary. Additionally, smaller rivers flow through the area, including the Rio Gualpuca, the Rio Sisicua, and the Rio Marcos. According to the Pedological Map of El Salvador (Ministerio de Agricultura y Ganadería 2012), the predominant soil types in Dolores are reddish clay latosols and grumosoils, with smaller areas characterised by litosoils and alluvial soils (Quiros and Bourne 1960). These clay soils, particularly heavy clays, are the main soil type found in the Sabana de Morro patches, as they are unsuitable for converting the Sabana de Morro into cultivable land. Forests occupy the largest portion of the municipal territory (34.3%), followed by sabana de morro (27.9%), pastures (14.1%), shrublands (9.3%), cultivations (5%), and other land uses (9.4%). Cultivated areas represent 5% of the total surface area and are primarily located near the river, where the soil is more fertile, or near the main urban area, the city of Dolores. Urbanised areas account for 2.3% of the surface area and consist mainly of the city of Dolores, with a few small villages also classified as urbanised. Sabana de Morro is primarily found in areas with an elevation below 200 m

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above sea level and a slope gradient between 0 and 20%. Forests are predominantly located at altitudes ranging from 100 to 250 m and slopes between 30 and 50%. The landscape also features distinct point-like and linear elements, such as morro trees and traditional fences. Morro tree density ranges from eight trees per hectare to 45 trees per hectare, while hedge density is approximately 97.2 m/ha, peaking at 262 m/ ha. The average and maximum distances from the nearest linear feature are 105 m and 990 m, respectively. The architecture of the town still retains many examples of colonial style, with the Dolores Church being the main landmark. While the interiors of the church have been reconstructed in recent times due to damage caused by earthquakes over the centuries, the beautiful facade likely dates back to the sixteenth century and follows the traditional colonial style. Many houses in the town also preserve the traditional colonial style. They were designed to maximise coolness due to the hot climate, featuring a front porch that extends along the entire length of the building, one or rarely two floors, and a shingle roof.

5.5 Mesoamerican Milpa System on Comasagua, La Libertad, El Salvador (Felipe Toledo Larin, Beatrice Fiore, Federica Romano)

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Summary Information Location of the site

Comasagua between the municipalities of Santa Tecla, Talnique, Tamanique, and La Libertad, La Libertad Department, El Salvador 13°37 60 N, 89°22 60 W

Area of coverage

8000 ha

Topographic features The morphology of Comasagua’s landscape its located along the coastal and mountainous chain that goes through La Libertad and Sonsonate named Cordillera del Bálsamo and classified by their slopes and ages from: Smaller-to-Medium Slopes: from 12 to 25%, distributed on lands from regular to good quality unsuitable for intensive cultivation, due to the slope and the risk of erosion instead they’ve selected crops and traditional cultivation methods with a lot of conservation practices Medium-to-High Slopes: distributed in clumps from 25 to 50% suitable for permanent crops as well as natural vegetation with the usage of adequate of conservation and correction traditional practices (Ministerio de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (MARN) 2012) Climate type

–

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Peasants descending from indigenous groups and European from generational shared farms Note: A study from more than 10 years ago, which gathers the profile of the indigenous peoples of El Salvador, mentions the municipalities in the central zone of El Salvador that have communities with indigenous presence, many of them neighbouring and even adjacent to the municipality of Comasagua, such as Jicalapa, Chiltiupán, Huizúcar, Jayaque, Teotepeque, Tepecoyo, and Talnique, without mentioning the population under study in this research (Erquicia Cruz and Herrera Reina 2014)

Global Significance From central Mexico to Costa Rica, the Mesoamerican region has been home to indigenous groups who established a deep biocultural connection, perceiving humans and the environment as interconnected through their worldview and mutual transformation. Since the Spanish conquest, these indigenous groups have had to adapt to the shared hardship of exploitation through cash cropping and the process of becoming peasants, which resulted in the erasure of parts of their belief systems. The relationship established by these indigenous groups with the landscape has transformed the entire territory, as most interactions were based on it, meaning that the territory underwent changes driven by labour forces. The territory inhabited by the natives, which they inherited and cultivated, held symbolic value due to their perception of it as a duality, where resources and goods were seen as blessings sent by gods. As a result, the territory fostered and reinforced interdependent relationships, establishing an ongoing dialogue between humans and their environment. In this worldview, the territory is seen as alive, with each element possessing spirit, essence, heart, and soul. From the indigenous cosmovision, the territory is considered sacred, as it is a place where supernatural forces manifest

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(kosmos, corpus, and praxis). Therefore, the products and resources shared by nature were viewed as retribution from mother earth for the peasants’ work as guardians of the land, and this relationship produced what is known as “agriculture”. Cosmovision focused on Mesoamerican foodways, particularly maize, and emphasised the Milpa as an opportunity to understand the strength of Mesoamerican cultural traditions, aiming to integrate the theory of the Mesoamerican worldview (kosmos) with the cognitive dimension (corpus) and the practical activities that sustain and reproduce a culture (praxis). The Milpa is a testament to the resilience of indigenous remnants within peasant communities, but it also represents a valuable biocultural heritage due to its diversity and collaboration in polyculture and symbolic expressions over time. It encompasses traditional and innovative knowledge and practices derived from observation and understanding, passed down through generations, forming a harmonious bond that encompasses cultural activities, social organisation, and distinct features of forest landscapes. Additionally, the Milpa holds contemporary significance as a means of livelihood and food security. It serves as a ritual from the act of sowing grains, linking nourishment with health and spirituality in the daily lives of individuals, their families, and their communities. Surrounding the Milpa is a series of practices that provide cohesion and meaning to the past, present, and future, enabling individuals to recognise themselves as custodians and builders of ancient knowledge. The Milpa is both an ecological and cultural destiny. Food and Livelihood Security Comasagua has been a community of farmers located in the Balsam Mountain Range, which historically relied on the production of Balsam. However, as the twentieth century approached, Comasagua transitioned to coffee cultivation due to its favourable conditions of altitude and fertile land. Today, coffee production, processing, and exportation remain significant economic activities in Comasagua, alongside the diverse cultivation of basic grains, vegetables, fruits, and the rearing of livestock such as cattle, pigs, horses, mules, and poultry. Over time, the production has increased, with 18,000 quintals of coffee, 800 bushels of corn, 300 quintals of beans, 50 quintals of rice, and 50 quintals of potatoes being produced. This growth has facilitated the development of public infrastructure in urban centres (Erquicia Cruz and Herrera Reina 2014). Comasagua’s productive network primarily consists of low-income individuals involved in the agricultural sector. However, these individuals often struggle as they receive inadequate payment for their labour. They primarily consume what they produce and sell the surplus to meet their basic needs. Although specific information about income sources in Comasagua, particularly related to the milpa, is limited, a study titled “No profit in the milpa: the agrarian question, food sovereignty, and the non-conservation of agrobiodiversity in the Guatemalan highlands” explores the profitability of milpa cultivation, the diversification of income sources, and the motivational factors behind subsistence crop cultivation in rural areas. The study discusses the challenges that farmers face and the strategies they employ based on their economic limitations (Isakson 2009).

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The following are the counterparts that farmers in many rural areas of Latin America, including Comasagua, encounter: • Wage labour in the regional labour market: Farmers often seek flexible work opportunities that allow them to simultaneously engage in milpa cultivation. They prefer jobs that permit them to be absent during specific periods, such as planting and harvesting seasons, which require their presence. Some farmers take days off or work on the land early in the morning before their regular jobs. Others hire agricultural labourers known as mozos to assist them due to the effort and time constraints involved. • Petty commodity production: Petty commodity activities, such as artisan crafts, are often divided along gender lines. Women engage in part-time production to earn additional income while attending to domestic responsibilities such as childcare and food preparation. For men, the flexibility of petty commodity production allows them to balance it with agricultural duties. In some cases, families engage in household production of goods alongside other income sources, creating a complex system of familial income distribution. It’s important to note that hiring mozos to assist with subsistence crops does not imply prioritisation of one income source over another. Instead, these active and dynamic systems support the overall livelihood of the family. • Wage employment outside the country as transnational migrant workers: Migrant workers typically seek employment abroad for two-seven years to accumulate wealth, which they can later use to improve their living conditions upon returning to their communities. Remittances from migrant workers support households with absent family members and enable them to continue their maize cultivation. Some returning migrants invest their accumulated wealth in capital goods that provide additional sources of income for the remaining family members. Others may use their wealth to acquire more land and expand maize cultivation, potentially exacerbating rural inequality. • Cultivation of commercial crops: Due to limited land availability, cultivating cash crops and engaging in milpa cultivation are crucial strategies for farmers. Peasants often combine cash cropping with milpa agriculture as part of their livelihood strategies, aiming to substitute income from maize and other crops for direct household consumption. The surplus from these activities is typically sold in the market. Cash crops serve as an opportunity for farmers to diversify their income sources and provide a more varied diet and goods, considering the limited space available. Milpa and cash crops occupy distinct positions in terms of how farmers cultivate these crops and their role in economic provisioning. When comparing the two, a common response is, “vegetables are grown for earning money, but Milpa is for eating.” The cuisine of El Salvador today reflects a rich history of flavours that have evolved through cultural exchanges over time. One such influence is the culinary blend of Nahuatl, Pipil, and Spanish cultures, which has been further enhanced with the introduction of new spices from the east. The current Salvadoran cuisine is a

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fusion of ancestral flavours and techniques with sophisticated European culinary methods (Cabrera Serrano et al. 2016). The culinary identity of El Salvador is a combination of regional variations that together form a cohesive whole. The preparation and cooking methods have a significant impact on the flavours of the dishes (UJMD diet). Despite its relatively small size, El Salvador boasts a diverse range of flavours, which differentiate people and regions that specialise in creating specific flavours or dishes. The consumption patterns of corn and wheat flour, which are used to produce tortillas and bread, have undergone modifications in the basic food basket. For Salvadorans, the essential household food items can be defined as French bread, tortillas, rice, meat, fat, eggs, milk, vegetables, beans, corn, sugar, and spices. In rural peasant families, the diet primarily revolves around maize and beans, which are products of milpa cultivation. However, the increasing prices of these grains have resulted in a progressive decline in their consumption. This reduction in consumption poses serious challenges to the nutrition and development of communities with low productivity and limited purchasing power (Maíz y Frijol Desaparecen Progresivamente de Las Mesas Rurales, n.d.). Consequently, families are compelled to modify their consumption patterns due to the limited accessibility of certain food products, resorting to exchange strategies among peasants in order to diversify their diets. Agrobiodiversity The Mesoamerican milpa, with its variations influenced by climate and altitude, is characterised by two primary components: diversity and association. The remarkable complementarity between these components stems from two fundamental reasons. Firstly, the goal of production is to obtain food, thus, a greater diversity of crops leads to a wider variety of available food. However, the milpa not only provides food, but also includes other species that serve medicinal purposes, contribute to the feeding of local animals, and aid in fertilising the crops and soil. The milpa and its diversity tell a story of a harmonious and sustainable relationship among humans, backyard animals, and even visitors like bees and other insects. To enhance resilience or decrease vulnerability, different varieties of a single species are planted, some resistant to excess water, drought, or with different growth cycles (Collin Harguindeguy 2017). The association of species in the milpa is explained by the local saying “Se llevan bien” (they get along well), which reflects the daily experiences of peasants. Through their empirical knowledge, without the need for chemical analysis, they understand that the crops complement each other, with the beans providing nitrogen to the soil that maize consumes (Lazcarro 2013). Moreover, products grown in association contain more nutrients compared to those grown in isolation. Complementarity is seen as a positive interaction in which the elements of the association are interconnected instead of competing, resulting in a mutually beneficial diversity. The labour involved in milpa cultivation is intensive, and soil fertility is maintained through proper resource management, including the incorporation of organic matter from the previous harvest and the use of backyard animal manure (Sánchez Morales and Ortiz 2011).

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The milpa system is classified as autopoietic, meaning that it consumes the energy it produces, which comes from people, animals, and even its own seeds, selected in each cycle for use in the following season. Additionally, the milpa system is characterised by low entropy and a reduced reliance on external energy inputs (Collin Harguindeguy 2017). Agrobiodiversity of Milpa—Plants nurturing with Milpa Maíz—Maize—Zea mays L. Maize is one of the most important cultivated plants in the world. Numerous agricultural varieties are known, which show an enormous diversity, especially in the characteristics of the corn cob. It is an annual plant 1–5 m high, with few shoots. Native of Mexico and Central America. The commercial classes appreciated in the region for their nutritive faculties are salpor, white, joco, canaleto, and yellow, but there’s a whole variety depending on the region of origin Frijoles—Beans—Phaseolus vulgaris Annual plant crawling to climbing. Simple and compound leaves; the simple ones, which are also called primary, are those formed in the seed during the embryogenesis; they are opposite, unifoliate, only present in the second node of the main stem, after the cotyledonary node; the compound leaves are trifoliated and correspond to the characteristic leaves of the bean; trifoliated leaves present a petiole and a rachis; at the base of the petiole, and very close to the stem, is the pulvínulo, structure that is related to the nictinastic movements of the leaves; each side of the insertion point of the trifoliated leaves, there is a small triangular-shaped stipule. Native of America Ayote o Calabaza—Squash Edible flowers, products/fruits and seeds—Cucúrbita pepo L. Crawling or climbing weeds with vines. Large leaves covered with stinging hairs, yellow flowers of approximately 20 cm characterised by their “gender type”; male flowers are eaten in soups and in pupusas, as well as the buds of the plant The fruit of the ayote is green with white spots and it is eaten since it is a very popular plant. The fruit of the ayote is green with white spots and it’s eaten as a sprout in soups; a great variety that is called pipian and it is consumed a lot as boiled with other vegetables in different local cuisine recipes, finally, when it has reached the mature phase, the seeds are taken out the seed, toasted and eaten, and this process produces a snack named “pepitorias” Tomate—Tomato—Lycopersicon esculentum Mill. Straight weed, up to 80 cm high. Produces a fruit, characterised as a red and juicy well-known berry. Native of Western South America. Widely distributed in the lowlands of tropical America, cultivated in tropical and temperate regions, sometimes barely naturalised Chiles—Peppers—Capsicum annuum L. Weed or shrub, straight or climber, branched, up to 4 m high. Characterised by single or paired flowers, white or greenish, sometimes yellowish or violet; fruit as berries mostly globose, ovoid or pyriform, dry or fleshy, yellow, red, purple or green; seeds of different sizes, primarily yellow. It is widely distributed in the lowlands of the tropical American region, but perhaps native to South America Chipilín—Crotalaria longirost rata Hook. & Arn. Shrub, up to 2 m high. It bears fruit in September and December, grows from 700–800 m above sea level from Mexico to Central America. When this plant is burgeoning in the milpa, it cares until it blossoms for its edible flowers, which especially goes with rice and tamales (continued)

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(continued) Agrobiodiversity of Milpa—Plants nurturing with Milpa Maguey—Agave americana Rosette-shaped plant with a thorn at the end of the leaves. Large, lanceolate, fleshy, blue-white, or grey-white leaves from the ground, all emerging from the centre where they remain rolled to a central stem where they are formed until their separation, with thorns on its edge of almost 2 cm very sharp and fine. The agave plant has many uses, including the extraction of fibres of its leaves to produce rope, nets, and other objects Cochinilla y Huisquilite—Ryt idostylis car thagenensis (Jacq.) Kuntze—Amaranthus spinosus L. Climber or creeper vine. It grows from 100 to 1000 m above sea level and grows from Mexico to Panama. Fruits and young edible stems. They are used to make pupusas, a typical Salvadoran food. This plant at birth in the cornfield is left to be used as food The annual, herbaceous, edible plant generally eaten on salads, boiled in water and eaten, pupusas can be made, in eggs, also as food by animals, without forgetting its medicinal properties Zapallos—Pepino, Sandía y Melón—cucumber, watermelon, and melon—Melothria scabra, Cucamelón, Sandía ratón, Melón ratón Originally from Mexico and Central America. It is easily adapted to the climate of mild and humid summers. They are small, fresh, rich in fibre, minerals, antioxidants, vitamins, edible fruits eaten raw or prepared as side dishes, usually ideal for pickles and leavening Verdolaga—Talinum paniculatum (Jacq.) Gaer th Weed, Young shoots before flowering is boiled in water and eaten, every time it’s planted in the Milpa, and it is used for food companion Tecomate—Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Stan Ripe and dried fruits are used as takeaway containers. Also as musical instruments because of their resonance and young maturation fruits are eaten like vegetables According to David J. Guzmán the gut of these cucurbits is a dangerous drastic purgative, which could only be used on horses at a rational dose. Also, it’s used for beekeeping purposes as a beehive, making it easy to extract nectar/honey from this particular storage adopted by native bees Loroco—Fernaldia pandurata (A.CD.) Woodson Vine with fruits grows from 50 to 1200 m above sea level and grows from Mexico to Costa Rica; it’s common to use it as cash crops for its edible flowers. The flowers are consumed in different typical dishes Granadillas—Passiflora adenopoda The name was given by Car the Linnaeus to this plant type, comes from the Latin flospassionis which means flower of suffering (passion) in allusion to the passion of Christ since the first missionaries in America wanted to see the instruments used during the passion in the different parts that make up these flowers. The mature fruits are edible Pasifloras—Breeds Arrocillo, Olotillo, Tuxpeño Mainly white and yellow, but there are also purple, cultivated for its edible and medicinal purposes Árboles Frutales—Cítricos, aguacate, mango, allspice, guava, plantain, banana and papaya Primarily introduced for its potential to generate environmental and economic benefits from the surpluses that will complement the family’s diet and livelihood (continued)

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(continued) Agrobiodiversity of Milpa—Plants nurturing with Milpa Flor de muerto—Tagetes erecta L. Annual plant up to 110 cm high. Grows at 800–1300 m above sea level from Mexico to Panama. The uses vary, for example, used for food and medicinal purposes. In agriculture it is used to repel nematodes, and it is especially effective against the plagues, which attack some crops, such as tomatoes. In traditional medicine, it is used against colic and intestinal parasites. In poultry farming, the flower is used as a natural pigment and organic additive to chicken feed for the production of eggs with more colourful yolks Albahaca de pollo, Quilete and Hierba Mora—Ocimum campechianum Mill.- Sinclair ia sublobata (B.L.Rob.) Rydb. - Solanum americanum Mill Shrubbery up to 1 m high, often slightly woody, at least at the base This plant when seen emerging in the milpa is nurtured and placed in a place where the sun hits for letting it grow. The fresh leaves are placed in soups to give it a pleasant smell and taste. Squeezed leaves for earache and ornamental as live fences

From a broader perspective, the Milpa process shapes the landscape through a polyculture that incorporates various species of plants and woodland vegetation. It creates a layered landscape focused on the regeneration of the entire cycle, which spans from ten to twenty-five years. Remarkably, this cycle can be sustained without the need for fertilisers and pesticides. Instead, it relies on the natural succession of the forest after a period of annual cropping. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Maize, along with its complementary crops at different levels, has been gradually incorporated into the Milpa agroecosystem. Through generations of effective management and harmonisation, new domesticated species have been integrated, including edible and ornamental plants, as well as trees and shrubs. This comprehensive system encompasses a deep understanding of the processes and the value of each element. It has also led to biotechnological innovations in the consumption of Milpa products and fruits. Notably, nixtamalisation stands out as a significant process in Mesoamerican gastronomy, involving the treatment of maize, water, and lime to produce nixtamal, a key ingredient for festive and daily dishes. The domestication of landscapes has played a crucial role in the co-evolution between nature and human beings. Through the appropriation of the landscape, mosaic patterns emerge, merging the heterogeneity of human and natural habitats. This balance enables the maintenance and flourishing of biodiversity. The Milpa serves as a central axis in the integrated management of various elements within peasant family units. Traditional knowledge of the maize agroecosystem intertwines with forest management, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing, and fruit harvesting. The interplay between the forest and the peasants has generated extensive knowledge and diverse assets that contribute to the regeneration of more harmonious and diverse ecosystems (Toledo and Barrera 2020). Undoubtedly, the Milpa acts as a temporal and spatial organiser, aligning the cycles of maize and the milpa with the different elements that give meaning to

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Fig. 5.6 Milpa forest cycle from 0 to 20 years (Source Watson and W-E studio 2020)

the system within the territory. Each element is part of an identity and territoriality system, forming a collective network driven by the spiral of continuity and the reproduction of life collectively. The heart of this system lies in the corn seed and its familial manifestation: the Milpa Campesina. These elements, deeply rooted in Mesoamerican agricultural traditions, contribute to the existence of cycles (kosmoscorpus-praxis) that define traditional knowledge in the Milpa, such as in the case of Comasagua (Toledo and Barrera 2020). The peasantry ascribes various meanings to the components of nature through their relationship with the environment. Shared elements of identity emerge from their life stories, with each element holding great significance. These meanings are reflected in their traditional practices, which sustain the management of the agroecosystem and foster community life (Bernardo 2007) (Fig. 5.6). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The Milpa holds a central position in Mesoamerica’s cultural roots and symbolism. Understanding the significance and motivation behind milpa cultivation for peasants and the wider population of the region becomes challenging without grasping the

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underlying chain of values. In line with the pre-Columbian belief, a common saying among peasants and indigenous communities is “Somos hombres de maíz”, which translates to “We are people of maize”. This saying emphasises the notion that human beings are made of maize itself, as narrated in the sacred Mayan writings known as the Popol Vuh. Maize is present in ceremonies as an offering to the gods and signifies the origin and conclusion of cycles on Earth with its living elements. Recognising its religious and social importance, European settlers equated maize grains with their own “staff of life” and referred to it as “bread”. Even today, maize remains a central icon in Mesoamerican popular religion, intertwining with Christian traditions and being blessed in churches or placed on altars. The cultivation of the Milpa signifies belonging to rural communities and a willingness to engage in reciprocal exchanges or share its products as a gift, fostering social bonds and serving as the foundation for a shared community identity. This experience brings joy to farmers who work the Milpa and their own land, from planting their crops to harvesting the fruits of their labour. There is satisfaction in knowing that the meals and goods they enjoy are the result of their efforts and the “sweat of their brow” as a Campesino’s family. The Milpa contributes to the food security of peasants, providing not only a diverse source of nutrients but also sustaining families and offering potential economic opportunities. By cultivating the Milpa, families can explore alternative ways of sustaining their economy. Additionally, the Milpa holds a gender component, as it provides an opportunity for the efficient use of household resources and involves female labour, household tasks, and flexibility within rural areas. However, the income generated from subsistence farming is limited due to its low market value. Nonetheless, it complements the values and flexibility that families require for their land. The Milpa often occupies land unsuitable for commercial agriculture and transforms it into a space with sustainable cycles, purpose, and resilience, reflecting a generational perspective and fostering more resilient peasant communities. Foodways based on Milpa: Daily and Festive El Salvador’s culinary heritage encompasses the various regional traditions that together form a distinct local identity. The way a particular food is made or prepared greatly influences its flavour. The culinary customs associated with Milpa cultivation are an integral part of the region’s gastronomic and cultural identity. These traditions, passed down through generations, characterise the people and sectors by their unique flavours and dishes. Religious beliefs and practices play a vital role in fostering a sense of belonging and collectivity within social groups. They also contribute to the formation of bonds of friendship and kinship through shared experiences. This idea of celebrating together is particularly significant in the municipality of Comasagua. Within the peasant community, rituals often revolve around agriculture. Christianity has merged with elements from Mesoamerican culture, intertwining rituals and ceremonies that express gratitude for water, land, fertility, and abundance. These rituals are rooted in the agricultural world, where they are interwoven with daily life. The land, water, rain, and cornfields all play essential roles in the peasant tradition, which originates

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from indigenous roots. This religious and cultural legacy remains influential, both in the urban context of Comasagua and its surrounding cantons. It is worth mentioning that since the nineteenth century, Comasagua has been a destination for many families and individuals seeking work on coffee farms. As a result, the current inhabitants may not necessarily have ancestral ties to Comasagua. However, over time, the traditions and beliefs brought from other parts of the territory have merged with the local ones. These migrants came from similar peasant backgrounds, where agriculture was their way of life. Consequently, it was not difficult for shared beliefs to take root in this new place of residence, with their descendants continuing the agricultural cycle and the associated saintly festivities. According to Erquicia Cruz and Herrera Reina (2014), there are three main festivities held in Comasagua. These include the celebrations of San Mateo, Día de la Cruz, and Señor de Esquipulas (Saint Matthew, Day of the Cross, and Lord of Esquipulas). Adapting the agricultural cycle to the rituals and seasons, the preparation of the land begins in December and January, along with the blessing of the seeds (January 15—Lord of Esquipulas). On May 3 (Día de la Cruz), people pray for rain and the fertility of the land. The maize festivity holds significant importance for farmers, as it involves sharing the harvested crops within the community. The celebration of San Mateo, in September, marks the end of the rainy season. Over time, these festivities have adapted to climate changes, as well as social and cultural transformations that have affected sacred and ritual elements. Nevertheless, they still hold profound meaning for the communities, validating traditions and beliefs. The religious festivities in different cantons and villages of Comasagua take place throughout the year, from January to December. While the agricultural cycle is intertwined with the daily lives of the Comasagüenses, the celebration of maize should not be overlooked. This festivity takes place in August when the corn harvest occurs, and it serves as an occasion to express gratitude to God for the fruitful results. If the harvest is successful, the celebration takes place within the community. It involves a tradition called atoladas, where different towns in El Salvador prepare atol, a traditional drink made from corn, sugar, cinnamon, and milk. This atol is then distributed to everyone who attends the celebration, expressing gratitude to God for the bountiful harvest. The atoladas are held in various Salvadoran towns in August when the corn is fully ripe and considered tender. Traditional Medicine Practices The health system in Comasagua, particularly in rural areas, faces the presence of traditional medicine, which utilises locally available plants to treat various ailments. This knowledge is typically passed down from previous generations, such as grandparents, or local healers who offer natural remedies to restore health. In Comasagua, a wealth of knowledge has been accumulated regarding the usage of medicinal plants that are accessible to the community. According to Patrimonio e Identidad, the peasants of Comasagua acquired this knowledge from their grandparents or parents. However, they acknowledge that certain physical ailments cannot be treated solely with plants and require medical attention from doctors in clinics or

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hospitals. These ailments include cough, flu, stomach pain, and others. Additionally, it is important to consider illnesses associated with the supernatural, such as mal de ojo (evil eye), el susto o espanto (fright), and mal de aire (air sickness), which are disturbances or harm caused by witchcraft and affect a person’s spirit. These conditions necessitate seeking help for healing. The effectiveness of the treatment is closely tied to the cultural and symbolic context shared between the healer and the patient. In other words, the patient must trust and have faith in their traditional doctor to achieve a speedy recovery. To do so, the patient must diligently follow the treatment provided. The remedies offered consist of a combination of natural organic and inorganic products, including some artificial elements, in the form of folk remedies that require specific preparation and manipulation. These can take the form of infusions, cooking, maceration, juices, salads, pulps, vaporisation, baths, and even coffee. Each method contributes to the prevention and treatment of diseases and is an integral part of what is commonly known as traditional pharmacies. Further information and the categorization of each plant in relation to specific illnesses can be found in the research conducted by UTEC University, which compiles the traditional remedies used in rural areas and the traditional knowledge of Comasagua. Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features The categorization of land use in Comasagua is based on the Corine Land Cover 2002 methodology, which involves comparing and studying satellite resources from worldview 2011–2012 and categorising existing uses marked on the map by the technical team of the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (MARN) of the region (Ministerio de Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (MARN) 2012). After conducting the comparison, 16 land use categories were identified and described in the study of the Comasagua area. The predominant types of land use, according to the study, are mainly related to agriculture and existing vegetation. These include coffee plantations (46.77%), crops, pastureland, and basic grains (25.9%), and arboreal vegetation (13.59%). The remaining percentages play an important role in the municipality’s internal and external flows due to their complementary nature, with a duality in their uses and concentration of services in the urban area. Comasagua is characterised by an undulating and uneven terrain, predominantly consisting of mountains, peaks, and hills. It has twelve different elevations and is intersected by several rivers and streams. Currently, the municipality is characterised by intensive crops for export (coffee), forest areas, and human settlements in areas prone to flooding, water contamination, landslides, and liquefaction (Landaverde and Quintana 2015). The climate in Comasagua is classified as Sabana tropical calurosa or “Mild Land,” ranging from 800 to 1200 m above sea level. It falls under the classification of Sub-tropical Rainforest. The average elevation is 1010 m, with an annual average temperature of less than 24 °C. The predominant winds during the dry and rainy seasons come from the north, and the average annual precipitation ranges from

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approximately 1800 to 2200 mm. The soil characteristics are suitable for the cultivation of basic grains, natural grass, coffee, various crops, and forest (Landaverde and Quintana 2015). The diverse ecosystem classification of the La Libertad department, particularly in Comasagua, encompasses three agroecological sub-systems: • Coffee Plantations: These are defined by extensive semi-nebulous forests. • Mid-Lowlands: These are lands dedicated to basic grain cultivation of varying sizes. • Underutilised areas: These are low elevation areas characterised by stony and poorly fertile soils, typically covered by a mix of natural grasses, shrubs, and deciduous vegetation. The agrological profile of the Comasagua region can be classified and conceptualised into the following classes: • Class IV (land unsuitable for intensive farming): this refers to land of regular to good quality but unsuitable for intensive farming due to slope and a high risk of erosion. It has limited crop selection and farming methods and requires intensive conservation practices. • Class VI (land suitable mostly for permanent crops): This refers to usable land that is not suitable for intensive crops due to slope, erosion risk, and unfavourable soil characteristics. It is suitable for permanent crops and natural vegetation with the application of appropriate conservation and correction practices. • Class VII (land suitable mostly for natural grasslands and forests): This refers to land with restricted use, suitable only for natural vegetation due to severe erosion risk and unfavourable soil characteristics. • Class VIII (Land with no agricultural value): This refers to land with minimal agricultural value. • There is also an urban classification for the urban area, which has access to networks and services and has the potential to expand from its urban centre due to population growth. The predominant agrological classification, according to the study, is Class VII (land suitable mostly for natural grasslands and forests) at 50.04%, followed by Class VI (land suitable mostly for permanent crops) at 30.6%, and Class VIII (Land with no agricultural value) at 13.61%.

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5.6 The Chagras Agroforestry System of the Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa, Colombia (María Alejandra Hernández Marentes, Antonio Santoro)

Summary Information Location of the site

Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa, Solano municipality and Puerto Santander municipality, Amazon region, Colombia 0°41 49 S, 72°31 21 W

Area of coverage

400,000 ha

Topographic features Dense forest of firm highland, with maximum heights of 500 m a.s.l Climate type

Humid tropical, with an annual average range of temperature between 22 and 25 °C and a relative humidity that can reach values up to 82%. The annual rainfall has a rate more or less of 3500 mm and there are two periods: dry and wet, the driest months occur in the period from December to February, and the wettest in April, May, and June

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Two main indigenous groups: Huitoto (44% of the population) and Muiname (39%). The rest of the population belongs to other ethnic groups that have been the result of the ethnic exchange in the formation of families (Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas—Sinchi 2017)

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Global Significance Chagras are a complex set of agroforestry practices carried out by indigenous communities in the Amazon area, which spans across different South American countries. They have been defined as “a seemingly simple polyculture mode that forms the basis for other productive activities of the indigenous population, but it involves managing time, space, and cultural identity, thus increasing the complexity of the system” (Triana-Moreno et al. 2016). These agroforestry systems are characterised by a rich agrobiodiversity, thanks to the traditional practices of indigenous populations. “Since we are referring to the interrelationships of ecosystems, social structures, and spirituality, we must consider a system that includes horticulture, hunting, fruit harvesting, and fishing. This integration of knowledge and practices is specific to both men and women, in a complementary and interdependent manner” (GAIA Amazonas 2019). Amazonian Chagras play a crucial role in conserving numerous endemic plant species as “they contain an exceptionally high diversity of species, accounting for about a quarter of the world’s total. It has been estimated that there are 30,000 species of vascular plants, including 5000–10,000 tree species. Among these, 2000 have been classified for their usefulness in food, medicine, and other purposes” (Ramírez 2012). Chagras exemplify the synergies between communities and their environments, representing an ancestral system that has persevered for millennia, despite various historical challenges faced by the country (Uruburu-Gilède and Ortiz-Nova 2016). From the era of colonisation and evangelization to the rubber industry in the earlytwentieth century, as well as modern conflicts such as the hunting of wildlife for the fashion industry, logging, mining, armed conflict, and drug trafficking, Chagras have demonstrated extraordinary resilience, surviving these events and preserving the cultural heritage of indigenous communities to this day. In particular, the processes of evangelization and the rubber industry caused significant social and cultural disintegration, leading to the extermination of different clans and a demographic decline among Amazonian indigenous peoples, to the extent that current generations are considered orphans. The Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa, located in Colombia, holds a unique status as it has been recognised by the Colombian government as a rights-bearing entity. This achievement by local communities represents a significant milestone, marking the first legal recognition of an ecosystem in the region. According to the Supreme Court of Justice in Colombia, through judgement number STC 4360–2018 in 2018, “the Colombian Amazon is recognized as an ‘entity subject of rights,’ with the state and territorial entities responsible for its protection, conservation, maintenance, and restoration” (Corte Suprema de Justicia 2018). The Amazonian Chagras in Colombia differ from those in other regions in several ways. Firstly, the Colombian Amazon has been recognised as a rights-bearing entity, and secondly, the territory of the Indigenous Reserves of Monochoa is autonomous. This means that the local indigenous communities are recognised as the rightful owners of the land and have the authority to establish their own laws in accordance with their traditions, while respecting national laws. Additionally, in Monochoa, the

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role of women is prominent in the agricultural system due to historical processes. In the past, male members of indigenous communities were forced to work in the crops of wealthy rubber industry landowners, leaving only women in the community. As a result, women became knowledgeable about seeds and how to combine different species, thereby preserving the traditional knowledge of Chagras. This has led to the belief that women symbolise abundance. Food and Livelihood Security The living conditions in the Amazon have allowed indigenous communities to develop an alimentary system based on the resources of the forest. They integrate traditional activities such as hunting and gathering with more advanced techniques like fishing and agriculture to meet their basic needs. According to Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas (SINCHI 2011), the traditional indigenous production system consists of hunting, fishing, collecting species from the forest, and agriculture. Agriculture, carried out through the use of Chagras, incorporates traditional knowledge and practices that provide a variety of useful species for self-sufficiency and the satisfaction of basic needs for indigenous families. Access to a wide range of food products is necessary for indigenous families to meet their nutritional needs. This includes an abundance of vegetables and fruits produced in the Chagras or offered through the forest, as well as the inclusion of fish, game meat, and insects in their diet to provide necessary proteins. Additionally, processed foods like casabe, fariña, broths, and casaramá should be available. The Chagras play a vital role in providing the necessary basic food products for indigenous families to eat well and live a good life. Each Chagra is unique and designed according to the specific food requirements of the family who owns it. The nutritional needs and seeds vary, especially because when a woman gets married, she brings her family seeds with her. The indigenous food system is a dynamic form of family agriculture based on crop rotations, with the primary goal of ensuring food security for the community. This gives the Chagra its characteristic versatility and diversity, as each family contributes their own particular way of working it. Although there are differences between families and their Chagras, there are three essential elements that are always present: cassava, coca, and tobacco. These elements form the basis of a standard diet consumed by the communities. The traditional dish of the indigenous community of Monochoa consists of 30% protein, 20% beverages, 10% fruits, and 40% carbohydrates (mainly cassava). To efficiently combine this type of food, families cook their meals in communal pots. Liquid preparations like soups are preferred because they can feed more people with fewer resources. The main course mainly consists of animal protein, primarily sourced from fishing in streams. Hunting also provides a significant source of protein, including various species of mammals, birds, reptiles, and insects. Smaller species are consumed daily, while larger ones are used for important events such as dancing or rituals. It is important to note that there is a current trend of decreasing hunting and increasing the purchase of poultry. This poses risks not only to the environment but also to the communities. Introducing new species into the ecosystem can disrupt the

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environment, and caring for these new species requires specific knowledge that the indigenous communities may not possess. This lack of knowledge can lead to illness in chickens, which could potentially be transmitted to the communities. Regarding fishing, the primary source of protein for the communities, economic dynamics, mining, and extractive activities have impacted the water quality of rivers and streams. This has resulted in a decrease in the population and size of fish species found in the Amazon. On the other hand, the consumption of fresh fruits typically occurs at the production or collection site, or they are taken home to be consumed there. Vegetables are commonly consumed in sauces, especially with black pepper, or consumed fresh in salads, and occasionally cooked. Another common way of consuming fruits in the community is by preparing them in beverages, such as adding them to caguanas or making fruit juices. The main beverages are typically made from cassava, banana, and occasionally corn-based drinks. Historically, pure water consumption has not been common in these communities due to concerns about the low potability of natural waters. Instead, prepared drinks have been developed as a strategy to avoid digestive diseases (Patiño 1990). To meet the communal needs, Chagras are units of indigenous family agriculture that cover 1 or 2 ha. They consist of diversified productive systems where both transient and perennial species are cultivated, aiming to replicate the successional processes of the forest. Chagras are combined with fishing, hunting, gathering, and the use of timber and non-timber species (Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas—Sinchi 2009). Land access is the primary factor in ensuring the food security of the community. Each family needs a minimum of three types of Chagras to sustain themselves: one with newly sown plants, another in the productive stage, and a third in recovery. Some families also have a Chagra of stubble. This is done to ensure the fulfilment of the Chagra’s cycle. However, land access is not only about quantity but also quality. The land needs to be fertile, with access to at least one stream with abundant fish varieties and natural habitats for wild animals. A surplus of production is also possible. Approximately 80% of the products obtained from the Chagras are used for the community’s self-consumption, with yucca being the staple food. The remaining 20% is exchanged or sold to obtain other food products like salt, sugar, rice, as well as personal hygiene items and supplies for their houses or malocas, such as matchsticks, candles, fuel, and kitchen and household utensils, including hammocks. The main products that generate income for the population are mambe, casaba, fariña, and starch. However, in recent years, local people have become increasingly dependent on the economic market and external products such as sugar, cereals, and oil, as well as personal care items like soaps, toothpaste, and matchsticks. Due to this trend, it is crucial to protect the Chagra system to ensure the adequate nutrition of the communities. Indigenous families are becoming less self-sufficient and more reliant on the market, which negatively impacts their quality of life. When they engage in traditional practices such as sowing, hunting, fishing, and gathering, they obtain high-quality food and resources. However, when they are unable to do

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so, they often rely on low-quality food, which affects their health and development (Umbarila 2018). Therefore, preserving the Chagra agricultural heritage system is essential to safeguard the food security and livelihoods of the communities in the Amazon. Agrobiodiversity Traditional practices associated with Chagras contribute to a diverse agrobiodiversity. This agrobiodiversity is passed down through generations and plays a crucial role in preserving germplasm, as indigenous families select the best fruits from previous harvests to use as seeds for the next crops. Additionally, the wide variety of cultivated plants helps prevent the proliferation of pests. Therefore, the Chagra system aims to maintain crop varieties, select and sow seeds with better production and quality, allow the growth of other useful species (such as fruit trees and plants for vegetable salt extraction), establish and expand the germplasm bank, and genetically select species. In the Colombian Amazon, indigenous peoples’ selections of tuberous, cereal, and fruit crops, based on their practices and beliefs, have resulted in the existence of approximately 400 genetic varieties. Notably, cassava (Manihot esculenta), pineapple (Ananas comosus), and peach palm (Bactris gasipaes) are among the prominent varieties (Arguello 1988). However, over the past few decades, some species have been lost, and currently, Colombian Chagras contain about 75 cultivated species and a total of approximately 300 ecotypes. Within each species, variations in shape, size, colour, taste, and production occur due to adaptations to different environments and the cultural requirements of each ethnic group. The crops with the highest intraspecific diversity include Yuca Brava (Manihot esculenta) with 56 varieties, sweet yucca (Manihot esculenta) with 20 varieties, chilli pepper (Capsicum annum) with 27 varieties, pineapple (Ananas comosus) with 35 varieties, guacure (Poraqueiba sericea) with 20 varieties, peach palm (Bactris gasipaes) with 13 varieties, and arrowleaf elephant’s ears (Xanthosoma sagittifolium) with eight varieties (Vélez 2007). Many traditional varieties lack scientific classification but are well-known among indigenous populations. The absence of scientific recognition can pose a threat to their preservation. Within the Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa, 132 different varieties have been identified among the Uitoto ethnic group, and 131 different varieties are associated with the Muiname ethnic group. Cassava, coca, and tobacco are the main crops for both ethnic groups. Regarding cassava, which is considered the mother of the Chagra, both Huitotos and Muinames cultivate 18 different varieties, including four classified as local ecotypes unique to this region. There is also a local ecotype of coca, known as qícue jibieña in Huitoto or gaño meku in Muiname. This plant holds significant spiritual meaning, as it is used to produce Mambe, a substance used for communication with the creator of life. The main branch of the plant is associated with the creator’s vertebral column, and its fruits symbolise the creator’s heart. The Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa is not only important due to its rich agrobiodiversity but also because of the traditional uses of these plants. Besides food

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production, many of these plants provide wood, fibre, and most importantly, medicinal properties. For example, arrowleaf elephant’s ear (Xanthosoma sagittifolium) is used to treat fever and cough, Barbasco is beneficial for flu treatment, and Yagé is employed to establish a connection between individuals and their spirits to gain insight into the origin of illnesses and their treatment. Comparing the crops of Muiname and Huitoto, we find that perennial fruit trees exhibit high diversity in both groups. For Huitotos, they represent 22.9% of the total harvested crops, while for Muinames, it accounts for 29.3% of their crops. The most prominent fruit tree varieties belong to Poraqueiba sericea, followed by Bactris gasipaes and Inga spp., encompassing 18 different species. This emphasis on fruit trees in their diet is due to the gradual maturation of fruits throughout the year. Muiname also cultivates a wide variety of transient fruit trees, especially Ananas comosus and Musa paradisiaca. It is worth mentioning that Huitotos have a significant number of plant varieties used for medicinal and sacred purposes, many of which are yet to be classified. Muiname ethnic group

Huitoto ethnic group

Number of varieties

Number of varieties

Percentage of varieties (%)

Percentage of varieties (%)

Cassavas

18

15.5

18

13.7

Perennial fruit trees

34

29.3

30

22.9

Transient fruit trees

27

23.3

21

16.0

Vegetables

11

9.5

12

9.2

Chilli peppers

17

14.7

17

13.0

Medicinal and special use plants

13

11.2

34

26.0

116

100

131

100

Total

Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Chagras are intricate agroforestry systems that exhibit variability across different ethnic groups and environmental conditions, despite following common principles. The successful establishment of these systems relies on profound traditional knowledge of soil, water, plants, fruits, animals, and other rainforest features. This knowledge ensures the responsible use of resources and the long-term sustainability of the system. Through the establishment of Chagras, indigenous communities replicate the natural life cycle, following seven fundamental steps. These steps correspond to the “ecologic calendar” created by indigenous communities as part of a comprehensive system of world management based on seasonal cycles, which forms the foundation for ecological balance and cosmic equilibrium (GAIA Amazonas 2019): 1. Place selection, negotiation and healing. 2. Socola and Tumba. 3. Burning.

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Planting. Weeding and care of the Chagra. Harvest. Abandonment and restitution (Fig. 5.7).

Place Selection, Negotiation, and Healing According to traditional social organisation, the responsibility of deciding where to establish the Chagra lies with the men. They select a suitable location by evaluating various environmental factors, particularly focusing on soil characteristics such as depth, colour, and the presence of mud or sand (Cabrera 2004). While soil quality is crucial, climate conditions are also taken into account, considering the region’s

Fig. 5.7 Cycle of the chagra (Source Gaia Amazonas 2019)

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annual cycle of humidity and droughts (La Rotta 1982). As Chagras are managed at the family level, they need to be situated at an appropriate distance from the family house while also being close to the Maloca, the institution of religious power in the community. The crops should be in proximity to the Maloca as the chosen plot needs to be blessed by the shaman to heal the territory and ensure an abundant and high-quality harvest. Furthermore, Chagras are typically not concentrated in a single location but scattered throughout the forest (Van der Hammen 1992). Once the location is chosen, the spirits are considered the true owners of the land, so it becomes necessary to negotiate with them for permission to cultivate the land. This negotiation is facilitated by the shaman, who offers coca and tobacco to the spirits or owners of the land in order to obtain their permission. Failure to receive this permission could potentially lead to illnesses or accidents among the family members (Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas, SINCHI 2011). Socola and Tumba The second step in the Chagra establishment process is called socola. It involves clearing the lower layer of vegetation to create space for agricultural crops. This task is carried out by the men of the families and holds significant importance in transmitting traditional knowledge. During this process, the young people are taught the names and traditional uses of each tree, ranging from the smallest to the largest (Román 2007). Following the socola, the larger trees are cut down with the assistance of the entire community, a social moment known as tumba. This is when the minga, a group of neighbours engaged in communal work, comes together. The minga serves as a strong bond of fraternity and friendship among ethnic families and plays a vital role in the social organisation, symbolically connecting with the “owners” of the forest and the cultivated food (Van der Hammen 1992). Establishing one hectare of Chagra requires approximately 5–6 h of work with the participation of eight men (Briñez 2002). At the end of the working day, the minga returns to the village, where they are welcomed by the women to celebrate a festival known as Guarapiada, named after the indigenous community’s traditional alcoholic beverage, Guarapo. Burning This initial step involves the direct participation of women. While the operational aspect of this process may be simple, it holds great significance from a ritual perspective. The newly burned land is considered to be hot and poisonous, necessitating a detoxification and cooling process. If seeds are sown too early, they would burn instead of sprouting (Van der Hammen 1992). After two or three months of tree cutting, once the resulting material has dried, families proceed to burn it. They then commence the cleaning of the Chagra. The burned material serves as a fertiliser, particularly for more demanding crops such as tobacco, yota, and yam (Vélez and Vélez 1992). Furthermore, following the burning of the vegetation, women perform a ritual to consecrate the land. They collect leaves from female white yarumo trees and thick yarumo trees, using charcoal to spread throughout the Chagra. This practice aims to ensure the successful growth of the crops (Román 2007). The landowner and

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his wife perform this ritual together, symbolising birth, the life cycle, and through their union, they bring fertility and life to the Chagra. Planting and Sowing Planting typically takes place in March, at the onset of the rainy season, at least 10 days after the burning, to allow the soil to cool down and the first rains to wash away the ash and fertilise it. The women are responsible for sowing, as they are considered the source of abundance and reproduction. They receive assistance from men, who handle other agricultural tasks and prepare Mambe (made with Coca leaf) and Ambil (made with tobacco) to bless the helpers, including those from the community (sometimes the Minga is summoned). Additionally, these preparations are used to heal the necessary plant material (Instituto Amazónico de Investigaciones Científicas—Sinchi 2017). Family members, relatives, and neighbours may also participate in the sowing and planting process, as “later they will receive the fruits of the Chagra, as the work belongs to everyone and is for everyone” (Schroder et al. 1987). Before planting, prayers for abundance are offered, and mother plants are sown to strengthen the crops. Local people then select the crops they will combine. This phase is crucial for the agrobiodiversity of the system, as it involves selecting the species and varieties to be used in the Chagra. According to Schroder et al. (1987), the choice of plants is based on the following seven criteria: 1. Soil characteristics. 2. Species in the surrounding forest, which will be replaced by their Chagra counterparts (e.g. wild guamo is replaced by Chagra guamo). 3. Purpose of the Chagra (self-consumption, commercialization, urgent need for specific crops). 4. Dietary habits of the families. 5. Historical-cultural factors (different ethnicities sow different species and varieties). 6. Short-term personal and/or family circumstances. 7. Seed availability. These criteria ensure agrobiodiversity in the Indigenous Reserve of Monochoa and the resilience of the system. Although indigenous people cut down some wild species during the Socola phase, they recover them by sowing adapted varieties that can thrive in the Chagra, thereby replicating the rainforest system through the synergistic relationships between species. Weeding and Care of the Chagra This step is primarily carried out by women, as they possess more knowledge about managing the crops based on their species and cultivation time. Therefore, this phase corresponds to the Socola and Tumba steps, as women are responsible for weeding, while men take charge of providing protein through hunting or fishing. This highlights once again that the system only functions through the complementary roles within the family. Throughout the productive cycle of the system, there are four instances when weeding is necessary in the Chagra:

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1. Twenty days after sowing. 2. Between the third and sixth months after planting. 3. When the Chagras are about to be harvested, typically between the sixth and eighth months. 4. During the Chagra’s production phase, which spans from the eighth to the eighteenth month. This process is highly significant, not only for ensuring the proper development of the crops but also for its profound implications in terms of ecosystem services for the rainforest. As stated by Garzón and Macuritofe (1992), “the maintenance of the Chagra has an impact on the regeneration of the forest, as systematic clearings eliminate shoots and sprouts of forest species that are responsible for restoring primary forest vegetation”. Harvest For the indigenous community of Monochoa, cassava is considered the primary crop. When cassava is ready to be harvested, it signifies that the Chagra is mature, even if other species have already reached their maturation point. Van der Hammen (1992) explains that “the first product that can be harvested is coca, however, a Chagra is only considered in production when the first cassavas are ready to harvest.“ The cassava cycle thus becomes the determining cycle for the Chagra. This is because cassava can remain underground and mature without sustaining any damage for an extended period. In each Chagra, at least two types of cassava are cultivated: sweet cassava, which is suitable for direct human consumption, and wild yucca, a poisonous variety that must be processed by women to remove toxins before consumption (Briñez 2002). Adjacent to cassava, other species such as pineapple and coca are grown. These are known as transient crops because their useful life spans two or three years. During this time, families collect and store an amount that meets their needs. Once the production of these species concludes, a new phase begins for the Chagra: the harvest of fruit trees. “The production of fruit trees changes the dynamics, performance, and management of the Chagra, transforming it into a true agroforestry system where fruit trees are the most important crops. Fruit trees serve multiple purposes, providing fodder for animals and fiber for handicrafts. Fruit production occurs throughout the year. In the initial three to four years of the Chagra, trees with a life cycle of approximately 15 years begin to bear fruit (amazon grape, maraca, caimo, peach palm, guamos, amazon anon). Subsequently, between the fourth and sixth years, trees with production cycles lasting over 30 years start to produce (guacure, cashew, ucuye, Uitbirai, laurel)” (Vélez and Vélez 1992). Abandonment and Restitution After several years, taller fruit trees grow and cast shade over the cassava plants, depriving them of sufficient sunlight. As a result, the cycle of the mother crop is disrupted, and the Chagra’s cycle comes to an end. From an agricultural perspective, the abandonment of a Chagra is attributed to two factors: the extensive weeding

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and removal of shrubs required, which entails more effort than establishing a new Chagra, and the depletion of soil nutrients, leading to a decline in crop productivity. The Chagra gradually reverts to a wild state, and forest species begin to recolonize the area. This restitution process can take up to 25 years to complete, during which the family owning the Chagra continues to harvest some fruits. Soil regeneration commences once a continuous vegetation cover consisting of pioneer herbaceous species is established. The improvement of chemical conditions relies on the decomposition of plant species. Within the initial 4–5 years, the organic layer tends to increase, followed by the emergence of primary species from the jungle and the disappearance of pioneer herbaceous species (Walschburger 1987). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The Chagra serves as the foundation for the cultural organisation and identity of the indigenous community, symbolising the number of years a family has lived in the community and their social status. The entire social structure of the Monochoa indigenous reservation revolves around the Chagra, and their culture centres on the three main crops: coca, tobacco, and cassava. The community identifies itself as the descendants of these crops and, due to their geographical location, as the people of the centre. Women play a central role in the Chagra system, as they ensure the nourishment of all participants throughout the work process. From sowing to harvesting and utilisation, women possess extensive knowledge and employ various techniques. They are considered the guardians of knowledge regarding the management, use, and utilisation of the Chagra. It is important to note that the concept of family extends beyond the nuclear family to encompass the entire community, functioning as a large family unit. In the Monochoa indigenous reservation, the nuclear family is the primary organisational unit, with an average of five members per family. The community has a relatively young population, with a higher percentage of men (59.8%) than women (40.2%). A survey conducted by the Amazonian Institute for Scientific Research— Sinchi—in 2013 found “45 families and 239 inhabitants” in the indigenous reservation. The low percentage of the population aged 0–4 years (11.0%) indicates a low birth rate, particularly among females. The participation of the elderly population is also limited compared to the younger population, which raises concerns given the cultural and social values of their local knowledge. In the Monochoa Reserve, 92.1% of the population is indigenous, 7.1% is mestizo, and 0.8% is composed of foreigners who settled in the community due to various economic opportunities and formed families within the community. Others, even without forming familial ties, established work relationships and friendships to the extent that they were adopted as part of the indigenous reservation. The predominant ethnic groups are the Muinane (39.9%) and the Huitoto (44.4%), serving as the cultural foundation of the society. This social order establishes principles for communal living, including rules for relationships with all entities within the territory. It guides the sustainable utilisation of natural resources, fosters respect for animals, and creates rules for communal

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structure. The social structure also holds spiritual legitimacy, as it is based on the power bestowed upon the cacique (chief) and the elders. They have the ability to communicate with spiritual entities, seek their advice, and request protection and abundance for the community’s crops, ensuring the livelihood of the community. The elders are the custodians of traditional knowledge, representing wisdom and thought, while adults embody the spoken word, protecting their families and motivating their children to work in the Chagra. The responsibility of the younger generation is to preserve the traditions and culture of their people by working in the Chagra. However, preserving the cultural heritage of Amazonian Chagras requires not only knowledge of the agricultural process but also the inclusion of traditional dances. These dances serve different purposes, such as requesting seeds or bringing various types of fruits. In the fruit dance, for instance, a riddle is presented where fruits are brought in a carefully wrapped basket, and the dancer must guess what they are. It serves as a test and a way to demonstrate knowledge. This dance signifies the beginning of the chagra, followed by the main dance. Unfortunately, these traditional dances are gradually being lost, and nowadays, individuals often work and dance alone, unlike in the past. One significant issue that requires attention is the rapid loss of indigenous languages. With each passing generation, the risk of losing their native tongue increases, especially as elderly speakers pass away. This situation is critical as much of the essential knowledge for indigenous life relies on their language. For instance, spiritual recognition, protection of clans, and medicinal incantations are believed to be more effective when spoken in the native language. Moreover, stories and educational advice lose their essence and meaning when not conveyed in the appropriate language. Preserving the Monochoa indigenous reservation means safeguarding a culture that not only protects the invaluable Amazon ecosystem but also the language and identity of a people whose legacy should be recognised as a heritage for all of humanity. Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features The landscape of the Monochoa indigenous reservation consists of a tropical rainforest, which, due to its location, creates a unique ecosystem in the region by combining the valley of the occidental mountain range in Caqueta with the Amazon jungle. One remarkable feature of this landscape, and one of the most stunning places in the area, is the Araracuara canyon, which is part of the natural parks found in this zone. The canyon, formed by sandstone, is situated in the lower-middle course of the Caquetá River and stretches for 6 kms with a height of 80 m and a width of 30 m (Organización Colparques 2018). It is home to a diverse range of fauna, including mammals, reptiles, birds, mollusks, and fishes, some of which are endangered species. The flora of the area showcases agrobiodiversity alongside the typical plants of the region’s rainforest, such as large trees, orchids, and the emblematic inirida flower. Approximately 19% of the territory is designated as Chagras, primarily located along the river, which serves as the main transportation and communication route. Another 17% of the area is covered by dense grasslands, characterised by naturally

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occurring herbaceous species that form a dense coverage (>70%). These grasslands have remained mostly untouched or have undergone selective intervention without altering their original structure or functional characteristics. The remaining portion of the area is predominantly covered by dense forests, defined as a continuous layer with more than 70% tree coverage and a canopy height exceeding 15 m (Gobernación del Caqueta 2012). Due to low soil fertility and the presence of a dense herbaceous layer, Chagras cannot be established in dense grasslands as they are not suitable for cultivating cassava.

5.7 The Vertical Productive System in the Charazani Valley, Bolivia (Fabiana Navia, Federica Romano, Alessandra Bazzurro)

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Summary Information Location of the site

Canton Amarete, Municipality of Charazani, Bautista Saavedra Province, Department of La Paz, Bolivia The area corresponds to the Kallawaya nation, an indigenous millenarian biocultural territory conformed by a set of communities recognised by its sustainable management of the land and culture, in process to declaration as Native Indigenous Autonomy under the legal framework of the Plurinational State of Bolivia. The area also belongs to the National Protected Area of Apolobamba 15°14 27.08 S, 68°59 30.75 W

Area of coverage

619 ha

Topographic features

The proposed area is located in the oriental slope of the Charazani valley, with a difference of altitude from the lower part of 2900 m.a.s.l. to the higher part of 3700 m.a.s.l. with three recognised ecological floors: header of valley, valley, and Yungas, the vertical area is covered by agricultural terraces, pasture lands and a small area of human settlement. There is also the presence of lagoons in the higher altitudes, a result of the flowing water of the snowy mountains of the Andean Chain. The presence of mountainous chains is frequent due the location at the foot of the Andean Chain and the nature of the valley. Charazani river borders the Amarete valley

Climate type

The climate in Charazani valley is warm and temperate. Rains in summer seasons are frequent mainly during the months of January and February. Winter season instead suffers from frost and droughts. Charazani valley is classified as a sub-tropical highland variety of oceanic climate by Köppen and Geiger. The average temperature in Charazani is 12.5 °C. About 975 mm of precipitation falls annually

Ethnicity/indigenous population

In the Charazani valley 78% of the population identified themselves as kallawaya. 16.3% as quechuas and 4.95% as aymaras. The languages of the valley are Aymara, Quechua, Spanish and kallawaya, the last one only used for ceremonies and rituals In Amarete people identify themselves as kallawaya and quechua. Quechua is the first language

Global significance From north to south, the majestic Andean mountain range stretches across the Bolivian territory, serving as a vital structure that shapes the geography and ecosystems of the country. Covering 38% of Bolivia’s land, the Andean Chain features prominent mountain ranges that extend from its peaks, showcasing fertile slopes that support the growth of soil and vegetation. The wide distribution of these mountains, spanning both latitudes and longitudes, has given rise to a remarkable array of ecosystems, characterised by rich biodiversity and diverse climates and soils. This extraordinary natural system has been managed by humans for at least 10,000 years. A testament to this landscape management is the presence of 650,000 cultivated hectares, comprising agricultural systems known as agricultural terraces, which account for 16% of the Andean Chain’s total area (Mamani et al. 2008). Among these agricultural terraces, 50,000 ha can be found in the Bautista Saavedra Province,

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specifically in the Charazani valley. The valley is home to at least ten different types of traditional pre-Hispanic agricultural terraces, classified into eight categories based on their structural characteristics (Chilon 2009). The Municipality of Charazani has a strong agricultural focus, with 74.3% of its population engaged in agricultural activities, of which 78.9% are involved in independent farming as a family-based occupation. While 44% of the agricultural production is used for self-consumption, the remaining portion is sold in both rural and urban markets. It is worth noting that non-monetary exchange of products still occurs within the valley, particularly among local producers, a traditional practice that predates Inca occupation (Gobierno Autonomo Municipio de Charazani 2016). The cultivation of agricultural terraces in the valley follows a rotational system that spans three to four years, allowing for natural regeneration and soil fertilisation. The use of traditional tools in farming is still prevalent due to the challenging terrain, which restricts the use of automated vehicles, as well as the cultural significance associated with communal agricultural work in Andean communities. The valley has preserved a traditional system of vertical land control over time, which, coupled with its diverse ecological zones, ensures a rich agrobiodiversity. In the Yungas region, which encompasses the higher elevations, the habitat consists of tropical and sub-tropical moist broadleaf forests, including mountain cloud forests and evergreen forests (Mueller et al. 2002; World Wild Life 2019). Fruit trees like bananas and orange trees, cassava (locally known as yuca), corm or bulb-tuber products from a native flowering plant called walusa, native chilli pepper named locoto, and honey bees are found in this area. In the highlands and valley areas, agricultural production is combined with livestock rearing, predominantly sheep and camelids (llama and alpaca), with smaller-scale bovine livestock. In the Yungas region, the agricultural system is integrated with multilevel agroforestry, incorporating fruit trees such as chirimoya and avocado at the emergent layer, citrus and banana trees at the intermediate layer, and coffee, yuca, or walusa at the lower layer. In the Yungas ecological zone, the traditional cultivation of coca leaves also takes place on ancient agricultural terraces using ancestral techniques (Gobierno Autonomo Municipio de Charazani 2016). The Kallawayas, an ancient indigenous Aymara-Quechua population residing in the valley, have developed a culture deeply connected to the mysticism, breathtaking landscapes, and fertile land. Their principal and revered activity revolve around the practice of traditional medicine, which draws upon their profound understanding of the animal, mineral, and botanical pharmacopoeia. This knowledge is complemented by rituals, ceremonies, values, and artistic expressions intimately linked to their religious beliefs. Like medicine, the management of the land involves a spiritual connection and a responsible understanding of agricultural practices. As a result, this traditional knowledge forms the foundation of their local economy and socio-political administration. The productive system and vertical land control in the Charazani valley, which have withstood invasions and territorial reorganisation, serve as a sustainable model of landscape management. They successfully meet the needs and aspirations of the local population while maintaining a harmonious relationship between culture,

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agriculture, and economic productivity without compromising ecosystem services. The technologies associated with these systems have endured, enabling agricultural production under challenging conditions. Agriculture remains the primary economic activity and source of food for the local population, exemplified by the traditional agrarian communities in the valley, particularly Amarete. Food and Livelihood Security Amarete, located within the administrative structure of the Municipality of Charazani, is considered a Major Ayllu comprising four markas and 13 ayllus or communities. The Amarete ayllu is considered the capital of the Jatun Ayllu or Major Ayllu of Amarete and has access to three ecological zones: the valley header, valley, and Yungas. Given that agriculture is the main economic activity in the valley and considering the requirements of the Native Indigenous Autonomy, which the Kallawaya nation is part of, life systems have been identified. According to the Bolivian Constitution (Plurinational State of Bolivia 2009) and Law 300, these systems are defined as biogeographical-climatic units that consist of organised communities and the components of Mother Earth with affinity to altitude, bioclimate, ombrotrophic, and soil conditions. Operationally, the life systems are established through the interaction between the life zones and the socio-cultural units residing in each zone. This interaction leads to the identification of an optimal management system that has been developed or can be developed as a result. In this regard, the Municipality of Charazani has identified three life systems within its territory, as well as a natural system that encompasses the Yungas forest with its high biodiversity. This forest now serves as the core of the preservation project for the Apolobamba protected area. Although there are no human communities within this area, there are productive activities in the surrounding areas. Regarding Amarete, it is associated with agricultural and livestock activities in the valley, highlands, and Yungas, utilising agricultural terraces to manage two or four ecological zones. The production system related to this life system is primarily focused on agriculture and livestock in the valley header, valley, and Yungas. The economy of Amarete revolves around agriculture and livestock. The agricultural cultivation system covers 619.19 ha and employs traditional techniques using agricultural terraces. Farmers cultivate various crops such as potatoes, oca, isaño, barley, as well as cereals and legumes from the valley including wheat, chickpeas, corn, and beans. In the ecological zones above 3000 m above sea level, such as one of Amarete’s ecological zones, the production of forage crops like barley and oats is common. Additionally, alfalfa cultivation for bovine livestock serves as a significant production activity in the agricultural terraces located in the valley header. The production methods in Amarete are manual and organic. As of 2012, there were no records of mechanised instruments or heavy machinery throughout the Municipality of Charazani. However, there were over 2000 manual harvesters and nearly 200 animal traction ploughs in use.

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Due to the diverse agricultural production across the ecological floors that make up the Charazani valley, an intense exchange of agricultural products has existed since pre-Inca times. This exchange ensures food security within the valley. The vertical control of the ecological floors allows for production independence through the practice of crop rotation and soil rest in cycles lasting from 4 to 7 years. The strategies developed to enhance and maintain soil fertility continue to combine crop rotation and rest, cultivation of multiple species on the same terrace, and the application of organic matter to the soil. The system of crop rotation, known as Qapana, is essential to the cultivation of agricultural terraces and land tenure. The efficiency of the system relies on the presence of multiple Qapanas within the same territory. Each Qapana consists of a set of agricultural terraces cultivated for periods of three-five years. After this period, the cultivation is rotated to another Qapana, allowing the previous one to rest for at least a year. This system ensures soil recovery, promotes natural fertility, and prevents erosion (Chilon 2009). The timing of rotations and agricultural cycles is planned based on the needs of the inhabitants, the profitability of trade, and climate variability. Traditional knowledge inherited from ancestors is taken into account in this planning process (Romero and Cuila 2006). The inhabitants of Jathun Ayllu Amarete have a profound relationship with their geography, animals, plants, trees, and their crops, and this relationship shapes their reality. Each family member has access to a parcel of land, which is part of the larger family land known as the sayaña. Families also have access to communal land, primarily used for livestock and breeding. Both forms of land tenure, private and communal, are recognised and coexist complementarily in the valley. This arrangement allows for permanent rotation and continuous access to food. The timing of rotations and agricultural cycles takes into account the needs of the inhabitants, trade profitability, and climate variability (Romero and Cuila 2006). The rhythms that govern community life are established through a deep connection with the agroecosystem. Trading and exchanging, along with agriculture, are the main characteristics of the Charazani valley. These practices have a long and traditional history and continue to be prevalent today. Amarete, due to its traditional agrarian nature, is considered a reference point for food provision and hosts a weekly market for trading and exchanging products. The communities in the valley maintain their relationships through the exchange of goods. In addition to the main annual agricultural markets in Charazani, Amarete itself holds its own weekly market on Sundays. Amarete’s trading network includes five neighbouring communities in the valley, located on different ecological floors, to facilitate efficient provision and supply trade. It is important to highlight the existence of another annual traditional market in September in the community of Niño Corín, belonging to the ayllu of Kaata. This market is more focused on the exchange of medicinal herbs related to the practice of traditional Kallawaya medicine. Given the presence and influence of Kallawaya culture throughout the valley, this traditional market holds significant value. Money

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is forbidden at this market, and bartering or trueque is the method of trade, beginning at sunrise (Van Kessel 1993). Exchange is a prominent traditional practice in the valley and serves as another cultural element that persists within the agricultural system. Local producers do not rely on money due to its instability and rapid devaluation. Furthermore, the predominantly illiterate and elderly population finds bartering to be a practical means of trade. Another important aspect is the appreciation of their own production. Markets serve as spaces for communication, facilitating the exchange not only of products but also of culture and living memory. They provide an opportunity for social interactions where production has a face and a history. Due to the challenging access, lack of roads for cars, and distance between communities in the valley, the transportation of caravans with animals is an integral part of the exchanging process, even in communities like Amarete, which are situated near a road. In the community of Amarete, fishing in the lagoons is a small economic activity that is not extensively exploited. Additionally, clay handicrafts are a traditional activity still practised by some families. In the valley, mining is an important economic activity after agriculture, although it is not entirely legal and poses numerous safety risks. The consortium of the Apolobamba protected area is working to control mining activities that could pose a threat to the ecosystem, as seen in many other cases in the country. Regarding tourism, the Charazani valley does not yet have a developed tourism infrastructure, but there are several initiatives progressing and developing in this field. One particularly interesting and successful initiative is community-based tourism linked to a trekking route. This route traverses four communities in the valley, aiming to provide not only an adventurous trip but also an immersive experience in the culture, agricultural system, and mystical landscapes that have enchanted people for centuries. This innovative proposal for biocultural tourism, known as Pacha Treck, involves the communities of Qutapampa, Caluyo, Chacarapi, and Chari. In 2017, it received recognition in the Sustainable Tourism Prize promoted by the Green Funds and the Latin American Initiative of Landscape (LALI) (WCS Bolivia 2019). Agrobiodiversity The traditional system of vertical control demonstrates that Andean-Amazonian cultures were capable of recognising and adapting to their environment, ensuring food security, biodiversity, and the management of climate variability. It is worth noting that out of the 103 ecosystems on the planet, 84 are concentrated in the Andean-Amazonian region of Bolivia. The pre-Columbian practices of genetic engineering, biotechnology, and agricultural efficiency, preserved through the traditional agricultural system, contribute to the production of 40% of the plants consumed by humanity today (Chilon 2009). The presence of multiple ecological floors results in a rich agrobiodiversity. The valley region produces various native Andean tubers, including different varieties of potatoes, oca, mashua tubers (locally known as isaño), and barley. Cereals and legumes like wheat, chickpeas, beans, and especially, corn are also grown in the

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valley. Fruit orchards can be found as well. In the Yungas region, fruit trees such as banana and orange, yucca, corm (bulbo-tuber) from the native flowering plant called walusa, the native chilli pepper called locoto, and honeybees are cultivated. Coca leaves, a traditional product, are grown in the Yungas region on ancient agricultural terraces using ancestral techniques (Gobierno Autonomo Municipio de Charazani 2016). In the highlands and valley regions, agricultural production is combined with ovine and camelid (llama and alpaca) livestock, and to a smaller extent, bovine livestock. In the Yungas region, agricultural production is combined with multilevel agroforestry systems that incorporate fruit trees such as chirimoya and avocado as emergent species, citruses and banana trees as middle-layer crops, and coffee, yuca, or walusa as lower-layer crops. According to the Government of Charazani Municipality (Gobierno Municipal de Charazani 2004), 15.29% of the area of the Municipality of Charazani is covered by pasturelands, 5.75% by traditional cultivation, and 78.96% by natural forests, rivers, mountains, and roads. Amarete, which is an area with a significant population and traditional cultivation in the valley, allocates 21.14% of its administrative territory to cultivation, 42.65% to pasturelands, and 36.21% to natural areas. Conservation and planning of agricultural calendars are essential for preserving soil fertility and biodiversity, and they depend on the climate variability of each region, including the start of the rainy season, lunar phases, and the onset of the dry season. In terms of the locals’ perception, there are more than 12 types of soils in the valley. Specifically, in our study area, Amarete, the local people have identified 15 types of soil, each with different productivity and vulnerability to erosion. Agricultural production is influenced by the altitude of the ecological zones and the understanding of soil characteristics. Potatoes are the primary crop in the highlands and the valley header (ranging from 2900 to 4050 m above sea level). Yields can reach up to 11 tons per hectare, with variations based on the location and humidity levels in the region. The most abundant potato species, belonging to the tetraploid Solanum tuberosum sub. andigena, exhibits high interspecific variation among cultivated native potatoes in the Charazani valley and Amarete. These varieties include the imilla potato, yana imilla, white imilla, sani imilla, mayu rumi, and waych’a (Coca 2012). These potatoes are small, round, and come in different colours. Waych’a potatoes, in particular, are resistant to the Phytophthora infestans pest. Farmers in the region prefer this native variety over the modified Puca Toralapa variety, which also has resistance to Phytophthora infestans and has been introduced in different valleys across the country. The resistance to Phytophthora infestans, a common pest in potatoes cultivated in the Andean region and valleys of Bolivia, is linked to the presence of the bacterium Bacillus subtilis in the compost. This bacterium synthesises various substances in the soil, enabling pest control. It also aids in the bioremediation of contaminated soils and is present in many Andean composts (Chilon 2018). The presence of this bacterium is a result of the farmers’ understanding of the importance of “living soil”. They regulate the compost and soil through various thermal processes in preparation for cultivation.

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The upper limit of the Charazani valley is 3900 m above sea level. In areas that exceed this altitude, bitter potatoes grow during frost periods when other potato varieties cannot survive at lower altitudes. The integrated agricultural system in the valley allows for the exchange of products. Farmers from lower altitudes travel to the highlands to harvest bitter potatoes during frost times (May–June) and employ traditional techniques to preserve the tubers. In this method, the potatoes are subjected to freezing temperatures at night and exposed to strong sunlight during the day. All water is removed by using the feet to step on the potatoes, eliminating glycoalkaloids. The potatoes are then washed and left outdoors to dry in the sun for at least two weeks. This process is repeated, and after about a month, the potatoes are completely dehydrated. The dehydrated potato is known as chuño and can be stored for an indefinite period, even years. Bigger, bitter, and higher-quality potatoes can be used to prepare tunta using a similar dehydration process as chuño. The tubers are exposed to freezing temperatures during the night and strong sunlight during the day. To prevent burning, they are covered with ample straw for five-eight days. Subsequently, they are soaked in running water from rivers or streams for 20–30 days to eliminate glycoalkaloids. After this, the tubers are removed from the water, pressed to remove excess liquid, and exposed to the sun for an additional five to eight days. Finally, the tubers are thoroughly rubbed by hand, resulting in their final white appearance. At altitudes below 3900 m above sea level, such as in the Charazani valley header, oca tubers are also subjected to this traditional dehydration technique, resulting in a product called caya. The process involves selecting the appropriate oca tubers based on colour and shape. Community members dig a large pool near a slope or river, ensuring that some clean water remains inside. The entire enclosure is then covered with clean straw, and the oca tubers are placed on top. They are left in the pool for two weeks to a month, allowing them to undergo the freezing process. By the end, caya is ready. From larger oca tubers, the dehydrated sub-product is called cahui. The preservation of tubers, along with the cultivation of corn, played a significant role in the cultural development of Andean indigenous people. Chuño, in particular, ensured the economic reserves of the Inca Empire and represented the foundation of the Inca leaders’ power (Van Kessel 1993). This preservation technique continues to be a vital component of the food security chain, and it is still widely practised in the Andean region, including urban areas, on terraces or in home courtyards. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems The ingenious construction of terraces on the steep slopes forms the foundation of agriculture in the Charazani valley region. The traditional Qapana system, which encompasses both cultural and natural aspects, exemplifies the symbiotic relationship between humans and the landscape. This system combines intangible elements such as worldview and rituals with tangible elements like physical infrastructure. Terraces play a crucial role in preserving the upper layer of fertile soil, safeguarding it against erosion—an ecological challenge prevalent in many parts of the Central Andes (Van Kessel 1993).

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Andean agriculture has always been influenced by climate variability. However, it has been efficiently developed in a diverse and fertile region that is constantly exposed to natural hazards like floods and droughts. In this sense, the agricultural system serves as a risk management strategy (Van Kessel 1993) and incorporates prevention and mitigation techniques, including: • Erosion control: Hydric erosion, which depends on the speed, size, and amount of material carried by water, can be mitigated by cultivating in grooves at a level surface. This prevents surface water runoff and reduces material drag. • Drainage: Besides the channels and drainage systems integrated into the terrace structure, excess water is managed by creating fissures in the dam. In cases where terraces are too high and drainage is insufficient, galleries made of sandstone are built to function as concrete pipes. • Fertility retention: Terraces are designed to be nearly flat, allowing running water to remain stationary and promoting infiltration. This mechanism gradually moves fine particles downward through mechanical elution, leaving a medium-textured surface layer that facilitates early infiltration and minimises evaporation losses. The water at the bottom of the terrace, after performing its nutrient functions, drains to the lower terraces, carrying soluble nutrients such as nitrates from the previous terrace. Regarding irrigation, two types of systems exist in the valley: secano and manual irrigation. The secano system, which is commonly used in traditional agricultural terraces, relies on rainwater as the irrigation resource. When rainwater falls on the platform, it infiltrates the lower layers of the soil, which serves as storage. Excess water resulting from excessive irrigation or heavy rains is drained through openings in the sandstone masonry of the wall, maintaining a favourable water balance for the plants. This process ensures effective water distribution throughout all the terraces. The presence of moisture and nutrients in the lower soil layer promotes biological dynamics that enhance fertility. This process is also influenced by the type of soil and its capacity for infiltration (Mamani et al. 2008). The majority of pre-Columbian and ancient agricultural terraces do not utilise assisted irrigation. Approximately 94.5% of the irrigation systems in terrace production are of the secano type. This indicates that these infrastructures were also designed to capture and store rainwater. Only 5.5% of the ancient terraces in the valley employ assisted irrigation (Chilon 2009). The Qapana system is an ancestral land management system that involves the rotation of cultivation over time and space, similar to the practice of Aynuqa in Peru. This system can only be implemented in specific territories where multiple Qapanas exist. Each Qapana consists of a series of agricultural terraces that are cultivated for three-five years before rotating to another Qapana. The previously cultivated Qapana is left fallow for at least one year, allowing for the natural recovery of fertility and preventing erosion (Chilon 2009). This traditional practice is prevalent in the Amarete area, which serves as a reference for the agricultural system in the valley.

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In Amarete, there are six Qapanas, three of which are cultivated each year, while the other three remain fallow. The following year, the cultivation of the Qapanas is changed, with the ones that were cultivated the previous year left fallow and the ones that were fallow now ready for cultivation. The agricultural calendar and the practices of local farmers are being affected by climate change. As a result, farmers in the region are moving further up the slope to ensure an adequate potato harvest. Additionally, the farmers in Amarete are reintroducing traditional techniques to construct new terraces, aiming to mitigate the impact of climate variability on their crops. In 2009, the population of Amarete built four large agricultural terraces, each measuring 2000 m2, in the lower part of the valley. These terraces were intended to safeguard and store native seeds, as well as initiate the cultivation of sugarcane or chuqui (Chilon 2009). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation Jathun Ayllu, or Major Ayllus, in the valley continues to adhere to their traditional structures, which are maintained through the social, economic, and cultural interactions of their inhabitants. These structures are deeply rooted in a cosmological worldview that shapes their collaborative and conflicting relationships. The Ayllu structure is crucial as it preserves traditional knowledge and plays a significant role in the understanding of health, sickness, and Andean therapeutic rituals. Within the Charazani valley, the Kallawaya culture provides a multidimensional understanding of an Ayllu, encompassing rituals, customs, and landscape management. According to Van Kessel (1993), four types of Ayllu can be identified: the Ayllu cosmos, the Ayllu Earth, the Ayllu community, and the Ayllu body. Although each type has its unique way of comprehending the territory, the rituals and traditional knowledge recognise shared categories and life structures. Therefore, all four cosmovisions are necessary for effective land management. Agricultural cycles in the Charazani valley are closely tied to rituals that accompany various activities throughout the calendar year. The rituals associated with agricultural terraces begin in February and early March, focusing on defining crop boundaries and establishing the limits of the Qapanas. In May, in the Amarete Ayllu located in the higher ecological zone, locals perform an agricultural-livestock ritual to seek good health and abundant production. This ritual involves the sacrifice of a male alpaca, reflecting the emphatic parallelism mentioned earlier. During June and July, particularly in the valley region, the water celebration takes place. Locals clean the entire irrigation system of the agricultural terraces and prepare them for planting. This celebration involves a series of gratitude rituals dedicated to the snowy mountains that supply water, enabling cultivation and sustaining life in the valley. August holds great significance in the agricultural calendar as it marks the transition from winter to spring. During this month, peasants keenly observe nature’s signals to determine the right time for sowing and to predict the next year’s harvest. They offer prayers and present to Pachamama (Mother Earth), Achachilas (mountain spirits), and the spirits of the products, seeking blessings and bountiful production. In some communities, a designated person, known as kamanaca, chosen for their strength and wisdom, is responsible for protecting and overseeing the crops during

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the growth period. Together with the younger members of the community, they construct a small mound where regular offerings are made to the divinities, seeking protection against pests and frost. October is dedicated to honouring ancestors who have passed away. Offerings are made to them, seeking their continued protection for the crops. On November 2, during the day of the Dead festival, local people express gratitude to their deceased ancestors for the previous year’s harvest. The end of November is a significant time for rain-related rituals as it marks the beginning of the rainy season, crucial for nourishing the farmlands. Locals perform a series of rituals to summon the spirits of rain, often accompanied by traditional ceremonial music called kantus, which features transverse and duct flutes. In December, fasting is observed in many communities to communally pray for the prevention of frost. Bloody offerings, such as wilancha (llama foetus), are placed in the midst of the crops, and sweet offerings known as mesas are prepared for Pachamama. During January and February, when the climate is more unstable, rituals and offerings intensify to seek protection, primarily against floods. Harvest takes place in May and June, and it is a festive time when gratitude rituals are performed to celebrate the abundance of the harvest. Local people engage in music and traditional dances, including the kantus with the incorporation of drums. This period is also considered a time for singles to find partners, and traditional dances are designed to encourage flirting. In July, newly formed couples marry and start the new agricultural cycle in their own parcels, with the hope of the woman becoming pregnant, which, according to the cosmovision of emphatic parallelism, is considered as an auspicious sign of fertility for the land as well. Festivities and rituals in the Charazani valley are often accompanied by music, as music in Kallawaya culture holds therapeutic attributes and spiritual value, aiding people in their connection with divinities. Each of the larger villages within the provincial municipality, including Charazani itself, has its own musical ensemble that receives recognition during special celebrations. These ensembles consist of various instruments such as pan flutes, notched and duct flutes, which are played during ceremonies and festive occasions associated with the annual agricultural cycle and the Christian calendar. Key celebrations include the Fiesta de San Felipe (May 1) in Amarete, the Fiesta de la Cruz (May 3) in Kaata and Nino Corin, the Fiesta de Corpus Christi (June 4) in Italaque, the Fiesta de Ia Virgen del Carmen (July 16) in Charazani, the Fiesta de la Santa Rosa de Lima (August 30) in Kaata, the Fiesta de Ia Natividad de Ja Virgen Maria (ka/la-ka/lana: Indian New Year on September 8) in Ninocorin, and the Fiesta de San Miguel (September 29) in Chullina (Baumann 1985). According to the same author, all the musicians are farmers who play different instruments, such as pan flutes (phukunas), transverse flutes (ch’unchus and pifanos), and duct flutes (ch’ilis or chchilis), depending on the specific feast and season. In Kallawaya culture, textile production is closely tied to the feminine world. Women create textiles that materialise symbols, preserving the symbolic reproduction of their communities and keeping the memory alive. This relationship focuses on the reciprocity dynamic, with the objective of ensuring the continuation of life

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in the Andean world. The clothing of the women in Amarete is rich in symbols that provide protection and nourishment to the wearers in a reciprocal manner. Symbols of flowers can be found, which are seemingly associated with fertility. Each flower has 12 circular petals that correspond to the agricultural calendar, lunar phases, and menstrual cycle. In addition to flowers, women also incorporate symbols of the sun into their clothing as a form of protection. The combination of flowers and sun symbols ensures fertility based on the parity and complementarity of opposites. Similarly, other elements serve as protectors of the feminine energy of vital abstract creation. The headbands worn by women in Amarete are believed to possess the power to safeguard the vital energies of the Ajayu, which, according to the local worldview, reside in the head. It is believed that women require this special protection to compensate for the loss of vital energies experienced during menstruation and childbirth. In this sense, the headband can be seen as a living fabric that nurtures and guards feminine creative powers, both abstract and physical, preventing energy loss and replenishing them. It can also be viewed as a means to attract cosmic energies of transformation and renewal. The helical design of the headband can be interpreted as a representation of the Milky Way, which is considered a dynamic source of energy transformation and a symbol of renewal. Furthermore, it serves as a connection between the different worlds of Aka Pacha (the present world) and Alaya Pacha (the world of the past and beyond), guiding and rejuvenating female energies in the process of nurturing life, both in a physical and abstract sense (Proyecto biocultura y cambio climatico 2019). Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features The Charazani valley has a total extension of 256,452 ha, but only a minor part is dedicated to agricultural activities. The proposed site focuses on the traditional agrarian community of Amarete, which covers an area of 619 ha, where local farmers base their livelihoods on crops and livestock activities (Gobierno Autonomo Municipio de Charazani 2016). The entire valley is susceptible to climate vulnerability, with drought being the most frequent phenomenon, having an annual index of 0.407. Frost follows closely behind, with an index of 0.33 (Gobierno Autonomo Municipio de Charazani 2016). In terms of temperature, the annual average hovers around 12 °C, with a maximum of 14 °C in February and March, and a minimum of 5 °C in June. Based on a study conducted by the Municipality of Charazani, projecting temperature variability from 1950 to 2030, it is estimated that the average temperature will increase by 1.4 °C, with worst-case scenarios predicting a 2 °C rise. The Yungas region and the natural area are the most affected by these changes, and the valleys near the Yungas are particularly sensitive to them. In terms of rainfall, the projection indicates an average reduction of 27 mm within the same time range, with the natural zone and Yungas being the most affected. Additionally, experts consider the potential temperature increase, which would lead to higher water consumption for agriculture in the valleys. The projections also suggest increased rainfall in the valleys, which could impact crop production.

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Regarding soil types in the Charazani valley, they are highly diverse. Based on information provided by the Gobierno Autonomo Municipio de Charazani (2016), 12 soil types have been categorised into two zones: the eastern slope and the western slope of the valley. Human settlements and cultivated areas are primarily located in the eastern part, which encompasses seven soil types. However, local perception suggests that there are more than 12 soil types, and specifically in the Amarete study area, locals have identified 15 soil types, each with unique characteristics related to productivity and erosion vulnerability. The use of agricultural terraces plays a significant role in maintaining soil fertility, enabling cultivation in all types of soil in the valley, despite their inherently low productivity. The main land uses in the valley can be classified into four categories: terraced areas that are always cultivated, areas with tree and/or shrub cover, pastures, and other land uses, such as urbanised areas and uncultivated land.

5.8 Traditional Vineyards in the Community of Camargo, Bolivia (Gilca Tamar Aruni Flores, Alessandra Bazzurro, Beatrice Fiore)

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Summary Information Location of the site

Cintis Region, Nor Cinti Province, Department of Chuquisaca, Bolivia 20°34 34.0 S 65°09 31.9 W

Area of coverage

74,000 ha

Topographic features

Mostly irregular, due to the existence of abrupt and steep slopes, which originate the formation of hydrographic basins of variable magnitude, with a greater presence of ravines and deep gullies than rivers. Altitude is around 2400 m a.s.l

Climate type

Camargo is located in an area characterised by a temperate and dry climate. The average annual temperature has been 15.4 °C in recent years, with an average maximum of 29.4 °C, and an average minimum of 9.1 °C. The driest season is from April to September and the wettest from October to March, with average annual rainfall of 271 mm

Ethnicity/indigenous population

Approximate population of 15,012 inhabitants according to the last census conducted in 2012. The ethnic origin can be attributed to the Colla-Inca culture, that is the Quechua culture, which is based on the Aymara culture. Among the languages spoken in the site, Spanish (69.26%) is the main language, followed by Quechua (29.48%) and Aymara (0.62%), which is spoken in greater proportion in rural areas

Global Significance The grapevine is one of the most significant fruit crops globally. In Latin America, it has been widely cultivated and distributed by the Spanish colonists since the early sixteenth century. The two primary grape varieties introduced by the Spanish in Latin America are Listan Prieto and Moscatel de Alejandría. However, over the course of 500 years during the conquest and colonial period, each country has developed numerous native varieties known as criollas. In terms of economic indicators, Chuquisaca is the second-largest grapeproducing department in Latin America, following Tarija, with Camargo standing out within the department. Traditional agriculture in this region is mainly practised by indigenous peoples, such as the Quechua and Aymara. However, this system, although not the oldest in Bolivia or the site itself, represents a significant adaptation and evolution in agriculture that has played a crucial role since colonial times. It is still being practised by the original people of the site, who are not only identified as Camargueños but also as Cinteños. Noteworthy aspects of this system include the Creole varieties, centenary vineyards, and native vegetation as part of the agricultural framework (Molina 2017). The municipality of Camargo was established in 1570 by Don Luis de Fuentes y Vargas, originally named Cinti. The legal foundation for creating the municipality of Camargo came with the establishment of the Nor Cinti Province on March 23, 1944, through Decree Law No 66—Gualberto Villarroel. Camargo municipality spans an area of 220,000 ha, of which 4.80% (equivalent to 10,561 ha) is deemed suitable for agricultural and productive use. Among this suitable land, 70% (equivalent to 7393 ha) is currently occupied by both annual and perennial crops.

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The municipal significance of Camargo can be observed in the diverse production found within the territory. Alongside the priority crops, the region cultivates a variety of other crops, including sugarcane, cereals (such as oats, barley, quinoa, and wheat), chilli, oregano, nuts, apricots, almonds, hazelnuts, custard apples, citron, plums, strawberries, pomegranates, cherries, figs, lemons, tangerines, apples, quinces, blackberries, oranges, papayas, pears, avocados, peramota, cooking bananas, prickly pears, flaxseed, olives, chard, green bell peppers, celery, garlic, pumpkins, cabbage, watermelons, paprika, among others. Agriculture in the municipality of Camargo holds socio-cultural values as well, associated with the management of different ecological levels, common practices for irrigation canals and water management, collabouration during adverse weather conditions, seed exchanges, and other activities. Food and Livelihood Security Agriculture is the primary economic activity in the municipality, both for families and the overall economy. According to the Agricultural Census of 2013, 48.5% of the population is engaged in the primary sector, 5.1% in the secondary sector, and 46.4% in the tertiary sector. The population involved in economic activities, aged 10 and above, consists of approximately 24 communities and 510 producers (Pachamama Universal Agrarian Insurance - Seguro Agrario Universal Pachamama: Avances 2019, p. 22). The municipality’s products, such as vegetables and fruits, are predominantly sold in local markets, with a portion also reaching markets in other areas. The main destinations for these products are cities like Potosí, La Paz, Oruro, Santa Cruz, Sucre, and Tarija. The products are sold to various entities, including direct consumers, industries, and others. The most commonly traded items include fruits (grapes, peaches, figs, etc.), vegetables (onions, carrots, fava beans, and fresh peas), moc’kochinche, grain corn, and barley. The primary agricultural product of the municipality is wine, which has been recognised for its quality since 2014 with the “IG Valle de Cinti” label. The diverse ecological zones in Camargo allow for the cultivation of different crops and products throughout the year. Moreover, the existence of multiple grape varieties enables the production of various processed products. Livestock production in the municipality follows traditional methods that have been practised for centuries. There have been few improvements, limited sanitary treatments, and deficient feeding, mainly relying on extensive grazing and browsing. Livestock production is not categorised as a separate system but rather a component or sub-system of the overall agricultural production system. It is closely interconnected with agricultural resources and products, which form the foundation of most agricultural units. The livestock ratios in the municipality are approximately as follows: goats 49.71%, sheep 24.45%, cattle 6.07%, pigs 5.35%, and poultry 13.48% (Gobierno Autónomo Municipal de Camargo 2019a). Livestock products are primarily intended for family consumption, with a smaller portion sold in nearby towns and the local market. The municipality, along with Villa Abecia, has been recognised for its potential for rural tourism. The main tourist attractions are closely linked to the artisanal

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agroindustrial tradition of wines and singanis, extensive vineyards, wineries, and other related aspects. Additionally, the haciendas, which historically (and in some cases still do) produce wines and singanis, serve as focal points for tourism. It’s important to note that family farming is predominant in the municipality of Camargo, with the participation of family members across all stages of the production process, from young children to the elderly. Occasionally, off-farm labour is utilised for certain activities, although traditional forms of community assistance, such as ayní, are preferred. Agrobiodiversity In the municipality of Camargo, agrodiversity is influenced by various factors, including altitude, climate, and cultural aspects such as agrocultural calendars. The local agrobiodiversity systems can be classified into three types: Puna (above 3500 m a.s.l. Sub Puna: 3201 to 3600 m a.s.l.), Valley headwaters (from 3500 to 2800 m a.s.l.), and Valley (from 2800 to 2300 m a.s.l.). In the Puna area, agricultural production primarily consists of tubers (potatoes, oca), cereals (wheat and barley), small-scale vegetable cultivation, and fruit trees. Livestock in this area includes sheep, goats, and to a lesser extent, cattle. The natural vegetation consists mainly of low shrubs used for artisanal purposes. In the Valley headwaters, agricultural production is diverse and includes cereals such as corn and various vegetables, including potatoes and legumes (beans and peas). Fruit trees such as peaches and apples are also cultivated. Livestock in this area consists of goats, cattle, and sheep. The natural vegetation is characterised by scarce timber species, which hold significant handicraft value. In the Valley area, agricultural production is diversified with horticultural and fruit crops, including grapes, peaches, plums, alvarillo, and citrus fruits like oranges and lemons. Vegetable crops such as lettuce, chard, tomatoes, and green peppers are also cultivated. Livestock in this area primarily includes goats and sheep, with a small presence of horses and cattle. The vegetation is thorny and highly xeromorphic, forming either sparse or dense thickets. Within the Cintis Canyon, the municipality of Camargo accounts for 172 ha of vine plantations, representing 79.81% of the total vined area in the canyon (which also includes Camargo, Villa Abecia, and Las Carreras). The Cintis Canyon is home to 22 grape varieties, including table grapes, early white, black, and pink grapes, as well as white vinifera and black vinifera. Two of these species are currently under study, and one has already been recognised as a Bolivian landrace. These grapes serve as dual-purpose fruits for table consumption and for wine and singanis production, reflecting the local winemaking tradition and culture. The area is rich in agrobiodiversity, not only in terms of grape varieties and natural vegetation but also due to the range of locally cultivated agricultural crops. For instance, nine peach varieties have been identified in the Cintis Canyon. The significance of peaches lies in their cultivation among the vine crops, serving as partial support and tutors for the vines. Several local initiatives have been implemented to preserve the local agrobiodiversity, including the Universal Agrarian Insurance Pachamama, the Designation of

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Origin for local wine, and the valorization of gastronomic culture to enhance the role and market value of local agricultural products. The Municipal Plan for the Promotion of Ecological Production Camargo 2019–2024 aims to strengthen the municipality’s capacity for ecological production, promote the inclusion of women and youth in sustainable production, encourage diversified organic farming, and reinforce organic production as an adaptive measure to climate change and risk management. Additionally, a Management and Institutional Development Plan has been formulated for the tourism sector, with a focus on generating income from inbound tourism (estimated at US$1.581 million). Meanwhile, the two tourism companies in the area are actively promoting new strategies and eco-tourism packages and experiences. Local and Traditional Knowledge Systems Crops are influenced by land availability and tenure, and traditional practices passed down through generations contribute to soil conservation, including the use of terraces and crop rotation. In most communities of Camargo, there is a prevailing tradition and culture of plot irrigation. The traditional method is flood irrigation, but this system has certain disadvantages, such as soil erosion and excessive water consumption. Water is considered a scarce resource in the region. In the upper zone and Valley headwaters, irrigation relies on rainfall, while in the valley, it depends on scheduled irrigation with long intervals between water shifts (Gobierno Autónomo Municipal de Camargo 2019b). The contamination of rivers and streams in the municipality poses a risk of increasing diseases, primarily affecting health, crop soils, and the plants that absorb contaminated water. This contamination is mainly due to the accumulation of mineral waste from mining operations in the department of Potosi, which flows through tributaries of the Tumusla River. The Tumusla River is a crucial source of irrigation for more than 18 communities in the municipality. The current consequences include increased mineralization (crusting) of agricultural soils, reduced moisture retention capacity, biological contamination, and consequently, the progressive deterioration of soils and water quality (Gobierno Autónomo Municipal de Camargo 2019a). The primary activities related to vine cultivation include: pruning the vines based on the conduction system, pruning the fruiting according to the variety and fertility of the buds, protecting pruning cuts with pruning paste, early weeding, removing unnecessary shoots, eliminating feminelets to enhance aeration, light exposure, and increase bud fertility, tying the plant according to the training system, trimming the plant to control leaf growth, removing leaves based on the variety to improve aeration and facilitate phytosanitary treatments, and thinning the bunches based on the intended production outcome. The most commonly used training systems in viticulture within the Cintis Canyon are: One-Story Trellis This trellis system is supported on wires and, in some cases, by hollow cane tutors known as palillos. It allows the vine to grow at an average height of 2 m, enabling a person to reach the grape clusters during harvest. Since vines are naturally climbing

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plants that can extend several metres, it’s crucial to regulate their growth and shape through pruning and other cultural practices. Double-Deck Trellis This system is similar to the previous one, but it involves creating two tiers for vine conduction. Inclined posts are used, and the plant grows upward through the arms. This system is ideal for maximising sunlight exposure and promoting photosynthesis. Spanish Parral The Parral system utilises wires to guide the plant upward, creating a canopy with the vine’s foliage that provides protection for the grape clusters. It is particularly suitable for hot areas as it improves aeration, shields the fruit from excessive sun exposure, and reduces the risk of diseases and pests. Parronera In this system, the vine wraps around and climbs on top of other plants, eventually producing grape clusters of different colours and sizes, corresponding to their respective varieties, after flowering and progressing through various phenological stages. Patrimonial System in Parral (Using Molle, Chañar, and Others) The ancient conduction method involves the use of molle (Schinus molle) and chañar (Geoffroea decorticans) trees, which provide significant symbiotic benefits. The innate chemical properties of molle and chañar protect the grapes from pests, diseases, hailstorms, and intense sunlight. This conduction system ensures favourable production characteristics and productivity. The molle and chañar trees serve as supports for the grape plants, providing protection against pests and occasional hailstorms. This particular conduction system can lead to production multiplication of over three times in some cases, with the plant size increasing up to ten times, depending on consistent edaphoclimatic conditions throughout the vegetative cycle (Fig. 5.8). Some traditional tools still find common use in viticulture. When it comes to grape harvesting, white grapes are gathered in baskets. These baskets, known as quepina or piquera, are made from cañahueca (Arundo donax) wicker or guaranguay cane, depending on their size. The quepina is a larger basket with a capacity of up to three arrobas, which the quepidor carries on their back using a specially designed loop. On the other hand, the piquera is a smaller basket, typically holding one arroba, and it is employed to collect grapes from grapevines growing in Moles, Chañares, and other areas. To facilitate the delivery of grapes, the piquera is equipped with a longer cord or loop. When the basket is filled, it is lowered upon the cry of piquera to where the quepidor awaits for the handover (Sud Cinti [History and Tradition], Lopez M., 1981, p. 73). Cultures, Value Systems, and Social Organisation The initial wines were produced in cantaritos, where the grapes were manually crushed and the juice was then placed in pitchers to ferment. Later, a winery was

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Fig. 5.8 Traditional vineyard in Molle and Chañar (photo Gilca Aruni)

constructed with a wine press called a lagareta. Wooden gutters were instaled to transport the must to wooden vats, which were eventually replaced by tin pipes. The grape collection process involved letting the grapes rest in the sun for two days, followed by placing them in the winepress. The labourers, after washing their feet, entered the press and stomped on the grapes. This process was known as Vino Patero, and the main labourer was called the coplero or corero. The labourers formed a wheel and began treading the grapes simultaneously and in rhythm, starting with the right foot and then the left. The first tread was for white and clear wines, the second for rosé wines, and the third for red wines. After the third tread, the grape skins were piled up, and the treaders climbed on top of the heap to extract as much juice as possible. The resulting red must was called Sangre de Toro (Singani y vinos, Coplas e Historia, Aramayo B., 2011, p. 19, 21). Among the region’s traditional dances is the Jailalito, which is associated with grape treading. The typical instruments used in this dance include the erke, cane, violin, and others. According to oral accounts, the Jailalito is a dance that originated as a protest during the grape harvest by workers and their families against the bosses. Various forms of social organisation are active within the proposed area. • Trade Union Organisation: At the peasant community level, there is the Agrarian Union. At the Canton and District levels, there is a Sub-Central Office that brings together the communities of the Canton. The Provincial Central (Nor

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Cinti) further groups the Sub-Centralias within its jurisdiction. Currently, all these union organisation are affiliated with the Federación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Nor y Sud Cinti (F.S.U.T.C.N.S.C.), and the latter is part of the Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (C.SU.T.C.B.). • Grassroots Territorial Organisation (OTB): This is a legally recognised form of community organisation. The Agrarian Unions are recognised as OTBs and maintain their names and structure in most of the communities where they are active. In other communities, the OTBs are the sole form of organisation at the community and urban neighbourhood council levels, as the unions have lost influence due to the lingering effects of patronage or former haciendas. • Oversight Committee: This is the organisational body at the municipal level that represents the OTBs and/or unions, as well as all the communities within the jurisdiction, including the urban neighbourhood councils. The Committee is designated in Law 1551 as the entity responsible for social control over the actions of the Municipal Government on behalf of civil society. Landscapes’ and Seascapes’ Features The landscape of the municipality is primarily characterised by its topography, which is mostly irregular due to the presence of steep slopes. This topography gives rise to the formation of hydrographic basins with deep ravines and gullies rather than rivers. The slopes in the area are marked by large grades, high average amplitudes, and irregular and sharp peaks in the mountains and hills. As a result of extensive erosive processes, particularly water-related, there are limited areas of flat land on the hillsides. Agricultural activities are mainly confined to alluvial-colluvial formations found on the foothills and alluvial terraces along streams and rivers. However, the challenging topography poses some difficulties for the agricultural sector as the soil vulnerability is medium to high throughout the territory. Factors contributing to this categorization include significant slopes, low vegetation cover, overgrazing, poor agricultural practices, inadequate soil management, and the presence of climatic events such as floods and winds. Nevertheless, these conditions give rise to a diverse range of soils and aesthetically pleasing landscapes. The municipality features a wide variety of landscape types, including archaeological, paleontological (such as dinosaur footprints in La Quemada-Viña Vieja), and geological landscapes. While the municipality has significant tourist potential, efforts should be made to raise awareness, conserve, and promote these sites. Currently, these areas are recognised for their tourism potential, but the services and accessibility are insufficient. The houses and significant structures in the area are an integral part of the local cultural landscape. To be classified as haciendas, they must consist of three elements: the hacienda house, vineyards, and a wine press. These constructions typically utilise local materials such as stone and adobe, with roofs made of thatch or colonial tiles. In some areas, hollow cane, lime, and stone are used for both interior and exterior delineations.

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