Advancing Women's Careers 9781845443054, 9781845441456

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12/05/2005

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ISSN 1362-0436

Volume 10 Number 3 2005

Career Development International Advancing women’s careers Guest Editors: Ronald Burke and Susan Vinnicombe

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Career Development International

ISSN 1362-0436 Volume 10 Number 3 2005

Advancing women’s careers Guest Editors Ronald Burke and Susan Vinnicombe

Access this journal online __________________________ 163 Editorial advisory board ___________________________ 164 GUEST EDITORIAL Advancing women’s careers Ronald Burke and Susan Vinnicombe _______________________________

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Women’s career development phases: idealism, endurance, and reinvention Deborah A. O’Neil and Diana Bilimoria _____________________________

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Understanding the processes that facilitate and hinder efforts to advance women in organizations Janet L. Kottke and Mark D. Agars ________________________________

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Factors related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women Marjorie Armstrong-Stassen and Sheila Cameron _____________________

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Generation X women in high technology: overcoming gender and generational challenges to succeed in the corporate environment Ann Feyerherm and Yvonne H. Vick________________________________

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CONTENTS

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EDITORIAL ADVISORY BOARD Professor Yochanan Altman London Metropolitan University, UK Professor Cary L. Cooper, CBE Lancaster University Management School, Lancaster University, UK

Professor Kerr Inkson Massey University, New Zealand Professor Wolfgang Mayrhofer Vienna University of Economics and Business Administration, Austria

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Professor Simon L. Dolan ESADE Business School, Spain

Professor David Megginson Sheffield Hallam University, UK

Professor Dr Marion Festing ESCP-EAP European School of Management, Berlin, Germany

Douglas Renwick Sheffield University Management School, UK

Dr Stephen Gibb Department of HRM, University of Strathclyde, UK Professor Douglas T. Hall Boston University, School of Management, USA Dr Monica Higgins Harvard Business School, USA

Professor Paul Sparrow Manchester Business School, UK Professor Stephen A. Stumpf Villanova University, USA

Dr Wendy Hirsh Institute for Employment, University of Sussex, UK

Professor Beatrice van der Heijden Maastricht School of Management and University of Twente, The Netherlands

Dr Viki Holton Ashridge Business School, UK

Dr Yoav Vardi Tel Aviv University, Israel

Professor Herminia Ibarra INSEAD, France

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Professor Jan Selmer Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong

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GUEST EDITORIAL

Guest editorial

Advancing women’s careers Ronald Burke Schulich School of Business, York University, York, UK, and

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Susan Vinnicombe Centre for Women Business Leaders, Cranfield School of Management, Cranfield, UK Abstract Purpose – This collection seeks to examine the various challenges women face in advancing their careers. Design/methodology/approach – In the mid-1980s, the phrase “glass ceiling” was coined and has since become an established part of our vocabulary. The glass ceiling refers to an invisible but impermeable barrier that limits the career advancement of women. During the last two decades, women have made progress: there are now more women in senior-level executive jobs, more women in “clout jobs”, more women CEOs, and more women on corporate boards of directors. But real progress has been slow with only modest increases shown at these levels. Findings – The slow progress made by talented, educated, ambitious women is now having some negative effects on women’s views of management and the professions as a career. However, artificially limiting the career possibilities of women is a luxury organizations can no longer afford. Organizations are facing an impending shortage of qualified leaders. The aging of the workforce, a smaller number of new workforce entrants, and the war for talent, makes it imperative that organizations utilize and develop the talents of all their employees. Originality/value – This collection examines the various challenges women face in their careers. The contributors come from a number of different countries, indicating the widespread interest in this topic in all developed and developing countries. Keywords Women workers, Career development, Glass ceilings Paper type General review

In the mid-1980s, the phrase “glass ceiling” was coined and has since become an established part of our vocabulary. The glass ceiling refers to an invisible but impermeable barrier that limits the career advancement of women. Since then, terms such as “sticky floors” and “concrete walls” have been used to refer to similar and related obstacles – the difficulties talented women experience in advancing in their careers in medium and large organizations. During the last two decades, women have made progress. There are now more women in senior-level executive jobs, more women in “clout jobs”, more women CEOs, and more women on corporate boards of directors. But real progress has been slow with only modest increases shown at these levels. This picture, while a bit brighter in North America, exists worldwide (Davidson and Burke, 2004) despite a steady increase in women entering professional and managerial jobs with appropriate educational qualifications. Preparation of this introduction was supported in part by the Schulich School of Business, York University and the School of Management, Cranfield University.

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The slow progress made by talented, educated, ambitious women is now having some negative effects on women’s views of management and the professions as a career. Fewer women are entering MBA programs, thus reducing the pipeline for career advancement, despite the efforts of MBA schools to attract more women students. In addition, more women in mid-career are leaving their corporate jobs, opting for a career in small business or full-time investment in family. Artificially limiting the career possibilities of women is a luxury organizations can no longer afford. Organizations are facing an impending shortage of qualified leaders. The aging of the workforce, a smaller number of new workforce entrants, and the war for talent, makes it imperative that organizations utilize and develop the talents of all their employees. The increasing emphasis on human resource management practices and organizational effectiveness that we see in the business media today is consistent with this emphasis. This collection examines the various challenges women face in their careers. The contributors come from a number of different countries indicating the widespread interest in this topic in all developed and developing countries. Deborah O’Neil and Diana Bilimoria’s paper on “Women’s career development phases” helps to explain the often contradictory research findings on women’s beliefs and career experiences. They indicate that women, move through three phases; the “idealistic achievement” phase, where they are optimistic and determined to be successful, the “pragmatic endurance” phase where they hit the problems of professional relationship and organizations, combined with having multiple life roles, and then concluding in the “reinventive contribution” where they positively redefine their careers and lives. Janet Kottke and Mark Agars’ paper on “Understanding the processes that facilitate and hinder efforts to advance women in organizations” argue that in order for initiatives to help women progress to work four critical underlying processes need to be considered and managed. These are social cognitions and perceptions of fairness threat and utility. Three other papers take up particular perspectives on women’s careers; Marjorie Armstrong-Stassen and Sheila Cameron look at the factors related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women, Ann Feyerherm and Yvonne Vick focus on the plight of generation X women in high technology, while Isabel Metz assesses whether differences exist in the barriers by women with and without children. This special issue concludes with Siri Terjesen’s paper on the phenomenon of senior women managers leaving traditional organizations to become entrepreneurs. The study focuses on how these women leverage the social capital and human capital obtained in corporate life to set up their new ventures. The task of acting as editors to this special issue for Careers Development International has proved to be a fascinating one. We received nearly 40 papers from across the world, a fantastic response! We reviewed them carefully and here we would like to thank our support team at the Centre for Developing Women Business Leaders at Cranfield – Val Singh, Savita Kumra, James Collins, Siri Terjesen, Deirdre Anderson and Capucine Carrier who worked tirelessly over the Christmas holidays. We believe that the six papers in this issue reflect the diversity and quality of research now established in this field.

Reference Davidson, M.J. and Burke, R.J. (2004), Women in Management World-wide: Facts, Figures and Analysis, Ashgate Publishing Company, Aldershot. (Ronald Burke is Professor at the Schulich School of Business at York University. He previously held the Imperial Life Professorship in Organizational Behaviour and was a Senior Research Fellow at the National Centre for Management Research and Development, School of Business Administration, The University of Western Ontario. As holder of this Professorship, he started the Women in Management Research Program at Ivey. His work has focused on the relationship between the work environment and the individual’s overall well being, and over the past 30 years he has written articles for numerous academic and professional journals. He has served as a member of two grants committees for the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, as Director of the PhD program in the School of Business at York University, and as Associate Dean Research, with the School of Business at York University. He has published over 500 journal articles and is a Fellow of the Canadian Psychological Association. E-mail: [email protected] Susan Vinnicombe OBE MA PhD MCIM FRSA is Professor of Organisational Behaviour and Diversity Management, Director of Graduate Research and Director of the Centre for Women Business Leaders, Cranfield School of Management, UK Susan teaches on a variety of programmes at Cranfield, and directs the leading edge executive programme for senior women managers called, “Women as leaders”. Susan’s particular research interests are women’s leadership styles, the issues involved in women developing their managerial careers and gender diversity on corporate boards. Her Research Centre is unique in the UK with its focus on women leaders and the annual Female FTSE 100 Index is regarded as the UK’s premier research resource on women directors. Susan has written eight books and numerous articles. Her most recent books are Working in Organizations (with A. Kakabadse and J. Bank – Gower, 2004) and Women with Attitude: Lessons for Career Management, (with John Bank – Routledge, 2003). Susan was awarded an OBE for her Services to Diversity in the Queen’s New Year’s Honour List on December 31, 2004. E-mail: [email protected]).

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The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at www.emeraldinsight.com/1362-0436.htm

Women’s career development phases Idealism, endurance, and reinvention

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Deborah A. O’Neil and Diana Bilimoria Department of Organizational Behavior, Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA Abstract Purpose – This study aims to explore the nature of women’s career experiences over the life course by examining career patterns, career locus, career contexts, and career beliefs. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative, inductive approach to data gathering and analysis was employed, using life story surveys, semi-structured interviewing, thematic analysis, grounded theory, code development and descriptive statistics. Findings – The data revealed distinct patterns of how women’s careers develop over time, particularly with regard to the impact of career contexts (societal, organizational, and relational) and women’s own changing images of their careers and career success. A three-phase, age-linked model of women’s career development is proposed: the idealistic achievement phase; the pragmatic endurance phase; and the reinventive contribution phase. Research limitations/implications – Future studies should test replicability of these findings to determine whether this three-phase model is embedded in the particular socio-historical context of the times in which the particular women in this sample have lived or is universally applicable across different eras and changing realities. Practical implications – Better organizational efforts are needed to ensure that women receive ongoing coaching and mentoring, work for managers who support their development, have access to organizational resources and opportunities to develop their skills, are given challenging assignments, are acknowledged for their unique talents, and are recognized for aptitude learned through life experiences and “non-traditional” work histories. Originality/value – This is a rare, women-only study that looks at the career dynamics of women over the life course. Keywords Career development, Women Paper type Research paper

Career Development International Vol. 10 No. 3, 2005 pp. 168-189 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1362-0436 DOI 10.1108/13620430510598300

A career is broadly defined as a lifelong process of work-related activities that includes both objective and subjective aspects (Hall, 2002). Career development is defined as an on-going series of stages characterized by unique concerns, themes and tasks (Greenhaus et al., 2000). Classic age/stage models of career development have been instrumental in laying a foundation that has shaped career theory over the years (Schein, 1978; Super, 1980). A common underlying assumption behind these age/stage models of career development is that there are a series of predictable tasks that happen at more or less predictable times during the course of a career. Theorists have noted that such traditional models of career development have been based predominantly on the career experiences of men (Betz and Fitzgerald, 1987; Brown and Brooks, 1996; Osipow and Fitzgerald, 1996). What may not be reflected adequately in these classic age and stage models are the progression of women’s

careers, which may unfold differently as a result of their broader life contexts. While there have been calls for gender distinct treatments of careers (Gallos, 1989), to date, career theory has evolved without “a specific explanatory focus on women” (Osipow and Fitzgerald, 1996, p. 261). In this study, we specifically examine the career experiences of women. We start by building the case for why women’s careers should be studied separately from men’s careers. We then describe the methods used to examine women’s career development, and the findings that emerged. In the final section of this paper, we pull together the patterns discerned in the data by proposing a three-phase model of women’s career development and defining the characteristics (career pattern, locus, context and beliefs) inherent in each phase. Why women’s careers are different from men’s careers The notion that women’s careers differ from men’s careers has received varying levels of support in the literature (e.g. Gallos, 1989; Osipow and Fitzgerald, 1996). We believe there are three critical factors that make a compelling case for treating women’s careers as entities worthy of focused investigation in and of themselves: (1) the differential impact of family responsibilities on men’s and women’s careers (Burke, 2002; Hochschild, 1989); (2) findings from women’s developmental psychology (Gilligan, 1982; Miller, 1976) suggest a distinctive relational emphasis may pervade women’s career development (Fletcher, 1996; Kram, 1996); and (3) women’s relative under-representation and subsequent token status at higher organizational levels uniquely constrain their career progress (Ely, 1995; Kanter, 1977). Family responsibilities Bailyn (1989) considers the career an interstitial concept, existing in the space between an individual and a collective level of analysis. This view suggests the importance of closely examining the impact of contextual elements on women’s careers. Increasing recognition of the importance of investigating the impact of contextual factors, particularly family relationships on women’s careers, has been reflected in recent research. This is particularly relevant for women’s career theory since women have increasingly moved into the public sphere while continuing to maintain primary responsibility for the private sphere, in effect further complicating the once neat distinctions between their personal and professional lives. Since women generally continue to perform primary care-giving to children and dependents while simultaneously juggling the demands of their workforce participation, their career development issues, concerns, tasks, and responsibilities, molded by the work-family pressures they experience, may be distinctly different from those of men. Thus, on account of family responsibilities, women’s careers may take on forms, continuity and advancement patterns, and directions substantially different from those of men. In this regard, recent studies have investigated work-life balance and women’s ability to succeed in organizations while continuing to maintain their family responsibilities (Gutek et al., 1991), and the influence of women’s family structure on their career

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advancement and success (Friedman and Greenhaus, 2000; Hewlett, 2002; Kirchmeyer, 2002; Lobel, 1991). Women’s developmental psychology Studies of women’s development posit the essentialness of relationships to women’s growth and development (Gilligan, 1982; Miller, 1976) and suggest that “for women, the primary experience of self is relational, that is, the self is organized and developed in the context of important relationships” (Surrey, 1991, p. 52). Recent studies on a relational approach to career development (Fletcher, 1996; Kram, 1996) have also suggested that instead of separation and individuation, self-development is “understanding oneself as increasingly connected to others in more complex and sophisticated ways” (Kram, 1996, p. 114). This approach necessitates an examination of the contexts and relationships (Powell and Maniero, 1992) that distinctively impact women’s career choices and career patterns, and a recognition that the boundary between women’s personal and professional lives is highly permeable (Fletcher and Bailyn, 1996). There is also evidence to suggest that women’s careers may progress in a counter fashion to classic (male) career development models that represent the middle and later career years as those of stability, maintenance and decline. Research on the stages of women’s development suggests that women find a renewed sense of purpose, energy, and increased vitality for work pursuits in middle adulthood (Bardwick, 1980; Borysenko, 1996). Margaret Mead’s concept of “post-menopausal zest” would seem to dispute the use of such words as stability, maintenance and decline to describe women aged 40 and beyond. Thus, because of their general preference for relationality, women’s careers may develop different patterns, paths, concerns, and responsibilities than men’s careers. Women’s minority status at the top of corporations Although women currently comprise half of the workforce, they are still heavily under-represented at the highest levels of corporations. The resulting “tokenism” continues to perpetuate an unequal playing field in terms of advancement opportunities for women: women continue to be subject to labeling, excessive scrutiny, and stereotyping as they attempt to rise up the organizational hierarchy (Kanter, 1977). From an organizational perspective, institutionalized patriarchy and hegemonic masculinity continue to affect women’s abilities to advance and to succeed, particularly at the highest organizational levels, thus resulting in a general pattern of few or no women in top corporate positions. The gendered nature of organizational advancement also affects the relational interactions between men and women, and among women at different levels of the hierarchy (Ely, 1995), suggesting gendered implications for women’s career development. Thus, women in organizations may find that their careers develop in directions, advancement patterns, and forms that are distinctively different from those of men, even in the same firms. Methodology Given these differences between women’s and men’s career development issues, we decided to focus only on women’s career development by exploring specific constructs drawn from the literature. Derr and Laurent (1989) note that the careers literature has

predominantly followed either a psychological or sociological stream of thought. The primarily psychological frame in women’s career research incorporates constructs such as career choice and orientation (Betz and Fitzgerald, 1987), multiple life roles and psychological well-being (Ruderman et al., 2002), and self efficacy (Hackett and Betz, 1981). The primarily sociological frame encompasses constructs such as career patterns and paths (e.g. Lepine, 1992; Lyness and Thompson, 2000) and environmental influences on careers (Astin, 1984; Ragins et al., 1998). Following earlier work that drew on both the sociological and psychological bases of a career (O’Neil et al., 2004), at present we studied women’s career development processes by examining the path of work-related experiences over the life course (career pattern), the personal and professional factors and relationships impacting those paths (career contexts), and the belief set directing those work experiences (career locus and career beliefs). We utilized an interview protocol that drew out the life histories and career stories of the women participating in our study, probing for times when transitions occurred and career successes, failures, challenges, and opportunities were experienced. The specific questions asked are described in greater detail when reporting the results. Sample In order to examine women’s careers over the life course, the primary sampling criterion was age. Professional women in their 20s through their 50s were targeted to capture a range of choice points in occupational and life development. Women in this age range began and shaped their careers within vastly different “structures of opportunity” (Astin, 1984) over the last 30 years. Participants were randomly sampled from five populations, four affiliated with a Midwestern university in various graduate, executive education and open enrollment programs. The fifth were attendees at a women’s leadership institute in New York. The final sample comprised 60 women ranging in age from 24 to 60 years old, with a mean age of 42. The sample was split between married (50 per cent) and single (50 per cent) with more women without children (62 per cent), than with children (38 per cent). The sample was overwhelmingly White (80 per cent), with 12 per cent African American, 5 per cent Hispanic and 3 per cent Asian. The sample ranged from high school graduates (8 per cent) to women with multiple advanced degrees (7 per cent). The largest percentage of the sample was educated at the Master’s level (55 per cent). Almost half of the women in the sample (47 per cent) reported themselves to be at mid-level in their organizations, 20 per cent were in senior levels, and 17 per cent of the women in the sample reported themselves to be in entry level positions. Self-employed women made up 16 per cent of the sample. The majority of the women in the sample (73 per cent) were employed in the private sector, mainly in manufacturing (30 per cent), service organizations such as financial and legal services (20 per cent), or healthcare (15 per cent). For data analysis and purposes of sub sampling for code development, the sample was split into three age cohorts, reflective of early, middle and later career phases, drawing on the work of Levinson (1996) and Sheehy (1995). Levinson’s (1996) adult development stages proposed early life structures and age 30 transitions as encompassing ages 22-33; culminating life structure for early adulthood and mid life transitions encompassing ages 33-45; and entry life structure for middle adulthood, age 50 transition, and culminating life structure for middle adulthood as encompassing

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ages 45-60. Sheehy (1995) proposed age cohorts – the “endangered” generation, ages 21-35, the “me” generation, ages 36-45, the “Vietnam” generation, ages 46-55, the “silent” generation, ages 56-60, and the “Second World War” generation of 61 þ . In this study age cohort 1 (career phase 1) comprises women aged 24-35, and is equivalent to Sheehy’s “Endangered generation” and encompasses Levinson’s early life structure through age 30 transition. Age cohort 2 (career phase 2) comprises women aged 36-45, and is equivalent to Sheehy’s “Me generation” and a combination of Levinson’s culminating life structure for early adulthood and the mid-life transition. Finally, age cohort 3 (career phase 3), comprises women aged 46-60, and reflects a combination of Sheehy’s “Vietnam and silent generations” and Levinson’s entry through culminating life structure for middle adulthood. The mean age of the 14 women in this study (23 per cent of the sample) who were in career phase 1 was 28. Eight of these women (57 per cent) were single and six (43 per cent) were either married or living with their partners. Only one of these women currently had children. The mean age of the 24 women (40 per cent of the sample) in career phase 2 was 41. There were more women who were married or living with partners in this cohort (58 per cent), than were single (42 per cent). Of these women, 15 (62 per cent) did not have children and nine did (38 per cent). The mean age of the 22 women (37 per cent of the sample) in career phase 3 was 52. There were slightly more (55 per cent) single women than married women (45 per cent) in this group including those who were widowed and divorced. More women had children (59 per cent) than did not (41 per cent). Data collection and analysis A blended approach of grounded theory (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) and thematic analysis (Boyatzis, 1998) was used to collect and analyze the data in this study. Additionally, parametric and non-parametric measures were used to test for significant differences among constructs and to further explicate the qualitative, inductive findings. Random samples of women were drawn from each sample population and e-mailed invitations explaining the study and inviting participation. The women who responded to the invitation to participate were e-mailed instructions detailing the interview process and pre-work (Demographic Form and Career-in-Life Story Survey) and were scheduled for interviews. Semi-structured interviews lasting approximately 112 to 2 hours were conducted with each participant. The pre-work surveys required a woman to “plot” her career and life course from the time she first thought of herself as a “working person” to the present, making particular note of transitions and choice points. Each interview consisted of two parts; lifelines discussion – in which the participants talked through their career histories using their previously prepared surveys, and career beliefs – participants’ answers to five specific questions about their careers. Coding procedures A combination of theory driven and inductive code development (Boyatzis, 1998) was used to analyze the interview data. Following previous literature, the unit of coding for the lifeline interview data was each statement by a participant regarding the framing, resolution, action, or evaluation of her career and life choices (Hopkins and Bilimoria,

2004; Lyons, 1983). The units of coding for the career beliefs interview data were participants’ responses to each of the five career beliefs questions. Lifelines coding The lifelines coding framework represented a combination of a code (career pattern and career locus) constructed from the findings of a prior empirical study on a typology of women’s careers (O’Neil et al., 2004) as well as an inductive code (career context) derived from the data in the current study. Career pattern. In a study of the career patterns of female finance executives, Blair-Loy (1999) clustered the careers of her respondents by job level and size of organizations but found an underlying pattern at work; “the degree of career orderliness” (Blair-Loy, 1999, p. 1359). She found that orderly careers allow for long-term planning and advance along a forseeable path, with few inter-organizational transitions. In contrast, disorderly careers were characterized by changing career fields and organizations, and unplanned job changes. Other authors make similar distinctions between career patterns. For example Sullivan (1999) contrasted “traditional careers” characterized by firm-specific skills and employment, organizational loyalty and job security with “boundaryless careers” characterized by high mobility, transferable skills, and jobs in and out of organizations. To reflect the dual reality of “traditional career ladders” or “orderliness” as well as the recognition of more fluid, or “disordered” career paths, we characterized women’s career patterns as ordered or emergent. An ordered career pattern is characterized by stable, predictable movement through organizational hierarchies, is strategically planned and executed, reflective of choiceful learning opportunities, and may involve long term planning to accommodate other life roles. An example of an ordered career pattern is the following statement by Alex about her progress in the field of human resources: I answered an ad in the newspaper for my first job, which was a human resources assistant. I interviewed, got the job and they offered me $20,000 and it was a really good experience, but a year and a half or so into it I realized that if I wanted upward potential in the organization I would have had to move. So I interviewed with [another organization] and the HR department was 12 people, so it was larger and offered more opportunity without being overwhelming and they offered me $28,000 which was staggering. From there I managed an employee benefits integration process and then became the benefits manager (Alex: 6).

An emergent career pattern reflects a more reactive than proactive series of job/career moves, unexpected twists and turns, serendipitous events, interruptions for non-career activities, and may be designed to accommodate aspects of one’s life other than traditional work. An example of an emergent career pattern follows: I sold flowers on the weekend for cash so I could have money for my kid . . . I mean, I struggled a lot. And I do not glamorize it. It was terrible. But there was also this kind of freedom I had to bring my kid to school, and feed him, and stuff like that. That was very important to me. So in other words, I developed what was important to me, and would find a job that would allow me to accommodate my life as opposed to my life accommodating to work (Ethel: 14).

Career locus. The locus of a career describes the focal point from which career orientation, motivation, and success emanate. Rotter (1992) described the concept of

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locus of control in terms of learning, as skill vs chance; an internal locus of control linked to such concepts as planning, persistence, and problem solving, and an external locus of control linked to such concepts as passivity and dependency. In the present study women with an external career locus are not seen in Rotter’s (1992) terms as passive or dependent but rather that their career and life choices have been more other-directed than self-directed, a reframing of the external-internal dynamic. An external career locus is reflected in the belief that an individual’s career opportunities and career success are due more to chance or luck, external interventions such as others offering her career opportunities or taking them away, or as a result of organizational interventions such as down-sizing or bureaucratic rules. An example of a statement reflecting an external career locus is the following: At that time I didn’t know what I wanted to go into (in my career). So at that point, probably the spring of that year, I was asked to take a two-year assignment over in another division. I would become an assistant group leader. So I did (Yolanda: 24).

An internal career locus is reflected in a belief that an individual is responsible for her own career success and in charge of creating and managing her future career. This reflects a proactive stance toward career opportunities and a belief in one’s self efficacy. An example of a statement reflecting an internal career locus is the following: I had decided, you know what? First of all, I am going to be the manager at (this company) one day. I need to look like one going there (Suzanne: 23).

Overall assessment of career pattern and career locus. Emergent and ordered career patterns, and internal and external career loci, were not mutually exclusive nor fixed but temporal and dependent on life and career context. This required coding at the level of the codable moment as well as an assessment of the overall career pattern and career locus of each participant. For example, each incident of career choice or change was coded as either emergent or ordered and at the completion of each woman’s lifeline coding represented as a ratio of ordered to emergent career pattern for that individual. This assured a meaningful context for the number of times a particular pattern was coded (i.e. in relation to the other pattern) as well as ensuring that whether a participant’s lifeline data had been coded for patterns frequently or infrequently, the overall count would be evened out across the sample. The same logic and process was employed for locus coding. Frequency counts were conducted on incidents of emergent and ordered career moves (pattern) and internal and external attributions (locus) in each lifeline, and an assessment was made as to each individual’s predominant career pattern and career locus. This overall assessment applied one of three indicators for career pattern: emergent, combined, or ordered, and one of three indicators for career locus: internal, combined, or external. Women who had a ratio of ordered to emergent or internal to external that fell in the range of 41/59 to 59/41 were coded as combination pattern or combination locus. If their pattern and locus ratios were more or less than 60/40 or 40/60, they were coded ordered, emergent, internal or external accordingly. A 60/40 split as the line of demarcation between a clear pattern or locus and a combination pattern or locus was used since 60 per cent could be reasonably thought to represent a majority. This finer-grained coding scheme better reflected the pattern and locus changes over the life course.

Career contexts. The career contexts code was inductively derived, informed by prior studies of women’s careers that note the importance of organizational and societal contexts on women’s career choices (see Astin, 1984; Betz and Fitzgerald, 1987; Poole and Langan-Fox, 1997). Both the data and prior studies suggested the use of the constructs of organizational and societal context as an additional way to organize and theme the lifeline data in addition to the pattern and locus coding. Context coding provided details of the reasons behind women’s choices and the positive and negative factors that had influenced these women’s lives. In addition to the importance of organizational and societal contexts to women’s careers, Powell and Maniero (1992) discussed the importance of relationships and represented success in careers and success in relationships as opposite sides of a river-bank. They suggested that over time, women will be pulled more to one bank of the river than the other, or will continue to strive for a balance between the two. Accordingly, relationships were added as a key contextual factor contributing to women’s career development and each incident of career context was coded organizational, societal, or relational. Organizational context refers to the impact of organizational structures such as policies, procedures, culture, environment, or a woman’s desire to impact organizational structures (e.g. change organizational policy, make the organization a more welcoming place for women, etc.). An example of organizational context follows: If you look at the landscape in [organization], there are truly not that many women in a technical field at notable levels, it is that glass ceiling thing. It is true that we have lots of folks in the non-exempt population, but in terms of professionals, we were lacking (Suzanne: 2).

Societal context refers to the impact of the larger society on a woman’s choices or considerations. Some examples of societal context are sex role socialization, expectations of women, discrimination, economic conditions, etc. A woman’s desire to impact the larger society, e.g. make the world a better place or improve economic conditions for women, also constitutes a societal context. An example of societal context follows: When I reentered the workforce my feeling was the wait actually turned into a gift. In the 12 years of gap, I had much more responsibility and breadth of experience as a volunteer than I was getting in the workforce. And I found that somewhat frustrating, I supervised many people who I didn’t control their pay and there were literally times when I had to fire volunteers. I had raised millions of dollars and yet, returning to the work force, I had to go back to square one because I didn’t have any “real” experience (Natalie: 11).

Relational context refers to the impact of key personal (spouse, children, parents, partner, etc.) and professional relationships (managers, peers, clients, etc.), both positive (e.g. mentoring) and negative (e.g. sexual harassment) on a woman’s career and life choices. An example of a statement reflecting a positive relational context is Kathleen’s in describing why she joined a sorority in college: I thought of it as a girl’s network and that’s how I used it . . . I kind of knew in the back of my head that you needed people . . . It just seemed like you should always have people to help you out. And I kept hearing about, oh, the old boy’s network, and then I kept hearing about how people would graduate from school, and they would have somebody in line who’d already graduated, working at a place, and he would say, “hey we’ve got an assistant position open, come on over.” You know? And so I guess it just seemed like the right thing to do (Kathleen: 6).

Career development phases 175

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Career beliefs coding The career beliefs code was a purely inductive code developed from the data. This code represented the salient themes found in participants’ answers to the five questions about their career beliefs. These questions asked participants’ to describe their career metaphors, the meaning of careers in their lives, their definitions of success, the relationships between their personal and professional lives, and their visions of the future. Coding reliability Both the lifelines and career beliefs codes were subjected to rigorous standards of reliability (Boyatzis, 1998). A sub sample of 20 interviews was randomly selected for lifelines coding. Two coders and the first author went through an iterative process of four rounds of coding and clarifying the code for ten interviews. At the completion of this code development process, the two coders then separately applied the code to five more interviews each from the sub sample. This represented a total of one-third of the interviews, ten of which had been coded by the first author and both lifeline coders in the code development process, five of which had been coded by the first author and lifeline coder 1, and five of which had been coded by the first author and lifeline coder 2. The first ten lifelines used for code development were then recoded using the final code. The final inter-rater reliability on the lifelines code constructs (career pattern, locus, and context) ranged between 89 per cent and 100 per cent. Given these high agreement rates, the lifelines code was deemed reliable for further analyses and subsequently applied to the remaining 40 interviews. The same process was followed for the career beliefs coding. The initial inter-rater reliability on the career beliefs code was very high (85-97 per cent) and the code was subsequently applied by the first author to the remaining interviews. Results Table I reports a comparison of career patterns by whole sample and by career phase. Chi-square tests show that overall the women in the sample had significantly more ordered career patterns than emergent or combination career patterns. Across career phase analysis indicates that the only significant differences among the three phases was on the combination career pattern variable, with phase 2 having marginally significantly more combination career patterns than the other two phases. Within career phase comparisons revealed that the women in career phase 3 had significantly

Table I. Career pattern

Career pattern

Whole sample (N ¼ 60) N %

Ordered Emergent Combination x2

31 51.7 18 30.0 11 18.3 10.300**

Notes: * p , 0:10, ** p , 0:05

Phase 1 (N ¼ 14) N %

Phase 2 (N ¼ 24) N %

Phase 3 (N ¼ 22) N %

9 5 0

9 8 7

13 5 4

64.3 35.7 0 1.143

37.5 33.3 29.2 0.250

59.0 22.7 18.2 6.636**

x2 3.307 0.899 5.024*

more ordered career patterns than emergent or combination career patterns. Career patterns were not significantly differentiated within phases 1 and 2. Table II compares career locus by whole sample and by career phase. Chi-square tests indicated that there were no significant differences by whole sample on the career locus variable. However, across phase analyses revealed that the women in phase 1 had an overwhelmingly internal career locus, with the incidence of internal locus diminishing as the career phase increased (p , 0:05). This means that the farther a woman advances into her career, the more likely she is to move away from an internal career locus. Chi-square tests also indicated that external locus of control was marginally significantly different among the phases with phase 3 being the most externally locused. Within phase analyses of career locus confirmed that phase 1 women had significantly more internal career loci than either emergent or combination loci. Career locus did not appear to be differentiated within phases 2 and 3. Table III compares the average number of career context references per lifeline conversation by whole sample and by career phase. Subsequent tables will report the substance of the contextual references which were derived from the individual career context coding of the lifelines data. As shown in Table III, ANOVA indicates that there was a significant difference in relational context between the three career phases with phase 2 women having the highest and phase 1 women having the least. No significant differences were found among the phases on the other context variables. Table IV portrays the frequencies and percentages of women who reported the impact of organizational context on their career and life choices. An overwhelming percentage of the sample (81 per cent) reported the impact of negative organizational environments, saying that they had worked or currently did work in non-supportive organizational climates. Phase 2 women’s overwhelming experiences of discrimination

Career locus External Internal Combination x2

Whole sample (N ¼ 60) N %

Phase 1 (N ¼ 14) N %

Phase 2 (N ¼ 24) N %

Phase 3 (N ¼ 22) N %

21 20 19

2 9 3

8 7 9

11 4 7

35.0 33.3 31.7 0.100

14.3 64.3 21.4 6.143**

33.3 29.2 37.5 0.250

50.0 18.2 31.8 3.364

Whole sample

Organizational Societal Relational

7.4 3.9 12.8

Note: * p , 0:05

Mean reference per lifeline Phase 1 Phase 2 7.3 2.8 9.2

8.3 3.8 15.3

177

x2 4.846* 8.496** 1.056 Table II. Career locus

Notes: * p , 0:10, ** p , 0:05

Career contexts

Career development phases

Phase 3

ANOVA F-value

6.3 5.0 12.7

1.528 1.984 3.667*

Table III. Career context references

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178 Table IV. Organizational context

Whole Sample Impact of organizational context on women’s career N ¼ 58 and life choices N % Negative organizational environment Discrimination and/or harassment against women Positive organizational environment Non-supportive organizational policies Supportive organizational policies

47 35 30 17 10

Phase 1 Phase 2 Phase 3 N ¼ 14 N ¼ 23 N ¼ 21 N % N % N %

x2

81.0 11 78.6 21 91.3 15 71.4 3.502 60.3 6 42.9 19 82.6 10 47.6 8.612* 51.7 9 64.3 13 56.5 8 38.0 3.303 29.3 4 28.6 9 39.1 4 19.0 2.754 17.2 2 14.3 3 13.0 5 23.8 1.632

Notes: * p , 0:10; n less than 60 because two women were not coded for organizational context

and sexual harassment (82.6 per cent) were marginally significantly higher than the women in the other two career phases. Table V reports the frequencies and percentages of women who reported the impact of societal context on their career and life choices. Almost half of the sample mentioned the impact of the economy on their career choices. The women in career phase 1 were four times as likely to be affected by economic factors as were the women in phase 3 (Chi-square was significant at p , 0:01). Almost half of the women in phase 3 reported the impact of the activism of the 1960s and 1970s in making their career and life choices in contrast to none of the women in the other phases. Chi-square tests showed this difference to be significant at p , 0:01. Table VI compares the impact of professional and family relationships on women’s careers. A significant number of women reported the impact of both positive and negative managers. The impact of negative managers was reported significantly more by the women in career phase 2 than by the women in the other career phases (p , 0:01). Many of the family relationship variables were significantly different among the three career phases. An overwhelming majority of the sample reported the influence of parents on their career and life choices. Every woman in the first career phase reported being impacted by her parents. Parental influence remained high overall in phases 2 and 3, but diminished with age. Over three-quarters of the sample reported the influence of spouses/significant others on their career and life choices. That influence was felt most by the women in career

Whole sample Impact of societal context on women’s career and life N ¼ 53 choices N %

Table V. Societal context

Economic factors Discrimination against women Expectations of women Impact of the activist climate of the 1960s and 1970s

26 18 18 10

Phase 1 Phase 2 N ¼ 10 N ¼ 22 N % N %

Phase 3 N ¼ 21 N %

49.1 8 80.0 14 63.6 4 34.0 2 20.0 8 36.4 8 34.0 2 20.0 8 36.4 8 18.9 0 0 10

x2

19.0 18.441* 38.1 6.158 38.1 6.158 47.6 24.668* Notes: * p , 0:01; n less than 60 because seven women were not coded for societal context

Impact of relational context on women’s career and life choices Professional relationships Negative managers Positive managers, role models, mentors Networking Family relationships Parental influence Spouse/significant other Supportive partners Non-supportive partners Career moves for partners Partners made career moves Children Contemplating children now or in the future and wondering about career implications Made career moves for children

Whole sample (N ¼ 60) N %

Phase 1 (N ¼ 14) N %

Phase 2 (N ¼ 24) N %

Phase 3 (N ¼ 22) N %

x2

37

61.7

7

50.0

21

87.5

9

40.9

37 35

61.7 58.3

9 8

64.3 57.0

13 15

54.2 62.5

15 12

68.2 54.5

0.396 0.309

53 46 18 14 12 3 46

88.3 76.7 39.1 30.4 26.1 6.5 76.7

14 8 4 2 2

100.0 64.3 50.0 25.0 25.0 0 11 78.6

22 22 10 8 2 2 18

91.7 91.7 45.5 36.7 9.1 9.1 75.0

17 16 4 4 8 1 17

77.3 72.7 25.0 25.0 50.0 6.3 75.0

4.719* 6.193** 1.211 2.309 6.009** 1.308 0.070

12 23

28.6 54.8

10 1

2 9

11.1 50.0

13

72.2

30.685*** 9.779***

90.9 9.1

0

11.592***

Notes: * p , 0:10; ** p , 0:05; *** p , 0:01

phase 2, and significantly less by the women in phases 3 and 1. Fully half of the women in phase 3 reported that they had made career moves for their partners, whereas one-quarter of the women had in phase 1, and hardly any women had in phase 2. The influence of children on these women’s career and life choices were felt to a great degree by women in all three career phases, although in different ways. Phase 1 women overwhelmingly reported current thinking about the impact of children on their future careers, whereas phase 3 and phase 2 women reported having made career moves specifically to accommodate their children. Tables VII-XI report the results of the five career beliefs questions by whole sample and by career phase. Table VII reports the results of participants’ responses to the question asking them to describe their career in terms of a metaphor. Careers as a “series of learning opportunities, evolving over time”, was mentioned most often, although chi-square tests indicated no significant differences among the career phases on this variable. The most often used metaphor in phase 1 was “moving on up”, statistically different from the other phases at p , 0:05. Table VIII reports the results of participants’ responses to the question asking them to describe what having a career meant to them. The most often mentioned meaning of career was “making a difference, being of service, impacting others”, although there were no significant differences among the career phases on this belief. The second most often mentioned meaning of career was as “accomplishment and achievement”. Phase 2 women were significantly more likely (p , 0:05) to describe the meaning of their careers in this fashion. Marginally significant differences were found in careers as “extensions of selves” and as “paths to personal happiness, satisfaction and

Career development phases 179

Table VI. Relational context

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Table VII. Career metaphor

Question 1: Career Metaphor “If you were to describe your career in terms of a metaphor what would it be?” Series of learning opportunities, evolution over time Serendipitous/random/open to opportunities Series of challenges/proving ground/hard work and effort Lifetime journey “I did it my way”, non-traditional “Moving on up” “Misfits” Quest for balance

Phase 1 (N ¼ 14) N %

Phase 2 (N ¼ 23) N %

Phase 3 (N ¼ 21) N %

12

20.7

3

21.4

2

8.7

7

33.3

3.118

9

15.5

4

28.6

2

8.7

3

14.3

2.825

9 8 8 8 5 3

15.5 13.8 13.8 13.8 8.6 5.2

5 4 3 2 3 2

21.7 17.4 13.0 8.7 13.0 8.7

4 3 5 1

19.0 14.3 23.8 4.8

3.332 0.983 4.102 7.809* 3.055 1.279

0 1

7.1 0

5 2

35.7 14.3 0

0 1

4.8

x2

Notes: * p , 0:05; n is 58 because one no response, one not coded

Question 2: Meaning of career “What does having a career mean to you?”

Table VIII. Meaning of career

Whole Sample (N ¼ 58) N %

Making a difference/being of service/impacting others Accomplishment/ achievement/application of knowledge and learning Extension of self, identity, self-validation, source of confidence Self-sufficiency/a means to support a life Path to personal happiness, satisfaction or fulfillment Integration and balance Community and relationships

Whole sample (N ¼ 52) N %

Phase 1 (N ¼ 12) N %

22

42.3

6

50.0

8

40.0

8

40.0

0.378

16

30.8

2

16.7

10

50.0

4

20.0

5.681**

14

26.9

4

33.3

8

40.0

2

10.0

4.900*

14

26.9

4

33.3

4

20.0

6

30.0

0.834

10 4

19.2 7.7

5

41.7

2 3

10.0 15.0

3 1

15.0 5.0

4.535* 2.708

3

5.8

1

2

10.0

2.028

0 8.3

Phase 2 (N ¼ 20) N %

0

Phase 3 (N ¼ 20) N %

X2

Notes: ** p , 0:05, * p , 0:10; n ¼ 52 because six no responses, two not coded

fulfillment”, with phase 2 women most likely to report careers as “extensions of selves” and least likely to report careers as “paths to happiness” (p , 0:10). Table IX reports the results of participants’ responses to the question asking them to describe their meanings of success. Almost half of the women in the sample described success as “personal fulfillment and happiness”, more than twice the number of women who described the meaning of their careers that way. Women in career phases 1 and 2

Question 3: Success “What does success mean to you?” Personal fulfillment/happiness Recognition, responsibility, Respect, accomplishment Relationship orientation Impact on others Financial considerations Multi-dimensional success (mention of at least three other success themes) Changed from more objective to subjective over time Adding value/contributing Integrity/doing the right thing Winning or competing

Whole sample (N ¼ 55) N %

Phase 1 (N ¼ 12) N %

Phase 2 (N ¼ 23) N %

Phase 3 (N ¼ 20) N %

25

45.5

7

58.3

13

56.5

5

25.0

5.314*

19 15 13 13

34.5 27.3 23.6 23.6

3 6 3 3

25.0 50.0 25.0 25.0

8 4 5 7

34.8 17.4 21.7 30.4

8 5 5 3

40.0 25.0 25.0 15.0

1.339 4.077 0.079 1.428

12

21.8

3

25.0

5

21.7

4

20.0

0.110

10 9 4 2

18.2 16.4 7.3 3.6

3 2

25.0 16.7

3 2 3 1

13.0 8.7 13.0 4.3

4 5 1 1

20.0 25.0 5.0 5.0

0.828 2.079 2.230 0.592

0 0

x2

Notes: * p , 0:10; n is 55 because there were five no responses

Career development phases 181

Table IX. Meaning of success

were more than twice as likely as the women in career phase 3 to define success in terms of personal fulfillment and happiness, a marginally significant difference (p , 0:10). Table X reports the results of participants’ responses to the question asking them to describe the relationship between their personal and professional lives. Half of the sample described themselves as having “integrated” careers and lives. A highly significant (p , 0:01) majority of the women who described themselves as “needing to be someone different at work” were in career phase 2, in contrast to the women in career phase 3, none of whom reported themselves in this fashion. Women who described their “personal lives being subsumed by professional lives” came overwhelmingly from career phase 3, with no women from phase 1 describing themselves this way. This difference was statistically significant at the p , 0:05 level. Table XI reports the results of participants’ responses to the question asking them to describe their visions of the future. The only statistically significant difference Question 4: Personal-professional relationship “How would you describe the relationship between your personal and your professional life?” Integrated A changing relationship moving toward integration over time Needing to be different at work Separate Personal life subsumed by professional life

Whole sample (N ¼ 56) N %

Phase 1 (N ¼ 13) N %

Phase 2 (N ¼ 22) N %

Phase 3 (N ¼ 21) N %

28

50.0

5

38.5

11

50.0

12

22 12 9

39.3 21.4 16.1

3 3 3

23.0 23.0 23.0

10 9 4

45.5 40.9 18.2

9 2

9.5

7

12.5

1

4.5

6

28.6

0

57.1

0.850

42.9

1.602 10.551* 0.511

0

Notes: * p , 0:01, ** p , 0:05; n ¼ 56 because two no responses, two not coded

x2

7.868**

Table X. Personal-professional relationship

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Table XI. Future vision

Question 5: Future vision “If you were to describe your future what would you say?” Staying put (in field, function, organization, etc. out of comfort, loyalty, financial considerations, fear, etc.) Focus on both work and relationships Exploring new opportunities, looking for new challenges “Vision questing” searching for happiness/purpose Unlimited, wide open possibilities Striving for success “Que sera sera” (whatever will be will be)

Whole sample (N ¼ 57) N %

Phase 1 (N ¼ 13) N %

Phase 2 (N ¼ 23) N %

Phase 3 (N ¼ 21) N %

24

42.1

3

23.1

13

56.5

8

38.1

4.030

22

38.6

6

46.2

9

39.1

7

33.3

0.562

15

26.3

2

15.4

5

21.7

8

38.1

2.552

7 6 5

12.3 10.5 8.8

1 5 1

7.7 38.5 7.7

2

8.7

19.0 4.8 4.8

1.421 14.218* 0.965

3

5.3

4.8

1.283

0

3

13.0

4 1 1

2

8.7

1

0

x2

Notes: * p , 0:01; n ¼ 57 because three no responses

(p , 0:01) among the career phases was that phase 1 women were overwhelmingly more likely to perceive the future as “unlimited, wide open possibilities” than were the women in the other two career phases. Overall findings An overall examination of the data patterns that emerged from this study indicates that the constructs of career locus, career pattern, career context, and career beliefs have differential manifestations in the three phases of a woman’s career, as follows. Career phase 1: idealistic achievement The driving force of phase 1, early career (ages 24-35), is idealistic achievement. Women in the idealistic achievement phase will most likely base their career choices on their desires for career satisfaction, achievement and success, and their desires to positively impact others. Women in this phase are most likely to see themselves in charge of their careers and will doubtless be proactive in taking strategic steps to ensure their career progress (internal career locus). They are achievement-oriented and motivated to succeed and see their careers as opportunities to make a difference and as paths to personal happiness and fulfillment. They believe their futures are replete with unlimited possibilities to “do and have it all” and they see their careers as opportunities to realize their dreams. Although they have a desire to make a difference in their organizations and in the world, they approach this from an internal, self-focused perspective; they know what they want and are determined to make it happen. They are disproportionately affected by the vagaries of economic conditions perhaps due to their overall shorter tenure in the workforce. These women have been impacted by negative organizational environments but believe they can rise above them. They report experiencing more positive managers than negative ones and parents are big influences on their career and life choices. Of

these women, 91 per cent did not yet have children, but all were grappling with the issues of how to combine career and family and were already preoccupied with how to arrange their lives so they could be less organizationally restricted when they were ready to become parents. They were concerned by the clear indications they were getting that organizational structures did not seem to be supportive of women having a dual focus on both career and family.

Career development phases 183

Career phase 2: pragmatic endurance The driving force of phase 2, mid-career (ages 36-45), is pragmatic endurance. Women in this phase are pragmatic about their careers and are operating in production mode, doing what it takes to get it done. Their career patterns are reflective of both ordered and emergent tendencies. They have a high relational context and are managing multiple responsibilities both personally and professionally. Perhaps the high relational context of the women in phase 2 can be attributed to two factors: (1) They may have been in the work world long enough to recognize that no matter how internally driven they were (when they were in career phase 1), to a large degree their career development is now impacted by others; professional others such as managers and colleagues, as well as personal others such as spouses, children, families and friends. (2) These women may be moving into a career and life phase in which they are questioning the essential centrality of careers in their lives, given the other increasing demands on their time. They may be grappling with demands from multiple constituencies (work, home, community, etc.) and trying to split themselves into ever-smaller pieces to serve them all. These women are most likely to be dissatisfied and disenfranchised with their workplaces and stalled at the middle management level after having worked for 10 to 20 years. The staggering impact of negative organizations and managers, and discrimination and sexual harassment combine to produce a bleak environment for many mid-career women. These women may likely divert their full energies and talents from their careers to other areas of their lives that provide them with a sense of satisfaction, self-worth, achievement and recognition because the circumstances of their careers are not in and of themselves fulfilling. The women in the pragmatic endurance career phase see their careers as extensions of themselves, and their identities are inextricably linked with what they do for a living. Perhaps this is related to their career definitions of achievement and accomplishment; if careers are seen as essential parts of themselves it becomes more critical to succeed in them. This may also be related to the number of childless women in the sample in this phase who may have focused on career to the detriment of establishing their own families. The women in this career phase define success as personal happiness and fulfillment, but unfortunately do not see their careers as vehicles to achieve that end. They feel a need to protect themselves at work and feel stuck in their current jobs, organizations, fields or industries. The muddle of this middle phase and its associated angst may be reflective of the many transitions and choice points affecting women’s professional careers and personal lives during the mid-life years of 36-45. The women in this career phase are at an age when they have to make firm choices about such things as parenthood and

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career commitment. One of the clear concerns of this age is the ticking of the biological clock and the increasing finality of the choice of whether or not to have children (Hewlett, 2002). Part of the dissatisfaction of the women in this career phase may be dissatisfaction with their broader life choices, not just career dissatisfaction. They may be at a point in time when they are searching for more overall meaning in their lives. Career phase 3: reinventive contribution The driving force of phase 3, advanced career (ages 46-60) is reinventive contribution. The women in this phase are focused on contributing to their organizations, their families and their communities. They are most likely to attribute personal and professional others as having had input into the direction of their careers (external career locus) and are likely to reflect a stable, planned career path (ordered career pattern). The women in the reinventive contribution phase have experienced their personal lives being subsumed by their professional lives at some point during their careers. For many of these women those circumstances were as a result of divorce or death of a spouse initiating a renewed focus on work and career concerns. However, as they have advanced further into their careers, these women have reconceptualized and reclaimed their careers in their lives as opportunities to contribute and to be of service to others without losing sight of themselves in the process. The phase 3 women are likely to embody the values of the 1960s, the era in which many of them came of age, and to take an activist stance on issues of fairness and justice. Careers are seen as learning opportunities and as chances to make a difference to others. Success for these women is about recognition, respect and living integrated lives. Women in the reinventive contribution phase of their careers will be more likely to work in arenas that provide them an opportunity to contribute meaningfully through their work. Discussion The results of the study show that women’s careers develop in three distinct age-related phases, characterized by differences in career pattern, locus, context and beliefs. Overall trends observed in the data indicate that there is a movement from mostly positive career experiences in phase 1 to many negative career experiences in phase 2 to a return to a more positive perspective in phase 3. Particularly for women, phase 2 may be reflective of the confluence of pressing career and personal concerns likely to occur during the transitional mid-life period between ages 40 and 45. According to Levinson (1996, p. 370), this is when the “myth of the successful career woman” collides with societal and organizational realities resulting in an often painful process of reevaluation of life, work and relationships. Add to this the question of childbearing for those women who do not have children and this particular life and career phase may quickly become overwhelming. Additionally, according to Levinson (1996), women in mid-life disproportionately find themselves engaged in work that is not psychologically satisfying and may even be self-damaging. This “psychological retirement” (Levinson, 1996, p. 375) may be reflected in the present study in the number of phase 2 women who saw their futures as “staying put” in their jobs, organizations and/or fields although their work environments were not necessarily supportive nor satisfying.

The findings also indicated that a large percentage (64 per cent) of the younger women in the present study have ordered career patterns. However, when women reach mid-career, their career patterns become a fairly even mix of ordered, emergent and combination. And finally, when women reach their later career years, their career patterns once again reflect more orderliness, with emergent and combination patterns significantly decreasing. One possible explanation for this trend might be that ordered, strategic planning for advancement occurs early on, followed by a period of accommodation for family and non-work related activities during mid career, and then a return to the orderliness of organizational or work-related contexts during a woman’s later career years. A focus on family might explain the more emergent syndrome during the mid career years since in this study there are more married women in phase 2 but less phase 2 women with children than phase 3 women. An alternative possibility is that the phase 2 women are experiencing corporate disillusionment and ennui and/or trying other things, such as becoming more entrepreneurial, returning to school, etc. Women’s career loci change from internal to external as they move through the succeeding phases of their careers. Women start out in their 20s and early 30s with a predominantly internal career locus that becomes increasingly external as they age. In fact by the time women reach their late 40s, at least half of them have an external career locus and not even one-quarter of them continue to have an internal locus. Although this seems counter-intuitive, there are two possible explanations for this finding. First, perhaps younger women begin their careers with the assumption that being internally directed and assertive is the way to get ahead based on classic models of career success and norms still operating in many organizations and society in general. Those models reward individual achievement, competition, and hierarchical advancement. We can speculate that some women, once they embark on their careers and find the price to be paid for enacting such models decide to explore alternative routes to career success. Alternatively, this may be a natural process of career growth and development that occurs over time as a result of age and experience. We might presume that the older women in career phases 2 and 3 have more experience and have grown more savvy about the ways in which individuals advance in their careers. They know from years of experience that the way through life is both internal and external, that no one succeeds without help. This trend across career phases reflects a focus on self, on other, and finally a balance between other and self. Levinson (1996) proposes that during the mid-life transition (encompassing phase 2 women in the present study) while essential questions of one’s relationship to her work are being explored, there is also an increased focus on relationships with others. He describes this period as a shifting from the egocentrism of youth to the balancing of self and others that will define a person’s later years, a trend clearly seen in the present study. Implications for women and organizations Research strongly suggests that organizations need to understand, recognize and support women’s career and relationship priorities in order to retain talented professional women. Yet in our study we found strong evidence that while organizations may agree on the importance of that support, they often fall short in practice, resulting in a lack of women who reach the higher rungs of management. Better organizational efforts are needed to ensure that women receive on-going coaching and mentoring, work for managers who support and encourage their

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development, have access to organizational resources and relevant opportunities to develop their skills, are given challenging assignments, are acknowledged for their unique talents and contributions, and are recognized for aptitude learned through life experiences and “non traditional” work histories. It is imperative that organizations do a better job of matching resources to women’s changing needs in order to allow women to continue contributing meaningfully during each phase of their careers. For instance, women in the idealistic achievement phase of their careers particularly need access to assignments that will stimulate and challenge them and provide opportunities to develop their skills and their strengths. Women in this career phase are exploring their capabilities and spreading their wings. Managers can encourage them in this creative process by employing a developmental perspective focused on coaching, mentoring, and strategic skill development. In addition, organizational compensation programs must consider both intangible and tangible means of reward in keeping with these women’s desires to be positive contributors as well as be financially successful. Clearly a critical need for women is a better integration between work-lives and non-work lives. Organizations can support this by legitimizing various career paths and options and providing a climate of acceptance and support for the many responsibilities women have and the many choices they face. Organizational policies supportive of women being active contributors in all spheres of their lives are necessary requirements for enabling this desired integration. For example, women in the pragmatic endurance career phase may need flexible work hours, work arrangements and job restructuring to assist them in mediating the critical junctures of the many different roles they play in their lives. They also need challenging assignments, mentoring and good management. Without recognition and support for their multiple life roles, they may find themselves unable to fully embrace their work responsibilities. Managers must recognize that the careers of these women are embedded in their larger life contexts and work with each individual to identify the necessary resources that will allow them to do their best work. Organizations that create work environments that do not disadvantage women wanting to lead integrated lives will clearly have a competitive edge in keeping their most talented employees. The unique talents and abilities of the women in the reinventive contribution career phase need to be recognized and utilized. These women have myriad career and life experiences on which to draw in support of organizational objectives. They require opportunities to coach and develop others as well as opportunities to continue to learn and develop their own skills and abilities and feel challenged in their work. Managers can tap into this well-spring of knowledge and these women’s highly evolved relational skills by placing them in leadership positions, in team or task-force oriented roles and by signing them up as mentors for junior members of the firm. These women should seek out younger women to mentor and sponsor even if their organizations do not have formal mentoring programs. It is particularly critical for women in the earlier career phases to have access to successful female role models and to see concrete evidence that organizations are supportive of their desires for career and life success. Also, the women in the reinventive contribution career phase are in the unique position to become proactive members of their workplaces and champions of women in earlier career phases. They can work to create fair and just organizational policies that contribute to quality of work environments for all workers.

Future directions for research The results of our study are suggestive of specific directions for future research as follows. First, the empirical evidence in this study shows distinctions between the three phases of women’s careers in terms of career pattern, locus, context and beliefs. Future studies should test the replicability of these findings to determine if this three-phase model of women’s career development is embedded in the particular socio-historical context of the times in which the particular women in this sample have lived or is universally applicable across different eras and changing realities. Clearly the specific contextual elements of these women’s lives will change over time reflective of changing organizational and societal norms and values. However, whether women will experience the specific elements of these career phases is a central question to be answered in future research. Additionally the contexts, duration, processes and dynamics of each phase need to be empirically tested in large sample studies. Second, research is also needed to more specifically explain the consistent finding that phase 2 women were substantially different on many of the variables explored in this study. This consistent difference may possibly be related to the impact of family responsibilities and in particular a sense of child-bearing urgency or other intimacy related factors, but the present study does not provide enough data to draw valid conclusions about such explanations or resultant cause and effect relationships. Also, especially since this is the age grouping that likely comprises the layers between middle and upper levels of management in many organizations, this group of women may be most at risk for leaving their organizations, quitting “corporate America” altogether, or otherwise downgrading their contributions due to dissatisfaction with their workplace circumstances and organizational environments. The failure to understand the particular dynamics of these women in mid-career will likely result in the continued under-representation of women at senior organizational levels, a circumstance that world-class organizations can ill afford. References Astin, H.S. (1984), “The meaning of work in women’s lives: a sociopsychological model of career choice and work behavior”, The Counseling Psychologist, Vol. 12, pp. 117-26. Bailyn, L. (1989), “Understanding individual experience at work: comments on the theory and practice of careers”, in Arthur, M.B., Hall, D.T. and Lawrence, B.S. (Eds), Handbook of Career Theory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Bardwick, J.M. (1980), “The seasons of a woman’s life”, Women’s Lives: New Theory, Research and Policy, Center for Continuing Education of Women, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, pp. 35-55. Betz, N.E. and Fitzgerald, L.F. (1987), The Career Psychology of Women, Academic Press, Orlando, FL. Blair-Loy, M. (1999), “Career patterns of executive women in finance: an optimal matching analysis”, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 104 No. 5, pp. 1346-97. Borysenko, J. (1996), A Woman’s Book of Life, Riverhead Books, New York, NY. Boyatzis, R.E. (1998), Transforming Qualitative Information, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA. Brown, D. and Brooks, L. and Associates (1996), Career Choice and Development, Jossey-Bass Publishers, San Francisco, CA.

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Burke, R.J. (2002), “Career development of managerial women”, in Burke, R.J. and Nelson, D.L. (Eds), Advancing Women’s Careers, Blackwell Publishing, Malden, MA. Derr, C.B. and Laurent, A. (1989), “The internal and external career: a theoretical and cross-cultural perspective”, in Arthur, M.B., Hall, D.T. and Lawrence, B.S. (Eds), Handbook of Career Theory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Ely, R.J. (1995), “The power in demography: women’s social constructions of gender identity at work”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 38 No. 3, pp. 589-634. Fletcher, J.K. (1996), “A relational approach to the protean worker”, in Hall, D.T. and Associates (Eds), The Career Is Dead, Long Live the Career, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA, pp. 105-31. Fletcher, J.K. and Bailyn, L. (1996), “Challenging the last boundary: reconnecting work and family”, in Arthur, M. and Rousseau, D. (Eds), Boundaryless Careers, Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp. 256-67. Friedman, S.D. and Greenhaus, J.H. (2000), Work and Family: Allies or Enemies? What Happens When Business Professional Confront Life Choices, Oxford University Press, New York, NY. Gallos, J. (1989), “Exploring women’s development: implications for career theory, practice, and research”, in Arthur, M.B., Hall, D.T. and Lawrence, B.S. (Eds), Handbook of Career Theory, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 110-31. Gilligan, C. (1982), In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women’s Development, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Greenhaus, J.H., Callanan, G.A. and Godschalk, V.M. (2000), Career Management, 3rd ed., Dryden Press/Harcourt College Publishers, Fort Worth, TX. Gutek, B.A., Searle, S. and Klepa, L. (1991), “Rational versus gender role explanations for work/family conflict”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 76, pp. 560-8. Hackett, G. and Betz, N.E. (1981), “A self-efficacy approach to the career development of women”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 18, pp. 326-39. Hall, D.T. (2002), Careers in and out of Organizations, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA. Hewlett, S.A. (2002), Creating a Life: Professional Women and the Quest for Children, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA. Hochschild, A. (1989), The Second Shift, Avon Books, New York, NY. Hopkins, M.M. and Bilimoria, D. (2004), “Care and justice orientations in workplace ethical dilemmas of women business owners”, Group and Organization Management, Vol. 29 No. 4. Kanter, R.M. (1977), Men and Women of the Corporation, Basic Books, New York, NY. Kirchmeyer, C. (2002), “Gender differences in managerial careers: yesterday, today, and tomorrow”, Journal of Business Ethics, pp. 5-24. Kram, K.E. (1996), “A relational approach to career development”, in Hall, D.T. and Associates (Eds), The Career Is Dead, Long Live the Career, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA, pp. 132-57. Lepine, I. (1992), “Making their way in the organization: women managers in Quebec”, Women in Management Review, Vol. 7 No. 3, pp. 17-21. Levinson, D.J. (1996), The Seasons of a Woman’s Life, Knopf, New York, NY. Lobel, S.A. (1991), “Allocation of investment in work and family roles: alternative theories and implications for research”, Academy of Management Review, Vol. 16 No. 3, pp. 507-21.

Lyness, K.S. and Thompson, D.E. (2000), “Climbing the corporate ladder: do female and male executives follow the same route?”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 85 No. 1, pp. 86-101. Lyons, N.P. (1983), “Two perspectives: on self, relationships, and morality”, Harvard Educational Review, Vol. 53 No. 2, pp. 125-45. Miller, J.B. (1976), Toward a New Psychology of Women, Beacon Press, Boston, MA. O’Neil, D.A., Bilimoria, D. and Saatcioglu, A. (2004), “Women’s career types: attributions of satisfaction with career success”, Career Development International, Vol. 9 No. 5, pp. 478-500. Osipow, S.H. and Fitzgerald, L.H. (1996), Theories of Career Development, 4th ed., Allyn & Bacon, Needham Heights, MA. Poole, M.E. and Langan-Fox, J. (1997), Australian Women and Careers, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Powell, G. and Maniero, L. (1992), “Cross-currents in the river of time: conceptualizing the complexities of women’s careers”, Journal of Management, Vol. 28, pp. 225-37. Ragins, B.R., Townsend, B. and Mattis, M. (1998), “Gender gap in the executive suite: CEOs and female executives report on breaking the glass ceiling”, The Academy of Management Executive, Vol. 12 No. 1, pp. 28-42. Rotter, J.B. (1992), “Some comments on the ‘cognates of personal control’”, Applied and Preventive Psychology, Vol. 1, pp. 127-9. Ruderman, M.N., Ohlott, P.J., Panzer, K. and King, S.N. (2002), “Benefits of multiple roles for managerial women”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 45 No. 2. Schein, E.H. (1978), Career Dynamics: Matching Individual and Organizational Needs, Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, Reading, MA. Sheehy, G. (1995), New Passages, Ballantine Books, New York, NY. Strauss, A. and Corbin, J. (1990), Basics of Qualitative Research, Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA. Sullivan, S.E. (1999), “The changing nature of careers: a review and research agenda”, Journal of Management, Vol. 25 No. 3, pp. 457-84. Super, D.E. (1980), “A life-span, life-space approach to career development”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 16, pp. 282-98. Surrey, J.L. (1991), “The ‘self-in-relation’: a theory of women’s development”, in Jordan, J.V., Kaplan, A.G., Miller, J.B., Stiver, I.P. and Surrey, J.L. (Eds), Women’s Growth in Connection: Writings from the Stone Center, The Guilford Press, New York, NY, pp. 51-66.

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Janet L. Kottke and Mark D. Agars California State University, San Bernardino, California, USA Abstract Purpose – Aims to look at the way women in Western industrialized countries have made significant career advancements but barriers remain which necessitate organizational intervention. A number of initiatives that have commonly been introduced to help women in their career development have produced only modest gains in women’s advancement. Design/methodology/approach – Argues that four basic underlying processes – social cognitions, justice, threat, and utility – must be considered and managed as part of the development, implementation, and evaluation of initiatives targeting women’s career advancement, if such initiatives are to have their desired impact. These underlying processes and their implications are presented with recommendations for organizational leaders and human resource professionals. Findings – The goal of women’s advancement is both noble and vital to long-term organizational success, and initiatives to further the cause are needed. These goals are not, however, without their obstacles. By understanding how social cognitions, perceptions of fairness, threat, and utility can individually and collectively impact the success or failure of programs to advance women, organizational leaders can develop and implement informed practices that are embraced by all members of the organization and which, consequently, further the advancement of all organizational members. Originality/value – The article focuses on the key underlying processes that are believed to be critical for understanding the barriers to women’s career advancement, but it is necessary to note that, as with any organizational initiative, there are other organizational factors that must be considered, such as top management support, and the history of the organization with regard to gender. Keywords Women, Career development, Career satisfaction Paper type Case study

Career Development International Vol. 10 No. 3, 2005 pp. 190-202 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1362-0436 DOI 10.1108/13620430510598319

Women in Western industrialized countries including the USA, Canada, the UK, and the European Community, have made substantial progress over the last 30 years in career advancement. Though the amount of attention given to concerns that affect women in the workplace has ebbed and flowed, generally, there have been improvements for working women. Not only have we learned a great deal about the issues, we have also seen growth in women’s presence in management fields. This progress, though meaningful, is incomplete. Despite evidence of greater representation in management in the USA, Canada, the UK, and Australia (Sheridan, 2002), men outnumber women in the high-level, power-base positions in organizations. For example, despite representing greater than 40 per cent of management positions overall in US organizations (US Depatment of Labour, 2001), membership in board positions or in roles as company officers, is much less common (12.5 per cent, Catalyst, 2001). A similar proportion is found in Canada as Both authors made equal contributions to this paper.

well (11.2 per cent, Catalyst, 2004). Consequently, formal organizational efforts intended to support the advancement of women remain necessary. Numerous organizational practices have been implemented to address women’s inclusion and advancement in organizations. Mattis (2002) presented and discussed several ideas for best practices in this arena including benchmarking on gender, mentoring programs, and a supportive organizational infrastructure. Agars and Kottke (forthcoming) also outlined a number of organizational policies and practices related to gender advancement and diversity management, including creating accountability around diversity initiatives, flex-share programs, and support networks. Some of these initiatives focus on recruiting underrepresented groups into the organization and others are directed toward changing the organizational systems themselves. Ultimately, however, the success or failure of these efforts is dependent on how they are perceived by organizational members – both men and women. If such policies are not embraced by organizational members, they will not solve old problems, and they are likely to create new ones. Lessons learned from the research on affirmative action plans (AAPs) in the USA[1] illustrate this concern. When AAPs are perceived negatively (e.g. unfair, biased, preferential), non-beneficiaries react negatively towards the programs (Highhouse et al., 1999; Slaughter et al., 2002) and towards the beneficiaries (Heilman et al., 1998; Heilman and Blader, 2001). In addition, beneficiaries themselves react negatively and may even doubt their own abilities (Heilman et al., 1987). Even the implementation of policies that are not necessarily directed at the advancement of women specifically, such as “family friendly policies”, have been met, at times, with less than positive reactions (Konrad and Linnehan, 1999). Although there is general evidence that women in management respond favorably to work-family initiatives (Burke, 2001) and there are clear examples of successful work-family polices such as the work/family/life program implemented at the Royal Bank Financial Group (Spinks and Tombari, 2002), there are many other examples where such programs were ineffective, underutilized, or negatively perceived (Konrad and Linnehan, 1999). As is clear from these examples, the identification of the need for and implementation of successful initiatives is no easy task. In many cases, well thought out programs fail for reasons often unknown to organizational leaders and the human resource professionals charged with their implementation. These programs fail because organizations have not given enough attention to the underlying processes at work in the organizations in which these programs are being implemented. In the initial presentation of our full integration theory (Agars and Kottke, 2004) we identified four underlying processes which we believe to be critical to the implementation of initiatives targeting women and minorities. Better understanding of these processes will lead to better design and implementation of initiatives. The crux of the problem lies in the all-too limited understanding of how organizational members will perceive and respond to gender-based initiatives. We believe that the critical component to the successful advancement of women throughout organizations is understanding and successfully managing the underlying factors that facilitate or hinder the success of initiatives implemented with the intent of furthering the advancement of women. The identified underlying factors are fundamental social-cognitions, individual perceptions of organizational justice, the threat-rigidity response, and beliefs of practice utility. Although the processes were conceived as pertinent to large-scale

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organizational change related to diversity management, their consideration regarding specific practices and initiatives targeting the career advancement of women is no less critical. We believe that if organizations are to introduce effective organizational initiatives targeting the advancement of women, consideration of these underlying processes is essential. The four underlying processes Social cognitions Change is a social process, and the implementation of policies and practices related to the advancement of women is necessarily change-based. Such change efforts are embedded in multiple levels of complex social factors. As a result, in order to effectively integrate gender advancement initiatives, many forms of social cognitions need to be considered. Among the most critical of these cognitions are gender stereotypes and social identity. Gender stereotypes are strong and persistent, and are generally have more negative impact on women than men in the evaluation of performance (Swim et al., 1989). Though perceptions of men and women have changed over the last several decades, important differences remain in the perceptions of women and men on managerial characteristics (Powell et al., 2002). These perceptions are more negative for women than for men (Schein et al., 1989). Active stereotyping of men and women has historically resulted in fewer opportunities for women, and this use of stereotypes in job decisions remains a concern today particularly for efforts targeting women’s advancement. However, not just the presence of traditional stereotypes presents a problem. There has been a change in the manifestation of these stereotypic perceptions of men and women. The distinction between old-fashioned and modern sexism (Benokraitis, 1997; Swim and Cohen, 1997) illustrates how negative attitudes towards women, which were once overt, are now more often manifest in subtle and covert forms. These negative attitudes exist, and remain powerful, but have become more indistinct, have been accepted as normal or exist behind the scenes and are difficult or impossible to observe. Both overt and subtle forms of sexism are real obstacles to women’s advancement. Resultant attitudes and behaviors lead to sex typing of jobs (Cejka and Eagly, 1999) and expectations about male superior capabilities for leadership (Eagly et al., 1995; Eagly and Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Schein 2001). In more extreme cases, they may lead to organizational cultures in which sexual harassment goes unchallenged. These conditions, resulting from fairly traditional gender stereotypes, must be addressed and managed if advancement efforts are to be successful. Social identity is another aspect of social cognition that has implications for gender advancement. As described by Tajfel and Turner (1986), individuals perceive themselves to be members of various social groups, and each group membership forms an important part of their individual identity. Gender is a highly salient identity and is likely to be strong. Consequently, most individuals process information from their environment, including facts about organizational initiatives, with some consideration of their gender. The in-group bias and group conflict that can emerge as a function of these identities can create antagonistic perceptions of initiatives targeting women. Conversely, certain group identities, such as ones involving organizational membership, could prove to facilitate gender advancement if motives were

articulated and framed in terms of benefits to the organization as a whole rather than in terms of “women”. These two important examples represent how social cognitions can impact the gender integration of organizations. Notably, there are both hindering and facilitating properties that must be considered. Of the four underlying processes we note in our model of organizational change, social cognitions represent the most important to women’s advancement as they are integral to so much of the thoughts, behaviors, and attitudes of organizational members, which ultimately determine whether or not any organizational effort succeeds or fails. However, the management of cognitions is but one part of a greater network of underlying processes, and their consideration alone will not guarantee the success of an initiative. Justice It is rather ironic that justice perceptions represent a potential obstacle to advancement initiatives. In many cases, justice has been presented as the compelling argument in favor of initiatives that target women and minorities (Kandola, 1994). Unfortunately, real-world perceptions and outcomes often fall short of idealistic principles. Accordingly, it is important to recognize that justice perceptions around efforts towards the advancement of women are often negative. This justice paradox illustrates the conflict between Rawls’ (1971) idea of sociological justice, and the perceptions of procedural and distributive injustice (Greenberg, 1987) that often result when members of the workforce believe women and minorities receive preferential treatment. The literature on affirmative action plans (AAPs) in the USA, as one example, reveals that many individuals perceive such efforts as unjust (Highhouse et al., 1999; Slaughter et al., 2002). In some cases, state and federal district courts have gone so far as to rule AAPs unconstitutional (Judy and D’Amico, 1999; Elder, 2000). Although the research evidence makes clear that the negative reactions to AAPs are more often perceptual problems than an indication of an unjust AAP, (Kravitz and Klineberg, 2000; Kravitz et al., 2000), the deleterious effect is nonetheless severe for the intended beneficiaries. It is not only AAPs that affect justice perceptions. Some research evidence suggests that individuals perceive other gender-based policies such as family-friendly polices negatively because they disproportionately address women’s needs (Greenberger et al., 1989). The perception of unfairness associated with these policies may lead men (and some women), at all levels, to resist the implementation of gender initiatives and, ultimately, to resist gender integration. Consequently, initiatives designed to facilitate integration of women may, if not properly managed, inhibit such advancement. In addition, if policies are perceived as unjust, their implementation may create an organizational culture that is hostile towards women. In fact, the backlash experienced by individuals who utilize such programs may make the cost of policy utilization prohibitive. As has been well documented (Greenberg, 1987; Smither, 1998), fairness perceptions are critical to the success of a wide range of organizational activities and development efforts. Efforts towards gender advancement and integration have the unfortunate distinction of embodying characteristics that lead simultaneously to perceptions that efforts are fair and unfair. Successful management of these perceptions by organizations is critical if advancement efforts are to succeed.

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Threat-rigidity The advancement of women in organizations may also be perceived as a threat both to individual members and to the organization as a whole. To men, an influx of women into management roles represents fewer job opportunities. In addition, policies associated with gender integration threaten promotion opportunities for men and change the environment to which males are accustomed. Many forms of change threaten organizational members and their felt job security. In particular, researchers have examined threat responses to downsizing (Brockner et al., 2001; Brockner and Wiesenfeld, 1996; Wiesenfeld et al., 2000). Change brought about by gender advancement, however, introduces additional threats to self-esteem and masculine identity. On the organizational level, gender integration threatens existing culture, organizational-identity, and stability (Kossek and Zonia, 1993). However, what is of concern to those interested in championing advancement efforts are the consequences. Threat-rigidity theory (Staw et al., 1981) argues that there is an isomorphic relationship between perceived threat and rigidity of action. Specifically, at the organization, group, and individual level, perceived threat will lead to rigidity in responses including the performance of dominant responses, reduced risk taking, and a narrowing of viewed alternatives for action. In the present context, the perceived threat associated with initiatives targeting women’s advancement would lead to increased reliance on gender stereotypes in interactions and in personnel decisions, and limited opportunities for the inclusion of women on projects and in both formal and informal networks. At the organizational level, perceived threat would lead to greater reliance on formalized policies and practices, unwillingness to emphasize developmental efforts, and an absence of support for new policies related to gender, including any among the variety of so-called “family-friendly” policies. As is apparent, each of these rigid responses to the perceived threat makes successful implementation of gender initiatives difficult if not impossible. Unfortunately, perceived threat is a common response to such initiatives, and must be monitored and managed before and throughout a planned initiative. Utility Although a psychological perception, the final underlying process is fundamentally an economic phenomenon. The advancement of women is a motivated organizational process. Decisions about the direction to pursue, the effort to put forth, and the persistence with which advancement is sought must be made by organizational leaders. Utility is relevant for virtually every organizational decision (Cascio, 1989); consequently, if gender initiatives are to succeed, their utility must be demonstrated. Any attempt to explain gender-based initiatives (or any organizational development and change process) would be incomplete if it failed to address utility perceptions. Unfortunately, for the cause of women’s advancement, perceptions of utility have been a most powerful obstacle. Few have been able to make a clear case for the financial benefits of gender integration, or even diversity in general. Though several efforts have been made using corporate profits and stock fluctuations (Hillman et al., 1998; Richard, 2000), even the strongest financial evidence is inconclusive. In contrast, the costs associated with policy implementation, negative reactions from current employees, and even those associated with any accommodations that may be needed (e.g., adding women’s restrooms) are easily identified. The cost-benefit discrepancy represents a

strong argument against gender initiatives, and it is clear that such lack of demonstrated utility is one reason why organizations are reluctant to proceed. Despite the well-recognized difficulties associated with utility analyses (Latham and Whyte, 1994; Whyte and Latham, 1997), it too is fundamental to the advancement of women within organizations and thus successful gender integration. To further illustrate the importance of utility, consider earlier evolutions of organizations regarding gender. Why do we no longer see male-exclusive organizations? Much of the initiative for organizations to move beyond the “exclusive” stage was, in large part, the financial cost of discrimination. Organizations who overtly discriminated risked substantial lawsuits. Consequently, organizations initiated efforts to integrate to the extent sufficient to placate a large enough number of individuals, satisfy governmental regulations, and prevent costly lawsuits. Unfortunately, even though modest integration of women may reduce costs associated with lawsuits, the costs of more complete integration may be perceived, as we have already identified, as prohibitive. Thus, perceived utility served initially as a facilitator of advancement initiatives, but on reaching some minimal integration state, utility once again becomes an obstacle to additional advancement efforts. Without demonstrated utility, women’s advancement initiatives will rarely succeed beyond the most basic stage. Implications and recommendations flowing from these underlying processes We argue that until these underlying processes are recognized and attended to, initiatives that are intended to help women advance in organizations will fail. We describe next implications of these processes and provide examples of how organizations might incorporate an awareness and understanding of these processes and, ultimately, increase the likelihood that organizational efforts to advance women are successful. Gender stereotyping Gender stereotyping has to be addressed and made public with its potential manifestations made apparent through active awareness. Cognitive psychologists have recently popularized the concept of meta cognition, or thinking about one’s thinking. Good use could be made of meta cognition in this context (see Sczesny and Kuhnen, 2004). Decisions and the processes by which they were made must be scrutinized for the possibility that stereotyping played a role. This scrutiny may be as straightforward as reflecting, after a promotion decision has been made, if the same decision would have been made if the targets of evaluation were all male (or all female). For example, in a recent committee meeting attended by one of the authors, a group of college professors were evaluating junior faculty candidates for promotion. One member of the committee asked, after four files had been reviewed, if the committee was requiring women to have higher student evaluations than the men to meet the criteria for excellence in teaching. Making this possibility public pushed the committee to re-think its evaluation process, and resulted in a revised ranking of the candidates. Similarly, in evaluating a candidate for promotion to management, leaders must question whether or not the decision reflects the possibility that the female candidates had to demonstrate greater skill than the male candidates in some aspects traditionally

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perceived to be a feminine strength, such as cooperativeness. Alternatively, they must also examine whether or not those skills that are perceived as traditionally “feminine” disadvantage a woman for a management position. Because we know that stereotyping is based largely in unconscious processes, these unconscious thoughts must be made conscious for the decision makers involved, if women’s accomplishments are to be evaluated appropriately and women are to be promoted. Implementing practices that force critical examination and the decision process, and which allow the surfacing of these unconscious thoughts, is critical. Noteworthy, however, is that such processes may make people uncomfortable, and may trigger the threat rigidity process. This possibility only emphasizes the importance of considering the underlying processes within a system of interrelationships, and not independently.

Social identity Gender as a social identity is a strong marker both for the individual who experiences it first-hand and when viewed by the observer. The implications of this underlying process are twofold. First, the use of gender as a social identity is probably what underlies the success and high satisfaction that women accord to mentoring programs that are gender based (Gray et al., 1995) (i.e. those in which women mentor other women – especially in work settings in which women are the minority). Second, gender identity may be triggered when an initiative proposed by an organization is seen as aimed at women, and sensitization to social identity is likely to trigger feelings of inequity or injustice on the part of men (or even women who believe they had to learn the “tricks of the trade” the hard way). In terms of practical recommendations for this implication, support for programs such as mentoring and networks for women should be tempered with an eye toward examining the reasons for why the mentoring program has been deemed necessary. We are not suggesting the end of mentoring programs for women but are arguing that mentoring programs and the purposes behind them be made more explicit. In other words, we see the typical mentoring programs as an attempt to provide information, guidance, and support that may not be readily available through the normal organizational socialization process. Why is this information and support not made more available to all members of the organization[2]? Perhaps it is not the women who need fixing; perhaps it is the underlying premise of the organization that requires fixing. That is, “fix the women” strategies do not get at the underlying barriers (Anonymous, 2002). If such programs are to be effective for women and accepted by organizational members, their value to the organization as a whole must be clear, or conflict derived from social identities will emerge. Because we know social identity to be a closely held schema, we cannot hope to challenge individuals’ desires to “flock to the bird of a similar feather;” however, we recommend that organizations in their review of their policies, consider how their policies – well intentioned or not – may activate a dependence on social identity to feel a sense of security or well being. Further, we believe that concerted efforts to foster a strong organizational identity may facilitate (i.e. limit resistance to) the implementation of initiatives that target the advancement of women. In other words, organizations can become better places in which to work for everyone because of initiatives that initially targeted women and minorities (Learson, 1998).

Organizational justice perceptions As noted, enacted policies within an organization can lead to the perception that one group (or an individual as a representative of that group) has been unfairly treated. Usually, in this context, the issue is that a woman, on the basis of gender has been unfairly given a benefit[3]. Of course, this perspective neglects that the converse can also be true – a woman might be denied a deserved outcome. Women in fact have long decried that they have unjustly been passed over for promotions; certainly the evidence that fewer women achieve top positions in organization supports the core of this complaint (Agars, 2004). In any event, to prevent backlash for any initiative that appears to favor a given group, say women, requires that the organization make explicit the procedures by which decisions are being made. Evidence regarding procedural justice is relatively clear: even when a decision is not in one’s favor, if the procedure has been seen as fair, the decision will be accepted (Greenberg, 1987). In the case at hand, advancing women’s careers, making certain that the procedures and the criteria are explicit and publicized will allay some feeling of injustice in either camp. Inviting feedback and commentary during the process are also likely to be useful as “voice” is a valuable antidote to perceptions of unfairness (Cawley et al., 1998). Another way in which fairness can be addressed is by considering the overall effect of a planned policy before implementation. For example, work family friendly policies are typically seen as favoring women and may, therefore, be seen as unfair by men. However, if the overall package of benefits were presented to employees as “benefit” banks in which the individual employee could shift benefits (within legal limits – some health benefits, for example, would need to be set at minimums), the perspective of unfairness would likely diminish. Benefits not needed or desired for childcare, for example, could be put toward personal days taken off. Threat rigidity Threat rigidity is an expected response on the part of the male dominated hierarchy to women’s advancement. Indeed, it is likely that little change in this hierarchy would have occurred without the passage of fair employment laws mandating gender equality at work. Evidence of threat rigidity can easily be seen in the reaction of top management to the entry of women into their organizations. Women may have achieved entry level positions that are on the traditional tracks to the top of the organization but threat rigidity leads top management – typically a male exclusive club – to conduct less business in the formal setting where women are present and conduct more business in informal venues (e.g. the executive washroom, the golf course). Because the rigidity is likely to be manifested in gender stereotyping and social identity issues, some of the same recommendations apply. Self-examination and close scrutiny of decisions made and the processes by which those decisions are made are critical. Those within top management and HR need to ask key questions: Are we, as a company or management group, taking fewer risks because we are afraid of offending people? Are we making the criteria and processes by which we are making decisions sufficiently public? If not, why not? It is important to recognize that the threat rigidity process is not strictly an individual-level phenomenon, but rather, occurs at the group and organizational-level as well (Staw et al., 1981). Consequently, practices and policies that threaten

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organizational change, may lead to the organization’s reliance on traditional policies such as nepotism in the recruitment and selection process. This temptation, too, must be guarded against when new polices to advance women are introduced. Utility Every HR practice can be evaluated for its value to the organization. We understand that the bottom line metric is one of the most powerful to organizations. Dollars, pounds sterling, and euros expended without a resulting benefit are profits lost. At its most basic level, blocking women’s advancement in organizations can be expensive because of the legal liability incurred. However, we argue elsewhere (Agars and Kottke, 2004, forthcoming) that one of the difficulties with evaluating any organizational initiative that would benefit women is that of measuring the results. We believe that new metrics are necessary to measure the progress that would result from more women advancing within organizations. Such intangibles include increases in employee job satisfaction and organizational commitment, decreases in turnover and absenteeism, improved work-force capitalization, and greater public goodwill; these intangibles should not be discounted. Some organizations have already made attempts to map attitudes of employees (see Grand Met (Greenslade, 1991); (Sears, White, 1999)) onto profit margins. These are important first steps but we believe more could be done. If we could find a way to measure consistently and accurately these less tangible outcomes, they would matter much more than people realize. Hence, organizations need to develop mechanisms to tie these more elusive perceived benefits of career advancement for women to the bottom line[4]. Conclusion We have focused on the key underlying processes that we believe to be critical for understanding the barriers to women’s career advancement, but we note that as with any organizational initiative there are other organizational factors that must be considered, such as top management support, and the history of the organization with regard to gender. Some of these other factors may interact with the underlying processes, and must be considered before the implementation of a new initiative. The four underlying processes identified by our full integration theory are presented as critical to the implementation of organizational practices aimed at furthering the advancement of women. The goal of women’s advancement is both noble and vital to long-term organizational success, and initiatives to further the cause are needed. These goals are not, however, without their obstacles. By understanding how social cognitions, perceptions of fairness, threat, and utility can individually and collectively impact the success or failure of programs to advance women, organizational leaders can develop and implement informed practices that are embraced by all members of the organization and which, consequently, further the advancement of all organizational members. Notes 1. Comparable programs exist outside of the USA. In Canada, for example, the Employment Equity Act of 1986 requires federally regulated companies and those with federal contracts over $200,000 to take steps to increase the representation of women, visible minorities, aboriginal peoples, and the disabled to reflect their proportions in the workforce

(Calleja, 2001). In the UK, the term “positive action” is comparable to affirmative action in the US and appears to share some of the same stigma and controversial history (Chater and Chater, 1992). 2. See Conger (2002) for a description of how an organization can foster a career development culture for all organizational employees. 3. Curiously, this complaint usually arises from the group that has most benefited from this very type of action – that is, the white male who has long been the beneficiary of his class and standing in the workplace. See Farr (1988) for greater explanation of the fundamental properties of the “good old boys club”. 4. Of course, we would have to be fair and also tally the decreases that might be realized in those same variables that may result if feelings of injustice prevailed for men who believed they were not promoted, again demonstrating the need to simultaneously attend to the other underlying processes such as threat rigidity and injustice. References Agars, M.D. (2004), “Reconsidering the impact of gender stereotypes on the advancement of women in organizations”, Psychology of Women Quarterly, Vol. 28, pp. 103-11. Agars, M.D. and Kottke, J.L. (2004), “Models and practice of diversity management: a historical review and presentation of a new integration theory”, in Stockdale, M. and Crosby, F. (Eds), The Psychology and Management of Workplace Diversity, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford. Agars, M.D. and Kottke, J.L. (forthcoming), “Innovations in diversity management: advances in practice and thought”, in Cooper, C. and Burke, R. (Eds), Reinventing HR: Challenges and New Directions, Routledge, London. Anonymous (2002), “Thin on top! Why men earn more and get promoted faster”, Career Development International, Vol. 7 No. 3, pp. 190-1. Benokraitis, N.V. (1997), Subtle Sexism: Current Practice and Prospects for Change, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA. Brockner, J. and Wiesenfeld, B. (1996), “An integrative framework for explaining reactions to decisions: interactive effects of outcomes and procedures”, Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 120, pp. 189-208. Brockner, J., Ackerman, G. and Fairchild, G. (2001), “When do elements of procedural fairness make a difference? A classification of moderating differences”, in Greenberg, J. and Cropanzano, R. (Eds), Advances in Organizational Justice, Stanford University Press, Palo Alto, CA, pp. 179-212. Burke, R.J. (2001), “Organizational values, work experiences and satisfactions among managerial and professional women”, Journal of Management Development, Vol. 20, pp. 346-53. Calleja, D. (2001), “Equity or else: employment equity has been around for a long time with no one to enforce it. But look out: now the law has teeth”, Canadian Business, Vol. 74 No. 5, p. 29. Cascio, W. (1989), “Using utility analysis to assess training outcomes”, in Goldstein, I. (Ed.), Training and Development in Organizational Frontiers of Industrial and Organizational Psychology, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA, pp. 63-88. Catalyst (2001), “Catalyst charts growth of women on America’s corporate boards” available at: www.catalystwomen.org (accessed 8 October). Catalyst (2004), “One in 9 corporate directors of FP500 are women in latest count”, available at: www.catalystwomen.org, (accessed 8 October).

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Konrad, A.M. and Linnehan, F. (1999), “Affirmative action: history, effects, and attitudes”, in Powell, G.N. (Ed.), Handbook of Gender and Work, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA, pp. 429-74. Kossek, E.E. and Zonia, S.C. (1993), “Assessing diversity climate: a field study of reactions to employer efforts to promote diversity”, Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 14, pp. 61-81. Kravitz, D. and Klineberg, S. (2000), “Reactions to two versions of affirmative action action among Whites, Blacks, and Hispanics”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 85, pp. 597-611. Kravitz, D., Klineberg, S., Avery, D., Nguyen, A., Lund, C. and Fu, E. (2000), “Attitudes toward affirmative action: correlations with demographic variables and with beliefs about targets, actions, and economic effects”, Journal of Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 30, pp. 1109-36. Latham, G. and Whyte, G. (1994), “The futility of utility analysis”, Personnel Psychology, Vol. 47, pp. 31-46. Learson, B.E. (1998), “Sandia National Laboratories influencing organizational culture change through line ownership of diversity”, Diversity Factor, Vol. 6 No. 4, pp. 33-9. Mattis, M.C. (2002), “Best practices for retaining and advancing women professionals and managers”, in Burke, R.J. and Nelson, D.L. (Eds), Advancing Women’s Careers, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 309-32. Powell, G.N., Butterfield, D.A. and Parent, J.D. (2002), “Gender and managerial stereotypes: have the times changed?”, Journal of Management, Vol. 28, pp. 177-93. Rawls, J. (1971), A Theory of Justice, Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Richard, O. (2000), “Racial diversity, business strategy, and firm performance: a resource-based view”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 43, pp. 164-77. Schein, V. (2001), “A global look at psychological barriers to women’s progress in management”, Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 57, pp. 675-88. Schein, V., Mueller, R. and Jacobson, C. (1989), “The relationship between sex role stereotypes and requisite management characteristics among college students”, Sex Roles, Vol. 20, pp. 103-10. Sczesny, S. and Kuhnen, U. (2004), “Meta-cognition about biological sex and gender-stereotypic physical appearance: consequences for the assessment of leadership competence”, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 30, pp. 13-21. Sheridan, A. (2002), “What you know and who you know: ‘successful’ women’s experiences of accessing board positions”, Career Development International, Vol. 7 No. 4, pp. 203-10. Slaughter, J., Sinar, E. and Bachiochi, P. (2002), “Black applicants’ reactions to affirmative action plans: effects of plan content and previous experience with discrimination”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 87, pp. 333-44. Smither, J.W. (1998), Performance Appraisal, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA. Spinks, N.L. and Tombari, N. (2002), “Flexible work arrangements: a successful strategy for the advancement of women at the Royal Bank Financial Group”, in Burke, R.J. and Nelson, D.L. (Eds), Advancing Women’s Careers, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, pp. 220-42. Staw, B.M., Sandelands, L.E. and Dutton, J.E. (1981), “Threat-rigidity effects in organizational behavior: a multi-level analysis”, Administrative Science Quarterly, Vol. 26, pp. 501-24. Swim, J. and Cohen, L. (1997), “Overt, covert, and subtle sexism: a comparison between the attitudes toward women and modern sexism scales”, Psychology of Women Quarterly, Vol. 21, pp. 103-18. Swim, J.K., Borgida, E., Maruyama, G. and Myers, D.G. (1989), “Joan McKay versus John McKay: do gender stereotypes bias evaluations?”, Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 97, pp. 409-29.

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Factors related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women Marjorie Armstrong-Stassen and Sheila Cameron

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University of Windsor, Windsor, Canada Abstract Purpose – The labour force participation of older women has increased substantially in Canada. This study aims to examine the factors that are important to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. Design/methodology/approach – Managerial and professional women aged 50 and above completed a questionnaire assessing their career satisfaction, individual characteristics and organization-related factors. Findings – For managerial women, the significant predictors of career satisfaction were perceived as organizational support, job content plateauing, and health status. For professional women, the significant predictors of career satisfaction were perceived efforts by their organization to retain its older managerial and professional employees and job content plateauing. Research limitations/implications – The findings are based on a small sample and the respondents were primarily employed in the public sector. Further research is needed using larger samples and a better representation from the private sector. Researchers also need to identify other factors that influence the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. Practical implications – The career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women is heightened when they are challenged by their job and have an opportunity to learn and grow in their job. Beyond this, enhancing the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women will require different approaches tailored specifically to each group. Originality/value – Very little is known about the career-related issues that are of special concern to older managerial and professional women. This study provides some insight into the differences between older managerial and professional women and the factors that contribute to their career satisfaction. Keywords Career satisfaction, Older workers, Women, Career development Paper type Research paper

The older workforce in Canada is becoming increasingly female as the labour force participation of women aged 50 and above continues to grow (Robson, 2001). In their review of the literature on aging in the workplace, Hansson et al. (1997) found that there has been little research on the experiences of older women in the workplace. Still and Timms (1997, 1998) noted that few studies have examined the careers and working lives of women, especially managerial and professional women over 50, and that there is no well developed theory or body of analysis that addresses the experiences of older women. Hansson et al. (1997) suggested that traditional male models of career development may not apply to women because of the many barriers women have encountered and continue to encounter. However, before we can begin to develop career This research study was funded by a grant to the first author from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

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models that are relevant to the experiences of older managerial and professional women, we first need to identify the career-related issues that are of special concern to this group of women. The purpose of the present study was to identify the individual characteristics and organization-related factors that are associated with the career satisfaction of managerial and professional women aged 50 and above. Schneer and Reitman (1994) found that the career satisfaction of managerial and professional women declined from early career to mid-career. These researchers suggested that by mid-career many women become disillusioned with their careers due to the barriers they face. The objective of the present study was to identify the individual and organizational factors that are important in fostering the career satisfaction of late-career women. Individual characteristics The individual characteristics we examined were organizational tenure, job tenure and health status. It was expected that tenure in the organization and tenure on the job would be significantly negatively related to career satisfaction. Morrow and McElroy (1987) found that satisfaction with promotions declined as organizational tenure and positional tenure increased. Older individuals with more tenure in the organization are more likely to be plateaued (Allen et al., 1998; Allen et al., 1999) and career plateauing has been found to be associated with reduced career satisfaction (Chay et al., 1995; Gerpott and Domsch, 1987; Greenhaus et al., 1990; Lee, 2003). Gattiker and Larwood (1988) and Lee (2003) found that people who had been in their jobs longer were less satisfied with their careers than people with shorter job tenure. We therefore predicted that organizational and job tenure would be significantly negatively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. The research examining the health status of older workers has primarily focused on the relationship between poor health and the decision to retire. For older workers, poor health can become a powerful barrier to working even sporadically (Mutchler et al., 1997). We suggest that poor health would also play a role in the degree to which older managerial and professional women are likely to participate in those activities that are important in advancing their careers such as training, retraining and other career development activities. Instead, older managerial and professional women experiencing poor health would be more likely to consider disengaging from the workforce rather than attempting to advance their careers. We therefore predicted that health status would be significantly positively related to career satisfaction, i.e. managerial and professional women in better health would exhibit greater satisfaction with their career than those in poorer health. Organization-related factors The organization-related factors we examined included perceived efforts by one’s organization to retain its older managerial and professional employees, perceived support from one’s organization, training opportunities provided by one’s organization to older managerial and professional employees, and perceptions of career plateauing. There is empirical evidence that organization-related factors influence women’s career satisfaction. Burke (2001) and Burke and McKeen (1995) found that support and encouragement, training and development, and challenging jobs were significantly related to the career satisfaction of managerial and professional women. Women who

received more support and encouragement, who received more training and development, and who were given more challenging work assignments were more satisfied and successful in their careers. However, these managerial and professional women tended to be in the early rather than the late career stage. Older women face multiple inequalities in the workplace – as women and as older workers (Merkes, 2003; Still and Timms, 1998). Thus, it is currently not known the extent to which these same relationships will hold for older managerial and professional women. The present study included two variables reflecting older managerial and professional women’s perceptions of support and encouragement – the perception that their organization is making an effort to retain its older managerial and professional employees, and the perception that their organization values their contribution, cares about their well-being, and is committed to them (perceived organizational support). We predicted that perceived efforts to retain older managerial and professional employees and perceived organizational support would be significantly positively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. Opportunity structures play an important role in the career success of people in their later work lives (August and Quintero, 2001). Training opportunities represent one specific type of opportunity structure. McKeen and Burke (1991) found that managerial and professional women who participated in a greater number of training and development activities were more satisfied with their careers than managerial and professional women who had limited participation in these activities. There is empirical evidence that older workers are less likely to be selected for training or retraining than younger workers (Greller and Simpson, 1999; Salthouse and Maruer, 1996). Employers show little interest in upgrading the skills of late career individuals (Greller and Stroh, 2003). We propose that the career satisfaction of older women will be influenced by training opportunities. Older managerial and professional women who lack access to training opportunities to update their current skills or to learn new skills are less likely to experience career success and therefore are less likely to be satisfied with their careers than older managerial and professional women who are provided with these types of opportunities. Although career plateauing has been shown to be significantly negatively related to career satisfaction, we know very little about career plateauing among older managerial and professional women. The present study examined two forms of career plateauing: hierarchical plateauing and job content plateauing. Hierarchical plateauing results when individuals have little chance of further vertical movement within an organization whereas job content plateauing occurs when individuals are no longer challenged by their work and job responsibilities (Allen et al., 1998). Advancement opportunities decrease with age for both men and women (Allen et al., 1998; Gerpott and Domsch, 1987). However, it is possible that older managerial and professional women will not experience career plateauing in the same way as their male counterparts. Allen et al. (1998) found that women managers perceived that there were fewer advancement opportunities available to them than did men. Many older managerial and professional women have experienced barriers to advancement opportunities throughout their career. Women are more likely to face prejudice and discrimination, start their careers later, have employment gaps, experience work-family demands, lack mentors and sponsors, and be denied access to challenging assignments (Burke and McKeen, 1994, 1995). Mavin (2000) reported

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that women tend to experience lateral career paths rather than vertical ones. Still and Timms (1997) noted that the structural and cultural barriers that shape the early careers of women do not diminish as women age and that the careers of older women continue to be influenced by these barriers. It would therefore be expected that older managerial and professional women will perceive relatively high levels of hierarchical plateauing. Unlike hierarchical plateauing, there has been very little research examining job content plateauing (Allen et al., 1998). In a study of professional men and women in their 50s, Karp (1987) found that professional men in their 50s felt their work lives had become increasingly repetitive, boring and unchallenging whereas professional women in their 50s still felt very positive about and “turned on” by their jobs. Karp noted that most of the women in the study felt the same vitality toward their work as younger men in their 30s and 40s. Karp attributed this finding to the interrupted careers most women experience, resulting in a “professional age” of 12-15 years for women in their 50s compared to the 20-25 year career pattern of men. This would suggest that older managerial and professional women would experience less job content plateauing than hierarchical plateauing. However, Allen et al. (1998) suggested that individuals may react more negatively to job content plateauing than to hierarchical plateauing. This may especially be the case for older managerial and professional women because these women are less likely to anticipate upward movement but more likely to expect their jobs to be challenging and rewarding. Ornstein and Isabella (1990) found that the desire for promotion was significantly lower for women in the 45 to 60 year age group. In their study, Still and Timms (1997) found that few of the older women had specific career goals in terms of advancement and that satisfaction in their work was more important to them than career advancement. Therefore, job content plateauing should have a greater influence on the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women than hierarchical plateauing. The present study examined the following hypotheses: H1. Organizational and job tenure will be significantly negatively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. H2. Health status will be significantly positively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. H3. Perceived efforts by one’s organization to retain older managerial and professional employees will be significantly positively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional employees. H4. Perceived organizational support will be significantly positively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. H5. Perceived training opportunities will be significantly positively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. H6. Hierarchical and job content plateauing will be significantly negatively related to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women.

Method Participants and procedure The participants were 185 women employed in managerial and professional positions in Canadian organizations in various industry sectors. They ranged in age from 50 years to 64 years with an average age of 54.6 years (SD ¼ 3:56). They had worked for their respective organization an average of 13.5 years (SD ¼ 8:78) and had been in their current job position an average of 8.28 years (SD ¼ 6:83). A total of 51 percent were employed in the healthcare and social services sector, 19 percent were employed in the general service sector, including retail, 16 percent were employed in the education sector, 5 percent were employed in the manufacturing sector, 5 percent were employed in the financial and insurance sector, and 4 percent were in other industries such as high tech and telecommunications. A total of 91 were in managerial positions and 90 were in professional positions (four missing values). Questionnaire packets were sent to 48 human resource managers who agreed to distribute these to managerial and professional employees aged 50 and over in their organization. On average, ten questionnaire packets were sent to the human resource managers although the number varied as each manager determined the number of questionnaire packets to send. The questionnaire packets contained a cover letter outlining the purpose of the study, an information sheet providing details on what participation in the study involved, assurances that participation was voluntary and the anonymity of the respondent was protected, a questionnaire booklet, and a business-reply envelope for the return of the completed questionnaire. Measures Unless otherwise noted, all of the measures consisted of a five-point Likert response format. Individual characteristics Respondents were asked to indicate how long they had worked for their current employer and how long they had been in their current job. We assessed health status with three items. One item, “I believe that my overall level of health will allow me to continue working as long as I want”, was adapted from Taylor and Shore (1995). A second item, “How would you rate your health at the present time?”, was adapted from Carr (1997). The third item, “How would you rate your health compared to most people your age?”, was adapted from Bailey and Hansson (1995). The reliability coefficient (Cronbach alpha) was 0.76. Organization-related factors We assessed respondents’ perceived retention efforts by their organization with a single item: “In general, how would you rate how well your organization is doing in retaining its older managerial and professional employees?”. Perceived support by the organization was measured with ten items from the Survey of Perceived Organizational Support (SPOS) scale developed by Eisenberger et al. (1986). The SPOS assesses individuals’ belief that their organization is committed to them, values their contribution, and cares about their well-being. Sample items are “The organization strongly considers my goals and values” and “The organization feels there is little to be gained by employing me for the rest of my career” (reverse scored).

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The coefficient alpha was 0.92. The measure of training opportunities was developed for this study. Respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which their organization was currently engaging in training for older managerial and professional employees. Sample items are: “Targeting older managerial and professional employees for training to update current job skills”, and “Targeting older managerial and professional employees for training so they can learn new skills and expertise”. The response categories were “Not at all engaged in doing this”, “Somewhat engaged in doing this”, and “Highly engaged in doing this”. The Cronbach alpha was 0.83. We assessed hierarchical plateauing with the six-item hierarchical plateauing scale adapted by Allen et al. (1999) from the scale developed by Milliman (1992). A sample item is “I have reached a point where I do not expect to move much higher”. The coefficient alpha was 0.77. Job content plateauing was assessed with the six-item job content plateauing scale adapted by Allen et al. (1999) from the scale developed by Milliman (1992). A sample item is “I am challenged by my job”. The coefficient alpha was 0.87. Career satisfaction Career satisfaction was assessed with the five-item career satisfaction scale developed by Greenhaus et al. (1990). A sample item is “I am satisfied with the success I have achieved in my career.” The coefficient alpha was 0.87. Control variables Respondents were asked to indicate their age and the number of years till their planned retirement date. Demographic variables Respondents were asked to indicate their industry classification. These were then categorized as manufacturing, finance and insurance, education, healthcare and social services, services-general, and other. Respondents were also asked to indicate their gender, marital status, and job classification (manager or professional). Data analysis Zero-order correlations were used to assess the relationships among the individual characteristics, organization-related factors and career satisfaction. Hierarchical regression was conducted to identify the significant predictors of career satisfaction. The control variables, chronological age and planned retirement age, were entered in the first step, the individual characteristics variables were entered in the second step, and the organization-related variables were entered in the third step. Results The means, standard deviations and t-values comparing managerial and professional women are presented in Table I. Compared to managerial women, women in professional positions reported significantly poorer health, perceived less organizational support, more hierarchical plateauing and job content plateauing, and less career satisfaction. There was a marginally significant difference (p ¼ 0:06) for perceived efforts by their organization to retain older managerial and professional employees with professional women perceiving less effort on the part of their

Age Years till retire Org. tenure Job tenure Health status Retention efforts Org. support Training opportunities Hierarchical plateauing Job content plateauing Career satisfaction

Managerial women (n ¼ 91) Mean SD

Professional women (n ¼ 90) Mean SD

54.53 6.33 13.48 7.76 4.05 3.45 3.39 1.46 3.90 1.97 4.09

54.60 6.74 13.32 8.65 3.84 3.15 2.92 1.60 4.12 2.38 3.70

3.72 4.04 9.25 6.35 0.60 1.06 0.74 0.51 0.73 0.72 0.73

Career satisfaction t-value

3.47 3.72 8.40 7.32 0.66 1.08 0.78 0.51 0.60 0.78 0.78

20.14 20.69 0.12 20.87 2.28* 1.90 4.12*** 21.68 22.12* 23.67*** 3.47**

Notes: * p , 0:05; ** p , 0:01; *** p , 0:001

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Table I. Means, standard deviations and t-values

organization to retain older managerial and professional employees than managerial women. There were no significant differences between the two groups for age, number of years till plan to retire, tenure in the organization, length of time in their current job position, and training opportunities. What is apparent is that both managerial and professional women felt that their organization was providing few training opportunities to older managerial and professional employees. 2Relationships among individual and organizational variables and career satisfaction The zero-order correlations are presented in Table II. We conducted separate analyses for managerial and professional women because of the significant differences between the two groups. For managerial women, health status was significantly positively related to career satisfaction. Managerial women who reported better health expressed greater satisfaction with their career than managerial women in poorer health. Perceived organizational support was significantly positively related to career satisfaction. Managerial women who perceived their organization valued their

1 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Org. tenure Job tenure Health status Retention efforts Org. support Training opportunities Hierarchical plateauing Job content plateauing Career satisfaction

2 0.56

0.45 0.02 20.07 20.27 20.26 0.26 0.14 20.22

0.04 2 0.06 2 0.20 2 0.18 0.12 0.10 2 0.11

3

4

5

6

7

0.06 2 0.22 0.09 2 0.03 0.06 20.15 2 0.28 20.22 2 0.03 0.09 2 0.07 0.18 0.05 0.10 0.07 0.37 0.39 20.14 20.14 0.30 0.30 20.25 20.18 0.27 0.44 20.18 0.05 2 0.00 20.31 2 0.43 20.01 2 0.17 20.39 2 0.14 0.13 20.03 0.33 0.44 0.41 20.21

8

9

20.17 2 0.02 0.03 2 0.17 20.32 0.36 20.27 0.20 20.64 0.48 20.22 0.18 0.17 0.07 2 0.48 20.45

Notes: Correlations for managerial women are shown above the diagonal; correlations for professional women are shown below the diagonal; Significance levels: r . 0:20, p , 0:05; r . 0:27, p , 0:01

Table II. Correlations

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contribution, cared about their well-being, and was committed to them expressed greater satisfaction with their career than managerial women who lacked this support. Job content plateauing was significantly negatively related to career satisfaction. Managerial women who felt that their jobs were challenging and rewarding expressed greater satisfaction with their career than managerial women who felt that their jobs had become routine and boring. There was little support among the managerial women for the hypothesized relationships between career satisfaction and organizational and job tenure, perceived efforts by their organization to retain older managerial and professional employees, training opportunities, and hierarchical plateauing. For professional women, organizational tenure was significantly negatively related to career satisfaction. Professional women who had been with their organization longer reported less career satisfaction than professional women who had less tenure in the organization. Perceived effort by the organization to retain older managerial and professional employees was significantly positively related to career satisfaction. Professional women who perceived that their organization was doing an effective job of retaining its older managerial and professional employees expressed greater satisfaction with their career than professional women who felt their organization’s retention efforts were ineffective. Perceived organizational support was significantly positively related to career satisfaction. Professional women who felt that their organization valued their contribution, cared about their well-being, and was committed to them expressed greater career satisfaction than professional women who lacked this support. Perceived training opportunities were significantly positively related to career satisfaction. Professional women who perceived their organization was providing older managerial and professional employees with opportunities for training and retraining expressed greater satisfaction with their career than professional women who felt their organization was not providing these training opportunities. Both hierarchical and job content plateauing were significantly negatively related to career satisfaction. Professional women who felt their opportunities for advancement to a higher level were still possible expressed greater satisfaction with their career than professional women who felt their opportunities for future advancement were limited. Professional women who felt that their jobs were challenging and rewarding expressed greater satisfaction with their career than professional women who felt that their jobs had become routine and boring. All of the hypothesized relationships between career satisfaction and the organization-related factors were supported for professional women. For the individual characteristics, there was no support for the hypothesized relationship between job tenure and career satisfaction and the hypothesized relationship between health status and career satisfaction. Predicting career satisfaction The results of the hierarchical regressions are shown in Table III. For managerial women, the individual characteristics accounted for 18 percent of the variance in career satisfaction with the organization-related variables accounting for an additional 22 percent of the variance. For professional women, the individual characteristics accounted for 5 percent of the variance in career satisfaction with the organization-related variables accounting for an additional 37 percent of the variance. The significant predictors of career satisfaction for managerial women

Control variables Age Years till retirement Individual characteristics Organizational tenure Job tenure Health status Organizational factors Retention efforts Organizational support Training opportunities Hierarchical plateauing Job content plateauing R2 DR 2 F

Managerial women (n ¼ 91) Step 1 Step 2 Step 3

Professional women (n ¼ 90) Step 1 Step 2 Step 3

0.00 2 0.26

20.09 20.02

0.07 2.81

2 0.10 2 0.38**

20.03 20.31**

0.00 2 0.15 0.39***

20.11 0.01 0.24*

0.25 0.18 5.97**

0.12 0.28* 20.01 0.13 20.25* 0.47 0.22 5.94***

0.01 0.19

20.09 20.10

2 0.04 2 0.15

20.21 0.01 20.10

2 0.11 0.13 2 0.07

0.06 0.05 1.10

0.32** 0.09 0.20 2 0.08 2 0.30** 0.43 0.37 7.12***

Notes: * p , 0:05; ** p , 0:01; *** p , 0:001

were perceived organizational support, job content plateauing, and health status as well as the control variable, years till planned retirement. The significant predictors of career satisfaction for professional women were perceived efforts by their organization to retain older managerial and professional employees and job content plateauing. Discussion There are few empirical studies comparing the work experiences of varying populations of women (Hansson et al., 1997). Instead, most available research on women focuses on differences between men and women. The findings of the present study indicate that although there are some similarities among older managerial and professional women, there are distinct differences especially for their organizational experiences. Women in professional positions reported significantly less organizational support, more hierarchical and job content plateauing, and less career satisfaction than women in managerial positions. There were also differences in the relationships of the individual characteristics and organization-related factors with career satisfaction and the amount of variance in career satisfaction accounted for by the individual characteristics versus the organization-related variables. For both managerial and professional women, perceived organizational support was significantly positively related to career satisfaction whereas job content plateauing was significantly negatively related to career satisfaction. However, the other significant correlates of career satisfaction differed across the two groups. Organizational tenure, perceived retention efforts, training opportunities, and hierarchical plateauing were significantly related to the career satisfaction of professional women but not to the career satisfaction of managerial women whereas health status was significantly related to career satisfaction for managerial women but not for professional women. Previous research

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Table III. Hierarchical regression results

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has tended to treat managerial and professional women as a homogeneous group, but the findings here suggest the need to differentiate between the two groups. It is possible that these differences become more pronounced with age and that there is greater similarity between managerial and professional women in the earlier stages of their careers. The hierarchical regression results showed that the individual characteristics and organization-related factors accounted for slightly more of the variance in the career satisfaction of the managerial women (47 percent) than the professional women (43 percent). For both groups, the organization-related factors accounted for a substantial amount of the variance in career satisfaction beyond that accounted for by the control variables and individual characteristics. This suggests that organization-related factors have the most influence on the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. For older managerial women, the important predictors of their career satisfaction were the belief that their organization valued their contribution and was committed to them, having a job that provides challenge and an opportunity to continue to learn and grow, and being in good health. For older professional women, the important predictors of their career satisfaction were their perceptions of their organization’s efforts to retain its older managerial and professional employees, and having a job that provides challenge and an opportunity to continue to learn and grow. Practical implications One of the most important ways of fostering the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women is to ensure that they are challenged by their job, are required to extend their abilities and knowledge in performing their job, and have an opportunity to learn and grow in their job. The older managerial and professional women in this study reported significantly higher levels of hierarchical plateauing than job content plateauing. But, it was job content plateauing that showed a much stronger relationship with career satisfaction. In other words, these older managerial and professional women are less interested in advancing to a higher level and are more interested in what their job has to offer. The findings also suggest that enhancing the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women will require different approaches tailored specifically to the two groups. For older managerial women, demonstrating that the organization values their contribution, is committed to them, and cares about their well-being is especially important to their career satisfaction. The career satisfaction of older professional women is increased when their organization shows a commitment to them through its efforts to retain its older professional employees. Limitations and future research The findings of this study are based on a small sample of 91 managerial women and 90 professional women aged 50 and over. This study needs to be replicated with a much larger sample of older managerial and professional women. Because the questionnaires were distributed by the HR contacts, the response rate was not available, i.e. we do not know how many of the questionnaire packets each HR manager actually distributed. Nor do we know exactly how the distribution took place in each organization – whether the questionnaire packets were mailed to older managerial and professional employees through the internal mail system or if the questionnaire packets were left at

a central location with instructions to take one if interested. This could introduce selection bias into the sample. The study reported here is part of a larger research project examining the implications of the aging workforce for Canadian organizations and their older employees. The project was not specifically designed to investigate the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women although career-related issues were part of the conceptual framework. The individual characteristics and organization-related factors did account for a sizeable amount of the variance in career satisfaction, but other variables not included in the study may also influence the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. The women in this study were primarily employed in the public sector. It is possible that the experiences of older managerial and professional women who have spent their careers in the private sector are quite different than the experiences of those in the public sector. This is especially likely to be the case for women in this particular age group. Therefore, the findings of the present study may be generalizable to older managerial and professional women in the public sector but not to older managerial and professional women in the private sector. Future research is needed to address these issues as well as to identify other individual and organizational factors that influence the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. For example, occupational self-efficacy and desire/need for achievement are individual characteristics that may influence the career satisfaction of older women. Supervisory support, mentoring or sponsorship, and access to information and resources are organization-related factors that have been shown to be related to career satisfaction in other populations (Greenhaus et al., 1990; Seibert et al., 2001) and could also influence the career satisfaction of older women. Conclusions Career satisfaction reflects how people feel about their career role and their career success. The findings of this study show that organization-related factors are especially important in fostering the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women. For older managerial women, a challenging job and perceived support from their organization are associated with greater career satisfaction. The career satisfaction of older professional women is also enhanced by a challenging job as well as the perceived efforts by their organization to retain its older managerial and professional employees. Although the findings of this study provide some insight into the factors that contribute to the career satisfaction of older managerial and professional women, further research is needed to identify other determinants of the career satisfaction of this group of women. References Allen, T.D., Poteet, M.L. and Russell, J.E.A. (1998), “Attitudes of managers who are more or less career-plateaued”, The Career Development Quarterly, Vol. 47 No. 2, pp. 159-72. Allen, T.D., Russell, J.E.A., Poteet, M.L. and Dobbins, G.H. (1999), “Learning and development factors related to perceptions of job content and hierarchical plateauing”, Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 20 No. 7, pp. 1113-37. August, R.A. and Quintero, V.C. (2001), “The role of opportunity structures in older women workers’ careers”, Journal of Employment Counseling, Vol. 38 No. 2, pp. 62-81.

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Bailey, L.L. and Hansson, R.O. (1995), “Psychological obstacles to job or career change in late life”, Journal of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences, Vol. 50B No. 6, pp. 280-8. Burke, R.J. (2001), “Managerial women’s career experiences, satisfaction and wellbeing: a five-country study”, Cross-Cultural Management, Vol. 8 Nos 3/4, pp. 117-33. Burke, R.J. and McKeen, C.A. (1994), “Effects of employment gaps on satisfactions and career prospects of managerial and professional women”, The International Journal of Career Management, Vol. 6 No. 4, pp. 22-8. Burke, R.J. and McKeen, C.A. (1995), “Work experiences, career development, and career success of managerial and professional women”, Journal of Social Behavior and Personality, Vol. 10 No. 6, pp. 81-96. Carr, D. (1997), “The fulfillment of career dreams at midlife: does it matter for women’s mental health?”, Journal of Health and Social Behavior, Vol. 38 No. 4, pp. 331-44. Chay, Y.W., Aryee, S. and Chew, I. (1995), “Career plateauing: reactions and moderators among managerial and professional employees”, International Journal of Human Resource Management, Vol. 6 No. 1, pp. 61-78. Eisenberger, R., Huntington, R., Hutchison, S. and Sowa, D. (1986), “Perceived organizational support”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 71 No. 3, pp. 500-7. Gattiker, U.E. and Larwood, L. (1988), “Predictors for managers’ career mobility, success, and satisfaction”, Human Relations, Vol. 41 No. 8, pp. 569-91. Gerpott, T. and Domsch, M. (1987), “R&D professionals’ reactions to the career plateau: mediating effects of supervisory behaviours and job characteristics”, R&D Management, Vol. 17 No. 2, pp. 103-18. Greenhaus, J.H., Parasuraman, S. and Wormley, W.M. (1990), “Effects of race on organizational experiences, job performance evaluations, and career outcomes”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 33 No. 1, pp. 64-86. Greller, M.M. and Simpson, P. (1999), “In search of late career: a review of contemporary social science research applicable to the understanding of late career”, Human Resource Management Review, Vol. 9 No. 3, pp. 309-47. Greller, M.M. and Stroh, L.K. (2003), “A work balance approach to research on late career”, in Kumashiro, M. (Ed.), Aging and Work, Francis & Francis, London, pp. 146-54. Hansson, R.O., Dekoekkoek, P.D., Neece, W.M. and Patterson, D.W. (1997), “Successful aging at work: annual review, 1992-1996: the older worker and transitions to retirement”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 51 No. 2, pp. 202-33. Karp, D.A. (1987), “Professions beyond midlife: some observations on older worker satisfaction in the 50- to 60-year decade”, Journal of Aging Studies, Vol. 1 No. 3, pp. 209-23. Lee, P.C.B. (2003), “Going beyond career plateau: using professional plateau to account for work outcomes”, Journal of Management Development, Vol. 22 No. 6, pp. 538-51. McKeen, C.A. and Burke, R.J. (1991), “Work experiences and career success of professional women: study design and preliminary findings”, Canadian Journal of Administrative Sciences, Vol. 8 No. 4, pp. 251-8. Mavin, S. (2000), “Approaches to careers in management: why UK organizations should consider gender”, Career Development International, Vol. 5 No. 1, pp. 13-20. Merkes, M. (2003), “Women’s working futures – views, policies and choices”, foresight, Vol. 5 No. 6, pp. 53-60. Milliman, J.F. (1992), “Causes, consequences and moderating factors of career plateauing”, unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA.

Morrow, P.C. and McElroy, J.C. (1987), “Work commitment and job satisfaction over three career stages”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 30, pp. 330-46. Mutchler, J.E., Burr, J.A., Pienta, A.M. and Massagli, M.P. (1997), “Pathways to labor force exit: work transitions and work instability”, Journal of Gerontology: Social Sciences, Vol. 52B No. 1, pp. S4-S12. Ornstein, S. and Isabella, L. (1990), “Age vs stage models of career attitudes of women: a partial replication and extension”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 36 No. 1, pp. 1-19. Robson, W.B.P. (2001), “Aging populations and the workforce: challenges for employers”, available at www.cdhowe.org/pdf/BNAC_Aging_Populations.pdf Salthouse, T.A. and Maruer, T.J. (1996), “Aging, job performance, and career development”, in Birren, J.E. and Schaie, K.W. (Eds), Handbook of the Psychology of Aging, Academic Press, San Diego, CA, pp. 353-64. Schneer, J.A. and Reitman, F. (1994), “The importance of gender in mid-career: a longitudinal study of MBAs”, Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 15 No. 3, pp. 199-207. Seibert, S.E., Kraimer, M.L. and Liden, R.C. (2001), “A social capital theory of career success”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 44 No. 2, pp. 219-37. Still, L. and Timms, W. (1997), Challenging Futures: The Career and Life Decisions of Managerial and Professional Women in Their 50s, Edith Cowan University, Perth. Still, L. and Timms, W. (1998), “Career barriers and the older women manager”, Women in Management Review, Vol. 13 No. 4, pp. 143-55. Taylor, M.A. and Shore, L.M. (1995), “Predictors of planned retirement age: an application of Beehr’s model”, Psychology and Aging, Vol. 10 No. 1, pp. 76-83. Further reading Greller, M.M. and Stroh, L.K. (1995), “Careers in midlife and beyond: a fallow field in need of substance”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 47 No. 3, pp. 232-47.

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The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at www.emeraldinsight.com/1362-0436.htm

Generation X women in high technology Overcoming gender and generational challenges to succeed in the corporate environment Ann Feyerherm Pepperdine University, Irvine, California, USA, and

Yvonne H. Vick Embla5, LLC, Rolling Hills Estates, California, USA Abstract Purpose – Seeks to undertake research of Generation X women in high technology in order to determine what type of corporate environment would support their needs for professional success, personal fulfillment, and sustain longer-term employment. Design/methodology/approach – This qualitative study looked at high-potential Generation X women (born between 1965-1980) within the high-technology industry and explored their relationship with work which means how they interact with bosses, peers, subordinates, and the corporate culture. Findings – The study found that, for Generation X women, personal fulfillment was intrinsically connected to professional success, and that they wanted support from their companies in terms of mentors for guidance and development, opportunities to excel, recognition for efforts, relationships, and flexibility to achieve work/life balance. Research limitations/implications – The sample size was small and, while the research applies to the high-technology industry, care would need to be taken in wholesale application to all industries. The way Generation X women perceive the importance of work/life balance carries implications for corporations in terms of training, development, promotional practices and corporate culture. Originality/value – If companies can provide a cultural environment to support attainment of professional success and personal fulfillment as defined by these women, it may provide a link to longer-term employment, reduced employee turnover, and improved bottom line corporate performance. Keywords Women executives, Management power, Glass ceilings, Employee turnover Paper type Case study

Career Development International Vol. 10 No. 3, 2005 pp. 216-227 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1362-0436 DOI 10.1108/13620430510598337

Introduction The last five years have shown a notable departure of female executives who have reached the top seats of corporate power in the USA. Brenda Barnes, a former chief executive officer of PepsiCo, and Marta Cabrera, a former vice president at JP Morgan Chase stepped down when the toll of the job began to outstrip its rewards. Both women were at the top of their game (Tischler, 2004). The two women cited are young Baby Boomers (born between 1946 and 1964). Clearly, departures like Barnes and Cabrera cannot be attributed to retirement. Both women went to other opportunities, including serving on boards of major corporations and starting new businesses. In July, 2004, Barnes stepped into the role of president and chief executive officer of Sara Lee.

If the phenomenon of high level women leaders leaving corporations prior to retirement continues, what does this portend for Generation X women (born between 1965 and 1980) and the corporations in which they work? In order to understand the likelihood of this same phenomenon occurring, a study of Generation X women who have high potential in the high technology industry was undertaken. They have seen the sacrifices made by their predecessors and may wonder if the corporate game is worth it.

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Significance of Generation X Generation X is a relatively small generation, which comprises just 20 per cent of the US adult population compared to baby boomers’ 41 per cent share (Losyk, 1997). It is a population force of 44 million in contrast to the Boomer population of 78 million, and represents the smallest pool of entry-level workers since the 1930s. (Losyk, 1997; Bradford and Raines, 1992). By 2010, the population of employees 25 to 44 is expected to decrease by 15 per cent due to this demographic shortfall. Businesses will be left struggling to get work accomplished that had typically been performed by knowledge workers, supervising managers, and other mid-level employees (Ruch, 2000; Michaels et al., 2001). To some extent, companies could compensate for this decline in younger managers by relying on a greater number of older managers, because during this period the number of 55-64-year-olds will increase by more than 45 per cent (Michaels et al., 2001). However, by 2015, attrition and retirement will reduce the number of matures (1922-1945) and boomer (1946-1964) managers who currently hold the majority of executive positions in industry (Jeffries, 2002) leaving companies even more exposed to a workforce shortage and lack of talent. Generation X is significant in the workplace not only because of its numbers. For the first time in modern history, the American workforce encompasses four separate generations working side by side – and the differences among them are one of the greatest challenges facing managers today (Scheef and Thielfoldt, 2003). White-collar Generation X lives in a corporate world which was created by matures and managed by boomers (Hatfield, 2002; Tulgan, 2000). In addition, some Generation Y exists in the same workforce, born between 1981 and 1998. Many managers are unaware of the issues contributing to the differences among these groups, and most are struggling with how to constructively work with individuals in each generation. To further complicate the situation, both Generation X men and women tend to see work as a lifestyle decision as well as a means to support themselves, and therefore appear to have different needs and orientations to work (Smith, 2000). They are also more willing to move on to a new job that promises more fun and fulfillment (Tulgan, 2000). Generation X is uniquely positioned to teach society about how the workplace is changing or should change to attract, retain, develop, and advance new talent. The expectations they bring to the workplace will affect succeeding generations of professionals (Catalyst, 2001). Significance of women managers in the workforce As more women enter the labor force as managers, the percentage of their representation will approach that of men. Specifically, projections for 2008 are that

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women will make up about 48 per cent of the labor force (US Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2000). However, despite the steady growth in the number of female managers, they tend to hold lower wage positions tend and have less formal power and authority than do male executives (Shenbaum, 2000). In addition, women continue to be under-represented in powerful, top management positions, holding only 15.7 per cent of corporate officer positions in Fortune 500 companies (Catalyst, 2002a, b). Since women will comprise approximately one-half of the total workforce at that time, the findings of this study have implications for industries that will be involved in a war for talent to recruit and retain Generation X executives (Jeffries, 2002). Style of management women bring to business Many of the talents women bring to management – including comfort with sharing power and information, ability to motivate in non-traditional ways, and apparent ease in responding to change – are crucial to organizations that are becoming increasingly less hierarchical and reliant on networks of relationships across levels and organizational boundaries (Rosener, 1995). Generation X women bring a style of support, collaboration, flexibility, ease with technical knowledge, and a natural affinity to diversity to this shifting corporate environment. It would seem that corporations would acknowledge the need for this type of management style, characterized by the Generation X women – more than ever. However, companies continue to function with the assumption that it is more manageable to search for a particular set of known attributes than to contend with the possibility that people with quite different attributes might be equally effective (McCall, 1998, p. xi). The issue of turnover A particularly serious consequence of ignoring the values women bring to organizations is the high level of turnover among women managers and executives. This is disturbing not only because it costs companies their substantial investment in these managers’ development and the maintenance of organizational diversity, but also because it can impact the overall effectiveness of an organization (Ruderman and Ohlott, 2002, p. 13). Despite the growing evidence that firms with high numbers of women executives tend to outperform their industry (Adler, 2001), women continue to leave their corporate positions. Statistics show that more women than men are leaving corporations (Catalyst, 2001). These women are not choosing to go home to raise their families; rather, they continue to work for other companies or firms where they have found increased intellectual stimulation, greater advancement opportunities, increased compensation, and/or more flexibility to manage work/life commitments (Catalyst, 1998). Hence, their attrition is not inevitable. Companies can improve their retention outcomes with women by deliberately addressing barriers to women’s development and advancement in the corporate culture. Instead, companies continue to invest large amounts of money in hiring and combating the effects of turnover, estimated to be 100-200 per cent of annual salary (Catalyst, 1998). Financial costs associated with turnover can be categorized as separation costs, temporary replacement costs, recruitment and selection costs, and induction and training costs (Institute of Employment Studies, 1997, as cited by Curtis and Wright, 2001).

There are indications of why women are leaving corporations. The term “glass ceiling” was coined in 1986 by two Wall Street Journal reporters to describe the invisible barrier that blocks women from the most senior positions in corporate America. Indeed, nearly one-third (29 per cent) of the women previously employed in the private sector over the past ten years cited the glass ceiling phenomenon as a reason they left their former employers to start their own businesses. (Catalyst, 1998, pp. 15-16). Methods employed to study Generation X women In response to the situation described above, this study specifically explored how high-technology corporations could more effectively develop and retain Generation X women for longer term commitments and competition for top jobs. This was accomplished by in-depth interviews with 16 high potential Generation X women, asking about their perceptions of professional success and personal fulfillment, and what corporations did to either bolster their success or block it. The industry The high-technology industry was chosen in order to narrow the range of common themes, industry trends, and issues that form the context of work for these women. It was also chosen because the industry represents a traditional concentration of male power and dominance. The economic downturn and associated downsizing of the past three years have severely impacted this industry and many of its manufacturing jobs have been transported overseas. The research participants This qualitative study examined the high-potential Generation X women (born between 1965-1980) and their relationship with work which means how they interact with bosses, peers, subordinates, and the corporate culture. A total of 16 Generation X women were interviewed. Their companies identified them as high-achieving managers, between the ages of 23 and 39, in seven small to large high-technology companies with major locations throughout the USA. Of the seven high-technology companies chosen, two were start-ups; two were adolescent; and three were mature. All but one of the companies was publicly traded. Corporations were chosen with populations of over 5,000 and annual revenues of $3 billion except for the start-up firms which had fewer employees and less revenue. The study’s intent was to uncover the meaning Generation X women gave to the concepts of professional success, personal fulfillment, and corporate environments that were conducive to loyalty and long term commitment. Therefore, the research approach was a phenomenological study, since the purpose was to methodically gather data to acquire a description and gain meaning of an experience that will lead to new knowledge (Moustakas, 1994; Jeffries, 2002, Creswell, 2003; Marshall and Rossman, 1999). In this case, the phenomenon was the experience and perceptions of Generation X women working in technology. The answers to each interview question were analyzed for multiple themes. Becker’s (1992) approach for interrogating phenomenological data transcripts was employed for this study. The approach involved using a coding process to organize the material into categories, to manifest meanings, and to find themes. To increase the

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study’s reliability, individuals not involved with the study also coded participant responses into the selected themes, and results were compared for data reliability (Creswell, 2003). Results The results are presented in these areas: . How Generation X women defined professional success. . How they defined personal fulfillment. . The intersection of professional success and personal fulfillment. . Perceived challenges to achieve success and fulfillment. How Generation X women defined professional success Generation X research participants defined professional success as being valued for their involvement in the business and impact on business results. Success was manifested in outward signs such as position, increased compensation, inclusion in formal and informal networks, and respect befitting a “go to” person who makes a difference in the bottom line. These manifestations reinforced the values they brought to the workplace and made it possible for them to influence strategy and take subsequent action – through position power – both inside and outside the company. This finding is consistent with Tulgan (2000), who described a Generation X tendency to need to prove to themselves and others, that they have valuable contributions to make and receive outward manifestations of that value. Participants emphasized that a necessary ingredient of success was the autonomy to run with their ideas, play by their rules, while realizing their way may not follow traditional patterns. They also added that a highlight of success is the relationship with a mentor, who helps them stay in touch with the right people and provides coaching and perspective in a way that they can learn and grow through their own inventiveness when they overcoming business challenges. How Generation X women defined personal fulfillment Research participants defined personal fulfillment as an internal feeling of joy, happiness, and contentment that comes from close connections with family and friends which energize them and encourage them to renew their sense of purpose and drive. Miller (1976) believed this is one of the intrinsic factors of women’s lives that brings a sense of fulfillment to their professional work as well as to their personal lives. Connection of professional success and personal fulfillment A key finding of this study is that 70 per cent percent of the research participants linked personal fulfillment directly with their definition of professional success. Fulfillment was a defining characteristic of their success. This finding may differ from other generations because Generation X women are not willing to defer personal fulfillment like the generation before them (Macalister, 1994). Table I presents four common denominators in definitions of both success and fulfillment, including: making a difference, relationships, learning and growing, and challenge or the opportunity to excel and achieve significance.

Theme Recognition for efforts, competitiveness, drive, and achievements Relationships Making a difference Learning and growing Challenge and the opportunity to excel Balance Mentor or guide for development Autonomy or play by own rules, define own career Fun Flexibility Self-confidence Sense of achievement or accomplishment

Success £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £ £

Fulfillment

£ £ £ £

Desired corporate environment

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While “making a difference” in professional success included outward and tangible signs of achievement and impacting the performance of the business, research participants described the fulfillment side of making a difference in terms of leaving a legacy within the community and within their own families where people can experience future success because of their efforts and contributions. The fact that they see these two ingredients operating simultaneously supports how they distinguish themselves from their Boomer predecessors (Macalister, 1994) and how they define their values (Tulgan, 2000). Relationships in professional success included support mechanisms, such as a mentor or a collaborative, coaching boss, and working in a supportive environment of relationships and fun, fueled by the energy of constant challenge. For fulfillment, women described relationships as internal happiness or joy with family and close friends who provide energy and purpose in their lives. Shenbaum (2000, p. 45) described these values of human relationships – reaching out and connecting to other people and making a difference in the lives of others – as extremely important to this generation. Learning and growing described in professional success included the act of learning, gaining skills, and ultimately employability. Macalister (1994), Tulgan (2000), and Jurkiewicz and Brown (1998) supported this finding in that greater expertise equates to greater future earning power and greater employability. Fulfillment related to learning and growing was described as feeling the sense of accomplishment that comes with expending energy toward a desired result. This sense of accomplishment also provided a sense of confidence. Challenge or the opportunity to compete expressed in terms of professional success was defined as having tangible opportunities and assignments that are challenging as well as operating in an environment that is injected with the high energy of constant challenge. Challenge expressed in terms of fulfillment included the internal drive and feeling of energy to achieve that comes with setting goals and engaging with the challenge itself. It is important that companies recognize this connection between families, community, and work because it can have a significant impact on employee

Table I. Emergent themes by research question

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willingness to contribute their discretionary effort. When work is an opportunity to feel healthy and happy, employees work harder, work longer hours, and produce better results (Tulgan, 2000). Smith (2000) may have expressed it most clearly as the influence Generation X is having on the Boomer generation. Generation X sees work more as a lifestyle than a means to support them. This view is increasingly affecting Boomers who once valued “killer job” above all. Now they still find work to be a focus, while reaching increasingly for a “killer life” (Smith, 2000, p. 13). Perceived challenges to attaining success and fulfillment Male-dominant corporate cultures, while slowly and seemingly adjusting to increasing numbers of women in the workforce, continue to be a barrier for to women leveraging their talents within the corporate setting. The participant discussion supported the notion that gender discrimination has gone underground. Discrimination has been so integrated with company cultural norms and organizational status quo that most people do not notice it (Rosener, 1995). Rosener stated: The experience of most career women, whether they like to admit it or not, is that being viewed as different has meant being viewed as deficient or deviant (Rosener, 1995, p. 105).

Consequently, the signals sent to Generation X women by these traditional cultures conflict with their vision of achievement through supportive relationships; making a difference (work, family, and community); learning through real challenges they can convert into recognition. The women in this research study consistently pointed to feeling stereotyped, undervalued, and underutilized by male-dominant cultures which they believe perceive them as too young and inexperienced. As a result, women think they are not taken seriously, do not receive challenging opportunities, and subsequently do not receive the pay or position commensurate with their talents. This finding also supports the previously mentioned existence of invisible cultural norms which include such dynamics as feeling the need to be available at all times or the need to attend delayed or emergency meetings. These women do not believe there is a way around this status quo, even in companies that sincerely want to support and develop them. Jackson (2001) suggests that this phenomenon translates into medium to low levels of perceived support for advancement. Ultimately, this belief leads women to seek other employment opportunities (Michaels et al., 2001). The findings of this study revealed that 50 per cent of the study participants were definite or, at minimum, undecided about seeking other employment opportunities. Five strategies to leverage Generation X women’s capabilities and talent Table I presents elements of a desired corporate environment requested by the research participants to support their attainment of professional success and personal fulfillment. Elements of a preferred corporate environment include recognition for their efforts, relationships though interactions with many different people, challenges to excel, mentors for guidance, autonomy to play by their own rules, and flexibility of work arrangements. These environmental elements plus other findings of this study suggest five strategies companies can adopt to leverage the talent and capabilities of Generation X women in a way that will strengthen bottom line results, ensure that the corporate entity remains competitive, and retain valued employees. Table II

Theme Recognition for efforts, competitiveness, drive, and achievements Relationships Making a difference Learning and growing Challenge and the opportunity to excel Balance Mentor or guide for development Autonomy or play by own rules, define own career Fun Flexibility Self-confidence Sense of achievement or accomplishment

Leverage women leadership in Real time Re-examine a diverse mentor-coach corp. opportunities workforce culture

Support of those who do not climb the ladder

Promote more women to exec level

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£ £ £

£ £ £ £

£ £

£

£

£

£

£ £ £

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£

£ £ £ £

£

£

£

£

£

£

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£

£

£

£ £

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demonstrates how the implementation of the five recommended strategies would address the 12 overall themes that characterized this research. By utilizing these strategies, companies could impact both sustainable employment of high potential women and maintain ongoing corporate competitiveness. Corporate Culture Although corporations may have the best intentions to support women, they could re-examine their cultures with new awareness of the embedded nature of the one-best-male model and belief systems around youth and competence, which significantly impact managers’ perceptions of Generation X women. They would benefit from continuing to evolve their cultures to be more supportive of Generation X women who aspire to climb the corporate ladder. These cultures would be characterized by increased attention to such values as mutual respect, openness, and continuous learning. This cultural examination might suggest needed structures that provide an environment for collaborative relationships, making a difference, learning and growing, and receiving challenges, or the opportunity to excel. Additional possibilities include structures that accommodate flexibility in work and schedule arrangements. Other measures such as informal policies of promotions and compensation levels could also be reviewed and adjusted accordingly. Literature and research data continue to support the notion that Generation X women feel slighted by the promotion process as well as the financial compensation packages. Companies that want to maintain and support Generation X women need to re-evaluate high-potential women for promotions and relevant compensation. The overall focus should be the creation of an environment

Table II. How recommended strategies support emergent research themes

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that values the contributions of this generation, and provides latitude for them to do things differently than may be the existing tradition. The Generation X (men and women) values of collaboration and teamwork, developing human relationships, and quality of life are underscored, if not magnified, by the fact that most women share the same values. It would seem that Generation X women operating in top leadership positions within the corporate landscape could leverage these qualities and values throughout their companies. In a low-growth economy with shrinking or unchanging capital resources, organizations must leverage their cultures to focus on the contributions of their human resources if they are to improve their efficiency and work output (Powell, 1993).

Training and development Provide women with more coordinated practical experience – in addition to formal training classes – by offering real-time business challenges under the guidance of a mentor-coach. Generation X women like to learn by doing – practical experience in solving problems is a preferred way to add to their skills and capabilities and enhance their employability (Jeffries, 2002). McCall (1998, p. ix) documented that effective executives learn how to do what they do primarily by doing it, watching others try to do it, and messing up. When participants spoke of learning and growing, they were expressing their need to find opportunities that would test their capabilities and help them grow through challenging work assignments. For instance, one participant mentioned a challenging work assignment as adding tangible experience and credibility to her resume. Generation X women seem to have a desire for a hands-on practical approach to learning and growing in addition to – or instead of – formal, theoretical education. People designing formal education programs would be wise to incorporate hands-on practical applications within formal learning. McCall (1998, p. 75) stated the primary classroom for the development of leadership skills is on-the-job experience, and that critical resources are understood and controlled by line managers, not by staff specialists. Unless formal training is integrated into the larger context of experience and directly associated with corporate performance measurement, training can be an expensive and unrelated event with little, if any, impact. In addition, most participants spoke of challenges relevant to their work as necessary for growth. Since Generation X women prefer learning by experience, mentoring would need to be re-defined, implemented, and supported in order to develop their skills and opportunities (Hay, 2002; Michaels et al., 2001; Ruch, 2000). The role of a mentor-coach was defined by the research participants as one or more individuals who can collaborate with an employee to help her reach and exceed her goals. Companies can support this mentoring approach by developing feedback-rich environments that regularly provide input to Generation X women so they know how they are doing, what is working, and what needs improvement (Macalister, 1994). In addition, the mentor-coach and the corporation would be wise to put the learning experiences into the context of the business strategy to provide direct feedback on the impact of their work on the results. McCall (1998, p. 108) stated a talented person, given the “right” experiences, might develop the desired executive abilities, and that business strategy is the most important factor in determining what those experiences should be. This is a

characteristic that can become part of overall corporate strategy, culture, and executive development. Management assignments Leverage the value of Generation X women in managing a growing diverse worker base. For some years, popular business literature has suggested that the most effective leadership style in the global economy is one of collaboration, cooperation, and inclusion – attributes traditionally associated with the way women tend to lead (Rosener, 1995; Britten, 2001). If this is the most effective leadership style for the future of global corporations, one would expect women to be pursuing and attaining executive roles at a faster rate (Britten, 2001, p. 2). Alternative career track programs Create an environment where this generation will feel valued for their individual contributions if they choose not to climb the ladder. A woman (or man) should be acknowledged and valued as a high performer without being a high-potential (upwardly oriented) individual. Someone who wants to do a great and satisfying job “in place” may not be as well valued as someone who wants to be upwardly oriented. This tendency has been translated into “up or out” work environment philosophies. For those who want to get off the fast track, development can include numerous lateral moves for growth of a different kind. Women may also want to temporarily get off the fast track, while still being committed to high performance – leaving the possibility of returning to the upward-mobility ladder when the time is right for them. Part-time options might apply in this case as well. With the downturn of the economy and the events of 11 September 2001, some women in the high-technology sector are rethinking what they want out of their lives. They want to be valued for their contributions, increase their autonomy of operating style through more trust, and be included in the decision-making process even if they choose not to be on the fast track. Promote women Research shows a high correlation of Fortune 500 firms with high numbers of women in their executive ranks tending to outperform their industry median firms in profits as a percentage of revenues, assets, and stockholder equity (Adler, 2001, p. 3). In light of this fact, corporations would do well to re-think the importance of their women leaders and look for opportunities to promote qualified women candidates. Improving an organization’s bottom line in today’s business environment requires the recognition and full utilization of all human resources, especially those previously ignored or overlooked (Rosener, 1995). The implication is clear: Firms that underutilize the talents of any of their employees, male or female, will find themselves at a competitive disadvantage (Rosener, 1995). Corporations that fail to hold their talented employees when competitors or other opportunities come courting will be the losers (Fulmer and Conger, 2004).

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Summary If there is any corporate confusion or doubt about the desire of Generation X women to achieve and be successful, they can rest assured that these women have made a commitment to being successful in the corporate game. However, the Generation X drive and desire may not look like that of past generations and they are asking companies to rethink the way that work is done (Catalyst, 2001). What these women seem to want is the close relationship of a mentor-guide as well as the trust of the corporation that they will deliver results while preserving their quality of life and autonomy to create their own pattern of success. These findings have implications for both individual women and the corporations that hire them. For the individual, the findings could build hope that a woman could live out her personal vision in a satisfying and fulfilling job. For corporations, the attrition of women is not inevitable. If companies can provide a cultural environment to support attainment of success and fulfillment as defined by these women, it may provide the link to improving bottom line performance. References Adler, R.D. (2001), Women in the Executive Suite Correlate to High Profits, Glass Ceiling Research Center, available at: http://glass-ceiling.com/InTheNewsFolder/HBRArticlePage1.html Becker, C. (1992), Living and Relating: An Introduction to Phenomenology, Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA. Bradford, L. and Raines, C. (1992), Twenty Something: Managing and Motivating Today’s New Work Force, Master Media Limited, New York, NY. Britten, C. (2001), “Women’s beliefs as a contributing factor to aspirations to attain executive status”, unpublished Master’s thesis, Pepperdine University, Malibu, CA. Catalyst (1998), Women Entrepreneurs: Why Companies Lose Female Talent and What They Can Do about It, Catalyst Publications, New York, NY. Catalyst (2001), The Next Generation: Today’s Professionals, Tomorrow’s Leaders, Catalyst Publications, New York, NY. Catalyst (2002a), Census of Women Corporate Officers and Top Earners of the Fortune 500, Catalyst Publications, New York, NY. Catalyst (2002b), The Work Life Report: Generation X Professionals: Assumptions and Realities, Catalyst Publications, Ottawa. Creswell, J. (2003), Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches, 2nd ed., Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA. Curtis, S. and Wright, D. (2001), “Retaining employees: the fast track to commitment”, Management Research News, Vol. 24 Nos 8/9, pp. 56-60. Fulmer, R.M. and Conger, J.A. (2004), Growing your Company’s Leaders: How Great Organizations Use Succession Management to Sustain Competitive Advantage, American Management Association, New York, NY. Hatfield, S.L. (2002), “Understanding the four generations to enhance workplace management”, AFP Exchange, Vol. 22 No. 4, pp. 72-4. Hay, M. (2002), “Strategies for survival in the war of talent”, Career Development International, Vol. 7 No. 1, pp. 52-5. Jackson, J.C. (2001), “Women middle managers’ perception of the glass ceiling”, Women in Management Review, Vol. 16 No. 1, pp. 30-41.

Jeffries, M. (2002), “A phenomenological study of generation X executives in the United States high-technology sector”, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Pepperdine University, Malibu, CA. Jurkiewicz, C. and Brown, R. (1998), “GenXers vs Boomers vs Matures: generational comparisons of public employee motivation”, Review of Public Personnel Management, Vol. 18 No. 4, pp. 18-37. Losyk, R. (1997), “Generation X: what they think and what they plan to do”, The Futurist, Vol. 31 No. 2, pp. 39-42. Macalister, K. (1994), “The X generation”, HR Magazine, Vol. 39 No. 5, pp. 66-70. McCall, M.W. (1998), High Flyers: Developing the Next Generation of Leaders, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA. Marshall, C. and Rossman, G. (1999), Designing Qualitative Research, 3rd ed., Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA. Michaels, E., Handfield-Jones, H. and Axelrod, B. (2001), The War for Talent, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA. Miller, J. (1976), Toward a New Psychology of Women, Beacon Press, Boston, MA. Moustakas, C. (1994), Phenomenological Research Methods, Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA. Powell, G.N. (1993), Women and Men in Management, Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA. Rosener, J. (1995), America’s Competitive Secret: Utilizing Women as a Management Strategy, Oxford University Press, New York, NY. Ruch, W. (2000), “How to keep Generation X employees from becoming x-employees”, Training and Development, Vol. 54 No. 4, pp. 40-3. Ruderman, M.N. and Ohlott, P.J. (2002), Standing at the Crossroads: Next Steps for High-Achieving Women, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA. Scheef, D. and Thielfoldt, D. (2003), “Engaging multiple generations among your workforce”, Linkandlearn Newsletter, 15 November, available at: www.linkangeinc.com (accessed 1 December). Shenbaum, J. (2000), “The foundation for a leadership development model: a meta-ethnography”, unpublished doctoral dissertation, Pepperdine University, Malibu, CA. Smith, J.W. (2000), “Is the Gen-X war over?”, HR Focus, Vol. 77 No. 5, pp. 1-13. Tischler, L. (2004), “Where are the women?”, Fast Company, No. 2, pp. 52-8. Tulgan, B. (2000), Managing Generation X: How to Bring out the Best in Young Talent, W.W. Norton & Company, New York, NY. US Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics (2000), “Women’s share of labor force to edge higher by 2008”, Monthly Labor Review, 14 February, available at: www.bls.gov/ opub/ted/2000/Feb/wk3/art01.htm (accessed 6 May 2003).

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Department of Management, The University of Melbourne, Parkville, Australia

Isabel Metz

Abstract Purpose – This study aims to assess whether differences exist in the barriers reported by, and in the person- and situation-centred factors related to the managerial advancement of, women with and without children. The study also seeks to examine whether having children influences women’s advancement, by affecting person-situation factors such as training and development or work hours. Design/methodology/approach – A confidential, voluntary survey was mailed to 1,183 female staff who held from non-manager to executive positions in the banking industry. The response rate was 65.23 per cent or 848 respondents, of whom 209 (24.6 per cent) had children and 639 (75.4 per cent) did not. Findings – The survey results indicate that, although the links and barriers to the advancement of mothers and non-mothers are similar, important differences exist. Specifically, internal networks are negatively related to the advancement of women with children, but unrelated to the advancement of women without children. In addition, having children weakens the relationship between work hours and managerial advancement. Research limitations/implications – This is a cross-sectional study that included women currently in the workforce. Future research needs to include women who have left their organisations and needs to examine causal effects. The interaction of marital status and children should also be examined in future research, because marital status may not be a barrier to advancement for women but being a single mother might be. Originality/value – The results provide some support for the belief that mothers experience additional barriers to advancement when compared with women without children. Keywords Women, Parents, Management development Paper type Case study

Career Development International Vol. 10 No. 3, 2005 pp. 228-245 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1362-0436 DOI 10.1108/13620430510598346

Women make up an increasing proportion of the full-time workforce and of managers around the world (Wirth, 2001), including in Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), 1999; Trewin, 2002). Yet, they are still under-represented in management in most countries and in senior management everywhere (Davidson and Burke, 2004; Wirth, 2001). Wirth concluded that one of the obstacles to women’s equal representation in management is the gender inequality in home responsibilities. Family responsibilities create unique challenges for women who want to advance in management. Women continue to be responsible for the majority of family responsibilities, such as the care of dependent children (Hochschild, 1997; Wirth, 2001). In line with the time scarcity hypothesis, time spent fulfilling family responsibilities is time that cannot be spent at work. In addition, many women believe that family responsibilities are a barrier to their advancement (Liff and Ward, 2001; Metz and Tharenou, 2001), partly because they affect their colleagues’ and superiors’ perceptions of them (e.g. Griffith and MacBride-King, 1998; Ragins and Sundstrom, 1989; Swiss and Walker, 1993). These perceptions and stereotypes of women with

children can lead to discriminatory behaviour, thus creating an additional obstacle to advancement for mothers. However, research on the impact of family on career success found no differential effects for men and women (Kirchmeyer, 1998). In particular, Tharenou (1999a) found that mothers did not advance less in management than single women, single men or single fathers. The absence of an impact of family responsibilities on advancement may partly be due to the fact that family responsibilities influence the process of advancement indirectly rather than directly. For instance, having children may affect managerial advancement because it influences women to use human capital resources (such as training and development opportunities) differently. Therefore, the present study examines if having children moderates some of the factors commonly known to be linked to women’s advancement, such as education and years of work experience. Quantitative and qualitative research methods can be expected to explain organizational phenomena from different perspectives (Lee et al., 1999). Therefore, this study also compares the barriers to advancement reported by women with and without children to check if differences exist in perceived barriers to advancement. These reports may reflect women’s individual experiences and “realities” (Lee et al., 1999). From a human resource management and an individual career management perspective, it is important for organizations and for women to fully understand how being a parent affects advancement, because of the continuing trend of mothers in the workforce (ABS, 1999; Wirth, 2001). This understanding can help organizations avoid the underutilisation or loss of talented women who are mothers. Literature review and research propositions To address the study’s aims, person-centred and situation-centred factors that have been found to be related to women’s managerial advancement were examined, as recommended by Riger and Galligan (1980). Riger and Galligan (1980), demonstrated that many person-centred explanations for women’s lack of managerial advancement could be replaced by equally plausible work situation interpretations. So, both are included in this study. Specifically, person-centred factors of (having) children, ambition, and human capital (e.g. education level and hours worked) were assessed. The variable of children was included in the present data analyses, because past studies have shown that an increasing number of women managers and executives are married (Catalyst, 1996, 2003), but many still trade children for a career because of their work commitments (e.g. Catalyst, 2003; Griffith and MacBride-King, 1998; Wirth, 2001). Thus, marital status was not included in these analyses because it does not appear to be a barrier to women’s career success (Greenhaus and Parasuraman, 1999). In addition, reviews of the literature found that ambition and human capital were related to women’s managerial advancement (see Tharenou, 1997) and their power in organizations (see Ragins and Sundstrom, 1989). Ambition was also found to be the strongest predictor (among the personality factors measured) of managerial level, including for women (Howard and Bray, 1988). Lastly, human capital inputs can be related to the knowledge and skills women have, which in turn can raise their earnings (Becker, 1993). Human capital inputs included in the present study were years of work experience, career breaks, work hours, education level, training and development, and career breakthrough opportunities.

Careers of women with children 229

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In addition to the eight person-centred variables, three situation-centred factors were included in this study. These were mentor support, career encouragement and internal networks, because they have been suggested in the past to be important to women’s advancement (e.g. Riger and Galligan, 1980; Schor, 1997; Tharenou, 1999b). Mentor support and career encouragement can help women overcome obstacles to their advancement (Ragins, 1999), and internal networks can assist women obtain information necessary to perform their jobs and advance (e.g. Liff and Ward, 2001; Mallon and Cassell, 1999). The author recognises that other variables could have been included in this study. However, the greater the number of tests the more likely it would have been that some significant results would have occurred by chance (Cohen and Cohen, 1983). Hence, eight person-centred and three situation-centred variables were used to examine the influence that having children may have on these 11 predictors of women’s advancement. The careers of women with and without children What is related to advancement in management? The view that family responsibilities hinder women’s managerial advancement is supported by past research (Melamed, 1995; Tenbrunsel et al., 1995). Yet, some women in management and in senior management positions are married with children (e.g. Catalyst, 1996; Griffith and MacBride-King, 1998; Metz and Tharenou, 2001; Wirth, 2001). So, if family responsibilities hinder the advancement of women then how do some women with children advance in management? The answer to the above question is not clear, but it is possible that when we compare samples of women with and without children who have not left the organizations or the workforce, we find that similar factors are related to the managerial advancement of women in both groups. The scant empirical evidence that exists shows that the career experiences are similar for women singles, women with children, and women married without dependents (e.g. Brett and Stroh, 1999). Women with MBA degrees do not differ substantially in their commitment to work (Korabik and Rosin, 1995). Women who try to balance family and career do not appear to be penalised in terms of managerial level (Konrad and Cannings, 1994), advancement (Tharenou, 1999a), or salary (Schneer and Reitman, 1993). Hence, it is proposed: H1. Similar person- and situation-centred factors will be related to the managerial advancement of women with and without children. What are the barriers to advancement? Although recent empirical research has shown that the process of advancement is similar for women with and without children, qualitative studies present a different reality. As previously mentioned, past qualitative studies indicate that women with children report additional barriers to their advancement due to stereotypes and perceptions of mothers in the workforce (e.g. Ragins and Sundstrom, 1989; Swiss and Walker, 1993). Hence, it is proposed: H2. Women with and without children will report different barriers to advancement. In particular, women with children are more likely to report stereotypes and perceptions as barriers to advancement than women without children.

The indirect influence of children on women’s managerial advancement All of the five person-centred variables examined in this study have been found in past research to be directly related to women’s advancement (e.g. Howard and Bray, 1988; Metz and Tharenou, 2001; Tharenou and Conroy, 1994). However, having children can also influence these direct relationships. Past research indicates that the relationships between family and managerial advancement can be explained by a third independent variable (Parasuraman et al., 1997; Tharenou et al., 1994). For instance, Parasuraman et al. (1997) focussed on the impact of family variables on development opportunities (such as visibility and key assignments) through mediators such as the individual’s commitment to family and work. In turn, Tharenou et al. (1994) used confirmatory modelling to test situation- (e.g. career encouragement) and person-centred influences (e.g. having a spouse and children) on managerial advancement for both women and men. Tharenou et al. (1994) found a path between “home status” (which comprised of marital status and the number of children) and work experience, but not between home status and any of the situation-centred variables. Therefore, this study will only investigate the moderator effect of children on person-centred factors. A moderator is a variable that influences the direction or strength of the relationship between the independent variables and the dependent variable (Baron and Kenny, 1986; Lindley and Walker, 1993). The author recognises that many other combinations of moderator relationships could have been tested, given the number of independent variables included in this study. However, not all possible combinations of moderator relationships were tested because the greater the number of tests the more likely it would have been that some significant results would have occurred by chance (Cohen and Cohen, 1983). Therefore, the first criterion for selecting variables was that they were related to managerial advancement in the quantitative results. The second criterion was that past research supported the relationships between the IVs selected and women’s managerial advancement. The second criterion was used only if relevant past research was found. The model shown in Figure 1, conceptualises that the relationships between person-centred factors and women’s managerial advancement could be contingent upon having children. “Children” is chosen as the moderator in this study, because having children is more likely to influence than to be influenced by other factors such as training and development and work hours. For example, past research has found that having children can reduce the number of hours women work (Korabik and Rosin, 1995; Liff and Ward, 2001; Mallon and Cassell, 1999; Wolcott and Glezer, 1995) and the training they obtain (Still, 1997; Tharenou et al., 1994). So, the arrow in Figure 1 represents the influences that children may exercise on these relationships. According to the model in Figure 1, it is possible that some women with children may spend or are perceived to spend some of their time at work on family-related rather than on work-related matters. In turn, some women with children have reported that stereotypes and perceptions of women with families are barriers to their advancement (e.g. Griffith and MacBride-King, 1998; Liff and Ward, 2001; Metz and Tharenou, 2001; Still, 1997). Either way, it is possible that having children will weaken the relationships between years of work experience, work hours, training and development, career breakthrough opportunities, and women’s managerial advancement. Thus, it is proposed:

Careers of women with children 231

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232 Figure 1. Proposed moderator relationships between children and other person-centred factors, and women’s managerial advancement

H3a. Children will moderate the relationship between years of work experience, work hours, between training and development, between career breakthrough opportunities, and women’s managerial advancement. These four person-centred factors will be more related to managerial advancement for women without children than for women with children. In addition, women with children are more likely to take career breaks than women without children (e.g. Tharenou, 1999a). Career breaks have been found to be negatively related to managerial advancement for women (Tharenou, 1999a). Women know that career breaks are detrimental to their careers and use education as a way to update their knowledge in preparation to re-enter the workforce (Swiss and Walker, 1993). Decision makers use human capital factors, such as education level, to screen candidates into higher paying jobs (Strober, 1990). So, it is possible that the relationship between education level and women’s managerial advancement is stronger for women with than for women without children. Thus, it is proposed: H3b. Children will moderate the relationship between career breaks and women’s managerial advancement. Career breaks will be more negatively related to managerial advancement for women with than for women without children. H3c. Children will moderate the relationship between education level and women’s managerial advancement. Education level will be more related to managerial advancement for women without than for women with children. In summary, as can be seen in Figure 1, Model 1 proposes that having children influences the years of work experience, career breaks, work hours, education level, training and development, and career breakthrough opportunities women get. Data and methods Data and the sample A confidential, voluntary survey was mailed to 1,183 female staff in the Australian banking industry. These women were all members of the Australian Institute of Banking and Finance (AIBF), and were in non-management or management positions.

The AIBF’s list only had 11 women in executive positions. As a result, the author used her own networks to reach an additional 163 women in middle and senior management levels in banking. This was necessary to obtain a representative sample of women at middle and senior management levels. The final response rate was 65.23 per cent or 848 respondents, excluding 46 surveys that were returned to the sender because of incorrect addresses. Of the 848 respondents, 209 (24.6 per cent) had children and 639 (75.4 per cent) did not. Chi-square tests (available from the author on request) revealed that women with children (n ¼ 209) were different from women without children (n ¼ 639) with regard to some person-centred factors. Overall, women with children were likely to be older, have had one or more unpaid career breaks, had more years of work experience, but worked fewer hours per week than women without children. However, respondents with and without children were similar with regard to education level and ambition. Most women wanted to move up three or four levels from their current position (78.5 per cent, non-mothers and 63.9 per cent, mothers). Measurement The dependent variable Managerial advancement (MA) was the dependent variable. MA was the mean of four standardized items (a ¼ 0:77) assessing the respondent’s managerial level, salary, number of subordinate staff, and total number of managerial promotions (see Appendix). This measure included the three-item reliable, validated measure used in a longitudinal study of Australian managers (Tharenou, 1999a). Number of staff was added to form the four-item scale, as it has been used to measure managerial advancement (Tharenou et al., 1994), organizational stature (which encompassed managerial level; Lyness and Thompson, 1997) and managerial authority (Reskin and Ross, 1992). Variable measured to describe the sample: age Age was a single item with response categories ranging from 1, under 25 to 9, 60 or over. Person-centred variables The number of dependent children was a single item from Tharenou and Conroy (1994), and it comprised response categories ranging from 1, none to 5, four or more. The five response categories were dummy-coded as 0, none and 1, one or more children, to allow entry into the correlation matrix and hierarchical regression. Ambition was measured as the mean of seven standardised items (a ¼ 0:81). Five items were from Korabik and Rosin’s (1995) ambition scale, one item was from Howard and Bray’s (1988) ambition measure, and one was developed for this study (see Appendix). In addition to children and ambition, seven human capital variables were measured. Specifically, years of work experience, unpaid career breaks, work hours, education level, training and development, and career breakthrough opportunities, were considered part of women’s human capital. The number of unpaid career breaks was a single item from Tharenou and Conroy (1994), with response categories from 0, none to 5, five or more. Education was also a single item measuring the highest level of education completed. The response

Careers of women with children 233

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categories ranged from 1, completed primary school to 9, doctorate. The item was based on Tharenou and Conroy’s (1994) education measure which comprised 12-points. Work experience was the mean of two items (a ¼ 0:79). Both items ranged from 1, less than one year to 9, 30 or more years. This measure was based on Tharenou et al.’s (1994) work experience measure which had an alpha of 0.62. Training and development was the mean of five a five item scale (a ¼ 0:82), based on Tharenou and Conroy’s (1994) and Tharenou’s (1999a) measures (a ¼ 0:79, 0.81; test-retest r ¼ 0:85). This measure assessed the frequency of participation in training and development activities, with response categories ranging from 1, never to 7, 11 or more times. Work hours was a single item scale that measured the hours worked each week. The response categories ranged from 1, less than 15 hours to 9, more than 60 hours. Lastly, career breakthroughs were defined as events that had been especially important as a breakthrough (or in overcoming obstacles for advancement) in the respondents’ careers. The career breakthroughs variable was developed for this study and averaged eight items (see Appendix) with five-point response categories ranging from 1, not at all to 5, to a very large extent (a ¼ 0:73). These items were based on events found by past researchers (e.g. Forbes and Piercy, 1991; Mainiero, 1994; Ohlott et al., 1994) to be important breakthroughs in career advancement. Situation-centred variables Mentor support measured various forms of career and psychological functions that a higher-ranking individual with advanced experience and knowledge may have performed to help the respondent advance in her career. Mentor support (or mentoring) averaged 14 items (a ¼ 0:91) from Dreher and Ash’s (1990) 18-item scale of mentoring practices (a ¼ 0:95). The items used a five-point Likert scale from 1, not at all to 5, to a very large extent. Examples of items included in the mentor support measure were (mentor) “Given or recommended you for challenging assignments that present opportunities to learn new skills” and “Served as a role model”. Career encouragement was defined as the encouragement received from colleagues and superiors for one’s career development (Tharenou et al., 1994). Career encouragement averaged three items (a ¼ 0:76) of Tharenou and Conroy’s (1994) measure (a ¼ 0:80). The items used a seven-point Likert scale ranging from 1, never to 7, 11 or more times. Internal networks were measured by a scale developed for this study, which included the number, gender, and managerial level of the contacts women have inside their organizations (see Appendix). This scale was based on Ibarra’s (1995, pp. 684-687) network characteristics of status or managerial level of contacts, degree of closeness, and sex of contacts, and Campbell et al.’s (1986) network characteristics of size. Internal networks averaged ten standardised items (a ¼ 0:81). Open-ended question In an open-ended question the respondents were asked to state five or fewer major obstacles to their career advancement. The question was used to determine if women with children reported more or different barriers to advancement than women without children. This knowledge may assist organizations in developing policies and in encouraging practices to retain, and advance the careers of, women who have dependent children in their workforces. The open-ended question was placed last, rather than first

as suggested in the literature (e.g. Zikmund, 1994), to allow the respondents to express their views after having had the opportunity to think about the topic. Statistical method The means and standard deviations were calculated, and Pearson correlation analyses were conducted to assess the association between the variables. As can be seen in Table I, there were no problems with collinearity amongst the independent variables except for age, which was highly correlated (0.65) with years of work experience. As a result, age was excluded from the regression as it is likely to be less relevant to advancement than work experience. In addition, multiple regression analyses were used to assess the relative importance of the person- and situation-centred variables for managerial advancement for women with (N ¼ 209) and without (N ¼ 639) children. As the number of years of work experience, work hours, and work breaks differed between women with and without children (as mentioned above), these three variables were entered first as Block 1 in the multiple regression analyses (see Table II). The remaining person-centred variables and the situation-centred factors were entered as Block 2. Further, moderator regressions assessed if having children influenced the direct relationships that exist between managerial advancement (the DV) and the person-centred variables of ambition, years of work experience, work hours, training and development, and career breakthrough opportunities (the IVs). For moderation to occur, managerial advancement was regressed against each of the five person-centred variables, children (the moderator), and the interaction variable. The interaction variable was composed of one of the person-centred variables and children, multiplied together (e.g. Work hours £ Children). Before their multiplication, however, the variables which form the interaction terms were standardised (as Z scores) to cater for differences in standard deviations. The variable of children was identified as a moderator if significant increments in variance occurred in managerial advancement when the interaction term was added to the independent variables (see Table III). Lastly, the barriers of advancement reported by women with and without children in the open-ended question were content coded by two independent raters (the author and a post-graduate student). Overall, Goodwin and Goodwin’s (1985) procedure was used to content code the open-ended responses and calculate the inter-rater reliability. The results showed that an inter-rater reliability of 0.95 was achieved, demonstrating reliability of the content coding procedure (Sommer and Sommer, 1991). To calculate the inter-rater reliability the number of coding agreements was divided by the total number of coded responses, as done by Goodwin and Goodwin (1985). The agreements were the responses that both raters coded in the same category. As shown in Table IV, frequency analyses were then performed on the coded responses separately for mothers and non-mothers. Chi-square (x2) tests were performed to assess if the frequency of the responses were significantly different for mothers and non-mothers. Results The careers of women with and without children What is related to advancement in management? H1 proposed that similar person- and situation-centred factors would be related to the managerial advancement of women

Careers of women with children 235

0.77 1.41 0.43 0.53 0.90 1.42 1.46 1.52 1.25 0.75 0.77 1.21 0.61

SDs – 0.44 0.05 2 0.04 0.05 0.18 0.38 0.63 0.43 0.33 0.05 0.17 0.02

1 – 0.24 2 0.21 0.30 – 0.13 0.65 0.33 0.15 0.07 2 0.11 0.01 2 0.12

2

– 2 0.10 0.45 2 0.10 0.12 0.03 2 0.19 2 0.00 2 0.05 0.00 2 0.06

3

– 2 0.06 0.13 2 0.20 0.04 0.19 0.14 0.13 0.05 0.17

4

– 2 0.04 2 0.02 0.07 2 0.11 2 0.04 2 0.02 2 0.02 2 0.06

5

– 2 0.32 0.17 0.17 0.08 0.06 2 0.07 2 0.05

6

– 0.25 0.12 0.08 2 0.10 0.11 2 0.03

7

– 0.30 0.39 0.20 0.38 0.17

8

– 0.14 0.01 0.04 0.06

9

– 0.23 0.34 0.17

10

– 0.29 0.25

11

– 0.32

12

–

13

Notes: MA ¼ Managerial advancement; T&D ¼ Training and development; Breakthroughs ¼ Career breakthrough opportunities; Correlations of 0.07 and 0.08 are significant at p , 0:05; and of 0.09 and above are significant at p , 0:01

0.00 3.33 0.25 3.49 0.55 5.49 4.77 2.67 5.95 2.25 3.35 2.67 0.00

1. MA 2. Age 3. Children 4. Ambition 5. Career breaks 6. Education 7. Work experience 8. T&D 9. Work hours 10. Breakthroughs 11. Mentor support 12. Encouragement 13. Internal networks

Table I. Means, standard deviations and correlation coefficients for all the variables Mean

236

Variable

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Independent variables Block 1: control variables Years of work experience Work hours Career breaks

B

0.35*** 0.43*** 0.08* df ¼ ð3; 621Þ DR 2

Block 2: remaining variables Ambition Education level Training and development Career breakthroughs Mentor support Career encouragement Internal networks

Notes. *p , 0:05; inflation factors

**

p , 0:01;

Notes. p , 0:05;

p , 0:01;

0.60 0.79 0.75

1.67 1.27 1.33

0.64 0.69 0.50 0.74 0.81 0.69 0.75

1.56 1.45 2.00 1.35 1.24 1.46 1.34

0.35***

Women with kids (n ¼ 209) B B 0.26 *** 0.36*** 0.03 df ¼ ð3; 196Þ 0.22***

0.15** 0.29*** 20.01

20.09 0.11* 0.53*** 0.12* 20.01 20.02 20.12* df ¼ ð7; 189Þ 0.34*** 0.56***

***

p , 0:001; B ¼ Standardised beta coefficients; VIF ¼ Variance

B

Person-centred factors: Work experience Children Work exp. £ Children Work hours Children Work hours £ Children Career breaks Children Career breaks £ children Ambition Children Ambition £ children Education level Children Education level £ children T&D Children T&D £ children Career breakthroughs Children Career breakthroughs £ children **

0.30*** 0.24*** 0.05

– 0.07* 0.15*** 0.41*** 0.13*** – 0.01 – 0.06 – 0.03 df ¼ ð7; 614Þ 2 DR 0.21*** R2 0.56***

Independent variables

*

Women without kids (n ¼ 639) B Tolerances VIF

***

0.38*** 2 0.00 2 0.01 0.49*** 2 0.13*** 0.10** 0.05 0.05 2 0.06 2 0.04 0.04 0.00 0.18*** 0.07* 0.03 0.63*** 0.02 2 0.00 0.33*** 0.05 0.02

Adj. R 2

DR 2

0.15***

0.00

Not a moderator

0.21***

0.01**

Moderator

0.00

0.00

Not a moderator

0.00

0.00

Not a moderator

0.03

0.00

Not a moderator

0.40***

0.00

Not a moderator

0.11***

0.00

Not a moderator

p , 0:001; B ¼ Standardised beta coefficients

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Table II. Hierarchical multiple regressions of managerial advancement for women without and for women with children

Results

Table III. Moderator regression analyses of managerial advancement on personcentred variables and interaction terms

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Table IV. The ten most frequently reported barriers to managerial advancement for women without and for women with children

Gender discriminationa Immediate boss Personality traits Lack of knowledge/skills Family/family responsibilities Stereotypes and perceptions Organizational change Work discontinuity Lack of promotion/work opportunities Restricted mobility No hindrances

Women With kids Without kids (n ¼ 209) (n ¼ 639) (%) (%) 24.3 17.0 10.9 11.0 3.8 14.5 13.1 3.9 11.0 6.1 15.7

21.4 14.3 5.2 8.6 34.3 16.2 11.0 19.5 4.8 8.6 10.0

Chi-square (x2, df, p) (0.70, 1, 0.40) (0.86, 1, 0.36) (5.83, 1, 0.02) (1.02, 1, 0.31) (145.67, 1, 0.00) (0.36, 1, 0.55) (0.65, 1, 0.42) (53.18, 1, 0.00) (7.21, 1, 0.01) (1.48, 1, 0.22) (4.25, 1, 0.04)

Notes: a Racial discrimination was reported by only 6 per cent of the overall sample. Examples of the responses that fell in each of the categories listed above can be obtained from the author on request

with and without children. As shown in Table II, similar person- and situation-centred factors were related to the managerial advancement of women with and without children, except for internal networks. Internal networks were negatively related to the advancement of mothers, but unrelated to the advancement of non-mothers. It is possible that the sub-sample of women with children was too small for factors, such as ambition, to be significant at p , 0:05 (Stevens 1996). Hence, H1 is supported in the main. What are the barriers to advancement? H2 proposed that women with and without children would report different barriers to advancement. In particular, women with children would be more likely to report stereotypes and perceptions as barriers to advancement than women without children. As shown in Table IV, women with children were more likely than women without children to report that family or family responsibilities and work discontinuity hindered their advancement (at p , 0:001). In turn, at a significance level of p , 0:01, non-mothers were more likely than mothers to report the lack of promotion or work opportunities, and personality traits as barriers to their career success. Lastly, women with children were less likely than women without children to report no hindrances to advancement (at p , 0:05). Therefore, there were some differences in the barriers reported by women with and without children. However, mothers were just as likely as non-mothers to report stereotypes and attitudes as barriers to their advancement. Hence, H2 was only partly supported.

The indirect influence of children on women’s managerial advancement Children can be said to moderate the relationship between the person-centred inputs (the IVs) and managerial advancement (the DV) if the interaction terms (e.g. Work hours £ Children) show significant effects when the person-centred inputs and the other independent variables are controlled (Baron and Kenny, 1986). Table III shows the regression analyses that test the interaction terms for moderators while controlling for the person-centred variables.

H3a proposed that years of work experience, work hours, training and development, and career breakthrough opportunities would be more related to managerial advancement for women without children than for women with children, respectively. As can be seen from Table III, children only moderated the relationship between work hours and managerial advancement because the standardised beta coefficient of the interaction term (Work hours £ Children) was significant (B ¼ 20:10, p , 0:01) and the change in R2 was also significant. This interaction term explained 1 per cent of the total variance, which is considered important in field studies (McClelland and Judd, 1993). This result indicated that work hours were more related to managerial advancement for women without children than for women with children. Thus, H3a was supported only for work hours. In addition, H3b proposed that children would moderate the relationship between career breaks and women’s managerial advancement. Specifically, it was proposed that career breaks would be more negatively related to managerial advancement for women with than for women without children. As shown in Table III, children did not moderate this relationship, because the standardised beta coefficient of the interaction term (Career Breaks X Children) was not significant (B ¼ 20:06). Thus, H3b was not supported. Lastly, H3c proposed that children would moderate the relationship between education level and women’s managerial advancement. Education level would be more related to managerial advancement for women without than for women with children. As can be seen from Table III, children did not moderate this relationship, because the standardised beta coefficient of the interaction term (Education £ Children) was not significant (B ¼ 0:03). Thus, H3c was not supported. Discussion The aim of this study was twofold. First, the study assessed if similar person- and situation-centred factors are related to the managerial advancement of women with and without children. In addition, this study sought to determine if the barriers to advancement reported by women with and without children differed. Second, this study also assessed if having children moderates some of the factors commonly known to be linked to women’s advancement, such as education and work experience. The results show that similar factors are related to the managerial advancement of women, except for internal networks. Similarly, the qualitative data gathered using the open-ended question indicate that women with and without children report similar barriers to advancement. Yet, family responsibilities and work discontinuity are more likely to be reported as barriers by mothers, and personality traits and lack of promotion or work opportunities by non-mothers. Lastly, having children weakens the positive relationship between work hours and women’s managerial advancement. To the author’s knowledge there are no studies that combine quantitative and qualitative tests of differences between women with and without children in personand situation-centred factors related to their managerial advancement, and of the obstacles they encounter along the way. Therefore, this study supports recent findings of a similar process of advancement in management for mothers and non-mothers. In addition, this study extends current knowledge of how women with children advance because it provides initial empirical evidence of the influence of having children on women’s managerial advancement.

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More specifically, the results of the hierarchical analyses show that similar person-centred variables are related to the advancement of women with and without children. Years of work experience, work hours, ambition, education level, training and development and career breakthrough opportunities are all related to women’s advancement as expected. Interestingly, career breaks are unrelated to the advancement of women, regardless of whether they have children or not. Based on social role theory (Eagly, 1987), these results indicate that women, in general, are expected to take career breaks and, therefore, are not penalised for doing so. In terms of the situation-centred variables, the study’s results show that internal networks are negatively related to the advancement in management for mothers. According to network theory, this negative relationship may be partly due to the fact that women with children have more career breaks than women without children. That is, career breaks may lead to structural holes in the internal networks of women with children (Podolny and Baron, 1997). It is also possible that because mothers spend less time at work than non-mothers, mothers have smaller and less close internal networks than women without children. In line with the time scarcity hypothesis, time spent fulfilling family responsibilities is time that cannot be spent at work developing networks. Although the quantitative results show a similar process of advancement in management for women with and without children, the qualitative results tell us of a different “reality”. For example, women with children are more likely to report “family responsibilities” and “work discontinuity” as barriers to advancement than women without children. This is not surprising, considering that women continue to be the primary carers despite their responsibilities outside the home (Hochschild, 1997; Wirth, 2001). It is also possible that the presence of children may affect how women are perceived at work. As one respondent explained: Children and marriage affect people’s perception of women’s commitment to work.

Either way, it appears that EEO legislation and family-friendly policies in organizations are insufficient to make women with children feel that family responsibilities and work discontinuity do not negatively affect their career success. In addition, women with children are less likely than women without children to report lack of promotion or work opportunities as being a barrier to advancement. According to expectancy theory (Dunnette and Hough, 1994), it is possible that women with children have lowered their expectations of being promoted and of being given work opportunities in light of expected social roles (Eagly, 1987) and the barriers previously encountered to advancement. This explanation is supported by women with children being more likely than women without children in this study to report barriers to advancement. However, it is also possible that women without children are not being promoted in line with their work participation and contribution, perhaps in anticipation that they will become mothers. As one respondent explained: Once married, people assume women are no longer interested in a career.

Hence, social role theory partly explains why few differences were found in this study between women with and without children. Based on social role theory (Eagly, 1987), women may not escape the stereotype of primary care givers, regardless of whether or not they have children.

Lastly, the results of the moderator regression analyses indicate that the relationship between the number of hours women work and their advancement is stronger for women without children than for women with children. This result suggests that working long hours may not assist women with children overcome the negative perceptions others have of them, found in past studies (e.g. Liff and Ward, 2001; Metz and Tharenou, 2001; Still, 1997). For women without children such perceptions may not apply as strongly as for women with children. In sum, the results of this exploratory study indicate that women with children face similar obstacles, and experience a similar process of advancement in management to that of women without children. However, the importance of work hours to advancement may force mothers to make choices that they would not otherwise make. As the small proportion of women with children in this sample indicates, either most women decide not to have children for advancement or only a few mothers abide by the current model of long work hours. Limitations of the current study and recommendations for future research The results of the current study provide only partial support for the belief that women with children experience additional barriers to advancement. Therefore, more research is needed in this area. For instance, longitudinal studies are needed to determine if women reduce their work hours because they do not advance or if they do not advance because they reduce their work hours. Causal effects are difficult to detect using cross-sectional data. This topic will also benefit from an analysis of the interaction of marital status and children. This is because marital status may not be a barrier to advancement for women, but being a single mother might be. Interaction effects could not be examined in this study because the very different sizes of the sample of mothers who were married or co-habiting (N ¼ 194) and of the sample of single mothers (N ¼ 15) (Hair et al., 1995). Lastly, to fully understand if additional barriers prevent women from advancing, studies need to include women who have left their organisations. Until we do so, we only understand the process of advancement of those mothers who manage to successfully combine family and work responsibilities in the current work environment. Practical implications The chief implication of this study’s results for organizations is that the small percentage of women with children in this sample, as in many samples in past research (e.g. Lyness and Thompson, 1997), indicates that it may be more difficult for mothers than for non-mothers to remain in the workforce. Hence, there is probably much that organizations can do to retain women with children. One way to achieve this may be by facilitating their advancement in management. For instance, past research found that senior women with children are more likely than senior women without children to say that they would change jobs for a more supportive and family-friendly work environment, although other factors such as advancement opportunities are more valued than flexibility (Griffith and MacBride-King, 1998, p. 21). Similarly, women with children in this study were just as ambitious as women without children. In addition, organizations need to review current social practices to ensure that parents are integrated in the organization’s internal networks. Being part of networks

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helps individuals gather information that may be relevant to performing their jobs or applying for promotions. Further, organizations can also encourage decision making that is not influenced by the parental status of employees, so that objective factors such as work hours are equally linked to the advancement of women with and without children. This can be achieved by making decision-makers accountable for their promotion and other selection decisions. After all, it is in the interests of organizations to eradicate any discrimination based on family responsibilities. Only in doing so, will organizations be able to fully utilize the talent in their workforce. References Australian Bureau of Statistics (1999), Labour Force Projections, Australia: 1999-2016 (ABS Catalogue No. 6260.0), Canberra Publishing and Printing Company, Canberra. Baron, R.M. and Kenny, D.A. (1986), “The moderator-mediator variable distinction in social psychological research”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 51, pp. 1173-82. Becker, G.S. (1993), Human Capital, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL. Brett, J.M. and Stroh, L.K. (1999), “Women in management”, Journal of Management Inquiry, Vol. 8, pp. 392-8. Campbell, K.E., Marsden, P.V. and Hurlbert, J.S. (1986), “Social resources and socioeconomic status”, Social Networks, Vol. 8, pp. 97-117. Catalyst (1996), Women in Corporate Leadership, Catalyst, New York, NY. Catalyst (2003), Women in US Corporate Leadership: 2003, Catalyst, New York, NY. Cohen, J. and Cohen, P. (1983), Applied Multiple Regression/Correlation Analysis for the Behavioral Sciences, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc, Hillsdale, NJ. Davidson, M.J. and Burke, R.J. (2004), Women in Management World-wide: Facts, Figures and Analysis, Ashgate Publishing Limited, Aldershot. Dreher, G.F. and Ash, R.A. (1990), “A comparative study of mentoring among men and women in managerial, professional and technical positions”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 75, pp. 539-46. Dunnette, M.D. and Hough, L.M. (1994), Handbook of Industrial and Organizational Psychology, Consulting Psychologists Press, Palo Alto, CA. Eagly, A. (1987), Sex Differences in Social Behavior: A Social-role Interpretation, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Hillsdale, NJ. Forbes, J.B. and Piercy, J.E. (1991), Corporate Mobility and Paths to the Top, Quorum Books, New York, NY. Goodwin, L.D. and Goodwin, W.L. (1985), “Statistical techniques in AERJ articles, 1979-1983”, Educational Researcher, Vol. 2, pp. 5-11. Greenhaus, J.H. and Parasuraman, S. (1999), “Research on work, family, and gender”, in Powell, G. (Ed.), Handbook of Gender and Work, Sage, Newbury Park, CA. Griffith, P.G. and MacBride-King, J.L. (1998), Closing the Gap, Catalyst, New York, NY. Hair, J.F. Jr, Anderson, R.E., Tatham, R.L. and Black, W.C. (1995), Multivariate Data Analysis: With Readings, 4th ed., Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. Hochschild, A.R. (1997), The Time Bind, Henry Holt and Company, New York, NY. Howard, A. and Bray, D.W. (1988), Managerial Lives in Transition, The Guilford Press, New York, NY.

Ibarra, H. (1995), “Race, opportunity, and diversity of social circles in managerial networks”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 38, pp. 673-703. Kirchmeyer, C. (1998), “Determinants of managerial career success: evidence and explanation of male/female differences”, Journal of Management, Vol. 24, pp. 673-92. Konrad, A.M. and Cannings, K. (1994), “Of mommy tracks and glass ceilings”, Relations Industrielles, Vol. 49, pp. 303-33. Korabik, K. and Rosin, H.M. (1995), “The impact of children on women’s career behavior and organizational commitment”, Human Resource Management, Vol. 34, pp. 513-28. Lee, T.W., Mitchell, T.R. and Sablynski, C.J. (1999), “Qualitative research in organizational and vocational psychology”, Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 55, pp. 161-87. Liff, S. and Ward, K. (2001), “Distorted views through the glass ceiling”, Gender, Work, and Organization, Vol. 8 No. 1, pp. 9-36. Lindley, P. and Walker, S.N. (1993), “Theoretical and methodological differentiation of moderation and mediation”, Nursing Research, Vol. 42 No. 5, pp. 276-9. Lyness, K.S. and Thompson, D.E. (1997), “Above the glass ceiling?”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 82, pp. 359-75. McClelland, G.H. and Judd, C.M. (1993), “Statistical difficulties of detecting interactions and moderator effects”, Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 114, pp. 376-90. Mainiero, L.A. (1994), “Getting anointed for advancement: the case of executive women”, Academy of Management Executive, Vol. 8 No. 2, pp. 53-67. Mallon, M. and Cassell, C. (1999), “What do women want?”, The Journal of Management Development, Vol. 18, pp. 137-52. Melamed, T. (1995), “Barriers to women’s career success”, Applied Psychology: An International Review, Vol. 44, pp. 295-314. Metz, I. and Tharenou, P. (2001), “Women’s career advancement”, Gender & Organization Management, Vol. 26, pp. 312-42. Ohlott, P.J., Ruderman, M.N. and McCauley, C.D. (1994), “Gender differences in managers’ developmental job experiences”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 37 No. 1, pp. 46-67. Parasuraman, S., Singh, R. and Greenhaus, J.H. (1997), “The influence of self and partner family variables on career development opportunities of professional women and men”, in Tharenou, P. (Ed.), Industrial and Organizational Psychology Conference, Monash University, Melbourne. Podolny, J.M. and Baron, J.N. (1997), “Resources and relationships: social networks and mobility in the workplace”, American Sociological Review, Vol. 62, pp. 673-93. Ragins, B.R. (1999), “Gender and mentoring relationships”, in Powell, G. (Ed.), Handbook of Gender and Work, Sage Publications, Newbury Park, CA. Ragins, B.R. and Sundstrom, E. (1989), “Gender and power in organizations: a longitudinal perspective”, Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 105 No. 1, pp. 51-88. Reskin, B.F. and Ross, C.E. (1992), “Jobs, authority, and earnings among managers”, Work and Occupations, Vol. 19, pp. 342-65. Riger, S. and Galligan, P. (1980), “Women in management”, American Psychologist, Vol. 35, pp. 902-10. Schneer, J.A. and Reitman, F. (1993), “Effects of alternative family structures on managerial career paths”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 36, pp. 830-43. Schor, S.M. (1997), “Separate and unequal”, Business Horizons, Vol. 40 No. 5, pp. 51-8.

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Sommer, B. and Sommer, R. (1991), A Practical Guide to Behavioral Research: Tools and Techniques, Oxford University Press, New York, NY. Stevens, J. (1996), Applied Multivariate Statistics for the Social Sciences, Laurence Erlbaum, Hillsdale, NJ. Still, L.V. (1997), Glass Ceilings and Sticky Floors (Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Report), Electric Press, Sydney. Strober, M.H. (1990), “Human capital theory”, Industrial Relations, Vol. 29, pp. 214-359. Swiss, D.J. and Walker, J.P. (1993), Women and the Work/Family Dilemma, John Wiley & Sons, Inc, New York, NY. Tenbrunsel, A.E., Brett, J.M., Maoz, E., Stroh, L.K. and Reilly, A.H. (1995), “Dynamic and static work-family relationships”, Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, Vol. 63, pp. 233-46. Tharenou, P. (1997), “Managerial career advancement”, in Cooper, C.L. and Robertson, I.T. (Eds), International Review of Industrial and Organizational Psychology, John Wiley & Sons, New York, NY. Tharenou, P. (1999a), “Is there a link between family structures and women’s and men’s managerial career advancement?”, Journal of Organizational Behavior, Vol. 20, pp. 837-63. Tharenou, P. (1999b), “Gender differences in advancing to the top”, International Journal of Management Review, Vol. 2, pp. 1-22. Tharenou, P. and Conroy, D. (1994), “Men and women managers’ advancement”, Applied Psychology: An International Review, Vol. 43 No. 1, pp. 5-31. Tharenou, P., Latimer, S. and Conroy, D. (1994), “How do you make it to the top?”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 37, pp. 899-931. Trewin, D. (2002), Year Book, Australia. (ABS Catalogue No. 1301.0), Canberra Publishing and Printing Company, Canberra. Wirth, L. (2001), Breaking Through the Glass Ceiling, ILO, Geneva. Wolcott, I. and Glezer, H. (1995), Work and Family Life, Australian Institute of Family Studies, Melbourne. Zikmund, W.G. (1994), Business Research Methods, The Dryden Press, Chicago, IL. Appendix Scale items (Questions and responses are given verbatim.) Managerial advancement: (1) What is your current job level (1, Non-supervisor/Non-manager, to 13, Managing Director)? (2) Please state your total annual compensation which may comprise an annual salary as well as bonuses, stock options and/or other cash components (1, under $25,000 to 12, over $125,000). (3) How many people are accountable to you for their performance (0, none to 10, more than 200 persons)? (4) Over your career how many supervisory or managerial promotions have you had (1, none to 6, nine or more)? Ambition. Please indicate your extent of agreement or disagreement (1, strongly disagree to 5, strongly agree) with each of these statements:

(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)

When obstacles get in the way of my advancement, I keep trying. My goal is to reach the “top” in my career. It is not important to me to keep moving in the hierarchy. It is important to me to be seen as very successful. I very badly want to “make my mark” in my career. I am prepared to work long and hard to gain prominence in my career. The seventh item was: How many levels (0, none, to 4, four or more) do you want to move up from your current position?

Career breakthroughs. To what extent (1, not at all, to 5, to a very large extent) these events have been especially important as a breakthrough in your career: (1) An opportunity to work in a new functional area. (2) An opportunity to work in high-profile project/area. (3) Self-initiated activity(ies) (ie, job transfer, new procedures instituted in the department, and projects undertaken to resolve specifc problems). (4) An opportunity to be a staff member in the chief executive office or staff to a very senior executive. (5) An opportunity for a supervisory assignment. (6) An opportunity for a general management assignment. (7) A promotion with an increase in responsibility. (8) An opportunity for an international appointment. Internal networks. How many (0, none, to 6, six or more) of each contacts (listed) do you have whom you can discuss important matters with (e.g. work, leisure, family, politics). How close (1, not at all close, to 5, extremely close) are you to each of the contacts (listed)? The list for each question comprised: (1) Female co-workers in my immediate area. (2) Male co-workers in my immediate area. (3) Female colleagues in other areas in my organization. (4) Female superiors in my organization. (5) Male superiors in my organization.

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Siri Terjesen Cranfield School of Management, Cranfield, UK Abstract Purpose – This paper aims to explore the phenomenon of senior women managers leaving corporate organisations to start their own companies. Women’s advancement to senior management roles is facilitated by the acquisition of human capital and social capital. Female ex-corporate managers leverage personal accumulations of knowledge, skills, relationships and networks when starting and growing new ventures. A conceptual framework of “embedded career capital” accrued during past experiences and transferable to the individuals’ new entrepreneurial ventures is put forward. Design/methodology/approach – Structured, in-depth interviews with ten female entrepreneurs who recently left senior management positions in large UK corporations to start their own ventures support a spectrum from embedded career capital which is transferable and value-creating to embodied career capital consisting of immobile, non-rent-generating accumulations. Findings – Senior women managers leverage “embedded career capital”, human capital and social capital accumulated from past experiences, when founding and growing their own businesses. Embedded career capital is mobile and value-generating to the women’s new start-ups. In contrast, embodied capital is not capable of generating rents outside the arena in which it was developed and not transferable to the new venture. Research limitations/implications – This exploratory study is based on ten interviews, and reveals practical implications for both senior women managers eager to advance their careers as entrepreneurs and companies keen to retain these women. Originality/value – The results provide support for the new concept of embedded career capital. This paper is one of the first to examine how women account for the use of human capital and social capital in the transition from corporate management to own ventures. Keywords Entrepreneurialism, Women executives, Human capital, Career satisfaction Paper type Research paper

Career Development International Vol. 10 No. 3, 2005 pp. 246-259 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 1362-0436 DOI 10.1108/13620430510598355

Introduction Women are earning greater numbers of business and professional degrees and entering the labour force, however these women are not reaching the top corporate management tiers (Catalyst, 2003; Singh and Vinnicombe, 2004). Instead senior women managers are leaving corporate environments to set up entrepreneurial businesses. Stories of these ex-corporate female entrepreneurs have been shared in the popular press (Wall Street Journal, 1996) and celebrated in the business community (Vinnicombe and Bank, 2003), however the phenomenon has received limited attention in the academic literature. Female entrepreneurship is one of the fastest growing sectors of the UK economy, with women representing 13 percent of small business owners. Nearly 50 percent of UK women in full-time employment believe there are good opportunities to start a new venture and over one-third perceive themselves as possessing the skills to start a new business (Harding et al., 2004). Studies of female entrepreneurs in Australia, North

America and the UK indicate that many have previous industry and management experience (Bennett and Dann, 2000; Mattis, 2000; Moore and Buttner, 1997). This fast-growing population of new female entrepreneurs with corporate or management experience has been labeled “careerpreneur,” “corporate incubator”, “corporate climber”, “modern” and “second generation” entrepreneurs (Gregg, 1985; Moore, 2000; Moore and Buttner, 1997). Much of the extant academic research on these women is confined to studies of institutional or individual motivations. Vinnicombe and Bank (2003) summarize the main motivations for the growth of female ex-corporate entrepreneurs as pay inequalities, career frustration due to glass ceilings, and the promise of flexibility from entrepreneurship. The phenomenon is evidence of the shift from an understanding of career as a sequence of hierarchical promotions in a single organisation to a structure which is more discontinuous and flexible. This new model has been described as the “boundaryless”, “new”, “protean”, “post-corporate”, and “intelligent” career (Arthur and Rousseau, 1996; Arthur et al., 1999; Hall, 1996; Peiperl and Baruch, 1997). The boundaryless career is distinguished by “independence from, rather than dependence on, traditional organizational career arrangements” (Arthur and Rousseau, 1996, p. 6). In her review, Sullivan (1999) summarises boundaryless career as having the following characteristics: flexible employment relationships, transferable skills across multiple firms, on-the-job action learning, personal identification with meaningful work, development of multiple networks and peer learning relationships, and individual responsibility for career management. Women enact their careers differently from men (Powell and Mainiero, 1992) and women are especially situated to benefit from changes in the structure of organisational workplaces and the new age of boundaryless careers (Sullivan, 1999). There have been calls for research and theory development on the effect of boundaryless careers on women (Sullivan, 1999) and the ways in which female entrepreneurs leverage past experience in their new ventures (Carter et al., 2001; Moore and Buttner, 1997). This paper seeks a new approach and addresses the research question, “How do senior women managers who leave corporate environments to become entrepreneurs leverage accumulated human capital and social capital in their new ventures?” This research bridges the gap between the careers literature which has been traditionally concerned with conventional career paths in organisations and the entrepreneurship field which generally begins once the business has started (Dyer, 1994). This paper defines human capital and social capital and highlights key findings relevant to women managers’ career advancement. A conceptual framework of “embedded career capital” accumulated from past experiences and potentially transferable to the new venture is put forward. Findings from interviews with ten senior female managers who recently founded own businesses are discussed. Theoretical background Human capital and senior women managers’ career advancement Human capital theory is concerned with the role of an individual’s investments in education, knowledge, skills and abilities and how this enhances cognitive abilities and can result in more productive activities (Becker, 1964). Human capital resources include both informal and formal education, such as that acquired on the job or in training

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courses. These knowledge and skills needed to perform a job are valued by organisations and rewarded with pay and promotions. Studies indicate gender differences in male and female managers’ human capital acquisition and rent generation. For example, the interrupted nature of women’s careers due to commitments to children, partner’s careers, and taking care of elderly kin disadvantages women’s human capital acquisition in terms of fewer chances to gain new job skills and atrophy of previously acquired skills. Women who take leaves of absence experience fewer promotions and lower pay when they return to work (Judiesch and Lyness, 1999; see also Metz and Tharenou, 2001; Tharenou, 2001).

Social capital and senior women managers’ career advancement While human capital enables job performance and advancement, social capital has also been linked to career success, particularly at upper levels of management. Social capital theory is concerned with an individual’s position in a network of relationships and the resources embedded in, available through or derived from these networks (Nahapiet and Ghoshal, 1998). Individuals draw value from trust, reciprocity, information, and cooperation in these associations. Social networks are structured through “closure” (Coleman, 1988) or “bonding” ties and “exposure” or “bridging” ties, including structural holes (Burt, 1992). In closure models, social capital advantages stem from a protective structure that operates as a closed network, preventing outsiders from coming in and providing members with identity, support and a trusting environment. In contrast, Burt (1992) argues that dense networks access redundant information and instead stresses the “structural hole” advantages stemming from “bridging” networks that connect individuals to weak ties and non-redundant information. Social network structures enable access to resources which benefit career success in terms of salary, promotions and career satisfaction and are medicated by access to information and resources and career sponsorship (Seibert et al., 2001). Women and men have different work networks (Ibarra, 1992; Burke et al., 1995). For example, a study of bank managers found social capital to be more important to women’s advancement to higher levels of management than to lower levels of management (Metz and Tharenou, 2001). Women’s networks tend to fulfill more social than utilitarian purposes when compared to men’s networks (Vinnicombe and Colwill, 1995). Women’s exclusion from formal networks limits their ability to advance in the organisation, for example obtaining seats on corporate boards of directors (Burke, 2000). One form of bonding social capital is mentoring, a close relationship designed to support learning and development. Women managers with mentors benefit from feedback, legitimacy, credibility and access to the power structure (Vinnicombe and Colwill, 1995) and are more likely to advance into upper management (Tharenou, 2001). Bridging social capital can also take the form of professional or occupational industry networks, in-company networks or training networks from women’s support groups. From these studies, it is apparent that women who advance to senior management roles have invested in their human capital and social capital. These senior women may leave to set up their own firms. From the entrepreneurship literature we know that entrepreneurs possessing human and social capital specific to the type of venture undertaken are more likely to be successful (Davidsson and Honig, 2003). As female entrepreneurship has been described as an “integrated network” (Brush, 1992) and

women are socialised differently in the workplace (Ibarra, 1993), the role of social capital may be particularly salient to these new female entrepreneurs. A limited number of studies have examined both human capital and social capital (notable exceptions being contributions by Davidsson and Honig in 2003 to the entrepreneurship field and Metz and Tharenou in 2001 to the women’s career literature), and still fewer have examined the accumulation and mobility of individuals’ competencies. The following conceptual model of the impact of women managers’ human capital and social capital on new venture creation is suggested and then tested in the interviews. Embedded and embodied career capital Careers are “accumulations of information and knowledge embodied in skills, experience and relationship networks acquired through an evolving sequence of work experience over time” (Bird, 1994, p. 326). Indeed, for the past three centuries, the term career has been used to refer to individuals’ work activities. The original term comes from the Latin carrara (carrus) describing the carriage traveling along a road. “Carriage” can be envisaged in the accumulation and transfer of capital along an individual’s career journey to entrepreneurship. Individuals accumulate new skills, for example through projects (Arthur et al., 2001). Career competencies vary in degree of transferability: individuals with highly transferable competencies are marketable and not bound to a particular organisation, whereas those with less transferability of competencies possess more firm specific skills (Sullivan et al., 1998). To date, studies have placed limited focus on individuals’ mobility outside traditional organisations and have not addressed the transfer of competencies to new ventures. In the age of the boundaryless career, individuals must possess personal competencies which can be adapted to the needs of the workplace (DeFillippi and Arthur, 1994) and portable to new work experiences, including one’s own business. To date, boundaryless career research has focused on mobility in terms of physical and psychological passages (Sullivan and Arthur, 2004), and not on transferability to entrepreneurial opportunities. Human and social capital which is mobile and value-generating outside the arena in which it was originally developed can be described as “embedded career capital”. The individual can control the use and application of these fungible resources. Embedded career capital may be particularly useful to individuals leaving organisations as it increases their marketability and alternative employment opportunities. Human and social capital which is accumulated during work experiences but anchored to and possessing little value outside the arena in which it was originally developed can be termed “embodied career capital”. Embodied career capital is valuable to individuals in firms as it may help them to move up in the firm, get assigned better work projects, acquire more training and access other opportunities. Figure 1 illustrates this conceptual framework with “buckets” of human and social capital and transferability noted by shading. “Embedded career capital” is depicted by clear capital which flows easily across experiences (e.g. “water”) and can be leveraged in a new venture environment. In contrast, the dark shading illustrates “embodied career capital” which is previous experience-specific, “sticky” and not transferable to or rent generating in a new experience or venture (e.g. “tar”). The grey capital may, with effort, be transferred (e.g. “molasses”).

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Figure 1. Embeddedness of human capital and social capital

So, in (1) (2) (3) (4)

summary, individuals have four types of career capital: embedded human capital; embedded social capital; embodied human capital; and embodied social capital.

Embedded career capital includes both human capital and social capital dimensions which can be seen in the context of the three ways of knowing (DeFillippi and Arthur, 1994). Human capital is captured in “knowing how”, the knowledge and skills needed to perform a job, as well as the industry, management and other experience acquired in this process. Social capital is described in “knowing whom”, the individual’s network of family, friends, mentors, colleagues and professional associations. These include both bonding and bridging relationships. Finally, “knowing why” focuses on an individual’s motivations, values and identity, such as the need for a balance between work and family activities. Sample and methodology This paper is based on structured, in-depth interviews with ten women managers who recently left senior management positions in large UK corporations and established their own ventures. For the purposes of this study, an entrepreneur is defined an individual who initiates a business, has at least 50 percent ownership, is actively engaged in management, (Moore and Buttner, 1997) and has a minimum of five years of management experience in corporate. Furthermore, the interviewees are at the “early stage” of business founding, e.g. in the first 0-3 years, so as to limit post hoc rationalization. The entrepreneurs ranged in age from 30 to 58, with an average age of 40, and number of years of work experience ranged from 7 to 35. The new businesses included financial services, management consultancies, retail, sports and leisure

services and a medical practice. Business ages range from five months old to just shy of three years old. The women were identified through alumnae networks of two UK business schools. Interviews were taped and transcribed. The use of Nvivo software and the techniques of categorization and sub-categorization aided the analysis. Findings Drawing on the interviews, the following themes emerged: human capital or “knowing how” in the form of industry and start-up experience, social capital or “knowing whom” in the form of bonding ties to partners and mentors and bridging ties to acquaintances, and motivations or “knowing why”. Human capital: “knowing how” Nine entrepreneurs had previous work experience in the industry in which they started their new venture, a finding consistent with earlier studies (Mattis, 2000; Moore and Buttner, 1997). The women used rich language to describe their strong relationship to respective industries. Three entrepreneurs began their careers as temporary workers or administrative assistants and worked their way up to senior management ranks. One woman described her career transitions in one Fortune 500 retail firm from a part-time job folding and selling clothes on the shop floor to CEO and then to starting her own private equity firm which invests in retail brands: While I was skiing, I got a job at (US-based global retailer), working 18 hours a week. I started as a sales person in a $250 million company and left 18 years later as the President of a $5.5 billion company. I did every single job in between . . . I love retail and the (UK-based global retailer) work showed me that what I really love to do is the build and grow businesses. I asked myself, “How creative is British retail?” I wanted to leverage the brands and put together a collection of brands.

Another woman whose first job was as an administrative assistant spoke about how she drove her career and acquired new competencies, especially in finance: I got placed . . . as an administrative assistant in (Conglomerate) Treasury and Real Estate department while the normal person was on maternity leave . . . after the person came back who I was covering for, I got offered a job in the Finance department of the communications company and I started there as an assistant . . . I started looking at what the people around me did. I found these people called financial analysts who spent most of their day building really complex excel systems. I didn’t even know what they were. But because I had a proclivity with computers and it seemed very interested, I started helping them out. I ended up telling our CFO that this was what I wanted to get into. Eventually he made me a junior financial analyst. I did a lot of on the job training. I didn’t have any real financial background. I became a financial analyst and that led on to marketing analysis, business analysis. I moved throughout the division. Every time our owner wanted to start a new company which he did quite frequently, I would be on the team to create the business model and objectives for them. Now, with (own company), I help small business owners with financial analysis and business development.

This acquiring “knowing how” experience was also shared in an interview with a woman who established her own IT consultancy. She recalled a decision earlier in the year to leave a Fortune 500 management consultancy to set up her own IT practice because, “the experience and background that I now have puts me in the position where I feel that you can offer a very good, rounded experience to other organisations

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as a company in my own right.” Several entrepreneurs had prior start-up experience in their former organisations or through ventures while in college. One woman shared her start-up and management experience learning from her previous employer: What has been helpful to me is that I’ve had to build a business; I’ve had to downsize it. I’ve learned my lesson about taking on too many overheads, taking on too many staff, not being able to scale down properly, the management, not being able to make new clients because you are in meetings manning your staff and all that sort of awful balance that is a constant juggling act.

Not all training and development experiences were described as useful by the new entrepreneurs. Another woman who exited a Fortune 500 management consultancy lamented some of her corporate investments: I practically grew up at (large management consultancy). It was my first job out of college and I learned to do things the (former employer) way . . . the (strategy implementation) framework, the client deliverables . . . time sheets and admin(istration) . . . (now) I want to develop (my company) my way. I have to think outside of that (former employer) box. I don’t have time sheets . . . I don’t have to fill in the (framework) boxes. I develop different deliverables for our clients.

Corporate experiences provided the women with an opportunity to experiment with entrepreneurial business models and the knowledge and skills to someday start their own businesses. However, certain types of human capital were not always reported as a useful input to the new venture. Social capital: “knowing whom” Bonding ties: partners Only four entrepreneurs in the sample started businesses on their own, a finding consistent with prior research that new ventures are often started by groups of two, three, four or five individuals (Ruef et al., 2003). Three entrepreneurs started the business with their spouse or partner. One entrepreneur brought her brother in as a partner. Another two entrepreneurs partnered with former work colleagues or acquaintances. Using the classification developed by Svejenova and Alvarez (2004), we focus on the genesis of a partnership dyad as working or affective relationship and the type of roles as either complementary or interchangeable. This dimension of social capital was not distinct from human capital. In fact, two of the women talked openly about partner choice as based on competence. The woman who started a private equity firm of luxury retail goods spoke about her selection of four partners and their respective skills: I put a team together. (Partner one) was (Conglomerate’s) chief strategist and did investor relations, real estate, and leasing. He is a good entrepreneur and shares my passion for pop culture and fashion . . . (Partner two) was at (Investment bank) in retail, and also he helped pull (large US retailer) out of bankruptcy. Along the way, he said that he always wanted the entrepreneurial challenge of going on his own . . . (Partner three) did a lot of entrepreneurial things for the (wealthy industrialist) family who have about eight billion dollars in private wealth. (Partner four) represented (owner of large UK retailer) on a few things and then was asked to come over as the development director.

While the entrepreneurial partners had shared previous work relationships, other entrepreneurs used similar language about competence when selecting individuals

with whom they have affective genesis ties. For example, the female founder of a recruiting firm brought in her brother as a partner and leveraged his finance and accounting skills: My brother is a CA (chartered accountant) and he is my Finance Director because I knew that I needed to have a partner that I really trusted . . . one of the reasons why I would never have done this before is because my brother wasn’t as far down his career. He is only a year younger than me, but he has always been my little brother. And he had to prove to me that he was actually big enough for the job that I wanted him to be in, because I wasn’t just going to run a small, boutique company. I want to grow this business. And I wanted to know if he was up for it. So, I guess we had to be able to win each other’s respect outside of our brother-sister relationship.

Although this entrepreneur was keen on the skills her brother could bring to the business, two entrepreneurs discussed the reasons why they did not involve close family members. The founder of a medical practice discussed her resistance to her husband’s desire to be part of the business, “Initially, my husband wanted to be involved and he really wanted to go one way. I said, ‘I’m going to sack you. I want you to know that I am going to do my own thing.’” Other women considered the partnership from a competence perspective. For example, a new financial services advisory entrepreneur talked about why she chose to start the business on her own: I didn’t have a (business) partner because that person would have needed to have complementary skills. My big weakness is sales and marketing. I am a back office person. That is what my business does. There is no one really who would be a good sales and marketing person whom I would also want to go into business with. A partnership wasn’t an option, but perhaps it would be in the future.

Bonding social capital: mentors In the course of the interview, seven entrepreneurs mentioned mentors, whose genesis came through both working and affective relationships. Another entrepreneur who started a financial services advisory firm spoke of her relationship to a work mentor: I guess I first met (mentor) when I worked at headquarters . . . He was a VP back then and I worked very closely . . . especially observed him with our clients and managing the department . . . when I left to start this office . . . he still kept the door open for me . . . he helps me think about (my) business development and where I want to take (my company).

Still other women mentioned the role of family mentors, particularly parents engaged in business or entrepreneurial activities. One woman who did not attend university and was a company director before starting her services firm spoke about her father’s mentoring role: Dad was involved in putting the business plan together for this company . . . he is a Chartered Accountant. He was the person who taught me. He was always asking me about cash flow and all the things that really when you are a marketing and sales person, you are not really that interested in but it is so important for you to understand it. I can remember when I was 22 years old, we would be sitting in the garden. And he would go, right, “You come and read this Profit and Loss account, and you tell me what is happening in this company.” And he was on the board of various small companies and he would make me read that report and would make me tell him what I thought was actually going on inside the business which is

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not my inclination. My inclination is just to look at the top line sales, not the kind of thing that is going on inside the P&L. So, he was quite a sort of mentor to me.

These women describe mentors from both working and affective ties, and as spanning both organisational and entrepreneurial careers. Several women mentioned multiple mentors, a finding consistent with prior research (Kram, 1985; Higgins and Thomas, 2001).

Bridging social capital: weak ties Clearly, close bonding ties provided the women with support and knowledge during the course of their boundaryless career. Women also reported “bridging” weak ties which connected them during and after the transfer from corporate to own ventures. One woman described how a friendly birthday party led to a new client: The other thing that I did, quite a clever thing actually – I had a 40th birthday party in January and I didn’t invite any clients because I don’t mix my personal with my business life, but most of my friends – the men, they run their own businesses or they are quite senior in businesses; and if the girls work, they are quite senior and if they don’t work, they are prolific networkers . . . I did a speech and it was very light-hearted speech about stuff. But right at the end, I said, “I have got a very small announcement to make because some of you will realize that I am going to be having another baby . . . and it is going to be born March . . . And if you come and speak to me later on, I can share . . . I might be even able to tell you its name. But, really, you are going to have to wait until March to find out.” So, I left them all hanging there. Someone said, “Oh, she is going to start her own business.” So, there was a sort of little “shhhh” going round because again, I couldn’t say anything because I wasn’t allowed to say anything. So that actually worked hugely to my favour because the clients then rang this friend.

One woman who founded a financial services firm spoke about her bridging efforts to acquaintances: I took every single one of my friends who has their own business out to dinner and picked their brains. You know there were also people in professional organisations that I knew who could help me with designing my logo or letter head. Again, I took them out to dinner and picked their brain. Ditto for an accountant friend, a solicitor friend, a PR friend. I asked everyone for contacts that they might have. So I had a couple of peripheral meetings. A friend of mine knew the retired business editor of (major UK newspaper). I really try to meet as many people as I can.

Clearly, this female entrepreneur sought knowledge in areas in which she had less experience. Other women reported maintaining communication with colleagues from past work. One woman co-founder of a management consultancy recalled how this client communication helped her to staff a new project: (Client) asked us for some programme management help in areas where (Partner) and I don’t really have deep skills. We were pretty busy with other work, so we set up an associate network and brought in colleagues who had also left (former employer) to take on some of the work. We also get new client referrals from them.

Still others reported the loss of some contacts during the transition from corporate to own ventures. One female co-founder shared her experience:

I have a clause which says that I can’t go after my (former employer) clients. That’s fair, it’s a fresh start for me. Actually I changed my mobile which I wasn’t required to do. My business is a different niche . . . from what I did with (former employer) . . . I enjoy meeting new people.

These experiences of “sticky” client capital pushed entrepreneurs to build new customer bases. Other women entrepreneurs also reported limited or no interaction with colleagues, suppliers and other relationships developed in former employment. “Knowing why”: motivations Entrepreneurs experiences of “knowing why” they left corporate to start their own firms were also related to past career experiences. Although peripheral to the main purpose of the study and consistent with previous research on the role of pay inequalities, family commitments, corporate constraints and need for flexibility (Bennett and Dann, 2000; Mattis, 2000; Vinnicombe and Bank, 2003), these rich quotes deserve brief mention. Several women spoke about the need to be free from the constraints of corporate life. For example, one entrepreneur who had been the CEO of a Fortune 500 firm shared the motivation of herself and her partners: Entrepreneurship is a very common thread among the partners. We all ran very large businesses and were part of huge businesses, but after a while we felt burdened by the organisation. We have this entrepreneurial spirit and drive, but we were spending too much time in committees.

Although this woman was at the head of a major firm, she reported a strong desire for flexibility. Many of the other women spoke about family commitments as motivation to start their businesses. For example, one woman reported the need to start her own company in order to improve her two children’s future security: In the year 2000, (former employer) had made a lot of profit – over one million pounds of profit and they decided not to pay out dividends. And as a minority shareholder, I had no say in that. So, it was a best year and there were no dividends. And I had been taking less out of the business in the short term to get more out in the longer term. And I just thought, “Actually, I can’t risk this. This is the children’s education.”

Discussion and conclusions The shift from “linear” to “multidirectional” careers (Baruch, 2004) can take many forms, including women leaving corporate management positions to start own businesses. As women receive higher relative returns for their skills in self-employment than in the wage and salary sector (Devine, 1994), especially in professional and managerial areas (Moore and Buttner, 1997), and report higher satisfaction from entrepreneurial careers (Burt and Raider, 2000), it seems inevitable that some senior women managers will choose to exit corporate organisations and start their own companies. This paper has explored the phenomenon, with special focus on the knowledge and skills senior women managers obtain in previous experience and leverage in new ventures. There are two main contributions to the extant body of knowledge about women’s advancement from managerial to entrepreneurial careers. The first is the need for a perspective which takes into account the dynamic nature of women’s career transition from senior management roles in traditional organisations to starting new

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ventures. The second contribution is a focus on the “carriage” of embedded career capital which managers accumulate during work experiences and may apply when starting their new businesses. The study also lends itself to practical implications for senior women managers eager to advance their careers as entrepreneurs and companies keen to retain these women. In the age of the boundaryless career, the concept of “embedded career capital” is put forward as those human capital and social capital competencies which are transferable from past experiences to the new venture. In contrast, “embodied career capital” is that which is accumulated during work experiences but anchored to and possessing little value outside the arena in which it was originally developed. Senior women managers’ investment in their human and social capital while in traditional organisations can assist start-up activities. In the interviews, the women highlighted the contributions of human capital or “knowing how” such as industry experience and start-up experience. Social capital or “knowing whom” in the form of partner(s), mentor(s) and other individuals were useful in making the transition. Some of the women reported experiences which were not valuable to new start-ups. Although peripheral to the study’s main aim, the role of “knowing why” and motivations were also relayed in the interviews and were found to be consistent with previous research. This study also offers important implications to both companies and employees. Diverse workforces are said to provide organisations with creativity and insights into new markets, and are critical to firm competitive advantage and performance (Wright et al., 1995). Simply put, corporations simply cannot afford to let their top female managerial talent walk out the door. Companies keen to retain women must champion efforts to develop women’s human capital and social capital, offer challenging and often “entrepreneurial” or business development roles in the firm and satisfy needs for flexible working arrangements. In the event that talented women managers do leave, the firm can seek to retain positive associations through alumni and other networks. The senior women managers relayed their experiences in traditional organisations as serving as learning environments, particularly during the earlier years of their careers. Women employed in organisations who would someday like to start their own businesses may wish to consider their long term goals and build embedded career capital in terms of learning critical knowledge and skills and engaging in key networks. This could include opportunities to obtain start-up experience in the firm, for example in corporate venturing or new business development arenas. In addition to the effects of transferability of career capital on women’s transitions from corporations to their own start-ups, which were the purpose of this study, the transitions that these women and other women make could also be examined within the larger framework of career theory. For instance, Mainiero and Sullivan (2005) developed the concept of the “kaleidoscope” career to examine how relationships (e.g. with spouse, children, relatives, and friends) impact women’s career decisions. They suggest: That like a kaleidoscope that produces changing patterns when the tube is rotated and glass chips fall into new arrangements, women shift the pattern of their careers by rotating different aspects in their lives to arrange their roles and relationships in new ways (Mainiero and Sullivan, 2005, p. 1).

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About the authors Mark D. Agars Mark D. Agars is an Assistant Professor of Psychology at California State University, San Bernardino. He earned his PhD in Industrial and Organizational Psychology from Penn State University in 1999. His primary research interests are the study of gender issues in the workplace, women’s advancement, and the theories and practice of diversity management. E-mail: [email protected] Marjorie Armstrong-Stassen Marjorie Armstrong-Stassen is a Professor of Management and Labour Studies in the Odette School of Business at the University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada. She received her PhD in Labor and Human Resources from the College of Business, The Ohio State University. Her research interests are in the areas of the human resource management implications of the aging workforce, organizational downsizing and layoff survivors, and work stress and coping. She has published and presented nationally and internationally. E-mail: [email protected] Diana Bilimoria Diana Bilimoria, PhD is Associate Professor of Organizational Behavior at the Department of Organizational Behavior, Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University. She served as the Editor of the Journal of Management Education. Her research focuses on corporate and non-profit governance and leadership; women leaders, directors and entrepreneurs; and management education. She has published in journals such as the Academy of Management Journal, Career Development International, Corporate Governance, Human Relations, Group and Organization Management, Journal of Management Education and Women in Management Review, and volumes such as Women in Management: Current Research Issues, Women on Corporate Boards of Directors, and Advances in Strategic Management. E-mail: [email protected]

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Ronald Burke Ronald Burke is Professor at the Schulich School of Business at York University. He previously held the Imperial Life Professorship in Organizational Behavior and was a Senior Research Fellow at the National Centre for Management Research and Development, School of Business Administration, The University of Western Ontario. As holder of this Professorship, he started the Women in Management Research Program at Ivey. Ron’s work has focused on the relationship between the work environment and the individual’s overall well being, and over the past 30 years he has written articles for numerous academic and professional journals. He has served as a member of two grants committees for the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, as Director of the PhD program in the School of Business at York University, and as Associate Dean Research, with the School of Business at York University. Ron has

published over 500 journal articles and is a Fellow of the Canadian Psychological Association. E-mail: [email protected] Sheila Cameron Sheila Cameron is a University Professor and Dean of Graduate Studies and Research at the University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada. She is also the former director of the Department of Nursing at Windsor. Dr Cameron’s research has focused on issues of nursing work life that affect recruitment and retention of nurses. Her research has been funded by a range of external agencies in Canada and she has published in International and National Nursing Journals for over 20 years. E-mail: [email protected] Ann Feyerherm Ann Feyerherm is an Associate Professor of Organization and Management at Pepperdine University and Chair of the Management Department. Prior to her academic career, Dr Feyerherm worked for 11 years with Procter & Gamble. She has also worked as a consultant with American Healthways, Honeywell, Monsanto, 3M, General Electric, Chevron, Frito-Lay, and Boeing on projects such as improving multi-functional teams, creating learning organizations, negotiating effectively, leadership development, and managing change. She has conducted research on the role of leadership in negotiating regulatory policy and is particularly interested in mediation and negotiation of environmental issues and in inter-organizational collaboration across government, business, and environmental communities. E-mail: [email protected] Janet L. Kottke Janet L. Kottke is a Professor of Psychology at California State University, San Bernardino and founder of the Master of Science program in Industrial and Organizational Psychology offered at CSUSB. She and Mark D. Agars have developed the full integration theory (FIT). The FIT is a model of organizational change directed at diversity management that incorporates several underlying processes that facilitate and inhibit effective change management. E-mail: [email protected] Isabel Metz Isabel Metz is a Lecturer of Human Resource Management, in the Department of Management, at the University of Melbourne, Australia. She has a PhD in Management and OB from Monash University. Her research interests are in the areas of gender and careers, discrimination, work-related stress and healthy productive lives, work and family, and new employment relationships. Dr Metz also has 15 years work experience in the Finance industry. E-mail: [email protected] Deborah A. O’Neil Deborah A. O’Neil, PhD is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Organizational Behavior at the Weatherhead School of Management, Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio. Her research interests include women leaders, career-in-life development, life transitions, and the impact of coaching and mentoring on personal and professional development. Dr O’Neil has published articles on career

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development, the use of coaching behaviors in management education, and the importance of emotional intelligence in developing leadership skills for life. She teaches courses in leadership and organizational behavior in the MBA, Executive MBA, and Executive Education programs at the Weatherhead School. E-mail: [email protected]

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Siri Terjesen Siri Terjesen is a PhD student at the Cranfield School of Management, Bedford, UK. Her main research interests are aligned to Entrepreneurship and Strategy. Siri completed her Masters in International Business at the Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration in Bergen, Norway, while a US Fulbright student. Prior to her graduate studies, Siri worked as a strategy consultant in the USA and Europe, and studied for her undergraduate degree at the University of Richmond, Virginia. E-mail: [email protected] Yvonne H. Vick Yvonne H. Vick is a founder of Embla5, LLC, a firm that specializes in developing resilient leaders, teams, and organizational cultures. She was formerly an executive vice president and managing partner of Senn-Delaney Leadership Consulting Group, which specializes in culture change and leadership. Her client experience includes Agilent Technologies, British Telecom, Bell Atlantic, Pacific Telesis, Bayer Diagnostics, Bristol-Myers Squibb, and J.P. Morgan Chase. She earned her MS in Organization Development from Pepperdine University, where she serves on its MSOD Alumni Board. Her research focused on the elements of corporate culture that develop and retain Generation X. E-mail: [email protected] Susan Vinnicombe Susan Vinnicombe OBE MA PhD MCIM FRSA is Professor of Organisational Behaviour and Diversity Management, Director of Graduate Research and Director of the Centre for Women Business Leaders, Cranfield School of Management, UK Susan teaches on a variety of programmes at Cranfield, and directs the leading edge executive programme for senior women managers called, “Women as Leaders”. Susan’s particular research interests are women’s leadership styles, the issues involved in women developing their managerial careers and gender diversity on corporate boards. Her Research Centre is unique in the UK with its focus on women leaders and the annual Female FTSE 100 Index is regarded as the UK’s premier research resource on women directors. Susan has written eight books and numerous articles. Her most recent books are Working in Organizations (with A. Kakabadse and J. Bank – Gower, 2004) and Women with Attitude: Lessons for Career Management (with John Bank), Routledge, 2003. Susan was awarded an OBE for her Services to Diversity in the Queen’s New Year’s Honour List on December 31, 2004. E-mail: [email protected]