Abhijñān: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts. Felicitating A.K.M. Zakariah. 9781407304588, 9781407334929

Table of contents :
01. Prelims.pdf
1974 half title.pdf
1974 title.pdf
SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES
Felicitating A.K.M. Zakariah
Edited by
BAR International Series 1974
1974 verso.pdf
John and Erica Hedges Ltd.
British Archaeological Reports
02. foreword.pdf
03. editors files.pdf
Preliminary Pages_i-x.pdf
Chapter 1_1-6.pdf
Chapter 2_7-12.pdf
Chapter 3_13-20.pdf
Chapter 4_21-27.pdf
Chapter 5_28-34.pdf
Chapter 6_35-41.pdf
Chapter 7_42-58.pdf
Chapter 8._59-67cdr.pdf
Chapter 9_68-69.pdf
Chapter 10_70-77.pdf
Chapter 11_78-85.pdf
Chapter 12_86-98.pdf
Chapter 13_99-112.pdf
Chapter 14_113-117.pdf
Chapter 15_118-121.pdf
Chapter 16_122-129.pdf
Chapter 17_130-143.pdf
Chapter 18_144-166.pdf
Contributors_167.pdf
04. titles list.pdf
SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES
05. endpapers.pdf
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Foreword
Table of Contents
Transliteration
Preface
Publications of Abul Kalam Mohammad Zakariah
Neolithic and Chalcolithic Cord-Impressed Ware of the Middle Ganga Valley
Archaeology of the Western Saurashtra Coast: Post-Urban Harappan Era
Recent Archaeological Investigations in the Lower Gomti Basin of the Middle Ganga Plain
A Preliminary Note on Archaeological Investigation in Dantan and Its Adjoining Region, West Medinipur
Terracotta Ring Memorials: New Evidences from South India
Architectural Variations of the Vidharba Megalithic Burials, Maharashtra
Early Historic Culture of Orissa: An Archaeological Perspective
Barbaricum to Banbhore Through the Ages
A Note on the Coins from Pattanam, Kerala
Excavations at the World Heritage City at Polonnaruva, Sri Lanka
Copper Craft Tradition in the Lower Ganga Valley: Early Historic to Early Medieval Periods
The Bronze Art of Nepal
Three Noteworthy Surya Fragments from North Bangladesh
An Iconographical and Sculptural Appraisal of Four Newly Discovered Rare Sculptures
Three More Folios from the Harivarmadeva Manuscript Dated Regnal Year 8
Oehme and His Photograph of a Ratha (Processional Chariot) in Bengal
Calligraphy: Splendour of Writing in Muslim Bengal Architecture
Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars of Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh, India
Contributors

Citation preview

BAR S1974

SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES EDITED BY ALOK K. KANUNGO

2009 JAHAN (Ed)

Abhijñān: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

ABHIJÑĀN: N STUDIES IN SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY

Felicitating A.K.M. Zakariah

Edited by

Shahnaj Husne Jahan

BAR International Series 1974 9 781407 304588

B A R

No. 10

2009

Abhijñān: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts Felicitating A.K.M. Zakariah

SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES EDITED BY ALOK K. KANUNGO

No. 10

Abhijñān: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts Felicitating A.K.M. Zakariah

Edited by

Shahnaj Husne Jahan

BAR International Series 1974 2009

ISBN 9781407304588 paperback ISBN 9781407334929 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407304588 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Foreword Alok Kumar Kanungo Series Editor, South Asian Archaeology Series International Series of British Reports

The International Series of British Archaeological Reports, with its c2000 titles to the present time, is undoubtedly one of the most important places of publication in the discipline of Archaeology. But it is a pity that works on the archaeology of South Asia have been less represented in the series than their interest and value deserves. The archaeological record of South Asia (comprising India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and the Maldives) is extremely rich. This wealth begins in the Lower Palaeolithic period and includes, for example, the Harappan Civilization, one of the oldest in the world (covering a very large area and having many unique features -the most ancient known town planning, its architecture and high standards of civic hygiene, its art, iconography, paleography, numismatics and international trade). South Asia also has a large number of earlier, contemporary, and later Neolithic and Chalcolithic cultures. Moreover, what makes South Asia particularly significant for the study of past human behaviour is the survival of many traditional modes of life, like hunting-gathering, pastoralism, shifting cultivation, fishing, and fowling, the study of which throws valuable light on the reconstruction of past cultures. In the region there are a large number of government and semi-government institutions devoted to archaeological teaching and/or research in archaeology and a large and professionally trained body of researchers. Of course, a number of universities and other institutions, in the area do have their own publication programmes and there are also reputed private publishing houses. However, British Archaeological Reports, a series of 30 years standing, has an international reputation and distribution system. In order to take advantage of the latter – to bring archaeological researches in South Asia to the notice of scholars in the western academic world – the South Asian Archaeology Series has been instituted within the International Series of British Archaeological Reports. This series (which it is hoped to associate with an institution of organization in the area) aims at publishing original research works of international interest in all branches of archaeology of South Asia. Those wishing to submit books for inclusion in the South Asian Archaeology Series should contact the South Asian Archaeology Series Editor, who will mediate with BAR Publishing, in Oxford. The subject has to be appropriate and of the correct academic standard (curriculum vitae are requested and books may be referred); instructions for formatting will be given, as necessary. Dr. Alok Kumar Kanungo Department of Archaeology Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute Pune 411006 INDIA email: [email protected]

Abul Kalam Mohammad Zakariah Born - 1 October 1918

i

ii

Contents Transliteration

iv

Preface

v

Publications of Abul Kalam Mohammad Zakariah

x

Daniela De Simone Neolithic and Chalcolithic Cord-Impressed Ware of the Middle GaÕgª Valley

1

A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh Archaeology of the Western Saurashtra Coast: Post-Urban Harappan Era

7

Prabhakar Upadhyay Recent Archaeological Investigations in the Lower Gomti Basin of the Middle GaÕgª Plain

13

Sayan Bhattacharya and Sharmistha Chatterjee A Preliminary Note on Archaeological Investigation in Datnan and Its Adjoining Region, West Medinipur

21

S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty Terracotta Ring Memorials: New Evidences from South India

28

Tilok Thakuria Architectural Variations of the Vidharba Megalithic Burials, Maharashtra

35

Balaram Tripathy Early Historic Culture of Orissa: An Archaeological Perspective

42

Nargis Rashid Barbaricum to Banbhore: Through the Ages

59

V. Selvakumar and K.P. Shajan A Note on the Coins from Pattanam, Kerala

68

Anura Manatunga Excavations at the World Heritage City at Polonnaruva, Sri Lanka

70

Nupur Dasgupta and Pranab K. Chattopadhyay Copper Craft Tradition in the Lower GaÕgª Valley: Early Historic to Early Medieval Periods

78

Mala Malla The Bronze Art of Nepal

86

Gerd J.R. Mevissen Three Noteworthy Sñrya Fragments from North Bangladesh

99

Md. Mosharraf Hossain An Iconographical and Sculptural Appraisal of Four Newly Discovered Rare Sculptures

113

Claudine Bautze-Picron Three More Folios from the Harivarmadeva Manuscript Dated Regnal Year 8

118

Joachim K. Bautze Oehme and His Photograph of a Ratha (Processional Chariot) in Bengal

122

Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq Calligraphy: Splendour of Writing in Muslim Bengal Architecture

130

Shahida Ansari Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars of Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh, India

144

Contributors

167

iii

Transliteration

This volume contains Bengali, Sanskrit, Pali, Sinhala, Nepali, Arabic and Persian terms. Except for Bengali and Sanskrit, terms from other languages have been transliterated following the scholarly conventions in practice for those languages. All italicised titles of literary texts and technical terms in Bengali and Sanskrit, and ancient and medieval geographical names used in this volume have been transliterated according to the system shown in the tables below. The plural form of all technical terms has been shown with non-italicised 's'. Furthermore, the names of modern South Asian authors and their works are presented as they themselves transliterate them. Where they have not done so, conventional usage has been followed for the names and the texts. Conventional usage has also been followed for Muslim names and geographic names of the modern period. Vowels Long

Short a as in America

ª as in last

i as in pin

Ì as in police

u as in put

ñ as in rule

î as in rill

Diphthongs ai as in aisle

e as in fete o as in so

au as in house

Consonants Guttural Palatal Cerebral Dental Labial Semi-vowels Sibilants

k c ð t p y í

kh ch ðh th ph r î

g j ¼ d b l s

gh jh ¼h dh bh v

Õ Ô Ö n m w h

Special Consonants Palatal 'r' pronounced with the tongue against the upper palate

¼

Palatal 'rh' pronounced with the tongue against the upper palate

¼h

Plain 'h' as in house

h

Aspirated 'h'

Ê

Anusvara, as in 'bang'

m

Candrabindu, as in 'monsieur'

-

iv

Preface In Bengali, the signifier abhijñªn denotes 'a token of recognition.' Embedded also within the term the notion of abhijñª or 'memory' and abhijña, or the 'expert,' the 'wise,' and the 'experienced.' These significations, overt and covert, are mobilized in this volume to pay tribute to an 'amateur' archaeologist, i.e., an archaeologist not trained in the discipline but one whose amour or love for archaeology has rendered him abhijña as the 'expert,' the 'wise,' and the 'experienced.' As a collection of eighteen research papers on South Asian archaeology and art history of artefacts, contributed by twenty-two scholars from Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Italy and Germany, this volume of specially commissioned essays of seeks to be a token of recognition that remembers and felicitates an expert, wise and experienced archaeologist from Bangladesh, whose name is Abul Kalam Mohammad Zakariah. Born in the village of Darikandi under Bancharampur upazila in Brahmanbaria district of Bangladesh in October 1918 (Ashvin, 1325 BS), A.K.M. Zakariah completed Secondary School Certificate (SSC) in 1939 from Brindaban High School at Rupasdi village in Bancharampur, and Higher Secondary School Certificate (HSC) in 1941 from Dacca Intermediate College (currently known as Dhaka College), Dhaka. In 1944 he completed BA (Honours) and in 1945, MA from the Department of English, University of Dhaka. In 1946-47, during the last days of the British Rªj when he was serving as a lecturer at the Department of English Language and Literature in Azizul Haq College, Bogra, he found himself drawn to Mahasthangarh, a few kilometers from his college. The site fascinated the young academic in his late twenties – so much so that he began pursuing scholarly research on history, archaeology and art history of Bengal in particular and world archaeology and antiquities in general. But the books were not enough. An incessant desire to 'touch' the past turned into such a passion that he began to investigate antiquities in the neighbouring region. Undoubtedly, Mahasthangarh was a compelling experience in his life – an experience that generated a tectonic shift in his living. From then on, an insatiable urge to uncover the past – unerase the erased – drove him relentlessly. After Pakistan was created in 1947, he joined the civil service and for the first ten years, served in various administrative posts: a Deputy Magistrate in Manikganj, Faridpur, Noakhali, Chittagong and a Sub-Divisional Officer in Chittagong and Cox's Bazar. In a country where one encounters civil servants either in the guise of 'brown men with white masks' or as corrupt officials filling up their own coffers, Zakariah was an exception. He was impeccable in honesty in financial matters and meticulous in his role as an administrative functionary but used his office – one may even say 'misused' it – for archaeological investigations. Most importantly, the office provided him with limitless opportunity to explore the archaeological sites at all areas of his posting. In 1958, when he was posted as the Joint Collector (Revenue) of Dinajpur district, he visited most of the archaeological sites of this region. In the same year, when he won a scholarship to study Public Administration at the California State University, USA, his passion for archaeology drove him to the Petrified Forest in California. It was a memorable experience, because how often does one wander in a past frozen as a forest of felled trees? After returning home and spending few more years in administrative service that served his amour for the past, Zakariah drove headlong to an experience that chiseled his amateurish passion for archaeology into a definitive contour of hardcore professionalism. This was 1967, when he was posted as the Deputy Commissioner of Dinajpur administrative district. He had earlier visited Fatehpur Marash village at Gopalganj union under Nababganj police station in this district and had instinctively sensed that the site was neither a dried water tank as Westmacott claimed in 1874, nor the spot of SÌtª's second exile described in the RªmªyaÖa, as claimed by F.W. Strong in Dinajpur District Gazetteer (1912). He was sure the site held the ruins of a Buddhist monastery. Now, with enough administrative authority to pursue a scientific investigation, he urged the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Pakistan, to carry out excavations at Fatehpur Marash, and nearby sites of Chak Junid, Chor Chakravarti, and Kantangar. However, even his administrate weight could not persuade the Government of Pakistan to show any interest. As on numerous other cases, it declined by showing the same old 'red card' the bureaucracy is fond of displaying: paucity of funds. At this point, Zakariah showed his mettle. He raised Rs 10,000 as grant from the District Board of Dinajpur – again, another 'misuse' of v

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

authority – and invited the Department of Archaeology and Museums to extend its technical support. The fund was insufficient to excavate the entire site. Nevertheless, the result was decisive and significant, because Fatehpur Marash yielded what today is known as SÌtªkoð Vihªra, a Buddhist monastery dated to the 6th-7th century AD. The excavation of SÌtªkoð Vihªra intensified Zakariah's thrust for the archaeological investigation. During the two years of his tenure as the Deputy Commissioner in Dinajpur, from 1967 to 1969, he conducted extensive survey in the entire northern Bengal and recorded all the archaeological sites and monuments in the region. Besides carrying out his administrative responsibilities dutifully, he devoted himself for collecting artefacts from different parts of the greater Dinajpur (currently the administrative districts of Panchagarh, Thankurgaon and Dinajpur). With the objective of preserving his collection, he established the Dinajpur Museum on 1st May 1968 as an institution attached to the Nazimuddin Muslim Hall and Public Library. This museum was also made the repository of the artefacts unearthed from archaeological excavation of SÌtªkoð Vihªra. Anyone visiting the museum will be struck with the rich collection it holds. During this period, he also collected several medieval vernacular texts (punthis), important among which are Gupicandrer Sanyªs by Ÿukur Mªhmud, GªjÌ Kªlu CampªbatÌ by Sheikh Khoda Bakhí, Biîaharªr Punthi by Jagajjiban Ghoîªl, Biívaketu by Dvija Paíupati, SatyapÌrer Punthi by KîîÖa Haridªía, GªjÌ Kªlu CampªbatÌ by Halu MÌr, ŸrÌ KîîÖa Bijay by Mªlªdhara Basu etc. All these texts were composed in the 15th-18thcenturies. During the last few years of Pakistani regime, from 1969 to 1971, he served as the Chairman of Chittagong Development Authority. In those tumultuous days, when the people of erstwhile East Pakistan decisively sought a new horizon as their national identity, Zakariah rode the wave of the momentous time to recover a large number of artefacts and cultural materials from Chittagong region. The success he had with the museum in Dinajpur led him developing the Chittagong Anthropological Museum of the Department of Archaeology and Museums, which stores today the materials, he recovered from the region. After the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, the government was judicious enough in appointing him as Joint Secretary in the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport and handing on him the responsibility of the entire ministry. He used this opportunity to dispatch the Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Bangladesh, to complete the excavation at SÌtªkoð Vihªra. As Joint Secretary from 1972 to 1974 and Additional Secretary from 1974 to 1976, Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports, Government of Bangladesh, he surveyed entire Bangladesh and recorded all archaeological sites and monuments. The result was monumental, because it yielded a documentation of over six hundred sites in Bangladesh in the form of a book titled BªÕglªdeíer Pratnasampad, which was published by Shilpakala Academy, Dhaka in 1984. No archaeological documentation can ever claim to be complete, and in the same is true in the case of Zakariah's work. Nevertheless, the book brought together what may be called the widest array of known and unknown sites, and exhibited the richness of Bangladesh's past in one sweep. Now a textbook for the students at the only department of Archaeology in the Jahangirnagar University, the publication is more valuable because of the interest it raised among the non-professionals. If there is one book on Bangladesh archaeology that I hold fondly in my memory, it is BªÕglªdeíer Pratnasampad because my student days were spent in retracing Zakariah's footsteps and rediscovering the rich heritage of Bangladesh that he documented in it. Zakariah's professional career as a civil servant ended in 1976, when he retired as Secretary, Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport. By that time, he had enriched himself further by using his professional engagements abroad to visit numerous heritage sites in Italy, Greece, Egypt, Azerbaijan, Iran, Indonesia and India. At home, he also served as a member of the editorial board for Bangladesh District Gazetteer (1972-76), and a member of the first government committee for Mukti Juddher Itihªs (the History of Liberation War) in July 1972. After his retirement, his passion for the past drew him to serve as the President of the Editorial Board of Kumillª Jelªr Itihªs (History of Comilla District) in 1984, and as the Advisory Editor of Varendra Ancaler Itihªs (History of Varendra Region) in 1998. However, the bulk of his thrust in the later part of his life has lain in writing. As the list of his publication appended in this volume will show, A.K.M. Zakariah has twenty-one fulllength publications, a large number of research papers, and nine unpublished novels to his credit. He has also written on archaeology for the children in two volumes titled BªÕglªdeíer PrªcinkÌrti. Having thus scripted the life of a man who has pursed archaeology out of love, as I pause and review, I wonder if I have said enough or too little. How does one script an entire life – any life? And why should I be scripting this vi

Preface

life? Would it not have been more profitable to take up a life of a professional archaeologist? Would not the two years and a half that I have spent for this book, and time that all the contributors have devoted as well, be better spent in an academic venture that follows the usual tracks of the well-worn and weather-beaten norms? Indeed, in a world relentlessly engaged in struggles for power, which in turn is enmeshed in an infinite nexus of knowledge, the notion of abhijña may easily prove to be a contentious terrain. The role of the intellectuals as the gatekeepers of knowledge proves to be decisive here. It is they – or should I not say we – who decide as to whom the people should accord abhijñªn. Abhijñª as memory often prove to be short-lived because, I suspect, discursive formations arising put of particular nexus of power/knowledge would have it so. It is easy – and less problematic to forget that which refuses to conform to the norm. After all, Zakariah was neither a normative civil servant nor a professional archaeologist. At this point, I recall Barbara Betz, who says: As a discipline, archaeology has developed highly specialized, highly technical ways of learning about and reconstructing the past, but somewhere along the way archaeologists have forgotten that theirs is not the only way to view history and that they are not the only people affected by the work that they do (“Putting the past to use: A plea for community archaeology”, http://www.savingantiquities.org/feature, accessed on 10 November 2008).

One may extend Betz's observation and ask, what is archaeology as knowledge of the past if the people of the present are missing from its account? How does an excavation matter if it is not for the people who live today? In a country like Bangladesh, where the top-heavy bureaucracy is perhaps a little too heavy with the burden of bearing the load of a fragile economic infrastructure, and where there is hardly any fund for archaeological investigations, it has to be the people, the amateurs, and not the professional archaeologists, who provide the thrust of investigating the past – either by protecting their heritage sites or by actively promoting a culture of investigating the past. The role of the professional archaeologists here must be to provide the expertise, and not turn out as the prophets who hold the key to the past. This may be a dream but a dream worth pursuing that I wish to work as a professional archaeologist in a country with 150 million amateur archaeologists. Zakariah stands in the forefront of such amateurs, who leads by example in setting a trend that any person with a passion for the past may provide the impetus by mobilizing whatever resources s/he may be able to access. Indeed, my dream may not be an idle speculation after all because there are other amateur archaeologists in Bangladesh, who belong to the same breed as Zakariah. I take this opportunity to felicitate two such personalities of eminence. One of them is Habibullah Pathan, a retired school teacher at Baðeíwar in Narsingdi district and author of a book titled Pratnatªttvik Nidarían: WªrÌ-Baðeíwar, who built a museum in his village with his private collection of silver punch-marked coins and other artifacts he found in and around WªrÌBaðeíwar. The other is Nazmul Haque, a Professor in Bangali literature in the Dinajpur Government College and author of two books on the history of Panchagarh district titled PaÔcagarh Jelªr Itihªs O Lokasamskriti and PaÔcagarh Jelªr Muktijuddher Itihªs, who built the Rocks Museum in the Women's College in Panchagrah with the artifacts found in the region. There are more such amateurs who work for amour and because of their endeavour, one may hope for the day when archaeology in Bangladesh will achieve a household applicability, as necessary as the daily bread. May this volume as abhijñªn lead to the recognition of all the other who toil selflessly for the passion of unerasing the past that today is known as archaeology. Better still, may this volume herald a time in this world when the people – and not the specialists – will accord abhijñªn to all the amateur researchers in the songs they sing every day and the stories they weave each evening. Till the arrival of such a utopia, I need to be content with abhijñªn in the form of a 'weaving together' of research papers, which, as already mentioned, brings together eighteen contributions. In the first essay of Abhijñªn, Daniela De Simone conducts a meticulous study of Cord-Impressed Ware from the Neolithic and Chalcolithic phases of the Middle GaÕgª Valley. Arguing convincingly that the terms 'Neolithic' and 'Chalcolithic', borrowed from the jargon of Western archaeology, do not fully fit into the Middle GaÕgª Valley context, she mobilizes the terms 'Early Farming Phase' (tentatively dated to the first half of the 2nd millennium BC) and 'Developed Farming Phase' (commenced around the end of the 2nd millennium BC) to indicate the agriculturebased cultures of the Middle GaÕgª Valley which do not show similar material assemblages to those of the proper Neolithic and Chalcolithic phases of other regions of South Asia. She argues that the most important characteristic of the two phases is Cord-Impressed Ware (CIW), a distinct and homogeneous ceramic class, as proven by archaeometrical analyses. vii

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh examine the results of excavations of Bet Dwarka, Bokhira and Kindar Kheda and present a fresh insight into the settlement pattern of the 2nd millennium BC along the coast of western Saurashtra in the following essay. They argue that the coastal area of Gujarat remained the focal point of human activity even after the decline of the Indus Valley Civilization. However, the size of the sites reduced significantly and the quality of living standard also declined accordingly. In the third essay of the volume, Prabhakar Upadhyay has brought to light thirty-four archaeological sites along with their cultural materials in the GaÕgª-Gomti basin during his recent archaeological investigations. He argues that (i) up to the beginning of the 1st millennium BC middle GaÕgª plain was dotted with important human settlements of various dimensions; (ii) during the NBPW period, there were several prosperous centers in KªíÌ Mahªjanapada, (iii) during the ŸuÕga-KuîaÖa and Gupta periods, the region served as satellite settlements for major sites in the area such as Bhitari, Mason Dih, Chandrawati, Bairat and Hariharpur and (iv) after the Gupta period till the 9th-10th centuries AD, a good number of the urban sites had lost their economic importance and some of them were transformed into religious centers. In their undertaking, Sayan Bhattacharya and Sharmistha Chatterjee report the findings of a preliminary archaeological investigation in Datnan and its adjoining region of West Medinipur in the fourth essay. Exploring sites that date from the protohistoric to the early medieval period, they find that the Black and Red Ware settlements in the region might have taken place in later periods due to the advent of flood of SuvarÖarekhª. However, in the historical phase, the region maintained rural identity and the expansion of coastal trade might have strengthened the agricultural infrastructure of this area. The next two essays that Abhijñªn present are on burial sites. In one of these, S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty examines terracotta ring monuments unearthed from South India on the bank of the river Vegavathi at Kanchipuram during 2006 and 2007 field seasons. He finds the memorial rings, grave goods with human shaped graffiti, and grave goods arranged under capstone along with a hood stone, are unique in the region or even outside. Grave goods under capstone within the backed rings are indicating the continuation of the megalithic burial practices. His study further shows that terracotta crafts developed in the region not only for domestic use but also for ritualistic as well as aesthetic purposes. In the other essay, Tilok Thakuria provides a clear picture of the architectural variations of the Vidarbha Megalithic burials and points out that construction of cairn with peripheral boulders were popular burial monuments among the Megalithic people of the region than cairn without peripheral boulders. He further argues that differences in inner architecture suggest semblance of social status among the Megalithic people. Balaram Tripathy unravels certain noteworthy aspects of Early Historic culture of Orissa pertaining urbanization and trade mechanism (including overseas acquaintances) based on archaeology, literature, numismatic, ethno-history and ethnographic paradigms in the seventh essay. He classifies major centres in terms of function and production, conducts X-Ray Diffraction Analysis on some representative types of pottery found at the sites in hinterland Orissa and analyzes direct and indirect contacts of states/centres with each other in order to offer a clear understanding of hitherto unknown features in early Indian history in general and of Orissa in particular. With Nargis Rashid, Abhijñªn lands at the port city of Banbhore in Pakistan, where the essayist argues, with the help of historical references, citations from vernacular sources and research publications of Asian and Western scholars, that the port city was known by the name 'Banbhore' right from the beginning of the settlement and the name 'Barbaricum' was grafted on it during Alexander's campaign in the Punjab in 325 BC. In the ninth essay, V. Selvakumar and K.P. Shajan provide a detailed description of the Chera coin from stratified context at Pattanam discovered in the trial excavations conducted in 2004. Nupur Dasgupta and Pranab K. Chattopadhyay examine the copper craft tradition in Lower GaÕgª Valley from the Early Historic to the the Early Medieval periods in the tenth essay. Beginning with a brief review of the Chalcolithic and Early Historic settings and ending with the Karmakªras and Kªnsªkªras, the traditional cooper-alloy artisans in Early Medieval Bengal, the paper shows that the growing tradition of copper and copper-alloy crafts and its social history forms an extremely significant part of the general history material culture. viii

Preface

Mala Malla discusses the bronze art of Nepal from the 5th century AD onwards and argues that the tradition of casting of bronze art in Nepal has gone through changes over the centuries in the eleventh essay of the volume. She also claims that pasting gold or gilding in the metal figure is purely the Newar artists' own contribution. And then, with Anura Manatunga, the volume sets off to Sri Lanka, to be informed about excavations at the world heritage city of Polonnaruva. He brings to the readers' attention the findings of archaeological investigations conducted at Polonnaruva since 1885. In the thirteenth essay, Gerd J.R. Mevissen provides detailed descriptions of three fragmentary Sñrya sculptures. Two of these, dated between the 9th and 10th century, are held by the Dinajpur Museum and are briefly described, though not illustrated, in Zakariah's catalogue. The third is an unpublished sculpture held by the Khulna Museum and dated to the 10th/11th century. He also discusses elaborately the general characteristics and iconography of the Sun god in Bengal art. Md. Mosharraf Hossain continues with sculptures in the next essay of Abhijñªn by examining the iconographic significance and artistic temperament of four newly discovered images of Sadªíiva, MañjuírÌ, Trilokyakîepaprajñª and KhadirbanÌ Tªrª from the 10th to the 12th centuries AD. Claudine Bautze-Picron examines three folios belonging to the 'Baroda manuscript' of Harivarmadeva (c. AD 1073- 1127) of Varman dynasty, which surfaced recently in a public sale of objects from the Albright-Knox Art Gallery in New York, and identifies them as a production from the region of Mainamati, Comilla. Joachim K. Bautze engages in a meticulous study of the earliest photograph of a Bengal ratha by Oehme, a French photographer who ran an atelier in the French colony of Chandannagar (District Hugli, West Bengal, India). The photograph establishes how, in the second half of the 19th century, rathas were constructed with painted panels in the Kalighat style as well as life-sized paintings and wooden sculptures. Bautze also suggests that the nine spires seen in Oehme's ratha may have been similar to the missing spires of the temple at Kantanagar (north of Dinajpur). In the seventeenth essay, Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq turns his attention to the splendours of calligraphy in Muslim architecture of Bengal by examining 26 inscriptions. In the last essay of Abhijñªn, Shahida Ansari presents her ethnobotanical survey among the Kols and the Musahars of Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh, India and suggests that the data collected from these communities on their using of forest resources for food and medicine, may be employed for interpreting the lifestyle of pre-modern communities of the past. This then is the 'weaving together' of eighteen research papers that represent an abhijñªn, remembering and felicitating Abul Kalam Mohammad Zakariah, the abhijña. And this I strongly believe. When all the excavations are over, when all that is to be unearthed and unerased have been accomplished to the best of one's ability and the dust of the spades have settled down, it is best for the archaeologist to recede in the background and let the people take over their past so that the monuments speak to them first-hand. My archaeological professionalism tells me that it is time for me to recede and let the scholars articulate themselves to other scholars. However, this volume as abhijñªn – a token of recognition – will earn its own recognition when it begins to speak to the people who have inherited the multiple legacies the volume speaks about. It is then that this abhijñªn for the abhijña, who is one of the 'people,' will truly be meaningful. Then, perhaps, the proverbial Hamletian silence will cease to be silent. It is then that the past will truly begin to 'speak'. Editor Dr. Shahnaj Husne Jahan University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh House 56, Road 4/A (Satmosjid Road), Dhanmondi R/A Dhaka-1209, Bangladesh email: [email protected]

ix

Publications of Abul Kalam Mohammad Zakariah BOOKS

ARTICLES

Grªm BªÕglªr Hªsir Galpa, Part 1. Dhaka: Mukta Dhªrª, 1974.

Archaeology of Bangladesh, Encyclopedia of Russia, USSR, 1973.

BªÕglªdeíer Pratnasampad. Dhaka: Bangladesh Shilpakala Academy, 1984.

SÌtªkuða Vihªr O PaÔcanagarÌ, Itihªs (BªÕglªdeí Itihªs Pariîad Patrikª, Dhaka) 2(3; 1968 AD/1375 BS): 288-99.

Kumillª Jelªr Itihªs (The History of the District of Comilla: A Collection of Essays on the Political, Cultural, Social and Economic History). Comilla: Zilla Parishad, 1984.

Gorkui Ÿilªlipi, Itihªs (BªÕglªdeí Itihªs Pariîad Patrikª, Dhaka) 5(1-3; 1971 AD/1378 BS): 41-72. Dharmapªla Garh, Mainªmatir Koða O Rªni Mainªmati, Itihªs (BªÕglªdeí Itihªs Pariîad Patrikª, Dhaka) 11(1; 1977 AD/1384 BS): 1-19.

BªÕglªdeíer PrªcÌnkÌrti, Part One: Hindu O Bouddha Juga. Dhaka: Bangladesh Shishu Academy, 1986.

Hazrat Shªhjªlªl O SrÌhaððe Muslim Vijay, Itihªs (BªÕglªdeí Itihªs Pariîad Patrikª, Dhaka) 13(1-3; 1979 AD/1386 BS): 45-60.

BªÕglªdeíer PrªcÌnkÌrti, Part Two: Muslim Juga. Dhaka: Bangladesh Shishu Academy, 1987.

Ikhtiyªr-ud-Din Muhammad Bakhtyªr's Expedition to Tibet, Bangladesh Archaeology, Number 1, Dr. Nazimuddin Ahmed (Ed.), pp. 159-190, Dacca: The Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, 1979.

Dinªjpur Miusiªm. Dinajpur: Dinªjpur Miusiªm, 1989. Varendra Ancaler Itihªs (The History of Varendra Region). Rajshahi: District Commissioner, 1997. Bªnchªrªmpurer Itihªs (The History of Bancharampur). Bancharampur: Bancharampur Upazila Kalyan Samiti, 1998.

BªÕglªdeíer PrªcÌn Masjid: cchªdaner Prakîti O Sthªpatya ŸailÌ, Itihªs (BªÕglªdeí Itihªs Pariîad Patrikª, Dhaka) 27(1-3; 1993 AD/1400 BS): 5-32.

Nawªb Sirªj-ud-Daulª. Dhaka: Divya Prakash, 2005.

Jagaddal Mahªvihªra, Journal of the Varendra Research Museum (Rajshahi University) 8 (1994): 29-43.

BªÕgªlir Nîtªttvik Pariciti. Dhaka: Grantha Kanan, 2009. Grªm BªÕglªr Hªsir Galpa AkhaÖ¼a. Dhaka: Sarobritto Prokashon, 2009.

Unexcavated Sites, Mainamati-Devaparvata: A Survey of Historical Monuments and Sites in Bangladesh, A.B.M. Husain (Ed.), pp. 125-161. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1997.

Muktijoddhª, Rªjªkªr Ebam Ekti TarunÌ. Dhaka: Grantha Kanan, 2009.

Inscriptions, Mainamati-Devaparvata: A Survey of Historical Monuments and Sites in Bangladesh A.B.M. Husain (Ed.), pp. 207-231. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, 1997.

Brªhmanbªriyª Jelªr Itihªs (The History of Brahmanbaria District), Dhaka: Grantha Kanan [in press]. Archaeological Heritage of Bangladesh, Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh [in press].

Bhoja Vihªrer Vajrasattva, Ÿilparñpa (Dhaka), Vol. 2, No. 1, JanMarch 2008.

Praínottare BªÕglªdeíer Pratna KÌrti. Part I. Dhaka: Grantha Kanan [in press].

Bîhattar Dhaka Jelªr PªcÌnkÌrti, Roots (a monthly bulletin, Dhaka), published in a series from August 2008-June 2009.

EDITED & TRANSLATED BOOKS

Brªhmanbªriyªr Sultanpure biskîta ViîÖu Mñrti, Ÿilparñpa (Dhaka), Vol. 3, No. 2, April-June 2009.

Kavi Ÿukur Mªhmud-er Gupicandrer Sanyªs. Dhaka: Bangla Academi, 1974.

UNPUBLISHED NOVEL lochªyªr Kalpakathª

Tabakªt-i-NªsirÌ by MÌnhªj-i-Sirªj. Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 1983.

MÌrzª Sªheber Ÿeîa Will Jorªtªli Miyªn

Tªrikh-i-BªÕgªlª-i-Mohªbbat JaÕgÌ by Yusuf Ali Khªn. Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 1997.

Chakrabat Paribuntate

BªÕglª Sªhitye GªjÌ Kªlu O CampªbatÌr Upªkhyªn. Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 1998 (2nd edition, Dhaka: Divya Prakash, 2007).

Basati Kªimª GªzÌr Kechhª Setur DªirÌ

Mozaffarnªmª O Naubahar-i-Murshid KulÌ Khªn. Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 1998.

Kabitª MaÔjushª

Siyªrul Mutªkhkhirin. Dhaka: Divya Prakash, 2006.

x

Neolithic and Chalcolithic Cord-Impressed Ware of the Middle Gañgâ Valley Daniela De Simone Kuba bhagat kumhar tha, bhanda gadhata bis; Har Govind kripa kari, huai bis ke tis.1

The role of ceramic as 'index fossil' (an artefact which was produced in a short and limited period of time) is already well established within the archaeological debate. Although recent discoveries have shown the existence of a-ceramic cultures (Nigam 1996-97, Singh 2004-2005), pottery constitutes the bulk of the finds unearthed in any excavation.

specific time-spans which are otherwise unlikely to be delineated. Those two distinctive ceramic productions were, in fact, misused to establish absolute chronologies rather than to set up a relative chronology of the periods under investigation. The dating of the NBPW, for instance, is considered as crucial to define archaeological evidence of the time-span covering the period 750-400 BC: conventional scientific dating methods, such as radiocarbon dating, in fact, proved inadequate as the 14C calibration curve increases instead of decreasing and the samples are very likely to span the whole period. The period is crucial in the history of the Gañgâ Valley as it saw several major politic and economic changes; however, the decision of using the date of the appearance of the NBPW to date such relevant historical events proved unsuccessful as the definition of the NBPW itself is still vague and it draws us into a circular argument: the NBPW dates those events and those events date the NBPW.

The introduction of the stratigraphic methods stressed the lack of a systematic approach to the study of wares because the first archaeologists were not concerned with other productions if not those, which were fit to be exhibited in a museum. Archaeologists, in fact, had to deal with more potsherds than intact vessels and were forced to look at them in order to discern the differences between the strata (Shephard 1968). They were also compelled to acknowledge the importance of the study of common wares, because, in any archaeological excavation, potsherds are much larger in number than deluxe wares. This complicated things even more: the art of pottery-making relies on conservative traditions and little innovation as raw material is abundant and almost free, tools are limited and simple and potters do no need to be specialised (Cuomo di Caprio 1985). Thus, a systematic study of common wares became extremely difficult, but, at the same time, was recognised as an essential tool of investigation for establishing relative chronologies, especially within the complex context of Indian archaeology and particularly within that of the Gañgâ Valley. The study of the ceramics of the Gañgâ Valley has, however, mainly focused on deluxe productions, such as the Painted Grey Ware (PGW) and the Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW), regarded by many as a chronological marker of

Fig. 1 Map showing the sites discussed in the paper

1

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

A meticulous study of common wares may sometimes prove to be more effective, as samples are large in number. Even if they apparently do not display any visible difference in the production over the centuries, at a closer inspection, they may prove to store a great deal of information, especially in earlier contexts. Cord-Impressed Ware may be such a ware in relation to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic phases of the Middle Gañgâ Valley. These two periods are not fully distinguishable on archaeological bases and the definitions themselves prove rather misleading. The terms 'Neolithic' and 'Chalcolithic' were, in fact, borrowed from the jargon of Western archaeology and do not fully fit into the Middle Gañgâ Valley context. Lithic artefacts are, in fact, scarcely present in the so-called Neolithic sites of the Middle Gañgâ Valley and copper finds are limited in the so-called Chalcolithic phase. The term 'NeolithicChalcolithic' was therefore introduced to denote the first stage of village growth in non-Harappan India (Chakrabarti 2006), indicating a period bracketed between at least the 3rd and the 1st millennium BC. Recently, however, the terms 'Neolithic' and 'Chalcolithic' have been replaced by Early Farming Phase and Developed Farming Phase to indicate the agriculture-based cultures of the Middle Gañgâ Valley, which did not show similar material assemblages to those of the proper Neolithic and Chalcolithic phases of other regions of the subcontinent.

artefacts as irrelevant: pottery may well serve this purpose. Both 'Neolithic' and 'Chalcolithic' levels of the sites of the Middle Gañgâ Valley (Fig. 1) are characterised by the presence of Cord-Impressed Ware (CIW). This production is characteristic of the Neolithic culture of the Vindhyas, where it was first observed at Koldihwa, south-east of Allahabad (Misra 1977). Excavations at the twin site of Mahagara (Sharma et al. 1980), located opposite the mound of Koldihwa, expanded the knowledge about the Vindhyan Neolithic culture and its material assemblage. The culture may probably be dated by 14C to 1600-1500 BC, and the succeeding Chalcolithic phase would support this result (Allchin and Allchin 1982). The CIW from Mahagara (Fig. 2) is hand-made, ill-fired and coarse in fabric; walls vary from thick to medium. The clay used is not well refined and temper inclusions include rice-husk and

The individuation of alternative chronological markers is crucial once we dismiss the presence of lithic and copper

Fig. 3 Cord-Impressed Ware from an early level of Period I, Narhan. After P. Singh 1994

straw, as well as minerals. The colour of the core (varying from red to blackish grey) indicates that there was no control over the temperature during firing. The colour of both surfaces is usually dull red, though some potsherds have a smoky grey colour. Decorations were impressed on the entire surface of the bowls and these run up to the shoulder in the case of vases and jars. The technique probably included the application of cordwrapped paddle on the wet clay surface. The retrieval of several tortoise shells in the excavation suggests that decorations might

Fig. 2 Cord-Impressed Ware, Mahagara. After Sharma et al. 1980

2

Daniela De Simone: Cord-Impressed Ware of the Middle Gañgâ Valley

It is interesting to note that in many excavation reports of the Gañgâ Valley dealing with the Developed Farming Phase, the cord-impressed patterns have been mistaken for a decoration of the Red Ware. The identification of the CIW, in fact, is a rather difficult task, resulting in confusion and misinterpretation of the evidence. CIW vases and jars, in fact, are not easily classified as such because impressions are found only on the shoulders of the jars, and only occasionally on the bell and neck. This explains why many non-impressed fragments of CIW are wrongly classified as Red Ware potsherds. At Narhan, as at other sites of the Middle Gañgâ Valley this very misidentification may have occurred.

have been realised using the shell as a dabber. The shapes retrieved are simple and limited: straight, convex and taperingsided deep or shallow bowls with featureless, sharpened, thickened, everted and bevelled rims, flat bowls or platters, tubular spouted-bowls with wide mouth and straight, concave rims, and (very few) carinated necked jars. Similar vessels were found at different sites of the Middle Gañgâ Valley. At Narhan, District Gorakhpur, U.P. (Singh 1994), potsherds with cord-impressed decorations were recovered in Period I (the so-called 'Narhan culture'), which has

At Imlidih Khurd (Singh 1992-93) – a site close to Narhan – Period I (Pre-Narhan Culture, pre-1300 BC) is characterised by spherical, ovaloid and sub-ovaloid CIW bowls with incurved rim and a pedestal base (Fig. 5). The pedestal of such bowls was made separately on a wheel or by the tournette technique (slow wheel) and later was affixed to the body of the vessel. The rim is almost always inturned. Pots are usually ill-fired, with a blackish, smoky grey core. They have a thick slip, usually on both surfaces. The clay is usually gritty. Rice husk and vegetal material, used as degraissant, were burnt during firing and, as a result, surfaces are porous. In order to solve the porosity problem, ancient potters used to apply a slip on the inner surface. This device made the bowl non-porous so that any liquid could be

Fig. 4 Cord-Impressed Ware from a mid-level of Period I, Narhan. After P. Singh 1994

been dated to 1300-700 BC in accordance to the dates of the Chalcolithic levels proposed for Chirand and on the evidence from the related sites of Sohagaura and Khairadih. Two uncalibrated, radiocarbon dates may well fit into the proposed scenario: 1090±90 BC and 1100±110 BC. Two potsherds of a deep bowl and a lipped basin show cordimpressed decorations and come from an early level of Period I (Fig. 3). The deep bowl with rounded, splayed-out rim and straight sides is considered as a vessel of Black-and-Red Ware (though the colour might have been caused by a mistake occurred in the kiln during the firing). The bowl has a coarse fabric; its inner surface and outer rim are black, while the outer surface is red. The lipped basin of Red Slipped Ware has internally thickened rim and tapering sides. Both the potsherds display a thick slip on both surfaces. From a mid-level of Period I, conversely, comes a vase of Red Ware (Fig. 4). It has a cordimpressed design on the shoulder, executed below a rope pattern. The two potsherds of the earliest levels of Period I (where a Neolithic celt was found) resemble those of Mahagara, where the CIW assemblage was, almost exclusively, formed by bowls and basins. On the basis of such similarities, we can assume that the CIW production of the earliest phase of Narhan is residual of a Neolithic Vindhyan influence, while the later CIW production represented by the jars of the mid-levels of Period I, represent a local development of such a production: the first one is characteristic of the Early Farming (or so-called 'Neolithic') Phase of the Middle Gañgâ Valley, while the second one is representative of the Developed Farming (or so-called 'Chalcolithic') Phase. As we will point out below, this assumption finds confirmation at other sites of the region.

Fig. 5 Cord-Impressed Ware of Period I, Imlidih Khurd. After P. Singh 1992-93

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

coating of clay on the outer surface. Sections are usually thin and ill-fired. At Lahuradeva, District Sant Kabir Nagar, U.P. (Tewari et al. 2002-2003), CIW was found both in Period I and II (Early and Developed Farming Phases). Period I was further distinguished into Period IA and Period IB on the basis of the nature of the deposits, radiocarbon dates and cultural material. CIW of Period IA is characterised by bowls and basins, which are usually hand-made or partly modelled on a slow wheel. Vessels are usually illfired, having a coarse and porous surface and a gritty, smoky grey core. The clay was mixed with rice husk and straw. In period IB, there are wheel-made vases, similar to those of Imlidih Khurd. In Period II, CIW potsherds are limited in quantity. At the site (and at other locations of the Middle GaÕgª Valley, such as Imlidih Khurd), silo-like structures dug into the soil were found. They are circular in plan, with a diameter varying between 70 and 85 cm and a depth between 40 and 70 cm. The inner surface is plastered with a thick coat of clay. The presumed function is that of storage, hence the name of 'storage bins'. The presence of these structures may point to the scarcity of CIW (which has only a storage purpose) in Period II.

Fig. 6 Cord-Impressed Ware of Period IA, BhuÖª¼Ìh. After P. Singh and A.K. Singh 1997-98

store in them: in this way, the absorption capacity of clay is almost eliminated. This also points to the fact that the production of CIW was primarily meant for storage purposes. In Period I, there are also a few jars (similar to those of Narhan, except for the rope pattern) with cord-impressed decorations all over the body starting below the neck. There is a thick

Period IA has been dated to the 6th-5th millennium BC on the basis of two radiocarbon dates: 5320±90 BP (calibrated 4220, 4196, 4161 BC) and 6290±160 BP (calibrated 5298 BC). These dates, however, seem too early but further research into the matter is needed. Two radiocarbon dates are also available for Period IB: 3750±90 (calibrated 2135, 2079, 2056 BC) and 3180±70 (calibrated 1519, 1435, 1399 BC). But the excavators do not consider them reliable since there would be a gap of almost two thousand years with the preceding phase. These dates, however, can be regarded as a good starting point, especially in relation to the chronology of other coeval sites of the Middle Gañgâ Valley. At BhuÖª¼Ìh, District Ballia, U.P. (Singh and Singh 1997-98), CIW was found in Period I, which is distinguished into Subphases IA and IB on the basis of ceramic evidence. In Subphase IA, CIW similar to that of the Pre-Narhan Phase of Imlidih Khurd was found. The main shapes identified are bowls and basins but there are also a small number of jars (Figs. 6-7). The vessels of Sub-phase IA display a rim that was made separately and then fixed to the body (as at Imlidih Khurd). The production of the period has a coarse fabric and was modelled on a slow wheel. In Sub-phase IB, bowls and basins of cordimpressed Black-and-Red Ware, similar to the vessel found in the earliest levels of Period I of Narhan, were found (Fig. 8). At Waina, District Ballia, U.P. (Singh and Singh 1995-96), CIW was recovered in Period I, which is further subdivided into Periods IA and IB, mainly on the basis of ceramic evidence. In Period IA (1600-1300 BC), bowls and basins of CIW are the main shapes retrieved. Bowls and basins of cord-impressed

Fig. 7 Cord-Impressed Ware of Period IA, BhuÖª¼Ìh. After P. Singh and A.K. Singh 1997-98

4

Daniela De Simone: Cord-Impressed Ware of the Middle Gañgâ Valley

the colour of the core is either completely black or red, or mostly black and bordered by thin red surfaces. The surfaces are usually dull red and sometimes have large, blackish or smoky grey spots. CIW of Period IB does not differ much from that of Period IA, the only difference being the presence of plant impressions on a few vessels. CIW decreases in quantity in Period II, and vases and handis of medium to coarse fabric are the shapes mainly found in this period. From the above evidence, we can argue that a deeper understanding of the relative chronology of the CIW may help us define the Early and Developed Farming Phases of the Middle Gañgâ Valley. It seems, in fact, that the Early Farming Phase is characterised by CIW resembling that of the Neolithic Vindhyan cultures, where main shapes were bowls and basins. The Developed Farming Phase is, conversely, characterised by a local variety of CIW, which produced vases and jars. A tentative date for the starting of the Early Farming Phase may be placed around the first half of the 2nd millennium BC, while the start of the Developed Farming Phase may well be placed around the end of the 2nd millennium BC; this last statement is supported by the evidence coming from the CIW of Gotihawa, District Kapilbastu, Nepalese Tarai. CIW was found at Gotihawa in Period I and II (PannaccioneApa and Di Castro 2000, De Simone 2007, Verardi 2007), but only that of Period I is considered as 'Chalcolithic' (Fig. 9). Maðakªs, or storage jars, are the only shapes recovered. The jars have a thick wall and a gritty, porous, light orange surface, devoid of any slip. The neck and part of the body are sometimes of a dark grey colour, due to problems that may have occurred during firing. The fabric is coarse, with many inclusions in the paste. Minerals, sand particles and rice husk were used as tempering materials and represent about 10% of the paste. Nowadays, similar substances are added to the clay in the

Fig. 8 Cord-Impressed Ware of Period IB, BhuÖª¼Ìh. After P. Singh and A.K. Singh 1997-98

Black-and-Red Ware were found in the early levels of Period IB, which can be dated to the Narhan culture time-span. At Malhar, District Chandauli, U.P. (Tewari et al. 2003-2004), CIW is present in Period I (1900-1700/1600 BC) and Period II (1600-700 BC). Cord-impressions are found on the bowls and basins of both Red Ware and Black-and-Red Ware, which are usually ill-fired and have a coarse fabric. The corded pattern is located either below the rim or the neck. Impressions were executed when the clay was in a leather-hard condition. The lowest levels of Period II are characterised by similar CIW (which dramatically decreases in quantity in the upper levels of the period), the only difference, apparently, being the medium fabric of the vessels and the application of a slip over the cord impressions. At Senuwar, District Rohtas, Bihar (Singh 1997), CIW was found in Period I and II, covering a broad time-span between ca. 2200 and 1300 BC ('Neolithic' to 'Chalcolithic'). Period I is further distinguished into Period IA and IB. CIW of Period IA is mainly characterised by bowls and basins (and only one vase) of coarse fabric; the clay, in fact, was not refined and rice husk, straw and other vegetal matter were used as tempering materials. Vessels are usually wheel-made and devoid of any slip. They are ill-fired, due to which

Fig. 9 Cord-Impressed Ware of Period I, Gotihawa. Drawing: Daniela De Simone

5

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Cuomo di Caprio, N. 1985. La Ceramica in Archeologia: Antiche Tecniche di Lavorazione e Moderni Metodi 'indagine. Roma: «L'Erma» di Bretschneider.

production of storage ware. This technique, observed in a potter's workshop at Taulihawa (a few km from Gotihawa), results in vessels that keep water cool and food fresh. Maðakªs were partly hand-made and partly wheel-made; because of their large size, the potter may have moulded the clay in a cord basket or wrapped it in a mat. The different patterns, impressed only on the body, are the result of different production techniques but they do not define two distinct ceramic classes, nor are they decorative devices.

De Simone, D. 2007. The Pottery of Gotihawa, District Kapilbastu: Methodologies and Results, Ancient Nepal (Journal of the Department of Archaeology, Kathmandu) 165: 1-6. Misra, V.D. 1977. Excavations at Koldihwa: Some Aspects of Indian Archaeology, V.D. Misra (Ed.), pp. 107-119, Allahabad: Prabhat Prakshan. Nigam, J.S. 1996-97. Clay and Pottery Making, Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 7: 115121.

As already pointed out above, CIW potsherds can be easily misclassified for Red Ware, especially if the cord-decoration is not present (because it occurs mainly on rims and necks). CIW, however, is a distinct and homogeneous ceramic class, not only on the basis of the macroscopic observation of the potsherds but also of that of the microscopic analysis, as demonstrated by archaeometrical analyses conducted at the Istituto di Scienza e Tecnologia dei Materiali Ceramici (ISTEC), Faenza, Italy, which proved the initial assumption to be correct.

Saraswati, B. 1979. Pottery-making Cultures and Indian Civilization. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications.

The chemical composition of CIW has a high percentage of silica and low percentage of alumina. The former is given by the use of quartz (a raw material), the latter by clayey minerals (fine materials): the differences in their percentages result in the production of fine or coarse wares. The firing temperature, in an oxidising atmosphere, was around 850°-900° C.

Sharma, G.R., V.D. Misra, D. Mandal, B.B. Misra and J.N. Pal 1980. From Hunting and Food-Gathering to Domestication of Plants and Animals – Epi-Paleolithic to Neolithic – Excavations at Chopani Mando, Mahadaha and Mahagara, History and Archaeology – Special Joint Issue, Vol. 1, Nos. 1-2, pp. 1-232, Allahabad: Department of Ancient History, Culture and Archaeology, University of Allahabad.

Period I of Gotihawa has been dated to 1200-800/700 BC on the 14 basis of three C analyses. The sample providing the upper limit of the period was dated to 1210-1010 BC, while the two samples supplying the lower limit have been dated to 815-780 BC and 800-770 BC. Period I is, therefore, to be attributed to the Developed Farming Phase of the Middle Gañgâ Valley. The fact that Maðakªs are the only forms found supports the assumption that the start of the phase may be placed at the end of the 2nd millennium BC.

Shephard, A.O. 1968. Ceramics for the Archaeologists. Washington D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington.

Pannaccione-Apa, M.I. and A.A. Di Castro 2000. A Preliminary Classification and Chronological Sequence of Gotihawa Pottery, Proceedings of the Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, M. Taddei and G. De Marco (Eds.), pp. 717-37, Roma-Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale.

Singh, B.P. 1997. Neolithic and Chalcolithic Pottery of the Middle Ganga Plains: A Case Study of Senuwar, Ancient Ceramics: Historical Enquiries and Scientific Approaches, P.C. Pant and V. Jayaswal (Eds.), pp. 3-31, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan. Singh, P. 1992-93. Archaeological Excavations at Imlidih Khurd – 1992, Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 3: 21-35. Singh, P. 1994. Excavations at Narhan (1984-89). Varanasi: Banaras Hindu University.

The absence of bowls and basins of Neolithic Vindhyan origin (found at other sites of the region) and the presence of storage jars of a local production similar to that of the so-called 'Chalcolithic' phase (found, at sites, in the layers succeeding the earliest 'Neolithic' phase) are clear indicators that the different productions of CIW represent a reliable index fossil for the relative chronology of the Early and Developed Farming Phases of the Middle Gañgâ Valley.

Singh, P. 2004-2005. Archaeology of the Middle Ganga Plain: The Chalcolithic Phase, Indo-KÜko-Kenkyñ–Indian Archaeological Series (Tokyo) 26: 1-16. Singh, P. and A.K. Singh 1995-96. Trial Excavations at Wainª, District Ballia (U.P.), Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 6: 41-61. Singh, P. and A.K. Singh 1997-98. The Excavations at BhuÖª¼Ìh, District Ballia (U.P.), Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 8: 11-29.

NOTE 1. 'Kuba Bhagat was (a) potter, (who used to) manufacture pots; by the grace of Har Govind (the Lord), twenty pots became thirty' (Saraswati 1979: 46).

Tewari, R., R.K. Srivastava and K.K. Singh 2003-2004. Report of the Excavations at Malhar, District Chandauli (Uttar Pradesh) India: 1998-99, Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 14: 1-112.

REFERENCES

Tewari, R., R.K. Srivastava, K.K. Singh, K.S. Saraswat and I.B. Singh 2002-2003. Preliminary Report of the Excavation at Lahuradewa, District Sant Kabir Nagar, U.P. 2001-2002: Wider Archaeological Implications, Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 13: 37-68.

Allchin, B. and F.R. Allchin 1982. The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chakrabarti, D.K. 2006. The Oxford Companion to Indian Archaeology: The Archaeological Foundations of Ancient India (Stone Age to AD 13th Century). New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Verardi, G. 2007. Excavations at Gotihawa and Pipri, Kapilbastu District. Nepal. Roma: IsIAO.

6

Archaeology of the Western Saurashtra Coast: Post-Urban Harappan Era A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh

INTRODUCTION

1. BET DWARKA ISLAND

The Bronze Age archaeology of western India, particularly Gujarat, is often referred to in the context of the Indus Valley Civilization, which dominated Indian Archaeology since its discovery in the first quarter of the 20th century. Till date, approximately 500 sites of different phases of the Indus Valley Civilization have been discovered in Gujarat, India (Possehl 1999: 117-54). The multifaceted Harappans dominated the Indian society almost for millennia and introduced various dimensions to the development of the society that continues even today in many parts of the country (Lal 2002: 82). During the early centuries of the 2nd millennium BC, the Indus Valley Civilization was marked with a decline in cultural traits, such as size of the settlement, town planning, craft specialization and pottery. This phase has been variously termed as the Late Harappan (Rao 1963: 126) and the Post-Urban phase (Possehl 1992: 117-54). Scholars are divided in their opinions on the decline of the Indus Valley Civilization, such as the Aryan invasion (Wheeler 1947: 126), flooding of the river Indus (Raikes and Dales 1986: 3344), climatic changes (Singh 1971: 17789) and other multi-factors (for example decline in trade with Mesopotamia and climatic changes) (Allchin and Allchin 1997: 211). Most recently, Possehl (1999) questioned any collapse of the Indus Valley Civilization; rather, he argues that Harappan traditions transformed into regional cultures.

Bet Dwarka Island is situated in Okhamandal taluka of Jamnagar district of Gujarat. It lies 3 km from mainland and the nearest port is Okha. Bet Dwarka Island has a maximum length of 13 km along the northwest to the southeast direction and has an average width of 4 km, the maximum being in the southeastern coast. The southeast part of the island is comprised of high cliffs and mud flats, while the northwest part of the island is a low lying area with fine sandy beaches. The vegetation includes shrubs, cactus and a few neem trees. At few places agricultural land is also available, while the main crop is maize and bazarâ.

The present essay deals with the postIndus Valley Civilization phase in the context of the settlements along the western Saurashtra Coast, particularly the three sites: Bet Dwarka, Bokhira and Kindar Kheda (Fig. 1) that were excavated by the National Institute of Oceanography, Goa, to understand human-and-sea relationship and trace the antiquities of the sites.

Six trenches were laid in different parts of the island (Fig. 2). Among them, three trenches (namely BDK-I, II, III) were laid at the southeast coast of the island near NÌlakanðha Mahâdeva temple. One trench (BDK-IV) was laid near Khuda Dost Dargah, another (BDK-V) in Sundarvan, south of the present Balapur village and yet another (BDKVI) was laid in an agricultural tract near Par village.

Fig. 1 Location of a few Harappan sites along the Saurashtra Coast

7

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Table 1. Scientific dates from the Late Harappan phase of Bet Dwarka Island Sr. No.

Dating Method

Lab Reference

Site

Date

Calibrated date

Reference

1

TL

W-2876

BDK-VI

3260+470

3380-490

Vora et al. 2002:1355

2

C14

BS-2000

BDK-VI

3140+100

3470-3260

Gaur et al. 2005:13

3

C14

BS-1993

BDK-VI

3470+80

3830-3640

Gaur et al. 2005:13

1.1 BRONZE AGE SETTLEMENT AT BET DWARKA ISLAND Onshore explorations in Bet Dwarka Island in 1969-70 by the Archaeological Survey of India yielded the remains of the Late Harappan phase in addition to many sites of the Historic and the Medieval periods (IAR 1969-70: 59). Later, in 1981, an onshore and offshore exploration revealed antiquities dating back to the Bronze Age, which include a square seal on chank shell (engraved with an animal with three heads), chert blades and pottery (Rao 1990: 5998).

Fig. 4 A Late Harappan copper fishhook from Bet Dwarka Island

In 2002, a trench measuring 2.5 x 2.5 m was laid in an agricultural land near the mosque, east of the village Par (Fig. 3). Archaeological materials at the trench were traced up to 95 cm depth and 2 layers were identified (Gaur and Sundaresh 2003: 57-66). A big stone block on the western section of the trench was encountered which could be remain of some structure, however continuity of the same could not be traced. The important finding from this trench includes a big copper fishhook and a copper antimony rod besides a large number of dentalium beads, broken shell bangles and waste of shells. The fishhook (Fig. 4) is very similar to those reported from other Harappan sites such as Harappa, Mohenjo-Daro, Lothal and Padri and they are prevalent even today in many parts of the country. The pottery includes plain Red Ware, painted Red Ware, Buff Ware and Black Ware. The important shapes include carinated dishes, convex sided and stud handled bowls, jars and miniature vessels (Fig. 5).

Fig. 2 Excavated trenches at Bet Dwarka Island

This is the earliest habitation located in the north-eastern part of the island (near the village of Par), which is a flat and high tableland. The pottery and antiquities clearly indicate that they

Fig. 3 A trench at Bet Dwarka Island

8

A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh: Archaeology of the Western Saurashtra Coast

there is no fertile agricultural land within the island. The excavation has not revealed the evidence of any house planning, which may suggest that this island might have been their seasonal habitation and not a regular one. Radiocarbon and TL dates from this site indicate a time bracket of habitation between 1600-1400 BC (Table 1). 2. BOKHIRA The archaeological site at Bokhira is adjacent to the Porbandar creek on the western side (Fig. 7). Presently, the site is under cultivation. Further west of the excavated site, a few small limestone cliffs are noticeable, indicating a higher sea level in the Fig. 5 Late Harappan pottery from Bet Dwarka Island past. There is a well-defined depression around the site facing the belong to the Late Harappan phase and are very similar to the creek, which is presently banked other Late Harappan sites of the Saurashtra region. The by a high metal road. According to local tradition, there was a primary reason for their establishment may be the availability Juna Dhakka (ancient jetty) near the creek, which indicates that of shells, which were exploited to a great extent by the the site was very close to a jetty in the past. The location of the Harappans in Gujarat. Possibly, the Harappans from study area clearly favours the utilization of the creek for Nageshwar migrated to Bet Dwarka Island, which is situated investigating maritime activities around Porbandar. just opposite on the mainland. However, excavators of Nageshwar (Hegde et al. 1990: 149) have suggested that the site belongs to the Sindhi Harappans and there is no influence of Saurashtra and Kachchh Harappans. But in Bet Dwarka Island, pottery is very similar to the Late Harappan sites of Saurashtra, especially of Rangpur IIC. A stud handle bowl, which is a characteristic feature of the Gujarat Harappans, was found here. The coarse Red Ware, Buff Ware and Black Ware sherds were also found at Bet Dwarka. Convex sided bowls, carinated dishes, jars and miniature vessels similar to the other Saurashtra Harappan sites were also found here (Fig. 6). A few sherds of perforated jars were observed in surface exploration. A wellpreserved copper fishhook suggests that they were fishing in deeper water and a large number of fish bones were also found at the excavated site. The fishhook is very similar to other fishhooks reported from Mohenjo-Daro (Marshall 1973: 501), Harappa (Vats 1974: 391), Lothal (Rao 1985: 546) and Padri (Shinde and Thomas 1993: 145-7). The fishhook of Bet Dwarka measures 7 cm in length. However, the largest fishhook has been reported from the Harappan level at Padri, which is 14 cm long. The economy of the Late Harappans in Bet Dwarka Island was based on marine resources, as Fig. 6 Line drawings of Late Harappan pottery from Bet Dwarka Island 9

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

different sizes are the major attraction of the excavation besides a large number of sherds of jars, lids, basins and other pots. The shape, size and paintings are very similar to the pottery reported from Bet Dwarka (Gaur et al. 2005: 44-72), Rojdi (Possehl and Raval 1989: 57-156), Lothal (Rao 1985: 446-50) and Kuntasi (Dhavalikar et al. 1996: 94190). The key motives of paintings on the potsherds are roundels, wavy lines, cross lines and thick bands on the rim portions. This is the second site (after Bet Dwarka) discovered just on the coastal plains, which has a small protohistoric deposit. The initial habitation took place on the bedrock. Houses had thatched roofs and were erected on wooden poles, as evident from the postholes noticed on the surface. This is the characteristic feature of Chalcolithic culture and rarely noticed in Harappan Civilization. Pottery and antiquities are very similar to that found in Rojdi, which has been suggested by Possehl and Raval (1989: 13) as the Sorath Harappan type of the mid-3rd millennium BC. However, the present site Fig. 7 Location of Bokhira and the excavated trenches has not revealed any significant structure such as those at Rojdi. After a few years of Excavations revealed that the archaeological deposit is less settlement some rudimentary structures were made, which is evident from the discovery of an irregular than 50 cms and is a single culture site dating back to the 2nd and small stone structure in trench 1. Based on the cultural millennium BC. Though the site is not very rich in respect of deposition, it may be suggested that the habitation had lasted antiquities, yet it was an important settlement on the coastal just a couple of centuries or even less. Their economy was area, which will help us to understand the settlement pattern of based on the marine resources such as shells and fishes, coastal sites. because shell artefacts were noticed during the excavation. 2.1 EXCAVATIONS The habitation took place right on the hard surface and a few postholes (Fig. 8) are of indicative of the shape and type of houses that were in use along the coastal area during the Late Harappan period (Gaur and Sundaresh 2006: 33-9). A disturbed structure built of irregular stone blocks was also observed during the excavation. Besides pottery, a few broken beads and stone tools were recovered from here. A large number of potsherds have been recovered during the excavation. The main ceramic assemblages are Red Ware, Black Ware, Buff Ware and Grey Ware. The varieties of bowls of

Fig. 8 Postholes exposed in a trench at Bokhira

10

A.S. Gaur and Sundaresh: Archaeology of the Western Saurashtra Coast

During the exploration, a stone anchors was found near the village. It is made on an irregular limestone block, which is circular to some extent (Fig. 10). The anchor was found lying on the western side of the temple near a well and it was recovered in 2002 by the villagers while ploughing the field. The stone has been pursed in the centre and the hole is circular in shape. The hole is smooth and is widened on the other side suggesting an extensive use of the anchor. The shape and size of the stone suggest that it would have served as an anchor (Gaur and Sundaresh 2005: 4448). However, it is difficult to ascertain any date of the anchor, as it has not been found from straitigraphic position. Besides the above-mentioned anchor, a few stone tools and a large quantity of pottery were noticed at the site suggesting a flourishing settlement during the Bronze Age. 3.1 STUDY OF MAPS An old map dating back to 1856 AD was obtained from the archive at Porbandar and was examined for the changes in morphological features. The same has been studied and the topographical features were compared with a map dating back to 1969 AD. The major change in the topography is the reduction of the Porbandar and Kindari creeks up to Kindar Kheda. In the first map (1856 AD), the location of Kindar Kheda is shown on the bank of creek, which is approachable by boat from Porbandar and Kindari Creeks, but the approaches from both sides have completely disappeared in the present day

Fig. 9 Location of Kindar Kheda

2.2 CHRONOLOGY The excavation revealed the oldest antiquities around Porbandar, which dates back to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC (Gaur and Sundaresh 2006: 33-39). The archaeological material is very similar to those reported from Rangpur IIB and IIC, Rojdi C and Bet Dwarka. The pottery is very similar to that found in Rojdi, which has been suggested by Possehl and Rawal (1989) as the Sorath Harappan type and dated to the mid-3rd millennium BC. However, the rest of the archaeological materials are similar to many other Harappan sites on the Saurashtra coast and a time bracket of the settlement may be between the mid-3rd millennium BC and the end of the 2nd millennium BC. 3. KINDAR KHEDA The village Kindar Kheda is situated about 20 km northwest of the present town of Porbandar and it is approachable by road (Fig. 9). Archaeological site is under cultivation and located on the eastern side of the village. A Sun (Sñrya) temple of postMaitraka period is located here, which dates back to the 9th century AD (Sampura 1968: 91-92). Southern side of the site is a lowlying area.

Fig. 10 Late Harappan stone anchor from Kindar Kheda

11

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Gaur, A.S., Sundaresh and K.H. Vora 2005. Archaeology of Bet Dwarka Island. New Delhi: Aryan Books International.

topography. Now, a shallow depression south of Kindar Kheda is noticeable, which gets flooded during the monsoon.

Hegde, K.T.M., K.K. Bhan, V.H. Sonawane, K. Krishnan and D.R. Shah 1990. Excavation at Nageswar-Gujarat. Baroda: M.S. University.

CONCLUSION The findings from the above sites indicate that the coastal area of Gujarat remained the focal point of human activity even after the decline of the Indus Valley Civilization. However, the size of the sites reduced significantly and drastic decline in the quality of living standard is noticeable. Though pottery tradition continued from the Harappan to the Late Harappan periods, but other aspects such as town planning, writing system and specialized crafts are completely absent from these sites. Thus, it indicates that due to change in living conditions the people migrated to coastal areas and might have depended on the marine resources, but they could not sustain the economic pressure and left the sites within a couple of centuries. Interestingly, of the two sites, one, i.e., Bet Dwarka (situated near Nageshwar), is a mature Harappan site and the other, i.e., Bokhira (situated near Kindar Kheda), is a mature Harappan site of the late phase. The palaeo-climatic studies suggest that there was a sharp decline in precipitation after 4000 BP (Rad et al. 1999: 39-53, Phadtare 2000: 122-9, Naidu 1996: 715-8), which might have been responsible for the decline in agricultural production and forced the Harappan to move the coastal areas, especially the southern Saurashtra coast. However, there is still a serious problem for the archaeologists to fill the gap nearly about 500 to 700 years. Interestingly, two early dates available from Bet Dwarka (BDK-I and III) indicate that the site may be considered to represent Early Historic phase: one by C14 establishes 2590+100 years BP (cal. 27892500) and the other by thermo-luminescence establishes 3093+367 years BP. If these dates are taken into consideration, then it may be reasonably argued that habitation at Bet Dwarka continued from the protohistoric to the historic period.

IAR: Indian Archaeology – A Review 1969-70. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India. Lal, B.B. 2002. The Sarasvati: Flows on the Continuity of Indian Culture. New Delhi: Aryan Books International. Marshall, John 1973. Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization. New Delhi: Indological Book House. Naidu, P.D. 1996. Onset of an Arid Climate at 3.5 ka in the Tropics: Evidence from Monsoon Up Welling Record, Current Science 71.9: 715-718. Phadtare, N.R. 2000. Sharp Decrease in Summer Monsoon Strength 4000-3500 cal yr BP in the Central Higher Himalaya of India Based on Pollen Evidence from Alpine Peat, Quaternary Research 53: 122-129. Possehl, G.L. 1992. The Harappan Civilization in Gujarat: The Sorath and Sindhi Harappans, The Eastern Anthropologist 45(1-2): 117-154. Possehl, G.L. 1999. The Transformation of the Indus Civilization, Man and Environment XIV(2): 1-34. Possehl, G.L. and M.H. Raval 1989. Harappan Civilization and Rojdi. New Delhi: Oxford-IBH. Rad, U.V., M. Schaaf, K.H. Michels, H. Schulz, W.H. Berger and F. Sirocko 1999. A 5000-yr Record of Climate Change in Varved Sediments from the Oxygen Minimum Zone off Pakistan, Northeastern Arabian Sea, Quaternary Research 51: 39-53. Raikes, R.L. and G.F. Dales 1986. Response to Wasson's Sedimentological Basis of the Mohenjo-Daro Flood Hypothesis, Man and Environment X: 33-44. Rao, S.R. 1963. Excavations at Rangpur and Other Explorations in Gujarat, Ancient India 18-19: 5-207. Rao, S.R. 1985. Lothal: A Harappan Port Town, 1955-62, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, Volume 2, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India . Rao, S.R. 1990. Excavations of the Legendry City of Dvaraka in the Arabian Sea, Journal of Marine Archaeology 1: 59-98.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We are thankful to the Director, NIO for permitting us to publish this essay. Thanks are also due to Shri K.H. Vora for facilitating the study. We thank Shri. S.B. Chitari and Shri. S.N. Bandodkar for their help. This is the NIO contribution no. 4349.

Sampura, K.F. 1968. The Structural Temples of Gujarat. Ahemdabad: Gujarat University. Shinde, V.S. and E. Thomus 1993. A Unique Harappan Copper Fishhook from Padri, Gujarat, Man and Environment XVIII: 145-147. Singh, G. 1971. The Indus Valley Culture Seen in the Context of PostGlacial Climatic and Ecological Studies in Northwest India, Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 6.2: 177189.

REFERENCES Allchin, B. and R. Allchin 1997. Origins of a Civilization: The Prehistory and Early Archaeology of South Asia. New Delhi: Viking Books. Dhavalikar, M.K., M.H. Raval, and Y.M. Chitalwala 1996. Kuntasi: A Harappan Emporium on West Coast. Pune: Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute. Gaur, A.S. and Sundaresh 2003. Onshore Excavation at Bet Dwarka Island in the Gulf of Kachchh, Gujarat, Man and Environment XXVIII(1): 57-66. Gaur, A.S. and Sundaresh 2005. A Late Harappan Port at Kindar Kheda, Man and Environment XXX(2): 44-48.

Vats, M.S. 1974. Excavations at Harappa. Varanasi: Bhartiya Publishing House. Vora, K.H., A.S. Gaur, David Price and Sundaresh 2002. Cultural Sequence of Bet Dwarka Island Based on Thermolumincence Dating, Current Science 82(11): 1351-56. Wheeler, R.E.M. 1947. Sociological Aspects of the Harappan Civilization, Ancient India 3: 74-7.

Gaur, A.S. and Sundaresh 2006. Excavation at Bokhira (Porbandar) on the South-western Coast of Saurashtra, Man and Environment XXXI(1): 33-39.

12

Recent Archaeological Investigations in the Lower Gomti Basin of the Middle Gañgâ Plain Prabhakar Upadhyay

protohistoric and Early Historic cultures. It is significant that this area has also emerged as a major route for trade. It also enjoys the enviable status of a large mercantile centre for agricultural products.

INTRODUCTION The river Gomti, also known as the Gumti or Gomati, is a tributary of the river Gañgâ. It meanders considerably, particularly in its lower course. This fact may have given rise to the erroneous notion that the name of the river is derived from the word ghumati (winding). The Gomti originates in the Himalaya Range of Nepal. It extends 805 km through Nepal and the state of Uttar Pradesh in India. The Indian cities of Lucknow, Sultanpur and Jaunpur are located on the banks of the Gomti. Hindus believe that the river is a daughter of Sage Vashistha, and bathing in the waters of the Gomti can remove sin. The channel is everywhere well defined and seldom changes its course. The banks of the Gomti are generally steep and scoured by ravines, which carry down the drainage from the land on either side. From time immemorial the study area was a melting pot of numerous ethnic groups, which were responsible for the rise and growth of several prehistoric,

The Archaeology Unit of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, under direction of Professor Vibha Tripathi, conducted an exploration along the river Gomti in Saidpur tehsil of Ghazipur district, Kerakat tehsil of Jaunpur district and some part of Varanasi district in 2005-06 (Tripathi et al. 2005-06: 39-52). Besides participating in that exploration, the present author visited a few new sites of the region in 2006-07. In the course of the explorations, a variety of potsherds belonging to different cultural periods were brought to light. The main potsherds are Red Ware, Black-and-Red Ware, Black Slipped Ware, Grey Ware, Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW) and belonging to the Œuñga-KuîâÖa, Gupta and Early Medieval periods.

Fig. 1 Explored sites in the lower Gomti basin

13

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

with the material remains of the KuîâÖa-Gupta periods. The site measures roughly 500 x 500 meters in area.

PREVIOUS WORK A.C.L. Carlleyele (1885: 97-105), who explored some sites of archaeological importance, put the area under study on the archaeological map of the world as early as 1885. Carlleyele reported a number of sites in this area including Zoharganj and Mason Dih. A cursory excavation made in 1879 by Carlleyele at Zoharganj shows the sequence going back to the Mesolithic Age. Further at Mason Dih, near Zoharganj, a few kilometers away from the bank of the Gañgâ, he found superlative quality of NBPW and few punch-marked coins. In 1891, Fuhrer (1891: 212-230) listed some more sites in the area including Bhitari, Chandravati and others. Cunningham made small-scale excavations at Bhitari and results were published by Fuhrer.

4. Aurihar (25° 40' 20" & 83° 10' 50"): This site is situated about two km south to Sikandarpur on the left bank of the Chandraprabha River. The settlement is marked with remains of a Late Medieval fort. A moat is also present around the fort. 5. Gopalpur (25° 32' 11" & 83° 10' 38"): The site is a mound situated about two km south of Aurihar town. The mound is about 150 m west of the right side of the Varanasi-Ghazipur road, and extends in an area of 5 acres. Remains of the KuîâÖa period including sherds of Red Ware are scattered at the site (Fig. 2: 9-17).

It may be noted that all these investigations were mainly carried out with a view to listing antiquities, old forts and monuments in the area. The ceramic evidence, so commonly used today in the explorations of Early Historic sites, was not utilized in those days. After the end of the 19th century no significant archaeological investigation was done for the subsequent six decades and it was only in 1967-68 that the Banaras Hindu University carried out a well-planned and systematic excavation at Bhitari.

6. Kharauna (25° 30' 26" & 83° 08' 44"): This site is also a mound, and is situated about 1 km east of the Rajwari Gomti bridge on Varanasi-Ghazipur road. It extends to an area of about 500 x 100 meters. The mound was inhabited between the KuîâÖa and Gupta periods. Remains found today are bricks, sherds of Red Ware, saddle-quern and also a well on the northeast corner of the site. 7. Sidhauna (25° 31' 13" & 83° 12' 53"): The ancient settlement of Sidhauna stands today as a mound, which is

RECENT FIELDWORK The recent explorations along the river Gomti conducted by the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, brought to light several new sites in the lower Gomti basin. The main objective of this exploration was to visit sites by random sampling in order to assess archaeological potential of different areas. So far we have been able to explore the following sites (Fig. 1): 1. Zoharganj (25° 32' 22" & 83°13' 22"): This site is located on the left bank of the river Gañgâ near Saidpur, on the Varanasi-Ghazipur Road. This is the spot where Carlleyel (1885) laid trenches and found a sequence going back to the Mesolithic Age and shows a small mound. Kolhua ghat crossing is slightly east of the site. Potteries of early centuries are also collected. Presently the site is occupied by an irrigation office which pumps water out of the river and sends it to the field through channels. 2. Kaithi (25° 29' 59" & 83° 10' 40"): The ancient settlement of Kaithi is located on the left bank of the river Gañgâ, about 5 km from Kaithi market. The site now stands as a large structural mound measuring 1000 x 500 m, with a habitational deposit of about 3-4 meters. Occurrence of Red Ware along with brickbats is seen on the surface. On the basis of scattered materials, the site may be dated to the KuîâÖa-Gupta periods. 3. Aurihar (Varah Temple) (25° 32' 17" & 83° 13' 02"): This site is located on the left bank of the river Gañgâ on the Varanasi-Ghazipur highway. The ancient site is marked

Fig. 2 1-3: BRW, 4: RW, 5-8: RW from Saripur and 9-11: RW, 12: RW, 13-14: BRW, 15-17: RW from Gopalpur

14

Prabhakar Upadhyay: Archaeological Investigations in the Lower Gomti Basin

12. Duduwan (Cholapur) (25° 30' 26" & 83° 07' 00"): The ancient settlement of Duduwan is situated on the right bank of the river Gomti, about 4 km to the west of Rajwari on the Varanasi-Ghazipur highway. The mound extends to an area of 500 x 200 meters on both sides of the highway. This is an important site represented by the occurrence of Black-and-Red Ware, Red Ware and other potteries. Shapes include bowl, vase, etc. 13. Saraiya (Raipur) (25° 27' 35" & 83° 30' 37"): This small and mostly eroded mound is located about 3 km west to the Rajwari, on the right bank of the river Gomti. The material remains of this site belong to the Early Historic period.

Fig. 3 The ancient settlement of Bahura

situated 500 meters to the west of Sidhauna market, on the Varanasi-Ghazipur road. The mound is occupied by present-day settlement.

14. Rajwari (25° 29' 39" & 83°10' 00"): The mound of Rajwari is situated on the left bank of the river Gomti, on the Varanasi-Ghazipur highway. It measures about 100 x 200 x 4 meters. This site seems to be of the KuîâÖa period.

8. Amehta (25° 14' 48" & 83° 15' 59"): This site lies on the left bank of the river Gomti, southwest of Sidhauna market. The mound extends to an area of 200 x 100 meters. Habitational deposits contain KuîâÖa materials i.e. brickbats and Red Ware.

15. Bhagwanpur (25° 28' 30" & 83° 15' 10"): The mound of Bhagwanpur is situated on the right bank of the river Gomti. Unfortunately, it has been extensively destroyed by a modern irrigation canal.

9. Niruddinpur (25° 03' 40" & 83° 06' 49"): The site is a mound, which is located on the left bank of the river Gomti, about 4 km to the west of Sidhauna market. The settlement measures 50 x 50 meters and rises to a considerable height of 12 meters. The remains of the KuîâÖa and Gupta periods have been recovered from here. Amongst the Red Ware found at the site, the representative shapes are vases, spouted vessels, bowl and basins. There is another mound in the same village situated about one km to the west of the above, which extends to an area of 100 x 100 m, and rises up to 4 meters. Although numerous potsherds are found strewn on the mound, they seem to be from a later period.

16. Dharauhara (25° 28' 35" & 83° 18' 15"): This site is a mound, which is located on the right bank of the Gomti, about 8 km southwest of Rajwari. The mound is totally occupied by a village and a market. 17. Sarvarpur (25° 33' 04" & 83° 06' 32"): The mound of Sarvarpur is situated about 8 km to the west of Sidhauna market on the Varanasi-Ghazipur road. The mound is partly destroyed and extends to an area of about 100 x 50 meters. Material remains of the site, represented by Red Ware, brickbats and structures, belong to the KuîâÖa period.

10. Gauri (25° 31' 24" & 83° 05' 57"): This ancient settlement on the left bank of the river Gomti is situated 8 km to the west of Sidhauna market, on the Varanasi-Ghazipur highway. What remains today is an area of 150 x 100 meters, containing scattered potsherds with flimsy deposit. 11. Lakshmi Senpur (Tekuri) (25° 31' 13" & 83° 05' 07"): The site is a mound located on the Varanasi-Ghazipur highway, about 5 km west to Rajwari (Kaithi). The mound extends to an area of 10 acres and is fully occupied by a modern village. Remains of the KuîâÖa period are evident near a temple.

Fig. 4 The ancient settlement of Niyar

15

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

20. Newada-1 (25° 32' 58" & 83° 04' 39"): This Early Historic site is located about 4 km to the south of Patrahi on the Chandwak-Ghazipur road on the bank of the river Gomti. The site extends to an area of 500 x 100 meters and has assemblages of the KuîâÖa period comprising of Red Ware, brickbats and a pestle. Newada-2: The site is located about 1 km west of the above mound and extends over an area of about 2 acres. The mound belongs to the KuîâÖa period. 21. Barahpur (25° 33' 30" & 83° 03' 44"): This Early Historic structural mound is located on the left bank of the river Gomti, about 5 km south of Patrahi, on the Chandwak-Ghazipur road in Jaunpur district. The site extends over an area of 500 x 300 x 10 meters and has assemblages of the KuîâÖa period comprising of Red Ware, brickbats and brick walls. The mound is almost intact.

Fig. 5 The mound at Hariharpur

18. Saraiya (Baheri) (25° 34' 36" & 83° 06' 03"): This site is located on the Varanasi-Azamgarh road, on the Baheri railway crossing near Chandwak. It belongs to the Early Medieval period, extends to an area of one acre with about 4 meters deposit.

22. Chandepur (25° 33' 09" & 83° 03' 04"): Remains of an ancient settlement are still in sight on the track leading to Patrahi village in Jaunpur district. The village Chandepur is located 4 km from the left bank of the river Gomti. Remains of the mound has nearly been destroyed by the modern settlement.

19. Bahura (25° 31' 19" &: 83° 04' 32"): The ancient settlement of Bahura is located on the left bank of the river Gomti, about 10 km southwest of the Baheri railway crossing in Ghazipur district. The exploration yielded sherds of BRW, RW, BSW, NBPW, KuîâÖa potteries and lumps of iron slag. The site extends to a wide area along the river. However, the upper deposit of the mound is disturbed because of cultivation (Fig. 3).

23. Bhagtauli (25° 32' 14" & 83° 02' 41"): It is situated 1 km to the south of Chandepur (above). The mound here is an impressive one, extending over an area of 200 x 150 m and rising to a height of 4 m. One can easily notice brickbats, terracotta and potsherds scattered on the surface. 24. Muari (Balrampur) (25° 32' 54" & 83° 01' 43"): The site is better preserved. It is located on the Chandwak-Lohianagar road, 2 km away from the southern side. The mound extends over an area of 700 x 150 m and rises to a height of 10 m. It has yielded Black-and-Red, Black Slipped and Red Wares along with beads, pendants, brickbats, iron slag etc. On the western side of the mound, a ViîÖu image was found, which is worshiped by the villagers today. 25. Saripur (25° 29' 40" & 83° 01' 39"): The ancient settlement on the left bank of the river Gomti is located about one km northwest of the above-mentioned site (Muari). It has yielded Black-and-Red, Black Slipped, NBP and Red Wares along with beads and other materials (Fig. 2: 1-8).

Fig. 6 Line-drawing of Trench XA-1, section looking south. Period I: Pre-NBPW culture at Hariharpur

16

26. Chaubepur (25° 34' 34" & 83° 34' 00"): This site is located about 4 km south of Chandwak. Population pressure has led to

Prabhakar Upadhyay: Archaeological Investigations in the Lower Gomti Basin

32. Brahamanpur (25° 34' 54" & 82° 57' 50"): Located on the right bank of the Gomti, about 4 km west of Chandwak, the site extends over an area of 100 x 100 m. Currently, the mound is undergoing extensive disturbance because of cultivation and brick making. The Red Ware of the Gupta and later periods are seen scattered at the site.

Fig. 7 A photograph of Trench XA-1 (looking south) at Hariharpur

the mound being lacerated by the modern villagers. Remains of the mound measures to about 200 x 100 m. Red Ware is the main pottery type at the site.

33. Kopkala (Mukaripur): This is a small site is located on the left bank of the river Gomti, 1.5 km west of Chandwak in Jaunpur district. Potsherds of Red Ware, Black Slipped Ware and KuîâÖa Red Ware, and a few bricks of KuîâÖa period are visible at the site. A Ÿiva temple is located towards its northwest. A number of KuîâÖa bricks are seen at this place. This place is locally known as Kirah Chhitauna. 34. Hariharpur (25° 36' 23" & 82° 58' 20"): This is an ancient settlement situated on the left bank of the river Gomti, two km west of Chandwak market in Jaunpur district (Fig. 5). The site extends over a large area showing cultural deposits of the NBPW, KuîâÖa and Gupta periods. In addition, numerous brickbats suggest that it is a structural mound. The mound is partly eroded and plantations have come up over a large part of it. A temple of the Aghori sect also stands on it. The site was earlier reported (Chakrabarti, Tewari and Singh 1999:

27. Balua (25° 33' 56" & 83° 00' 29"): In the district of Jaunpur, on the Varanasi-Azamgarh Road, there is a mound measuring 500 x 100 x 5 m. It is located about 500 meters to the east of Modaila. One can pick up KuîâÖa pottery from the site. 28. Bhidur: This site is situated only one km away from Balua in Varanasi district. It is a km off the road on the left side. A modern rural settlement occupies almost two-third of the ancient settlement. The mound still looks impressive in size, being 500 x 150 m. The pottery belongs to Black Slipped Ware and Red Ware variety. 29. Koilan (25° 33' 56" & 83° 00' 46"): The site is located on the right bank of the river Gomti in Varanasi district. The mound measures 100 x 100 x 3 m. There are sherds of Black Slipped Ware, Red Slipped Ware, Black Ware and Northern Black Polished Ware. The mound is well preserved. 30. Niyar: The ancient settlement of Niyar in Varanasi district is represented by a fairly large mound (Fig. 4). Typical KuîâÖa potteries, such as sprinklers and spouted vessels, are also present at the site along with Red Ware of the later periods. Other surface findings are terracotta discs, balls, fragments of rings used in ring-well and a few lumps of iron slag. 31. Bavatpur: The site is located on the right bank of the river Gomti in Varanasi district. Terracotta, animal figurines and potsherds of the Gupta period are seen in small quantity. Probably it was a small village of the Gupta period.

Fig. 8 Pottery of Period I: Black-and-Red Ware and Black Slipped Ware from Hariharpur

17

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

slightly higher point, 30 m eastward of the previous trench (ZF-1). This trench showed a maximum deposit of 3.40 m, which was divisible into seven layers belonging to three cultural periods. The lower most layers (six and seven) of the trench revealed a preNBPW phase (Figs. 6 and 7). Layers one, two and three of the trench belong to the ŸuÕga-KuîâÖa period and layers four and five revealed cultural deposits of the NBPW period. Thus the excavation revealed three-fold cultural sequence in the two trenches discussed above: Period I: Pre-NBPW period Period II: NBPW period and Period III: ŸuÕga-KuîâÖa period. PERIOD I: PRE-NBPW (PRE-NORTHERN BLACK POLISHED WARE) CULTURE (C. 1000 BC- 700/600 BC) Period I was represented by 0.80 m thick deposit belonging to pre-NBPW culture. The cultural deposit of this period, as stated earlier, was found only in layers six and seven in Trench XA-1. The small finds of this period comprised of bone points, terracotta beads, pottery discs, iron and copper objects.

Fig. 9 Pottery of Period II: Dishes and bowls of NBPW from Hariharpur

165) but the explorers could not assess the actual chronology because of heavy plantation. The prime location of the site shows that it was an important settlement. Among the sites located by the team of archaeologists, the mound at Hariharpur was one of the most impressing. It was, therefore, decided that a small-scale excavation would be undertaken at the site to find out the cultural sequence, the nature of deposit and prospects of future work. Consequently, the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, has conducted excavations under the direction of Professor Vibha Tripathi in the session 2006-07 (Tripathi, in press). A brief summary of the excavation may be presented here to throw light on the general feature of the cultures of the region.

The main ceramic industries of this period are Red Ware, Black Slipped Ware and Black-and-Red Ware. Black-and-Red Ware without any surface treatment has been recovered in good number. In Black Slipped Ware, plain bowls, pedestalled bowls, beakers and dishes are the main types (Fig. 8). In Red Ware, bowls, dishes and vases are the principal types.

STRATIGRAPHY AND CULTURAL SEQUENCE AT HARIHARPUR Two trenches viz. XA-1 and ZF-1, measuring 5 x 5 m, were laid towards the southern part of the mound, close to the riverbank. We opened the Trench ZF-1 at a relatively lower point of the mound that faces the river Gomti. The excavation in this trench revealed 3.10 m thick cultural deposit divisible into six layers. Deposits of layers one, two and three belong to the ŸuÕga-KuîâÖa period and cultural remains of layers four, five and six pertain to the NBPW period. Another trench (XA-1) was laid at a

Fig. 10 Pottery of Period III: Red Ware from Hariharpur

18

Prabhakar Upadhyay: Archaeological Investigations in the Lower Gomti Basin

Gomti basin and has revealed the cultural sequence going back to the 1st millennium BC i.e. the pre-NBPW period and continues till the Early Medieval period. Recent excavations in the territory of KªíÌ Mahªjanapada, especially around Varanasi, such as excavations at Agiabir (Tripathi et al. 2005-06: 1-38, Tripathi and Upadhyay 2006-07: 121-129), Anai (Tripathi et al. 2004-05: 1-56, Tripathi and Upadhyay 2005-06: 93-102), Hariharpur (Tripathi, in press), Aktha (Jayaswal 2003: 61-180) and Ramnagar (Jayaswal and Kumar 2005-06: 85-92), and explorations along the important tributaries of the river Gañgâ such as the VaruÖa and the Gomti suggest that up to the beginning of the 1st millennium BC, the middle Gañgâ plain was dotted with important human settlements of various dimensions. These excavations, including the one at Hariharpur clearly testify that around 600 BC, there were several prosperous centres in KªíÌ Mahªjanapada. The quality and variety of NBPW potsherds bear testimony to this fact. During the ŸuÕga-KuîâÖa and Gupta periods, the area becomes more important as evident from structural activities at number of sites serving as satellite settlements for major sites in the area, such as Bhitari, Mason Dih, Chandravati, Bairat and also Hariharpur. After the Gupta period, a good number of the urban sites appear to have been abandoned. At many of these sites, we come across sculptures pertaining to the Early Medieval period. However, by this time, the economic importance of these settlements had been lost and some of them had been transformed into religious centres. This scenario is common in the middle Gañgâ plain of the Early Medieval period.

PERIOD II: NBPW (NORTHERN BLACK POLISHED WARE) CULTURE (C. 700/600 BC-200 BC) Period II was marked by the occurrence of the NBPW with a maximum 1.80 m thick deposit. The site revealed beautiful specimens with a rich variety. Steel blue, black and silvery shades of NBPW were found extensively, with occasional pieces of chocolate and red coloured sherds (Fig. 9). The other ceramic assemblage of this period consists of Black Slipped Ware, Grey Ware and Red Ware. Straight-sided corrugated bowls, dishes with in-curved rim are the principal types in Black Slipped Ware, Grey Ware and NBPW. Bowls, lipped basins and vases are the main types in Red Ware. The small finds comprise copper and iron objects, bone points, pottery discs, glass bangles, and beads of glass and semi-precious stones. Terracotta objects include beads, wheels, discs, bangles, skin rubbers and dabbers. The pottery of this period is generally made of fine-grained and well-levigated clay, which are well fired. Among the characteristic pottery shapes, especial mention may be made of bowls with flanged and corrugated sides, sharpened, nailheaded, out-turned and featureless rims in Black Slipped Ware, NBPW and Red Ware. Other pottery types of this period are dishes, vases, basins and storage jars of Red Ware. Dishes and bowls are common in Black Slipped Ware, Grey Ware and NBPW. PERIOD III: ÚUÑGA-KUSÂÒA PERIOD Evidence of Period III was found in both the trenches with maximum thickness of 1.30 m. The ceramic industry of period III comprises essentially of Red Ware of different variety (Fig. 10). The principal types include vases, spouted vessels, cooking vessels, sprinklers, inkpot lids, bowls and miniature pots. Other small finds comprise terracotta beads, balls, discs, beads of stone and glass, glass bangles, copper and iron objects and copper coins. In both the trenches, flimsy structural activities of fired bricks were also noticed.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author is grateful to Professor Vibha Tripathi, Head of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University for her constant support in the preparation of this paper. Thanks are due to Sri Arun Kumar Pandey, Sri Ram Badan, Sri Shiva Kumar and Sri B.K. Sinha for their active participations in the fieldwork. REFERENCES Carlleyele, A.C.L. 1885. Report of Tours in Gorakhpur, Saran and Ghazipur in 1877-78-79 and 80, Vol. XXII. Calcutta: Government of India.

REMAINS OF THE EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD A number of sculptural remains belonging to the Early Medieval period can be seen scattered on the mound. This indicates that the site was also under occupation during the Early Medieval Period (c. 9th-10th century AD).

Chakrabarti, D.K., R. Tewari and R.N. Singh 1999. Archaeology of Jaunpur, Faizabad, Pratapgarh and Allahabad with Special Reference to Early Historic Routes, South Asian Studies 15: 159-173.

OBSERVATIONS

Fuhrer, A. 1891. The Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. Allahabad: Archaeological Survey of India.

The recent explorations in the Gañgâ-Gomti basin and smallscale excavation at Hariharpur hazard a new beginning in the archaeology of the region. It appears that although the evidence of human activities is noticed as early as the Mesolithic period (at Joharganj), but it was only during the pre-NBPW period that full-fledged exploitation of this region began. The excavation at Hariharpur is the first of its kind in the lower

Jayaswal, V. 2003. Aktha: A Satellite Settlement of Sarnath, Varanasi (report of excavations conducted in the year 2002), Bharati (Bulletin of the Department of AIHC & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University) 26: 61-180.

19

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Jayaswal V. and M. Kumar 2005-06. Excavations at Ramnagari: Discovery of a Supporting Settlement of Ancient Varanasi, Puratattva 36: 85-92.

Tripathi, V., A.K. Singh and P. Upadhyay 2005-2006. Excavations at Agiabir (2004-05), District Mirzapur, Uttar Pradesh, Bharati (Bulletin of the Department of AIHC & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University) 30: 1-38.

Tripathi V. (in press). A Note on Excavations at Hariharpur, District Jaunpur, Uttar Pradesh, to be published in Puratattva 38 (200708): Notes and News section.

Tripathi V., R.N. Singh, A.K. Dubey and P. Upadhyay 2005-06. From Zoharganj to Hariharpur: Explorations along the Gomti River, Bharati (Bulletin of the Department of AIHC & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University) 30: 39-52.

Tripathi, V. and P. Upadhyay 2006-07. Further Excavations at Agiabir (2005-06), Puratattva 37: 121-129. Tripathi, V., P. Upadhyay, A.K. Singh and R.N. Singh 2004-2005. Excavations at Anai (2004-05), District Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh: A Preliminary Report, Bharati (Bulletin of the Department of AIHC & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University) 29: 1-56.

20

A Preliminary Note on Archaeological Investigation in Dantan and Its Adjoining Region, West Medinipur Sayan Bhattacharya and Sharmistha Chatterjee

INTRODUCTION

so far been found in the district. The present author carried out an archaeological investigation in Dantan and its adjoining areas in 2004-2007 and presents a preliminary report in this essay.

The district of West Medinipur (Fig. 1) occupies a very significant place in the state of West Bengal (India), both in terms of prehistoric and historic archaeology. It is considered as the southern-most extension of Chotanagpur plateau. The Kasªi, the SuvarÖarekhª (Fig. 2), the RupnªrªyaÖa along with the TªrªfenÌ (a tributary of the Kasªi) and the Dulong constitute the major drainage system of the district. West Medinipur is enormously rich in prehistoric culture. Prehistoric tools in this area are generally found from the foothill areas, riverbanks and the lateritic upland. The major concentration of prehistoric culture in West Medinipur is mainly found in the TªrªfenÌ and the SuvarÖarekhª valleys. In the TªrªfenÌ valley, the important sites are Dhaulipur, Asri, Sinagpur, Kakrajhore, etc. In the SuvarÖarekhª valley, the important sites are Phulbani, Karkota, Hatimara etc. The Mesolithic culture has a greater density of distribution in the TªrªfenÌ complex than any other areas of West Medinipur district. Besides, few Chalcolithic sites are reported from West Medinipur. Important among these are Sijua, Jambani etc. However, not a single Early Historic site has

Fig. 2 View of the SuvarÖarekhª River

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION

Dantan is a border town under Kharagpur subdivision in West Medinipur bordering Sonakonia in Orissa and consists of two subdivisional blocks, Dantan-I and Dantan II. A preliminary survey in Dantan and its vicinity has revealed that most of the villages have old temples dedicated to Lord Ÿiva and Lord ViîÖu. A large number of broken pieces of sculptures (Figs. 3 and 4) in black chlorite collected by the local inhabitants are worshipped in many instances. The sculptures identified are N mainly of Ÿiva, ViîÖu, Sñrya, GaÖeía and Ÿªkti. However, most of these are dilapidated and not identifiable. In spite of this, they are still considered to be auspicious and sacred by the villagers. In the village Map not to scale Angua, a peculiar structure was noticed in front of a temple. The structure was rectangular, with four tortoises at its four Fig. 1 Map of West Bengal showing Paschim Medinipur 21

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Fig. 3 Broken pieces of sculpture at Roybaruttar

corners (Fig. 5). The exact purpose of this structure has not yet been ascertained. Moreover, exposed sections of ponds in the villages of Tokinagargram (Fig. 6), Ektiarpur (Fig. 7), Barabaghira, Monoharpur, Kakrajit and Roybaruttar revealed a large number of potsherds including Grey Ware, Black Ware, slipped and un-slipped Red Ware (Figs. 8, 9 and 10). But their proper context was not understood since the materials were all mixed up. In addition, villages like Loltapur and Barabaghira

Fig. 5 A rectangular structure with four tortoises at Angua

are within the range of 1 km of the river SuvarÖarekhª. Sections along the banks were checked but these did not reveal anything beyond some fragmentary sculptures. The site of ŸaraíaÕkha is situated around 3 km from Dantan bªzªr. It has got the largest lake in West Medinipur district. The lake is 1524 m (5000 ft) in length and 762 m (2500 ft) in width. It was most probably named after ŸaíªÕka and is known as ŸaraíaÕkha Lake. Beside this lake, there is an old temple of Lord Jagannªtha (Fig. 11). This early temple is in Orissan style with Rekhª Deula and Ratha projections. The architectural components of the temple possibly are Jagamohana, NªtamaÖ¼apa, and Garvagîha in typical Orissan temple style. Wooden icon of Balarªm, Jagannªtha and Subhadrª are still worshipped at the temple. But unfortunately, neither the age of the temple nor its builder could be ascertained. The exposed sections of a nearby river gully revealed many sherds of Red and Grey Wares that seemed to be of a later age. The Vidyªdhar Lake is another large lake of Dantan. It is situated 3 km away from Roybaruttar. This lake is approximately 487.68 m (1600 ft) in length and 365.76 m (1200 ft) in width, and is considered to be holy. Hence, the villagers worship all the sculptures recovered from the lake. About 3.2 km north of Dantan, there is a village named Moghalmari (lat. 21° 59' 14" N. and long. 87° 18' 09'' E./Topo Sht-73 0/5) (Fig. 12). The name denotes “the slaughter of the Mughals” and commemorates the great battle between the Afgans under Daud Khªn and the Mughals under Munim Khªn and Todar Mal. In this battle, the Mughals were not defeated as might be supposed from name; for though they were driven back at first, they were rallied by Todar Mal and eventually secured victory (Malley 1995: 256). The remains of medieval buildings came to light when numerous old bricks and stones were unearthed during the construction of the Rajghat Road.

Fig. 4 Broken pieces of sculpture at Monoharpur

22

Sayan Bhattacharya and Sharmistha Chatterjee: Archaeological Investigation in Dantan and Its Adjoining Region

Fig. 6 The pond at Tokinagargram.

The Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta excavated a mound at Moghalmari, locally known as Sakhisenªr Dhipi (80 x 80 m, 7.62 m above the ground level) for the first time in 2004, after an intensive field survey by Dr. A. Dutta (Figs. 13 and 14). The excavation had three objectives: firstly, to expose the buried structural complex completely; secondly, to identify ancient DaÖ¼abhukti; and thirdly, to confirm the cultural chronology of the site. In 2007, Moghalmari was excavated for the second time and a detailed plan of most of the buried structural complex was reconstructed. Stucco decorations on the external wall of the complex,

Fig. 7 Section of an old pond named Hatipukur at Ektiarpur

sculpture of Lord Buddha in bhñmisparía mudrª and a seal matrix are some of the remarkable finds recorded from the site. STUDY OF CERAMICS FROM THE REGION The ceramic tradition based on the frequency of different types of shreds recovered from surface in the villages mentioned above, exhibits a similarity with the general trend of ceramic tradition found in different parts of West Bengal. The typological classification and the analysis of the morphological character of different potsherds show the dominance of Grey Ware (ill fired). The texture recorded so far is coarse in variety, and in most of the cases, a micaceous wash has been applied. The Red and the Black wares, particularly from the village of Kakrajit, have enough affinity with the pottery types of Monoharpur and even the excavated potsherds from Moghalmari (Sector MGM1). The excavation at Moghalmari revealed both utilitarian and deluxe wares (associated with religious offerings). But the surrounding region yielded mainly utilitarian forms like carinated bowls, rimless vessels, and vessels without turned rims.

Fig. 8 Potsherds from Manoharpur

Villages like Angua, Raybaruttar and Monoharpur have some unique types of potsherds but the general range of pottery type does not give the impression of the assemblage being particularly late in relation to the excavated materials of Moghalmari. Some plain and coarse Red Ware potsherds have been found in a good number at all the major sites. The ware is terracotta red on the outer surface and brownish red in the inner surface. It has been observed that a micaceous wash has been applied on both the surfaces. The thickness of the ware varies from 2 cm to 7 cm. There can be no doubt that these are the preliminary forms because these are hand-made pottery. In some cases, they appear to have been polished. Slipped and fine Red Ware potteries and potsherds have also found in some

Fig. 9 Potsherds from Kakrajit

23

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

1. Red Ware bowl (fragment) from Tokinagargram with splayed out beaded rim, and a convex body. The ware is well fired. A thin slip has been applied on both the surfaces. The neck portion has internal corrugations. The texture is medium and indicates the use of sand and organic matters as tempering materials. 2. Grey Ware bowl from Tokinagargram with nail headed rim and a convex body. The ware is not so well fired. The fabric is medium and sand has been used as tempering material. 3. Grey Ware bowl (fragment) from Monoharpur. The rim is splayed out and rounded and has a tapering base. The fabric is coarse and the use of degraissants is clear. A thin micaceous wash has been applied on both the surface. 4. Grey Ware vessel (fragment) from Roybaruttar. It has straight sides, a featureless rim and a globular body. The fabric is coarse due to the use of sand which clearly indicates its utilitarian nature. Micaceous wash has been applied. 5. Storage vessel in Red Ware from Roybaruttar. The rim is splayed out, everted and slightly drooping. The ware is not so well fired and blotchy patches are seen on the external surface. A thin slip is applied on both the surfaces. The neck has internal corrugations. The fabric is medium and organic matters have been used. 6. Fragment of a vessel in Red Ware from Ektiarpur. The fabric is medium to coarse. The ware is well fired. The rim is splayed out, slightly beaked and drooping. Micaceous wash has been applied. 7. Fragment of a Red Ware bowl (from excavation-2004) with a thin slip applied on both the sides. The ware is more or less well fired. The bowl has flaring sides, rounded rim and a tapering base. The fabric is medium. Sand and husk has been used mainly as tempering materials. 8. Fragment of a Black Ware bowl (from excavation-2004) with flaring, slightly incurved and rounded rim and a convex body. The fabric is medium and sand has been used as tempering material. A thin micaceous wash has been applied on both the surfaces.

Fig. 10 Line drawings of pottery. For details, see table on the right

Fig. 11 Jagannªtha temple at ŸaraíaÕkha, Dantan

Fig. 12 General view of the mound at Moghalmari

quantity during the exploration in the vicinity of Dantan and the excavation at Moghalmari. The clay of this ware appears to be well prepared as fabric is fine and homogenous. The thickness of the ware appears to vary with the type of clay chosen. It has been observed that most of the sherds of Black Ware show evidence of wheel moulding and occasionally hand moulding. The common shapes are bowls, jars, large and small vessels and

some other types of pots. Cord marked Grey Ware is not large in number. The grey colour of the surface is lighter in tone and the clay appears to be fine and soft. The thickness varies between 5 cm to 8 cm. The ware is generally wheel made except one specimen, which is probably made by hand moulding technique. The cord marks generally occur on the lower part of the body. 24

Sayan Bhattacharya and Sharmistha Chatterjee: Archaeological Investigation in Dantan and Its Adjoining Region

few sites. Secondly, we had to depend, in some cases, on the museum and individual collections. Thirdly, while investigating architectural remains, we found some temples under the process of restoration. Therefore it was not possible for us to make necessary notes on the original structure. Fourthly, the sculptural remains in some cases could not be traced in their original find-spots because the local people had already shifted them. Fifthly, the surface finds like potsherds and some miscellaneous antiquities recorded from some of the sites were also found in a very disturbed situation. SUMMARY AND OBSERVATION The present study is restricted to a limited time period from the protohistoric to the Early Medieval. The evidence of the Blackand-Red Ware phase recorded at Mogahlmari exhibits an extension of the development that took place in the adjoining areas. Reference could be made of the Black-and-Red Ware sites like Golabai in Orissa (Sinha 2002: 322-355) and Pandurajar Dhibi, Mongalkot, Bharatpur, Dihar etc. in West Bengal (Chakrabarti 2001: 106-119). The growth of these early villages was mainly based on farming and domestication of animals (c. 1000 BC). The continuity of such villages could be seen in the long-term sequence revealed during excavation in most of the sites. However, shifting of the Black-and-Red Ware settlements at Mogahlmari might have taken place in later periods due to the advent of flood of SuvarÖarekhª, which was ultimately responsible for the abandonment of Black-and-Red Ware settlements at its place of origin. But this suggestive statement requires stronger evidence for justification.

Fig. 13 Lay out of trenches (2004) at Moghalmari. Courtesy: Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, Kolkata

In the historical phase, the region maintained its village identity and the expansion of the coastal trade might have encouraged more agricultural base in this area through the exploitation of natural and manpower resources. It is also evident that the region consolidated its village economy in the Gupta period and such a growth ultimately was responsible for further development in the post-Gupta period. This area also experienced the development of administrative structure under the rule of ŸaíªÕka. The discovery of Egara Copperplate of ŸaíªÕka justifies the involvement of the ruling authority and the incorporation of administrative division of DaÖ¼abhukti that finally led to the advent of Orissan influence in art and architecture and large-scale influence of the Utkala Brahmins from Orissa (Sircar 1982). Interestingly the villages mentioned in the copperplate are traceable to villages still existing today. But it is very difficult to identify the territorial limit of DaÖ¼abhukti as mentioned in the text. It might not be too much of an exaggeration if we visualize Dantan or ancient DaÖ¼abhukti as an extension of KaliÕgadeía.

Fig. 14 Detail of a trench at Moghalmari (2004) showing pottery dump outside a structure. Courtesy: Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, Kolkata

PROBLEMS AND LIMITATIONS While carrying out the field investigation we had to face some problems as well as limitations. Firstly, archaeological finds were mainly from the surface, except for the excavated remains of Moghalmari. Consequently, stratigraphical situation of most of the findings could hardly be ascertained, although attempts were made at test probing by digging or section scraping at a

The early form of Buddhism that developed in the Orissan region made a major impact in its adjoining regions including Bengal. The great centers of Buddhist learning like Ratnagiri, 25

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Udayagiri and Lalitagiri certainly influenced the religious development of Dantan. But the major evidence to support monastic activities in DaÖ¼abhukti is still lacking and it is very difficult to confirm early spread of Buddhism and its connecting route to Orissa. The large-scale concentration of Bodhisattva images is also yet to be traced. Moreover, in respect of Jainism and its association with Dantan region, it may not be unwise to record that the development of Tªmralipti in the nearby coastal area certainly made necessary impact on this region though we have very limited data for strengthening this view.

opinion there is a pressing need in the field of archaeology to reread the database in order to get a coherent picture about the emergence of settlements in this region.

Fig. 16 An image of GaÖeía from the Late Medieval period

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Fig. 15 An image of Sûrya from the Late Medieval period

We are thankful to the Department of Archaeology, Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune, particularly to Dr. V.S. Shinde for his views and suggestions. We offer sincere thanks to Dr. Asok Dutta (the excavator of Mugholmari) of the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, because it was under his supervision that we had done our fieldwork and because he helped us extensively in this research work. The work would have been incomplete without the recommendation and support of our teachers in the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, particularly Dr. Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay, Dr. Bishnupriya Basak and Dr. Mallar Mitra. Above all, we have received a great help from the Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training, Eastern India and we would like to thank Dr. Gautam Sengupta and all the research fellows for their guidance throughout the work. We would also like to appreciate the constant help extended by the local people of Dantan, particularly Sri Naren Biswas and Sri Kalipada Mishra.

It is well known that under the patronage of ŸaíªÕka, Ÿaivism also penetrated in Dantan region and archaeologically one could visualize such BrªhmaÖical dominance with the extant temples like Samaleíwar. On the other hand, the occurrence of the images of ViîÖu, Sñrya (Fig. 15), GaÖeía (Fig. 16) and even Ÿakti suggests further spread of BrªhmaÖical pantheon in this region and the involvement of the ruling authority. Finally it is worth to mention that the geographical position of Dantan certainly played an important role in various contexts of socio-economic life of this region through ages. It is also important to note that the coastal trading activity made necessary impact on its hinterland area and the involvement of resources of Dantan region could not be ruled out. The above discussion has been specially oriented towards an overview of archaeological reconnaissance work of the region. In our 26

Sayan Bhattacharya and Sharmistha Chatterjee: Archaeological Investigation in Dantan and Its Adjoining Region

REFERENCES

Datta. A. 1990. Chalcolithic Culture in West-Bengal – A Study on Settlement and Transition, Historical Archaeology, A. Roy and S. Mukherjee (Eds.), pp. 77-89, New Delhi: Books and Books.

Bose, S.C. 1978. Geography of West Bengal. New Delhi: National Book Trust.

O' Malley, L.S.S. 1995. Bengal District Gazetteers Midnapore. Calcutta: Government of West Bengal.

Bandyopadhyay, Bimal. 1990. Chalcolithic Culture of West-Bengal – A Retrospect, Researches in Indian History, Archaeology, Art and Religion, G. Kuppuram and K. Kumudmani (Eds.), Vol. 1, pp. 45-53, New Delhi: Sandeep Prakashan.

Roy, A. 1991. Chalcolithic Culture in West Bengal, Studies in Archaeology, Asok Datta (Ed.), pp. 131-140, New Delhi: Books and Books.

Bhattacharya, Sayan 2005. Archaeology of Dantan with Special Reference to Late Historical Period, PGD Dissertation (unpublished), Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune.

Roy, A. and S. Mukherjee 1992. Excavation at Mangolkot, Pratna Samiksha 1: 107-134. Sircar, D.C. 1982. Ÿilªlekh-Tªmraíªsanªdir ParasaÕga, Chapter VII & VIII (in Bengali). Calcutta: Sahityalok.

Chakrabarti, D.K. 2001. Archaeological Geography of the Ganga Plain: The Lower and Middle Ganga. Delhi: Permanent Black.

Sinha, B.K. 2002. Golabai: A Protohistoric Site on the Coast of Orissa, Archaeology of Orissa, Kishor K. Basa and Pradeep Mohanty (Eds.), Vol. I, pp. 322-355, Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan.

Dasgupta, P.C. 1964. The Excavation of Pandurajardhibi. Calcutta: Govt. of West Bengal. Datta, A. 1981. An Appraisal of Chalcolithic Culture in West-Bengal, Indian Museum Bulletin 16: 47-59.

27

Terracotta Ring Memorials: New Evidences from South India S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty

In South India, the utility of terracotta objects had begun along with the potting craft. The early farming and the pastoral communities had initiated the production of clay objects probably for ritualistic purposes. Moreover, the terracotta craft developed in accordance with the aesthetic value of the society during the Early Historic period of the region of Kanchipuram. Crude and archaic forms of animal figurines such as bull, ram, etc. were the main categories in use during the Neolithic time. These clay forms were hand-modeled and undecorated. The utilities of terracotta objects appear to have increased considerably during the Early Iron Age. The Megalithic

are some of the exciting findings of the two field seasons. This is the first time that human-shaped engravings inside potsherds and memorial rings have been reported anywhere in the region or outside.

Fig. 1 A six-feet long Sarcophagus with twelve legs in two rows. Ater Gururaja Rao 1972

Kanchipuram (12° 50' N. & 79° 25' E.) has been one of the important cities in South India from the very beginning. Like all ancient cities, Kanchipuram is also situated on riverbanks, in this case, on the banks of the rivers Palar and Vegavati. These are rain-fed subterranean rivers and now with rare visible flow of water. The present city is situated a little bit away from the existing channels. This city was ruled by illustrious monarchs from celebrated dynasties like Pallavas, Colas, Rªîðrakñðas, Vijayanagaras, Nayakas, Pandyas, etc., together with the Muslims and the British (Mahalingam 1970). It was the capital of the Early Colas as far back as the 2nd century BC, and of the Pallava's between the 6th and 8th centuries AD. The kings of successive dynasties from the Pallavas to the Vijayanagaras have consciously added to its architectural and religious grandeur (Nilakanta Sastri 1966). It is rich in ancient monuments and inscriptions, has been glorified in Sanskrit and ancient Tamil literature, and eulogized by the Chinese traveller, Yuanchuang (7th century AD). It is revered as one of the seven sacred places of the Hindus. The foundations of South Indian

builders of this region were producing and utilizing objects not only for daily utility but also for other purposes. For example, legged sarcophagus in different forms and sizes were in use for disposal of dead bodies. The sarcophagi vary in length from two to seven feet and have two to three rows legs (Figs. 1 and 2). Unique examples of sarcophagi, in ram- and elephant-shapes (Fig. 3), testify the artistic skill in clay modeling of the Megalithic builders of this region (Gururaja Rao 1972). Another interesting production for the same purpose has been unearthed from terracotta ring monuments on the bank of the river Vegavathi at Kanchipuram in South India, during 2006 and 2007 field seasons. Hundreds of terracotta rings, which vary in diameter and number of courses, were noticed in the riverbed. All these were not made for a single purpose. Memorial rings, grave goods with human-shaped graffiti, and grave goods arranged under a capstone along with a hood-stone

Fig. 2 Sarcophagi and other grave goods in a dolmen-chamber. After Banarjee et al. 1952

28

S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty: Terracotta Ring Memorials

art and architecture were truly laid in the region around the 6th century AD. Existence of thousands of temples of different religions and sects like Jaina, Buddha, Ÿaiva, VaiîÖava, etc. have been recorded in this region, in various contexts. Kailasanath, Vaikunta Perumal, Kamakshi Amman, Ekambaranath, Varadaraja, Ulagananda, etc. are some of the unique

Indian Culture, Sri Chandrasekharendra Saraswathi Viswa Mahavidyalaya (SCSVM University), Enathur, Kanchipuram undertook field explorations and excavations in various parts of peripheral areas in and around the present Kanchipuram town, such as the Palar and the Vegavathi river basins, and its palaeo-channels, under the present author's direction. In 2006, excavations were conducted in six different localities on either side of the river Vegavathi. Trenches were laid at different localities, such as Tiruparuttikundram (3), Pillaiyarpalaiyam (3), Chintapulitopu (2), Eri (1), and the dried channel of the Vegavathi (22). Tirupatrikundram, located on the right bank of the Vegavathi, is known in literature and tradition as a centre of Jainism (Jaina Kanchi) (Raman 1974:13-23). The site

Fig. 3 A ram-shaped sarcophagus

examples of art activities in the region under study. Further, this city was destined to become a great centre of literature as well. Many references to it can be found in the Sangam Tamil compositions. Institution for the advanced studies in the Vedas, called Ghatika, was also established here and this gave literary pre-eminence to Kanchipuram (Gurumurthy 1970, 1979). Of the seven described in the literature, the Palar and the Vegavathi are the two major river systems of the Kanchipuram region. The river Palar (pal – milk or kîÌranadÌ) is a seasonal river and the Vegavathi (vega + vathi – possessed of violent speed), a split channel of the Palar, travels through Kanchipuram and takes an important role in the history. On the left bank of the river Vegavathi, the present temple-town is situated. In between the left bank of the river Palar and the right bank of the Vegavathi, the famous Jaina temple is situated.

Fig. 4 A terracotta ring with perforations on both sides

has been washed away by the floods of the Vegavathi. Evidence of the floods has been obtained in the form of pronounced erosion on the riverside. No house plans have been obtained, but there are evidences of wattle-and-daub walls, and kiln brunt bricks of different size. Interestingly, the large-size bricks (51 x 25 x 15 cm) are almost similar to those found at the Satavahana sites in the Deccan platue.

Since 1954, the temple-town has been excavated many times by the different organizations and institutions. Among them, both state and central Archaeological Survey, and the University of Madras are noteworthy. In 1954 and 1962, the Archaeological Survey of India, Government of India, and in 1975, the Department of Archaeology, Tamil Nadu undertook small-scale excavations (Sridharm 2004: 57-58). The major efforts were undertaken by the Department of Ancient History and Archaeology, University of Madras in between 1970 and 1976 at five different areas with in Kanchipuram town (Raman 1978, 1979, 1987). Further, the Department of Sanskrit and

Fig. 5 Terracotta rings in three courses

29

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

The excavations have provided many new evidences on habitation as well as ritual practices of the early society of the region under study. Terracotta rings were an important finding at the Vegavathi dried channel. Hundreds of these terracotta rings in different diameter and course were traced from the region during the field seasons mentioned above. Within the

Fig. 8 A globular vase with human-shaped incisions

along with fallen brickbats, potsherds, etc. Terracotta rings, which were used for ritualistic purposes, were actually funerary monuments. They are almost similar in shape (75 cm in diameter and seven courses in vertical extent), and have been found to be filled with similar type of soil, which is grayish compact clay with fine sand. Not a local deposit, the clay was used to fill all the monuments from the bottom to the top, ending with a domical shape at the upper end. According to local people, this type of soil is used by the gold smiths for metal-melting, purification and other purposes of the smiths. Funerary goods were found deposited between the fourth and the sixth courses of the rings (counted from the surface). Again, the sixth and the seventh courses were filled with clay (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6 Grave goods deposited under the capstone in TCR 08 II

stretch of one kilometer, more than fifty ring-well localities were traced intact and many more were found in disturbed condition. These were utilized not only for different domestic activities like storing, cattle feeding, soaking, drawing water, pounding of grains (Fig. 4), etc. but also for ritualistic activities (such as symbolic/secondary burial). During the 2005-06 and 2007-08 field seasons, thirty locations (Table 1) within the space of a kilometer were selected, from which rings in different diameter and vertical extent (1 to 14 courses) have been traced (Figs. 4 and 5). Among these, eight were for ritual purposes (secondary burial), and the rest, for different domestic activities. Rings, except those utilized for ritualistic purposes, were found to be filled with flooded materials such as river sand

Fig. 7 Five globular vases deposited in the fifth course, TCR 8

Fig. 9 A human figure incised on the inner side of the globular vase

30

S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty: Terracotta Ring Memorials

Table 1: Details of exposed terracotta rings form the Vegavathi River channel during 2006 and 2008 field seasons S. No.

No. of Measurements (in cm) courses

Filling materials

Remarks

Diameter Height Thickness TCR 07 1

5

100

30

6

Grey soil, Red Ware, bricks, animal bones etc.

Disturbed, possibly used for burial

TCR 2

2

60

20

5

Sand

Cattle feeding

TCR 3

7

75

15

5

Memorial, secondary burial, disturbed

TCR 3 a

7

75

15

5

Grey soil, five pots (spouted and globular vases with traces of cooked food, a lamp, stone objects like scraper & ball) Grey soil, five pots (spouted and globular vases with traces of cooked food, one incised with human figurines and another contained a bone)

TCR 4

11

110

15

5

Sand

Well

TCR 5

1

60

40

5

Sand

Used for pounding grains

TCR 6

5

120

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 7

8

100

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 8

7

75

15

5

Grey soil, five pots (spouted, cooking vessel, three globular vases)

Memorial, secondary burial

TCR 9

4

100

30

6

Sand

Above the working floor

TCR 10

7

75

15

5

Grey soil, five pots (spouted, cooking vessel, three globular vases), iron objects (?), charred wood (?)

Memorial, secondary burial, disturbed

TCR 11

5

110

20

5

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 12

4

100

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 13

5

105

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

II. TCR 14

8

100

25

6

Sand

Disturbed

TCR 15

1

105

55

6

Sand with brick bats

Large quantity

TCR 16

3

75

24

5

Sand

Disturbed

TCR 17

7

90

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 18

14

100

25

5

Sand

Well

TCR 19

3

90

20

5

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 20

4

90

25

5

Sand

Storage

TCR 21

2

NK

NK

NK

Sand, brick bats

Disturbed

TCR 22

2

75

20

5

Sand

Cattle feeding

TCR 23

4

112

24

6

Sand

Purpose not known

III. TCR 08 I

7

75

15

5

Grave goods under capstone besides a hood-stone

TCR 08 II

7

75

15

5

Grave goods covered with pieces of terracotta rings

Memorial, secondary burial Memorial, secondary burial

TCR 08 III

7

75

15

5

Graves goods with iron objects

Memorial, secondary burial, disturbed

TCR 08 IV

7

100

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 08 V

7

100

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

TCR 08 VI

7

100

25

6

Sand

Purpose not known

90

20

6

Sand

Disturbed

TCR 08 VII

Not known

31

Memorial, secondary burial

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Fig. 12 The capstone and the hood-stone in TCR 08 II

and one is a cooking vessel (handi) with firing marks (noticeable as a thick layer of lamp-black on the exterior of the bottom) (Fig. 7). In the case of the globular and spouted vases, the slip is red up to the body portion but the bottom is devoid of any slip. In the two globular vases, charred grains were noticed in one and liquid deposit marks were noticed in the other. The globular vase with the neck and the rim portions removed, is another noteworthy evidence from TCR 3a. Inside the vase, some portion is painted in black (Fig. 8). On the painted portion, human-shaped engravings have been observed (Fig. 9). The head, neck and shoulders of these engravings were incised on the painted portion after firing. One of the human engravings, incised on the painted portion with a sharp needle, appears to be of a male with a face/skull in oval shape (6 x 5 cm), on which a long line represents the nose, two short lines on either side represent the eyes, and three short cross lines stand for the chin, the lips and the mouth. Other body parts are not prominent but are engraved in wavy lines. On the left side of this ('male') figure, below an inch from the face and above the left shoulder, a round-shaped face (5 cm) has been depicted with less prominent lines (Fig. 10). The facial parts (i.e., eyes, nose, etc.) of the second figure appear to be of a female and are incised like the first figure. The second figure is facing in another direction and the body details are not clear. In passing, it may be worthwhile to draw attention to similar engravings on the 'capstone', which is used to cover the burial at Tonnur, in Karnataka. The engravings consist of human figures with the right hand raised, perhaps showing the heaven, and the left hand resting on the waist (Rangaraj 1996).

Fig. 10 Two human faces incised on the inner side of the globular vase

From each of the following locations, TCR 3, TCR 3a, TCR 8, TCR 08 I, TCR 08 II, TCR 08 III and TCR 08 IV, five pots and one large half-broken globular vessel's lower portion have been unearthed in good condition. These are all Red Ware of fine to medium fabric, with or without slip. Out of the five pots, one is with spout, two are globular vases with almost the same measurements, one is a half-broken globular vase (in which the rim and the neck portion up to body curve has been removed)

TCR 3 is another location traced in the region where the rings were also used for secondary burial. Similar type of humanshaped engravings on the painted portion, and other graffiti marks on potsherds have also been noticed in this ring memorial. Apart from globular cooking and storage vessels, other important grave goods (Fig. 11) found here are a skin rubber of sand stone (12 x 5.5 x 3.5 cm), a lamp in Red Ware (7.5 cm in diameter), a round pebble (5.5 cm in diameter) with little a flat base and a scraper of crypto-crystalline silica (8 x 5 x 1.5 cm).

Fig. 11 Grave goods recovered from TCR 10

32

S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty: Terracotta Ring Memorials

stands vertical. These appear to be capstones. All the grave goods were arranged under the horizontally placed capstone (45 x 40 x 7 cm). In the middle of the second ring from top, a hood-stone was found facing south, and was placed horizontally besides the capstone (Fig. 12). Under the capstone, all the five pots were arranged in the manner described above (Fig. 6). On the inside portion of the hood-stone, horizontal and vertical carved lines were seen. In TCR 08 I, ceiling of terracotta ring pieces has been noticed on grave goods in the second ring from the top. Unidentified iron objects (probably nail or knife) were noticed along with some charred wood or bone pieces (?) in TCR 10. In this case, the rings and the grave goods were disturbed and broken into many pieces. Broken Red Ware sherds with graffiti marks on the surface and a few Red Ware sherds with lines incised on painted surface of the interior side (12 x 8 cm) are interesting findings from this memorial. Three stone objects (Fig. 2) in different shapes and composition were also unearthed form the TCR 10. One is oval-shaped (1.8 x 1.3 x 3.2 cm) with rough surface and was possibly used for grinding of sandal or turmeric or other herbs. Another interesting stone object is a half broken pebble (10 x 12 x 6 cm) with a slightly tapered end, which was possibly provided in order to allow a good grip for holding and was possibly used for crushing nuts

Fig. 13 The statue of Hariícandra in granite stone

Ring wells found in TCR 08 I, TCR 08 II, TCR 08 III and TCR 08 IV were arranged in a semi circle alignment with a two meters distance from each. (This group may be a family memorial). From TCR 08 II, two well-dressed sand stone blocks were traced. One lies in horizontal position and other

Fig. 15 Graffiti marks on Megalithic pottery in South India. After Banarjee et al. 1952

Fig. 14 An inscribed sherd with Graffiti marks

33

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

or herbals. The third is a broken granite stone (1.7 x 1.7 x 3.5 cm) with smooth surface. Similar type of grinding and crushing stone objects were reported from the Megalithic sites of South India (Gururaja Rao 1972). It was observed that all these five ring wells were located within a quarter kilometer area and a little away from the habitational area. Further, very near to these ring wells, a standing statue in granite stone (Fig. 13), locally popular as Hariícandra (the deity of graveyard), has also been noticed. It further attests that the area was in a continuous use for death rituals. At present, people use an area little away from the excavated site.

memorial of a couple. The practice of depositing grave goods under a capstone placed within baked rings indicate the continuation of the megalithic burial practice. Similarity in the type of grave goods, their arrangement and the practice of filling the rings in all cases shows the social custom of a single community of the same period. Graffiti marks and inscribed sherds further attest the socio-cultural characteristic of South India, a few centuries after the beginning of the present era. REFERENCES Banerjee, N.R. and K.V. Soundra Rajan 1959. Sanur 1950 & 52: A Megalithic Site in District Chingleput, Ancient India 15: 4-42.

Graffiti and inscribed sherds (Fig. 14), so common on the Megalithic pottery of India, occur on the ring burial-wares as well. The symbols, except the human shapes, are drawn on the exterior after firing of the pottery using a pointed stylus. The symbols are from small lines to complex designs and geometric forms (Fig. 15). In most of the cases, only one symbol appears and a few of them are fragments since they are found in broken pieces of pottery. The use of multiple symbols in a row appears in about three instances. All the inscriptions are fragmentary and contains a few letters, which are similar to other reported sites in the region, such as Uraiyur, Arikamedu, Kanchipuram, Korkai, Sanur, etc. (Shanmugam 1983: 31-36). Associated with other datable materials and stratified layers, these BrªhmÌ letters are dated between the 1st and 2nd centuries AD by Mortimer Wheeler and his fellow excavators (Raman 1988). Post-fired graffiti marks are also found on the inscribed sherds.

Gurumurthy, S. 1970. Some Educational Institutions in South India, Bulletin of the Institute of Traditional Culture (University of Madras) Jan.-June: 39-82. Gurumurthy, S. 1979. Popular Education in Ancient India, Journal of Madras University (Madras) LI (1-II): 19-28. Gururaja Rao, B.K. 1972. Megalithic Culture in South India, Prasaranga: University of Mysore. Mahalingam, T.V. 1970. Report on the Excavations in the Lower Kavery Valley. Madras: University of Madras. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A. 1966. History of South India. Madras: Oxford University press. Raman, K.V. 1974. Jainism in Tondaimandalam. Bulletin of the Institute of Traditional Cultures (University of Madras) Jan.June: 13-23. Raman, K.V. 1978. Tamil Nadu and Kerala: Archaeological Investigations in the Recent Past, A Decade of Archaeological Studies in South India, B.K. Gururaja Rao (Ed.), pp. 1-10, Dharwar.

The foregoing observations reveal that in South India, terracotta craft developed not only for domestic use but also ritualistic and aesthetic purposes. Apart from domestic use, utility of clay objects for disposal of dead body and construction of memorials, etc. are unique practices of this region. The terracotta sarcophagus with ornamental forms and various artistic compositions reflects the artistic amplitude of the contemporary society. The funerary monuments with clay rings further indicate their social traditions and are reported for the first time any where till date. The graffiti in different geometric forms are very common on the grave pottery of South India. However, human-shaped incisions are an interesting feature, which has been found in the Vegavathi River channel for the first time. The two human figures discussed above indicate a memorial of two persons. One face is looking towards upward, indicating the 'upward' world or the world after death. The other face depicted above the left shoulder of the first figure shows that it may have been the

Raman, K.V. 1987. Archaeological Excavations in Kanchipuram, Tamil Civilization (Quarterly Journal of Tamil University, Tanjaur) 5(1 & 2): 61-72. Raman, K.V. (Ed.). 1988. Excavations at Uraiyur (Tiruchirappalli) 1965-69. Madras: University of Madras. Rangaraj, N.S. 1996. Indian Express, 27th August 1996 and personal communication. Shanmugam, P. 1983. Graffiti and Tamil Brahmi: Origin, Evolution and Reform of the Tamil Script. Madras: The Institute of Traditional Cultures, University of Madras. Sridharm, T.S. (Ed.) 2004. Excavations of Archaeological Sites in Tamil Nadu (1969-1995). Chennai: Department of Archaeology, Government of Tamil Nadu.

34

Architectural Variations of the Vidharba Megalithic Burials, Maharashtra Tilok Thakuria

INTRODUCTION

excavated 'good many' Megalithic 'barrows' in Nagpur district. After Hislop's accidental death in 1863, R. Carnac, Colonel Godfrey Pearse, J.J. Cary and Hunter continued the investigations on Megalithic culture of the region. In 1867, Colonel G. Pearse excavated a Megalithic stone circle at Kamptee and published the result of his excavation in the Journal of Ethnography Society of London (Pearse 1869: 42829). His report comprises of description on the artifacts found in the excavation and his assumptions about the people who built them. Carnac (1879: 1-16), who excavated Megalithic stone circles at Junapani prior to Pearse's excavation at Kamptee, published his report on excavation and exploration at Junapani in Nagpur district in 1879 in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. This report has discussed many characteristic features of Vidarbha megaliths, such as typology, distribution, construction methods and description of antiquities, cup marks and, most importantly, the comparative study of the Megalithic cultural materials with that of European Megalithic remains. This was followed by exploration and excavation in Wardha district at Khairwada by Carey in 1871. He published a brief report of his excavation in Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Carey 1871: 238-39). In 1933, during the Early Historic investigation at Mahurjhari, Hunter noticed Megalithic stone circles in the surrounding areas of the Early Historic mound at Mahurjhari. Even though Hunter was more interested on the Historical remains at Mahurjhari, he did give a brief note on the Megalithic burials found at Mahurjhari village (Hunter 1933: 30-35). The village of Mahurjhari is located in close proximity to Junapani, but was not noticed by Carnac. Discovery of Dolmen type in Pipalgoan (ASI 1928-29: 37) and Tilota Kheri (ASI 1930-34: 141) in the Bhandara district gave a new dimension to the Megalithic investigation in the region during the pre-Independent era.

The Megalithic culture in Maharashtra is largely spread over the eastern part of the state, popularly known as Vidharba. Vidharba consists of the nine eastern-most districts of Maharashtra state, viz. Buldhana, Akola, Amaravati, Yavatmal, Wardha, Nagpur, Bhandara, Chandrapur and Godchiroli. Among these districts, a large number of Megalithic sites have been found in Nagpur and Chandrapur districts. Investigations on the Megalithic culture of this region started in the early decades of the second half of the 19th century. The British officials deputed in the region, some of whom were interested on the antiquarian remains – reported, documented or excavated Megalithic monument whenever they encountered or noticed them during their official exploration or 'tour'. One such early notice of the Megalithic 'barrow' or 'grave mounds' was made in the Nagpur and Chandrapur districts by a Scottish missionary Reverend Stephin Hislop (Wilkinson 1982: 15-18, Pearse 1869: 428-29, Carnac 1879: 1-16). Though there is no written record left by Hislop, the reference cited by Pearse (1869: 428-29) and Carnac (1879: 1-16) suggests that Hislop

It was during the post-Independent era, in the sixties, that Deo started investigation with proper research

Fig. 1 Black soil (in the background) excavated from a Megalithic burial site

35

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Table 1: Megalithic sites reported form Vidharba, Maharashtra Sr. Site Name No. 1 Junapani

District

Lat.

Long.

Nagpur

21º 12' 00"

79º 00' 52.5"

Burial/ Habitation CPB

2

Mahurjhari

Nagpur

21º 13' 22.5"

79º 00' 37.5"

CPB/MHa

3

Chikkikhapa

Nagpur

21º 14' 30"

79º 02' 30"

CPB

Rivett-Carnac 1879, IAR 1961-62: 32-34, Dikshit 1954: 41 Hunter 1933, IAR 1958-59: 21, 1970-71: 24-25, 1978-79: 71, Deo 1973, Mohanty 2002-04 IAR 1968-69: 17

4

Karadi Kamptee

Nagpur

21º 14' 52.5"

79º 01' 30"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 40-41

Nagpur

21º 12' 37.5"

79º 11' 45"

CPB

Pearse 1869

21º 07' 7.5"

79º 01' 45"

CPB

Joshi 1993: 210

21º 10' 7.5"

79º 03' 45"

CPB

IAR 1961-62: 101

5 6 7

Nagpur Takli Seminary Hill Nagpur

Reference

Godhani Bhilgaon

Nagpur

21º 03' 13.1"

79º 03' 37.5"

CPB

Joshi 1993: 210

Nagpur

21º 11' 45"

79º 08' 45"

CPB

Deo et al. 1982

10 Sonegaon

Nagpur

21º 08' 00"

79º 00' 00"

CPB

IAR 1970-71: 24

11 Suklitakli 12 Raipur

Nagpur

21º 03' 45"

78º 58' 52.5"

CPB

IAR 1961-62: 101, 1970-71: 24

Nagpur

21º 43' 30"

78º 58' 00"

CPB/CIST

IAR 1984-85: 53-54, Deglurkar et al. 1992

13 Mandhal 14 Wag

Nagpur

20º 57' 7.5"

78º 27' 37.5"

CPB

IAR 1975-76: 36, 1976-77: 39-40, 1977-78: 81

Nagpur

20º 56' 15"

79º 26' 15"

CPB

IAR 1977-78: 81

15 Adam

Nagpur

20º 54' 52.7"

79º 27' 00"

CPB

IAR 1975-76: 36

16 Kuhi

Nagpur

21º 00' 52.5"

79º 22' 7.5"

CPB

IAR 1975-76: 36, 1977-78: 81

17 Tharsa 18 Badgaon

Nagpur

20º 54' 00"

79º 24' 15"

Unb/MHa

IAR 1985-86: 58-60

Nagpur

20º 58' 30"

78º 58' 52.7"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 41, IAR 1970-71: 24

19 Naikund

Nagpur

21º 20' 00"

79º 10' 00"

CPB/MHa

IAR 1977-78: 39, 1979-80: 57-58, Deo et al. 1982

20 Devli 21 Amgaon

Nagpur

21º 00' 22.5"

78º 56' 37.5"

CPB

IAR 1970-71: 24

Nagpur

21º 00' 15"

78º 56' 37.5"

CPB

IAR 1970-71: 24

22 Chicholi

Nagpur

21º 06' 7.5"

78º 47' 15"

CPB

IAR 1970-71: 24

23 Kalmeshwar

Nagpur

21º 13' 52.5"

78º 55' 15"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 5

24 Ghorad 25 Wandongri

Nagpur

21º 15' 00"

78º 53' 00"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 41

Nagpur

21º 05' 37.5"

78º 58' 22.5"

CPB

IAR 1961-62: 101

26 Nildoh 27 Nagalwadi

Nagpur

21º 06' 37.5"

78º 59' 22.5"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 41

Nagpur

21º 07' 15"

78º 57' 45"

CPB

IAR 1961-62: 41

28 Durgdhamna 29 Hingana

Nagpur

21º 09' 37.5"

78º 57' 52.5"

CPB

IAR 1959-60: 72

Nagpur

21º 04' 22.5"

78º 57' 52.5"

CPB

IAR 1970-71: 24

30 Kinhi

Nagpur

21º 06' 52.7"

78º 52' 00"

CPB

31 Dudha 32 Kapa

Nagpur

–– 78º 52' 7.5"

CPB

Nagpur

–– 20º 55' 00"

IAR 1970-71: 24 Joshi 1993: 211

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 41, IAR 1967-68: 33-34, 1968-69: 17, Deo 1970

33 Gangapur 34 Takalghat

Nagpur

20º 55' 37.5"

78º 56' 45"

CPB

Deo 1970

Nagpur

20º 54' 40"

78º 56' 30"

CPB/MHa

35 Devlipet

Nagpur

20º 58' 00"

78º 54' 15"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 41, IAR 1967-68: 33-34, 1968-69: 17, Deo 1970 Joshi 1993: 211

20º 56' 30

79º 19' 15"

CPB

IAR 1977-78: 81

8 9

Nagpur 36 Umred Nagpur Dongarmanda 37

20º 54' 45"

79º 28' 52.5"

CPB

IAR 1975-76: 36, 1977-78: 81

38 Vathora 39 Borgaon

Nagpur

20º 52' 37.5"

78º 59' 52.5"

Dikshit 1954: 41

Nagpur

21º 20' 00"

78º 55' 00"

CPB CPB/Trough

40 Vyahad 41 Bhagimohari

Nagpur

21º 7' 30"

78º 53'

CPB/CWPB

IAR 1968-69: 17, 2005-06

Nagpur

21º 24'

78º 51'

CPB/Chamber/MHa

42 Pipla 43 Savargaon

Nagpur

21º 23' 52.5"

78º 44' 37.5"

CPB/Chamber/MHa

IAR 1982-83: 61-62, 1983-84: 57-58 IAR 1983-84: 57-58

Nagpur

21º 24' 00"

78º 38' 00"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 41-42

44 Digras

Nagpur

21º 19' 45"

78º 32' 45"

CPB

Dikshit 1954: 41-42

45 Dhamna

Nagpur

21º 08' 7.5"

78º 50' 45"

CPB/CWPB

IAR 2001-02

46 Parshivani

Nagpur

CPB

47 Nimji

Nagpur

––

––

Deo et al. 1982 ––

CPB

36

Dikshit 1954: 41, IAR 1980-81: 40

Tilok Thakuria: Architectural Variations of the Vidharba Megalithic Burials

used are mainly of the Deccan trap formation, which is easily available in the region. The area selected for the construction of the burial is covered with mud or black cotton soil before placing the periphery boulders or rubble filling. This is done probably to cover the natural bedrock murum and to get a layout of the cairn to be constructed. The external features of the cairn with or without periphery boulders show distinctive homogeneity almost at all sites. Nevertheless, there are considerable variations in size, plan, contents and inner architecture, even on the surface. During the early parts of investigations on the Megalithic culture of Vidharba, British officials used terms like “barrow” and “stone circle” to describe a Fig. 2 Disintegrated state of periphery boulders and packing stones cairn with or without periphery boulders. The later term is still in use in archaeological literature. Apart plan with a multi-disciplinary research team on the Megalithic form cairn types, there are however, few examples of menhirs culture of the region. He conducted a series of excavations and (Nath 2001-02: 81-82), and dolmen (ASI 1928-29: 37, 1930explorations, which produced valuable information on 34: 141) found in Nagpur, Chandrapur and Bhandara districts. typology, technology, material culture, subsistence, settlement pattern, ecology and socio-economic life of the Megalithic INNER ARCHITECTURE OF THE VIDHARBA people of Vidharba (Deo 1970, 1973, 1982). Other agencies MEGALITHS like Archaeological Survey of India; Department of Most of the Megalithic burials excavated in Vidharba are of Archaeology and Museum, Government of Maharashtra; cairn types with or without periphery boulders, save the menhir, Nagpur University, Nagpur; and Deccan College, Pune are which was excavated at Panchkedi (Nath 2001-2002: 81-82). mainly responsible for the extensive, systematic and scientific Excavations conducted at Mahurjhari (Deo 1973, Mohanty research on the Megalithic culture in the region during the Post2002-2004), Naikund (Deo et al. 1982), Bhagimohari (IAR Independent era (Deglurkar et al. 1992, Nath 1994, Mohanty 1982-83: 61-62, 1983-84: 57-58), Khairwada (IAR 1981-82: 2003-04, IAR 1961-62: 32-33, 1977-78: 39, 1979-80: 58, 197851-52), Borgaon (IAR 1980-81: 40), Junapani (IAR 1961-62: 79: 71, 1980-81: 40, 1981-82: 51-52, 1982-83: 61-62, 1983-84: 32-33), Raipur (IAR 1984-85: 53-54, Deglurkar et al. 1992), 57-58, 1984-85: 53-54). Available carbon-14 dates from the Vyahad (IAR 2005-06 submitted), Dhavalemet (IAR 2003-04 excavated Megalithic sites in the region push back the date up submitted), Takalghat-Khapa (Deo 1970), Gangapur (Deo to 900-800 BC (Deo et al. 1982, Joshi 1993: 317). 1970) and Pachkheri (Nath 2001-2002: 81-82, IAR 1992-93: 64-73) have revealed inner architecture of the cairn type TYPOLOGY OF THE MEGALITHIC BURIAL OF VIDHARBA There are nearly 90 reported Megalithic sites including nine habitation sites (Table 1) in Vidharba. Megalithic types recorded in all these sites are mainly of cairn with or without periphery boulders. A burial made of heaped up stone rubble on a circular or oval plan is known as cairn (Krishnaswami 1949: 35-45). In Vidharba, black cotton soil or mud is equally used as packing material with the stone rubble to construct a cairn. Sometime, a layer of stone rubble is placed on the top of a heap of black cotton soil to form a cairn (Fig. 1) (Mahurjhari, Meg1, Mohanty 2002-04). The cairn is often enclosed with big boulders in the periphery. The periphery boulders have been steadied both from the inside and outside by inserting small rubble, cobbles and chips (Fig. 2). The periphery boulders and stone rubbles

Fig. 3 A cairn with periphery boulders and a circular chamber in the centre with a passage

37

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

circle has a passage (IAR 1982-83: 61-62, 1983-84: 57-58), while at Raipur (IAR 1984-85: 53-54, Deglurkar and Lad 1992) there is no provision of a passage in the central circle (Fig. 3). (D) CAIRNS WITH PERIPHERY BOULDERS, A CENTRAL CIRCLE AND A RECTANGULAR RUBBLE FEATURE IN THE CENTRE

Fig. 4 A cairn with periphery boulders and a circular chamber with a rectangular rubble feature in the center

Megalithic burial (with or without a periphery). The cairn type with or without periphery boulders and having inner architecture can be categorized into the following:

The rectangular rubble feature over the central pit is the main characteristic of this type of burial. The rectangular feature is surrounded by a circular chamber and then by the periphery boulders of cairn (Fig. 4). The rectangular rubble feature is oriented in the east-west direction. The single example of this type so far noticed is at Dhavalemet (IAR 2003-04 submitted). (E) CAIRNS WITH DOUBLE PERIPHERY BOULDERS AND A RECTANGULAR CHAMBER IN THE CENTRE This type of cairn is surrounded by two circles of periphery boulders, with a gap between the two of about 1 m. A rectangular chamber, made of boulders smaller than the periphery boulders, is situated at the centre (Fig. 5). This type of architecture is noticed in the excavations at Vyahad (IAR 200506 submitted).

(A) CAIRNS WITH SINGLE ROW OF PERIPHERY BOULDERS This is the most commonly found Megalithic burial in the region. Excavations at this type of burials revealed that the rubble was packed with clay or black cotton soil surrounded by a row of periphery boulders. At Khairwada, some of the Megalithic burials belonging to this category have loose pebble filling on the top (IAR 1981-82: 51-52). One of the excavated burials at Mahurjhari contains a heap of black soil as cairn filling and on top of that, a layer of pebble filling (Mohanty 2002-04).

(F) CAIRNS WITH PERIPHERY BOULDERS AND TWO ADJOINING SQUARE CHAMBERS WITH A COMMON PASSAGE The architectural characteristic of this type of cairn is a row of periphery boulders and two square chambers at the centre. The boulders used for the square chamber are medium-sized, compared to the periphery boulders (Fig. 6). The central

(B) CAIRNS WITH DOUBLE ROW OF PERIPHERY BOULDERS This type of architecture is noticed in the excavated burials at Mahurjhari (Deo 1970), Naikund (Deo et al. 1982) and Khairwada (IAR 1981-82: 51-52). In this type, a second circular arrangement of boulders occurs in a gap of 1 m or more. The gap between two circles is filled with rubbles and mud or black cotton soil. In the case of the inner circle, sizes of the boulders are smaller than or the same as that of the outer circle. (C) CAIRNS WITH SINGLE ROW OF PERIPHERY BOULDERS AND A CIRCULAR CHAMBER In this type, there is only one row of periphery boulders and a circular chamber at the centre of the burial. The central circular chamber is made up of medium sized boulders. At Bhagimohari, the central

Fig. 5 A cairn with double periphery boulders and a rectangular chamber in the centre

38

Tilok Thakuria: Architectural Variations of the Vidharba Megalithic Burials

the pit, over the black clay. On the northern and the southern sides, as well as the center, stood three vertically placed slabs, which created a box-like structure with two compartments. The cist was surrounded by the cairn with periphery boulders. (J) CAIRNS WITH PERIPHERY BOULDERS AND A MENHIR IN THE CENTER

Fig. 6 A cairn with periphery boulders and two adjoining square chambers with a common passage

chambers share a common passage. This type of architecture is noticed in the excavation at Bhagimohari (IAR 1982-83: 61-62, 1983-84: 57-58).

Such kind of architecture was reported in the excavations at Bhagimohari (IAR 1982-83: 61-62, 1983-84: 57-58). Most striking feature of this type of burial is the placement of a slab in a slanting position within a cairn with periphery boulders (Fig. 9). The probability of the slanting slab being a menhir cannot be ignored. Excavation at Panchkedi revealed horizontal placement of a stone slab in the centre (IAR 1992-93: 64-73).

DISCUSSION Typological variations of the Vidharba Megalithic burials are negligible when compared to the South Indian Megalithic burials (Krishnaswami 1949: 35-45, Srinivasan et al. 1953: 103-15, Sundara 1979). It seems that construction of cairns with peripheral boulders were popular burial monuments among the Megalithic people of the region while cairn without peripheral boulders were not so, as these are reported from very few sites. There are variations in size, plan, contents and internal architecture among the cairns with or without periphery boulders, within a site and from site to site. Even though distance between the sites is not great, differences in size, content and inner architecture are remarkable. Distance between Bhagimohari and Borgaon is merely 10 km, yet there is a remarkable variation in both the surface architecture and the inner architecture at both the sites. Probably, Megalithic

(G) CAIRNS WITH PERIPHERY BOULDERS AND A CENTRAL CHAMBER MADE OF HUGE BOULDERS A chamber made by placing huge boulders in the centre is the main characteristic of this type. The inner surfaces of the boulders are chiseled flat. The boulders used to form the chamber are bigger than the periphery boulders. This type of inner architecture is seen at Raipur (Deglurkar et al. 1992), where huge boulders are placed in the centre to form a small rectangular chamber (Fig. 7). The boulders at the centre are given support by using stone rubbles both from inside and outside of the chamber. A recent exploration in Bhandara has brought to light a similar kind placement of big boulders in the centre of Megalithic burial sites at Gangala. (H) CAIRN WITH PERIPHERY BOULDERS AND A TROUGH CUT OUT OF STONE BOULDER PLACED IN THE CENTER The lone example of this type was noticed at Borgaon excavations (IAR 1980-81: 40). The placement of a trough made of sandstone in the centre of a cairn with periphery boulders is the remarkable architectural feature of this type (Fig. 8). (I) CAIRNS WITH PERIPHERY BOULDERS AND A CENTRAL CIST Excavations in the Megalithic burials at Raipur (Deglurkar et al. 1992) revealed a cist in a pit dug in the murum or bedrock in the centre of the cairn, which was filled with compact black clay. Two schist slabs were placed horizontally at the base of

Fig. 7 A cairn with periphery boulders and a central chamber made of large boulders

39

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

monument required a good amount of labour and time plus wealth. If this is so, then only the wealthy and affluent families or persons with higher social status could construct the elaborate burial monument with inner architecture. The variations in the inner architecture, on the other hand, can be explained in terms of distinctive marker of clans or groups of people within the Megalithic population. Distributions of the Megalithic burials are not sporadic; actually, they occur in clusters. Proper survey and documentation of the clusters, undertaken to understand the variations in size, plan, content and architectural characteristics visible on the surface Fig. 8 A cairn with periphery boulders and a trough cut out of within a site or among a cluster of sites, and a boulder, placed in the centre excavation of maximum number of Megalithic burials in a cluster or clusters, will probably produce a people of the region, though commonly preferred to construct rich array of information about the social organization of the cairn with or without peripheral boulders, liked to maintain Megalithic people. This, in turn, will help us to understand difference in the surface and the inner architecture for some whether they were divided in clans or groups, and whether unknown reasons. different clans preferred to build Megalithic monuments in clusters or with inner architectural variations. The variations in burial architecture probably denote the soicoeconomic condition of the deceased or the deceased's family. Furthermore, ethnographic work among the Madia Gonds and The social position of the deceased is surely reflected in the Korkus in Vidharba suggests that architecture of the burial burial customs (Alekshin 1983: 137-58, Mason 1976: 149-76, varies according to the manner of death (Geetali 1999, Thkural Binford 1972: 208-39, Brown 1971, Saxe 1970, Ucko 1969: 2005). People who meet with accidental death and women who 262-80, Stickel 1978: 209-61). The treatment received by the die during the pregnancy have different types of burial dead is the conscious and intentional result of decisions made construction. The variations in the inner architecture of the by living. These decisions may reflect many things about the cairns in Vidharba, with or without periphery boulders, deceased's status as a being among the dead, or the social probably suggest such kind of socio-religious belief of the standing and status once held by the deceased, or the collective Megalithic people. So far, there is not enough material social standing or wealth of the deceased's living family and evidence coming from the Megalithic burial excavations of the relatives (O'Sher 1996: 10). Construction of the Megalithic region regarding the socio-religious belief systems of the monuments required a large amount of labour (Mohanty et al. Megalithic people. Detailed ethnographic studies on the living 1993: 93-103, 1996:136-49) and, hence, probably wealth. It is Megalithism in the region will probably shed more light on the likely that the necessary labour force was communal cultural matter. activity. Such a kind of communal force needed to be treated It is quite convincing to accept that the wealthy ones preferred with feasts and other socio-religious functions (Devi 1993). to have Megalithic burial monuments with some kind of Hence, the complete process of construction of a burial difference in the inner architecture, to show their economic strength or social status, if there was any socio-economic hierarchy among the Megalithic people. The excavation at Mahurjhari (Mohanty 2002-2004), Vyahad (IAR 2005-06) and Dhamnalinga revealed burials outside of the cairn with or without peripheral boulders. It probably implies that the construction of the burial monument was beyond the means of the poorer people. Hence, the poor used to bury their dead near the existing burial monuments of their affluent ancestors or relatives. Furthermore, the burial goods recovered from the excavated burials reflect the existence socio-economical hierarchy among the Vidharba Megalithic people (Moorti 1984-85: 56-67). Hence, the affluent families or those who could afford probably constructed Megalithic burial monuments, sometime with elaborate inner architecture. There Fig. 9 A cairn with periphery boulders and a menhir in the centre 40

Tilok Thakuria: Architectural Variations of the Vidharba Megalithic Burials

IAR: Indian Archaeology – A Review. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

is enough scope to conduct a contextual study of burial goods and burial architecture to shed more light on the socioeconomic relationship in the architectural variations of the Vidharba Megalithic burials.

Joshi, P.S. 1993. The Vidarbha Megaliths: A Cultural Study. Ph.D. Dissertation (unpublished), Poona University, Pune.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Krishnaswami, V.D. 1949. Megalithic Types of South India, Ancient India 5: 35-45. Mane, G.K. 1985. Dakkhanamadhi Brihadashmayugin Samskriti, Ph.D. Dissertation (unpublished), Nagpur University, Nagpur.

I am indebted to my guru Dr. R.K. Mohanty who has been enriching my knowledge on Megalithic Vidharba. I am grateful to Dr. Ismail Kellellu and Dr. P.S. Joshi for sharing their knowledge on Vidharba Megaliths with me. Mr. Pankaj Goyal helped in correcting the manuscript.

Masson, V.M. 1976: The Economics and Social Structure of Ancient Societies (in Russian). Sovetskaya Arkheologiya, no 1, Mascow. Mohanty, R.K. and S.R. Walimbe 1993. A Demographic Approach to the Vidharbha Megalithic Culture, Man and Environment XVIII(2): 93-103.

REFERENCES

Mohanty, R.K. and S.R. Walimbe 1996: An Investigation into the Mortuary Practices of Vidarbha Megalithic Cultures, Spectrum of Indian Culture, C. Margabandhu and K.S. Ramachandran (Eds.), pp. 136-49. New Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan.

Alekshin, V.A, 1983. Burial Customs as an Archaeological Source, Current Anthropology 4(2) 137-158. ASI: Annual Report of Archaeological Survey of India. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

Mohanty, R.K 2002-04. Mahurjhari Excavation 2002-04 (unpublished report).

Binford, L.R. 1972. Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential, An Archaeological Perspective, L.R. Binford (Ed.), pp. 208-239, London: Seminar Press.

Mohanty, R.K. 2003. A Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Mahurjhari, 2001-2002: A Megalithic and Early Historic Site in Vidarbha, Maharashtra, Pratnatattva 9: 41-48.

Brown, J.A (Ed.) 1971. Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, No. 25, Washington DC.

Moorti, U.S. 1984-85. Socio-Economic Aspects of Megalithic Vidarbha, Purartattva 15: 56-67.

Carey, J.J 1871. Stone Circles Found near Khairwarra, Wardha Districts, Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 49: 23839.

Nath, A. 2001-02. Excavation at Pachkheri: A Megalithic Habitation Site, Purartattva 32: 81-88.

Carnac, R.J.H. 1879. Prehistoric Remains in Central India, Proceedings of Asiatic Society of Bengal 47: 1-16.

O' Shea, John. M. 1984. Mortuary Variability: An Archaeological Investigation. New York: Academic Press.

Cunningham, A. 1879. A Tour in the Central Provinces in 1873-74 and 1874-75, Cunningham's Report of the Archaeological Survey of India IX (1979): 140-141.

Pearse, G. 1869. Notes on the Excavation of a Stone Circle near Kamptee, Central Province of India, Ethnography Society of London 4: 428-429.

Deglurkar, G.B. and G. Lad 1992. Megalithic Raipur. Pune: Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute.

Saxe, A. 1970. Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, Ph.D. Dissertation, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.

Deo, S.B. 1970. Excavations at Takalghat and Khapa. Nagpur: Nagpur University.

Srinivasan, K.R. and N.R. Banerjee 1953. Survey of South Indian Megaliths, Ancient India 9: 103-15.

Deo, S.B. 1973. Mahurjhari Excavations. Nagpur: Nagpur University.

Stickel, E. Gary 1978. Status Differentiation at the Rincin Site. Archaeological Survey Annual Report (University of California, Los Angles) 10: 209-261.

Deo, S.B. 1968. Maharashtra – Ek Puratattveeya Samalochana (in Marathi). Bombay: Bombay Marathi Granthasangrahalaya.

Sundara, A. 1979. Typology of Megaliths in South India, Essays in Indian Protohistory, D.P. Agrawal and D.K. Chakrabarti (Eds.), pp. 331-340, Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation.

Deo, S.B. and A.P. Jamkhedkar 1982. Excavations at Naikund 197880. Bombay: Department of Archaeology and Museum, Government of Maharashtra. Devi, P. Binodini 1993. Studies on the Megalithic Remains of Manipur, Ph.D Dissertation, Gauhati University, Gauhati.

Thkural, G. 2005. Socio-Economic Aspects of Mortuary Practices among Korkus of Melghat, Maharashtra, M.A. Dissertation. Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune.

Dikshit, M.G. 1954. Madhya Pradeshke Puratattva ki Ruparekha (in Hindi). Sagar: Madhya Pradesh.

Ucko, P.Z. 1969. Ethnography and Archaeological Interpretation of Funerary Remains, World Archaeology 1: 262-280.

Geetali, Anuja 1999. Megalithic Practices among the Madia Gonds of Bhamaragarh, District Godchiroli, Maharashtra, M.A. Dissertation, Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune.

Wilkinson, T.S. 1982. The Revd. Stephen Hislop – A Profile, PreCentennial Souvenir, P.L. Bhandarkar, J. Harris, D.G. Jog, V.K. Warahadpande, V.S. Vaidya (Eds.), pp. 15-18, Nagpur: Hislop College.

Hunter, G.A.P 1933. The Antiquities of Mahurjiri, Saradasrama Varshika, Y.M. Deshpande (Ed.), pp. 30-35, Yeotmal: Maharashtra.

41

Early Historic Culture of Orissa: An Archaeological Perspective Balaram Tripathy

their locational importance and connectivity to each other. These have been interpreted by drawing several inferences and correlates from archaeology, literature, numismatic, ethnohistory and ethnographic paradigms to portray the Early Historic culture of Orissa. To ascertain trade connection, XRay Diffraction analysis has been conducted on some representative types of pottery found at the sites in hinterland Orissa.

INTRODUCTION The Early Historic culture of Orissa, unlike the other states in India, has not yet been considered in a holistic viewpoint and hence an effort is made in this essay to unravel certain noteworthy aspects pertaining to urbanization and trade mechanism, including overseas acquaintances, by examining material culture such as pottery. Emphasis has been laid on issues like trade routes and expansion of Buddhist perception into the upland/hinterland Orissa. Classification of major centres in terms of function and production has been discussed here to have a clear understanding of hitherto unknown features of early Indian history in general and Orissa in particular. Direct and indirect contacts of states/centres have been analyzed and discussed in detail. Archaeological objects such as pottery and supplementary antiquities, and also the ecological aspects have been taken into consideration to infer the function of urban centres. Stress has been laid on the major Early Historic sites with well-built fortification and moats that have been explored and/or excavated in present day Orissa,

Orissa, in ancient times known as KaliÕga, was a far-flung cultural unity, spread over a vast territory encompassing regions from the GaÕgª to the Godªvari and sometimes up to the KîîÖa River. Ancient texts such as BhagavatÌ Sutra, a Jaina text, mention the name of KaliÕga Janapada in the 6th century BC. However, in the AÕguttara-nikªya, a Buddhist text, KaliÕga Janapada does not find a place (Raychaudhury 1938). Nevertheless, recent archaeological explorations and excavations have revealed interesting data pertaining to urbanization and city formation during the Early Historic period in Orissa. If we consider its chronology and stages of formation, we may conclude that throughout the Early Historic period, Orissa flourished under several names and under several rulers and organizations. KaliÕga, as it is well-known, was very active in domestic as well as overseas trade associations, because it was located on the Bay of Bengal coast and because it was placed as a meeting point between north and south India. Orissa, a state of India on the eastern coast, is situated between 19° 28' and 20° 4' N., and 82° 32' and 87°31' E. respectively (Fig. 1). Topographically, it is divided into five parts: the central plains, the middle mountainous country, the rolling uplands, the river valleys and the subdued plateau (Sinha 1971) (Fig. 2). The coastal plains of Orissa extends from SuvarÖarekhª in the north to the ³îikulya in the south, and are regarded as the land of six deltas – the SuvarÖarekhª, the Burhabalang, the VaitaranÌ, the BrªhmaÖÌ, the MahªnadÌ and the ³îikulya. There are three parallel belts in the coastal plains the salt tract, the arable tract and the submontane

Fig. 1 Political map of Orissa

42

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

man-made factors. The major rivers including some tributaries like the Tel are perennial and navigable throughout the year and entire Orissa has been characterized by the presence of numerous small rivers, rivulets and streams (Fig. 3). Even up to the British period, all the major rivers were navigable throughout the year and most of the transportation system was based on water routes (Deloche 1990) but during recent years almost every riverbed has received considerable silt deposit and the rivers have become shallow and literally defunct in terms of trade activities. THE CONCEPT The emergence of the state and the urbanization in South Asian context may be regarded as an extension of the processes of the earlier period. Research and interpretation have been given by various scholars who term it as 'Second Urbanization' or 'Early Historic Urbanization' (Ghosh 1973, Sharma 1991, Lal 1984, Ray 1986, Erdosy 1988, Allchin 1989, 1990 and 1995, Chakrabarti 1995a, Champakalaxmi 1996). In a broad sense, in South Asia, the term Early Historic refers approximately to the period from 600 BC to 320 AD. This period saw the emergence of cities and complex politics with the growth of Buddhism throughout South Asia (Heiztman 1984, Erdosy 1988, Kosambi 1989, Sarao 1990, Ray 1994, Chakrabarti 1995a and 1995b, Morrison 1995). However, the process of urbanization and city formation depended upon the geographical and ecological setting of a particular region.

Fig. 2 Topographic profiles of Orissa

tract. The arable tract is an endless stretch of rice fields. The middle country, covering about three-fourth of the area of Orissa, has deep and broad valleys, cut by the VaitaranÌ, the BrªhmaÖÌ, the MahªnadÌ, the ³îikulya, the Vamíadhara and the Nªgavali rivers. The valleys are fertile and thickly populated. The rolling uplands, which vary from 153 m to 305 m in height, are less elevated than the plateaus and regarded as the product of continuous river action. They are situated in the Koel-Sonkh basin of the Upper BrªhmaÖÌ, the Sukhtel and the Tel of the Middle MahªnadÌ and the Sabari basins. The major river valleys are associated with the BrªhmaÖÌ, the MahªnadÌ and the Vamíadhara rivers. The subdued plateaus (305-610 m in height) have the peculiarities of peninsular tablelands. They are almost flat. Such plateaus are seen in the Upper VaitaranÌ and Sabari basins of the Keonjhar and the Koraput, respectively. Soil erosion is most common in this region. Lithostratigraphically, the major portion of Orissa is covered by meta-sediments and granites of the Archean age followed by Cuddapah series, the latter being followed by the Gondwanas. The coastal part and also the major river basins are covered by the Tertiary and recent alluvium (Wadia 1961). In addition to the major rivers like the MahªnadÌ, the BrªhmaÖÌ, the VaitaranÌ, the Burhabalang, the ³îikulya and the Vamíadhara, the state is drained by numerous tributaries. The vegetation is of tropical deciduous type and the climate is characterized by hot summers, high humidity and well-distributed rainfall. The average annual precipitation used to be about 1600 mm, but nowadays it has reduced to a considerable volume due to several natural and

Fig. 3 Drainage pattern in Orissa

43

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

By the middle of the 1st millennium BC, the 'Second Urbanization' in the region of the GaÕgª Valley grew up as a result of interaction of multiple factors that were prompted by the conditions of natural situations and previous cultural developments. The process strengthened and enriched the growing divisions within the society that came to be institutionalized as hierarchical economic stratas (Basa 2005). As the divisions within the social organizations increased, existing institutional regions and other social entities came into function to alleviate the attendant stresses, which led to the growth of several small independent kingdoms within the regions of the Gañgâ plain.

and Radhanagara have proved that ancient Orissa was well connected with the Roman world directly and indirectly. This is also evident from the finding of several Roman amphorae sherds, medallions, bullae and even Roman glasswares. The Roman trade particularly influenced the settlement of Tamil Nadu and other parts of south India, as also Orissa. The Early Historic settlements at Sisupalgarh in Khurdha district (Lal 1949), Jaugada in Ganjam district (IAR 1956-57: 30-31), Radhanagara in Jajpur district (Mishra 2000), Viratgarh and Kichakgarh in Mayurbhanj district (Mishra 1997), Narla-Asurgarh (Sahu 1982), Budhigarh and Kharligarh (Mohanty and Mishra 2005) in Kalahandi district and Manamunda-Asurgarh in Boudh district (IAR 1990: 80-85) have been studied and partially excavated. The various artifacts recovered from these sites, such as pottery, beads and metal items (especially iron, coins, etc.) indicate that one of the major reasons of the urban growth was the occupational specialization, including gem exploitation, iron smelting, and craft (especially terracotta) productions, which, in turn, would imply that a suitable sphere had been created for trade and exchange in Orissa during the period under study.

The process of urban growth or the 'Second Urbanization' covered in its early phase the GaÕgª Valley, Indo-GaÕgª Divide, Northwest India, Bihar and Central India, and gave rise to some of the important early South Asian cities including Taxila (Ghosh 1947-48), Hasthinapura (Lal 1954-55), Mathura (IAR 1973-74: 31-32, 1974-75: 48-50, 1975-76: 53-55), Ahichhatra, Kosambi, Sringaverapura (Lal 1993), Rajghat, Vidisha (IAR 1963-64: 60-70, 1964-65: 23-24, 1975-76: 30-31, 1976-77: 3334) and Ujjain (IAR 1956-57: 20-28). Ancient literature testifies that most of the early settlements, besides being enormous in size, were characterized by massive ramparts of brick and mud with elaborately laid out bastions, gateways and moats, evidence of craft specialization, coinage, and incipient polity. The phenomenon of Early Historic urban growth accelerated during the Maurya period. This period witnessed the introduction of new political concepts in the form of Mauryan imperialism, in which Buddhism took a leading role. As a result of decentralized administration based on KauðÌlyan principles of polity (Rangarajan 1994), provinces flourished with immense prosperity in which both inland and overseas trade factors played a vital role. The expansion of trade network, both domestic and overseas, during this period had far reaching socio-economic impact (Sharma 1983, Begley 1986, Lahiri 1992). This development gained further momentum in the postMaurya era (c. 200 BC to 300 AD), which is marked by changes in the social and economic fabric of South Asia. The same also happened to regions like the MahªnadÌ and the BrªhmaÖÌ deltas in Orissa as also in the Middle MahªnadÌ and the Tel valleys of central/western Orissa, where urban structure grew with all essential features. The extension and spread of Buddhism, trade network and development of social fabric had farreaching implications, and were accompanied by a definite system of coinage to promote an organized commercial set up. Besides, the concept of fort building also started due to the extensive trade patterns in precious and costly materials. The social strata also got changed and a very powerful class of businessmen rose into power due to their resources and wealth. The Roman trade was an important contributing factor during this period. Recent evidences from the harbour complexes of Manikapatana, Palur

The recovery of Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW), Rouletted Ware and amphorae fragments at the port sites as well as at the site of Radhanagara indicate that Orissa was participating in the Bay of Bengal trade mechanism operated with Southeast Asia, China, West Asia and the Roman world (Behera 1977, 1991 and 1993, Panda 2000, Sahu 1996, Basa 1997). The rich archaeological materials, recovered from archaeological excavations at the port sites of Orissa, such as Manikapatana and Palur, speak that in the process of trade mechanism Orissa established cultural contacts with Southeast Asia, China, West Asia, East Africa, Sri Lanka, Maldives and also the Roman Empire, and took active part in the maritime activities of Early Historic Asia. The contacts of ancient Orissa or KaliÕga with Sri Lanka or Ceylon are immense and deserve special attention. It may not be an exaggeration to say that Orissa enjoyed a thriving trade and ideological connections with Sri Lanka during the Maurya period, if not earlier. The finding of imperial as well as Kosala type of punch-marked coins (Tripathy 1986) further testify that Orissa, during the Early Historic period, played a vital role in the socio-political, religious and economic conditions of South Asia. From the archaeological evidences it is quite clear that Orissa was having a thriving trade network with the Southeast Asian countries and could establish colonies in far-off Indonesia, especially Bali (Phalgunadi 2006). Besides, there is ample evidence of exotic type of ceramics at the Orissan port sites like Manikapatana (Pradhan et al. 2000) and Palur (Mohanty and Tripathy 1998), and sporadic evidence of Chinese and Southeast Asian pottery as well as some Roman specimen like amphorae on the entire coast of Orissa. The region of Orissa has 44

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

vast deltaic plains and long coastline with rich mineral and forest products that are the most essential components for urbanization. Both internal and overseas trade routes were opened up, linking various urban centres of South and Southeast Asia. SISUPALGARH Sisupalgarh, an Early Historic fort located in the vicinity of Bhubaneswar city, has been referred to in the historical records as Tosali (Sahu 1958). It was one of the Fig. 4 Knobbed Ware from Radhanagar. Courtesy: D.R. Pradhan provincial headquarters (?) of Aíoka. Excavations at Sisupalgarh fortification is between 4 and 5 m and the width is 40 m (at the revealed an array of material remains that includes ceramics projections). There are two gateways of 20 m width: one in the such as Rouletted Ware, NBPW, Knobbed Ware and Red northern side, and another to the east of the central projection. Slipped Ware, beads of semiprecious stones and terracotta (Lal An area of 500 sq m on the western horizon in the inner 1949). The discovery of a large number of irrigation tanks fortification, lying in an irregular orientation, marks the citadel around the site speaks of the significance of this settlement or the nucleus area of the city. The citadel is associated with a (Allchin 1995). The site has been dated between 500 BC to the large quantity of pottery in considerable types and forms, 1st century AD on the basis of ceramic assemblage. terracotta ring wells, ritual tanks, brick structures and a wide range of antiquities. The average brick size is 46 x 30.5 x 9 cm. About 7 m of habitational deposit can be noticed at the citadel area, over a waterlogged surface. The locality to the extreme south within the fortification shows a few isolated mounds with a small quantity of potsherds and other habitational debris. The community of low social ranking probably inhabited this locality. Besides, habitational mounds are also noticed outside the fortification, indicating that a considerable part of the urban population of Radhanagar lived outside the fortification walls.

JAUGADA Jaugada was also a provincial capital of the imperial Mauryas right from the time of Candragupta Maurya, as indicated by the Aíokan Edict, which refers to this region as Somapa. The site was excavated on a limited scale by the Archaeological Survey of India in 1956 under the direction of Late Smt. Debala Mitra (IAR 1956-57: 30-31). The excavation unearthed a massive earthen rampart. The ceramic assemblage is characterized by Black-and-Red Ware (Period I), Red Ware and Black Polished Ware (Period II). A variety of antiquities including beads made of semiprecious stones; iron implements and terracotta objects were also found.

NARLA-ASURGARH Asurgarh, as the name suggests, appears to be the most important Early Historic fortified settlement in the hinterland Orissa. It is located near Rupra Railway Station, about 2 km from the Narla village. The fort, square in plan with each side measuring 1200 m, had four wide gates in four cardinal directions, and at each gate was installed one guardian deity (Fig. 5). The river Sandul flows by the western side of the fort; a moat, which is fed by a huge tank still existing today, encircles the fort on the remaining three sides. It has been hypothesized that the moat used to be filled with water by drawing it through two sluice gates. The ancient tank covers an area of 200 acres. It was designed in such a way that when the fort was surrounded by enemies, a secret sluice could be opened so that the whole area both inside and outside of the fort would be flooded with water and consequently the enemy would be washed away. The central part of the fort would stand as an island if such a flood were created because this part of it was built on an elevated land. Presumably, the palace was constructed at the centre of the fort.

RADHANAGARA Radhanagara is located in the midst of a cluster of hillocks, on the right bank of river Kelua (a tributary of the BrªhmaÖÌ River), about 85 km from Bhubaneswar, in the district of Jajpur. It is a fortified settlement, honeycomb in shape, measuring 1200 m on each side. Recently, a small-scale excavation by the Orissan Institute of Maritime and South East Asian Studies under Sri D.R. Pradhan has resulted in the finding of a large number of important archaeological materials (Fig. 4). The site was examined before and several conclusions were drawn (Mishra 2000, Prusty and Mohanty 1995). At present, the fort is partially preserved. Earth, brick and laterite blocks are traced in the construction of the rampart. Fortification of each side consists of three projections, two in the corners and one in the centre. The average height of the 45

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

KaliÕga against Aíoka in his famous KaliÕga war. The ðavika land comprised roughly the present districts of Kalahandi, Bolangir, Boudh and Sonepur in central and western Orissa, and Bastar in Madhya Pradesh. It was an important recruiting ground for the veteran army of KaliÕga even as early as the time of the Mahªbhªrata war. Asurgarh seems to be the capital city and the most important centre of ðavika territory. The excavation amply indicates that the area was not under-developed during the days of Aíoka and the people had a high standard of civilization characterized by wellpolished potteries of the Northern Black Polished fabric. No doubt, Asurgarh was an important political and commercial centre situated on the highway joining South Kosala and Mahªkªntªrª with KaliÕga. In the 4th century AD, the fort of Asurgarh appears to have belonged to King Vyaghrarªja of Mahªkªntªrª whom Samudragupta claims to have defeated in the course of his south Indian campaign. The excavation indicates that the fort area was deserted after the 5th/6th century AD and it may be said that Tusti was probably the last known ruler of Asurgarh.

Fig. 5 Site plan of Narla-Asurgarh fort

The site was subjected to a limited excavation by the Department of History, Sambalpur University (Sahu 1982), which revealed fascinating results. The importance of the site in terms of hinterland urbanization cannot be ignored, as the archaeological materials indicate.

The ceramic industry at the site comprises of dish, bowl and vessels. The dishes are in Burnished Black Slipped Ware with simple inverted rim and thin wall; the vessels are in Burnished Black Slipped Ware with complex and externally projecting short-beaked rim; and the bowls are in Red Slipped Ware with narrow mouth, concentric corrugation at the interior body and grey core. All the types are of fine core.

The excavation at the site consisting of two small trenches, have revealed paved house floors, an array of ceramic types such as Black-and-Red Ware, Black Slipped Ware, Fine Grey Ware, Red Slipped Ware, NBPW, and most probably Rouletted Ware, iron implements of war and peace, beads made of semiprecious stones, punch-marked silver and copper coins, terracotta figurines, glass bangles, amulets and ornaments. A hoard of 539 silver coins, struck during the 3rd century BC to the 5th century AD and collected by the King of Kalahandi, furnished considerable cultural data. The coins of the hoard may be divided into three groups. The first group of 69 coins is assignable to the pre-Maurya period, the second group of 272 to the Maurya epoch and the rest to the Guptas. The coins indicate that there was probably a mint at the site for fabrication of punch-marked coins. The similarity of some punch-marked coins of Asurgarh with those found at Bijnor and Paila near Kosambi, and the similarity in the texture of fabric of some pottery types of Asurgarh with those at Ahicchatra further indicate that there was a brisk trade during the Maurya period between Asurgarh and prosperous towns like Kosambi and Ahicchatra in north India as also with Sripura, Vidisha and Ujjain.

KHARLIGARH The Early Historic site of Kharligarh is situated in a densely forested environment in Tentulikhunti block in Bolangir, on the boarder of Kalahandi district, at the confluence of the Rªhul and the Tel rivers. Two more streams, the Khadang and the Singda, flow at distances of about 5 km on both the sides of the Rªhul River, to meet the Tel River off Kharligarh. This area is occupied by a number of primitive tribal groups such as the Gonds, Bhuyas, Khonds and Saoras. The ruin of this fortified city lies in loose lateritic soil, in an extensive area stretching from the Tel to the Rªhul River. The fort is almost square in plan, circumscribed in the north, east and south by the rivers acting as natural defense and the west by an excavated moat connecting both the rivers. The rampart is made of burnt bricks in the size of 40 x 25 x 12 cm. The central part of the fort contains a ruined shrine of a goddess who was probably the presiding divinity of the fort. Although the northern rampart is greatly denuded by the river exposing river-worn stone gravels topped by a brick wall of about 4.57 m (15 ft.) wide, the major part of the fort lies intact. The site has revealed brick structures, a large variety of

While narrating the history of the fort, Sahu (ibid.) opines that Asurgarh bears a special importance as far as the ðavika people are concerned. These people find mention in the Aíokan edicts and are believed to have constituted the fighting forces of 46

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

The site spreads over an area of 1.5 km north-south and 0.5 km east-west and is represented by at least six habitational mounds that have formed in a linear fashion. The Early Historic fort at Manamunda-Asurgarh is located on the right bank of the river MahªnadÌ, a little away from the confluence of the river with the Tel. A defense wall made of burnt bricks, and partly disturbed by the river MahªnadÌ, is visible along the right bank. In fact, the present day settlement of Manamunda is located just on the ancient settlement and hence its extent could not be traced. The site was subjected to a limited excavation by the Sambalpur University in 1982 (Behera 1982: 16-22) and in 1990 (IAR 1990: 80-85).

pottery, iron objects of war and peace, beads of various stones, axes, querns, choppers, microlithic artifacts, smoking pipes, metal bangles, earrings, KuîªÖa copper coins, etc. The ceramic assemblage of the site includes well-fired dishes of Burnished Black Slipped Ware with slightly concave wall, simple inverted rim, flat base, and of fine fabric; salt glazed basins of Black Slipped Ware with internally projecting and triangular rim, and of medium fabric; well-fired bowls of Black-and-Red Ware with simple inverted rim, thin wall, and of fine fabric; and Red Ware with disc base and of course fabric (Mohanty and Mishra 2005). Despite these findings, the site needs to be thoroughly plotted and excavated in a horizontal manner.

In the initial excavation, two small trenches were dug vertically, which exposed two brick structures as well as two brick pillars around the periphery of the site. Besides, the excavation also yielded the skeleton of a child, NBPW, Black Slipped Ware, Red Slipped Ware, Fine Grey Ware and Red Ware with a grey core resembling the potteries of Chandraketugarh region. The antiquities of the site included iron objects of war and peace, domestic objects, beads of semiprecious stones, terracotta and other minor specimens of daily use.

BUDHIGARH The site of Budhigarh lies 500 m to the east of Madanpur Upper Primary School. It is an extensive mound with a height of 3 m and covers an area of 1000 x 500 m in the north-south direction. It is situated on the banks of the Puruna Nªlª (meaning old channel), which could be an artificially dug out moat and the Rªhul River, which ultimately joins the Tel River. Most of the mound remains intact, except the middle portion where a path has been made by the villagers. The artefactual evidence from the site indicates that it was occupied from the Early Historic to the Late Medieval periods. The site has revealed a wide spectrum of ceramics, beads, coins, bricks, terracotta objects, iron implements, idols of Durgª and GaÖeía and a large quantity of faunal remains and human skeletons. The bricks from the site measure 45 x 30 x 8 cm.

In the second phase of the excavation conducted in 1990, two mounds were dug up to the virgin soil. The excavation revealed cultural materials from the 3rd/4th century BC to the 3rd century AD. From the trenches, a variety of pottery specimen were collected which resembles with the findings of the earlier excavation. A punch-marked coin bearing four taurines with a central dot assigns the coin to the 2nd century BC (Pradhan 1995).

The ceramic assemblage of the site consists of dishes, bowls, miniature bowls, vessels, basins, dish-on-stands and lids. The dishes are of Burnished Black Slipped Ware with slightly inverted and simple rim, convex body and of fine fabric, and of Burnished Black Slipped Ware with slightly inverted and beaked rim, appearing to be slightly salt-glazed and of medium fabric. The bowls are of Dull Ware with simple external projection, thin wall, bearing traces of slip on the outer surface and fine fabric; of Red Ware with externally-projecting shortbeaked rim and medium fabric. Besides, a miniature bowl of Black Slipped Ware with externally-projecting triangular rim and medium fabric has been found. Globular vessel (handi) of Burnished Black Slipped Ware with externally-projecting short-beaked rim, narrow mouth, thin wall and of fine fabric, and vessels of Black Slipped Ware with glaze on the surface are the prominent vessel types found at the site. The other ceramic types are large basins of Red Ware with simple inverted rim and appliqué design on the neck, dish-on-stand of Black-and-Red Ware, lid of Grey Ware, bowls of NBPW and Knobbed Ware (Mohanty and Mishra 2005).

Further intensive and extensive archaeological work was carried out at and around the site to understand it in a holistic perspective. Several theoretical paradigms were applied to understand the exact function of the site. Interpretations were made after a careful observation of the landscape, the cultural material found from surface exploration, and from section scrapping. A detailed study revealed that the site was protected on the north by a massive defense wall running parallel to the banks of the MahªnadÌ to check the flood activity of the river. The site was bounded by the Tel River and Mehrni (a small stream with reasonable depth and width) on the west and the east, respectively. A moat, roughly 3 km long and 2.5 m wide, ran along the southern periphery of the site, joining the Tel and the Mehrni. It is partially visible now in the form of a huge depression. From the surface as also from the section scrapping, a number of ceramic types were collected and a scientific analysis was conducted on the pottery and the faunal material. The archaeological material found from the site is very significant as it revealed the existence of coastal Orissa pottery as well as potteries of the Middle GaÕgª Valley and Chandraketugarh-Tamluk region, which was proved by X-Ray Diffraction analysis of ceramic types (Fig. 6). The faunal assemblage of the site has also been dated (by Fluorine/ Phosphate Analysis) and analyzed (Tripathy and Joglekar 1997-98).

MANAMUNDA-ASURGARH Manamunda-Asurgarh is located in the central part of Orissa, about 49 km to the northwest of the Boudh district headquarters. 47

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

appear to have not been under the direct control of any imperial administration. This region has not been referred to in any edict or literary text as a Maurya administrative unit except the evidence of Knobbed Ware that is often related to Buddhist cosmology. There is a reference in the Allahabad Pillar Inscription to Vyaghrarªja of Mahªkªntªra. A folk story refers to this region as the land of Goimha Daitya (lit. the Demon Goimha). Interestingly, two important urban centers, ManamundaAsurgarh and Narla-Asurgarh, are suffixed with the words 'asur' and 'garh', meaning “Fort of Demon”. A probable connotation of this word would be 'the city of the uncivilized' or 'the city of the savages' which can be comparable with the ðavika people mentioned in the Aíokan edicts. By implication, it would appear that these centres were under the control of tribal chieftains, and hence the name.

Fig. 6 X-Ray Diffraction analysis of pottery

URBANIZATION IN HINTERLAND ORISSA Certain traits of Childean urban revolution in particular evidence of brick structures, trade and craft specialization, characterize the centres of coastal Orissa. In the absence of written record and evidence of political control, the background of urbanization process in the hinterland Orissa remains unclear. However, the sites of Viratagarh and Kichakgarh in Mauyurbhanj district, Asurgarh in Kalahandi district, and Manamunda-Asurgarh in Boudh district may be regarded as urban centres, in a broad sense of the term. The site of Narla-Asurgarh with its extensive planning, fortification and evidence of hydraulic system is a fine example of an urban centre in hinterland Orissa. An equally significant find from the site is that of a hoard of 539 punch-marked coins of imperial variety, which illuminates its importance during the Maurya and post-Maurya periods. Another urban centre in western Orissa was Manamunda-Asurgarh, located at the confluence of the rivers MahªnadÌ and Tel. The site was fortified, covers an area of 1.5 km in length and 0.5 km in breadth and consists of at least six habitational mounds. This site also yielded a hoard of punch-marked coins. The excavations at the site also yielded a punch-marked coin from stratified context (Pradhan 1995). There are extensive Early Historic settlements in northern Orissa also. An example of such a site is Viratgarh, which yielded evidence of punch-marked and Puri-KuîªÖa coins. If the Mahªvamía, the Simhalese chronicle is to be believed, there existed many urban centres in the valley of the MahªnadÌ in the early centuries of the Christian era.

The archaeological evidences suggest that the region of central and western Orissa was looked upon as a 'resource zone' by the coastal centres. There were both river and land routes that connected the region with the coast. The process of urbanization in this part seems to have received stimulus from the trade relations of the region with coastal Orissa. CENTRAL AND WESTERN ORISSA AS RESOURCE ZONE The region of hinterland Orissa covers wide tracts of dense deciduous forest ranges (northern most fringes of the Eastern Ghats), which support a wide range of flora and fauna (Basu et al. 1995). Besides, the region is also quite rich in mineral deposits, especially gemstones, which were exploited by the Early Historic urban population with the support from local gem exploiters by a very traditional method that even continues today (Tripathy 2000a). The central and western parts of Orissa, mainly Bolangir, Boudh, Kalahandi and Sambalpur districts, have been identified as a gem belt containing emerald, ruby, sapphire, aquamarine, heliodor, cryshoberyle, including Alexandrite, tourmaline, zircon, topaz, moonstone, amethyst, smoky quartz and garnet of different varieties which are associated with the iron ore deposits of the Eastern Ghats (Fig. 7). It is interesting to note that many of the tribal/ethnic deities (especially goddesses) of central and western Orissa have been named after the gemstones such as PªnneíwarÌ (Goddess of Emerald), MªnikeíwarÌ (Goddess of Ruby), KhªmbeíwarÌ

A question that comes to mind in this context is what was the role and status of the urban centres of hinterland Orissa that 48

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

central and western Orissa. The rich gem resources of central and western Orissa have also been corroborated by the accounts of the British travellers and merchantscum-officers. Thomas Motte, a British diamond merchant speaks of the gem deposit of the region and the quality of diamonds available at Sambalpur. He also describes the trade activity, the use of boats in river MahªnadÌ and its tributaries, and also its fortified settlements (Acharya 1955: 44-50). James Rennel (1763), in his Memoirs of a Map of Hindoostan, mentions central and western Orissa as rich in diamond mines while Hunter (1873) not only mentions important trading centres but also describes the trade along the MahªnadÌ and Fig. 7 Distribution of gemstone resources in central and western Orissa the use of boats (both small and big) for cargo. More recently, the work (Goddess of Cryshoberyle), SambaleíwarÌ (Goddess of of the Orissa Mining Corporation and Geology, Orissa has Resources). These deity-names suggest some kind of resulted in the discovery of at least 28 gem belts. The region of symbolism pertaining to the gemstone resources of central and central and western Orissa yielded kimberlitic pipes containing western Orissa. The gem deposits and the quality, which fascinated the ancient Roman world, have been referred to in the famous Geography of Ptolemy of the 2nd century AD (Majumdar 1927). The text mentions the diamond mines at Sambalaka (identified with modern Sambalpur in western Orissa) and the river Manada (identified with the river MahªnadÌ) as rich in gem resources. The Arthaíªstra of KauðÌlya of c. 4th century BC (Kangle 1965) refers to the area of Indravana (identified with MahªnadÌ-Tel-IndravatÌ basins) as rich in mineral and gemstone deposits. The Arthaíªstra also describes the river Tel as Telavaha (Rangarajan 1994) (Fig. 8), and the description of this small river along with several other major perennial rivers of India implies that it played a significant role in trade and navigation. The AîðadhyayÌ of PªninÌ (Agrawalla 1963: 61, 440) describes the place Taitilakadru (identified with present day Titlagarh) as a trade centre. The Sanskrit term kadru, meaning a tawny coloured material that may be identified with cryshoberyle, is abundant in the region. The SerivªÖijja Jªtaka (Cowel 1955) mentions that Bodhisattva as a merchant in pots and pans crossed the river Telavaha for business. This implies that the river Tel was navigated and several large urban centres were located in the Tel-MahªnadÌ river valleys in

Fig. 8 Map of India showing the course of river Telavaha

49

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

mineral grains of pyrope garnet and chromite that are positive diamond indicators (Das 1997). Moreover, the region is rich in iron ore deposits that were exploited in plenty and transported to the urban/trade centres in coastal Orissa. The ManikapatanaPalur Harbour Complex yielded iron ores, slags and finished implements, which suggest local manufacturing activity. But the important forts and trading centres of coastal Orissa, such as Radhanagara, Sisupalgarh etc. are devoid of signs of iron smelting activity. Almost all the Early Historic sites of central and western Orissa have yielded signs of iron smelting activity, which signify that iron along with gemstones, were principal commodities to be transported to the coastal/delta part of Orissa. Besides, forest produces such as medicinal herbs, bamboo, and timber were also transported from this part of Orissa to the coastal Orissan centres. As substantiated by current ethnographic parallels, both land and river routes were employed to carry the materials and were linked with each other in terms of trade and its mechanism (Triapthy 2000a). The trade relations of coastal Orissa with its hinterland have also been corroborated by archaeological evidences (Tripathy 1996-97, 2000a, 2002a and 2005, Tripathy and Joglekar 199798). The ceramic evidence, which serves as an indicator of the inter-regional and intra-regional trade relations, is significant in studying trade or exchange and routes by which goods were distributed (Anderson 1984: 20-21). The small-scale excavations conducted at the sites of Narla-Asurgarh and Manamunda-Asurgarh, and the trial trench at Marjakud have revealed several types of pottery which have striking similarity with those found at Sisupalgarh, Radhanagar, Manikapatana, Palur, etc., indicating the fact that such materials were transported to the central and western Orissan centres as a result of trade and communication. Potteries like Knobbed Ware (Fig. 9), Black Slipped Ware, Red Slipped Ware, Red Ware with a grey core, Fine Grey Ware, Black-and-Red Ware, as the X-Ray Diffraction analysis of ceramic types show, were transported from the coastal part of Orissa to the hinterland.

the existence of foreign trade in ancient Orissa. The excavations at Sisupalgarh in particular, and Jaugada, Manmunda and Asurgarh in general, testify to the fact that by the time of the Mauryas, Orissa had a well-developed civilization and a number of trade centers were located throughout ancient Orissa. The excavations at the sites have brought to light a class of pottery known as Knobbed Ware, the likes of which have been found at different sites in Southeast Asia. The above-mentioned sites in Orissa, along with a host of other sites in Mayurbhanj and Dhenkanal districts, have been established as urban trade centers. The excavations at Sisupalgarh have brought to light Rouletted Ware, clay bullae resembling Silenus's head imitated from those of Roman coins and a unique gold medallion showing a KuîªÖa type of 'standing king' and a BrªhmÌ legend of the 3rd century AD on the obverse and a Roman head with a Roman legend on the reverse. Roman coins have also been discovered from Bamanghati area of Mayurbhanj district (Basa and Behera 2000). The KaliÕgas were a seafaring nation from early times and had taken part in inland as well as overseas trade. it's the unique and strategic geographical location of KaliÕga between north and south India and her favourable position on the shore of Bay of Bengal, provided an excellent opportunity for its inhabitants for maritime trade. Being a coastal state, the vast span of Bay of Bengal opening into the Indian Ocean, connected it to Southeast Asia and the Pacific Ocean on the east, and the Arabian Sea on the west. The entire hinterland is connected with a net of several big and small rivers. All the big rivers discharge into the Bay of Bengal. The meandering coastline and the environmental conditions have embedded an inborn instinct in the local population to traverse water bodies, which in due course made them a seafaring people. This spirit is reflected in literature, sculpture and archaeological evidences.

COASTAL OVERSEAS INTERACTION

It is evident from literary (both secular and religious), epigraphic, numismatic, sculptural and archaeological sources that in ancient and medieval times, the sailors of ancient Orissa reached Southeast Asian countries, particularly Sri Lanka, Java,

The archaeological remains unearthed by excavations at various sites of Orissa, especially the coastal belt, throw valuable light on its overseas contact. The excavations of Khalkattapatna and Manikapatana have not only established these sites as contemporary international trading ports but also bear testimony of the maritime glory of ancient Orissa. The commercial and cultural contacts of Orissa with far-off countries have been irrevocably proved through these excavations. The discovery of Roman gold coins, Roman Rouletted Ware, Chinese pottery and West Asian pottery similar to the findings at the sites of Hataab (Pramanik 2004) in Gujarat and Elephanta Island (Tripathi 2004) in Maharashtra are enough to prove

Fig. 9 Knobbed Ware from central and western Orissa

50

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

dvÌpa) (Wolters 1967). The Manynnualkalpa, dated to c. 800 AD, is the only text to mention specifically the island of Bali. This text also refers to Java (Sarkar 1983: 308).

Sumatra, Bali, Borneo, Malaya Peninsula, Burma, China, Arabia, Greece and even some West African countries (Ardika et al. 1997). The articles for maritime trade were diamond, pearls, muslins of the finest quality, silk and textiles, conch shells, indigo, corn, elephants and varieties of spices. In fact, it is said, Orissa's military strength, which shook the powerful Maurya emporer Aíoka, was sustained by its high returns from overseas trade. One of the main reasons of Aíoka's KaliÕga War was to gain control over important coastal ports like Palora, Dosarin, Kannagara, Dantapur, Pithunda and Manikapatana, which were strategically very important and were all located in ancient Orissa. The sailors of Orissa, in spite of various hazards, crossed the ocean and reached distant lands for overseas trade. The Magadhan traders knew very well that Orissan seacoast was the gateway for overseas expansion to the outside world. The unique geographical position of Orissa provided excellent opportunities for transoceanic commerce, which further attracted the Magadhan Emperor.

Given the notion that the Indian traders had already reached Indonesian archipelago by the beginning of the 1st century AD, the question then arises as to what sort of commodities they traded. On the basis of the archaeological evidence, it is presumed that Indian pottery; beads and perhaps textiles were traded into Indonesian archipelago and other regions in Southeast Asia. In terms of imports, the RªmªyaÖa refers to grahu wood and sandalwood from western Indonesia (Wolters 1967: 65-66). The Raghuvamía of KªlÌdªía, mentions cloves (lavaÕga) from a place called dvÌpªntara. Wolters (1967: 66) argues that the term dvÌpªntara referred to Indonesian archipelago. Sandalwood and cloves are also mentioned in the Periplus (Schoff 1912: 286). Species, aromatics, wood and tin from Southeast Asia, especially Indonesia, have attracted the Indian traders (Ray 1989: 47-48). These products were also in great demand in Rome at the beginning of the Christian era.

The Buddhist as well as Jaina texts, purªÖas, Greek writings, Chinese records, Fa-Hien and Hiuen-Tsiang's accounts, Arab writers' accounts and several inscriptions refer to the Orissa's seaborne trade with the outside world. Kªlidªsa in his Raghuvamía (Nandargikar 1948) says, the king of KaliÕga was not only the lord of Mahendra Mountain but also the lord of Mohodadhi (Ocean). According to ryamañjuírÌmñlakalpa (Sastri 1920-25), a Buddhist text (8th century AD), the Bay of Bengal was called the KaliÕga Sea and the islands on the Bay were known as “KaliÕga dresu”. The Roman author Pliny (1st century AD) was aware of the proximity of KaliÕga to the sea and its military strength. He writes, “The Calingae lived along the more northern shores of the Bay of Bengal. Their capital was Parthalis” (McCrindle 1979: 114). Indian texts dated from the 3rd century BC onwards mention several places in Southeast Asia. For instance, in ŸaÕkha Jªtaka, it is mentioned that the Brªhmin ŸaÕkha sailed from Varanasi to SuvarÖabhñmi (Sarkar 1983: 303). Sarkar (1983: 296) suggests that SuvarÖabhñmi was located somewhere in Lower Burma, but other authors believe that it refers more generally to Southeast Asia as a whole. The Mahªnidessa, from about the middle of the 3rd century BC, refers to 24 places, among which are Java and SuvarÖabhñmi. The RªmªyaÖa of VªlmikÌ, which is usually dated between the 4th century BC and the 2nd century AD, describes the island of Java (JavadvÌpa) with its seven kingdoms, and the island of Sumatra (SuvarÖarupya-

PORTS OF ORISSA In ancient times, many of the trade centres (ports) located in the coastal areas are said to have been controlled by the KaliÕga people. The Greek classical text The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (1st century AD) by an anonymous author mentions several ports and coastal towns such as Broach, Uzane (Ujjain), Sopara, Kalyana, Muziris, Mosalia (Muslipatna), Dosarene (Coastal Orissa) etc. (Fig. 10). Periplus further says Dosarene was nd famous for ivory (Schoff 1912: 47). Ptolemy's Geography (2 century AD) mentions several ports in coastal Orissa like Kambyson near Hoogly, Manda, Munde or Mandu river mouth (possibly mouth of MahªnadÌ), Kannagara (near Konark), Kati

Fig. 10 The sea-ports on the coast of the Bay of Bengal, according to the Periplus

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

transferred to Ceylon. Chinese Pilgrims FaHien (Fig. 12) and Hiuen-Tsiang who visited Odra in 639 AD mentions a famous port “Cheli-ta-lo” near the shore of the Ocean (Waters 1988). Explorations of ancient and medieval port towns in coastal Orissa were taken up and number of ports, including Kalingapatanam, Barua, Sonapur, Mantridih, Ganja, Kantiagarh, Palur, Prayagi, Manikapatana, Sanapatna, Badapatna, Arakhkuda, Banjiapatna, Boitkud, Astranga, Harishpur, Marichpur, Chandbali, Narendrapur, Dhamra, Chudamani, Balasore, Talchua, mouth of SuvarÖarekhª (old Pipili), Shah Bandar, Kansabansa, Panchubisa, Chandipur, Kasaphala, Kirtania, and Talsari have been identified. Kalingapatanam, the mouth of the river Vamíadhara was, once upon a time, the capital of KaliÕga. Its maritime link has already been established. The Archaeological Fig. 11 Map showing the route connecting Palura and sada Survey of India has excavated a site near Kalingapatanam and unearthed materials of Kardama (near Cuttack) and Palura (Poloura of Ptolemy) (Fig. the 3rd century BC. Barua Bandar on the mouth of Mahendra 11). According to Ptolemy, Palura was a major port of eastern Tanaya River has been described by various authors and even in India for sea-voyages to Southeast Asian countries/islands. It the GaÕgª Vamíªnu-caritªm of the 18th century. It was also a was the point of departure (apheterion) for ships bound for famous port directly linked with Puri. It is clear that the ports of Khryse (in Southeast Asia). The Periplus Tex Exo Thalasses India, during the Early Historic period, were connected with compiled by Marcian of Haraklea (between 250-500 AD) also each other (Fig. 13). agrees that the point of departure (apheterion) was Palura. Ceylonese chronicles Datha-Dhªtu-Vamía, DÌpavamía, CHILKA AS NATURAL HARBOUR Cullavamía, and Buddhist texts Mahªgobinda Sutta, Chilka Lake was considered to be a natural harbour and Kurudhama Jªtaka and Mahªvastu refer to KaliÕga's capital as thousand of ships floated on it. The BrahmªÖ¼a PurªÖa (10th Dantapura, a port town, from where the Tooth Relic was century AD) mentions the maritime activities of Chilka Lake where thousands of ships were anchored, waiting to sail for trade to Java, Malaya, Simhala, China and other island countries. Extensive and intensive explorations in the lake area have resulted in the discovery of a number of port-sites which were very much active during the Early Historic period, as evident from the archaeological materials found therein (Mohanty and Tripathy 1998: 69-98). MARITIME CONTACTS OF ORISSA WITH FOREIGN LANDS

Fig. 12 The sea route followed by Fa-Hien in his return journey to China

52

The sailors of KaliÕga reached Southeast Asia in very early times but there is no record of their trading voyages equivalent to the Tamil texts of the Sangam period. It is to be mentioned here that Tamil texts, such as Slilapaddikaram, Manimekhalai,

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

Fig. 15 Amphora sherd from Manikapatana. After Pradhan 2000

Fig. 13 Ancient ports of India

known as Tanda) that connects with the Bay of Bengal near Arakhkuda. The site was excavated in a limited scale by the Orissan Institute of Maritime and South East Asian Studies. The result proved that Manikapatana was one of the most active and flourishing port establishments on the east coast of India.

Nakkirar, Mullaipattu, provide mines of information of the seatrade between the west and south India. In the absence of any direct evidence from Orissa, we will have to depend upon the scattered reference of foreign countries. The available evidences indicate that from the beginning of Christian era, monks, merchants and adventurers continued to visit Southeast Asia and generally they voyaged from the Orissan ports.

The excavation revealed cultural deposits of two periods: Period-I and Period-II. The deposits of Period-I (3rd century BC to the 6th century AD) yielded two Neolithic celts, two shreds of Rouletted Ware (Fig. 14), amphora fragments (Fig. 15), two Puri-KuîªÖa copper coins, a sherd inscribed with KharoîðÌ legend dasatradeva and khida, stamped design on pottery, sprinklers, spouts, Kaolin pottery, terracotta miniature figurines of birds and horses, terracotta smoking pipes, game pieces, areca-nut beads, lamps with human figure, Black-andRed Ware, NBPW, Red Polished Ware, Black Slipped Ware, Knobbed Ware, etc. With the end of Period-I, the site was probably abandoned for a long time and the gap is marked by two-meter thick sand deposit. It was again functional from the 9th/10th century AD to the British period (Period-II).

MANIKAPATANA Manikapatana is approachable via Puri and Panasapada by road. It is situated on the left bank of a channel on Chilka (locally

The discovery of Rouletted Ware and amphora pieces of Mediterranean origin speak of trade link with far-off Rome. The discovery of KharoîðÌ inscription with legend is first of its kind in the whole of Orissa. Archaeological excavation in Sembiran in North-eastern Bali has also yielded Rouletted Ware, shreds with KharoîðÌ character and hundreds of glass beads. Scientific analysis (X-Ray Diffraction) of Rouletted Ware from Sembiran (Bali), Arikamedu (India) and Anuradhapura (Ceylon) are very similar and Rouletted Ware

Fig. 14 Rouletted Ware from Manikapatana. After Pradhan 2000

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

texts) and epigraphical records that Orissa came under the sway of Buddhism during the 3rd century BC if not earlier as the evidence of Lalitagiri testifies. Several Buddhist establishments have recently been brought to light and some of them have been excavated too (Fig. 17). Mention may be made of Lailitagiri, Ratnagiri, Udayagiri, Langudi, Kayama, Vajragiri, Deuli, Tarapur etc., which no doubt suggest a flourishing state of Buddhism in Orissa. This has also been corroborated by several literary texts. Besides, the archaeological materials like pottery on which lotus symbols have been depicted are of Buddhist nature. A few sites are described below. LALITAGIRI Lalitagiri was an important Buddhist station, which was excavated on a small scale by the Archaeological Survey of India (IAR 1988-89: 65-66, 1989-90: 77-80, Chauley 1996). The stñpa at this site dates back to the 3rd century BC and the site is considered to be the earliest Buddhist settlement in Orissa. Lalitagiri has also revealed four monastic complexes. The ceramics from the site comprise of Red Polished Ware belonging to the KuîªÖa period,

Fig. 16 Smoking pipes from Radhanagar. Courtesy: D.R. Pradhan

found in Kobak Kendal and Cibutak in northwest Java. Rouletted Ware of Manikapatana is also similar to the Rouletted Ware of the above places. The discovery of Roman amphorae at Manikapatana leads us to support the view that probably the Romans had direct trade contact with ancient KaliÕga (Gogte 2000: 681-689). The finding of numerous iron nails used especially in ship- and boat-building and also hundreds of ring-wells clearly suggest that Manikapatana was an international terminal for repairing ships and also for replenishing them with drinking water. The site also revealed a number of antiquities in terracotta, stone and glass. Mention may be made of smoking pipes (Fig. 16) and beads shaped like areca-nuts. Several brick and stone structures were also exposed during the excavation. The site also revealed a wide array of potteries from foreign countries, including Moulded Ware, Stamped Ware, Chinese Celadon and Porcelain Wares, Egg-White and Chocolate Glazed Arabian Ware, Brown Glazed Burmese Pottery, etc. (Tripathy 2006: Personal Observation). EARLY HISTORIC BUDDHIST ESTABLISHMENTS It is quite clear from the available sources like archaeological, literary (especially Buddhist

Fig. 17 Map showing Buddhist sites in Orissa

54

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

types of arrowheads, spearheads, swords, etc., and also an array of GaÕgª Valley pottery including the NBPW, Rouletted Ware, similar to the Arikamedu types (Wheeler et al. 1946). No doubt a large-scale excavation at this complex/site would yield interesting data about the exact location of the KaliÕga War and the subsequent conversion of Emperor Aíoka into Buddhism. The standing monolithic elephant at Kayama, at the southwestern periphery of Radhanagar fort, and also a stñpa at the top of one of the hillocks, clearly indicates the prevalence of Buddhism in KaliÕga before Aíoka's invasion. Iron implements and profuse amount of NBPW found at the site of Radhanagar indicates that the site faced the ravages of a war, most probably at the hands of the Maurya emperor Aíoka. Further excavation is expected to yield significant data about the site and also the region where Buddhism had an early footing even before the advent of the Mauryas. Nevertheless, a tentative conclusion can be drawn that it was not only at Sisupalgarh where the devastating KaliÕga War was fought.

Grey Ware, Coarse Black-and-Red Ware and Red Slipped Ware. Among the pottery types are sprinklers, votive lamps, bowls, dishes, basins, handis, vases and spouts. A large number of antiquities in the form of terracotta objects, stamped or inscribed potteries, sculptures of Buddhist divinities, life scenes of the Buddha, images of the Buddha, terracotta seals, a large number of votive stñpas, silver slags and circular gold rings were also found at the site. LANGUDI Langudi, another important Early Historic Buddhist centre, has been dated to the 3rd century BC on the basis of sculptures (Hinayana period) and also by the finding of golden glazed NBPW. A series of rock-cut stñpas of the Early Historic period, together with a number of Early Medieval Buddhist shrines also have been reported (Prusty and Mohanty 1995). Recent excavation at Langudi by the Orissan Institute of Maritime and South East Asian Studies has corroborated Langudi hill as Puspagiri Mahªvihªra and Hiuen-Tsiang's Pu-sie-po-ki-li. The excavation revealed a fragmented stone with BrªhmÌ inscription, golden glazed Northern Black Polished Ware (D.R. Pradhan, Personal Communication), and a number of minor antiquities. Most of the antiquities are affiliated to Buddhism.

Narla-Asurgarh in Kalahandi district was also dug in a very limited scale, confined to two to three trenches, which also did not reach the natural layer. The site yielded a hoard of 539 silver punch-marked coins and also a number of NBPW sherds and Rouletted Ware (author's personal observation at the Museum of Khariar, Kalahandi) that possess utmost importance in terms of urbanization and trade as they reveal Maurya material in hinterland Orissa. Manamunda-Asurgarh likewise was excavated in a very limited proportion by the Department of History, Sambalpur University in 1982 and 1990 (Behera 1982: 16-22, IAR 1990: 80-85). The archaeological materials yielded from the excavation provoked young archaeologists to study the site in a holistic perspective, which resulted in a thorough analysis of pottery and other antiquities as well as the landscape of the site by the present author. The archaeological materials that the site yielded were very interesting. Clearly, there was a close relationship of the site with almost all important urban centres like Radhanagara, Sisupalgarh and Jaugada in coastal Orissa, and even with the port-sites of Manikapatana and Palur. There is absolutely no doubt that the site played an important role in the diffusion of urbanization and state formation, as revealed by the archaeological materials. The site yielded several types of ceramic wares such as Red Slipped Ware, Black Slipped Ware and Black-and-Red Ware. Besides, the Red Ware with a grey core was also transported from outside. The pottery assemblage of Manamunda-Asurgarh has been subjected to XRay Diffraction analysis, which reveals that Knobbed Ware, Black Slipped Ware, Black-and-Red Ware and Red Slipped Ware were imported from coastal Orissa to central/western Orissa because of extensive trade activities. This is further substantiated in ethnographic studies on the existing trade activities between these two regions of Orissa (Tripathy 2000a and 2007).

PROBLEMS AND PROSPECT Early Historic major sites like Radhanagara, Sisupalgarh, Jaugada, Narla-Asurgarh and Manamunda-Asurgarh were excavated in a limited scale and hundreds of other Early Historic sites have been brought to light. Unfortunately none of these has been excavated horizontally (Tripathy 2002b). For example, Sisupalgarh that was excavated as early as 1948 (Lal 1949) and later on by R.K. Mohanty and M.L. Smith (Mohanty and Smith 2006) also in a limited scale. Similarly the site of Radhanagara, identified as Tosali Nagara/Dantapuara, the capital city of ancient KaliÕga (Mohanty and Prusty 1995, Mishra 2000, author's personal observation on the basis of analysis of archaeological materials found at the site and its neighbourhood), has also been excavated by the Orissan Institute of Maritime and South East Asian Studies in a limited scale. However, archaeological materials from this limited excavated area have led to significant results (Pradhan 2006, author's personal observation 2006). In fact, the ancient fort of Radhanagara (the only honeycomb shaped fort in entire Orissa) has to be studied in a holistic perspective by combining all the hillocks surrounding the site from where traces of early Buddhism have been obtained. In all probability, the ancient site of Radhanagara was the capital city of KaliÕga, which faced the ravages of KaliÕga War in 261 BC, which was inflicted by the Mauryan army under Aíoka. The materials found during the excavation conducted at some of these hillocks have yielded several war materials such as different 55

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Agrawalla, V.S. 1963. India as Known to Panini. Poona: Deccan College.

It is imperative to note that all the urban centers in Orissa were located on the banks of smaller rivers rather than the major ones, and also a little distance away from the seacoast and to the major rivers. This may have been the result of thoughtful planning: the smaller rivers are less prone to devastating floods and less susceptible to maritime invasion by a large fleet. For example, Radhanagara is located on the bank of the Kelua, a tributary of the BrªhmaÖÌ, Sisupalgarh on the bank of the Gangua a small rivulet of the Daya River, Narla-Asurgarh on the bank of the Sandul, a tributary of the Tel, and Kharligarh and Budhiagarh on the bank of the Rªhul, a tributary of the Tel. The Early Historic site of Manamunda-Asurgarh is the only urban centre, which is located at the confluence of the MahªnadÌ and the Tel, indicating the centre's flourishing and brisk trade and merchandize. Situated on the intersection of at least three trade routes, namely (1) Sisupalgarh-Ujjain via Tel and the land route along the Tel, (2) Radhanagara-Manamunda Asurgarh-Vidisha-Ujjain, and (3) Manamunda-AsurgarhSripura-Vidisha-Ujjain, the site had the maximum trade potential like Sisupalgarh and Radhanagar.

Allchin, F.R. 1989. City and State Formation in the Early Historic South Asia, South Asian Studies 5: 1-16. Allchin, F.R. 1990. Patterns of City Formation in Early Historic South Asia, South Asian Studies 6: 163-173. Allchin, F.R. 1995. The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia – The Emergence of Cities and States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Anderson, A. 1984. Interpreting Pottery. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ardika, I.W., P. Bellwood, I.M. Subata and K.C. Yulati 1997. Sembiran and the First Indian Contact with Bali, Antiquity 71: 193-195. Basa, K.K. 1997. Cultural Relations between Orissa and Southeast Asia, Comprehensive History of Culture of Orissa, P.K. Mishra (Ed.), pp. 730-41, New Delhi: Kaveri Books. Basa, K.K. 2005. River Systems and the Emergence of Complex Society in Orissa, River Valley Cultures of India, K.K. Chakravarty and G.L. Badam (Eds.), pp. 69-83, Bhopal: Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya.

From the archaeological, literary and other evidences discussed in this essay, it is quite clear that Orissa, like the GaÕgª Valley, also came into the firmament of the Second Urbanization. The evidence of a number of Early Historic forts with elaborate planning for protection and hydraulic system and also a number of peripheral settlements clearly indicates the character of urbanization in Early Historic Orissa. Out of the 8 forts, only one i.e., Radhanagara is honeycomb shaped. This clearly suggests that Radhanagara served as the capital of ancient Orissa and is the earliest fort in entire Orissa.

Basa, K.K. and K.S. Behera 2000. Maritime Archaeology of Orissa, Archaeology of Orissa, K.K. Basa and P. Mohanty (Eds.), pp. 566-600, New Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan. Basu, S., H.P. Dani and D.P. Pati 1995. Eastern Ghats, Advance in Ecology and Environment, P.C. Mishra, N. Behera, B.K. Senapati and B.C. Guru (Eds.), pp. 367-369, New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House. Begley, V. 1986. From Iron Age to Early Historic in South Indian Archaeology, Studies in Archaeology of India and Pakistan, J. Jacobson (Ed.), pp. 297-321, New Delhi: American Institute of Indian Studies.

From the above discussion it is quite clear that trade in various forms was mainly responsible for urban growth in Orissa. The thriving trade network between ancient Orissa and Southeast Asia, which, for sometime at least, also included the Roman world, was the principal factor for the formation of a complex society in Orissa. The hinterland of Orissa, which was connected with the coastal region by several water and land routes, acted as the resource-bearing zone because the hinterland is replete with gemstone deposits and forest resources. The flourishing condition of the coastal urban centres had become possible basically due to the rich resources of the hinterland, which were exploited in a systematic way and then traded. More archaeological investigations in this respect will unravel the hidden aspects pertaining to urbanization and state formation in early Orissa. This essay is a preliminary attempt to correlate all the major Early Historic sites along with the port-sites and the Buddhist sites, in order to obtain a functional and comprehensive perception of the urban centres.

Behera, K.S. 1977. Maritime Trade in Ancient Orissa, Sidelights on History and Culture of Orissa, M.N. Das (Eds.), pp. 115-121, Cuttack: Vidyapuri. Behera, K.S. 1991. Trade and Patterns of Commerce in Orissa c. AD 700 to 1200, Utkal Historical Research Journal 2: 1-15. Behera, K.S. 1993. Maritime Contacts of Orissa: Literary and Archaeological Evidence, Utkal Historical Research Journal 5: 55-70. Behera, S.C. (Ed.) 1982. Excavations at Asurgarh, District Kalahandi, Interim Excavation Report. Jyoti Vihar: Sambalpur University. Chakrabarti, D.K. 1995a. Archaeology of Ancient Indian Cities. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Chakrabarti, D.K. 1995b. Buddhist Sites Across South Asia as Influenced by Political and Economic Forces, World Archaeology 27(2): 185-201.

REFERENCES

Champakalaxmi, T. 1996. Trade, Ideology and Urbanization. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Acharya, P. 1955. Sambalpur Yatra: Translations of the Account of British Diamond Merchant T. Motte (1765). Cuttack: Utkal University.

Chauley, G.C. 1996. Excavated Remains at Lalitagiri: A Buddhist Site in Orissa, Spectrum of Indian Culture, C. Margabandhu and K.S. Ramachandran (Eds.), pp. 216-220, Delhi: Agamkala Prakashan.

56

Balaram Tripathy: Early Historic Culture of Orissa

Cowell, E.C. 1955. The Jataka (Serivanijja Jataka), Vol. 1. London: Luzac and Co.

Mishra, P.K. 1997. Archaeology of Mayurbhanj. New Delhi. D.K. Printworld.

Das, J.N. 1997. Mineral, Ores, Output Growth Doubles, Odisha Today 11: 18.

Mishra, U. 1997. Sea-faring in the Context of the Material Culture of Early Historical Orissa (3rd century B.C. to 4th-5th century A.D.). M.Phil Thesis (unpublished), Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi.

Das, R.N. 1996. Boat Building in Orissa, Maritime Activities and Trade in Orissa. Orissa State Archives.

Mohanty, P. and B. Tripathy 1998. The Prehistoric, Protohistoric and the Early Historic Cultures of Orissa, Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Department of Archaeology, Lucknow) 8: 69-98.

Deloche, J. 1990. Transport and Communications in India, Vol. 2: Water Transport . Oxford: Oxford University Press. Erdosy, G. 1988. Urbanization in Early Historic India. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports International Series.

Mohanty, P.K. and B. Mishra 2005. From Stone Age to the Early Historic: Recent Archaeological Discoveries in Kalahandi District, Orissa, River Valley Cultures of India, K.K. Chakravarty and G.L. Badam (Eds.), pp. 97-124, Bhopal. Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya.

Ghosh, A. 1947-48. Taxila (Sirkap): 1944-45, Ancient India 4: 41-84. Ghosh, A. 1973. City in Early Historical India. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study.

Mohanty, R.K. and Monika, L. Smith. 2006. Excavations at Sisupalgarh 2005, Man and Environment XXXI(1): 27-32.

Gogte, V.D. 2000. Scientific Study of Ancient Pottery from Orissa: A Note on the Preliminary Results, Archaeology of Orissa, K.K. Basa and P. Mohanty (Eds.), pp. 681-689, New Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan.

Morrison, K.D. 1995. Trade, Urbanism and Agricultural Expansion: Buddhist Monastic Institutions and the State in the Early Historic Western Deccan, World Archaeology 27(2): 203-221.

Heitzman, J. 1984. Early Buddhism, Trade and Empire, Studies in the Archaeology and Palaeoanthropology of South Asia, K.A.R. Kennedy and G.L. Possehl (Eds.), pp. 121-138, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Nandargikar, G.R. (Ed. & Tr.) 1948. Raghuvamœa, VI. Mumbai: Nirnaya Sagara Press. Panda, S.K. 2000. Trade and Trade-Routes in Orissa, Archaeology of Orissa, K.K. Basa and P. Mohanty (Eds.), pp. 551-565. New Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan.

Hunter, W.W. 1872. Orissa, Vol. 1. London: Smith Elder and Co. IAR: Indian Archaeology – A Review. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

Phalgunadi, I.G.P. 2006. Hinduism in Bali, Indonesia, Kalinga and Indonesia. Cuttack: Orissan Institute of Maritime and South East Asian Studies.

Kangle, R.P. 1965. Arthasashtra of Kautilya (translated from the original text), Vol. 2, Section 29, Para 37, p. 115. Bombay: Bombay University Press.

Pradhan, D., P. Mohanty and J. Mishra 2000. Manikapatana: An Ancient and Medieval Port on the Coast of Orissa, Archaeology of Orissa, K.K. Basa and P. Mohanty (Eds.), pp. 473-494, Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan.

Khuntia, S. (n.d.) Geology of Gemstone Resources of Orissa. Orissa: Orissa Mining Corporation. Kosambi, D.D. 1989. The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical Outline. New Delhi: Vikash Arya Publishers.

Pradhan, D.R., P. Mohanty and J. Mishra 1996. Manikapatana: An Excavation Report, Puratattva 26: 120-123.

Lahiri, N. 1992. The Archaeology of Indian Trade Routes up to c. 200 B.C. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Pradhan, S. 1995. A Note on a Punch-marked Coin Found from Manamunda Excavation, Journal of the Numismatic Survey of India IIV (1-2): 26-28.

Lal, B.B. 1949. Sisupalgarh 1948: An Early Historical Fort in Eastern India, Ancient India 5: 62-105.

Pramanik, S. 2004. Hataab: An Early Historic Port in the Gulf of Khambhat, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology 1: 133-140.

Lal, B.B. 1954-55. Excavation at Hastinapura and other Explorations in the Upper Ganga and Sutlej Basins 1950-52, Ancient India 1011: 5-151.

Prusty, H. and P. Mohanty 1995. Langudi: A Unique Rock-Cut Buddhist Site in Orissa, Bulletin of the Deccan College PostGraduate and Research Institute 53: 325-327.

Lal, B.B. 1993. Excavation at Sringaverapura 1977-86, Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of India, No. 88, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

Prusty, H. and P.K. Mohanty 1996. Dantapura: The Capital of Ancient Kalinga, Puratattva 26: 123-127.

Lal, Makhan 1984. Early Human Colonization in the Ganga-Yamuna Doab with Special Reference to Kanpur District. New Delhi: B.R. Publishers.

Rangarajan, C. 1994. Kautilya Arthasashtra. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Ray, H.P. 1986. Monastery and Guild. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Majumdar, S.N. 1927. Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy. Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press.

Ray, H.P. 1989. Early Maritime Contacts between South and Southeast Asia, Journal of South Asian Studies XX (1): 42-54.

McCrindle, John W. 1979. Ancient India as Described in Classical Literature (reprinted from Westminister 1901). New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation.

Ray, H.P. 1994. The Winds of Change, Buddhism and Maritime Links of Early South Asia. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Raychaudhury, H.C. 1938. Political History of Ancient India. Calcutta: Calcutta University Press.

Mishra, J. 2000. Radhanagara: Early Buddhism, Urban Structure and Trade, Archaeology of Orissa, K.K. Basa and P. Mohanty (Eds.), pp. 507-549. New Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan.

Rennel, J. 1783. Memoirs of a Map of Hindoostan. London: M. Brown.

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Sahu, B.P. 1996. Situating Early Historical Trade in Orissa, Indian Archaeology Since Independence, K.M. Shrimali (Ed.), pp. 95109, Delhi: Amit Printing Works.

Tripathy, B. 2002a. Mesolithic and Early Historic Cultures in the Middle Mahanadi Valley, Boudh District, Central Orissa, Nilabdi (Pdt. Nilamani Mishra Commemoration Volume), D. Pathy and B. Panda (Eds.), pp. 81-97, New Delhi: Herman Publishing House.

Sahu, N.K. 1958. Buddhism in Orissa. Cuttack: Utkal University. Sahu, N.K. 1982. Excavations at Asurgarh, District Kalahandi, Interim Excavation Report, S.C. Behera (Ed.), pp. 1-8, Jyoti Vihar: Sambalpur University.

Tripathy, B. 2002b. Archaeology of Boudh District, Orissa With Special Reference to the Early Historic Settlement Pattern. Ph.D. Dissertation (unpublished), Deccan College PostGraduate and Research Institute, Pune, India.

Sarao, K.T.S. 1990. Urban Centres and Urbanization as Reflected in the Pali Vinaya and Sutta Pitakas. Delhi: Vidya Nidhi Oriental.

Tripathy, B. 2005. Mesolithic and Early Historic Cultures in the Middle Mahanadi and Salunki River Valleys of Boudh District, Central Orissa: An Ecological and Ethnoarchaeological Perspective, River Valley Cultures of India, K.K. Chakravarty and G.L. Badam (Eds.), pp. 169-179, Bhopal: Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya.

Sarkar, H.B. 1983. Cultural Relations between India and South East Asian Countries. New Delhi: Indian Council of Cultural Relations. Sastri, T.G. (Ed.) 1920-25. ryamañjuírÌmñlakalpa, 3 Vols. Trivandrum: Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. Schoff, Wilfred H. 1912. The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea: Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean by a Merchant of the First Century. London: Longman, Green and Co.

Tripathy, B. 2007. Early Historic Trade Mechanism in Central and Western Orissa: A Holistic Perspective, Gurudakshina (Prof. V.N. Misra Felicitation Volume), Alok Kanungo (Ed.), pp. 46-71. Oxford: BAR International Series.

Sharma, R.S. 1983. Material Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India. Delhi: MacMillan India Ltd.

Tripathy, B. and P.P. Joglekar 1997-98. Archaeological Investigations in Central Orissa, Puratattva 28: 117-119.

Sharma, R.S. 1991. Urbanization in Early Historic India, The City in Indian History, Indu Banga (Ed.), New Delhi: South Asia Publications.

Tripathy, S. 1986. Early and Medieval Coins and Currency System of Orissa, c. 300 BC to 1568 AD. Calcutta: Punthi Pustak. Wadia, D.N. 1961. Geology of India. London: McMillan and Co. Ltd.

Sinha, B.N. 1971. Geography of Orissa. Delhi: National Book Trust.

Waters, T. 1988. On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India (629-645 A.D.), T.H. Rhys Davis and S.W. Bushell (Eds.), New Delhi: Asian Educational Service.

Tripathi, A. 2004. Onshore and Offshore Exploration in Elephanta Island: Evidence of Indo-Mediterranean Trade, Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology 1: 116-123.

Wheeler, R.E.M., A. Ghosh and Krishna Deva 1946. Arikamedu: An Indo-Roman Trading Station on the East-Coast of India, Ancient India 2: 17-124.

Tripathy, B. 1996-97. Archaeological Exploration around Boudh District, Orissa: A Preliminary Report, Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute, Pune 56-57: 4154.

Wolters, O.W. 1967. Early Indonesian Commerce. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Tripathy, B. 2000a. Early Historic Trade Network in Central and Western Orissa: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective, Man and Environment XXV(1): 60-67. Tripathy, B. 2000b. Archaeology of Boudh: Central Orissa, Archaeology of Orissa, K.K. Basa and P. Mohanty (Eds.), pp. 397-416, New Delhi: Pratibha Prakashan.

58

Barbaricum to Banbhore Through the Ages Nargis Rashid

Historically, the city of Debal, said to be the coastal stronghold of Rai (Rªjª) Dahir of Sindh and presently known as Banbhore, happened to be the starting point of Islamic ascendancy over South Asia. Its conquest by Muhammad bin Qªsim on the 10th of Muharram in 711 AD (712 is common error) is considered to be a landmark in the history of Pakistan and is celebrated as Yom e Bab-ul-Islam every year. After independence in 1947, its quest and correct identification became a point of prestige for the newly created republic of Pakistan. Somewhat preconceived notion of showing that the site of Banbhore was actually Debal, was not totally acceptable as controversy was generated over equating the ruins of littoral Banbhore and the historians' Debal. This essay discusses the question with the help of historical references, vernacular sources and research publications of South Asian and Western scholars to establish that the port city of Banbhore, which survived from the 2nd century BC to the first quarter of the 13th century AD, was variously known as Barbarikon, Barbaricum, Barbari, Banbhore, Deval and Debal.

accounts given by Arab and Persian historians and geographers, which again differ from each other. All these accounts have given the location of Debal along with selfdrawn map. Instead of being useful, they mostly create confusion because they are poorly presented. Since then, the problem of Debal's location has become an issue. The Arab Historians who have mentioned Debal in their work with description of the city are: Ibn Khurdadbih (300/912 AD), Masudi (303-331/924 AD), Ibn Haukal (331/943 AD), Istakhri (300/912 AD), Bashshri Maqdisi (375/986 AD), Al Beruni (416/1025), Masudi (440/943-44), Idrisi (549/1150 AD), Qazwini (628 AH). All these geographers have agreed that Debal was situated on the west of the Indus on the coast of the sea, and its environment was unproductive. It is interesting to note here that, Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemaeus), who preceded them by hundreds of years, shows Sindh and its towns in a much better way. Mostly the work of all other pre-modern geographers and historians is rather confusing; because they maintain no uniform standard. Moreover, their references are not only scattered but also incoherent and hence no systematic study is procurable out of them.

ARAB CONQUEST OF SINDH The Arabs came to Sindh from two different directions: the Arabian Sea route and the land route through southern Persia and Makran. The first led to a pattern of coastal settlements and the second eventually led to an urban system connected by new trade routes, as described by al-Biruni and other early historians. The coastal port town of Debal, Daybul or Devªl (Temple), was conquered by Muhammad bin Qªsim in 711 AD, during the Caliphate of al-Walid. There were nine more naval expeditions to Sindh before Muhammad bin Qªsim, the earliest of which took place in 637 AD (Baloch 1946: 250-66). Muhammad bin Qªsim occupied the city with its citadel and its low-lying commercial and industrial settlement, got victories over the Indians and captured cities one after another. The story is quite well known to every one; the basic intention was the extension of Islamic Empire. The main source on this 1 period is Chªchnªmªh. Moreover, another important source on the Arab governors is Futuh-ul-Buldan written by Biladhuri in the 9th century. Beside these, there are varicolored

COMMONLY CITED REFERENCES TO DEBAL IN ACADEMIC DISCUSSIONS The name Debal as the port city of Sindh occurs consistently in Persian references of historic contexts of the 5th and 6th centuries AD. The origin of the name, however, seems to go back to about the later half of the 1st century AD, after Sindh came under the KuîªÖa occupation. It remained so, till the advent of the rd Sassanians towards east in the first half of the 3 century AD. KuîªÖas rule over Sindh is attested by a large number of coins of the period discovered from the remains of the Buddhist stñpa at Mohenjo-Daro. However, the history of KuîªÖa rule is beset with many controversies of chronology in general, and many uncertainties in its territorial expansion in Sindh. As generally known, the founder of the KuîªÖa Empire was Kadphises II (65-78 AD). He was followed by Kaniîka-I, a staunch supporter of the Mahªyªna creed of Buddhism. 59

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Kaniîka-I, called “the Great” in the history of Buddhism, abdicated the throne in 102 AD in favour of his sons, Huviîka and Vasiîka-I, who jointly ruled the KuîªÖa Empire (Smith 1924: 284-355). The son of Vasiîka-I, named Kaniîka-II, ruled the Empire from 119 to 145 AD. Like his grandfather Kaniîka-I, he too was a zealot of Buddhism, and built a large number of stñpas throughout Sindh (Rapson: 1922). It appears quite plausible that realizing the importance of the port city of Banbhore as a window opening towards the western countries (Ball 1989: 119-131), Kaniîka-II might have built a landmark stñpa there for the glory of Buddhism. In keeping with the traditions, the stñpa might have been decorated with exquisite sculptures of the Buddha, Bodhisattvas, and the usual Jªtaka scenes of the Great Teacher's life stories. The sculptures might have been molded terracotta work like those of the stñpa at Mirpur Khas, or of sandstone locally available.

Devali (or Diwali) is the name of the BrªhmaÖic festival of the New Year.2 In order to differentiate the place name from that of the festival, the choice of Debal would have been the most appropriate. In foreign dealings, it appears, the state policy encouraged mentioning the ancient port city of Banbhore as Debal or Deval. In one of the important foreign documents, as we shall see later, it has even been abbreviated as Deb. Easier to pronounce in speech and simpler to write in documents, Debal consistently occurs in Persian literary references of the early Islamic periods. The name earned acceptance also in languages of other neighbouring cultural areas, like Arabia, Armenia, and Turkey. We start meeting the name Debal (Deval) in Persian literary sources, such as the Farsnªmª, in conjunction with the 5th century Sassanian emperor Bahram V (Vahram Gur, 420-440 AD; Baloch 1948: 74-75). He is said to have married the daughter of Maharªjª of Kannauj, of whose kingdom Sindh formed the western satrapy (ibid.), and received the city Daybul as part of the dowry. By virtue of this marriage, Bahram Gur also received in dowry of his bride the territory of Lower Sindh and the coastal plains of Las Bela to supplement the territory of Makran (currently, Iranian and Kech Makran), which was already in his realm. Much before this event and even long after it, this frontier area had often been a bone of contention between the Persian and the Indian rulers, since its secession by Seleucus Nicator to Candragupta Maurya in the wake of Alexander's campaigns (Baloch 1948: 74-75).

Except for the dig made at Banbhore around the Ÿiva temple, no extensive and deep excavations have been made in the western sector, where the Buddhist stñpa remains of the KuîªÖa period could be expected. Such sculptures, if there were any, must be buried deep, and no trace is available to substantiate the speculation. We are not very sure of the nature of the sculptural features envisaged in the conjecture above. Construction of a Buddhist stñpa in the KuîªÖa period is likely to have vested ancient Banbhore with a religious sanctity. It already had some aura of holiness after the visit of St. Thomas about a hundred years earlier, when the Indus Delta was under the Bactrian Greek rule of Gondophares (19-50 AD) (Rapson 1922).

Prof. S.Q. Fatimi (1981) has made valuable addition to our knowledge on the occurrence of the name Debal by drawing attention to early Arab poetry of Ibn al-Jarir (740-827 AD) and his contemporary Khalid al-Qannas. From their poetry, Debal appears to be a vast region or a whole district of pastureland for rearing herds of cattle. The cows of Debal seem to have gained certain notoriety in the lampooning contest of the two poets. Fatimi (1981: 81) also points out that the poetry of Ibn al-Arabi (767-845 AD) mentions Daybalain (two Daybals). This led him to conclude that there were two different ports in Sindh, bearing the same name. One was the port for the berthing of large seagoing vessels of deep draft, while the other was that for the flat-bottomed lighter crafts. According to him, the port city of Debal on the Gharo Creek (in the Indus Delta) must have been the first, while a second port could be somewhere upstream on the river Indus, somewhere near the present town of Thatta.

With the transformed identity as a Buddhist city, hallowed by its imposing stñpa and sculptures, it might have been the state policy to project it as a place of spiritual catharsis by making offerings to the divinities or devas, represented in the sculptures. The credulous devotees, ever obsessed with doing meritorious deeds for their salvation, would be encouraged to make offerings (balidªn = tributes/sacrifices) at such a sacred spot. A natural tendency would have been to associate the place with the ritual of offerings to the gods (Deva Balidªn), probably occasioned at some specific date of the yearly cycle. For the simple and ignorant country folks, the actual historic name of the place would have become immaterial. The religious establishment under the state patronage might have been called Devªlaya, as suggested by Daulat Ram, an Indian scholar, citing reference from the Persian Chunesar Nªmªh in his correspondence with the Department of Archaeology (Ashfaque 1969: 185). Now, this new appellation for the holy place would soon shed its excessive respect to the grammatical rules, and contract into a shortcut combination of the significant syllables of the two separate words as (De-va + Bali-dªn) = Debali/Devali = Debal/Deval. The sounds of b and v are interchangeable in most of the Indo-European languages, of which both Sanskrit and Persian are members. Of the two contractual forms derived from Deva Balidªn shown above,

Over and above these allusions to Debal in Persian and Arabic literary sources, there is also a reference to the same port as 'Depuhl' by Moses Khorenac, an Armenian navigator of the 8th century (Sunderman 1971: 84, note 31). All these references to Debal have become rather commonplace in the academic discussions. A more exciting and comparatively recent discovery of an allusion to the seaport occurs in the so-called Cologne Mani-Codex, discussed in 60

Nargis Rashid: Barbaricum to Banbhore

catapults or mijeneeq as used in the siege of Debal by Muhammad bin Qªsim.

great details by Sunderman (1986: 11-19). The final portion of this seriously damaged Greek tract was first published in 1982. According to Sunderman, the tract is on the life of the Aramaic speaking Mani, the renowned founder of the Manichaean religion, and speaks about his voyage to the Indus land (Lower Sindh). The event, represented as Mani's own narrative in first person, indicates his embarking on a Mesopotamian ship from the port of Thrat', on the estuary of Tigris and Euphrates, at the head of the Persian Gulf. This historic journey has been securely dated between the years AD 240-242, enclosing the death of Ardashir and accession of Shapur-I. With many interruptions of the missing portions, the text indicates Mani's arrival at the port of Deb on the estuary of the Indus, where he had already sent his two missionaries to prepare for his proselytizing visit to the capital city of Turan (present Khuzdar in Kalat district of Baluchistan). The identity of the port of disembarkation abbreviated as Deb, has been thoroughly investigated by Sunderman (ibid.: 13), and it is none other than the port of Debal. Mani's journey to India was inspired by the apocryphal acts of the Apostle Thomas, who as mentioned earlier, had visited the port of Banbhore (Debal of our present discussion) in the time of Gondophares. The Cologne ManiCodex, therefore, is the earliest literary reference to Debal, known to exist so far.

BARBARICUM TO BANBHORE Over and above these identifications of Debal, it is necessary to probe into the hoary remains of the port of Barbarikon by going back to the last days of Alexander's campaigns in Punjab in 325 BC, when he was compelled by his revolting troops to turn back on return journey homewards. It is known that he traversed the distance from central Punjab to lower Sindh by sailing down the river Indus. An attempt has been made below to recreate the state of Alexander's thinking, and to correlate it with his activities in lower Sindh, in the light of sparse evidence of the original sources, with the best possible logical reasoning permissible in historiography for bridging the gaps. Many surmises made in the following passages are not totally out of tune with modern scholarship, accepted in academic circles with reverence (Tarn 1939: 124-135, 1979: 160). From all circumstantial indications, Alexander's journey back home was that of a frustrated man. Perhaps, after recovery from the first shock of failure of his ambitious plans of world conquest, he had started thinking of ways of consolidating his empire spread over the conquered territories of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia, Central Asia, and the Indus Country. In the situation of the forced decision to abandon his plans of further progress in South Asia, the only viable mechanism for consolidating his empire was to establish regular commercial shipping routes between the Indus Delta and the Persian Gulf. He knew that nearly two centuries earlier, the expedition of Scylax had not been for nothing.3 The Achaemenians had benefited from it by promoting their maritime trade in the Asiatic littoral. If ever the use of the geographical knowledge gained from it had to be made by the Greeks, this was the time for it. As a matter of fact, it appears quite plausible that in deciding to sail on rafts down the river Indus after his skirmishes with the Mallians at Tulamba in central Punjab, Alexander intended to have some personal experience of riverine navigation, of which he had learnt only vicariously from Scylax's narrative. The matter was decided, therefore, in favour of the rafters, and some light crafts for operational functions of the riverine navigation. These were built somewhere on the banks of Hydaspes (Jhelum). The riverine journey was a replay of the historic exploration of the waterways of the Indus, performed nearly two centuries earlier by Scylax.

ARCHEOLOGY OF RATTU KOT Fatimi's argument on the location of the second Debal near Thatta, as discussed above, does not sound satisfactory. Instead, the role of the berthing facility for the seagoing vessels could be better assigned to the remains of a trading fortress at Ratto Kot on Muchak Island, situated close to the coast of the Arabian Sea, on the southern bank of the Phitti creek. The architectural remains of Rattu Kot, built in red bricks, were first noted during a brief archaeological survey in Port Muhammad Bin Qasim area, located on the coastline Arabian Sea in Karachi by Ashfaque (1983). The remains were estimated to be contemporary with the early Islamic period, at Banbhore. This dating is corroborated in later investigations of the site by a team of the French archaeologists (Kervran 1993: 3-54). The ruins of the commercial establishment on Muchak Island seem to answer better the purpose of berthing of the large seagoing vessels (Ashfaque 1993: 28-43). The trans-shipment of the cargo by lighter crafts between this outer harbour on Muchak Island and the inner harbour on the Gharo Creek might have been the modus operandi during the early Islamic period. Possibly, both ports were called Debal. The deep-sea port at Muchak Island does not bear any evidence of urban settlement around the rectangular fortification of the trading plaza. The fortification had been amply provided with defense measures against pirate attacks, commensurate with the ballistic technology of the time. In the ruins of a store room on western flank of the fort there was an arsenal of baked clay balls, which must have been thrown at the enemies by the mechanical

Evidently, as no first hand written records were likely to have survived since Scylax's great adventure, the narrative by oral transmission could have been subjected to exaggerations. As a disciple of Aristotle, imbued with scientific thinking, Alexander had to consider all the pros and cons of the problems. In a planning of momentous importance for the future of his conquered world, he had to be sure of the feasibility of 61

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seaports were not drawn in the modem manner of systematic documentation of all aspects with survey maps of sites of the public projects. The discussion, if recorded at all, could not survive the vicissitudes of the ensuing events. Most of the plans, however, seem to have been verbal discussions by Alexander in assembly of close associates, who were supposed to remember the specific details for future execution.

commercial navigations down the Indus, which unlike the river Nile, was reported to have no cataracts and rapids in its course after emerging from the mountains. He probably also thought of extending the shipping routes to the Red Sea, to create a link between the Indus Valley and Egypt, so close to his native Hellas. In this context, it may be mentioned that during his campaigns in Palestine, Sinai, and Egypt, he had already deputed one, Anaxicrates, to explore and chart the comparatively safer passages through the coral reefs and shoals of the Red Sea, the Bab el-Mandeb of the Arab sailors, and other hazardous stretches of the Arabian coast (Amigues 1996).4

Of the three seaports planned, the first was to be located at the delta head, where the main river bifurcated. Some historians of Alexander indicate that a berthing wharf of this port named Patala was actually built in massive brickwork during his stay in the area. It remains a mere guesswork whether it happens to be situated under the historic ruins of Bahmanabad, the stratigraphic accumulation of the urban growth of Hyderabad, or beneath the garbage dumps of the medieval city of Thatta. With the development of modem geophysical methods for archaeological probing of buried structures, it may be possible to locate the remains of Patala at one of the prospective spots.6

Alexander had rather a long sojourn in Lower Sindh (Haig 1894: 8-23), waiting for reversal of the monsoons for dispatching half of his troops by ships to the Persian Gulf, under the command of Nearchus in the autumn of 325 BC. He intended to take the other half of his troops by land route via Makran under his own command. He made good use of the time of waiting for the commencement of the northwesterly monsoon, by carrying out a cerebral exercise of planning three seaports in the Indus Delta country (termed as Patalene). These seaports were necessary for maritime contacts with his western empire. In view of this objective, he carried out a personal survey of the main branches of the Indus in the delta to observe the hydrological factors of currents and tides, important for selecting the appropriate sites. He also gave names to the various landscape features in the delta, and to the islands, promontories, headlands, and embayment of the main coastline of lower Sindh for proper identification.5 His scouts might have also spotted several sanctuaries for crocodiles on the mainland, held in veneration by the natives from ancient times, just like the Egyptians (Hassan 1973: 123-134). It might have possibly been in recognition of this fact, that the semi-arid peneplain of the mainland coast around modern Karachi was called Krokala (“Land of the Sacred Crocodiles”).

The second port of Alexander's scheme was to be built on the eastern (Puran) branch of the Indus where it met the sea. The sea extended over the entire Rann of Kutch, making a small bay known to the Greeks as Eirinos Pelago. The proposed port had been named Xylinopolis (= “Timber Mart”), probably indicating the fact of its proximity to the country of Gujarat, from where good quality timber was available. Timber was a raw material of strategic importance in shipbuilding of the age. Possibly, the local craftsmen on the spot were already engaged in building the few ships ordered for Alexander's fleet under the supervision of Greek shipwrights. Some of the timber from dismantled rafters built on the bank of the Hydaspes in Punjab might also have been used for internal structures of the naval ships. Here, some confusion exists in the minds of modem researchers, who upon the authority of Strabo, believe that the crafts built on the banks of Hydaspes for carrying Alexander's army, would have also served for the naval fleet for voyage over the sea to destination in the Persian Gulf. Sea-going vessels unlike those plied on rivers, however, have keeled bottoms for greater stability in rough waters. Most probably, in apprehension of the pirate attacks along the Makran coast, the naval ships were designed after the models of the formidable triaconters, famous for their battering rams in Greek history from the time of the battle of Salamis in 490 BC (Casson 1971: 97-135, Tarn 1930: 170-178).

The place referred in the English translation of Arrian's Anabasis as “Alexander's Haven”, is taken by some authors as a small indent in the shoreline of Gharo Creek where Banbhore is situated (Figs. 1 and 2). Others regard it as a cove, which lay between the rocky prominence of Tharro Gujo, and the Makli Hills farther east from Banbhore near Thatta (Wilhelmy 1968: Map A, 183). Alternatively, it could have been a tranquil lagoon lying in the lea of Bath Island, now a totally reclaimed land under the urban growth of Karachi.

The third port proposed, was of general cargo handling. It was to be located on the western or Sagapa branch of the Indus. Its present vernacular name Gharo is derived from Khaur adDebal of the Arabs in the early Islamic era (Ghafur 1967: 6790). This proposed seaport was named as Barbarikon, signifying the fact of its landscape looking barren and stony waste, and likewise, its sparse native populace of Negroid features, reminiscent of the Barbary Coast of North Africa. The graphic description of the location of the third seaport

None of these Greek names for the landscape features of coastal Sindh, mentioned in the accounts of Alexander's historians, can be found on the modem maps, except probably the Kori Creek in the Indus Delta, and Ras Malan on the coast of Makran (Mockler 1879). Kori is the Greek word for a young daughter. The reason for the name may lie in the probable fact that this might have been a new branch developing in the dendritic morphology of the Indus Delta. The plans for building the 62

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corresponds remarkably well with that of the ruins of Banbhore of our present study. It is not difficult to recognize the Negroid people as present day Makranis. Their occupation of the coastal belt might have extended to the Indus in Alexander's time. By common consensus of geophysical observations, Gharo Creek happened to be the western branch of the river Indus up to the beginning of the 13th century AD. The shoreline of the Indus Delta must have run considerably inland from the present position towards the east during Alexander's time (Haig 1894: 8-23).

period corresponds with the middle part of the Bactrian Greeks rule over the Paropamissadae region of modem Afghanistan, with suzerainty extending over Arachosia, Gedrosia, Patalene, Cutch, Kathiawar, Punjab, and Kashmir. In all probability, the belated execution of Alexander's plan of a port of general cargo handling on the western delta branch of the Indus goes to the credit of Menander about 148 BC. Ancient authors like Ptolemy (mid-2nd century AD), and other subsequent literary sources of the Greco-Roman world, have not been so meticulous in calling the port in the Indus Delta by its full name as Barbarikon. They have often varied it as Barbara, Barbari, Barbaricum, etc. Before them, the port of Barbarikon started featuring in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (c. 1st century AD) as Barbaricum. This manual tells us that Barbaricum was a “market-town” on the shore of one of the seven mouths of the Sinthus (Indus), where the ships were anchored. From there, all the cargoes would be carried upstream by the river to the king at the metropolis of Scythia, Minnagara (possibly Bahmanabad) that was situated “behind” Barbaricum (§ 38-39, Schoff 1912: 37-38). The place was well linked by land routes towards Las Bela and Makran in the northwest, towards Sijistan in the northeast, towards the entire Indus Basin by the main navigational artery of the river Indus itself, and towards Kutch and Saurashtra of Gujarat in the southeast, both by camel caravans and the country boats plying in the deltaic creeks.

The circumstances of Alexander's schedule of departure with commencement of the westerly monsoon of the autumn season, suggest that the site of the port of Barbarikon had been selected, but construction of its harbour and other infrastructures were left for future execution. According to Panhwar (1983), Alexander first dispatched his naval fleet under Nearchus, and started on his own journey back home by land route through Las Bela district on 1st September of the year 325 BC. It is not clear by what means he has found such a precise date. By every probability of the monsoon schedule, the ship must have departed by the end of October. After Alexander's untimely death on reaching Persepolis in Persia in 323 BC, the public memory of those plans lingered on, sans the imperial mandate for execution. It became a mere sacrament of a dead tyrant, narrated by one generation to the next. The matter in the process got muddled and lost the relevance of purpose and priority.

The description of Barbaricum in the Periplus makes it evident that the port was fully operational in the first century AD and became well known in the contemporary shipping concerns after some decades of existence. Its fame must have spread by sailors' gossips in the pubs and casinos of contemporary ports like Barygaza, Sheba, Suakin, Berenice, and Aqaba. Probably, the export cargo service in the Indus Delta expanded to such an extent that it became difficult to handle it at Barbarikon alone and need arose for an additional seaport.

The plans, however, might have held interest for some of the wise rulers of the succeeding Seleucid dynasty, or still later for rulers of the Bactrian Greek lineage of the 2nd century BC, like Demetrius I (187-165 BC) who held Alexander as his ideal of worldly wisdom and farsightedness, especially in founding new townships and harbours. Menander (150-130 BC) of the Bactrian Greek lineage might also be considered as the possible founder of the seaport of Barbarikon. Steeped profoundly in the maritime exploits of the ancient Greek history and culture, this enlightened leader is likely to have realized the importance of an opening towards the sea for prosperity of his land-locked domain of Central Asia.

Within a hundred years of its beginning, when Sindh had passed in the hands of Scythians and was called Sakadvipa, another seaport was established in the Indus Delta. This was the port of Minnagara. It is often mentioned in the logbooks of the Roman captains, and sometimes confused with Barbaricum. The Parthian king, Gondophares (19-50 AD), used the port Minnagara as his southern Capital to administer Sindh and Kathiawar. The location of this port also stands lost in the swamps of the Indus Delta.

From our note on the stratigraphy of Banbhore in the preceding pages, it is clear that the cultural deposits went much deeper than the apparent terminus ante quern in-posed by the ground water table. If the possibility expressed in the words quoted from the Preliminary Report on Banbhore Excavations (Khan 1969: 12), of the deposits going down to the "very remains of Alexander's Haven" [sic.] is considered excessive, we may have to deduct a period of about 175 years from the date of Alexander's departure in 325 BC. That would be for the interlude of the Maurya dynasty, the periods of rules of the local principalities, and that of the early Bactrian Greeks. The beginning of the settlement at Barbarikon, therefore, may reasonably be placed in the first half of the 2nd century BC. This

By concluding the debate, the last reasoning I present here is the location of Barbarikon, which is the recorded location in The Times for Barbaricum (Panhwar 1983: 102). It is quiet astonishing, as it resembles a lot with the present location of Banbhore, which is as follows: VARIANT NAME, COUNTRY, GEOGRAPHIC NAME, TYPE OF NODE, LONGITUDE, LATITUDE, SOURCE OF COORDINATES, OWTRAD ID NUMBER

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"Barbaricum", "67.061461", "24.850203", "IN", "nkn", "approx", "25", "tmcIRa0100_024a" (Davies 1959: 16-17, Stone 1989: 82). "Barbaricum", "IN", "Barbaricum", "historic settlement", "67.061461", "24.850203", "OWT est", "25". Banbhore, which has the locus of longitude 67°41' east & latitude 24°40' north of Greenwich (Khan 1969).

homespun duo-syllabic “Ban-bhore” must have sounded quite familiar to the native ears. Its literal meaning (ban = forest/wilderness + bhore = dawn) could be “the wilderness at dawn”. This sounded quite poetic, and fit for weaving into folklores. It may be noted that both the syllables of the Prakrit language are used in formulation of toponyms in South Asia, such as Bhore Ghað in Kerala State of India, Sundarban in the western deltaic tract of Bengal, and Ban Amir Khatoon in Chakwal district of Punjab, recently made famous by discovery of rich mammalian fossils of Lower Pleistocene in Pakistan.

HOMOPHONY OF BANBHORE One cannot fail to note the remarkably close homophony of Banbhore with that of the Greek name of Barbarikon. This Greek name had a susceptibility of metathesis, quite in a normal way of the evolutionary process of the phonology of words. It had to undergo contraction from the tri-syllabic “Barbari-kon” to the duo-syllabic “Ban-bhore”.

By an amazing coincidence, the two syllables of Banbhore are reversed in the old locality name of Bhurban, a tourist spot with its modem Five-star hotel near Murree. The former's -bhore with a slight variation becomes the latter's Bhur- from the same parent stock of the Prakrit language. Like wise the efforts were made by Talpur (1990) is also make sense, according to her, the name carried the diagnostic ending of -ur (Banbhur) signifying its etymological link with the Zoroastrian place names of fireworship during the Sassanian hegemony over the trans-Indus regions of present Pakistan. She indicates many other places in Sindh generally with the Sanskrit suffix of -pur (-p-ur) as is commonly seen in the names of countless toponyms in the

The claim of the name Banbhore applied to the site from its very beginning, only its original pronunciation being Barbarikon, The Greek name was short-lived, and saw extinction at the end of the maritime Hellenism in Lower Sindh. In comparison with the three syllabic “Bar-bari-kon” of alien speech (of which no syllable carried any meaning in the native tongue of the time based primarily on ancient Prakrit), the

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Fig. 2 General plan of the archaeological site at Banbhore

lore of the Semitic religions about the punishment meted out to Prophet Abraham, by throwing him into a massive fire built by Nimrod for desecrating the idols of divinities, possibly points to the rudimentary vogue of Fire-worship obtaining in Mesopotamia also.

entire region of South Asia (Shahdadpur, Khairpur, Mirpur, etc), or with the simple appellation of-ur/-ar occurring in toponyms like Sukkur, Bhakkar, etc. she traces the tradition of Fire-worship to the heydays of the Indus Civilization, as signified by the so-called mangers placed before the figures of the mythical unicorns carved on the pictorial Harappan seals. In her opinion, this fascination or cult of the fire and flames of the Indus Civilization, in its diffused and incipient stage was later crystallized and codified in the religious principles of Ahura Mazda in about the 7th century BC, and was assigned the prime importance in the liturgical manuals of Avesta. Like all other great religions of the world, the Zoroastrian religion was not created on spontaneous whims of an individual. It must have been the condensation of the spiritual and ideological vapors of human thoughts, accumulating in the social milieu for centuries.

In Sindh at some later stage, the suffix -ur seems to have been replaced by the prefix tandor- (oven or fireplace), as attachment with place names where fire-worship was carried out in the past. There are numerous examples of this change, such as Tando'Adom, Tando-Allahyar, Tando-jam etc. Etymologically, the Persian term tandoor (baker's oven) appears to be derived from tandoor (Talpur 1990: 93). After all the above review it is sure for now that the archaeological excavations of 1960s were made with the overriding concern to prove the site as Debal of the early Islamic period, in the light of the accounts of the Arab historians. To this may be added F.A. Khan's articles on Banbhore excavations that have proved beyond any doubt that the Banbhore site survived from the 2nd century BC to the first quarter of the 13th century AD. It may have been called Barbaricon, Barbari, Debal and Banbhore through the centuries.

The suffix -ur, meaning fire, may probably be related by tenuous links to the Sumerian Civilization also, where the capital city itself was known as Ur. Towns like Nippur, Shuruppak, Larsa, etc., bore the ingredient of-ur/'ar like the ancient places in the Indus Basin. Besides, the widely narrated 65

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In support of our equation of Barbarikon with Banbhore, it would not be out of place to mention here that like Wilhelmy (1968: 177-191) and other modem researchers on the geomorphological changes in the Indus Delta from ancient times, M.H. Panhwar (1979, 1983), the veteran research scholar of the geography and history in ancient Sindh, also maintains the same in his fully documented and excellent expositions. In the potentially significant area of the Western Sector, no deep diggings were made to obtain a more precise picture of the chronology of the pre-Islamic structures, except for the dig around the Ÿiva temple. In deep diggings some essential aspects of the pre-Islamic phase, like numismatic evidences and sculptural assemblages, were not given due importance. Such lacunae assume vital importance in reflective writing of a research scholar to integrate the mosaic of facts in a complete picture of a vanished society, and in assimilating the total cultural profile of the sites in relation with the mainstream of the historical developments in the surrounding regions.

socio-economic state under the Hellenic, Mauryan, Parthian, Scythian, KuîªÖas, Sassanian, and the Hindu-Buddhist cultural phases. What remains of immediate importance till such a project is ever materialized is the proper study of all the cultural remains recovered in the conventional excavations of 1960s. Some limited study has already been made on Banbhore inscriptions (Ghafur 1967: 67-90), mosque architecture (Ashfaque 1969: 182-209) and Islamic coins (Nasir 1967: 117-181). These studies may farther be extended to any new features or artifacts. NOTES 1. Chªchnªmªh is a text that was originally written in Arabic by the kinsmen of Muhammad bin Qªsim and was translated into Persian by Muhammad Ali bin Hamid bin Abu Bakr Kufi in 1216 AD. 2. The fourth day of Diwali, known as Padwa or Varîapratipada, marks the first day of a new year according to Vikram Samvat. 3. According to Herodotus (iv, 42), Scylax of Caryanda was commissioned by the Persian King Darius I, to explore the waterways from the junction of the river Kabul with the Indus down to its delta, and from thence along the Makran Coast to the Persian Gulf (Bahr al-Kufah) (Talukdar 1966: 104-127), and subsequently around the Arabian Peninsula into the Red Sea. The task was accomplished in the years 518-516 BC (Pithawala 1978: 60-68).

END OF DEBAL Regarding the end of the city of Debal is also ambiguous, according to some historians its end was due to an earthquake in 280 AH, in which 150,000 inhabitants died (Panhwar 1977: 493). But there are certain references that show that the city survived after the earthquake till it was destroyed by the hands of Khawarizm Shah. Among Persian historians of India, Tabaqªt-i-NaîirÌ of Minhªj us-Sirªj is important source which describes Jalaluddin Khwarizm Shah's sack of Debal in 1228 AD/625 AH (Panhwar 1983: 250). In context to the sack of Debal, Pathan (1978: 417) states that some human skeleton were also found from the ruins and one of these corpses had an arrow pierced in the chest which show that the man was evidently killed in the battle or the siege of the town. Now it depends on the situation, whether it could be a state of battle as mentioned by Minhªj us-Sirªj or it could be the only case of personal rivalry? To know the answer there is a need to do extensive excavation on the site.

4. Although we never hear of the results of Anaxicrates survey of the Arabian coastlines after Alexander's death, but within a couple of centuries after, the Hellenistic mariners of Ptolemaic Egypt had their mastery established over the Indian Ocean (Salles 1996: 293-309). 5. It must be remembered that the deltaic and coastal morphology anywhere in the world, is the most capricious in retaining the shapes of distribution of land and water over long ages. The various toponyms mentioned in the area of Lower Sindh by Alexander's historians, therefore, are difficult to recognize with certainty. Most of the Greek names of the land features have become controversial of identification in the modem studies (Wilhelmy 1968: 177-191). Among the various features of the landscape, possibly named by Alexander, the ones identified in the immediate vicinity of modem Karachi are Eiros (Clifton), Morontobara (Manora?), and Bibakta (Baba Bhit Island?). Considering the receded position of the deltaic coast line, however, in Alexander's time, some people fix the position of Eiros at Makli Hill, and of Bibakta at the rocky prominence of Tharro Gujo, about 30 kilometers to the east of Banbhore.

BANBHORE SITE - CUTTING EDGE In this study of the changing fortunes and identities of Banbhore, it may be noticed that this major archaeological and partially excavated site in Pakistan (Fig. 2), is full of potentials for further research. It requires fresh field investigations based on new geophysical techniques, such as geomagnetic, gravitational, electronic resistivity of subsoil intrusive bodies, etc., in properly devised grid systems, combined with the satellite imagery the modem high technology methods which were not available to archaeologists working in 1960s under Dr. F.A. Khan. New researches may range from the geomorphological changes in the Gharo Creek in context with its navigability by ocean-going vessels in bygone ages, to its

6. Actually, the Indus Delta forms the southern supplement of the Gandhara region in northern parts of Pakistan. We are proud of possessing its remarkable Hellenistic culture, but remain oblivious of the potentials treasures of Patalene and its capital Patala. The traces of the maritime Hellenism in Lower Sindh stand totally hidden in deposits of time, and the tides of the Arabian Sea. This situation presents a wholesome challenge of rediscovery of the material remains of the lost phase of the history of Pakistan by hi-tech methodology, both of satellite imagery and underwater archaeology.

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Hassan, S.M. 1973. A Crocodilopolis near Karachi, Pakistan Archaeology (Karachi) 9: 123-134.

Sunderman, W. 1986. Mani, India and the Manichaean Religion, South Asian Studies 2: 11 19.

http://www.ciolek.com/OWTRAD/DATA/tmcIRa0100.html (For map)

Talpur, Perveen 1990. Banbhore in History & Tradition. M.Phil. Dissertation (not submitted). Karachi: University of Karachi.

Kerveran, M. 1993. Vanishing Medieval Cities of the Northwest Indus Delta, Pakistan Archaeology (Karachi) 28: 3-54.

Talukdar, M.H.R. 1966. The Arab Invasions of Al-Sind and Al-Hind, Pakistan Historical Society Journal XIV: 104-127.

Khan F.A. 1969. Banbhore: A Preliminary Report on the Recent Archaeological Excavations, Karachi, 1-52, Department of Archaeology & Museums, Government of Pakistan.

Tarn, W.W. 1930. Hellenistic Military & Naval Developments. Cambridge: Cambridge Press. Tarn, W.W. 1939. Alexander's Plans, The Journal of Hellenic Studies lix(1): 124-135.

Lohuizen-de, J.E. Leeuw 1986. The Second Century of the Kanishka Era, South Asian Studies 2: 1-9.

Tarn, W.W. 1979 (2nd Edition). Alexander the Great, Vol. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge Press.

McCrindle, John Watson 1927 (Originally 1884). Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, Indian Antiquary (Revised edition) Calcutta.

Wilhelmy, H. 1968. Indusdelta und Rann of Kutch, Erdkunde XXII (Heft 3, September): 177-191.

Mockler Maj. E. 1879. Alexander's Passage through Lasbela and Makran, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society IX (II) April.

67

A Note on the Coins from Pattanam, Kerala V. Selvakumar and K.P. Shajan

INTRODUCTION

identifiable, while the other coins, which are highly corroded, are no more than metal discs.

Pattanam is a multicultural archaeological site identified with the ancient port of Muziris, vividly described in the Sangam and Greco-Roman literature. According to tradition, the port of Muziris was located around modern Kodungallur (Cranganore) (Achan 1946), which lies on the northern bank of the river Periyar, despite the absence of material evidence from this place, which is datable to the Early Historic period. The site of Pattanam lies in Vadakkekara village under Chittatukara panchªyat in Kerala, about 30 km north of Ernakulam and one kilometre north of the Paravur Todu, a distributary of the Periyar River. About 6 km southeast of Pattanam is Valluvalli, which yielded a hoard of Roman coins (Sathaymurthy 1992). Investigations undertaken at this site in 2003 brought to light an Early Historic settlement with brick architecture, Roman amphora and Rouletted Ware for the first time in Kerala (Shajan et al. 2004: 312-320).1 Trial excavations conducted at this site in 2004 revealed a few copper coins and a silver coin, besides a potsherd with Tamil BrªhmÌ inscription (Selvakumar et al. 2005a: 57-66, Selvakumar et al. 2005b: 113-117, Selvakumar et al. 2006: 117-124). Research reveals that the site was occupied even before the beginning of trade contacts with Rome, as evidenced by the Megalithic pottery found in the bottom-most layer and the occupation continued during the Early Medieval and Modern periods. This note presents an account of the coins recovered from the trial excavations. Out of the five coins reported from the site, only two are clearly

Fig. 1 Obverse of the Chera Coin from Pattanam

COIN NO. 1 A copper coin was collected from the Trench PTM II in Layer 4, at a depth of 100-110 cm. This square coin was found in a corroded condition, and cleaning exposed most of the figures. Complete cleaning was not possible, since the metal core was not strong. Before cleaning, the coin weighed 1.440 gm. The intact coin measured 2 cm x 1.8 cm. The edges of the coin are damaged and hence it is possible that the coin was originally slightly larger in size. OBVERSE An elephant facing right occupies the centre of the coin. Above the elephant, more than four symbols are seen, but they are not clearly identifiable, except for a symbol that appears like a swastika (Fig. 1). REVERSE An elephant goad (mazhu or aÕkusa) with its working-edge facing right is depicted on the top. Below the goad is a bow stringed with an arrow facing downwards. The bow is fivesided and two dots are found on either side of the arrowhead (Fig. 2). COMMENTS

Fig. 2 Reverse of the Chera Coin from Pattanam

68

Such coins are frequently encountered in large number at Karur and several other sites in Tamil Nadu and they are identified as Sangam Chera coins (Nagasamy 1981: 9). It is the first early (or Sangam) Chera coin reported from an archaeological excavation in Kerala. Three similar coins are reported from Paravur near Alangad in Quilon District (Ayyar 1924: 162-163) and an identical coin from Eyyal hoard is exhibited at Trissur Shakthan Tamburan Museum. From the known examples, it is understood that the obverse side of the coin under review would have five sacred symbols (instead of the four that are now visible) and the reverse, a staff is found in front of the elephant. Chronologically, it can be placed in the early centuries of the Christian Era.

V. Selvakumar and K.P. Shajan: A Note on the Coins from Pattanam

coin and the associated settlement remains prove that the West Coast is also a potential region like Tamil Nadu, and that there was a Chera power centre, if not the capital, in this region. The initial research has only put forward the hypothesis that Pattanam could be the ancient port of Muziris. Further research could reveal more about the site and help test this hypothesis. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Fig. 3 Obverse of the Kochi Putten or Travancore Chakram

Fig. 4 Reverse of the Kochi Putten or Travancore Chakram

The authors are grateful to Mrs. Bina Sarasan for her comments on the coins, and Mr. P.K. Gopi, Registrar, Centre for Heritage Studies, for his administrative and logistic support offered for this research. NOTES 1. The site was first studied by Dr. K.P Shajan and the ceramic collection from the site was identified by Dr. Roberta Tomber and V. Selvakumar.

COIN NO. 2 A silver coin was recovered from the Trench PTM II in Layer 2, at a depth of 50-60 cm. It is a circular coin in a well-preserved condition, though it is slightly darkened due to weathering. The coin, measuring 6 mm in diameter, weighs 0.390 gm and its thickness is about 2 mm.

2. Mr. P.K. Gopi, Registrar of Centre for Heritage Studies identified this coin as Kochi Puthen and subsequently, it was mentioned so in Selvakumar et al. 2005a and 2005b as Kochi Puthen. 3. Half Vellichakram– Smallest Coin in the World. Kerala Interface,http://www.kerala.gov.in/interaug04.pdf, accessed on 8 August 2004.

OBVERSE It shows a conch with five dots in two rows below it and a halfmoon (ardha candra) above it. The crescent, flanked by two dots, has a 'V' shaped symbol within it (Fig. 3).

REFERENCES Achan, A.P. 1946. Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Cochin State for the Year 1121 M.E. (1945-46).

REVERSE Two parallel lines with a dot at one end (Fig. 4).

Ayyar, A.S. Ramanatha 1924 (1999 reprint). Three Chera Coins, Travancore Archaeological Series V: 162-163.

COMMENTS

Nagasamy, R. 1981. Tamil Coins A Study. Chennai: Department of Archaeology.

This coin was initially identified as a Kochi Puthen, one of the coins of Kochi kingdom (Sarojini Amma 1993: 113-114).2 However, Mrs. Bina Sarasan, a numismatic expert from Thiruvananthapuram, identifies it as a Travancore Chakram issued in the eighteenth century. The half vellichakram of Travancore measures 0.170 gm3 and the coin from Pattanam measures 0.390 gm. The symbol on the obverse matches with the symbol on the iron die of Bala Ramavarma I, the last ruling Mahªrªjª of the princely state of Travancore (AD 1798-1860) (Sarojini Amma 1997: 154).

Sarojini Amma, G. 1993. The Coinage of Kochi and Kolikkodu Principalities, Studies in South Indian Coins 3: 113-114. Sarojini Amma, G. 1997. Techniques Adopted in Travancore Mint. Studies in South Indian Coins VII: 154. Sathaymurthy, T. 1992. Catalogue of Roman Gold Coins. Department of Archaeology, Government of Kerala. Selvakumar, V., P.K. Gopi and K.P. Shajan 2005a. Trial Excavations at Pattanam: A Preliminary Report, The Journal of the Centre for Heritage Studies 2: 57-66. Selvakumar, V., P.K. Gopi, and K.P. Shajan 2005b. Pattanathil Muchiriyin Thadayangal – Sothanai Agalvayvugal: Or Arikkai, Avanam 15: 113-117.

DISCUSSION The discovery of a Chera coin from a stratified context at Pattanam is significant. Traditionally, the absence of Chera coins and the related archaeological evidence in the West Coast is considered as one of the arguments against the location of the Chera capital Vanji in this region. Instead, the Chera capital is identified with Karur in Tamil Nadu. The discovery of a Chera

Shajan, K.P., R. Tomber, V. Selvakumar and P.J. Cherian 2004. Locating the Ancient Port of Muziris: Fresh Findings from Pattanam. Journal of Roman Archaeology 17: 312-320. V. Selvakumar, K.P. Shajan and I. Mahadevan 2006. Inscriptions and Graffiti on Pottery from Pattanam (Muciri), Kerala, International Journal of Dravidian Linguistics 35(2): 117-124.

69

Excavations at the World Heritage City at Polonnaruva, Sri Lanka Anura Manatunga

The ruined city of Polonnaruva is marked by an array of monuments scattered along a strip of land, on the east shore of a large reservoir known as Parªkrama Samudra, or the Sea of Parªkrama (Fig. 1). Polonnaruva is a unique archaeological site in Sri Lanka as it represents both Buddhist and Hindu monuments in a grand scale and relatively good condition of preservation (Figs. 2 and 3). There are religious monuments such as the stñpas, image houses, monks' cells, and secular monuments such as palaces, council chambers and summer palaces (Fig. 4). Most of these monuments are brick buildings but there are also a considerable number of stone buildings.

camp to another through the jungle track with the guidance of some locals. Thereafter, another military officer, Major Jonathan Forbes of the 73rd Highlanders Regiment, visited the site in 1832 and gave the first comprehensive account of the ruins of the site in his book Eleven years in Ceylon, published in 1840. This was followed by several other antiquarians to Polonnaruva in the later half of the 19th century, when the city was still amidst a forest. Excavations at Polonnaruva were initiated in 1885 by Dullewe Nilame, the native government agent of the district, with the guidance of S.M. Barrows, a noted antiquarian at that time,

Polonnaruva was the capital city of Sri Lanka for about two hundred fifty years from the late 10th century AD to the mid-13th century AD. Prior to that, Polonnaruva was used as an alternative center of administration by kings of Anuradhapura who settled there periodically since 7th century AD. The Cola (Chola) invaders, who terminated the long standing Anuradhapura kingdom at the end of the 10th century AD, chose Polonnaruva as their capital city and ruled the conquered parts of the Island from Polonnaruva for about 75 years. After expelling the Colas from Polonnaruva, King VijayabÂhu I (1055-1110 AD) was crowned at the ancient capital of Anuradhapura, but at the end of rituals and ceremonies, he selected Polonnaruva as his capital, and thus formed the second kingdom of Sri Lanka centered at Polonnaruva. This was the kingdom where Parªkramabªhu the Great and well-known King NiííaÕkamalla ruled and it was one of the most prosperous kingdoms in South Asia in the 12th century AD. Polonnaruva was usurped by another invader, KªlÐnga Mªgha in 1215, who ruled the Island for 22 years. This resulted in the end of the Polonnaruva Kingdom, as well as the great hydraulic civilization of the Simhalese in the Rajarata region of the Island. Several attempts were made to restore the city of Polonnaruva in the late 13th century by successive kings of the Dambadeniya Kingdom, but these attempts were doomed to failure. The city was gradually abandoned and encroached on by thick rain forests and forgotten for centuries. A British military officer, M.H. Fagan, first noticed the ruined city of Polonnaruva in 1819 while he was traveling from one

Fig. 1 A map of the ruined city of Polonnaruva. Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of Ceylon

70

Anura Manatunga: Excavations at the World Heritage City at Polonnaruva

H.C.P. Bell, a Civil Servant and a reputed antiquarian, so as to conduct archaeological activities more systematically and regularly. Though he started his excavations at Anuradhapura in 1890 and at Sigiriya in 1895, he could not pay attention to Polonnaruva until 1900, as there were no adequate human resources at the Department. In 1896, however, he visited Polonnaruva as a part of his annual circuit tour to explore archaeological sites and the Topographical Survey Department prepared a survey map of the ruined city in 1897. Bell, the Archaeological Commissioner was the only staff officer of the Department of Archaeological Survey during the first decade of its history. As a result of repeated requests from Bell, an Assistant Commissioner, C.E. Dashwood was appointed to the Department in 1900. With Dashwood's assistance, Bell could commence excavations at Polonnaruva simultaneously with those taking place at Anuradhapura and Sigiriya. Bell stationed himself at the new site and the work of Anuradhapura was assigned to Dashwood, while conservation work at Sigiriya was conducted by D.A.L. Perera, an able draughtsman of the Department, under the overall supervision of Bell.

Fig. 2 Ruins of Buddhist monuments at Polonnaruva. Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of Ceylon

The site where Bell started his excavation in 1900 at Polonnaruva was referred to as the Promontory because the landmass projected towards the Parªkrama Samudra. Among the monuments at the Promontory, a pillared building that was already known as the Council Chamber of King NiííaÕkamalla, was completely excavated and studied in detail. A few yards south of the Council Chamber, Bell discovered a large building that he described as the Audience Hall. Apart from these two buildings, an unidentified structure that Bell surmised as a mausoleum, a pillared building near the bund of the reservoir, and some brick works associated with structures connected with a large pond at the promontory were subjected to

under the orders of the British governor A.H. Gordon. These excavations lasted for two terms from 1885-1886 and the results were published as a government sessional paper. These initial excavations mainly consisted of clearing the jungle and removal of debris from some of the monuments. The main attractions were the monuments at the Sacred Quadrangle; however the WatadªgÂ, the most attractive building in the quadrangle was not touched (Fig. 5). Removal of debris at the Tivanka Image House and the Naipena Vehera was partially done. Both Rankoth Vehera (Fig. 6) and the Kiri Vehera (Fig. 7) were thoroughly cleared of timber and the basal terraces of these stñpas were weeded. The summer palace and a few Buddhist and Hindu shrines that were not specifically named, were also cleared during these two seasons. Thereafter, no excavation works were carried out at Polonnaruva for about fifteen years. Throughout this period, the exposed brick monuments were laid bare without any substantial measure to protect them from destruction. In 1888, action was taken to copy the wall paintings of the Tivanka Image House, by employing Alex Murray, the provincial engineer, who was already credited for his work of copying the Sigiriya frescoes. The Archaeological Survey Department was established in 1890 under the stewardship of

Fig. 3 Ruins of Hindu monuments at Polonnaruva. Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of Ceylon

71

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

In 1903, Bell started his excavation at the Quadrangle where the sacred Tooth Relic was housed during the Polonnaruva period and was a site of major attraction. He cleared the debris of all dilapidated buildings such as the WatadªgÂ, Thñpªrªmaya (Fig. 8), NiííaÕka Latª MaÖ¼apaya (Fig. 9), HätadªgÂ, Atadªg and Sathmahal Prªsadaya (Fig. 10) as well as a few other buildings at the Quadrangle. During this period, the Archaeological Survey Department was engaged only in excavations and research; conservation or preservation of monuments was not under its purview. The Public Works Department, which was the main construction agency of the government, was assigned the task of conserving or restoring some selected monuments. As there were no archaeologists or specialists in conservation at the PWD, its mediation to monuments was somewhat of a distraction. The urgent need of conservation of brick buildings at Polonnaruva and the necessity of doing it according to archaeological principles and methods were urged by Bell, and at last the government gave necessary permission for conservation of monuments through the Archaeological Survey Department. As a result of this Bell was engaged in a massive conservation project at Polonnaruva from 1905 onwards. The monuments at the Quadrangle and other monuments that he cleared of debris were conserved during the following years. There were no excavations conducted in 1904 either at Polonnaruva or anywhere in the Island, apparently as Bell was engaged in writing reports on his previous excavations on Government request. In 1905, Bell extended his work to the citadel of Polonnaruva and excavated the pillared building that was misnamed as the Palace, or “Rªjamªligªwa”. This building was later identified as the RªjavaiíyabhñjaÕga MaÖ¼apaya and is now believed to be the council chamber of

Fig. 4 Secular monuments at Polonnaruva. Courtesy: Archaeological Survey of Ceylon

excavation in 1900-1901. A pavilion made on a mound like an islet in the Parªkrama Samudra near its bank at the Council Chamber was also excavated in that season and subsequently referred to as the Island Pavilion. At the end of 1901 and during 1902, Bell excavated another group of monuments that lay about half a mile north of the Promontory. There were three Hindu shrines consecrated to Ÿiva, ViîÖu and Durgª. In plan and architectural detail these shrines display little to differentiate from one another because each of the three consist of a maÖ¼apa, a vestibule and an inner sanctum, except the main shrine of the Ÿiva, which possess additional rooms. Besides, there were at least three more buildings, which were not connected to the Hindu shrines. With the help of an inscription, one of the three buildings was identified as the NiííaÕka Dªna VinÜda MaÖ¼apaya, but it was not excavated.

Fig. 5 Watadâgç. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

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Anura Manatunga: Excavations at the World Heritage City at Polonnaruva

state of preservation. Excavations at three more Hindu shrines, small in size and grouped as an isolated cluster, were started in the same year and completed in the following year. Excavations at the Gal Vihªr premises also began in 1907. It was a minor excavation compared to most of the other monuments, as the stone statues at the monastery were already visible above the ground and only the basal parts of the statues were covered by fallen debris of brick-built image houses. The colossal Buddha statues at Gal Vihªr are well known for their elegance. In Bell's words (ASCAR 1907: 7), Gal Vihªr “… stands unrivalled as its special features, the most impressive antiques par excellent to be seen in the Island of Ceylon, and possibly not rivaled throughout the continent of India.” Bell excavated three more small Hindu shrines in 1908. A small stñpa on the bund of the reservoir and a part of Pabalu Vehera were also excavated that year. Clearance at the Tivanka Image House, which was misnamed “Demala Mahª Säya", commenced in 1909 and continued as a part of massive conservation work of the building until the retirement of Bell in 1912.

Fig. 6 Rankoth Vehera. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

King Parªkramabªhu the Great. This is similar to that of the King NiííaÕkamalla, but more elegant in plan although the sculptures are smaller in size. Potgul Vehera, the southernmost site at Polonnaruva, was excavated in 1906. It was a monastery with a peculiar plan where a building with a circular room was found at the center of the highest terrace that was surrounded by four small stñpas. Some yards northward of this building in Potgul Vehera, an elegantly carved statue about 2.13 m high, depicting an elderly person holding an ola book in his two palms, is carved out of a rock. Neither the statue nor the circular building has been identified with certainty till today and they remain subject to various conjectures.

In 1910, Bell commenced work in the area of Kiri Vehera, LaÕkatilaka and Baddaseema Prªsadaya that later came to be known as the lªhana Parivena Complex (Fig. 12). Apart from clearing and conserving the known buildings, he discovered several other buildings within this area during the following years. In 1910-1911, Bell again paid his attention to the citadel area. He excavated a large mound where some brick walls were visible and known to the locals as “Hirage” (lit. “The Prison”),

Apart from Potgul Vehera, Bell started to excavate the premises of Ÿiva Devªl No.2 in 1906 (Fig. 11). This was built entirely of dressed stones, but was in a ruined condition. Inscriptions found in this shrine revealed that it was built during the time of the Cola occupation and was refereed to as VªnavamªdÂvÌ •ívaran to commemorate the mother of King RªjÂndra, wife of King Rªjarªja. As a result of this excavation, a large number of bronze images of Hindu deities were discovered from the shrine and its surrounding area. After the excavations, the shrine was conserved in 1908. In the following year (1907), Bell excavated Ÿiva Devªl No.1 that was hitherto misnamed “Daladª Mªligªwa” or the Temple of the Tooth Relic. This shrine was also made of dressed stones, but larger in size and in a relatively good

Fig. 7 Kiri Vehera. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Image House was so serious by 1917 that Bell, though he had retired from the service, drew the attention of the government on the importance of taking immediate action to protect it. The British Government appointed Captain A. M. Hocart as the Archaeological Commissioner in 1921. Though he had served in the Royal Army during the World War, he was a reputed anthropologist with a Cambridge Master's degree. He devoted most of his time to restore monuments, which were damaged during the previous years due to negligence. Brick buildings of Polonnaruva had been seriously affected; hence he had to pay a special attention to restore those monuments. Mr. W.M. Fernando, the most experienced officer at the Department at that time, and who had worked with Bell, was assigned to attend the monuments at Polonnaruva. LaÕkatilaka Image House was the priority because it was about to collapse. Kiri Vehera and Potgul Vehera were also restored in the first round of work in 1921-22.

Fig. 8 Thûpârâmaya Temple. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

but found to be a multistoried palace of the citadel, most probably the one built by King Parªkramabªhu the Great (Fig. 13). The pond known as the Kumªra Pokuna or the Prince's Pond, situated immediately outside the citadel wall, was also excavated during his last years as the Archaeological Commissioner.

In 1923, the restoration of the Tivanka Image House was completed and the work on the royal palace at the citadel commenced. Work at the Quadrangle began in 1924 and continued in the following years. Hocart could not undertake any new work at Polonnaruva, though he did so elsewhere and he retired from the service prematurely due to health problems in 1929.

Bell's retirement at the end of 1912, after 23 years of service, was the end of an era of Sri Lankan Archaeology. His pioneering work is yet to be critically evaluated, but can be compared with that of Alexander Cunningham in Indian Archaeology. So far as the configuration of archaeological landscape of Polonnaruva, Anuradhapura and Sigiriya is concerned, Bells' massive excavations are still recognized as the major contribution, although such large-scale projects are not advisable in the present context.

In 1932, when Senarath Paranavitana was the acting Commissioner of Archaeology, excavations commenced at the southeastern quarter of the citadel where the council chamber of King Parªkramabªhu I was located. It was discovered that the original location of the council chamber was somewhat different from the present location and the present building was

Bell's successor E.R. Ayrton was a well-trained and talented young man, but his untimely death in 1914 was a setback to Sri Lankan Archaeology. He continued Bell's unfinished conservation work at Polonnaruva but could not start any substantial excavation anywhere except at Anuradhapura. However, it is important that he has referred to some postPolonnaruva settlements in the vicinity of the Naipena Vehera, a fact that no one took seriously before or after him. Ayrton's death and the commencement of the First World War in 1914 brought Sri Lankan Archaeology to a standstill for about six years. The British government was not interested to fill the vacancy of Ayrton or allocate funds for archaeological research during this period. Therefore, most of the monuments unearthed and conserved by Bell were dilapidated and archaeological sites were again overtaken by jungle foliage. The condition of the LaÕkatilaka

Fig. 9 NiúúaÕka Latâ MaÖ¼apaya. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

74

Anura Manatunga: Excavations at the World Heritage City at Polonnaruva

pay his attention to various other sites in the Island. However, he launched a massive excavation project to unearth monuments at the eastern terrace of lªhana Parivena at Polonnaruva and subsequently conserved them between 1940 and 1950. Further, he engaged himself in conserving the Prince's Pond and its associated buildings at the Promontory and partially conserved the dome of the Rankoth Vehera. He also made arrangements to engage the expertise of Mohammad Sana Ulla, a chemist of the Indian Archaeological Survey, for chemical treatment of paintings at the Tivanka Image house. Despite minor conservations and maintenance activities, no substantial work was conducted at Polonnaruva in the 1950s. Some notable work was carried out again in the 1960s when Dr. C.E. Godakumbura was the Archaeological Commissioner. His excavations at the Ÿiva Devªl No.5 and its surrounding area in 1960-61 yielded a hoard of bronze statues of Hindu deities, which marked the largest finding of Hindu relics ever in Sri Lanka. Conservation of the dome of the Rankoth Vehera was restarted in 1963 and continued in the following years. The largest excavation of the 60s was that of the northern entrance of the city and its surrounding area, which was carried out during the period 1963-69. The conservation of the council chamber of the King NiííaÕkamalla was completed in 1964. As a part of this programme, the large lion statue in stone that belonged to this building was brought back from the Colombo Museum and installed in its originally position after about 90 years.

Fig. 10 Sathmahal Prâsadaya. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

a reconstruction of a later date using the materials of the older building. After more excavations in the vicinity of Kumªra Pokuna or the Prince's Pond, which was excavated by Bell in 1911, Paranavitana devoted himself to conserving the site. A.H. Longhurst, who was the Superintendent of the Southern Circle of Indian Archaeological Survey under John Marshall, was appointed as the Archaeological Commissioner of Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) in 1935 and he retained the post till 1939. During this period, possibly due to his interest in South Indian architecture, Longhurst showed more attention to Polonnaruva where Hindu monuments were found and the influence of South Indian art and architecture was visible even in Buddhist monuments. He has replastered the walls of Thñpªrªmaya, LaÕkatilaka and Tivanka image houses in the name of conservation. He also did some extensive repairs in Kiri Vehera, of which Hataräskotuwa was “… badly decayed and partly fallen” (ASCAR 1935:20). Pabalu Vehera was completely excavated and the debris of Tivanka Image House was removed near the vestibule. Vªhalkadas and an image house of the Rankoth Vehera were unearthed. Paintings and sculptures at Gal Vihªr and Tivanka Image House were treated chemically for the first time during this period.

In 1970's while Dr. Raja De Silva was the Archaeological Commissioner, the attention of the Department was focused on

Since 1940, Sri Lankans have been heading the Archaeological Survey Department. Dr. Senarath Paranavitana, the most celebrated archaeologist of Sri Lanka, was permanently appointed to the post of Archaeological Commissioner in 1940 and held it till he retired in 1956. As most of the monuments at Polonnaruva and other key sites were already excavated and conserved, Paranavitana could

Fig. 11 Úiva Devâlç No. 2. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

of the Cultural Triangle Programme with the support of the UNESCO, to conduct research in major archaeological sites which fall into a triangular area created by three key sites i.e. Anuradhapura, Polonnaruva and Kandy. A separate agency, the Central Cultural Fund was established to carry out archaeological activities; hence the monopoly enjoyed by the Archaeological Survey Department for 90 years ended in 1980. Polonnaruva was proclaimed as a World Heritage City by the UNESCO in 1980 on the request of the government of Sri Lanka. It became one of the six sites which fell within the Cultural Triangle where research has been carried out mainly by university Fig. 12 lâhana Parivena. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka teachers and graduates in archaeology since 1980. The concept of the Cultural Triangle was mainly a brainchild of Dr. Roland Silva, unearthing and conserving the walls of the citadel. The eastern a former Assistant Commissioner of Archaeology, who became part of the northern wall and the eastern wall with the steps lead the first Director General of the Central Cultural Fund. Some to the Kumªra Pokuna were excavated and conserved during time later, he was promoted to the post of the Archaeological the 1970s. Conservations at the Rankoth Vehera continued Commissioner and held both the key positions simultaneously from time to time throughout the period. Some conservations at for several years. On his invitation, Prof. P.L. Prematilleke of the Potgul Vehera, and minor conservation and maintenance the Archaeology Department of the University of Peradeniya work on other monuments were also carried out during this undertook excavations at Polonnaruva as the Archaeological period. A devastating cyclone in 1978 caused much damage to Director of the project at Polonnaruva. the monuments of Polonnaruva and some urgent restoration work was done during the following years. The Polonnaruva project of the Central Cultural Fund has been known as the lªhana Parivena Project as most of the initial work were centered at lªhana Parivena where Kiri Vehera, LaÕkatilaka and Baddaseema Prªsadaya are located. Excavations at the Cultural Triangle were relatively more scientific and systematic than the earlier excavations. Discovery of monuments was the aim of the previous excavations, but the new excavations paid more emphasis on the artifacts found in stratigraphic sequence as well as building plans.

1980 was a landmark year not only for Polonnaruva but also for Sri Lankan Archaeology in general. It marks the establishment

The first excavations at the Cultural Triangle at the lªhana Parivena started at the western terraces of the monastery, which was not much disturbed by previous excavations. Five small stñpas, a twin stñpa mound, a Seemaghara, a refectory and a large pond have been excavated in this area in 1980-81. Monuments at the southern terraces were excavated from 1982 and the rewarding discovery was an ancient hospital found between Rankoth Vehera and Baddaseema Prªsadaya. Excavations at Demala Mahª Säya, terraces of Rankoth Vehera, walls of Naipena Vehera and the northern city wall that was the

Fig. 13 Palace of Parâkramabâhu. Courtesy: The Cultural Triangle Project, Sri Lanka

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Anura Manatunga: Excavations at the World Heritage City at Polonnaruva

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

southern boundary of the lªhana Parivena, were excavated from 1983 to 1989.

Administrative Reports. Archaeological Survey Department, Government of Ceylon/Sri Lanka, published since 1950.

The city wall and the moat were the main focus of the excavations in the 1990s. The Mänik Vehera complex, the Southern Mound, the Ancient Street and associated buildings were excavated from 1994 to 1999. The construction of the museum at Polonnaruva in 1999, with the support of the government of the Netherlands, can be considered to be the culmination of the activities of the Cultural Triangle. Masterpieces unearthed from the excavations at the Cultural Triangle and those by the Archaeological Survey throughout the last century, have been exhibited elegantly in this museum. Apart from exhibition galleries, the museum also houses a research laboratory, a conservation laboratory, a reference library, a photographic unit, a bookshop and a refectory, which are all of international standard.

Annual Reports (ASCARs). Archaeological Survey Department, Government of Ceylon/Sri Lanka, published since 1890. Barrows, S.M. 1905. The Buried Cities of Ceylon. Colombo: Ferguson. Conservation Reports. Alahana Parivena Project, Polonnaruva, Central Cultural Fund, published since 1981. Excavation Reports. Alahana Parivena Project, Polonnaruva, Central Cultural Fund, published since 1981. Forbes, Jonathan 1840. Eleven Years in Ceylon. London: Richard Bentley (reprint 1994, New Delhi: Asian Educational Services). Hocart, A.M. (Ed.) 1926. Archaeological Survey of Ceylon, Memoir, Volume 2, Colombo: Government of Ceylon. Ievers, R.W. 1899. Manual of the North Central Province. Ceylon, Colombo: Government of Ceylon.

Large-scale excavations at Polonnaruva have not been conducted since 1999. Minor excavations to remove the refills of previously excavated sites have been done with the view to restoring the monuments in those sites. Computerizing the analytic data on the artifacts unearthed in the past excavations has been given priority in recent years. An extensive exploration of the ancient city and its peripheral region is the major research activity of the Polonnaruva Project at present. A few problem-oriented excavations will be conducted in future for understanding the historical trajectory of Polonnaruva, which was not attempted in the previous excavations.

Manatunga, Anura 2000. Polonnaruva: Puravidyathmaka Praveshayaka Avashyathavaya; Polonnaruva: A Need of an Archaeological Approach, Nissanka, Number 1, Colombo: Central Cultural Fund. Manatunga, Anura 2003. H.C.P. Bell and His Archaeological Researches in Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka Heritage, Volume 1, Number 1, Colombo: Heritage Foundation. Paranavitana, Senarath 1972. Glimpse of the Ceylon's Past. Colombo: Lake House.

77

Copper Craft Tradition in the Lower Gañgâ Valley: Early Historic to Early Medieval Periods Nupur Dasgupta and Pranab K. Chattopadhyay

Perusal of the history of the lower GaÕgª valley – the region that may be termed as 'greater Bengal' – is difficult, as there is scant literary data for the time before the Gupta encroachments and the availability of the Gupta epigraphs. References in Aitareya BrªhmaÖa, Ptolemy, Periplus and the Jªtakas have been offered by eager historians as proof of the roots of old civilization of the region. However, the situation changes when one takes a look at the archaeological evidences and the volume of data by which field is expanding day by day – thanks to the West Bengal Directorate of Archaeology, Departments of Archaeology, Calcutta University and Viívabhªrati, the Archaeological Survey of India, Calcutta Circle and more than ever, the archaeological institutions and academics from Bangladesh. In this presentation, we have used the data from published reports on researches and excavations conducted by the above-mentioned institutions. Albeit literary references are scanty, there are interesting indices available from archaeological investigations that highlight a tradition of farming cultures flowering into urban nodes of operation, with the genesis of rich and continuous rural-urban networks in the Early Historic and Early Medieval times. In early days, the region fell just outside the peripheries of the varÖa-society and the sanctified zone of ryavarta, and was mostly inhabited by tribal communities. It took the Maurya contacts and later the more intimate presence of the Gupta polity to gradually bring the region into the fold of Sanskritized society. In view of the lack of literary data on the period of transition from the Chalcolithic to the Early Historic phase, one has to take recourse to the archaeological evidences, which, significantly enough, prove the early emergence of materially rich zonal cultures with signs of a developing metal technology. The growing tradition of copper and copper-alloy craft, and its social history forms an extremely significant part of the general history of material culture. The history begins with a brief review of the Chalcolithic and Early Historic settings and ends with the coming of age of the karmakªras and kªnsªkªras, the traditional cooper alloy artisans in Early Medieval Bengal.

portions of Jharkhand and Bihar in India and Bangladesh. Within this geographical area a few distinct geo-fluvial, ecological and ethnic zones may be identified as: Varendra, Rª¼ha, VaÕga and SuvarÖabhñmi. Of these, the last three regions truly fall within the geographical scope of the lower GaÕgª valley. These sub-regions have been identified following the theory of B.D. Chattopadhyaya (2003: 75-76). The Chalcolithic phase in the region of Bengal presents certain enigmatic characteristics to the archaeologists. This is a region where the Chalcolithic culture is generally encountered as overlapped with iron using levels. We find that the use of copper ran parallel to the evidence for the initial use of iron. The Birbhum sites in the Rª¼ha zone reveal this cultural overlap as well as the use of multiple metals. Developments in iron and copper technology noted at some of these sites may indicate an overall technological exposure. This is also seems to be linked up with the holistic evolution of economy. The copper objects found in the Chalcolithic and the early Iron Age sites of Bengal mostly comprise of small pieces of wire, made to be used as fishhooks or fine needles, which are not high in alloy. Copper and lead smelting was carried out from the very beginning. It has not been ascertained whether native copper was used here. Probable use of malachite copper ore and cassiterite tin was noted in Bahiri, Dihar (Chattopadhyay 2004: 63-64), etc. which exist in the upper level of copper mines. However, what is important is a continuation of cultural evolution noted at some of the sites in Bankura, Birbhum and Bardhaman. The excavations at Mahisdal, Bahiri and Hatikra (IAR 1963-64: 59-60, Chakrabarti and Hasan 1982: 111-149, Ghosh et al. 1987-88: 21-27), reveal emergence of overlapping Chalcolithic-Iron Age cultures from the 7th-6th centuries BC. Signs of smelting of metals are available from this level. Although not substantial in quantity, these are signifiers of an emerging farming culture in the region. A. Ghosh (1989: 268) has commented that the pattern of life at the site remained unaffected by the introduction of new iron technology. However, the discovery of an un-burnt clay seal led him to conclude that there were trade and commercial contacts with

The region of the lower GaÕgª valley in the Early Historic context comprised of the modern-day state of West Bengal, 78

Nupur Dasgupta and Pranab K. Chattopadhyay: Copper Craft Tradition in the Lower GaÕgâ Valley

field excavator; Roy 2006 and 2007: 1-13, Datta et al. 2007: 1316). It is not yet clear whether the work of iron and copper took place side by side in the same work-area at Tilpi. Only further large-scale excavations can solve this problem. However, it is clear that we now have definite evidence of in-situ metallurgical operations conducted in an Early Historic settlement in deltaic West Bengal.

other people. In nearby Bardhaman District, at Pandu Rajar Dhibi (Dasgupta 1964, IAR 1961-62: 59, 1962-63: 43, 196364: 61, 1964-65: 46, 1984-85: 97) and Mangalkot (Ray 1989: 285-91), the emergence of a Chalcolithic culture is witnessed at the end of the first millennium BC. Here continuous occupations from the Chalcolithic to the Early Medieval have been reported, of which the Early Historic phase is prominent in terms of material findings. More significantly, Mangalkot flared up into an urban settlement in the ŸuÕga-KuîªÖa phase. The continuing cluster of sites in the region and the rise of an urban node in Rª¼ha, do signify a historical trend within which, metal craft had been nurtured.

So far as technology is concerned, the Early Historic copper objects of this region indicate alloying from the very beginning, though alloying is not enough everywhere. In some cases it has been observed that, the early Chalcolithic metallic objects of eastern India were composed of copper-bronzes, whose content of tin was as low as 3-5%, going up to 10%. This is termed as á (alpha) bronze or low tin bronze.

The cultural evolution in the lower deltaic Bengal is as yet not completely graphed. However, the rise in the number of settlements since the ŸuÕga-KuîªÖa times, the richness of artifacts at the sites, the locations of the settlements, structures at the sites – all indicate a certain historical trend towards a higher cultural experience. The development of the metalworks with its utilitarian character can be read into this whole process in the given historical context. A number of sites have been spotted in the deltaic West Bengal – apart from the enigmatic Chandraketugarh in Uttar 24-Parganas and Tamluk-Natsal complex in Medinipur – the two nodal zones.

In the objects of Early Historic period, probable application of chalcopyrite is more prominent. Trace elements contained in the specimen have closer similarities with those of Singhbhum mines. Low tin-bronze appears more in the Early Historic phase. The metal objects increasingly discovered in this region from this phase may be classifieds as: household goods, agricultural tools, coins, ornaments, and copperplates. Use of metal therefore featured in social and economic life as well as in administration. We believe that the work was divided among different categories of artisans:

Far more significant is the outcome of recent excavations (2005-2006) in the Baruipur-Joynagar-Majilpur region. The Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, West Bengal conducted survey and excavations at the twin sites of Tilpi and Dhosha in Joynagar police station of South 24-Parganas District. The early seasons of excavation has exposed a rich structural and material heritage with definite signs of metal craft activities in Early Historic Bengal. At the site of Tilpi, a series of furnace along with huge amount of iron slag, cast copper coins and crucibles were found in the Maurya-ŸuÕgaKuîªÖa level (personal observation at the site and communication with Dr. Gautam Sengupta, Director of Archaeology and Museums, West Bengal and Sri Amal Roy,

1. Ore collectors or extractors and smelters: who produced raw materials from the ore minerals. 2. Tool makers: manufacturers of household goods, agricultural tools and ornaments. 3. Specialized artisans: like coin inscribers and metal plate engravers, etc. Numerous hoards of coins as well as in-situ findings of coins discovered from the excavated sites in the districts of Medinipur, Nadia, Murshidabad, Kolkata, 24-Parganas (Fig. 1), Bardhaman and Bankura (Mukherjee 2000) have strengthened the hypothesis of development of copper and copper alloy works in the region. Such findings point to a regular currency operating in the region during the Early Historic period, which was probably to some extent locally organized and arose out of the requirements of long distance trade. The Early Historic phase also saw the initiation of a new use of copper-bronze in the form of metal plates engraved with edicts etc., which were used as an administrative device. Inscriptions of these metal plates, commonly known as copperplates, not only bring to light details of local administration, but also the land layout, land utilization and the rural society. Because most of these records were land charters, they affirm that land was of great value and the associated facts that farming economy was prevalent and a genteel class had risen who could buy land. In turn, these inferences point to a social condition where the development of handicrafts is a logical probability, metal works being one of the most important among them. The

Fig. 1 A punch-marked coin from Chandraketugarh. Personal collection of Pranab K. Chattopadhyay

79

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

a few sites indicate the use of high tin bronze. Apart from alloying, the main crafting processes that could be noted to have been employed by the Early Historic artisans were initial hot hammering, cold working or annealing to a lesser extent, forging and casting in open mould especially in the case of vessels. Comparison between copper and a bronze depends very much on the treatment of the received metal. Fully annealed, or even as cast, there is relatively little difference between copper and 10% tin bronze. However, after extensive cold work, a copper object can reach the hardness of around 140 HV while a 10% tin-bronze object can reach the hardness of around 250 HV when it runs completely out of ductility. Typical axe cutting edges in the two alloys would be around 100 HV for copper and 200 HV for bronze.

Fig. 2 Fragments of high tin bronze knobbed vessels from Wârî-Baðeúwar. Photo: Shahnaj H. Jahan

The copper alloy series, with a percentage of tin around 2025% is called high tin bronze. The earliest evidences for this alloy are known from Agiabir in the middle GaÕgª valley dated c. 5th century BC (Chakrabarti and Lahiri 1996, Dasgupta 2007). However, in the context of the lower GaÕgª plain too we have an early beginning noted at Wârî-Baðeúwar in Bangladesh (Singh et al. 1996-97: 145-156, Singh et al. 1998-99: 123-28, Singh and Chattopadhyay 2001-2002: 101-105 and 227-28, Singh et al. 2007: 197-206), where high tin-bronze knobbed vessel (Fig. 2), mirrors, lamps etc. were discovered from excavation and surface exploration in the Early Historic context (Chakrabarti 1992: 56-60, Haque et al. 2000: 283-315). The site has not undergone a full-scale excavation. Yet findings from it have thrown considerable light on the Early Historic metal crafts in this part of South Asia. The site is definitely older than 200 BC. Early Historic signature is quite prominent here. The discovery of hoards of punch-marked silver coins (Fig. 3), high tin-bronze vessels and iron objects (Fig. 4) have

mention of the kulika class and their representation in the administrative board of the Koðivarîa Viîaya (identified at present as Bangarh) can be seen in one of the Damodarpur inscriptions of 443-444 AD (Basak 1919-20: 130). Coins and inscribed plates were both mediums of an institutionalized political authority. The significance gained by copper as a metal is well attested by the above uses. The reference to the kulika class representing the artisan community is an indication of crystallization of the economic professionals into a social group. From the inscriptions and coins it would appear that by the Gupta age, agricultural economy and farming communities had spread into village set-ups, giving rise to a multi-layered social composition; that commercial networks were getting established between the rural hinterland and the urban nodes, especially where geographical parameters favored such development; and that river network of the lower GaÕgª plains was utilized for communications, as is evident from the settlement pattern, especially in Rª¼ha and lower delta subregions. The rise in number of sites, especially in the last two sub-regions in the ŸuÕga-KuîªÖa context and thereafter, may be taken to indicate the growth of supporting links in a network of economy. The evidence points to parallel developments of farming and trade. The early initiation of metal technology and its growth into a regular utility craft is concurrent with this paradigm of history of this region. The process adopted to manufacture the copper objects in the Chalcolithic-Iron Age overlap phase generally constituted only of hammering and cold work forging; melting was done prior to shaping the object. In the alloying of copper objects, the alloying element mostly used has been found to be tin. Metal smiths learnt the utilities of alloying with tin, but their knowledge about proper composition was perhaps not adequate. The reason might be that availability of tin was poor or that the minerals used contained cassiterite of different amounts. From the post-6th century BC levels, a few artifacts at

Fig. 3 Punch-marked silver coins from Wârî-Baðeúwar. Photo: Shahnaj H. Jahan

80

Nupur Dasgupta and Pranab K. Chattopadhyay: Copper Craft Tradition in the Lower GaÕgâ Valley

Fig. 4 Iron spearheads from Wârî-Baðeúwar. Photo: Shahnaj H. Jahan

indicated superb development in metal technology. The site was one of the important trade and manufacturing centres of Bangladesh (Jahan 1999: 207-216, 2002: 127-138, 2006: 25-29, and 2008: 567-572). Another tentative evidence is found in the western periphery of the lower GaÕgª valley, at the Asura grave-sites of Jharkhand, which has reportedly yielded a copper bowl containing 22.87% Sn (Tin) and a fused mass containing 19.8% Sn, definitely indicating high tin bronze. Although the exact date for the Asura sites is not clear, we may assume the culture to date somewhere in the Early Historic to Early Medieval times (Pathan 1989, Jahan 1995, Basa and Rahman 1998: 291-298). Both the Agiabir and the Asura evidences are important to contextualize the development of high tin-bronze alloying technology in eastern India, especially since the chain of evidence binds the Mirzapur site of Agiabir, which is related to earliest phase of the Early Historic period, to the developed phases of Early Historic sites like WârîBaðeúwar in Bangladesh and Chandraketugarh in North 24Parganas (Fig. 5), West Bengal, India, where the discovery of high tin-bronze mirror raises the issue of trade – import versus local manufacture (Chattopadhyay 2002: 451-61).

Fig. 5 Farmers are cutting paddy, preserved in the State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata

came in the shape of economic and social formats, and the imposition of the varÖa paradigm. Currency, trade, land use patterns and administration provided the institutional devices of this uniformity to some extent. Metal works flourished in this set up. But it is remarkably the non-economic use of copper and copper alloy crafts that draws attention to itself in this context. Copper and its alloyed forms featured in administrative uses and the technology flared up in the form of sculptural medium for religious practices (Fig. 6). The use of metal currency had evidently receded. But a new genre had evolved in the form of metal sculptures, the artistry and technological aspects of which reached a level of perfection. The Pªla-Sena bronze images have been objects of serious and interesting studies. The images stand apart in the history of art and metal technology as a graph of technical perfection. From West Bengal, bronze images are known from Pandua and Jagjibanpur (Malda district), Sagardighi (Murshidabad district) and Gangarampur and Sallas (South Dinajpur district) etc. From Bangladesh, hundreds of bronze images have been recovered. A few important find-spots are Paharpur (Naogaon district), Jhewari (Anwara police station, Chittagong district), Mahasthan (Bogra district), Mainamati (Comilla district), Raghurampur (Rangpur district), Sonarangpur and Paikpara (Vikrampur, Munshiganj district). A gold-plated bronze image has been recovered from Balaidhap of Mahasthangarh (Mitra 1982, Basak and Bhattacharya 1919,

The Early Medieval phase in the lower GaÕgª valley witnessed the efflorescence of a rich culture concomitant with the rise of a region-centric political identity. The multiple facets of this broad regional identity were reflected in the different parts of Bengal, from Dinajpur to Sundarbans in the north-south axis and Jharkhand-southeastern Bihar to Chittagong in the west-toeast axis. Although the phase is blanketed in the generic term of Pªla-Sena period, there were multiple micro-regions and micro-polities within this broad cultural enclave. Uniformity 81

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

The Hazaribagh District was a source of both copper as well as tin, as Coggin Brown's report (1936: 90, 103) in the colonial era indicates. The advancement in Bronze making came about with the increase in alloying content and its difference in manufacturing. The high tin-bronze employed by the Early Medieval artistes and artisans, both for making religious images and utensils etc., was popularly known as kªnsª. The most noted use of the alloy kªnsª was made in the Early Medieval times in the lower GaÕgª valley. It is normally very brittle and unworkable at room temperature. It can only be worked when red-hot. The microstructure expected in high tin-bronze objects is composed normally of acicular martensitic needles in quenched form. This quenched beta bronze appears to be golden in colour after polishing. Bronze in the beta region can be readily worked above 586 Celsius whilst, if allowed to cool, the â (beta) phases transform to á and ä (delta) phases slowly. Fish-shaped grains appear when the transformation reaches á phase at the boundary ä phase in the core. Subsequently, needle-shaped martensitic transformation is achieved. However, tin-bronze was not regularly used, as the results of some analyses show. So far as metal content of the Pªla-Sena bronze religious images is concerned, we have a report given by Riederer, who observes on the metal composition of Pªla images that: “Except from an early statuette from the 9th century which is made of a lead-tinbrass, almost all other statuettes consist of a very uniform and typical type of a lead-brass with about 10-20% zinc and with 210% relatively elevated amount of lead. As a matter of fact, here too some objects do not fit into this group because of their analytical data, and are seen to be made of pure copper” (Reiderer 1991: 98-99). B.B. Lal's report on Nalanda bronzes (Lal 1956: 53-57) indicates that a percentage of the images were made of tin-bronze although there were a few brass items too. Some items are of primarily of copper with traces of tin, lead, nickel and iron. Most of the specimens contain appreciable amount of lead, which helps the process of casting. This speaks of a definite shift of technology and of metal use.

Fig. 6 Dharmachakra recovered from Râjbâ¼idâÕgâ, excavated by S R Das. The specimen is preserved in the Archaeology Department Museum, Calcutta University.

Kramrisch 1929, Jayasawal 1934, Mitra 1979, Huntington 1985: 387-413, Bandopadhyay 1987: 15-31) and a unique silver image of Vªsudeva from the village of Churain, near Vikrampur. These icons are preserved in the Indian Museum, Asutosh Museum of Indian Art, State Archaeological Museum and BaÕgiya Sªhitya Pariîad in West Bengal, India and in Bangladesh, Mahasthan Museum in Bogra and Varendra Research Museum in Rajshahi, etc.

If we look at the wider context of the technology of high tinbronze alloying in the world contemporary to our research area, we may note that there were equal possibilities of diffusion of technology as well as independent developments in different centers. High tin-bronze was popular in both Southeast and West Asia. A number of sites in Thailand, such as Ban-Don-TaPhet yielded high tin-bronze bowls. The metal alloy was also popular in the medieval Islamic world. In the Early Medieval period, colossal bronze images, bells and votive bronze temples were made in other parts of India. The following is a brief examination of the process of manufacturing practiced by the metal-image artisans.

Technologically, the use of bronze in bulk signifies a new paradigm of metallurgical operation. So far as technology is concerned, the Early Medieval image manufacturers reached a high watermark of excellence. Let us look at exactly what the achievement of bronze involves, technically speaking: first we have to look at the use of metals and alloying techniques. Copper works received more attention from artistes to whom purifying and casting processes, modeling for casting and alloying to achieve a certain hue of metallic fabric were more important. Therefore, alloying for good quality bronze was a prime requirement. This period witnessed possibly the highest use of copper in bulks, for images required a high input. But not only that, tin was also in great demand for alloying purpose.

Extreme finesse was required for the modeling and casting processes involved in the making of the intricate pieces of PªlaSena images. The images were generally cast in lost wax 82

Nupur Dasgupta and Pranab K. Chattopadhyay: Copper Craft Tradition in the Lower GaÕgâ Valley

technique, which, apparently continued from the times of the Harappan civilization. Bronze images of this phase can be classified into three types: (1) hollow, (2) solid, and (3) apparently solid with clay core inside.

In some cases, gilding was practiced on images. These were of two types: 1. As known from inscriptional references, gold was dissolved in mercury and the solution was applied on the outer fabric of the image.

The lost wax process of casting was the most dominant method that the makers of metal images employed. As we have already noted, so far as casting is concerned, there were two processes: solid casting (ghana) and hollow casting (suíira) for lighter weight images. The first example is referred to in the 11th century AD Calukyan text Manasollasa, which probably describes a standard, all-Indian practice for metal image crafting in Early Medieval times (Saraswati 1936: 139-144, Reeves 1962: 33). The following is a synopsis of the process described in the Manasollasa.

2. As mentioned in the Manasara, a super-thin sheet of gold was affixed to the images. The Early Medieval craftsmen of Bengal used their own technique of casting molten metal. The direction of casting may be detected from surface studies coupled with X-ray examination. At the present state of knowledge, it appears that images were cast as a single piece or as separate pieces. Ongoing collaborative researches with CASTEI, State Archaeology Museum, Saha Institute of Nuclear Physics, Jadavpur University and Alipur Test House should lead us to firm conclusion on this matter in the near future. Nevertheless, so far it is clear that the process of manufacturing images involved an operation of multiple stages and techniques. This indicates the possibility of engagement of different specialists in the same job in the workroom of the artisans crafting the image. Traditionally speaking, the image maker leading the group of artistes would be known as sñtradhªra, and generally, they were not related to the kªnsªkªras who manufactured household objects of copper and copper alloy.

A wax model is first prepared and coated with clay very carefully. The mould with the wax is heated, when the wax drains out through an opening provided for it. Then the molten metal is poured through the same opening and allowed to cool. In the case of a hollow cast, the model is made of clay or saw dust or some such ingredient and covered with wax. The thickness of the wax determines the thickness of the actual image. Then the model coated in wax is further coated with clay and dried in the sun. Finally the whole piece is heated. The wax melts out through a channel already made in the body of the clay coating. In its place, molten metal is poured from a crucible. The metal takes the shape of the model inside. Sometimes images are made half hollow and half solid. The intricacies of the process may be appreciated if one makes note of the following:

The last category of objects, the mainstay of copper production, again involved a number of processes, primary as well as ancillary. The bronze vessels would require melting and casting, while the other commonly used method would have been cutting and then hammering out shapes from sheets of metal. Polishing and engraving would be left for a separate batch of artisans. Brazing and joining or even using wires were ancillary parts of the job.

1. Controlling of the thickness of the metal image through poring of molten metal is a highly sophisticated process. 2. Artisans often use metal armatures, chaplets, and moulds of clay with wax, along with runners and risers.

Extraction and collection of copper, tin, lead etc., would again devolve upon a separate batch of workmen with special knowledge and skills, not related to the actual process of manufacturing. One wonders whether this remained the area of the non-caste artisans of the tribal community, still known as karmakªra! The present-day Dokra craftsmen are from this community. Knowledge of each part of the technique would be practiced and handed down within closely related groups. The workers in each unit would work in close communion with others, maintaining their own boundaries of knowledge, expertise, skill and workroom conditions.

3. The chaplets are often an iron wire that fixes the clay core with investment from the outer side. 4. After casting, the major task left to the artisan is giving an overall finish to the image. 5. Sometimes, the pre-planned holes arising out of casting are closed with soldering. 6. In some cases, jewels are fixed to the holes. It is also known that often a hollow image was partially filled with molten lead. It is often confusing to determine whether the metal is simply solid made of metal or an alloy.

The social context of this technology is important to note. The background to this development in technology was provided within a gradually formalized society, where the institutionalization of both. Buddhism as well as the different sects of Vedic BrªhmaÖism provided a rich channel for the expertise to flower into a grammar of art, artisanry and technology.

7. Use of clay cores helps to improve the soundness of casting. Sometimes, pipes, spongy surfaces etc. are formed due to the development of gas bubbles during cooling. 8. Sometimes, one can explain the stages of processing, finishing and repairing techniques through examination of the surface, without the use of instruments.

The most illuminating evidence for the popularity of bronze may be seen in the rise of the kªnsªkªra caste in Early Medieval 83

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Chattopadhyay, P.K. 2002. Metal Finds from Chandraketugarh, West Bengal: Archaeotechnical Studies, Archaeology of Eastern India: New Perspectives, Gautam Sengupta and Sheena Panja (Eds.), pp. 451-61, Kolkata: Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training, Eastern India.

literature. Kªnsª is bronze and the generic name kªnsªkªra, given to a social group, indicates the popularity of their occupation, i.e., copper-bronze works. Furthermore, this also brings us to the important issue of human input in metal technology in a given context. The Brahmavaivarta PurªÖa and the Bîhaddharma PurªÖa, composed in Bengal in the 10th11th centuries (Panchanan Tarkaratna 1391 BS and 1396 BS), tell us that the producing class was bracketed off as belonging to the Ÿudra caste in general when Sanskritization did in fact take effect in the region. It mentions the karmakªra (ironsmith) and the kªnsªkªra as belonging to the highest category of the Ÿudras. This reference in the PurªÖas actually reflects a widening of the four-fold caste society, roping in the non-caste contingents into a caste-bound society as the occupational class of the Ÿudras. The artisans also come from this background. Although kªnsª, the term for bronze, was known in the middle GaÕgª valley of the Early Historic period (as literary sources of the period shows), yet the occupational group is first mentioned in the 10th-11th century PurªÖas in the lower GaÕgª plain. The kªnsªkªras, as well as the kªnsªvaÖikas, continued to flourish in the Early Medieval and Medieval Bengal as an endogamous caste. However, as days went by, tin became a rare commodity and zinc was more and more utilized for making the shiny and golden metal-brass. The Early Medieval texts like the Rªmacarita by Sandhyªkarnandi speaks of golden rooftops and temple íikharas in the city of RªmavatÌ, which is a certain reference to brass-covered roofing. A number of references to golden utensils in the fictional literature of the times, however, points to the continued use of bronze as a tableware metal for food would not be partaken from plates of brass. Bronze and brass therefore constituted the copper alloys of everyday usage and the kªnsªkªra was an important professional group in Early Medieval Bengal. Hence, a steady growth of the occupational caste is observed.

Chattopadhyay, P.K. 2004. Archaeometallurgy in India: Studies on Techno-culture in Early Copper and Iron Ages in Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal. Patna: K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute. Chattopadhyaya, B.D. 2003. Studying Early India. Delhi: Permanent Black. Coggin Brown, J. 1936. India's Mineral Wealth. London: Oxford University Press. Dasgupta, Nupur 2007. History of a Craft and Its Artisans: Development of Copper Alloy Works in Pre-modern Bengal, Journal of the Asiatic Society (Kolkata) XLIX(3): 65-94. Dasgupta, P.C. 1964. Excavation at Pandu Rajar Dhibi. Calcutta: Govt. of West Bengal. Datta, P.K., P.K. Chattopadhyay and A. Ray 2007. New Evidence for High-tin Bronze in Ancient Bengal, South Asian Studies Bulletin 30(2): 13-16. Ghosh, A. (Ed.) 1989. An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archaeology. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Ghosh, N.C., A.K. Nag and P.K. Chattopadhyay 1987-88. The Archaeological Background and Iron Sample from Hatikra, Puratattva 18: 21-27. Haque, Enamul, S.S. Mostafizur Rahman and S.M. Kamrul Ahsan 2000. A Preliminary Report on Wari-Bateshwar: Trial Excavation by ICSBA, Journal of Bengal Art 5: 283-315. Huntington, Susan L. 1985. The Art of Ancient India: Buddhist, Hindu, Jain. With Contributions by John C. Huntington. New York: Weatherhill. IAR: Indian Aarchaeology – A Review. New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.

REFERENCES

Jahan, S.A.M 1995. Physico-Chemical Investigations for the Conservation of Musuem Objects and Archaeological Materials of Bangladesh. Ph.D Thesis (unpublished), University of Dhaka, Dhaka.

Bandopadhyay, Bimal 1987. Survey of Indian Metal Sculpture. Delhi: Sundeep Publication. Basa, Kishor K. and S.S.M. Rahman 1998. Bronze Knobbed Bowls from Wari, Bangladesh: Implications for Trade, Journal of Bengal Art 3: 291-298.

Jahan, Shahnaj Husne 1999. Wari-Bateshwar: An Important Centre for Maritime Activity in Ancient Bengal, Journal of Bengal Art 4: 207-216.

Basak, R. 1919-20. The Five Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscriptions of the Gupta Period, Epigraphia Indica XV: 113-145.

Jahan, Shahnaj Husne 2002. Early Maritime Trade Network of Bengal, Man and Environment XXVII(1): 127-138.

Basak, R. and D.C. Bhattacharya 1919. Catalogue of the Archaeological Relics in the Museum of the Varendra Research Society, Rajshahi. Rajshahi: Varendra Research Society.

Jahan, Shahnaj Husne 2006. Excavating Waves and Winds of (Ex)change: A Study of Maritime Trade in Early Bengal. Oxford: BAR International Series.

Chakrabarti, D.K. 1992. Ancient Bangladesh: A Study of Archaeological Sources. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Jahan, Shahnaj Husne 2008. Bengal and the Indian Ocean Maritime Trade Network during the Early Historic Period, Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia, Gautam Sengupta and Sharmi Chakraborty (Eds), pp. 557-586, New Delhi: Pragati Publications in Collaboration with Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training, Eastern India.

Chakrabarti, D.K. and Nayanjyot Lahiri 1996. Copper and Its Alloys in Ancient India. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal. Chakrabarti, D.K. and S.J. Hasan 1982. The Sequence at Bahiri, Man and Environment VI: 111-149.

84

Nupur Dasgupta and Pranab K. Chattopadhyay: Copper Craft Tradition in the Lower GaÕgâ Valley

Jayasawal, K.P. 1934. Metal Images of Kurkihar Monastery, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art II(2): 70-82.

Reeves, Ruth 1962. Cire Perdue Casting in India. New Delhi: Crafts Museum.

Kramrisch, S. 1929 (Reprint 1985). Pala and Sena sculpture, Rñpam 40: 107-126. Lal, B.B. 1956. An Examination of Metal Images from Nalanda, Ancient India 12: 53-57.

Reiderer, J. 1991. The Relation between the Composition of North Indian Statuettes of Copper Alloys and the Region and Date of Their Origin, Proceedings of 1st Colloquium: Role of Chemistry in Indian Archaeology, M.C. Ganorkar and N. Rama Rao (Eds.), Hyderabad: Birla Archaeological Institute.

Mitra, Debala 1982. Bronzes from Bangladesh: A Study of Buddhist Images from District Chittagong. Delhi: Agam Kala Prakasan.

Roy, Amal 2006 and 2007. Early Historic Settlement of the Piyali Valley, Nimna Gangeya Sundarban Sanskriti Patra, pp. 1-13.

Mitra, S.K. (Ed.) 1979. East Indian Bronzes. Calcutta: Calcutta University.

Saraswati S.K. 1936. An Ancient Text on the Casting of Metal Images, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art IV(2): 139-144.

Mukherjee, B.N. 2000. Coins and Currency System of Early Bengal. Calcutta: Progressive Publisher.

Singh, A.K. and P.K. Chattopadhyay 2001-2002. In Search of High Tin Bronze in Eastern India, Puratattva 32: 101-105 and 227-28.

Panchanan Tarkaratna (Trans. & Ed.) 1391 BS. Brahmavaivarta PurªÖa, Brahma KhaÖ¼a, 10th Chapter, 22. Kolkata: Nababhªrat Publishers.

Singh, P., A.K. Singh and P.K. Chattopadhyay 2007. Metal Reportoir from Agiabir, History and Heritage, S.P. Shukla, R.S. Bisht, M.P. Joshi and P. Srivastava (Eds.), Vol. 1, pp. 197-206, Delhi: Agam Kala Prakasan.

Panchanan Tarkaratna (Trans.) 1396 BS (Reprint). Bîhaddharma PurªÖa, Uttara KhaÖ¼a, 13th Chapter, 339. Kolkata: Nababhªrat Publishers.

Singh, R.N., I. Glover and J.F. Merkel 1998-99. Scientific Studies of Some Iron Objects from Senuwar, Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 9: 123-28.

Pathan, Muhammad Habibullah 1989. Pratnatªttvik Nidarían: WªrÌBaðeíwar. Narsingdi: Grantha Suridh Prakªíani.

Singh, R.N., John F. Merkel and B.P. Singh 1996-97. Analysis of Copper Objects from Senuwar, Bharati (Bulletin of the Department of AIHC & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University) 23(1 & 2): 145-156.

Ray, Amita 1989. Mangalkot: An Ancient Township – Its History and Archaeology, Nalinikanta Satavarshiki: Studies in Art Archaeology in Bihar and West Bengal, D. Mitra and G. Bhattacharjee (Eds.), pp. 285-91, Delhi: Sri Satguru Publication.

85

The Bronze Art of Nepal Mala Malla

Studies of bronze art of Nepal, a small Himalayan kingdom situated to the north of India, have been carried out by many native and foreign scholars, viz., A.K. Coomaraswamy (1921, 1927), Gautamvajra Vajracharya (1976), Marry S. Slusser (197576), Pratapaditya Pal (1971-72, 1974, 1975, 1978), Lain Sing Bangdel (1970, 1976, 1982), Stella Kramrisch (1964), Douglas Barrett (1957), Karl Khandalavala (1950), U.V. Schroeder (1981) and many others. In one of these, Coomaraswamy (1921: 1) saw the Nepalese metal images as characterized by certain features of composition, a very full modelling of the flesh and almost florid features, the bridge of the nose is markedly round and the lips full. On the other hand, those of the later date and up to modern times are no longer so robust and fleshy, but svelte and slender waist and more sharply contoured; the nose becomes aquiline. Sometimes even hooked, the lips clear-cut and thin and the expression almost arch. He further states that the Nepalese bronze art of the Late Medieval period had tended to become a goldsmith's art with more ornamentation and less plastic which was an inherent quality of the earlier creation (ibid.).

Nepalese art is best known by the metal images, usually copper or brass, and fine workmanship in the Nepalese bronzes are influenced by the late Gupta art. However, the PadmapªÖi Lokeívara exhibited in the Boston Museum, dated to the 9th century AD by Coomaraswamy (ibid.: pl. XCII) has been dated to as late as the 13th or the 14th century by Khandalavala (1950: 24). On the other hand, Pratapaditya Pal does not see Pªla influence on the Nepalese bronzes. He said that it has become axiomatic with modern scholars to assert that the post-9th century Nepali art was strongly influenced by the Pªla art of India. Yet it is curious that the Nepalese temples and monasteries have not yielded a single Pªla bronze. On the contrary, several Nepali bronzes have been discovered in India in and around Nalanda. A comparison between Nepali and Pªla bronzes of about the 10th-11th century completely contradict such an assumption (Pal 1975: 14). Hence, according to Pal, Nepalese bronzes do not indicate any Pªla influence even up to the 10th/11th century. In other words, it can be said that Nepalese bronze art developed independently while retaining few characteristics closer to the Gupta model. Pal (ibid.) further argues that the bronzes that are here attributed to the Licchavi period of Nepali history (c. 400-800 AD) unquestionably demonstrate the predominant influence of the aesthetic tradition of Gupta art of India (c. 300-600 AD). The bronze images of the post-Licchavi and pre -Medieval periods, shows a pronounced Nepalese character though there is some foreign influence as well. As Amita Ray (1973: 38) says, Nepal's dependence on Indian forms, styles and techniques is equally obvious. It is equally obvious that eventually Nepal made a successful venture towards the formation of a Nepali style. According to R.N. Pandey (1968: 26), the influence of Pªla style on Nepalese bronze art is beyond doubt, but it is seen in the art that developed only in the Medieval period. Nevertheless, findings of several metal sculptures, assigned to the pre-Pªla period clearly show that Nepalese bronze art developed during the Licchavi period (ibid.: 25-26).

Scholars like Lain Sing Bangdel, Stella Kramrisch, Douglas Barrett and Karl Khandalavala, etc., assign the origin of Nepalese bronzes to the Pªla bronzes of eastern India. According to Bangdel (1970: 12-13), the Eastern School underwent many changes in Bihar and Bengal, whereas the school of bronze art in Nepal followed the tradition of art till the 12th/13th century AD. Barrett (1957: 95) says, the bronze art tradition started in Nepal only during the Pªla dynasty of eastern India in the Early Medieval period and Nepalese artists learnt the techniques of bronze casting from the Pªla artists. Kramrisch (1964: 39-40) is of the opinion that during the rule of Pªla Dynasty (750-1150 AD) in eastern India, bronze images were made in large numbers in Nªlandª and Kurkihªr in Bengal and being easily portable found their way to Nepal where their form at once became re-cast in Nepali tradition. But the scholars like Gautamvajra Vajracharya, U.V. Schroeder, Marry S. Slusser, Pratapaditya Pal have argued that the history of bronze casting in Nepal can be traced to as early as the 5th century AD and it closely followed the styles of Gupta art. According to A.K. Coomaraswamy (1927: 145), the first scholar to introduce the Nepalese bronzes to the world,

In the backdrop of this scholarly dispute, this essay wishes to study the evolution of bronze art of Nepal. It is acknowledged that an undertaking such as this is hazardous because the dating of Nepalese images is often difficult since the art works survive in different states of preservation. The problem is also related to 86

Mala Malla: The Bronze Art of Nepal

the different customs of worship practiced for different deities. For example, the image of Nepalese origin in a Tibetan monastery, viz. of Jo-Khong, Lhasa (Schroeder 1981: 413), has remained as fresh as original because it has remained untouched since its making. It has retained its full coating of gilding and the inset of semi-precious stones are in perfect condition. However, images of the same period preserved in temples, monasteries or private shrines of Kathmandu Valley have been used for ritualistic purpose and hence have lost most of their gilding and inset stones. Nevertheless, the scholarly dispute must be addressed and the problem of dating may be offset with a careful study of bronze and stone sculptures that are available, inscriptions, coins and literary evidences, which this essay seeks to employ.

1962, have yielded nearly three thousand silver and copper coins dating from the 5th to 2nd centuries BC (Mitra 1972: 84-99). Mitra is of the opinion that these coins were issued locally at ancient Kapilvastu when it was a sovereign state. Besides, a smelting furnace along with metal pieces and slag has been excavated (Rijal 1979: 37). These evidences suggest that the craftsmen at Kapilvastu possibly had the knowledge of casting metal crafts during the said period. However, no other places from the Kathmandu Valley has so far yielded similar evidence from the same period. But the art of casting is still practiced in Nepal. It is, therefore, possible to have a direct access to the technology of image casting which has its roots in the ancient tradition. In the context of Kathmandu Valley, the history of bronze art in Nepal can be traced back to the 5th century AD, when the Gupta rule in India was beginning to decline, along with the development of Mahªyªna Buddhism. There are many copper coins bearing the names of kings and other emblems after the death of Skanda Gupta in the second half of the 5th century AD, the time when Nepal was under the Licchavi rule, which flourished between the 1st and 9th centuries AD. During this period, the bronze casting in Nepal had been highly influenced by the Gupta art of northern India as seen in the standing Buddha, which is termed as “Gupta style Bronze Buddha” (Czuma 1970: 55), with a dedicatory inscription dated Samvat 513 (now exhibited in the Cleveland Museum of Art) (Czuma 1970: pl. 8, Pal 1978: pl. 76, Schroeder 1981: pl. 74E, Ray et al. 1986: pl. 26, Slusser 1975-76: pl. 5). This bronze Buddha was initially believed to be a Gupta work of India (Ray et al. 1986: 97). Later on, scholars like Gautamvajra Vajracharya (1976) and Marry Slusser (1975-76: 81-84) studied the pedestal inscription and have shown it to be the work of a Nepali artist from Patan city. The pedestal inscription reads as follows:

In South Asia, bronze has been used from ancient times as evidenced by the findings of the Indus Valley Civilization dating between c. 3000 to 1800 BC (Marshal 1931, Vats 1940) and a number of sites throughout northern India, mainly in the GaÕgª Basin, where hoards of copper objects of certain types were deposited (Lal 1951). Among them, the most notable objects are the two figures of the famous dancing girls from Mohenjo-Daro (Marshall 1931: 44-45). One of them is preserved in the National Museum of India, New Delhi and the other is in the National Museum of Pakistan, Karachi (Schroeder 1981: pls. 1E and 1F). These are probably the earliest bronze sculptures to have been cast by the Cire-Perdue or Lost Wax process, which continues even today. The history of metal casting in Nepal is not yet adequately known. Nevertheless, archaeological excavations show that this art developed many centuries before Christ. The archaeological excavations carried out by Nepal-German Archaeological Project in 1992 at the caves of Mustang (northern Nepal) have revealed a number of metal artefacts, viz., arrowheads with tang strips made of bronze, iron blades (Simons 1992-1993: 1-19, pls. 4:2 and 9:1), ritual objects of iron, embossed bronze and copper sheets (Simons et al. 1994: 51-75, pls. 10 and 16) – identified as anthropomorphic figures by Tiwari (1984-85: 1-12), cross-shaped bronze objects, copper bangles (Simons et al. 1994: 51-75, pl. 9), iron spatula (blade?), metal jewellery, long tubules made of brass and copper, brass bells and iron belt buckles (ibid.: 93-129, pls. 2:1, 3: 2-5 and 21: 1-2). Anthropomorphic figure of copper has also come to light from Jagatpur village of Kailali District (Darnal 2002: 39-48, pl. V). The findings of Mustang have been called Neolithic and Megalithic by Tiwari (1984-85: 6 and 9) and Schuh (1992-93: c-m). According to Angela Simons (19921993: 8), the findings belong to the Prehistoric and Iron Age Culture. T.N. Mishra (1994: 151) is of the opinion that the findings from Mustang are comparable to the findings from Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Megalithic sites in the entire region of South Asia. Besides, successive excavations at Tilaurakot (ancient Kapilvastu) in the western Tarai region of Nepal since

This image is the pious gift of the Sakya nun Purisuddhamati at Yamgval monastery in Laditagrama in the year 591 AD. May the merit from this deed result in the attainment of supreme wisdom for all sentient being. From the proceeds of pindaka a feast should be provided at the locality east of Chaityakuta Jinabandhu monastery (Schroeder 1981: 299).

The period prior to the 5th century AD is represented by some stone sculptures like Mªtîkª images in and around Kathmandu Valley (Bangdel 1982: pls. 10-30 and 36), GajalakîmÌ of Patan Chyasalhiti (ibid.: pl.1), ŸrÌlakîmÌ of Hadigaon (ibid.: pl. 5), Caturmñrti of RªîðrÌya Nªcghar (ibid.: pl. 42), Vªsuki of Kumbheívara, Kuvera of Hadigaon (ibid.: pls. 47 and 50), Rªjpuruîa of Paíupati MîgasthalÌ now preserved in the National Museum, Kathmandu (ibid.: pl. 56), Virupakîya of Paíupati ryaghað (ibid.: pl. 64), Cakrapuruîa (also known as Rªjamªtª, Royal Portrait, Sñrya or Kirªta king) of Paíupati ryaghað (ibid.: pl. 55), etc. All these stone sculptures bear influence of the Mathura School of Indian art and are believed to be the products of Kirªta period (Sharma 1968: 75). 87

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

The art of Nepal from the 5th to 9th centuries can be termed as the Licchavi or the classical Nepali School. It is represented by numerous stone sculptures. ViîÖu Vikrªnta sculptures of Kathmandu's TilgaÕgª and Lazimpat dated 467 AD (the latter is now preserved in the National Museum, Kathmandu) (Pal 1974: pls. 1-2) are the first available images with dated inscriptions on the pedestal. Besides, Garu¼ªsana ViîÖu of Changu NªrªyaÖa (ibid.: pl. 109), Viívarñpa ViîÖu of Changu (ibid.: pl. 113), Caturmñrti ViîÖu of ŸaÕkhu (Bangdel 1982: pl. 46), LakîmÌ exhibited in the National Museum, Kathmandu (Pal 1974: pl. 227), Jalasayana ViîÖu of Buddha NÌlakanðha (Bangdel 1982: pl. 86), Varªha of Kathmandu DhumvarªhÌ (Pal 1974: pl. 92), Rªvanªnugraha also known as Umª-Maheívara of MîgasthalÌ, Paíupatinªth (Bangdel 1982: pl. 72), UmªMaheívara panel of Paíupati Amarkªnteívara (ibid.: pl. 73), Buddha sculptures of Chabahil, Bangemuda, Hadigaon, Patan Nagbahal, Paíupati ryaghað (Pal 1974: pls. 166-168, 171 and 176), Avalokiteívara of Ganabahal (ibid.: pl. 8), Avalokiteívara of Dhvaka Bahal Caitya, Kathmandu (ibid.: pl. 13), KªlÌyadaman of Hanumªn Dhokª (Kramrisch 1964: pl. IV), etc., are the prime examples of the Licchavi sculptures and they

Fig. 1 Œañkhu Buddha, 7th century AD

exhibit considerable influence of Gupta school in modelling and refinement (Sharma 1968: 77). Besides, there are many bronze images, which are still worshipped in the temples and monasteries of the valley itself. Among them are the ViîÖu image preserved in the storehouse of Changu NªrªyaÖa temple at Changu, dated to the 4th century AD (Khanal 1983: 65 no. 7). King Amíuvarma renovated the golden kavaca and Garu¼a of the Garu¼ªsana ViîÖu of Changu NªrªyaÖa temple in 607 AD (Vajracharya 1973: 317, inscription no. 76). This shows that the bronze image was already dedicated there at the beginning of the early 7th century AD. The chronicle states that king Haridatta Varma (who ruled nine generations before Manadeva I) had built four NªrªyaÖa temples in four directions of the Kathmandu Valley and one of them was the Changu NªrªyaÖa temple (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: 28, Folio 20). The early 7th century Buddha of ŸaÕkhu VajrayoginÌ (Fig. 1) (Srivastava 1967-68: 85, pl. IX), th PadmapªÖi Lokeívara of Patan Kwa Bahal dated to the 8 century AD (Fig. 2), ŸaÕkhu Buddha, also called Ratnasambhava, of the 9th century (Fig. 3) (Thapa 1970: 29, pl. 29), ViîÖu of the National Museum, Kathmandu, dated to the

Fig. 2 PadmapâÖi Lokeúvara, Kwa Bahal, Patan, 8th Century AD

88

Fig. 3 Œañkhu Buddha, 9th Century AD

Mala Malla: The Bronze Art of Nepal

the daughter of Amíuvarma (Jayaswal 1936: 162). She took the images of Maitreya Bodhisattva, Akîobhya Buddha and rya Tªrª with her to Tibet (Joshi 1978: 4). Temples were constructed for those images in the heart of Lhasa (Jha 1970: 159). Scholars assume that those images were possibly of bronze, as bronze images are easier to transport than stone images (Joshi 1976: 42, Joshi 1978: 4). The inscription of the reign of Jayadeva II of Naxal Narayanchaur (Kathmandu city) mentions the Tªmrakuða Sala, meaning the place where the metal utensils were produced (Vajracharya 1973: 565, inscription no. 141). Beside these references, the Minanªtha Lokeívara of Tangal Tole of Patan can be cited as one of the best examples of developed forms of Nepalese bronze art. Devamªlª VamíªvalÌ has related this Lokeívara with king Amíuvarma (Joshi 1978: 3). Copper coins like the mananka of Manadeva I, vaiíravaÖa and kamadohi types of coin, and Paíupati coins related to King Amíuvarma and other Licchavi coins (Regmi 1968: 150-214) stand testimony to the developed form of art that flourished in Nepal during the Licchavi period (Walsh 1973: 10-13). The Chinese traveller Wang-Huien-Tshe, who visited Nepal during the reign of king Narendradeva (643-657 AD), mentions that Nepalese have coins of copper which bear on one side a figure of a man and on the reverse a horse and a bull, and has no hole in the middle (Jayaswal 1936: 238). Further, several accounts compiled by Chinese travellers who visited Nepal during the Licchavi period are available. Yuan Chwang, the famous Chinese Buddhist pilgrim, who travelled to India during 629-645 AD, writes, “Nepalese people had no learning but are skilled metal workers” (Watters 1988: 83). His comment is of interest since it is the earliest available literary reference concerning the skills of Nepalese artists working in metal. This is followed by Tang annals of Wang-Hiuen-tshe. During the reign of King Narendradeva (643-657 AD), a Chinese delegation led by Wang-Hiuen-tshe visited Nepal twice. In his account, included in the history of the T'ang Dynasty, he remarks that the people of Nepal have all their utensils made of copper. They adore five celestial spirits and sculpture their images in stone (Jayaswal 1936: 238). The Chinese traveller further makes the following observation about King Narendradeva:

Fig. 4 ViîÖu, National Museum, Kathmandu, 10th Century AD

10th century AD (Fig. 4) and sculptures unearthed from Tukan Bahal Stupa, Kathmandu (Shrestha 2002: 20-38) confirm that bronze art in Nepal existed prior to the Pªla period of eastern India and they closely followed the Gupta style of the Saranath School (Pal 1974: 14).

… their king Na-ling-ti-po adorns himself with true pearls, rock crystal, mother of pearl, corral and amber; he has in his ears rings of gold and pendants of jade and trinkets in his belt adorned with the golden figure of the Buddha (Levi 1925: 59).

In addition to these sculptural arts, there are inscriptional evidences that refer to the industry for producing utensils, idols and many other objects in bronze during Licchavi period. For example, the joint inscription of Ÿivadeva I and Amíuvarma of Lele, Patan, dated to 504 AD, mentions arca goîðhÌ, one of the organizations dealing with the idol making (Vajracharya 1973: 282-83, inscription no. 70). During the time of Amíuvarma, Nepal exported iron and copper utensils to India (ibid.: 209-11, inscription nos. 73 and 74).

According to the chronicles, the Red Machindranªth, whose ratha yªtrª (chariot festival) is still performed annually at Patan city, is related with King Narendradeva (Wright 1877: 142-148). The above-mentioned literary references and inscriptions are adequate evidence of the artistic achievements of the Nepalese during the Licchavi period.

According to the T'ang Annals, King Srong-brtan-Gampo of Tibet married the Nepalese princess Bhîkuði, who is said to be

For the intervening period between the end of the Licchavi supremacy in the early 9th century AD and the beginning of the 89

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

th

12 century, the history of Nepal is almost unknown. It is marked by a dearth of inscriptions and coins, though such materials are not totally absent. Ÿivadeva III, who ruled in the 12th century AD, is credited with issuing two types of coins, named sivaka and damma (Vajracharya and Malla 1985: 58, Folio 48) of gold and silver, respectively (Petech 1958: 177-78). These coins were in circulation till the end of the Malla period.

contempt and disrespect was a constant one (Ray 1994: 45354). In the early 13th century, Muslim Sultan Bakhtiyªr Khilji's invasion caused panic among the Buddhists who were ruthlessly persecuted. This invasion was accompanied by the wholesale destruction of Buddhist monasteries like VikramaíÌla, Nªlandª and OdantapurÌ. As a result, Buddhism collapsed in India and a large number of Buddhist monks, scholars, painters and sculptors from these Buddhist monasteries migrated to Nepal, Tibet and south India (Majumdar 1957: 425).

There are many pedestal inscriptions of the post-Licchavi (transitional period of the 9th to 12th centuries AD) that are found in private collections, in museums (viz., Cleveland Museum, British Museum, Boston Museum, Virginia Museum, Stanford Museum, Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai, National Museum, Delhi, Indian Museum, Kolkata, National Museum, Kathmandu) and in temple courtyards in Kathmandu Valley. Beside these pedestal inscriptions, sculptures preserved in Nepal and abroad, colophons of religious scriptures and the Gopªl Rªj VamíªvalÌ of the 14th century refer to a few important events of this period. The image of ŸaÕkhu Buddha of the 9th century; the 10th century image of ViîÖu in the National Museum, Kathmandu; PadmapªÖi Lokeívara image of the 12th century, Kwa Bahal, Patan (Fig. 5), Candeívara in the Indian Museum, Kolkata dated to the 10th/11th century (Bangdel 1976: pl. 3), Muchalinda Buddha in the Virginia Museum (Gairola 1978: pl. 1a), DevÌ in the Newark Museum (Pal 1974: pl. 226) and many other specimens in Nepal and abroad are among the best specimens of this dark period.

th

Describing the art history of Nepal, the 17 century Tibetan historian Taranath mentions the names of two famous artists, DhÌmªn and his son Bitpªlo, who lived in Varendra region (northern Bengal) during the reign of Pªla kings, Dharmapªla and his son Devapªla around the 9th century. These two artists founded two distinct schools of art. Bitpªlo, the son appears to have been expert in bronze casting. The images cast by his followers began to be known as the Eastern Style. The followers of his father, DhÌmªn, were the creators of the School

The Medieval period is divided into two phases: the Early Medieval, also called the early Malla period (12th to 15th centuries) and the Late Medieval, also called the late Malla period (15th century to 1769 AD). This period is considered to be the “golden period” of the development of Nepalese art and architecture. The rulers of the three near-independent Malla kingdoms of Kathmandu Valley (Kantipur, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur) were very rich. The valley had become the centre of trans-Himalayan trade, so they could control all the entry points to Tibet and levied duties on all trade (Regmi 1966a: 537, Dhungel 1986: 49). They minted coins and cast images for the Tibetan market and earned gold and silver in exchange (Regmi 1966a: 533-34, Dhungel 1986: 49). The Malla rulers of this period not only patronized sculptural art, but they actively participated in activities like building of temples, setting up of images and encouraging manuscript painters to draw on leaves and large canvases called thanka (paubha), depicting deities and religious events (ibid.). The dominant religion in Nepal in this era was Vajrayªna Buddhism.1 It was during this period, it is said, Pªla and Sena Schools of eastern India influenced Nepalese sculptures. The influence is seen especially in metal sculptures. In order to understand the artistic inspiration behind the “golden period”, it is necessary to be reminded of the history of Bengal. In the 12th century, the Sena and Varman rulers of Bengal held no respect or sympathy for Buddhism and its adherents, and the endeavour to oppress Buddhists by direct and indirect

Fig. 5 PadmapâÖi Lokeúvara, Kwa Bahal, Patan, 12th Century AD

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accepted the Vajrayªna philosophy and Tantricism, a cult of profound mysticism and magic, in their temples and monasteries. Hence, a large number of bronze images of Tantric deities were produced during the medieval period. This was the beginning of a new era in the world of metal art in Nepal. The temples and monasteries of Nepal today are replete with bronze images of the Medieval period. Most of the art works found in Nepal are stated to be of this period (Regmi 1966a: 862). During this period, the casteless character of Buddhist monkshood underwent a change and gave way to the formation of a rigid caste structure at the top. Some of the monks turned into priests and most of them entered householders' life. This gave an impetus to the introduction of complex caste structure among the Buddhists also. This development in its own turn supported the development of Tantricism (Regmi 1965: 543). Consequently, new deities and new cults were added to already existing tradition (Regmi 1966a: 557). The Buddhist text Sªdhanamªlª mentions invocations to numerous male deities like Hevajra, Heruka (Fig. 6) and Samvªra (Figs. 7 and 8) and female deities, viz., Prajñªpªramitª, Nairªtmª, Kurukula, Vasudhªrª (also known as Vasundharª in Nepal; Fig. 9), all of whom derived their origin from Vajrayªna Tantricism (ibid.: 576-98). Many deities of the Vajrayªna pantheon continued to enjoy popularity till the end of the 17th century. By then, the Vajrayªna pantheon had become a part of both the faiths of Ÿaivism and Buddhism (Macdonald and Stahl 1979: 54). As a result, Ÿiva (known as Paíupatinªth), the principal deity of Ÿaivism, also came to be worshipped by the Buddhists. On the eighth day of the bright fortnight of the month of Kªrtik

Fig. 6 Heruka holding his Ÿakti VajravarªhÌ, Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai, 1544 AD

of Eastern Painting (Chattopadhyaya 1970: 348, Folio 138A). These two artists flourished under the rich patronage of Nªlandª. In this context, it may be noted that a brick structure, discovered at the temple site No. 13 at Nªlandª, has been identified as a smelting furnace, with metal pieces and slag in it (Sahai 1981: 6). The arrival of Buddhist refugees was beneficial to Nepal in many ways. Among them, there were many eminent Buddhist scholars who brought collections of Buddhist manuscripts with them and also many artists came with them to Nepal. These artists carried their art designs and skills with them (Agrawal 1950: 203). As a result of contact with these Indian Buddhist monks, scholars and artists, Nepalese Buddhists also

Fig. 7 Samvªra, National Museum, Kathmandu, 14th Century AD

91

Fig. 8 Samvªra, National Museum, Kathmandu, 14th Century AD

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Nepal. Most of the existing specimens are exhibited in the museums of India, Europe, America, Britain and form part of private collections all over the world. Nepalese bronzes of the 14th-17th centuries denote a Nepali style than the earlier pieces and they are easily recognizable. Tantric bronzes, belonging to this period, are inspired works displaying a distinctly Nepalese character (Pal 1975: 15). Nepalese art after the 16th century follows to a great extent the prototypes of Buddhist and BrªhmaÖical deities that developed earlier in India but it does not naturally presuppose that Newar artists blindly duplicated such models. On the contrary, Nepalese artists had greater freedom in conceiving the mental images of their gods and goddesses before they actually executed it. The predominant use of bronze as a major medium of artistic expression is a unique feature of Nepal, at least up to the early 18th century. The most important image of the Early Medieval period in Kathmandu Valley is that of PadmapªÖi Lokeívara of Patan Kwa Bahal (12th century), which is still worshipped today. Besides, Maitreya of the 12th century in the Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai, an image of the gilt copper Indra of the 12th century in a private collection that has been referred by Stella Kramrisch (1964: no. 16), Mªtîkª of the 12th century in the Prince of Wales Museum, CªmuÖ¼ª of the 13th century (Schroeder 1981: 352, pl. 92A), VajrapªÖi of the 12th/13th century in the British Museum (Barrett 1957: pl. 7), image of VajrapªÖi of the 14th/15th century in the British Museum (ibid.: pl. 5), Samvªra images of the 14th century in the National Museum, Kathmandu (Figs. 7 and 8), the image of Agastya of the 14th/15th century held in the Art Institute of Chicago (Bolon 1991: pl. 4), the golden image of NªrªyaÖa (known as Hîîikeía) that was installed by King Yakshya Malla in 1427 AD in memory of his late son Raj Malla and was enshrined in the temple of Bhaktapur (Regmi 1966c: 80-82, inscription no. LXXII) are among other notable specimens of this period. One of Yakshya Malla's copperplate inscription has a description of the installation of an image of GaurÌ within the temple of Paíupatinªth in honour of the sacred memory of the deceased queen mother, SamsªradevÌ ThªkurªnÌ in the year 1441 AD (Regmi 1966b: 58-61, inscription no. LVI). Vasudhªrª in the collection of B.S. Cron dated 1467 AD (Barrett 1957: pl. 2) is another figure of this type, which was installed during the reign of King Yakshya Malla.

Fig. 9 Vasudhªrª, National Museum, Kathmandu, 17th Century AD

(October-November), the Paíupati liÕga is crowned and is worshipped as Avalokiteívara (ibid.). The Buddhists believe that GuhyeívarÌ is the root of the lotus on which di Buddha became manifest as a flame at Svayambhunath (north of Kathmandu), while for the Hindus, she is the vagina of ŸatÌdevÌ (ibid.: 48). Likewise, VajrayoginÌ is one of the mother goddesses of the Vajrayªna pantheon, but for the Ÿaivites she is worshipped as Ugra-Tªrª (Regmi 1966a: 596). Such newly introduced commonalities tended to bind the Buddhist and Ÿaivite groups closer. As a result, they developed similar rituals, language and script. During the Medieval period, most of the images were cast in bronze and the influence of Tantricism is evident in their making. Most of the inscriptions of the 14th-15th centuries also commemorate the installation of bronze images in temples for worship. The Nepalese images in bronze are worth studying as excellent specimens of art works of the Medieval period. Occasionally, they were studded with semi-precious stones such as coral, amber, pearls, rubies and turquoise. The tradition of embellishing images with jewels, testified by Chinese th travellers in the 7 century AD, was further invigorated in the Medieval period. Several bronze works of this period are found. They include images in tympannum reliefs and illustrations of finials, double drum and similar objects. Some of them are gilded. But very few Early Medieval bronzes are available in

The Tibetan monk DharmaswamÌn recorded seeing a golden image of Ÿªkyamuni also known as Lord Abhayadªna, inside the Tham Vihªra built by AtÌía DÌpaÕkara ŸrÌjñªna (Roerich 1959: 55). DharmaswamÌn also noted in his memoir how he saw in the Tham Vihªra an abbot's seat gilded and adorned with pearls for which eighty ounces of gold was used (ibid.: 55-56, Ram 1978: 115). The image of DÌpaÕkara Buddha of Patan 92

Mala Malla: The Bronze Art of Nepal

Guitatole, which has an inscription of the 13th century, is the earliest inscriptional evidence found in Kathmandu Valley (Regmi 1965: 615). The Kathmandu Itumbahal inscription of Madansimharªm Vardhana (a Bhotia feudatory) commemorates the occasion of setting up of gold image of rya Tªrª at Paravarta Mahªvihªra by JaitralakîmÌ, wife of Madansimharªma in the year 1382 AD (Rajbansi 1970: 38-39, inscription no. 53). The copperplate inscription of I-baha-bahi in Patan dated to 1427 AD mentions gold image of Bodhisattva installed by Mahapatras Rªjasimha Malla Varma and others (Regmi 1966b: 56, inscription no. LIV). Besides, bronze images are found in the vihªras of the Kathmandu Valley; they are mostly of DÌpaÕkara, Ÿªkyamuni Buddha (Fig 10). The gilt images of DÌpaÕkara, which are carried in processions during festive occasions, are often called Samhedyo who receives samaye (offerings of delicious food consisting of beaten rice, soybean, garlic, ginger, meat, bean, dry fish, etc.). Some of the Ÿaivite temples also housed bronze images. Images of Indra and Vairocana installed at Indreívara temple at Panauti (one of the ancient places of Bhaktapur) are dated to the 13th century (Thapa 1970: pls. 28 and 29). Other specimens of the 17th century of gilt bronze used as embellishments on the stoned wall of the water conduit are found in the courtyards of the Bhaktapur Durbar (Fig. 11), Patan Sundari Chowk and Kathmandu. Similarly, DevÌ images of the same period are placed in the three royal palaces of Kathmandu Valley (Regmi 1966a: 914). The prime examples of the Late Medieval period are the four handed Ÿiva in the Indian Museum, Kolkata (Mehta 1971: pl. 12), PadmapªÖi Lokeívara in the National Museum, Kathmandu (Fig. 12), PadmapªÖi of the Boston Museum (Coomaraswamy 1927: pl. 276), Kwa Bahal PadmapªÖi and MañjuírÌ, ViîÖu with Garu¼a and LakîmÌ in the Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai bearing dedicatory inscription dated to 1698 AD (Pal 1974: pl. 48),2 Bhîkuði in the Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai, Sñrya images, Amoghasiddhi, SukhavatÌ Lokeívara, Simhanada Lokeívara, Durgª, Bhairava, VarªhÌ, Vasudhªrª, and Tªrª in the National Museum, Kathmandu, Prince of Wales Museum's Tªrª and Prajñªpªramitª which has a dedicatory inscription dated to 1699 AD, Virginia Museum's Prajñªpªramitª (Gairola 1978: pl. 4a), Virginia Museum's BhadrakªlÌ (Gairola 1978: pl. 10a), Prince of Wales Museum's image of Indra and that of Heruka holding his Ÿakti VajravarªhÌ (Fig. 6), which shows a dedicatory inscription on the back of the pedestal dated to 1544 AD, two images of Viívarñpa – one at Hanumªna Dhokª, Kathmandu, set up by king Pratap Malla in 1657 AD (Vajracharya and Panta 1961, III: 19) and another at Kwa Bahal, images of nanda Bhairava (Fig. 13) and nanda BhairavÌ, which shows an inscription dated to 1702 AD3 (Vajracharya 1976: 173, inscription no. 50) and the image of Tªrª at Svayambhunath.

Fig. 10 Úâkyamuni Buddha, Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai, 17th Century AD

The bronze art also includes some images on the tympanums, also called toraÖa (tolan in local dialect). One such image is the four-faced Ÿiva of the southern gateway of Paíupatinªth temple. Similarly the image on the tympanum of the famous Golden Gate (lun dhvaka in local dialect) of Bhaktapur palace (Fig. 14), built by Ranajeet Malla, the last Malla ruler, in 1753 AD (Regmi 1966a: 911), can also be cited here. It consists of an embossed image of Taleju BhavªnÌ flanked by small DevÌ images. Percy Brown (1912: 75) in his Picturesque Nepal has highly appreciated the beauty of this doorway and the skill master artist. Similar type of toraÖa is also to be seen in the main courtyards (mu chuka in local diaclet) of Kathmandu and Patan Darbars. The toraÖas of IndrayªnÌ and Sobhª BhagavatÌ temples, situated on the banks of ViîÖumati River of Kathmandu city, are also beautiful examples of the Late Medieval period. Beside these toraÖas, doors of Kathmandu Taleju temple built by king Pratap Malla in 1671 AD and 1692 AD respectively (Vajracharya 1976: 224-30, inscription nos. 32, 34 and 35), Paíupatinªth temple, set up by Devidas in 1676 93

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itself during this period, and this is largely due to the cultural solidarity and religious spirit of the Newar people. The tradition has received a renewed impetus due to the influx of pious Tibetans from their homeland and also the rise of tourism in the Kathmandu Valley. After the Chinese occupation of Tibet, Tibetan refugees entered into and settled in India and Nepal. They brought with them their characteristic religious devotion, but not their temples nor the images of their gods. Soon after settling in their new homeland, they began to rebuild their religious establishments. In this they sought the help of the Newar artists of Patan. Almost all the images in modern Tibetan monasteries and temples in Nepal Fig. 11. Water conduit of Bhaktapur Royal Palace, 1688 AD have been sculpted and created by the AD (Regmi 1966a: 910) and Changu NªrªyaÖa temple are the image casters of Patan. The large image of best examples of bronze art of this period. In addition, bronze Padmasambhava in the Kargyutpa Gompa at Kathmandu's images of the Malla kings like Bhupatindra Malla (Fig. 15), Svayambhunath (Alsop and Charlton 1973: 26) and the large Yoganarendra Malla (Fig. 16), Pratap Malla, Parthivendra and gilt image of Bodhisattva Maitreya of Tashilumpa Malla were also made, which are found in and around Monastery at Shigatse (Tibet) (Schroeder 1981: 412) are the Kathmandu Valley. typical examples of their art. When the three kingdoms of the Newar Malla kings were captured and united under the Gorkha king, PrithvÌ NªrªyaÖa Shah, in 1769, the Newar artists of the Kathmandu Valley found themselves in a precarious position. For, as Gopal Sing Nepali (1965: 77) writes: "with the overthrow of the royal Mallas, the patrons of fine arts, the Newar artisans ceased to receive encouragement from the Gorkhas who idealized a different branch of human excellence – the art of chivalry." Thus the Gorkha period had been a difficult one for the artists of the valley. State patronages had all but disappeared; and image casters as well as other artists, had to fall back upon private patronage (ibid.). This sudden drop in royal patronage caused the fall of several of the art forms for which Newars were most famous, but even under these conditions the art of casting images in bronze, however, survived, for there has always been a demand among religious Newars for icons for the purpose of worship and for household uses. Thus, throughout the reign of the Gorkhas, until the modern time, the tradition of image casting has managed to survive though in a small measure through private patronage. So the art could maintain

Fig. 12 PadmapâÖi Lokeúvara, National Museum, Kathmandu, 15th Century AD

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Fig. 13 Ânanda Bhairava, Hanumªna Dhokª, Kathmandu, 1707 AD

Mala Malla: The Bronze Art of Nepal

India until the 13th century (Sivaramamurti 1977: 41). As Khandalavala has said, “the best south Indian bronzes are amongst the finest achievement of metal sculpture in the world” (quoted by Mehta 1971: 29). But with the end of the Pªla and Sena styles in eastern India and the decay of the great Cola dynastic tradition in the south, the Indian art of image casting was lost into oblivion and thereafter it never recovered its past glory. With the inception of the modern period of Indian history under the British, India distanced herself from her heritage of philosophy and art, and concentrated her energies on the forging of a modern state. The result has been a decline of interest in the great heritage of arts. Mehta (1971: 32) writes, Made in large numbers the images of the 18th century till this day are poor specimens of a decadent style, a hollow mockery of the great traditions of the past, the one-time skill and aesthetic vigour of the image-makers of old. It seems as if today they are no longer inspired but are just the uninterested producers of what is demanded of them. The Sthapatis are now no more creative artists but mere artisans. The once great art of metal sculpture and casting in India is dead.

Casting metal images is still being done in India, but they are largely copies of pieces which can hardly considered works of art, for they are not sculptured, but copied through the use of moulds. So great has been the decline of Indian artistry that most of these pieces are no longer made through the process of

Fig. 14. The image on the tympanum of the Golden Gate of Bhaktapur Palace, 1753 AD

Over the past ten to fifteen years another source of patronage, namely, tourism, has opened up as the valley of Kathmandu has been transformed from its traditional isolation to a metropolitan city. As more and more western visitors come to Kathmandu Valley, a lucrative business in curio objects has bloomed. The demand for bulk supply has had a bad effect on the overall quality on most of the items produced, and images are no exception. Most of the items available today in the curio shops seem to have been cast poorly and finished hurriedly. Even some of the best artists turn out poor pieces for the average tourists. This helps them to earn some profit and devote more time on finely made statues. To make attractive they guild the images, the technique that developed by the Newar artists of Kathmandu Valley. Looking back into history, it is evident that the tradition of Indian image casting was dealt with a mortal blow in eastern India during the Medieval period, because waves of Muslim invaders swept the sub-continent periodically and signalled the end of the Pªla and Sena traditions (French 1928: 20). The art and craft of metal sculpture and casting reached the perfection of excellence under the Colas who ruled primarily in southern

Fig. 15. Statue of King Bhupatindra Malla on a stone pillar in front of Golden Gate, Bhaktapur, c. 1706 AD

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Countless surviving temples and shrines along with their sculptural embellishments, which are concentrated in Kathmandu Valley, are almost exclusively the work of the Newar artists and artisans, whose skills were well acknowledged outside Nepal as well.4 It is here that the art of metal images survives today as a living tradition. Although this tradition that involves casting of metal images continues without hindrance in Nepal, it does not imply that the tradition has remained rigid over the centuries. From this study of the bronze art of Nepal from the ancient period to date, one could come to the conclusion that the tradition of casting of bronze art in Nepal was highly influenced by the Gupta art of northern India till the 9th centuries AD. The arrival of Buddhist refugees from eastern India, added to Malla affluence and patronization, ushered in a new era. Consequently, Nepalese bronzes of the 14th-17th centuries began to display a distinctly Nepalese character in which the influence of Tantricism is evident. It is thus that Nepalese art was able to take its own shape and direction, and, ultimately, it evolved as an unmistakably independent Nepalese style (Alsop and Charlton 1973: 23). The Tibetans and the Chinese in their turn learnt from Newar teachers and gradually evolved them into distinctly local styles. The circle was complete when the Tibetan and Chinese styles exerted great influence on the art of Nepal (ibid.). Consequently, Mongoloid features also appeared on the images of the late 17th century. Nepalese bronze art, therefore, has received foreign influence, which was adopted and transmuted by indigenous artists. At this juncture, A.K. Coomaraswamy (1921: 1) suggests that the history of Nepalese art is one of the flux and change by the way of adoption and transmutation of neighbouring styles. In the scheme of Asian art history, Nepal remains at the centre of exchange of techniques and styles of her neighbouring counties. Fig. 16. Statue of King Yoganarendra Malla in front of Degu Taleju Temple, Patan Darbar Square, c. 1700 AD

NOTES 1. Although Vajrayªna Buddhism was practised from the time of the Licchavis (Vajracharya 1973: 370-371 and 523-524, inscription Nos. 89 and 141), it was formally adopted only after the visit of AtÌía DÌpaÕkara ŸrÌjñªna from Bengal in the 11th century AD (Ram 1978: 117) and its fullest development took place during the Medieval period (Regmi 1965: 547).

madhuchistavidhªna or Lost-Wax but produced in halves and then welded together. Thus the art of image making in bronze began languishing in north India from the 13th century, on account of the suppression it faced at the hands of the iconoclast Muslim rulers. However, the art not only survived in Nepal, but tradition has been preserved without any break till the present day (Regmi 1966a: 908). The reasons for this remarkable survival are multiple (Alsop and Charlton 1973: 24-25). One reason is geographically Nepal's isolation from the plains of India that spared her the sword of the Muslim invaders who devastated India in medieval times. As Mehta (1971: 4) opines, "fortunately for the culture of India, the iconoclastic invaders did not penetrate every nook and corner of this vast sub-continent and in isolated regions like Nepal and Tibet, the ancient art of metal sculpture and casting continued to exist.” Had the civilization of the Valley of Kathmandu been situated in the Tarai, the art of Nepal would no doubt have died with that of India.

2. On the back of the pedestal of ViîÖu, there is a dedicatory inscription, which records the gift of LakîmÌ NªrªyaÖa and Garu¼a idols by one Narasimha Bhatta in 1698 AD. 3. It is usually exhibited during the period of Indra Yªtrª in the verandah of BhagavatÌ temple at Kathmandu's Hanumªna Dhokª. 4. For example, the Nepalese artist A-ni-ko, as called by the Chinese, also called Arniko or Balbahu by the Nepalese, believed to be a descendant of the Ÿªkya (artisan) family of Nepal, achieved great fame in the court of Mongol Emperor Kublai Khan of China. (Levi 1925: 63-64). Taranath, in his autobiography, has mentioned twenty Nepalese sculptors in

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Joshi, S.M. 1978. Nepali Dhatu Moortikalako Vikashkram (Vernacular). Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy.

Tibet working in bronze. They were honoured by paying dakîiÖª (gift) implying they were not mere workers hired on daily wages. He further states that a statue of Jambhala and haloes for seven other statues were created by the Nepalese artists in his presence (Regmi 1965: 633). The fifth Dalai Lama in his works has named of some Nepalese artists working in Lhasa. Their names were Dsyo bhan, Siddhi, Kar sis (Mangal), Dhar ma de vo, Dsai sin (Jaysing), A ma ra dsa ti (Amarajªti), and Dse la K'ran K'ra pa su tsa. Amongst other images made by them one was of the Dalai Lama (ibid.).

Khanal, M.P. 1983. Changu Narayana Ko Aitihashik Samagri (Vernacular). Kathmandu: Research Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies. Khandalavala, K. 1950. Some Nepalese and Tibetan Bronzes (In the Collection of Mr. R.S. Sethna of Bombay), Marg IV(1): 21-40. Kramrisch, S. 1964. The Art of Nepal. New York: Asia House Gallery Publications. Lal, B.B. 1951. Further Copper Hoards from Gangetic Basin and Review of the problems, Ancient India 7: 37.

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Rijal, B.K. 1979. Archaeological Remains of Kapilvastu, Lumbini, and Devadaha. Kathmandu: Education Enterprises (PVT) LTD.

Thapa, R.J. 1970. Nepali Murtikala (Vernacular), Ramjham 6(3): 8-31.

Roerich, G. 1959. Biography of Dharmasvamin. Patna: K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute.

Tiwari, D.N. 1986-85. Burials from Western Nepal, Mustang, Ancient Nepal (Journal of the Department of Archaeology, His Majesty's Government of Nepal) 85: 1-12.

Sahai, B. 1981. The Art of the Pala Period (Extracted from the Eastern Indian School of Medieval Sculpture by R.D. Banerjee). New Delhi: Ramananda Vidya Bhavan.

Vajracharya, D. 1973. Lichchhavi Kalako Abhilekha (Vernacular). Kathmandu: Research Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies. Vajracharya, D. and K.P. Malla (Eds.) 1985. The Gopal Raj Vamsavali. Kathmandu: Franz Steiner Verlog Wiesbaden GMBH.

Schroeder, U.V. 1981. Indo-Tibetan Bronzes. Hong Kong: Visual Dharma Publications.

Vajracharya, G. & M.R. Panta 1961. Abhilekha-Sangraha, Part III. Kathmandu: Samsodhan-Mandala.

Schuh, D. 1992-93. Introduction, Ancient Nepal (Journal of the Department of Archaeology, His Majesty's Government of Nepal) 130-133: c-m.

Vajracharya, G. 1976. Hanumªnadhokª Rªjdarbªr (Vernacular). Kathmandu: Research Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies.

Sharma, P.R. 1968. Introduction to Nepalese Art and Architecture, Journal of Tribhuvan University 4(1): 74-95.

Vats, M.S. 1940. Excavations at Harappa: Being an Account of Archaeological Excavations at Harappa Carried Out Between the Years 1920-21 and 1933-34. Delhi: Published by Manager of Publications.

Shrestha, S.S. 2002. Tukan Bahal Stupa, Ancient Nepal (Journal of the Department of Archaeology, His Majesty's Government of Nepal) 150: 20-38.

Walsh, E.H. 1973. The Coinage of Nepal. Delhi: Indological Book House.

Simons, A. 1992-93. Trial Excavation of a Cave System in Muktinath Valley, Ancient Nepal (Journal of the Department of Archaeology, His Majesty's Government of Nepal) 130-133: 119.

Wright, D. 1877 (1972, Reprint). History of Nepal (3rd Edition). Kathmandu: Nepal Antiquated Book Publishers.

Simons, A., W. Schon and S.S. Shrestha 1994. Preliminary Report on the 1992 Camping of the Team of the Institute of Prehistory,

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Three Noteworthy Sûrya Fragments from North Bangladesh Gerd J.R. Mevissen

210 Sûrya sculptures,8 a number which is considerably smaller 9 than that of the ViîÖu sculptures, but roughly equals that of the 10 Œiva mûrtis from Bengal.

One of the most relevant publications by Abul Kalam Mohammad Zakariah for the study of Bengal art is his catalogue of the sculptural collection of the Dinajpur Museum (1989), which was founded on his initiative in May 1968. Being published in Bengali language and script, the wellillustrated catalogue regrettably so far escaped the attention of international scholars and, astonishingly, the Bangladeshi art historians as well: It is not included in the extensive bibliographies of the major reference works by E. Haque (1992) or M. Rahman (1998).

Sûrya is invariably depicted as standing in samapâda and holding a pair of lotuses. However, one sculpture from Bengal is known that shows the god standing in atibhañga. This image hails from Rajagram, Bankura district, West Bengal, now kept in the Bishnupur Museum.11 The style of the sculpture is suggestive of the Orissan workshops further south. Sûrya's upper body is invariably covered by a thin vest (perhaps indicating the 'northern dress' [udîcyaveîa] mentioned in the texts), his legs by a pleated waist-cloth. He wears a high crown (kirîðamukuða), is armed with a sheathed sword hanging by his left thigh and a dagger thrust into the ornamental girdle on his right side. Most images show a long shawl passing round his body, mostly by the back but occasionally by the front (in the latter case resembling the vanamâlâ of ViîÖu),12 the ends of which flutter symmetrically near his elbows.13 Another characteristic iconographic feature is the invisibility of his feet,14 which are either hidden by the chariot in which he stands,15 or they are covered by boots (Figs. 1, 2, 4, 5). This feature is found throughout north India and Bengal,16 but not in south Indian representations, which show the god bare-footed.17

Two fragmentary Sûrya sculptures in the Dinajpur Museum, briefly described (though not illustrated) in Zakariah's catalogue, and another, so far unpublished sculpture from the Khulna Museum form the subject of this article (Figs. 1-3). But before focussing on these, it might be worthwhile to give a brief introduction to the general characteristics and iconography of the Sun-god in Bengal art.1 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF SÛRYA IMAGES IN BENGAL ART 1. SÛRYA The antiquity of Sun worship in India and the representation of Sûrya in Indian art has been the subject of numerous studies.2 In Bengal the worship of Sûrya is attested from at least the Gupta period onwards. The Jagadishpur (Rajshahi district) copper plate of the Gupta year 128 (447 AD) refers to a land grant in favour of two Buddhist vihâras and a temple of the Sun-god at Gulmagandhika, indicating, "that Bhôyila [the donor] was probably devoted to both the Buddha and the Sun-god."3 Two Sûrya images from nearby places in the Rajshahi district, namely from Niyamatpur4 and Kumarpur,5 are among the earliest stone sculptures preserved from north Bengal. In 1995 another early stone plaque of Sûrya was found at Mahasthan.6 A beautifully modelled, large terracotta Sûrya of about the 6th century from Mahasthan is now in the Mahasthan Museum.7

Most images show Sûrya standing in front of an elaborate throne-back, which is also characteristic for ViîÖu images.18 Sometimes his figure is backed by flames,19 or he stands within the niche of a temple structure.20 Generally the apex is embellished with a kîrtimukha,21 though some images show a full-blown padma at the apex.22 The apex may also be occupied by an Âditya figure.23 Occasionally an umbrella appears above Sûrya's head, which seems to be peculiar to the majority of Sûrya images accompanied by Âditya and Graha figures.24 Few Sûrya images with an unadorned apex are also known.25 2. SÛRYA'S CHILDREN According to Indian mythology, the Sun-god Sûrya had several children.26 The virgin Kuntî, future mother of the five PâÖ¼ava brothers, became pregnant after having invoked Sûrya and begot a son, KarÖa. With his wife SureÖu or Samjñâ, the

The relatively high quantity of Sûrya sculptures found from Bengal indicates that the worship of the Sun-god continued to be popular until the 12th century. Haque (1992) listed a total of 99

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handle of a sword or staff (Figs. 1, 2);37 (d) displaying the above mudrâ with his right hand while the left leans against or rests on a staff (Fig. 3);38 (e) displaying the above mudrâ with his right hand while the left is placed on his thigh;39 (f) displaying a mudrâ looking like varadamudrâ and perhaps holding a roundish object in his right hand while the left holds a long staff;40 (g) holding the handle of a staff or sword in his right hand while the left leans on a staff;41 (h) holding the handle of a staff or sword in his right hand while the left is placed on his thigh;42 (i) holding a sword in his right hand and a shield in his left;43 (j) holding the handle of a staff or sword in his left hand while the right holds the stalk of a lotus.44

daughter of Viúvakarman, he had two sons and a daughter, viz. Vaivasvata, the Manu of the present age; Yama, the god of Death and Dikpâla of the South; and Yamî or Yamunâ, the river goddess. By Châyâ, the "shadow" of Samjñâ, he begot three other children, viz. SâvarÖi, the Manu of the future; Œani, the planetary god Saturn; and Tapatî, another river goddess. Finally Sûrya and Samjñâ, in the form of a stallion and a mare, had three more sons, viz. the horse-faced twins or Aúvinîkumâras Nâsatya and Dasra, and Revanta. Of all these children, only Œani, the planetary god Saturn, is frequently represented on images of Sûrya, as a member of the group of Grahas encircling the central deity,27 and the two Aœvins occur frequently on images from northern and western India,28 but not in eastern India. Yama, Yamî/Yamunâ and Revanta are generally represented as independent images without being depicted with or referring to their father Sûrya.29 It is interesting to note that the 'feet-problem' of Sûrya, who is permanently moving in the sky, was obviously transferred to and inherited by his sons Yama and Œani,30 who are likewise permanently moving characters – Yama moves between the netherworld and the world of humans, and Œani is the slowest moving planet visible to the naked eye. According to mythology, both were cursed by women for their misbehaviour – Yama by his 'stepmother' and Œani by Pârvatî – and, as a result, became limping and lame.31

The overwhelming majority of the Sûrya sculptures from Bengal show Piñgala on the right side of the Sun-god and DaÖ¼in on the left (Figs. 1-3),45 but there are also examples where their position is exchanged. The reversed mode appears predominantly on images which show Sûrya along with figures of the other eight Grahas,46 an intriguing fact that cannot be explained so far. However, not all Sûrya sculptures with Grahas depict Piñgala and DaÖ¼in in reversed order; at least five images with Grahas are known from Bengal that show the two acolytes in the conventional order.47 Like Sûrya, Piñgala and DaÖ¼in wear boots (Figs. 1, 2).48 Mostly they stand directly on the upper surface of the pedestal; sometimes they are placed on viœvapadma, which they either occupy alone or share with the neighbouring female attendants. Some images show them backed by a nimbus, either behind the head (Figs. 2, 3) or behind the whole body. They may also share their nimbus with the neighbouring female attendants.49

In the following, the iconographic features of Sûrya's usual attendants will briefly be analysed. The height of the attendants ranges from roughly half of Sûrya's size (Piñgala, DaÖ¼in and the two consorts) over medium sized figures (Mahâúvetâ and the two females archers) to tiny representations (AruÖa and the horses). Occasionally, there are flying Vidyâdharas hovering in the upper back-plate corners as well as small donor figures in the pedestal. 3. PIÑGALA AND DA,ˆIN

Sûrya's principal attendants are Piñgala and DaÖ¼anâyaka or DaÖ¼in.32 The former is generally represented pot-bellied and bearded,33 holding a pen in his right hand and an ink pot in his left (Fig. 2). The attributes of the youthful DaÖ¼in,34 however, are not uniform. On Sûrya sculptures DaÖ¼in is shown in the following variations: (a) holding a long staff with his right hand while the left is placed on his thigh;35 (b) resting his right hand on a staff standing between his legs while his left is placed on his thigh;36 (c) displaying a mudrâ (sometimes looking like abhayamudrâ, sometimes like vyâkhyânamudrâ, sometimes turned towards his chest) with his Fig. 1 Sñrya from Bochaganj (Dinajpur), now in Dinajpur Museum. Photo: Mevissen 2004 raised right hand while the left holds the 100

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4. FEMALE ATTENDANTS Numerous wives of Sûrya are mentioned by name in the different textual sources. The impossibility of unequivocally identifying and naming the female figures who are often, but not always, depicted on the images of Sûrya from Bengal has been pointed out and summarized by Haque (1992: 182). Here we follow the nomenclature proposed by Haque, referring to the two câmara-bearing females flanking the god as 'consorts', and to the female figure standing between Sûrya's feet as 'Mahâúvetâ'.50 Likewise, the two (or sometimes four) arrowshooting females are not named here as 'Uîâ' and 'Pratyuîâ' (though these names are frequently used in many secondary sources) since there is no textual base for doing so (ibid.). It is interesting to note that on Sûrya images which include figures of the Âdityas and Grahas 'Mahâúvetâ' and the two consorts are either very small or completely absent.51

height than the two consorts. As can be expected for an earth goddess, in the majority of the images the lower part of her legs is concealed: She is either shown rising out of the ground72 or out of Sûrya's boots,73 or the feet are concealed by AruÖa squatting in front of her. Where visible, her feet are mostly shown booted.74 She generally stands in samapâda, rarely in âbhañga,75 wearing a high jaðâmukuða and holding a water-pot (kamaÖ¼alu) in her left hand. Her right hand is raised76 in front of the chest with the palm turned inwards holding an akîamâlâ, or turned outwards displaying abhayamudrâ. In a few examples her right77 or left hand78 holds the stalk of a lotus flower. A unique instance of doubling the figure of Mahâúvetâ (a feature not known from any other Sûrya sculpture) and combining the kamaÖ¼alu and padma types is found in the Khulna image (Fig. 2) which shows two goddesses standing side by side on top of Sûrya's boots, the left one holding a kamaÖ¼alu and the right one a lotus, both in their left hands. At

4.1. Consorts The pair of females flanking the Sun-god, usually standing between him and Piñgala/DaÖ¼in, are shown in various ways: (a) holding a fly-whisk (câmara) with the right hand while the left is placed on or near the thigh, sometimes holding a piece of cloth (Fig. 2);52 generally the left figure holds the câmara high above her shoulder, while the one of the right holds it at the height of her elbow, only rarely vice versa;53 or both câmaras are raised;54 or both câmaras are held downwards;55 (b) holding a câmara with the inner hand while the outer hand is placed on the thigh holding a roll-like object;56 (c) holding the stalk of a lotus in the left hand while the right hand displays abhayamudrâ (right figure) or holds a piece of cloth (left figure);57 (d) displaying abhayamudrâ with the outer hand while the inner hands are placed on or near the thigh;58 (e) without any attribute or specific mudrâ, the right hand being placed on the thigh and the left raised in front of the chest.59 With only few exceptions (Fig. 2),60 the two consorts generally wear boots (Figs. 3, 5). They stand in samapâda or slight âbhañga, rarely in atibhañga,61 with both feet placed firmly on the ground. On some images they are shown in movement, indicated by the inner leg being bent and placed behind the straight outer leg.62 In the majority of the images they stand directly on the upper surface of the pedestal, but sometimes they stand on a low elevation, or on a viœvapadma, which they either occupy alone,63 or they share with the neighbouring Piñgala/DaÖ¼in.64 At times the two consorts are backed by a separate nimbus behind their heads (Figs. 2, 3),65 or behind the whole body;66 or they share their nimbus with the neighbouring Piñgala/DaÖ¼in.67 The two consorts are not depicted on early Sûrya sculptures (Fig. 1),68 on some images with Grahas,69 on some images with Âdityas,70 and on a few later images.71 4.2. Mahâúvetâ The goddess standing in front of Sûrya's boots, here referred to as Mahâúvetâ ("Great White One"), is generally smaller in

Fig. 2 Sñrya from Panchbibi (Joypurhat, Rajshahi), now in Khulna Museum. Photo: Mevissen 2004

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least the left goddess is bare-footed (as are the two consorts and the two archers), another rare feature.79 A full description of the image will be given towards the end of the present essay. Mahâúvetâ is not represented on early Sûrya sculptures (Fig. 1),80 on most images with Grahas,81 on some images with Âdityas,82 and on a few images that do not show the two 83 consorts either.

Sometimes two pairs of female archers are depicted, invariably 86 on sculptures with Âdityas from south-eastern Bangladesh. Here one pair appears as usual at the bottom, while the second pair is shown higher up and riding on horses. Some images with only one pair show them higher up too, above DaÖ¼in and Piñgala.87 Sometimes the female archers have not been depicted (Fig. 1).88

4.3. Female Archers

5. CHARIOT

Generally two female archers are depicted at the periphery of the Sûrya image in the act of drawing an arrow from the quiver on their back and aiming with a bow at the outside. They are shown in swift movement (âlî¼ha/pratyâlî¼ha) in a halfkneeling position, usually on the upper surface of the pedestal. In some images they seem to emerge from the pedestal, as the lower part of their legs and the feet are not shown (Figs. 3, 5).84 Where the feet can clearly be seen, they invariably wear boots, the only exception being the Khulna image (Fig. 2).

The chariot, another characteristic peculiar to sculptures of the Sun-god, is carved in the pedestal; it usually consists of the seven horses that draw the chariot, one or more wheels, and AruÖa, the charioteer. The body of the chariot is composed of projecting profiles at the bottom and the top of the pedestal, often in kapota form, and a recess in between which is occupied by the horses. A very rare feature is the depiction of makara heads at the extreme ends of the upper kapota.89 As may be expected, the saptaratha type of pedestal (with four projecting planes) is the most numerous (Figs. 2, 5), the seven sections making it easy to accommodate the seven horses; but we also find other types, ranging from the rounded ekaratha (Figs. 1, 3, 4)90 over triratha,91 pañcaratha,92 navaratha,93 ekâdaúaratha,94 trayodaœaratha,95 to even saptadaœaratha.96

Usually both of them face the observer, holding the bow in their outer hands, the one on the left near DaÖ¼in thus being righthanded, the one on the right near Piñgala left-handed. In some images the one on the right is shown from the back and is thus also depicted as right-handed (Fig. 5).85

5.1. AruÖa The "Reddish One", the personification of the dawn and brother of ViîÖu's vâhana Garu¼a, is generally depicted at the front of the chariot, often seated on a makara head that marks the foremost member of the chariot.97 Due to the fact that AruÖa was born prematurely from his egg, his feet were still unformed. Consequently he is usually depicted only from the waist (or

Fig. 3 Full view and detail of Sñrya fragment in Dinajpur Museum. Photo: Mevissen 2004

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5.3. Wheels

from the thighs) upwards, but in some rare instances he is represented as a full figure including the feet (Fig. 2),98 which then are also booted. When not depicted as riding the makara head, he is – like the female archers – mostly shown is swift movement as rising from the upper plane of the chariotpedestal (Figs. 4, 5).99

According to literary sources, Sûrya's chariot is one-wheeled 122 (ekacakra). Though some sculptures show the chariot without any wheel, most images follow the above rule. In early images the single wheel appears at the side behind the seven horses;123 later it is placed in the centre, either 'technically correct' in front view as rolling forward between the front legs of the central horse,124 or 'technically incorrect' in side view as encircling the central horse. In the latter case the wheel mostly appears as a flat-rimmed ring (Fig. 4), but sometimes the ring is multi-rimmed,125 or embellished with bands.126 Alternatively, the rim of the wheel may be embossed with a larger number of dots (sometimes more than 30) (Fig. 5)127 or rays,128 or the wheel has spokes (Fig. 2),129 or it takes the form of a full-blown petalled lotus.130

AruÖa's bird nature is indicated by the pair of wings that is shown on most of the images, though in some the wings are not depicted (Fig. 1).100 Occasionally the lower part of his body seems to be covered by half an egg.101 AruÖa is usually represented as pot-bellied, with his raised right hand wielding a whip while the left is often raised in front of his chest; sometimes a string (the reins of the horses) is visible in his left hand,102 or it grasps the trunk of the makara on which he is seated.103 Exceptionally, on the Dinajpur fragment (Fig. 1) AruÖa appears among the horses.104 Quite logically, AruÖa is absent when the chariot is not shown.105

Apart from the one-wheeled chariots, a few have two lateral wheels,131 and there are several three-wheelers with one central and two lateral wheels.132 Sometimes the lateral wheels are quite inconspicuous while the central wheel is prominently decorated. The Dinajpur fragment shows a snake in the place of the lateral wheel confronting the horses (Fig. 3), a very rare feature mirrored only by a Sûrya image in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 4) where, similar to the Babutipara image in the Mainamati Museum (Fig. 5), miniature snakes do also appear above the horses.

5.2. Horses If represented,106 there are invariably seven horses that draw the chariot.107 They are shown either as rearing up, mostly in early images (Figs. 1, 4),108 or jumping forward (Figs. 2, 3, 5),109 or moving downwards.110 Sometimes the legs of some or all horses are folded so that they appear to be resting on the ground.111 The horses are shown moving in different directions. On early images they all move in one direction,112 a mode soon to be superseded by the symmetrical arrangement of a central horse flanked on either side by three horses moving outwards. The horses are generally depicted in profile, including the central one (which is often encircled by a ring; infra). The central horse is either shown moving to the left (Figs. 2, 5) or – less frequently – to the right (Fig. 1). In these cases the head of the central horse is often turned backwards, sometimes also the heads of some or all lateral horses.113 Alternatively, the central horse may be shown en face (Fig. 4).114

THREE NOTEWORTHY SÛRYA SCULPTURES FROM BANGLADESH The foregoing survey has shown that the three sculptures under review are quite often quoted for their exceptional and unique features. The images shall now be described in some detail. Their degree of damage differs considerably: While the Khulna image (Fig. 2) preserves almost 3/4 of the original stela, the two from Dinajpur (Figs. 1, 3) show roughly 1/4 and 1/9 fractions of what was formerly created by the artists; nevertheless, the three remaining pieces still bear witness to their inventiveness and imagination.

Each horse is generally equipped with a bridle and a saddle (Figs. 2, 3, 5),115 which can be of very elaborate design. Sometimes the saddle is absent (Fig. 1).116 That the horses are male is well visible in some images.117 A very rare feature is the depiction of snakes riding on the back of each horse (Fig. 5) or occupying the upper edge of the chariot-pedestal (Fig. 4). A very unconventional and lively rendering of the horses is found in the Dinajpur image (Fig. 1) where AruÖa and a donor figure are carved among the seven prancing horses. Otherwise, small donor figures often appear at the extreme ends of the pedestal, mostly flanking the horses (Fig. 4),118 or they are shown just above119 or beneath the horses (Fig. 5).120

1. FRAGMENT OF LOWER PART OF SÛRYA SCULPTURE IN THE DINAJPUR MUSEUM (FIG. 1) The black stone fragment (acc.no. 44), which has briefly been described in Zakariah's catalogue,133 possibly hails from Bochaganj Upazila, Dinajpur. Measuring 35.6 cm in height and 55.9 cm in width the fragment preserves the lower part of an extraordinary Sûrya sculpture. Sûrya's legs and feet stand in samapâda pose on a low viœvapadma, which slightly rises above the upper plane of the pedestal. The feet are encased in short boots with a design of incised wavy lines; the legs are clad in a pleated loin-cloth. Near the left leg hangs (or rather stands) a sword, the tip of which touches the ground.

Except for the vertical ratha divisions, other architectural elements, such as short round pillars, may appear between the horses.121 The shape of these pillars often corresponds to that used in the structure of the throne against which Sûrya is standing. 103

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Sûrya is flanked by his acolytes DaÖ¼in and Piñgala. They stand directly on the surface of the pedestal, which in front of their feet has been shallowly carved as a low padmapîðha. Both figures wear boots. DaÖ¼in on Sûrya's left is clad in a pleated loin-cloth fastened by a girdle; the right hand is raised in front of his chest showing abhayamudrâ, his left hand holds the handle of a sword or staff. Of Piñgala only the legs are preserved, clad in a pleated loin-cloth with dotted design. Apparently the sculpture did not include any female attendants, neither the two consorts, nor Mahâúvetâ, nor the female archers.

2. SÛRYA SCULPTURE IN THE KHULNA MUSEUM (FIG. 2)

The pedestal is simple and oval-shaped, without rathas. It has been carved in a very lively manner with depictions of the seven horses and the tiny figure of AruÖa. He exceptionally appears among the horses, above the central one, which is shown in profile turned to the right. Between the second and third horse is a kneeling figure holding his hands in front of the

The black stone sculpture (acc.no. 27) measures 79 by 50 cm. Its provenance is recorded in the museum's files as Panchbibi, Joypurhat, Rajshahi district. The upper part of the sculpture is completely missing; otherwise it is quite well preserved, with damages only on the faces of the two females standing between Sûrya's legs. It may date from the 10th/11th century.

chest, perhaps offering something; he possibly represents the donor of the image. Except for the missing upper part, the sculpture is quite well preserved with most of the details still visible. It belongs to the early Pâla period and may date from the 9th/10th century. The placement of AruÖa within the zone of the horses is a very rare, if not unique feature, as is the depiction of the devotee or donor figure among the horses. The liveliness of the carving is superb.

134

Fig. 4 Details of Sñrya sculpture in Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. After Chopra 1987-89: pls. I-II

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Carved in high relief, Sûrya is shown standing in samapâda pose directly on the pedestal. Apparently the upper part of his body is bare; his legs are clad with a long pleated loin-cloth reaching down to the medium-sized, highly ornamented boots. He wears a beaded upavîta, a double necklace, wristlets, and an ornamental waistband into which is thrust a dagger at the extreme right. The completely damaged head is backed by remnants of a nimbus having a double border of a twisted ropeband framed by stylized flames. Two rolls of hair fall on each shoulder.

iconography of Mahâúvetâ, with the right hand raised in front of her breast and holding a water-pot in the lowered left. The companion to her right, whose head and breast is damaged, has her right hand in varadamudrâ while the left holds the stalk of a full-blown five- (or six-) petalled padma rising above her left shoulder. In front of DaÖ¼in and Piñgala are two female archers, also bare-footed; they are shown in swift movement in the act of shooting arrows. At the head of the pedestal stands in pratyâlî¼ha the dwarfish, pot-bellied and winged AruÖa. Exceptionally, his legs and feet have been depicted.136 His right hand is raised above head brandishing a long curved whip while his left is in front of his chest showing a threatening hand-pose, somehow similar to tarjanîmudrâ but with two fingers raised.

Sûrya holds the stalks of a pair of eight-petalled lotuses. By his left thigh hangs a sheathed sword fastened by an ornamented sash running diagonally across his thighs. A broad shawl runs behind his back, the ends of which flutter on both sides near his hands.

The saptaratha pedestal is carved with seven galloping horses; the central horse is shown in front of a spoked wheel. The number of spokes visible in the upper quarter of the wheel is seven, thus implying that the full wheel has 28 spokes.137 The plain back-slab is framed by a double border of rope-bands and stylized flames.

Sûrya is accompanied by his acolytes DaÖ¼in and Piñgala, AruÖa, and six female attendants. DaÖ¼in stands on Sûrya's left side; his right hand is raised in front of his chest displaying cinmudrâ, the lowered left holds a spear-like staff terminating in a thick elongated top. He wears boots, a beaded upavîta, and a karaÖ¼amukuða, backed by an oval nimbus with a beaded border and pointed top. The same applies to Piñgala on Sûrya's right side, pot-bellied and bearded, holding a pen in his right hand and an ink-pot in his left.

In spite of its damaged condition, the details of the carving are quite well preserved. In style and execution the sculpture compares well with one in the VRM Rajshahi,138 and another one in the Asian Art Museum, Berlin.139 These sculptures belong to a small group of Sûrya images which share the same stylistic and iconographic features, such as the back-slab with two bands running along the edge, the plain background, and the distribution of the prancing horses in two symmetric groups on either side of the central one.140

Next to them stand two consorts of smaller size, holding câmaras in their right hands and pieces of cloth in the left. Their heads are framed by nimbuses of the same type as the former ones. In contrast to the usual iconography they do not wear boots but are bare-footed.135 Even more peculiar is the presence of two (instead of the usual one) female figures in the centre, in front of Sûrya's legs, standing with bare feet in samabhañga pose and wearing jaðâmukuðas. The left figure follows the usual

The creator of this image deliberately disregarded three basic rules of Sûrya imagery that were followed in more than 99% of

Fig. 5 Detail of Sñrya sculpture from Babutipara (Comilla), now in Mainamati Museum. Photo: Mevissen 2004

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all the Sûrya sculptures produced in Bengal: (a) he showed the six female attendants with bare feet, (b) he depicted AruÖa as a full figure including legs and feet, and (c) he invented a second Mahâúvetâ by doubling the female figure standing between Sûrya's legs. He thus created and carved a unique example of Sûrya imagery.

thus complimenting the Aîðadikpâlas at the top of the stele. As already mentioned, seven nâgas are seen riding on the backs of the horses in the Babutipara image from Mainamati (Fig. 5). Various legends that link nâgas to the Sun-god are found in different texts,144 telling that the seven horses yoked to Sûrya's chariot should be tied together with a string of serpents, and it is quite probable that the eight nâga heads visible on the upper edge of the pedestal of Fig. 4 and the seven nâgas riding on the back of the horses in Fig. 5 are meant to illustrate the reins of the horses which are held and directed by AruÖa.

3. FRAGMENT OF THE LOWER LEFT SIDE OF A SÛRYA SCULPTURE IN THE DINAJPUR MUSEUM (FIG. 3) A small slab of black basalt measuring 33 by 15.2 cm (acc.no. 72), the provenance of which is recorded as greater Dinajpur area, appears rather inconspicuous. Though correctly identified as a part of a Sûrya sculpture, it was not described in Zakariah's catalogue because of its fragmentary condition.141 What remains is the lower part of the proper left side of the original sculpture, preserving the figure of DaÖ¼in with his right hand in abhayamudrâ while his left is placed on a spear, the head of which rests on the ground. He is adorned with a necklace, large circular earrings, armlets and wristlets; his damaged head is framed by a plain nimbus with a thick rim. To his right stands one of Sûrya's consorts, her left hand placed in ûruhasta on her thigh while the right hand, which is completely missing, was holding a câmara, part of which is visible above the plain nimbus framing her head. She wears similar ornaments as DaÖ¼in, her feet are encased in boots, her voluminous hair-style shows parallel strands combed to the back and gathered in three round hair-buns.

Other texts tell that the serpents carry the sun's chariot,145 or that the chariot is presided over by a different serpent during each month and season,146 thus linking the nâgas to aspects of time.147 In the light of this it seems possible that the two prominent nâga figures flanking the horses on the Dinajpur and Virginia Museum images (Figs. 4, 5) are representations of specific nâgas presiding over a specific month or season. However, since inscriptional information is missing, no definite conclusion can be reached. In any case, the small Dinajpur fragment, dating from c. 10th century, proves to be an important additional piece of evidence illustrating a less known aspect of Sûrya iconography. ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES AM – Asutosh Museum, University of Calcutta BNM – Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka

In front of these two figures can be seen a female archer emerging from the pedestal. Her swift movement is indicated by her posture, her left leg being bent and the right stretched. She is shown in the act of taking an arrow from the quiver on her back with her right hand while the left holds the bow. In the pedestal below are preserved two of Sûrya's seven galloping horses. The extreme end of the pedestal is occupied by an upright nâga with a curled tail, its raised head having an open mouth with a protruding tongue. The archer's movement appears as if directed towards this nâga and vice versa, i.e. there seems to be an interrelation between the two, the aquatic netherworld and darkness being expelled by the female archer.

CUM – Chittagong University Museum, Chittagong DM – Dinajpur Museum, Dinajpur IM – Indian Museum, Kolkata KM – Archaeological Museum, Khulna MHM – Archaeological Museum, Mahasthan MM – Archaeological Museum, Mainamati PM – Archaeological Museum, Paharpur RM – Archaeological Museum, Rangpur SciBa – Sculptures in Bangladesh. An Inventory of Select Hindu, Buddhist and Jain Stone and Bronze Images in Museums and Collections of Bangladesh (up to the 13th century). With contributions by Gouriswar Bhattacharya, Adalbert J. Gail, Enamul Haque, Isabell Johne, Gerd J.R. Mevissen & Falk Reitz. Dhaka: The International Centre for Study of Bengal Art, 2008 (SciBa “nos. are preceded by *”)

This nâga figure is a very rare detail in the pedestal of Sûrya images. The only other sculpture in which an upright nâga appears on the level of the horses is a c. 9th-10th-century Sûrya image in the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts (Fig. 4).142 Here the nâga is placed on the extreme right, balancing a donor figure on the proper left. But this nâga is not the only one: eight nâga heads are carved in shallow relief on the upper rim of the pedestal, the outer four facing the centre, the inner four facing each other.

V&A – Victoria & Albert Museum, London VRM – Varendra Research Museum, Rajshahi

NOTES 1. In the accompanying notes, references to illustrations are generally restricted to the most relevant publication without listing all the places where a certain image has been published previously. Throughout this article, "right" and "left" are used as seen from the image and not from the observer.

Aîðanâgas are known from few other Sûrya images. Two very similar – almost identical – sculptures from Vikrampur are in the BNM;143 here two vertical rows of four nâgas each run along the border of the sculpture, just behind DaÖ¼in and Piñgala, 106

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2. Gopinatha Rao 1914-16, I, 2: 299-318; Bhattasali 1921; Banerjea 1925; Bhattasali 1929: 148-173; Banerjea 1948: 4793; Banerjea 1956: 428-441; Mallmann 1963: 73-76; Stietencron 1966; Pandey 1971; Srivastava 1972; Gail 1978; Pandey 1989; Thiagarajan 1989: 4-307; Haque 1992: 177-195; Markel 1995: 20-32; Nagar 1995; Shah 1996; Gail 2001.

17. See e.g. Gopinatha Rao 1914-16, I, 2: pls. LXXXVILXXXVII, XCI-XCIII.1, XCIV.2; Pandey 1971: pls. 12.2, 12A, 14.1-2, 14A, 15.1-2, 16.1-2, 17.1; Thiagarajan 1989: pls. 15a, 31c, 36a, 42, 47, 52-53, 62, 64-66, 68a, 69-74, 76, 78, 79b-80b, 86-88, 95a, 96a, 98-99, 105a, 116b-124, 132. 18. An elaborate throne-back occurs also on images of other deities, e.g. behind placid forms of Úiva and Devî, Skanda, Brahmâ, etc.

3. Sircar 1979: 248-249. That the Buddha and Sûrya were worshipped together also in later times is suggested by a 10th-century sculpture from Bihar in the IM, Kolkata, representing Harihara in the centre flanked by the Buddha on his right and Sûrya on his left; see Banerjea 1956: 546-547, pl. XLVIII.1; Srivastava 1972: pl. 27a(ii); Nagar 1995: pl. 62. – For references to epigraphic records relating to Sûrya in North Bengal, see Gill 2002: 55, 6364, notes 54-58.

19. E.g. BNM 70.389 and 1121 (Haque 1992: pls. 149, 151); VRM 952 (Rahman 1998: pl. 251); DM 38 and unnumbered (SciBa *196, *255); RM Sûrya 1, old no. 36-84 (*316). 20. E.g. VRM 222 and 3247 (Rahman 1998: pls. 238, 246). 21. See e.g. Mevissen 2006: pls. 3a, 4, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 29-33.

4. VRM 1530 (Haque 1992: 187-188, pl. 159; Rahman 1998: 254, no. 637, pl. 243; Gill 2002: 55-56).

22. E.g. VRM 84 and 192 (Rahman 1998: pls. 234, 235); DM 40 (Zakariah 1989: pl. 4, fig. 7; SciBa *243); from Dalmi, Singhbhum (Mevissen 2006: pl. 34); unknown provenance (ibid.: pl. 13).

5. VRM 21 (Haque 1992: 186, pl. 155; Rahman 1998: 236, no. 595, pl. 232; Gill 2002: 55-56).

23. RM Sûrya 2 (SciBa *300). BNM 68.65 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 8; *41), 71(?), old no. 3.A(iii)a/2 (Bhattasali 1929: pl. LVII.b), 75 (Haque 1992: pl. 166), 70.38 (ibid.: pl. 164), 77.1555 or 77.1565 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 9), 79 (ibid.: pl. 15); from Chandi Mura, Comilla (ibid.: pl. 10); National Museum of Scotland, Edinburgh A1955.207 (ibid.: pl. 18); private collections (ibid.: pls. 12, 19).

6. Cf. Gill 2002: 52-65, fig. 4, and her notes 18 and 19 for references to two more stone plaques of Sûrya from Mahasthan and Gosaba (24 Parganas, W.B.), respectively. 7. MHM 1138, 60 x 27 cm (Haque 1992: 188-189, pl. 116; Gill 2002: 55-56, fig. 5). Earlier, however, is a terracotta sculpture of Sûrya from Candraketugarh in the AM (T.6838) dating from the 1st century BC (Pandey 1971: 68-69, pl. 4.2; Srivastava 1972: 293, pl. 7b; Haque 2001: 288 no. 748, 377 pl. B748).

24. E.g. BNM 66.39 (Haque 1992: pl. 163), 71(?), old no. 3.A(iii)a/2 (Bhattasali 1929: pl. LVII.b); Rammala Library, Comilla 117/63 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 17); National Museum of Scotland, Edinburgh A1955.207 (ibid.: pl. 18).

8. Out of the 210 sculptures, 203 are made of stone, 2 of terracotta, 3 of metal, and two of unknown material; cf. Haque 1992: 363-371, nos. 855-1059, 1092-1094, 1097-1098. As Haque's list records the number of images known to him at the time when he finished his Ph.D in 1973 (ibid.: 10), the total number of known Sûrya images from Bengal has grown considerably in more than three decades and needs to be updated. This, of course, is true also for the ViîÖu and Œiva images (infra).

25. E.g. VRM 693 (Rahman 1998: pl. 241), 869 (SciBa *176); PM S-200 (*343); CUM 656 (*498), 769 (*497). 26. For references to Sûrya's children in PurâÖic and other literary sources see Srivastava 1972: 261-262; Sharma 1973: 155-158; Sharma 1975: 25-34; Bhattacharya 2005: 451-452. For references to epigraphic sources see Sharma 1973: 165-167; Sharma 1975: 35-40.

9. 771 images; cf. Haque 1992: 54. 10. 227 images, to which may be added the 44 Liñgas; cf. Haque 1992: 130.

27. See Mevissen 2006: 11-18, 33-41, pls. 3ab, 26-52. – At least one sculpture of Sûrya is known from Bengal where Œani is represented independently without the other Grahas; cf. Mevissen 1997: passim, pls. 10.1, 10.5; Mevissen 2000: 12751277, fig. 5 and note 35 for further references.

11. Cf. Haque 1992: 186, 368, no. 1017, pl. 154. 12. Cf. Bhattacharya 2006: 16-17. 13. Haque (1992: 179-180) explains this shawl as a representation of the 'pair of equal clothes' mentioned as an iconographic feature of Sûrya in the MatsyapurâÖa.

28. See Gail 1993 and 1995; also Pandey 1971: pls. 9.1, 10.1-2, 11.1-2; Srivastava 1972: pls. 22b; Nagar 1995: pls. 20, 35-37, 39. – Although the ViîÖudharmottarapurâÖa (cf. Gopinatha Rao 1914-16, I, 2, App. C: 87-88 [erroneously quoted as MatsyapurâÖa]) states that "his four sons, Revanta, Yama and the two Manus, are to be shown by his sides" (cf. Banerjea 1948: 64-65; Gail 1993: 164-165), no such images are known so far.

14. Cf. Banerjea 1948: 73-74; Markel 1995: 29-30. 15. See e.g. Haque 1992: pls. 155-156; Mevissen 1997: pl. 10.1. 16. Three c. 9th-century Sûrya sculptures from Gajole, Malda district, now in the Malda Museum (RSR-15/old no. 25; RSR16/old no. 22; RSR-27), show Sûrya and his two consorts as well as Piñgala and DaÖ¼in as bare-footed figures. Exceptionally, in all three images Piñgala and DaÖ¼in are depicted in movement with their inner legs crossed behind the outer ones, and the two female archers are not shown. See Majumdar 1943: 458, pl. XVI.41 (RSR-15); Bhattacharyya 1982: 18-20, pls. III and cover illustration (RSR-15), IV.4 (RSR-16), V.1 (RSR-27); Bhattacharya 2002: 21, 23, pl. VIII.2 (RSR-15); Haque 1992: 368, no. 1023, pl. 152 (RSR-16).

29. Exceptionally Sûrya may appear on images of Revanta; cf. Bhattacharya 2005: 455, figs. 2-4. 30. Also Sûrya's charioteer AruÖa has a 'feet-problem' due to his premature birth. 31. Cf. the remarks by Bautze-Picron 2007: 81-82, 89-90, notes 4 and 6. On Œani's lameness cf. Mevissen 2000, on Yama's footproblem Stietencron 1972a: 70-71 and Bautze-Picron 2001: 293-294.

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49. E.g. VRM 84 (Rahman 1998: pl. 234; SciBa *137).

32. Cf. Stietencron 1972: 8-11 for an evaluation and analysis of the textual sources relating to these two acolytes.

50. According to the Sâmba- and BhaviîyapurâÖa; cf. Bhattasali 1929: 151; Pandey 1971: 158.

33. Piñgala thus resembles the Fire-god Agni. In the BhaviîyapurâÖa (ch. 124) he is expressly called Agni (cf. Bhattasali 1929: 164).

51. See Mevissen 2006: pls. 3a, 5, 7-12,14-16,18-19, 26-29, 3136.

34. DaÖ¼in is sometimes equated with Skanda (BhaviîyapurâÖa 124, 17; cf. Bhattasali 1929: 164). However, see Stietencron's comment on this equation (1972: 3).

52. Also VRM 242 (Rahman 1998: pl. 239; SciBa *116). 53. E.g. RM Sûrya 1, old no. 36-84 (SciBa *316); PM S-200 (*343).

35. E.g. VRM 693 (Rahman 1998: pl. 241; SciBa *177).

54. E.g. VRM 84 (Rahman 1998: pl. 234; SciBa *137).

36. E.g. CUM 769 (Hossain 1988: no. 99; SciBa *497).

55. E.g. Fig. 5: MM from Babutipara (Sciba *485); VRM 222 (Rahman 1998: pl. 238); DM from Kaharol (*215).

37. Also VRM 952 (Rahman 1998: pl. 251) and 1527 (SciBa *139); DM 38 (*196) and 41 (Zakariah 1989: pl. 4, fig. 8; *198); PM S-200 (*343); CUM 782 (*496).

56. E.g. KM 18 (Farooq 1969: pl. XXXII.b; Sciba *417).

38. See also BNM 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; SciBa *42); VRM 84, 222, 1475 (Rahman 1998: pls. 234, 238, 252) and 3546 (*136); RM Sûrya 1 (old no. 36-84), Sûrya 3 (old no. A-35), Sûrya 4, Sûrya 6 (old no. 1102) (*316, *297, *298, *323); MM from Babutipara (*485); DM 36, 37, 39, and from Kaharol (*191, *278, *199, *215); KM 18 (Farooq 1969: 235, pl. XXXII.b; *417).

57. E.g. BNM 70.38 (Haque 1992: pl. 164), 60 (ibid.: pl. 165), 71(?), old no. 3.A(iii)a/2 (Bhattasali 1929: pl. LVII.b), also on the lower part (now missing) of 70.28 (ibid.: pl. LX); private collection (Mevissen 2006: pl. 12); National Museum of Scotland, Edinburgh A1955.207 (ibid.: pl. 18). All these images show Sûrya accompanied by Âdityas, and the consorts appear as rather tiny figures. 58. E.g. RM Sûrya 3, old no. A-35 (SciBa *297).

39. E.g. VRM 242 and 3805 (Rahman 1998: pls. 239, 248); BNM 59 (SciBa *40); MHM 1117 and 1292 (*366, *365); CUM 656 (*498).

59. E.g. CUM 782 (SciBa *496). 60. Also the three sculptures from Gajole mentioned in note 16 above.

40. E.g. MHM 1846 (SciBa *411).

61. E.g. DM 38 (Sciba *196), DM 41 (Zakariah 1989: pl. 4, fig. 8; *198), another one in DM (*255) and MM from Babutipara (*485).

41. E.g. BNM 70.38 (Haque 1992: pl. 164). 42. E.g. BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14); VRM 3247 (Rahman 1998: pl. 246) and 491 (SciBa *140); RM Sûrya 2 and Sûrya 5 (*300, *299); MHM 1411 (*354).

62. E.g. VRM 3805 and 952 (Rahman 1998: pls. 248, 251).

43. E.g. Philadelphia Museum 27/9/1 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 30); from Chuchura, Hugli, W.B. (ibid.: pl. 31).

63. E.g. VRM 222 (left figure only), 952, 1475 (Rahman 1998: pls. 238, 251, 252) and 1527 (SciBa *139); DM 39 (*199).

44. E.g. BNM 79 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 15).

64. E.g. BNM 70.38 (Haque 1992: pl. 164; SciBa *43); DM 37 (Zakariah 1989: pl. 3, fig. 6; *278) and unnumbered (SciBa *255); RM Sûrya 4 (*298).

45. This placement is also found in all the textual sources (cf. Stietencron 1972: 10, 18). The only exception is AgnipurâÖa (51, 1-3a) where it is stated that DaÖ¼in is on the right and Piñgala on the left side. Here, however, only the names (and not their attributes) have been inverted, as DaÖ¼in is described as holding a pen and an ink-pot while Piñgala holds a staff (cf. Mallmann 1963: 74).

65. Also BNM 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; Sciba *42). 66. E.g. MM from Babutipara (Fig. 5; SciBa *485 for the whole view). 67. E.g. VRM 84 (Rahman 1998: pl. 234; SciBa *137).

46. Haque mentions seven images with Piñgala and DaÖ¼in in reversed position (1992: 182, note 24: L. nos. 976, 1001, 1020, 1021, 1025, 1034, 1035). At least five of them (nos. 976, 1001, 1020, 1021, 1034) include figures of the Grahas (for nos. 1034 and 976 see Mevissen 2006: nos. 42, 44, pls. 31-32). Three more Sûryas with Piñgala and DaÖ¼in in reversed position may be added to Haque's list: the early sculpture from Kumarpur (cf. note 5 above), VRM 3247 (Rahman 1998: pl. 246), and Mevissen 2006: no. 40 pl. 29 (the latter two showing Grahas on the back plate).

68. Also VRM 693 (Rahman 1998: pl. 241); KM 66 (SciBa *451); see also Haque 1992: pls. 155-156, 158-160. 69. See Mevissen 2006: pls. 26, 29, 31, 32, 34. 70. See Mevissen 2006: pls. 5, 9, 11, 14-16. 71. E.g. CUM 769 (Sciba *497); MHM 1117 and 1846 (*366, *411). 72. E.g. MHM 1292 (SciBa *365). 73. E.g. DM 36 (Sciba *197) and MHM 1411 (*354).

47. BNM 66.39 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 27); Sotheby's New York 1997 (ibid.: pl. 28); Philadelphia Museum 27/9/1 (ibid.: pl. 30); IM 8601/A16241 (ibid.: pl. 33); from Dalmi (ibid.: pl. 34).

74. Except in the Khulna image (Fig. 2) and the three Gajole sculptures mentioned in note 16 above.

48. For exceptions see the three sculptures from Gajole mentioned in note 16 above.

75. E.g. VRM 222 (Rahman 1998: pl. 238; SciBa *115); RM Sûrya 1, old no. 36-84 (*316).

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76. Very rarely her right hand is lowered and the left raised; e.g. PM S-200 (SciBa *343).

101. E.g. VRM 3805 (Rahman 1998: pl. 248; SciBa *138); perhaps also DM 36 (*197).

77. E.g. CUM 782 (SciBa *496).

102. E.g. BNM 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; SciBa *42); VRM 84 and 693 (Rahman 1998: pls. 234, 241; SciBa *137, *177).

78. E.g. BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14). 79. Cf. note 16. 80. Also VRM 693 (Rahman 1998: pl. 241; SciBa *177); KM 66 (SciBa *451); see also Haque 1992: pls. 155-160.

103. E.g. VRM 222, 242 and 3805 (Rahman 1998: pls. 238, 239, 248; SciBa *115, *116, *138); DM unnumbered (*253); RM Sûrya 4 (*298); CUM 782 (*496) and 769 (*497).

81. See Mevissen 2006: pls. 26, 27, 29, 31-34. Two exceptions are illustrated ibid.: pls. 28, 30.

104. On MHM 1117 AruÖa is shown above the central horse within the wheel-circle (SciBa *366).

82. See Mevissen 2006: pls. 3a, 5, 7-9, 14, 15, 18, 19.

105. E.g. MHM 1846 and KM 66 (SciBa *411, *451). – Haque (1992: 190, 363, no. 864) mentions a sculpture in the BNM (79; Mevissen 2006: pl. 15) on which "curiously, AruÖa is present but not the horses". The same feature appears on a Sûrya image in the National Museum of Scotland, Edinburgh (ibid.: pl. 18). It is highly probable that both images were originally placed on chariot-pedestals (incl. horses) that were carved on separate blocks but have not been preserved. In that case Haque's Sûrya Type I.A.-15 does not exist.

83. Cf. note 71. 84. Also BNM 59 (SciBa *40); BNM 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; *42); VRM 84 and 693 (Rahman 1998: pls. 234, 241; *137, *177); DM from Kaharol (*215); RM Sûrya 3 (old no. A-35) and Sûrya 5 (*297, *299); PM S-200 (*343); CUM 782 (*496). 85. E.g. BNM 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; SciBa *42); VRM 84, 242 and 3805 (Rahman 1998: pls. 234, 239, 248; *137, *116, *138); KM 18 (*417); DM 37 (Zakariah 1989: pl. 3, fig. 6), 36 and 39 (*278, *197, *199); RM Sûrya 1 (*316); MHM 1292 and 1411 (*365, *354); CUM 656 (*498).

106. Only very rarely the horses are absent; e.g. MHM 1846 (SciBa *411). See also KM 66 (*451). 107. According to Haque (1992: 188, pl. 160) the Sûrya image from Satagovindapur (Dinajpur), now in the BNM (70.558), uniquely shows eight horses, three on the right and four on the left side of the central one. However, the pot-bellied figure with a raised right hand depicted within the wheel in the centre may represent AruÖa and not a horse. In that case Haque's Sûrya Type I.A.-8 does not exist.

86. BNM 60, 68.65 and 79 (Mevissen 2006: pls. 8, 14, 15). 87. E.g. BNM 69.132 (Haque 1992: pl. 150); CUM 769 (SciBa *497); RM Sûrya 2 (*300). 88. Also MHM 1846 (SciBa *411); KM 66 (*451); Gajole sculptures (cf. note 16); Haque 1992: pls. 155-156, 158-160.

108. Also VRM 21(Rahman 1998: pl. 232), 693 (ibid.: pl. 241; SciBa *177) and 869 (*176); PM S-200 (*343); CUM 782 (*496) and 769 (*497); AM 18, from Kasipur (Haque 1992: pl. 156).

89. E.g. RM Sûrya 3, old no. A-35 (SciBa *297). 90. Also VRM 693 (Rahman 1998: pl. 241; SciBa *177) and PM S-200 (*343).

109. Also BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14; SciBa *41) and 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; *42); VRM 84, 222, 3247 (Rahman 1998: pls. 234, 238, 246; *137, *115, *193), 1527 and 3546 (*139, *136); RM Sûrya 1, Sûrya 3, Sûrya 5, Sûrya 6 (*316, *297, *299, *323); DM 37, 41 (Zakariah 1989: pl. 3 fig. 6, pl. 4 fig. 8; *278, *198), 39 (*199), and from Kaharol (*215); KM 18 (Farooq 1969: pl. XXXII.b; *417).

91. E.g. CUM 782 (SciBa *496). 92. E.g. unnumbered Sûrya in DM (SciBa *255). 93. E.g. BNM 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; Sciba *42); VRM 222, 1475, 3247, 3546, 3805 (Rahman 1998: pls. 238, 246, 248, 252); RM Sûrya 3, old no. A-35 (*297); MHM 1292 (*365). 94. E.g. MHM 1411 (SciBa *354).

110. E.g. BNM 59 (SciBa *40) and 70.38 (Haque 1992: pl. 164; *43); VRM 242, 3805 (Rahman 1998: pls. 239, 248; *116, *1238) and 491 (*140); DM 36 (*197); RM Sûrya 4 (*298); MHM 1411 and 1292 (*354, *365); CUM 656 (*498).

95. E.g. VRM 242 (Rahman 1998: pl. 239; SciBa *116); DM 36 (*197). 96. E.g. VRM 491 (SciBa *140).

111. E.g. DM 38 and unnumbered (SciBa *196, *253); MHM 1117 (*366).

97. E.g. BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14); VRM 222 and 242 (Rahman 1998: pls. 238, 239; SciBa *115, *116); CUM 782 (*496); DM unnumbered (*253).

112. E.g. BNM 69.132 (Haque 1992: pl. 150); AM 18, from Kasipur (ibid.: pl. 156); also two early images from Bihar in the V&A (Kramrisch 1929: frontispiece; 1983: 205) and the IM (1929: fig. 5; 1983: 211, pl. 11-5).

98. Also RM Sûrya 3, old no. A-35 (SciBa *297). 99. E.g. BNM 59 and 72 (SciBa *40, *42); VRM 84 (Rahman 1998: pl. 234; *137) and 869 (*176); DM 36, 39, and from Kaharol (*197, *199, *215); RM Sûrya 6, old no. 1102 (*323); PM S-200 (*343); MHM 1411 and 1292 (*354, *365); CUM 656 (*498).

113. E.g. VRM 952, 1475 (Rahman 1998: pls. 251, 252), 222 and 3805 (ibid.: pls. 238, 248; SciBa *115, *138); DM 38 and unnumbered (SciBa *196, *253); MHM 1292 (*365).

100. Also VRM 693 (Rahman 1998: pl. 241; SciBa *177); DM from Kaharol (*215).

114. Also BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14; SciBa *41); VRM 242 (Rahman 1998: pl. 239; *116); DM 39 (*199).

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115. Also BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14; SciBa *41); VRM 491 and 3546 (*140, *136); DM 39 (*199).

lost. The lower part shows Sûrya and his two companions DaÖ¼in and PiÖ¼arâ, all wearing high boots. The chariot with seven horses and the charioteer AruÖa have survived in the pedestal. Artistic execution and craftsmanship are of high quality." See SciBa *200.

116. Also VRM 222, 242 (Rahman 1998: pls. 238, 239; SciBa *115, *116) and 1527 (*139); DM from Kaharol (*215); RM Sûrya 3 (*297).

134. See SciBa *448.

117. E.g. VRM 693 (Rahman 1998: pl. 241; SciBa *177).

135. Cf. note 16.

118. Also BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14; SciBa *41) and 72 (Bautze-Picron 1985: fig. 4; *42); VRM 3247 (Rahman 1998: pl. 246; *193); RM Sûrya 2 (*300); MHM 1411 (*354); CUM 782 (*496); KM 18 (*417).

136. Cf. note 98 for reference to another image depicting a fullbodied AruÖa including feet. 137. The number 28 may symbolically be related to the 28 nakîatras or lunar mansions. For a discussion on astral symbolism of chariot wheels, see Mevissen 1996: 496-502, 505508.

119. E.g. BNM 70.38 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 7; SciBa *43). 120. Also VRM 3546 (SciBa *136). 121. E.g. VRM 242 (Rahman 1998: pl. 239; SciBa *116) and 491 (*140); DM 38 (*196); RM Sûrya 1 and Sûrya 4 (*316, *298); MHM 1292 (*365).

138. VRM 84 from Bihanali, Tanor, Rajshahi, c. 9th/10th century; cf. Rahman 1998: 238, no. 599, pl. 234. 139. South, Southeast and Central Asian Collections, MIK I 5845; cf. Bautze-Picron 1998: 90, no. 249.

122. Cf. Gopinatha Rao 1914-16, I, 2: 302, 307; Mallmann 1963: 74; Haque 1992: 179.

140. Bautze-Picron 1998: 90; for references to similar images see ibid.: 98, notes 105 and 106.

123. BNM 69.132 (Haque 1992: pl. 150); AM 18, from Kasipur (ibid.: pl. 156); also in early images from Bihar in V&A (Kramrisch 1929: frontispiece; 1983: 205) and IM (1929: fig. 5; 1983: 211, pl. 11-5).

126. E.g. KM 18 (Farooq 1969: pl. XXXII.b; SciBa *417).

141. Briefly mentioned in Zakariah 1989: 75, no. 72 (not ill.). The entry reads (translation kindly supplied by Dr. S.H. Jahan): "Accession Number: Ma-72. Name of Artifact, Identity and Date: Sûrya (fragment measuring 1' 1" x 6"), black stone, (all other information is lost). Collected by, Find Spot and Description: A.K.M. Zakariah, past District Councillor, found the artifact in Dinajpur administrative district. It is not possible to describe this image (because of its fragmented condition)." See SciBa *266.

127. Also VRM 952 (Rahman 1998: pl. 251); DM 39 (SciBa *199); MHM 1117 (*366); CUM 769 (*497); V&A (Kramrisch 1929: frontispiece; 1983: 205).

142. Inv.no. 68.8.14, suggested provenance: Monghyr district, Bihar; see Chopra 1987-89: pls. I-II, figs. 1-4; Huntington & Huntington 1990: 133-134, no. 10; Dye 2001: 125, no. 27.

128. E.g. RM Sûrya 4 (SciBa *298).

143. BNM 61 and 66.31, c. 11th/12th century; see Mevissen 2002: 114-116, pls. 8.16-8.17; also Haque 1992: 189, pl. 162. – For aîðanâgas on a Œiva image see e.g. the Nartteœvara from Sankarbandha, Dhaka district (Bhattasali 1929: 112-113, pl. XLII; cf. Mevissen 2002: 108-109, pl. 8.9, and p. 120, note 18 for further references).

124. E.g. BNM 68.65 (Mevissen 2006: pl. 14; SciBa *41); VRM 242 (Rahman 1998: pl. 239; *116); RM Sûrya 2 (*300). 125. E.g. VRM 3247 (Rahman 1998: pl. 246; SciBa *193); DM unnumbered (*253); MHM 1292 (*365).

129. Also IM (Kramrisch 1929: fig. 5; 1983: 211, pl. 11-5); AM 18, from Kasipur (Haque 1992: pl. 156); VRM 693 (ibid.: pl. 153). The latter image shows, in addition to the large central wheel with its radiating spokes, sections of smaller semi-circles rising from the upper surface of three shallow projections in front of AruÖa and the two female archers; if these are meant to represent wheels, this would be the only known four-wheeled chariot.

144. For references to the Kathâsaritsâgara and Mahâbhârata, cf. Vogel 1926: 56 and 84-87, and to passages in the Matsya-, ViîÖu-, Sâmba-, BrahmâÖ¼a-, Bhâgavata-, Vâmana- and BhaviîyapurâÖa, cf. Chopra 1987-89: 3-4 and Diserens 1997/98: 339-340.

130. E.g. CUM 782 (SciBa *496). 131. E.g. RM Sûrya 5 (SciBa *299).

145. For a Sûrya image from Gum, Himachal Pradesh, possibly illustrating this aspect, see Diserens 1997/98: pls. 2, 4.

132. In VRM 3546 (SciBa *136) all three wheels are of roughly the same size, the two lateral ones resting on a vertical pole. In VRM 3805 (Rahman 1998: pl. 248; *138) the lateral wheels are much smaller and attached through axles to the body of the chariot. Cf. also note 129.

146. Chopra (1987-89: 4) gives the following list gathered from various PurâÖas (quoted verbally): "Thus Vâsuki is said to be the Sarpa of the Chaitra month, Takîaka of Jyeîðha, Elâpatra of ŒravaÖa, and Úañkhapâla of Bhâdrapada. Similarly, Dhanañjaya is the Sarpa of Vasanta season, Karkoðaka of Hemanta, Kambala and Aœvatara of Œiœira, etc."

133. Zakariah 1989: 74 no. 44 (not ill.). The entry reads (translation kindly supplied by Dr. S.H. Jahan): "Accession Number: Ma-44. Name of Artifact, Identity and Date: Sûrya (fragment measuring 1' 2" x 1' 10"), black stone, c. 10th-11th century. Collected by: A.K.M. Zakariah, past District Councillor, Dinajpur and Mehrab Ali, past Curator, Dinajpur Museum. Find Spot: Information unavailable, possibly Bochaganj Upazila (sub-district), Dinajpur administrative district. Brief Description: The upper part of the sculpture (up to the waist) is

147. The reduction of the normally eight nâgas to seven on the Babutipara image (Fig. 5), if it be intentionally, might imply a link between the nâgas and another division of time, viz. the seven week-days (usually symbolized by the seven horses), though I am presently not aware of any such reference in textual sources.

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Gerd J.R. Mevissen: Three Noteworthy Sûrya Fragments from North Bangladesh

REFERENCES

Chopra, Sarla 1987-89. A Rare Image of Sûrya, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art (Calcutta) N.S. XVI & XVII: 1-4, pls. I-II.

Banerjea [misspelled as Banerjee], Jitendra Nath 1925. The Representation of Sûrya in Brahmanical Art, The Indian Antiquary – A Journal of Oriental Research LIV (September): 161-171.

Diserens, Hélène 1997/98. Two Stone Reliefs of Sûrya from Gum: A Study of the Sun-Chariot and Its Teams, Silk Road Art and Archaeology: Journal of the Institute of Silk Road Studies (Kamakura) 5: 329-351.

Banerjea, Jitendra Nath 1948. Sûrya, Âdityas and the Navagrahas, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art (Calcutta) XVI: 47102.

Dye, Joseph M. III 2001. The Arts of India: Virginia Museum of Fine Arts. New Delhi: Timeless Books.

Banerjea, Jitendra Nath 1956. The Development of Hindu Iconography. Second Revised and Enlarged Edition. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

Farooq, Abdul Aziz 1969. Stone Sculptures from North Bengal, Pakistan Archaeology (Karachi) 6: 223-235, pls. XXX-XXXV.

Bautze-Picron, Claudine 1985. La statuaire du Sud-Est Bangladesh du Xe au XIIe siècle, Arts Asiatiques (Paris) XL: 18-31.

Gail, Adalbert J. 1978. Der Sonnenkult im alten Indien: Eigengewächs oder Import, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Geselllschaft 128: 333-348.

Bautze-Picron, Claudine 1998. The Art of Eastern India in the Collection of the Museum für Indische Kunst, Berlin: Stone & Terracotta Sculptures. Inscriptions read by Gouriswar Bhattacharya. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag.

Gail, Adalbert J. 1993. Aœvinau Lokasya Œubhadâyakau, Berliner Indologische Studien (Reinbek) 7: 163-171. Gail, Adalbert J. 1995. Die Aœvins in der indischen Tempelkunst: Eine Ergänzung. Exkurs: Fälschungen indischer Steinplastik, Berliner Indologische Studien (Reinbek) 8: 285-300.

Bautze-Picron, Claudine 2001. Yama et Yamunâ: Le vieil homme et la belle. Mort et renaissance aus portes des monuments d'Ajanta, Les âges de la vie dans le monde indien. Actes des journées d'étude de Lyon (22-23 juin 2000), Christine Chojnacki (Ed.), pp. 283-323, Paris: Diffusion De Boccard (Collection du Centre d'Études et de Recherches sur l'Occident Romain, Nouvelle série n° 24).

Gail, Adalbert J. 2001. Sonnenkult in Indien: Tempel und Skulpturen von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag. Gill, Sandrine 2002. Notes on Chronology and Style: Evidence from Mahasthan, Archaeology of Eastern India: New Perspectives, Gautam Sengupta & Sheena Panja (Eds.), pp. 41-65, Kolkata: Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern India.

Bautze-Picron, Claudine 2007. The Hidden God: Some Remarks on Yama and the Protectors of the Sacred Space in Buddhist Art, Kalhâr (White Water-Lily): Studies in Art, Iconography, Architecture and Archaeology of India and Bangladesh (Professor Enamul Haque Felicitation Volume), Gouriswar Bhattacharya, Gerd J.R. Mevissen, Mallar Mitra & Sutapa Sinha (Eds.), pp. 81-95, pls. 10.1-10.16, New Delhi: Kaveri Books.

Gopinatha Rao, T.A. 1914-16. Elements of Hindu Iconography, Two Volumes in Four Parts. Madras (Reprint Delhi, 1993: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd.). Haque, Enamul 1992. Bengal Sculptures: Hindu Iconography upto c. 1250 A.D. Dhaka: Bangladesh National Museum.

Bhattacharya, Gouriswar 2005. A Unique Narrative Stone Panel Illustrating Revanta, South Asian Archaeology 2003: Proceedings of the Seventeenth International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists (7-11 July 2003, Bonn), Ute Franke-Vogt & Hans-Joachim Weisshaar (Eds.), pp. 451-460, Aachen: Linden Soft (Forschungen zur Archäologie Außereuropäischer Kulturen, 1).

Haque, Enamul 2001. Chandraketugarh: A Treasure-House of Bengal Terracottas. Dhaka: The International Centre for Study of Bengal Art. Hossain, Shamsul 1988. Art and the Vintage: A Catalogue of Exhibits in the Chittagong University Museum. Chittagong: Chittagong University Museum.

Bhattacharya, Gouriswar 2006. Vanamâlâ of Vâsudeva-KîîÖa-ViîÖu and SañkarîaÖa-Balarâma, Vanamâlâ - Festschrift A.J. Gail.

Huntington, Susan L. & John C. Huntington 1990. Leaves from the th th Bodhi Tree: The Art of Pâla India (8 -12 Centuries) and Its International Legacy. Dayton: The Dayton Art Institute in Association with the University of Washington Press, Seattle and London.

SERTA ADALBERTO JOANNI GAIL LXV. DIEM NATALEM CELEBRANTI AB

Gerd J.R. Mevissen & Klaus Bruhn (Eds.), pp. 9-20, Berlin: WEIDLER Buchverlag. AMICIS COLLEGIS DISCIPULIS DEDICATA,

Bhattacharya, Malaysankar 2002. Art of Bengal: The Sculptures of the Mahânandâ-Karatoyâ Valley. Vol. I. Kolkata: Indian Institute of Oriental Studies & Research.

Kramrisch, Stella 1929. Pala and Sena Sculptures, Rûpam 40 (October): 107-126 (Reprint 1983: 204-240, 336-337). Kramrisch, Stella 1983. Exploring India's Sacred Art. Selected Writings of Stella Kramrisch, edited and with a bibliographical essay by Barbara Stoler Miller, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Bhattacharyya, Malaysankar 1982. Art in Stone: A Catalogue of Sculptures in Malda Museum. Malda: Malda Museum. Bhattasali, Nalini Kanta 1921. Suryya, the Sun-God, Rûpam –– An Illustrated Journal of Oriental Art, Chiefly Indian (Calcutta) 6 (April): 17-26.

Majumdar, R.C. (Ed.) 1943. The History of Bengal, Volume I: Hindu Period. Dacca: The University of Dacca.

Bhattasali, Nalini Kanta 1929. Iconography of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculptures in the Dacca Museum. Dacca: Dacca Museum.

Mallmann, Marie-Thérèse de 1963. Les dieux astraux / MârtaÖ¼aBhairava, in Marie-Thérèse de Mallmann, Les enseignements

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iconographiques de l'Agni-PurâÖa, pp. 73-107, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France (Annales du Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque d'Études, 67).

Rahman, Mukhlesur 1998. Sculpture in the Varendra Research Museum: A Descriptive Catalogue. Rajshahi: University of Rajshahi.

Markel, Stephen 1995. Origins of the Indian Planetary Deities. Lewiston/Queenston/Lampeter: The Edwin Mellen Press.

Shah, Priyabala 1996. The Sun Images. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan. Sharma, Brijendra Nath 1973. Revanta in Literature, Art and Epigraphs, East and West (Rome) 23: 155-168.

Mevissen, Gerd J.R. 1996. The Suggestion of Movement: A Contribution to the Study of Chariot-shaped Structures in Indian Temple-architecture, Explorations in Art and Archaeology of South Asia: Essays Dedicated to N.G. Majumdar, Debala Mitra (Ed.), pp. 477-512, pls. 32.1-32.38, Calcutta: Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Government of West Bengal.

Sharma, Brijendra Nath 1975. Iconography of Revanta. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications. Sircar, Dines Chandra 1979. Jagadishpur Plate of the Gupta Year 128, Epigraphia Indica (Delhi) 38/6 (April 1970): 247-252. Srivastava, V.C. 1972. Sun-Worship in Ancient India. Allahabad: Indological Publications.

Mevissen, Gerd J.R. 1997. The Mahisantosh Sûrya Image: Some Iconographic Considerations, Journal of Bengal Art (Dhaka) 2: 121-140.

Stietencron, Heinrich von 1966. Indische Sonnenpriester: Sâmba und die Úâkadvîpîya-BrâhmaÖa. Eine textkritische und religionsgeschichtliche Studie zum indischen Sonnenkult. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz (Schriftenreihe des SüdasienInstituts der Universität Heidelberg, 3).

Mevissen, Gerd J.R. 2000. Îîat-pañgu Œanaiœcara, the Lame Planetary God Saturn and His Vâhanas, South Asian Archaeology 1997: Proceedings of the Fourteenth International Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists [...], 3 Vols, † Maurizio Taddei & Guiseppe De Marco (Eds.), Vol. 3, pp. 1267-1297, Rome: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (Serie Orientale Roma, XC).

Stietencron, Heinrich von 1972. DaÖ¼anâyaka und Piñgala, IndoIranian Journal (Dordrecht) XIII: 1-19.

Mevissen, Gerd J.R. 2002. Sculptures from Bengal Bearing Aîðadikpâlas as Subsidiary Figures, Journal of Bengal Art (Dhaka) 7: 101-124.

Stietencron, Heinrich von 1972a. Gañgâ und Yamunâ: Zur symbolischen Bedeutung der Flußgöttinnen an indischen Tempeln. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz (Freiburger Beiträge zur Indologie, 5).

Mevissen, Gerd J.R. 2006. Âdityas, Grahas, and Other Deities of Time and Space on Sûrya Sculptures, Predominantly from Bengal. Kolkata: Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern th India (4 Kumar Sarat Kumar Roy Memorial Lecture).

Thiagarajan, Deborah 1989. The Development of Sûrya and Navagraha Worship in Tamil Nadu. Ph.D. thesis (unpublished), University of Madras. Vogel, J.Ph. 1926. Indian Serpent-Lore or the Nâgas in Hindu Legend and Art. London: Arthur Probsthain.

Nagar, Shanti Lal 1995. Sûrya and Sun Cult (In Indian Art, Culture, Literature and Thought). New Delhi: Aryan Books International.

Zakariah, Abul Kalam Mohammad 1989. Dinâjpur Miusiâm (in Bengali). Dinajpur: Dinâjpur Miusiâm.

Pandey, Durga Prasad 1989. Sûrya: Iconographical Study of the Indian Sun God. Delhi: Parimal Publications. Pandey, Lalta Prasad 1971. Sun-Worship in Ancient India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd.

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An Iconographical and Sculptural Appraisal of Four Newly Discovered Rare Sculptures Md. Mosharraf Hossain

During the last four years, a good number of stone sculptures have been deposited by the Police Department to the Protection and Antiquities Branch of the Department of Archaeology under the provisions of the Antiquities Act (No. XIV of 1968). Of these, four are most interesting from different points of view. Therefore, the main objective of the present paper is to bring them to light with special reference to their iconographic significance as well as artistic temperament and thereby to try to assign dates to these sculptures.

virile and vivacious spirit, an oval face yielding pensive contemplation, and pursed lips and half closed eyes demonstrating inner fulfillment. He is decked with three hªra (necklace), trivalÌrekhª (three auspicious lines on the neck), upavÌtÌ (sacred cord), kaÕkaÖa (bangle), keyura (armlet) and kaðisutra (stylized girdle). Each of the three heads is covered by a raised mukuða (diadem). The pedestal below is saptaratha (seven faceted) and is endowed with foliages. Moreover, it contains a miniature figural representation of a devotee in prayer. The back slab is sharply pointed at the top with a kÌrtimukha (grinning lion face) flanked by a vidyªdhara (semidivine spirit) on either side.

SADÂÚIVA (BA/R/52) Carved on black basalt, this piece of sculpture represents a male deity with three heads and ten hands. The deity is seated on a viœvapadma (double-petalled lotus) in vaddhapadmâsana (cross-legged posture). There is a Nandî below his lotus seat with two subordinate deities seated in sukhâsana (posture of ease) on either side. Each holds a spear in his left hand while his right hand is disposed in abhayamudrâ (assurance of security) posture. The objects held in the hands of the principal deity are a triangular œâlagrâma (symbolic stone), a œakti (a type of weapon), a triúûla (trident), a dvivajra (double headed bolt), a nîlotpala (blue lotus), a damaru (drum), a sarpa (snake), a mâtuluñga (citron) and an akîamªlª (rosary). The principal right hand shows abhayamudrâ (Fig. 1). Therefore, the sculpture appears to be of Sadâúiva (one of the pacific forms of Úiva, the second of the Hindu triad of gods).

A similar specimen of Sadªíiva has earlier been reported from Sivavati (in Dinajpur) and is now deposited in the Indian Museum, Kolkata (Majumdar 1943: 444, pl. LXXV.178). This image bears a date relating to the period of GopªlaIII (1129-1143 AD). But it differs from the specimen under discussion for some minor reasons; namely (a) the Indian Museum specimen has a khaðvªÕga (staff composed of karoði> skull) in one of its right hands instead of a dvivajra (double headed bolt) as in our specimen, (b) the attending figures are seated on Fig. 1 Sadâúiva

Sadâúiva is mentioned in a medieval Sanskrit treatise entitled Uttara-kªmikªgama. The treatise speaks of four varieties of Sadâúiva. Each of them, excepting one, is advised to have five faces. It also has suggested snake, trident and drum as the invariable attributes of Sadâúiva. Hence, the deity in the present specimen could be none but the fourth variant of Sadâúiva. The sculptural depiction of the present specimen is carved out in bold relief on a single slab of black basalt (Rajmahal variety). The stele measures 67 cm x 14.7 cm. Its figural delineation combines in itself a robust but slim body contour representing a 113

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

MAÑJUÚRÎ (DB. P. R. 138103{O})

the socle part of the Indian Museum specimen while in the present specimen, they are seated beside Sadªíiva, (c) the present specimen has a seven-faceted socle while the Indian Museum specimen is five-faceted and the backrest is less ornate. Moreover, our specimen is more refined and full of mature artistic naiveté.

This piece of sculptural art, measuring 41 cm x 19.7 cm, is unique of its kind (Fig. 2). It depicts a male deity carved in bold relief against a black basalt upright stele background in full front view. The iconography conforms to all the textual dicta of Mahªyªnist concept of MañjuírÌ as a Bodhisattva (belonging to the lineage) of transcendent Akîobhya (the third of the Pañcatathªgatas). The Bodhisattva is two handed. He is seated in lalitªsana posture (in which the left leg is tucked on the seat while its right counterpart dangles), on the back of a crouched lion looking upwards. His hands are placed against his chest in exponential mudrª (hand pose). Behind each hand a long twig is seen leaping out, holding a nÌlotpala supporting a manuscript. The whole composition is underlain by a viívapadma (doublepetalled lotus) pÌðha (rest). There is a votive stupa symbol above each nÌlotpala and the top central point of the stele shows a figurine of Akîobhya in bhñmisparía (earth touching) mudrª. They are joined together by a filleted arch in the background. There is a íÌraîacakra (halo) behind the head of MañjuírÌ. The shape of the halo resembles a filleted drop of flame.

As for the date of the specimen under discussion, it should be remembered that Ÿiva in his Sadªíiva form was depicted as the royal emblem in the seal of the Tarpandighi Copperplate of LakîmaÖasena (1179-1206 AD). Therefore, it is evident that the cult of Sadªíiva was very popular in the land of Bengalth Bihar in the 12 century AD. In consideration of all these aspects, the present specimen may be dated to the 12th century AD. However, no record of its provenance is available now.

The deity is dighted with an elevated karaÖ¼a (bejeweled crown), swirling ear-pendants, a hªra studded with jewels, kaÕkaÖas and nñpura (anklets). He is invested only with a short antarya (lower garment). He has a feminine auricular body of middle stature. The limbs are well proportionate in all respect. Even the face shows the mood full of propitious and palliative expression. It is a bit tilted to the left keeping pace with his lalitªsana sitting posture. The upper part of the stele is identical to an incipient pointed arch and has nothing but an oval tenon below the viívapadma rest. Importantly, artistic redundancy is not noticeable in any part of the composition. Therefore, there exists no scope to consider it to be a product of post-Pªla period. Its provenance is unknown. TRILOKYAKSEPA-PRAJÑÂ This statue is a 15 cm x 10 cm piece, carved against a stele of sandy shale (Lalmai-Mainamati variety), in full front view (Fig. 3). It depicts a female deity standing in flamboyant tªÖ¼ava (forceful movement of feet and hands) posture. Her right leg is planted horizontally as if she is sitting on a seat, while the left leg is rested vertically with protrusion. At the same time, the upper part of the body maintains an attacking mood towards her right direction. She is two handed. She appears to be brandishing a kartrÌ (a short chopper) in her right hand, about to hurl the weapon. The left hand is rested against her left breast and is showing a kapªla (skull-cup). Behind the latter, there is a khaðvªÕga placed diagonally against her body. She wears a long karoðimªlª (a garland strung with skulls) and a crown decorated with tongues of flame. Her countenance is gruesome

Fig. 2 Mañjuúrî

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Md. Mosharraf Hossain: Four Newly Discovered Rare Sculptures

mantasa (a group of bangles simulating a bracer). But it is curious that the goddess has tongues of flame instead of aureole behind her head. Moreover, the backrest has an incongruous arch-like disposition at its upper part and a narrow border around the lower part. Its border is composed of two sections, viz.- an inner thong and an outer latchet joined with twin diagonal strokes at regular intervals. All the features discussed above indicate that the stele is datable to the 10th-11th century AD. The statue was recovered from Tungibari of Munshiganj (historical Vikrampura) in 2002. In this connection we must remember that, according to the copperplates of the Candras (800-1045 AD), the Varmanas (1080-1150 AD) and the Senas (1150-1225 AD), Vikrampura was the seat of administration from the reigning period of ŸrÌcandra (circa 930-975 AD) down to the demise of the Senas in circa 1225 AD in the lower part of Bangladesh. The Candras were the followers of Mahªyªna creed and were supplanted in Vikrampura by the Varmanas. Being staunch votaries of Vedic BrªhmaÖism, the Varmanas were largely hostile to Buddhist pantheon. They were driven away by Vallªl Sena (1158-1179 AD). He and all of his descendants were Hindus by faith with special leaning towards Ÿaivism and occasionally towards VaiîÖavism. Secondly, we have a statue of Heruka (dated to the 10th-11th century AD) from Comilla (now in display at the Mainamati Archaeological Site Museum), a statue of Heruka (dated to the 10th-11th century AD) from the lower part of Bengal (now in display at the Varendra Museum), a miniature statue of Yub-Yum (datable to the 9th-10th century AD) from Somapura Mahªvihªra, otherwise known as Paharpur Buddhist Monastery (now in display at the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art in Kolkata) and another miniature YubYum (datable to the 1082-1124 AD) from Vatakrisna Rajarbari mound of Jagaddal in Naogaon (now in the reserved collection of Paharpur Archaeological Site Museum). Therefore, it is evident that the cult of Hevajra was very popular in the 9th-12th century AD in the whole of Bangladesh and it must have paved its way into this land via Somapura (Paharpur). Thereafter, the Candras patronized it in Vikrampura at full length. From these indication, it may be surmised that the statue of Trilokyakîepaprajñª is datable to the 10th-11th century AD.

Fig. 3 Trilokyakîepa-Prajñâ

because of her rolling eyes with a piercing gaze and a wrymouthed expression on her lips. There is also an excrescence just below her right ear. Thus she exhibits all the characteristic features of the consort of Heruka or Sambhªra (a Mahªyªna male deity), who is one of the emanations of Akîobhya. She is often found in yub-yum (bodily mating) position with her male counterpart Heruka. In this form he is called Hevajra, as prescribed by a Tantric treatise entitled Hevajratantra. But the example of her separate depiction is indeed rare and the present specimen is perhaps the only example of its kind. The deity has robustly-built chubby figural disposition in middle stature. But in comparison to the lower part, her upper part is heavy. Although the face is oval yet the nose is flat. On the other hand, the waist is disproportionately thin. She is draped with a succinct cÜlÌ (blouse) and a short antariya bedighted with crisp squiggles and posy motifs. She is also richly decked with ñrÖª (a pellicular blob on the forehead), long kuÖ¼ala (ear pendant), grÌvahªra (short necklace around the throat), stanahªra (necklace of middle size), hariÖamªlª (necklace suspending in between the breasts), keyura and

KHADIRABANÎ TÂRÂ Md. Nazrul Islam, Inspector of Police, C.I.D., City Zone (North), Dhaka, deposited a beautiful piece of sculpture, measuring 97 cm x 45 cm, to the Director of Archaeology in connection to the judicial decision in the month of June 2004 (Fig. 4). Wrought on a black basalt stele, in full front view, it depicts a goddess standing in a graceful dvibhaÕga posture against a caitya profile. Her right hand is in varadamudrª and 115

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

short chopper) in her two hands. Below the feet of the three figures, there is a dodecagonal pedestal. The arch of the caitya, in the background, is tri-foiled. It rests on two piers. Behind the arch and along the peripheral zone of the stele, the Pañcatathªgata figurines may be seen, each Tathªgata being positioned at a regular distance from the other. Of them, the centrally placed Tathªgata is showing abhayamudrª. Therefore, there is no doubt that the identity of the goddess is KhadirabanÌ Tªrª, otherwise known as Ÿyªma Tªrª, of the Mahªyªna Buddhist order. The accurate upper part of the stele terminates itself into an incipient point and the border is starkly plain. The remaining composition is delineated in the form of an ingenuous and serene bas-relief. But in case of the figural composition, it lack sharp balance since the head of the principal deity appears to be heavier than the part below the knee. Her breasts are also stiff and the hands are masculine instead of being feminine. The physiognomy appears to be a little elongated as well as flat, and the stooping eyes denote a brooding mood. Nevertheless, the most delicate portions of the body have been made distinct by an artistic flair, clarified by a sensuous touch of lines. Each figure wears only a succinct and translucent lower garment covering the part below the loin and above the ankles. Each is dighted with a mukuða, a pair of elongated earrings, a pair of short necklaces, two groups of bangles, three cinctures with their ends suspended between the thighs and a pair of anklets. The only exception is shown in the design of the principal deity's mukuða which is multi-pronged and elongated as well. All the ornaments are designed intricately and appear to be of encrusted with ruby in a fashion that is comparable with the varieties typical to the Pªlas alone. Moreover, the piece bears the effect of a smoothly polished surface all over it. Therefore, this piece of sculpture may be perpended to be an ideal product of the eastern school of Pªla art, from 10th-11th century AD. CONCLUDING REMARKS In view of the references set forth above, we may now conclude that all the statues, recovered by the Police Department, are of great historic interest. Secondly, the Department of Archaeology of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, being the sole authority to guard the antiquities, has failed to protect their pilferage. Thirdly, the Protection and Antiquities Branch of the Department of Archaeology did not maintain any register for recording the antiquities for the period 1985-2000, although it is an undeniable duty of the same department according to the existing law of the country. It is also undone in bringing out a catalogue of its reserved collection to maintain transparency as well as accountability in the administration. Therefore, the question arises: why are the seized antiquities being handed

Fig. 4 Khadirabanî Târâ

the left, in jñªnamudrª while holding a nÌlotpala (blue lotus) as well. The stem of the blue lotus gracefully flows down to the level of the thigh of the goddess. Below the foot of the goddess, there is a double petalled lotus. She is flanked on either side by a female seraph. The seraph on the right stands in atibhaÕga posture. Her right hand displays abhayamudrª while the corresponding one on its left is held in kaðihasta (or the palm turned inwards and placed on the hip) pose. She is slim and tall like the principal deity. On the other hand, her fellow companion on the left is fleshy as well as bulky. The latter stands in dvibhaÕga posture and holds a kapªla and a kartrÌ (a 116

Md. Mosharraf Hossain: Four Newly Discovered Rare Sculptures

Majumdar, R.C. (Ed.) 1943. The History of Bengal, Volume I: Hindu Period. Dacca: The University of Dacca.

over to the Department of Archaeology by the Police instead of giving them way for display to other museums, which could raise public awareness about their own heritage? Yes, until the existing law is amended in the light of the necessities of a postcolonial nation, it is not possible. Hence, I would propose that the laws be amended in a manner that it is not only possible to display all the seized artifacts in various museums of the country, but also display the antiquities from Bangladesh in statutory bodies overseas in exchange of foreign currency, which may in turn be mobilized for archaeological excavations in Bangladesh.

Murtey, K.K. 1988. Iconography of the Buddhist deity Heruka. Delhi: Sundeep Prakashana. Shahi, B. 1975. Iconography of Minor Hindu and Buddhist Deities. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications. Singh, R.S. 1993. Hindu Iconography in Tantrayana Buddhism. Delhi: Ramanand Vidya Bhawan.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Bhattacharya, G. 2000. Essays on Buddhist Hindu Jaina Iconography and Inscription. Dhaka: The International Centre for Studies of Bengal Art (Series- I).

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Three More Folios from the Harivarmadeva Manuscript Dated Regnal Year 8 Claudine Bautze-Picron

share the same basic colour, which contrasts sharply the colour of the margins. Basically, only two colours have been used, red and blue, alternating as background for the margins or the rope fields; moreover, when the background of the margins is red, then the background of the rope fields is blue, vice-versa. A yellow frame borders all fields. Similarly, only white and yellow colours have been used for the depiction of the stûpas, white on red and yellow on blue.

Three folios belonging to the 'Baroda manuscript' of Harivarmadeva surfaced recently in a public sale of objects from the Albright-Knox Art Gallery in New York where they had been acquired in 1938 from the gallery of Nasli M. Heeramaneck;1 they add thus to the 33 folios preserved in the Baroda Museum and in a private European collection which we had the opportunity to study in an earlier paper (Bautze-Picron 1999). Moreover, one of these three folios includes two illuminations, one on each side, whereas all other known folios include only one painting.

These three basic colours, red, blue and yellow, are also those used in the central field bearing the representation of the Buddha, a Bodhisattva, a Târâ, or a worship scene. The figure is painted in a pale colour, clearly profiled on a white (or red) aura which is drawn on the plain background – white on red background usually (Figs. 2-4), more rarely red on dark blue (Fig. 1). Small red strokes indicate the flames on the white background of the aura (or yellow on red aura).

Let us shortly remind that these illustrated folios were once part of a very long manuscript, having 587 folios, of the Pañcavimúatisâhasrikâ Prajñâpâramitâ; its last folio, preserved in the Baroda State Museum, mentions that the manuscript was offered by a certain Râmadeva, a follower of the excellent Mahâyâna, during the regnal year eight of Harivarman. A second manuscript from the same reign, which is dated in the year nineteen, is preserved in the Varendra Research Museum, Rajshahi.2 Although the definitive dates of Harivarman's reign remain unknown, it is assumed that he ruled towards the end of the eleventh century or/and the beginning of the twelfth, thus one can suggest this date for the two manuscripts (Bautze-Picron 1999: 188).

Eventually, like here on Fig. 1, loops and tassels are painted white in the upper part of the field, stressing thus the importance of the character painted below them.

All folios known so far had only one single illustration integrated in the central part; however, one of the three new folios has an illumination on either side (Figs. 1 & 2). The composition of all folios follows the same pattern (Fig. 7): it is divided in three fields of text that are bordered or separated by narrow rectangular panels. The two central ones are pierced for the rope binding the manuscript; they are adorned with motifs probably borrowed from fabrics and are painted in a dominant colour, red or dark blue. The margins at the extremities contain the depiction of a stûpa (Figs. 5 & 6). These four margins or panels are all of the same size, they are all framed by the same yellow border, and quite evidently, they have been coloured in a much elaborated thought-off composition: the central fields

Fig. 1 Six-armed Avalokiteœvara. Courtesy: David Weldon

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Claudine Bautze-Picron: Three More Folios from the Harivarmadeva Manuscript

protect the field occupied by the Bodhisattva; if one is a peaceful being, the second one has a terrifying nature. Both appear regularly in the manuscript, attending to the Bodhisattva (Bautze-Picron 1999: figs. 9, 11, & 16). I would suggest considering this side of the folio to be the obverse, due to its iconography that fits within what can be suspected of the overall program illustrated by the other available folios. FIGURE 2 On the back of the representation of Avalokiteœvara, is painted a rather unconventional depiction of a rather enigmatic character. As a matter of fact, it reverses the traditional and 'correct' position and displays the gesture of generosity with the left hand while holding the utpala in the right hand. The reasons for such a radical transformation remain obscure; one could speculate about the meaning of such a reverse painting, but a 'mistake' by the artist cannot be ruled out. Moreover, and this also constitutes a feature particular to this illumination, Fig. 2 Avalokiteœvara making the gesture of generosity with his left hand and holding the utpala in the right hand. Courtesy: Sotheby's New York the face is profiled and not seen from the front as it is always the case; this character bears a long skirt, as female deities do – and thus, due to the presence of the IDENTIFICATION utpala, one could suggest an identification with the Târâ; FIGURE 1 however, the breast is not clearly drawn and, besides, the upper part of the body is bare, which is never the case as far as female Avalokiteúvara stands, with a slight bending of the body but deities are concerned – and thus, one could likewise suggest to facing the devotee. He is six-armed, presenting the following recognize here Mañjuúrî. Also the colour of the carnation, here display of gestures and attributes (from down to top) in the right golden or yellow cannot be considered to be a decisive factor: hands: varadamudrâ; holding the tridaÖ¼a and an attribute similar to a branch (?), and in the left ones: holding the water-pot (kamaÖ¼alu); holding the stalk of the red lotus or padma which is painted at the level of the head above the left shoulder, and probably holding the manuscript (which I suspect from the position of the slightly closed hand). The Bodhisattva is flanked by a yellow-coloured female attendant, either the Târâ or Bhîkuði, at his right, and the red-skinned Krodha Hayagrîva, at his left. Both attending figures are slightly turned towards the Bodhisattva. The Krodha is shown, wearing his skirt made of a tiger-skin and hair standing on end; these elements as well as his wideopen eyes reflect his awesome nature. Both attendants complement each other in reflecting specific aspects of the Bodhisattva's personality. The female attendant holds apparently an attribute (either the utpala or the tridaÖ¼a) drawn with a few golden strokes near the lower right hand of the Bodhisattva; would she be the Târâ, she would then reflect his endless compassion towards all living creatures whereas the Krodha has for function to

Fig. 3 Mañjuúrî attended by two further Bodhisattvas. Courtesy: Sotheby's New York

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is thus apparently a relation between the gesture, the reclining attitude and the use of this elongated seat. Further research will perhaps tell us the reason(s) backing this simultaneity. The two attending Bodhisattvas listen to the teaching given by Mañjuúrî, with hands displaying the gesture of argumentation (vitarkamudrâ). The Bodhisattva wears a crown with three superimposed levels of alternating red and blue colours; through its shape, it is similar to metal tiara known to us from Nepal where they are worn by priests, or going back in time, to similar crown worn by Vajrasattva or a hierophant in sculpture from the Pâla period (Bautze-Picron 1995: 61-62, figs. 5, 7, 10 & 22). The same ornament appears above Mañjuúrî's head in another folio of the manuscript (Bautze-Picron 1999: 192, pl. 13.37). FIGURE 4 Samantabhadra is a Bodhisattva who is extremely rarely depicted in India. He sits on the elephant which is his vehicle, displays the gesture of teaching, and holds the utpala or blue lotus painted above his left shoulder. He usually forms a pair with Mañjuúrî who sits on the lion: as such, both will be preserved in the esoteric art from Central Asia up to Japan where they are commonly encountered under the names of Fugen and Monju. The concept must have arisen in India but is there rarely illustrated. A second depiction of Samantabhadra paired to Mañjuúrî is known from the book-covers of a manuscript dated in the first part of the twelfth century and preserved in the

Fig. 4 Samantabhadra. Courtesy: Sotheby's New York

the artists retained on the whole four colours, i.e., mainly white/pinkish but also golden/yellow (as seen in a depiction of Mañjuúrî, for instance: Bautze-Picron 1999: pl. 13.37), red which is usually reserved to the depiction of Hayagrîva,3 and, but very rarely, green used in the rendering of the (green) Târâ (Bautze-Picron 1999: pl. 13.11). FIGURE 3 Mañjuúrî leans, cross-legged, on a throne, displaying the gesture of teaching and holding the utpala supporting the manuscript (indicated through a thick horizontal red stroke) and being attended by two further Bodhisattvas. The manuscript includes a second similar illumination, but of Avalokiteœvara (Bautze-Picron 1999: pl. 13.14) which is also present in a manuscript preserved in the British Library (ibid.: pl. 13.15; Losty 1989: fig. 51). The throne depicted on these illuminations is very particular: the Bodhisattva is actually depicted as if lying on a bed seen from above and with a bed-head seen from the front and shaped as having four lobes ending into elaborated butts; the bed-head is painted behind the bed and is not organically attached to one of the extremity, as it is in the reality. The Bodhisattva is supported by two red square and circular cushions. Such a throne can also be encountered in the depiction of the Târâ (Losty 1989: fig. 65, e.g.), who presents then also the gesture of teaching: there

Fig. 5 Left margin of folio with Fig. 3. Courtesy: Sotheby's New York

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Fig. 6 Left margin of folio with Fig. 4. Courtesy: Sotheby's New York

Claudine Bautze-Picron: Three More Folios from the Harivarmadeva Manuscript

Fig. 7 The composition of folios of Harivarmadeva. Courtesy: Sotheby's New York

Bihar and North Bengal. Their style, with a selection of a limited pallet, with the colours applied uniformly on large surfaces, the fine rendering of details such as the hair, the eyes, the characters clearly drawn on the plain background, reminds of the style of the stone sculpture in the region during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. And quite understandably, through their geographic origin, they also share similarities with some of the contemporary murals of Pagan (Burma). Again, although a fairly large number of illuminated manuscripts have been preserved in Tibetan monasteries, most can be attributed to the ateliers of Bihar and probably also north Bengal, whereas only these three illustrated manuscripts can be so far properly identified as a production from the region of Mainamati, Comilla which makes them particularly precious.

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston and a third image of this Bodhisattva is illustrated in a Nepali manuscript dated AD 1015 where it is said to be located in China (Foucher 1900: 120121, pl. VI.2).4 From the Boston example, one could conclude that the Harivarmadeva manuscript might also have included a Mañjuúrî teaching and seated on the lion who must have been paired with this Samantabhadra, unless the image represents also such a 'famous' image of the Buddhist world, a topic which has been present in the murals of central Asia and in the manuscripts from Eastern India: this topic constitutes practically a geography of the major Buddhist sites in Asia in putting together images which are worshipped in those sites. The Nepali manuscript mentioned above give the name of the deities who are illustrated as well as the place where their images are being worshipped. This is not the case here, but the diversity of the deities to be depicted could imply that such a program was here illustrated all through the manuscript.

NOTES 1. Sotheby's 2007, lot 24, pp. 44-45 where they are partly reproduced. I wish to thank Mr. David Weldon and the authorities of Sotheby's New York for the photographs put at my disposal.

THE MANUSCRIPTS FROM HARIVARMADEVA'S REIGN

2. Six folios are there illustrated, for which see Bautze-Picron 1999, pp. 160 (with further references), 186-7 & 192-3, pls. 13.32-35 & 40-41 ('The Rajshahi manuscript').

Two illustrated manuscripts have been so far attributed to the reign of Harivarmadeva (c. AD 1073-1127), one, the 'Baroda manuscript' dated in the year 8 of the reign, and a second one dated in the year 19 which is preserved in the Varendra Research Museum in Rajshahi, hence the name 'Rajshahi manuscript'. Very little is known about this ruler whose name entered the annals, like those of most Indian kings, in being mentioned in copperplate inscriptions relating the donation of land. Belonging to the dynasty of the Varmans, he ruled in the region of Lalmai-Mainamati, Comilla district in Bangladesh.

3. But see the Raktalokeúvara represented in the manuscript: Bautze-Picron 1999, pl. 13.20 & p. 190. In this illumination, Hayagrîva is painted in a slightly lighter red colour. 4. For the book-covers in The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, dated in Gopâla IV's reign, year 4, see Pal & Meech-Pekarik 1988, fig. 22, e.g.

REFERENCES

The site of Mainamati was since the late Gupta period a major Buddhist centre with numerous monasteries being built on the hill, and it is thus not surprising that illuminated manuscripts were produced in the region. Another illuminated manuscript that can be attributed to this region is preserved in the British Library, London; it reproduces a text eulogizing Avalokiteúvara, the KâraÖ¼avyûhasûtra and is also richly illustrated (out of 63 folios, 53 bear a painted scene). This manuscript includes also depictions of stûpas on the fields preserved for the rope binding; due to the very strong similarities with the two Harivarmadeva manuscripts, in particularly the 'Baroda manuscript', I would suggest the same geographical origin for the manuscript in the British Library, and a slightly later date (Losty 1989: 1; Bautze-Picron 1999: 188). These three manuscripts form a coherent stylistic group that can be properly differentiated from the stylistic idiom of the ateliers located in Bihar, in particularly at Nalanda, and in East

Bautze-Picron, Claudine 1995. Between Men and Gods, Small Motifs in the Buddhist Art of Eastern India, An Interpretation, Function and Meaning in Buddhist Art: Proceedings of a Seminar Held at Leiden University, 21-24 October 1991, K.R. van Kooij and H. van der Veere (Eds.), pp. 59-79, Groningen: Egbert Forsten. Bautze-Picron, Claudine 1999. Buddhist Painting during the Reign of Harivarmadeva (End of the 11th century) in Southeast Bangladesh, Journal of Bengal Art (Dhaka) 4: 159-197. Foucher, Alfred 1900. Étude sur l'iconographie bouddhique de l'Inde d'après des documents nouveaux. Paris : Ernest Leroux, Éditeur. Losty, Jeremiah P. 1989. An Early Indian Manuscript of the KâraÖ¼avyûhasûtra, Nalinîkânta-Úatavârîikî: Studies in Art and Archaeology of Bihar and Bengal, D. Mitra and G. Bhattacharya (Eds.), pp. 1-21, Delhi: Indian Books Centre. Pal, Pratapaditya & Julia Meech-Pekarik 1988. Buddhist Book Illuminations. Paris/New York/Huntspierpont: Ravi Kumar/ Richard Lyon-Chimera Books. Sotheby's 2007. Indian & Southeast Asian Works of Art, including Property of the Albright-Knox Art Gallery, New York, March 23, 2007.

121

Oehme and His Photograph of a Ratha (Processional Chariot) in Bengal Joachim K. Bautze

Fig. 1 Ruined temple at Chandernagore. Signed and numbered “Oehme 128”

Figure 1 shows a photograph, no. 44 to be precise, from a photographic album in a private collection. The photograph measures 9.9 x 16.4 cms (height precedes width). It is an albumen print from a dry collodion glass negative, flush mounted on the cardboard of the album. A pencil inscription below the print reads: “A Ruined Temple Chandernagore.” Another inscription in pencil at the right hand bottom of the page is in French and reads: “temples en ruine près de Chandernagor” (ruined temples near Chandernagore). Chandernagore or Chandannagar (District Hugli, West Bengal, India), “a healthy town and very pleasantly situated on the river side” (W. Newman & Co. 1875: 223), was a French settlement situated some 35 kilometers north of Kolkata, before it finally merged with West Bengal on October 2nd, 1955. At the time when the present photograph was exposed, i.e. around 1875,

Chandernagore was “supported by the 300 chests of opium which the French receive annually from the British Government, on condition of their not engaging in the manufacture of that article” (ibid.). These 300 chests of opium had a value of “200,000 to 300,000 [French] francs” (Rousselet 1877: 556). The view shows three so-called ªð-cªlª-temples of the “standard Hooghly-Burdwan type” (McCutchion 1983: 58, D/2/a[ii]), built next to each other in a row behind a wall to the left. The one or two “ruined temples” to the right are possibly of the same type. The hut in the centre with some three squatting persons taking shelter from the scorching sun remind of similar artistic representations done in the 1820's by George Chinnery (1774-1852) (Bautze 1998: 311-313, note 17) and Sir Charles D'Oyly, 7th Baronet (1781-1845) (ibid.: 306-307). The photo122

Joachim K. Bautze: Oehme and His Photograph of a Ratha in Bengal

terracotta temple at Kantanagar, north of Dinajpur, before its original nine spires atop its corners were knocked down by an earthquake in 1897.7 The similarity of the KªntajÌ temple and a ratha was already noted by Nazimuddin Ahmed (2003), who remarked: "This magnificent pyramidal temple rose in three receding terraces and was crowned with nine ornamental spires or ratnas (jewels) on the corner of the three terraces which imparted to it an appearance of a huge ratha or an ornate chariot resting on a high plinth." A matchable ratha is represented in a late 18th century painting that in 1964 was ascribed to an artist from Murshidabad, figure 4.8 The painting once belonged to Sir George Nugent, 1st Baronet (1757-1849) who became Commander in Chief Fig. 2 A road in the “white town” of Chandernagore, a photograph by Oehme of India on January 14th, 1811 an office he held until 1813. The ratha is considerably smaller graph is hence too well composed to be by some nonprofewhen compared to the one photographed by Oehme. In the ssional photographer. imagination of the anonymous artist it is pulled by only 6 This albumen print is, in fact, signed and numbered in the devotees holding altogether 3 ropes affixed to the chariot. negative. The signature is on the wall behind which the three A Western representation of such rathayªtrª or "journey of the temples stand, to the left of the hut. It reads: “Oehme 128” but is chariot" in Bengal was published as early as 1799. It is part of barely visible even when looking at the original print. François Balthazar Solvyns' A Collection of Two-Hundred and Occasionally, the name “Oehme” is preceded by "F.S." or Fifty Coloured Etchings Descriptive of the Manners, Customs, "T.P.", it is, however, not clear, for which names these initials stand. The "Asia, Pacific and Africa Collections" of the British Library only list 17 photographs by "Oehme" in their collections.1 Photographs by either of the two persons called "Oehme" also rarely appear at public auctions.2 The name as such is uncommon in France and much more common in Germany, and hence it is possible to believe that the "Oehmes" might have arrived in India from Alsace-Lorraine region of Germany. However, there can be no doubt that the "Oehmes" were French: it is testified by the French captions below the majority of photographs. Unlike their contemporary fellow countryman Oscar Mallitte (1829-1905), who had his studio at 10, Chowringhee Road, Kolkata,3 the Oehmes operated from the more provincial Chandernagore. The atelier of the "Oehmes" was most probably situated in the "ville blanche", the French part of Chandernagore, with its European houses in the Mediterranean style and well maintained roads, as is shown by another photograph by Oehme, figure 2.4 In the “ville noir” or “black town”, where the roads were lined by indigenous houses, one member from the Oehme family photographed a ratha or processional chariot, figure 3.5 Although this is not the earliest photograph of an Indian processional chariot,6 it stands out as being, to the best of my knowledge, one of the earliest of a Bengal ratha. The ratha quite closely resembles a so-called nava-ratnatemple of the "massive Bangladesh type" (McCutchion 1983: 66, E/3/a) and as such equals the eighteenth century brick and

Fig. 3 Two rathas in Chandernagore as photographed by Oehme

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has seen as many as thirty individuals sacrificing their lives in this manner under a single Routh. The gods and their moving temple are left upon the spot which terminates their career until the eighth day, when they are brought back to the place of their departure; but their return is attended with much less pomp. The following day the machine is divested of all its ornaments, and remains deposited under a straw shed until the next year, when the feast recommences with the same ceremonies, a car perfectly similar, and new victims of fanatism.

The ratha in Solvyns' engraving resembles a "pañca-ratna with cªlª turrets massive Bangladesh type" (McCutchion 1983: 64, E/2). The tops of the turrets of the ratha in Solvyns' coloured engraving are, however, pyramidal and not curvilinear as in most of the temples and in Oehme's photograph.

Fig. 4 A painting of a ratha from Murshidabad

Character, Dress and Religious Ceremonies of the Hindoos (Calcutta, 1799).9 Between 1808 and 1812, François Balthazar Solvyns (1760-1824) arranged an enlarged reissue of his pictures in four volumes, especially since many engravings of the Indian edition are mirror-reversed when put side by side with the original gouaches by Solvyns. Also the version published in 1799 is side-inverted when compared to the later edition of the same scene as published in the first volume, reproduced here as figure 5.10 The coloured etching, figure 5, is followed by Solvyns' description in French and in English. The latter reads:

The importance of Oehme's photograph is only made clear by a closer look. Figure 6, a detail of our figure 3, shows the base of the ratha. The gentleman in a white dhoti and bare chest seated on the plinth of the chariot with his pending left and bent right leg visualises the enormous size of the ratha. He is flanked to his right by a life-sized wooden sculpture of a seated European gentleman with a hat; whereas to his proper left, at the corner of the plinth, a life-sized wooden sculpture of a seated European woman dominates the scene. Behind the sculptured woman appears a panel with four paintings in upright size. Above the

Routh-Jatrah. Procession of the Gods in Their Car. This festival, one of the most solemn among the Hindoos, is celebrated once every year in the month of assar, which answers to our month of june. The object is to celebrate the travels of Kistna with Radica; and it consists in dragging with great pomp, the god, his mistress, and his companions, in a sort of edifice or pagoda constructed in wood, and adorned with tolerable sculpture. These relievos, and its hieroglyphic paintings are too obscene to admit representation. With this exception the engraving gives an exact idea of this species of building, which is called Routh. Two horses of wood painted blue appear to draw, and a Brahmun to guide, it, while the machine placed upon a number of small, but very solid wheels, is moved in reality by two cords which are grasped by the most zealous among the thousands of attendants of both sexes and of every age and sect: a Brahmun receives the offerings which are always made in great abundance. This feast never takes place without some fanatics throwing themselves under the wheels on purpose to be crushed, in the persuasion that such a death ensures to them the immediate enjoyment of perfect felicity. The author himself

Fig. 5 Coloured engraving of a ratha in Bengal by Balthazar François Solvyns, as published in 1808

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suggested by figure 8, which is another enlargement of figure 3. The ratha introduced by figure 8 is less ornate and its type resembles the one drawn by F.B. Solvyns in our figure 5. It rests on 4 axles with only two wheels per axle, whereas the ratha drawn by the Murshidabadi artist, figure 4, rests on four axles as well, but presumably with four wheels per shaft. It is difficult to imagine that the wheels of the Bengali rathas could have crushed that many devotees as described by Solvyns, as their comparatively small size would have hardly permitted that. Solvyns might have incorporated reports from the rathayªtrª in Puri, Orissa, where the wheels are considerably larger in size and where religious suicide in the way described by Solvyns was reportedly not uncommon. Chariots used in battle, such as the one driven by the LaÕkªn king Rªvana on the terracotta temple of Kantanagar, would be equipped with 6 axles as seen in figure 9. It seems evident that the rathas used by mythological figures as shown in the terracotta panels of the KªntajÌ temple were based on actual processional rathas as photographed by Oehme as late as about 1875.

Fig. 6 The base of the first ratha with a gentleman sitting on it. Detail from figure 3

head of the wooden sculpture starts the second level of the chariot, which is marked by a sequence of soldiers in European dress marching here from left to right. This array of soldiers is only interrupted by painted houses and wooden carvings of either seated or standing musicians. For example, the one next to the head of the sculpture of the Western woman plays a double-sided drum. Carvings of similar isolated figures exist in the Gurusaday Museum in Bratacharigram, Joka, Kolkata. One of these was collected from Comilla, and another from Jessore, 11 Bangladesh. Might these figures once have been part of such a ratha?

Figure 10, another enlarged detail from figure 3, represents the lower part of the chariot's right half from the spectator's point of view, the front left half in the direction of motion. A life-sized wooden sculpture of a squatting Indian mother with a child corresponds to the European woman placed on the opposite side of the lower front of the ratha; and in analogy to the left part of the lower front, as seen from the viewer, there is a frame with four painted panels in high size. The long frieze with the marching soldiers is also continued; however, the army marches here from right to left. A sculptured figure at the corner of this part of the chariot represents another musician. The two horses, which are part and parcel of each Benagli ratha, are held in position by crossing ropes that are fastened to the two lower frontal pavilions or ratnas. The tier above carries a

Solvyns (1808) observed that the ratha is "placed upon a number of small, but very solid wheels", some of which are visible in our figure 6. The front axle might well have accommodated six or eight wheels, as is demonstrated by our figure 7, and there might have been four axles in all, as

Fig. 7 The wheels of the first ratha. Close-up view from figure 3

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kept in the Indian Museum, Kolkata. It entered the collection in 1889 and was reproduced in colour (Mukherjee 1987: Plate VII). A second identifiable painting is in the second row to the left. It shows KîîÖa and Balarªma below a tree, and like in the previously mentioned painting, each of the gods stands on a lotus. A similar painting entered the collection of the Victoria & Albert Museum in London in 1950 (I.S. 462-1950; Archer 1953: 47, Plate 19). Figure 11, showing the central frontal recess of the second level (above the two horses and below the charioteer), is sensational because it contains a painting from the epos RªmªyaÖa with figures in full length. The centrally positioned Rªma, wearing a shawl with Boteh-pattern around his shoulders, is seated on a kind of elevated throne-platform; to his left sits SÌtª raising her right hand while her left hand rests below. Rªma's head is hidden in the darkness, while only the left half of SÌtª's face, left ear and back of the head can be guessed, the rest is hidden by a pole, which is part of a fluted arch. To the viewer's left stands Rªma's brother, LakîmaÖa, holding an umbrella, the shaft of which, and the raised left hand that holds it, can clearly be seen. LakîmaÖa's lowered right hand, however, is covered by two poles, and so is his face. Behind LakîmaÖa more attendants are standing, the head of one of them is clearly shown in three quarter view. The identification of this painting is, despite of the poles and ropes that partly obscure it, an easy one, because a more simplified and smaller version of the same theme exists in

Fig. 8 The second ratha with apparently four axles as blown-up from figure 3

standing figure, probably carved in wood, shown here in profile. Noteworthy is the long wooden strut behind, which consists of about 17 superimposed carved animals. A similar strut, labelled “pilaster from a processional car of Jagannªtha” is kept in the Victoria & Albert Museum, London (McCutchion 1983: figure 783). To the left of this finely carved strut are six paintings in panel format, arranged in three horizontal rows and two columns. As can be shown by comparison, some of the paintings are definitely executed in the so-called Kalighat-style. The right hand painting of the row on top illustrates, to the left, the goddess LakîmÌ holding a lotus in her raised right hand and, to the right, the goddess SarasvatÌ holding a vÌnª. Each goddess stands on a lotus as on a matchable painting kept in the Pushkin Museum of Graphic Arts in Moscow (acquired in Kolkata in 1874).12 Another version of the same theme is

Fig. 9 Rªvana in his chariot. A detail from the outer wall of the KªntajÌ Temple in Dinajpur, Bangladesh

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63-72, no.151, coloured). There are several more large-sized paintings on wooden board on display in the State Archaeological Museum, which might once have been part of a similar kind of ratha. Figure 13 represents the second level of the viewer's left hand part of the ratha. A life-sized wooden sculpture of a man with raised right arm seems to guard the front corner of the vehicle.

Fig. 10 Detail from the first ratha (figure 3) showing intricate carvings and paintings in the Kalighat-style

the State Archaeological Museum in Behala, Kolkata. The greatest part of this painting is included here under figure 12 for comparison. The painting measures 57 x 48 cms and reportedly comes from "Chandernagore", a find-spot which, in the light of Oehme's photograph, is more than probable (Das Gupta 1973:

Fig. 12 Large-sized painting of Râma, Sîtâ, LakîmaÖa and Hanumân, reportedly from Chandernagore and now in the State Archaeological Gallery of West Bengal, Kolkata

It becomes apparent that the arms of this male figure were separately carved and later attached to the trunk. Behind this figure another exquisitely carved wooden strut becomes apparent. To the right of this carved strut six paintings adorn that part of the second tier as on the opposite side, as previously shown in figure 10. The bottom right painting might be identified with "GaurªÕga (i.e. ŸrÌ KîîÖa-Caitanya) and his disciple Nityªnanda," on the basis of a painting preserved in the Indian Museum, Kolkata since 1889 (Mukherjee 1987: 13, Plate 6). Another life-sized wooden sculpture stands inclined at the far end of this tier. Smaller wooden carvings on the low balustrade resemble birds. Between these two life-sized figures appears to be another recess that might look alike the one in the front part of the ratha, probably embellished with different kinds of large-sized paintings. The charioteer of this ratha is seated just below the third tier as demonstrated by figure 14. He or rather she sways a kind of whip with her raised right hand while her left hand holds the reigns. The coachwoman was in all probability dressed with

Fig. 11 Large-sized painting of Râma, Sîtâ and LakîmaÖa. Enlarged section from figure 3

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Fig. 14 The charioteer of the first ratha and other life-sized wooden sculptures. Enlarged clipping from figure 3 Fig. 13 Life-sized wooden sculptures and paintings in the Kalighat-style on the first ratha. Another detail from figure 3

As exemplified by figure 15, each of the 8 subsidiary gazebos or ratnas is topped by an amalaka known from Hindu temples. On each amalaka stands a half life-sized winged female figure which, for the use in the festive procession, was dressed in textiles, since in the present photograph the figures look stark naked.13 Of these winged female figures those in front look in the direction of travel and those four in the back also look aback. The central pavilion is not crowned by an amalaka but by an unidentifiable figure on top of which is planted a kind of netting in the form of a cross with the outlines of figures and animals. The whole is topped by two superimposed pennants at the end of a stick. The íikhara of each pavilion rests on wooden pillars between which a fluted arch in the Mughal fashion is stretched.

actual textiles when used in the festive procession. The entrance to the recess of the third tier is guarded by two lifesized wooden carvings of watchmen in Indian dress. The recess as such is flanked by four painted panels on either side. Those painted panels, which are visible, show head- and- shouldersviews of women. The painting in the recess is not discernible but for a quadruped with a tail that might be a lion. At the corners, the richly carved struts stand out as in the tier below.

This ratha stands out for its use of painted panels in the Kalighat style as well as life-sized paintings and wooden sculptures otherwise no longer extant from Bengal. NOTES 1. http://prodigi.bl.uk/iosm/JointEnqList.asp?txtPhotographer =Oehme%2C+F%2ES%2E+and+T%2EP%2E&strCat=1, accessed on 20 July 2007. 2. Cf. the illustrated sale catalogue Visions of India Including the Paul F. Walter Collection of Indian Photographs. London: Christie's, Wednesday, 5 June 1996, lot 380. 3. According to a printed label of an album by Oscar Mallitte (1829-1905) in a private collection. 4. Untitled albumen print on album page. Size: 14.9 x 19.7 cms. From another Oehme-album in the same collection as figure 1. 5. Untitled albumen print on album page. Size: 20.8 x 15.7 cms. From the same album as figure 2. 6. For probably the earliest photograph of a “ratha” from South India, taken by the German photographer F. [for: Friedrich?] Fiebig in 1852 and now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, see Falconer 2004: 74-75.

Fig. 15 Winged females on the spires or ratnas of the first ratha as shown in a detail from figure 3

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7. For an illustration of the complete temple after a photograph taken in any event before 1897 cf. Burgess and Spiers 1910: 160.

Das Gupta, Paresh Chandra 1973. State Archaeological Gallery of West Bengal, Weltstädte der Kunst: Kalkutta, Heinz Mode (Ed.) pp. 63-72, no. 151, coloured, Leipzig: Edition Leipzig.

8. Reproduced from: Oriental Miniatures & Illumination, Bulletin No. 6, February 1964. London: Maggs Bros. Ltd. p. 145, no. 142. Present whereabouts unknown. Size given as: “17 x 27 ¼ ins.”

Falconer, John 2004. In the Realm of Gods and Kings: Arts of India Edited by Andrew Topsfield. London: Philip Wilson Publishers. Guha, Gitika 1973. Gurusaday Museum of Folk Art, Weltstädte der Kunst: Kalkutta, Heinz Mode (Ed.), pp. 49-51, Leipzig: Edition Leipzig.

9. The title of the smaller sized catalogue volume differs from that of the volume in folio-size: see Solvyns 1799. For a more recently published coloured reproduction of this coloured engraving see Okada and Isacco 1991: 78 ( full page plate).

Knížková, Hana 1975. The Drawings of the KªlÌghað Style: Secular Themes. Prague: National Museum Prague.

10. Les Hindoûs. Tome Premier [of 4], Sixième Livraison/Sixth Number, No. 1: Routh-Jatrah. Dieux promenés en chariots/ Ruth-Jatrah: The Riding of the Gods. Size: 34.6 x 49.7 cms (Solvyns 1808 ).

McCutchion, David 1983. Origin and Developments, Brick Temples of Bengal: From the Archives of David McCutchion, George Michell (Ed.). New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Mukherjee, B.N. 1987. Kalighat Patas (Paintings and Drawings of the Kalighat Style). [Album of Art Treasures No.III.] Calcutta: Indian Museum.

11. Gitika Guha (1973: 49-51), no. 111a, reportedly found at Birbhum, West Bengal, but according to the website of the museum, it was recovered from “Cumilla (undivided Bengal)”, http://www.gurusadaymuseum.org/col_wood-kmem.html, accessed on 20 July 2007. No. 111b was, according to Gitika Guha, found at “Jessore, Bangladesh”.

Okada, Amina and Enrico Isacco 1991. L'Inde du XIXE siècle: voyage aux sources de l'imaginaire. Marseille: AGEP (Collection: Les Grands Voyages du XIXE Siècle).

12. Acc. No. A25, 742. Size: 45.7 x 27.6 cms. Reproduced: Hana Knížková 1975: Plate 48.

Rousselet, Louis 1877. India and Its Native Princes: Travels in Central India and in the Presidencies of Bombay and Bengal. Carefully Revised and Edited by Lieut.-Col. Buckle. London: Bickers and Son.

13. For wooden sculptures of the same size from a South Indian ratha see Sotheby's [sale catalogue of] Tibetan, Nepalese, th Indian and South-East Asian Art, London, Monday 10 March th 1986 and Tuesday 11 March 1986, p. 150f, lot 589: “A Pair of th South Indian Wood Angels, 19 century.”

Solvyns, François Balthazar 1799. A Collection of Two-Hundred and Fifty Coloured Etchings Descriptive of the Manners, Customs and Dresses of the Hindoos. Including the Trades and Professions, Servants, Hindu Men and Women, Beasts of Burden, Palanquins, Boats, Ways of Smooking the Hooka, Musical Instruments, Festivals and Funerals, in twelve sections. Calcutta: Mirror Press.

REFERENCES Ahmed, Nazimuddin 2003. Kantanagar Temple, Banglapedia, http:// banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/K_0076.htm, accessed on 20 July 2007.

Solvyns, François Baltazard 1808. Les Hindoûs. Tome Premier [of 4]. Paris: Chez l'Auteur.

Archer, W.G. 1953. Bazaar Paintings of Calcutta: The Style of Kalighat (Victoria & Albert Museum Monograph No.7). London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office.

W. Newman & Co. 1875. Hand-Book to Calcutta, Historical & Descriptive, with a Plan and Illustrations. Calcutta: W. Newman & Co.

Bautze, Joachim K. 1998. Interaction of Cultures: Indian and Western Painting 1780-1910, The Ehrenfeld Collection. Alexandria, Virginia: Art Services International. Burgess, James and R. Phené Spiers (Revised and Edited, with Additions) 1910. History of Indian and Eastern Architecture by the Late James Fergusson. Volume II (of 2). London: John Murray.

129

Calligraphy: Splendour of Writing in Muslim Bengal Architecture Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq

I saw you in my dreams embracing me As the lªm of the scribe embraces the alif.1

Gushing brooks all of a sudden reveal the traces of habitation. Like old books whose faded texts have been illuminated by pens. (Al-Bustani 1961: 243)

The divine message revealed to the Prophet Muhammad guaranteed that Islamic culture would forever attach great importance to writing and to the written word with deep respect for the pen and for penmanship. For example, the Qur'an (96: 35) declares: “Read! And thy Lord is Most Bountiful; He who bestowed knowledge through pen. He taught man that which he knew not”. The written word has a sacred place in Islamic culture because the words of the Qur'an conveyed the divine message, and the written form of the Qur'an was considered to be the ultimate religious expression, the visual analogue for the divine message (Dodd and Khairullah 1981). It was in the written form that the Qur'an has been preserved through ages. Moreover, Arabic script was thought to be endowed with transcendent power because it was the vehicle that carried God's word; it became in a way the symbol of Islamic belief and authority. Islamic culture employed the written word, not the image, as the herald of its faith. Its writing was formed into a unique combination of the verbal and the visual (Lentz 1987: 76-86). That good writing is further enhanced by aesthetic values was the assumption that prompted Muslims to create writing with great visual appeal. The saying of the Prophet Muhammad that Allah, being beautiful Himself, loves beauty (Al-Ghazzali, Kimiyâ'i Sa'âdat, quoted in Ettinghausen 1979: 162), underscores the importance Islam attaches to aesthetic perception by human beings. Beautification was all that much more important when the sacred act of writing was performed.

Hence, written forms can be considered powerful visual means of expressing human cultural aspiration, which often carries important messages about the ideology and civilization that produce it. Writing took an art form in Islamic Culture from the very beginning. A number of early Muslim writers elaborately discussed about different Arabic scripts and calligraphic styles including Ibn al-Nadim (d. 1000 AD) (Kitâb al-Fahrast 1348: 8), and al-Qalqashandi (al-SubÊ al-A'shâ 1383: 11). While it was common to teach the art of writing in madrasahs, special institutions also evolved over time where the fineness and delicacy of this art were taught elaborately and with a great care. The importance of calligraphy in Islamic culture can also be judged by the high status of calligraphers in Muslim society. From a very early stage the calligrapher occupied a prestigious position. In the Prophet's own lifetime, those responsible for writing divine revelation (wahy), the kuttab al-wahy, were given special status. In the later stages as well, the calligraphers continued to enjoy esteem in the royal courts. The function of calligraphy was not merely an art to be practiced by one particular class of artists; its scope was so broad that it even touched other spheres of knowledge. Nizâm al-Mulk, in his famous treatise on good governance, Naîâ'iÊ al-Mulûk, or the Counsel for Kings, pays special attention to calligraphy, as its acquisition would exalt the majestic qualities of the king. To him there is nothing so fine as the pen (Bagley 1964: 112). In fact, calligraphy in the course of time became one of the most cherished skills in the royal houses of the Muslim world, and many kings and princes not only learned this art, but also excelled in it. In India, for instance, Sultân MaÊmûd is said to

The importance of writing is also apparent in secular literature. Arabic love poetry, for instance, uses the forms of letters in its romantic and ornamented narration as comparisons to suggest the bodily features of the beloved. Similes of this variety can be traced back even to pre-Islamic Arabic poetry. The famous early Arab poet Labid describes the scene of a torrential stream in the desert: 130

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have copied the Qur'an in his leisure time (Al-Lawati n.d: 424). The Islamic literary heritage is full of materials on calligraphy, on the lives and works of calligraphers, and in praise of the pen and penmanship. While the architects of many famous buildings in the Muslim world remain unknown, the calligraphers of many architectural inscriptions can be identified, either through literary sources or by their signature on the inscriptions themselves. In Islamic tradition, calligraphy is thus considered a powerful visual form for conveying aesthetic and cultural message. Sometimes, it plays a central role in architectural decoration (e.g. the gate inscription of Nîm Darwâzâ at Miyâneh Dar in Gau¼a dated 871 AH/1466-67 AD; Fig. 1). The effect of Islamic inscriptions can be sensed at the very first sight of a building. To create such effects the calligrapher often has to adopt new methods and practices. Islamic inscriptions are generally rich both in their textual content and calligraphic beauty. It is the elastic quality of the Arabic script that provides calligraphers in the Islamic world with their most effective tool. The graphic rhythms, that join the letters in an interlaced pattern, create a magnificent result. In the horizontal direction, the forms interlink and merge in a continuous wave. In the vertical direction, the symmetrically arranged elongated vertical letters often stand out in isolation, as if drawing our attention to a transcendental journey upward. Elongation of the verticals in symmetrical order is one of the common features of Islamic inscriptions (for instance, the Darsbari Madrasah-cumMasjid Inscription at Umarpur in Gau¼a dated 884 AH/1479 AD; Figs. 2 and 3: Shapes A, B, & C). At the heart of monumental calligraphy is the glorification of Allah (Figs. 4: Shapes B & C, 5, 6, and 7: Shape B). A Muslim calligrapher savours spiritual enjoyment in decorating a mosque with divine names and adjectives. With the sudden spread of Islam into a vast area in the east (i.e. Bengal), many newly converted Muslims – especially those with a strong tradition of religious iconography and symbolism – found it difficult to imagine the formless God of the Islamic faith. For them, the written form of Allah in Arabic was a great source of consolation providing a mental image that could be used for contemplating and meditating about God without conflicting with the new faith. This kind of religious imagery was particularly common in Bengali mystical folk songs, such as the songs of Lªlon, which are still popular in rural Bengal. (Examples of these songs can be found in Mansuruddin 1942: 9 and Bhattacharya 1958: 507.) On the other hand, frequent appearance of Qur'anic inscriptions in Islamic architecture symbolizes the idea that Islamic life from the beginning to the end is nothing but a reflection of the divine message. The believer not only tries to read, recite, memorize, understand and practice this message, but he also visualizes its aesthetic beauty through its calligraphy. 131

Throughout its history, Arabic script has undergone alterations and experimentation that brought many new calligraphic styles and a proliferation of names for each variation. Often a new name was given to a script even if it showed only slight differences from the others; a vertical slant, an extended horizontal stroke, or the size of a letter was sometimes sufficient to distinguish a particular script from the rest. A simple dot (Fig. 8) is the nucleus of Islamic calligraphy as is a simple vertical (Fig. 4: Shape A). They continue to be repeated in an infinite pattern age after age, yet the usefulness of their messages never ends. In a way it reminds us of a verse from the Qur'an: “If all the trees on earth were pens and the ocean (was ink) with seven seas behind it to add to its supply, yet the messages of Allah would not be completed; for Allah is indeed exalted in power, full in wisdom (31:27).” The majestic verticals in Arabic calligraphy remind us of the written form of Allah, where powerful vertical shafts dominate the lettering design (Figs. 4: Shapes A, B & C and 7: Shape B). A plain vertical in Arabic writing stands for the number “one,” and similarly the numerical value of the vertical letter alif is also “one”. Thus it always remains “one” even if multiplied by one in a repeated infinite process as if they convey the message of tawÊid (the divine unity), the pivotal theme of Islamic faith. A sharp and graceful sword-like vertical (for instance, alif in Fig. 4: Shape A) in Islamic calligraphy symbolizes the power of Islamic dynamism, spirit and justice. In traditional mosque architecture, it is not difficult to imagine the written form of Allah symbolically represented through its minarets and dome. In these traditional designs, one may find minarets in their vertical forms representing the verticals of the letters alif and lªm, and a dome representing the letter hâ'. Quite naturally, religious symbols, decorative motifs and ornamentation vary according to space and time (Begley 1985: 283). While there is a unity and coherent continuity in the calligraphic legacy of the Islamic world, regional developments have further enriched this unique cultural heritage (for details about Islamic calligraphy in South Asia, see Ahmad 1846, Husain 1910, Chagtai 1976) and Bengal serves as an outstanding example of such regional artistic development. A rich calligraphic tradition began to evolve soon after the Muslims' advent in the region. Once Muslim rule took a firm hold in this Islamic hinterland, Muslims began their architectural activities on a large scale and built numerous mosques, madrasahs, palaces, castles and forts. Almost all of these monuments contained some kind of inscriptions. A number of these are inscribed on beautifully decorated backgrounds. The calligraphers used a variety of styles such as (tughrâ, thulth, naskh, riqâ ', ruq'a, tawqî', rayÊânî, muÊaqqaq, bihârî and ijâzah. Calligraphic and stylistic variations are tied to the message contained in the written form, since particular styles and scripts came to be regarded as more effective for different purposes. In

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appearance of kûfi inscriptions in the Gujarat and Sind regions and the gradual switch to cursive style such as thulth and riqâ' see Shokoohy 1988.)

other words, calligraphic expression is often influenced by the social, religious, and spiritual message of the setting for which it is intended. The funerary inscription on the tombstone of Nur Qutb al-'Âlam in Pandua dated 863 AH/l459 AD (Fig. 9), for example, is rendered in bihârî style (Figs. 10: Shapes A-J and 11) on a plain background. It is devoid of any overwhelming decoration because of its funerary purpose. The elongated vertical shafts, arrayed in symmetrical order, start at the bottom with a thin line that grows thicker as it ascends. The unusual elevation of the verticals upward, and their arrangement in a row, can be interpreted as representing departed souls on their journey upward or descending angels with blessings for the participants in the funerary prayers, as well as for the deceased souls. The clustered letters at the bottom may be interpreted as symbols of a congregation lined up for the funeral prayer. An eight-lobed flower in the middle of the upper part of the first line symbolizes the eight heavens, an appropriate motif in this setting, since it coincides with the position of the deceased in the arrangement for prayer when the body is placed in front of the funeral congregation.

Another style occasionally found in Bengal is riqâ' which in some respect resembles tawqî', though it is less bold and has slightly more slanting lines, similar to thulth. Its horizontal loops and ligatures are often elongated as in rayÊânî style. Some characteristics of riqâ' can be observed in the Khanqah Inscription from Sian dated 618 AH/1221 AD, but it is best represented in two exquisite inscriptions: the Hatim Khan Palace Inscription in Bihar Sharif dated 707 AH/1307 AD (Figs. 15 and 16: Shapes A, B & C) and the Masjid Inscription from Hatim Khan palace dated 715 AH/1315 AD (Figs. 17 and 18: Shapes A, B, C & D). Both of these inscriptions are fascinating, not only for the intricate patterns of their calligraphic layout, but also for their skilful execution on stone slabs in relief, which elicits both surprise and admiration from the viewer. In the first inscription (Fig. 15), the endings of all the words are joined to others to create the effect of musalsal, or chain of continuity, while some horizontal strokes are deliberately elongated so as to create the impression of waves in the flow of the writing. The initial form of the sÌn in the word sultânuhu at the end of the first line is a good example of this (Fig. 16: Shape B). The letter hâ' in the word hâdhihi (the second word on the first line) looks rather like the face of a curious kitten peeping through the clusters of letters, and in fact, this version of the hâ' is better known in Arabic as wajh al-hirr or cat's face (Figs. 10: Shapes H, I & J and 16: Shape C). The peculiar joining of the dâl with the preceding alif and nûn in the word 'âdil in the second line is also interesting for there too the artist has shown considerable imagination (Fig. 16: Shape A).

The very first Islamic inscription of Bengal (the Bridge Inscription in Persian discovered in Sultanganj, about 20 miles south of Gau¼a, from the reign of Sultân 'Alâ' Dîn Khaljî; Fig. 12) represents an unusual and non-traditional calligraphic style. It resembles the tawqî' style, known sometimes also as the Old Iranian naskh. The same style appears more distinctively in a treasury inscription discovered in the village of WazirBeldanga, about ten miles south-east of Gau¼a, from the reign of Sultân Bahâdur Shâh dated 722 AH/1322 AD (Fig. 13). In this inscription, the endings of all the letters are joined to form an interwoven and unbreakable chain of writing in each line, a feature known as musalsal. This superbly executed inscription has no vocalization or diacritical marks, making its decipherment rather difficult.

The second inscription (Fig. 17) has a somewhat different calligraphic layout, and its letters are more thickly arranged. Nevertheless, there too the calligrapher let his imagination range quite freely. One of his innovations is the word al-khalâ' iq (Fig. 18: Shape A) in the middle of the second line, where the middle form of kha is unusually stretched out and joined to a rather peculiar looking lâm-a1if (Figs. 18: Shapes B & C). Another striking element is the small crown-like top mounted on the vertical stroke of the letter kâf, which is known in Arabic as shâkila (Fig. 18: Shape D). It appears quite frequently in this crown-like form and is often helpful in distinguishing the verticals of the kâf in the cluster of other verticals in the intricate calligraphic patterns of the Islamic inscriptions of Bengal (Figs. 3: Shape A, 18: Shape D, 20: Shapes E & G, 21, 22, 23: Shape A and 24). A style that closely resembles both riqâ' and tawqî' is ruq'a (Figs. 19 and 20: Shapes A-H) which is to some extent represented in the Madrasah Dâr al-Khayrât Inscription in Tribenî dated 713 AH/1313 AD (Fig. 19).

The only kûfi writing in Bengal is an elegantly inscribed piece above the central mihrab of Adina Masjid from the reign of Sikandar Shâh (c.759-792 AH/1358-1391 AD) where two different calligraphic styles are combined in a single inscription. The thulth writing, in bold characters, dominates the greater part of the panel, while a thin band of kûfi writing decorates the upper part of the verticals of thulth (Fig. 14). Combining two calligraphic styles in a single inscription, especially thulth with a kûfi border, was a popular practice in that period (seventh and eighth centuries AH/thirteenth and fourteenth centuries AD) in many parts of the Muslim world as is evident from early inscriptions in Iran, Transoxania and elsewhere. It was only around the late fifth century AH (eleventh century AD) that cursive-style writing, namely thulth and riqâ', began appearing in Islamic inscriptions, often accompanied by kûfi style as we see in the Ghazna Inscription from the reign of Sultân Ibrâhim ibn Mas'ûd Shâh (c. 451-92 AH/1059-99 AD). (For details, see Blair 1992 – for the early

Bihârî is rather a rare style that was used mainly in South Asia for copying the Qur'an. Known sometimes also as Indian kûfi, this style is still used in the Malabar region (modern Indian state 132

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of Kerala) for printing the Qur'an. A few Sultanate inscriptions rendered in bihârî style have been found in Bengal (sketches and diagrams of different letters and words are shown in Figs. 11, 25: Shapes A-C, 26: Shapes A & B and 7: Shapes A-F). The horizontal loops in this style are much longer than the vertical strokes. These dominant horizontal loops usually begin from a thin point, then gradually grow thicker as they move left, finally terminating in a sharp point or blunt edge (letters in bihârî style are shown in Fig. 11). Examples of this style can be found in both of the inscriptions – the Madrasah-cum-Masjid Inscription from Sultanganj dated 835 AH/1432 AD (Fig. 27), and the Masjid Inscription from Mandra dated 836 AH/1433 AD – so far discovered from the reign of Jalâl al-Dîn MuÊammad Shâh, a famous indigenous Muslim Bengali sultân of Bengal. The other examples are the Madrasah-cum-Masjid Inscription in Navagram dated 858 AH/1454 AD (Fig. 28), the Masjid Inscription in Mandaroga dated 850 AH/1446 AD (Fig. 29), and the Masjid Inscription in Naswagali dated 863 AH/1459 AD (Fig. 6 and for sketches and diagrams of letters and words in these inscriptions see Figs. 7: Shapes A-F, 25: Shapes A-C and 26: Shapes A & B). It is best represented, however, in the funerary inscription on the tombstone of Nur Qutb al-'Âlam in Pandua (Fig. 9 and for sketches and diagrams of its letters and words see Fig. 10: Shapes A-J), and in an undated Persian inscription from Sultanganj (Fig. 30).

that transition period of rule when political instability was prevalent in the region. The thulth was from the very beginning an extremely popular style in Bengal. It is beautifully executed in bold characters on a foliated background in one of the earliest inscriptions of the region discovered in an inscription of Bari Dargah in Bihar Sharif, dated Muharram 640 AH/July 1241 AD (Fig. 32). A striking feature of this inscription is the use of elongated vertical strokes, a style that soon became very popular in Sultanate inscriptions. Sometimes the verticals are further stylised by flourishing their upper ends downward in a slant to form a noose-like ligature. This effect is produced by tilting the qalam (the reed pen) when it touches the paper or other surface for the first time and then lifting it slightly upwards before making the down-stroke that creates the vertical. In Islamic calligraphy, this stylistic feature is known as a zu1f (a Persian word meaning curly hair of a maiden), zalaf or zulfa (an Arabic word meaning flattery), the curved body in the middle is called the badan (body), and the lower sharp end is the sayf (an Arabic word meaning sword; Fig. 4: Shape A). The Darsbari Madrasah-cum-Masjid Inscription at Umarpur in Gau¼a dated 884 AH/1479 AD (Fig. 2) and a commemorative inscription dated 1116 AH/1703 AD now in the Bangladesh National Museum are fine examples of thulth calligraphy in the inscriptions of Bengal. Thulth works best for monumental calligraphy in its jali (bold) form. Thulth jali in an overimposing bold and slanting form is known as muÊaqqaq and was sometimes used for a number of elegant calligraphic works for the Qur'an. Bangladesh National Museum, Dhaka has a tombstone beautifully inscribed in muÊaqqaq.

The naskh is probably the most widely used all-purpose calligraphic style in the Muslim world, and in Bengal too, a number of inscriptions are rendered in this style. It is interesting to note that the term naskh is sometimes applied loosely to a range of related cursive styles. In Bengal, however, the stylistic difference between naskh and thulth is often so marginal that it is often difficult for the uninitiated to distinguish them. Essentially, the distinction lies in the slanting of the vertical and horizontal strokes in lettering. While thulth has very prominent slanting, naskh is essentially devoid of slanting.

A somewhat peculiar variety of muÊaqqaq can be seen in another inscription dated 887 AH/1482 AD from a khanqah in Gau¼a (Figs. 33 and 34: Shapes A & B). RayÊânî is another rare style mainly used for Qur'anic calligraphy. It resembles muÊaqqaq in many ways but it is less bold and more slanting. It is represented in at least one Qur'anic inscription, now preserved in the Varendra Reaserch Museum in Rajshahi.

However, often the slanting in thulth in the architectural calligraphy of Bengal is not prominent (for instance, letter sÌn in Fig. 20: Shape B). There are a number of Islamic inscriptions in Bengal where the task of determining which is used is difficult, both because they do not follow conventional styles and because they accommodate characteristics from more than one style. This led a number of scholars in the field, such as Maulvi Shamsuddin Ahmad (1960) and later on Abdul Karim (1992), to list most of the Sultanate inscriptions of Bengal under naskh style whereas they bore in fact more characteristic of thulth. There are relatively fewer Islamic inscriptions from 1205-1707 when naskh is properly represented. Three early Mughal inscriptions – the Masjid Inscription from Burarchar dated 1000 AH/1591 AD, the Jami' Masjid Inscription from Dohar dated 1000 AH/1591 AD, and the Madad-i-Ma'âsh Inscription from Bhªgal Khªn Masjid in Nayabari dated 1003 AH/1595 AD (Fig. 31) – represent a crude form of naskh during

In the early Islamic inscriptions of Bengal, the tughrâ style has the most distinctive artistic features. Shortly after its appearance in the Seljuq court some time in the eleventh or twelfth century, the tughrâ gradually found its way to South Asia, most likely through the calligraphers who fled conflicts elsewhere in the Islamic world and took refuge in India. Unlike the Ottoman tughrâ, which served as an imperial signature or monogram ('alama/shi'âr), the South Asian tughrâ was a decorative style of writing resembling the Mamluk tughrâ in Egypt, particularly in the regular repetition of the elongated vertical letters (e.g. the alif, Fig. 4: Shape A) drawn from the horizontal band of the calligraphic layout and the symmetrical arrangement of those verticals. This essential feature of the tughrâ is visible in a number of inscriptions in Islamic architecture in South Asia such as the invocations, al-mulku li133

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Allah and Allah kâfi (Fig. 4: Shape B), inscribed on medallions at Rªjª ki-Bain Masjid (c. 912 AH/1506 AD) and Qil'a-i-Kuhna Masjid (c. 948 AH/1541 AD) in Delhi; in the early 17th-century mausoleum of Shâh Dawlat in Maner, Bihar; a Persian inscription on an 'idgah in Jalor, Rajasthan dated c. 718 AH/1318 AD; an Arabic inscription over the east gateway of the Jami' Masjid of Ahmadabad, Gujarat dated 827 AH/1424 AD; and the tomb inscription of MuÊammad Amîn, the Qutb Shâhi king, in Golconda dated 1004 AH/1595-96 AD. It was in Bengal, however, where tughrâ flourished and dominated architectural calligraphy during the fourteenth, fifteenth and early part of the sixteenth centuries (Siddiq 1989: 95-100). Because of its distinctive ornamental style, this regional variety can aptly be called the Bengali tughrâ. The Nîm Darwâzâ Inscription dated 871 AH/1466-67 AD at Miyâneh Dar in Gau¼a citadel (Fig. 1), currently fixed on the eastern wall of Minarwalî Masjid in Mahdipur village at Gau¼a, as well as its counter-part Cªnd Darwªzª Inscription dated 871 AH/1 466-67 AD (Fig. 35) present fascinating examples of this regional development. On each of these two inscriptions, the surface has been divided into thirty-two calligraphic panels, each alternating tughrâ and monumental thulth styles. Interestingly, only in this inscription does the calligraphy resemble the Ottoman tughrâ. In monumental Bengali tughrâ, the convoluted uprights (muntaîibât) of the vertical letters are highly stylised, often bearing the characteristics of the letter alif of thulth with distinctive features of zulf, badan and sayf (Fig. 4: Shape A). While the crescent-like undulating curves represented by the oval letters such as nûn (Figs. 3: Shape B and. 36: Shape E) and yâ', and in some cases the upper horizontal stroke (shâkila) of the letter kâf (Figs. 18: Shape D, 21, 23: Shape A and 24) and the word fi (Figs. 3: Shape C, 23: Shapes B & C, and 36: Shapes B, C & D) are superimposed on the extended uprights of the vertical letters, the main body of the text clusters very thickly at the bottom rendering an extremely intricate pattern of writing (e.g. the Masjid Inscription in Sultanganj dated 879 AH/1474 AD, Fig. 37; Siddiq 1990: 83108). The calligraphers thus ranged freely in producing different forms and patterns of tughrâ, using their imagination creatively (Figs. 38: Shapes A, B & C and 39). However, it is not difficult to find a rhythmic pattern in the movement of the letters and the flow of lines in Bengali tughrâs, which often contained a metaphorical expression of life, nature, and the environment of Bengal in abstract forms ranging from the bow and arrow of Bengali hunting life to the boats and oars (Figs. 40 and 41) or the swan and reeds of riverine Bengal (e.g. the Masjid Inscription in Sultanganj dated 879 AH/1474 AD; Fig. 37). Though tughrâ lost its popularity in Bengal in the mid-sixteenth century, it continued to appear for some time in South Indian Muslim kingdoms such as Golconda, Bijapur, and Hyderabad.

the region. The early Mughal inscriptions bear witness to how political turmoil and instability affect artistic continuity and development. Later Mughal inscriptions from a more stable time show better taste and greater refinement. An example of this is a milestone over a bridge in Chapatali dated 1102 AH/1690 AD which displays very accurate measurement and proportion in its lettering scheme in nasta'liq style (for instance, letter lªm in Fig. 42). A rare form of calligraphy is known as a shikastah, in which the lower ends of letters are tilted and twisted, finally merging into the next word. A crude form of shikastah can be seen on the tombstone of Ghazi Ibrahim from Rajmahal dated 963 AH/1553 AD. A somewhat peculiar hybrid style, 'ijâzah (literally, permission from the mentor to exercise freely after completing penmanship training), can be seen in a few inscriptions in Bengal, such as the Shaykh 'Alâ' al-Haq Masjid Inscription, now in Bania Pukur dated 743 AH/1342 AD (Fig. 43), the inscription of Gunmant Masjid in Gau¼a dated 889 AH/1484 AD (Fig. 44) and the Masjid Inscription of Sultanganj dated 879 AH/1474 AD (Figs. 36 and 37). Though the style has certain established calligraphic rules and measurements, it can easily be confused with nasta'liq, naskh and thulth. Somewhat rare in architectural inscriptions, we do find an extraordinary example of a mirror style calligraphy in a unique Arabic inscription dated 863 AH/1458-59 AD from an unknown mosque in Gau¼a now preserved in the Mahdipur High School Museum (Fig. 45). Though the calligraphic elements generally constitute the main decorative feature in the Islamic inscriptions of Bengal, we do find different aesthetic elements and motifs in the decorative layout of some of these inscriptions (Figs. 46, 47, 48 and 49). Some superb examples of geometrical and vegetal motifs can be seen in the undated Persian inscription from Sultanganj (Figs. 30 and 46). The Islamic inscriptions of Bengal indicate an overall cultural continuity of the Muslims of Bengal and their counterparts elsewhere in the Muslim world, which binds them together as an umma. Thus, in spite of their many distinctive local cultural features, one soon discovers in these wonderful epigraphic treasures a vibrant message – unity within diversity – that exists in one form or another almost everywhere in Islamic culture. NOTE 1. Samt al-l'âli by Al-Bakrî (Râjkotî 1936: 578).

REFERENCES Ahmad, Maulvi Shamsuddin 1960. Corpus of Arabic and Persian Inscriptions of Bihar (A.D. 640-1200). Rajshahi: Varendra Research Museum. Ahmad, Sayyid 1846. Khan, Âthâr al-Sanâd. Kanpur.

Nasta'liq was introduced in Bengal as a result of the growing influence of the Persian culture after the advent of Mughals in

Al-Bustani, Fu'ad Afram (Ed.) 1961. Tarafa wa Labid. Beirut.

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Al-Lawati, Abu 'Abd Allah Muhammad (Ed.) n.d. RiÊla ibn Battûta. Beirut.

Husain, H. Hidayet (Ed.) 1910. Muhammad Ghulâm: Tadhkira-iKhushnawîsân. Calcutta.

Al-Qalqashandi 1383 AH. Al-SubÊ al-A'shâ. Vol. 3. Cairo.

Karim, Abdul 1992. Corpus of the Arabic and Persian Inscriptions of Bengal. Dhaka: Asiatic Society of Bangladesh.

Bagley, F.R.C. (Trans.) 1964. Counsel for Kings. London: Oxford University Press. Begley, Wayne E. 1985. Mughal Caravanserais Built and Inscribed by Amanat Khan, Calligrapher of the Taj Mahal, Indian Epigraphy: Its Bearing on the History of Art, Frederick M. Asher and G. S. Gai (Eds.), New Delhi: South Asia Books. Bhattacharya, Upendra Nath 1958. BªÕglªr Bªol O Bªol Gân. Calcutta. Blair, Sheila S. 1992. The Monumental Inscriptions from Early Islamic Iran and Transoxiana (Muqarnas Supplement). Leiden: E. J. Brill. Chagtai, M.A. 1976. Pâk wa Hind men Islâmî Khattatî. Lahore. Dodd, Erica C. and Shereen Khairullah 1981. The Image of the Written Word. Beirut: American University of Beirut Press.

Kitâb al-Fahrast 1348. Cairo: Rahmania Press. Lentz, Thomas W. 1987. Arab and Iranian Arts of the Book, Arts of Asia (Nov.-Dec.): 76-86. Mansuruddin, Muhammad 1942. Hªrªmuni. Calcutta. Râjkotî, 'Abd al-'Azîz al-Maymanî (Ed.) 1936. Samt al-l'âli by AlBakrî. Cairo. Shokoohy, Mehrdad 1988. Bhadresvar: The Oldest Monuments in India. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Siddiq, Mohammad Yusuf 1989. Al-tughrâ wa Istikhdâmuhâ fî 'l Bangâl, Al-Fayîal 148 (May/June): 95-100. Siddiq, Mohammad Yusuf 1990. An Epigraphical Journey to an Islamic Land, Muqarnas 7: 83-108.

Ettinghausen, R. 1979. Al-Ghazzali on Beauty, Islamic Art and Architecture. New York: Garland Library of the History of Art 13.

Fig. 1 Nîm Darwâzâ Inscription at Miyâneh Dar in Gau¼a

Fig. 2 The Darsbari Inscription at Umarpur, Gau¼a in thulth rendered in Bengali tughrâ style

Fig. 3 Shape A: Shâkila of kâf on vertical letters in thulth in Bengali tughrâ style shown in Fig. 2

Fig. 4 Shape A: The letter alif in thulth

Fig. 3 Shape B: The letter nûn shown in Fig. 2

Fig. 3 Shape C: Arabic preposition fi shown in Fig. 2

Fig. 4 Shape B: Allah kafi in a pseudo kûfi style with elements of tughrâ in the Rªjª-ki-Bain Masjid Inscription in Delhi

Fig. 4 Shape C: Allah in 'ijªzah variety of tughrâ style shown in Fig. 5

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Fig. 5 Hatkhola Masjid Inscription, Sylhet

Fig. 6 Naswa Gali Masjid Inscription. Diagrams of certain individual letters and words in bihârî style with Bengali tughrâ decorative features can be seen in Fig. 7

Fig. 7 Shape A: The letter kâf

Fig. 7 Shape B: The divine name Allah

Fig. 7 Shape C: The letter bâ

Fig. 7 Shape D: The letter tâ

Fig. 7 Shape E: The letter alif

Fig. 7 Shape F: The Arabic pronoun hâdha

Fig. 8 Examples of some letters in riqâ' style with majestic dots for calligraphic measurement

Fig. 9 Funerary inscription at the mausoleum of Nur Qutb al-'Âlam in Hadrat Pandua.

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Shape A: The Arabic verb kâna

Shape B: Initial form of sîn

Shape G: The preposition mîm

Shape C: The letter sîn

Shape H: The compound word 'alayhâ

Shape D: The letter alif

Shape I: The word 'ahd

Shape E: The letter kâf

Shape F: The letter tâ

Shape J: Wajh al-hirra in bihârî style

Fig. 10 Details of certain individual letters and words in bihârî style with Bengali tughrâ decorative features used in the funerary inscription at the mausoleum of Nur Qutb al-'Âlam in Hadrat Pandua (Fig. 9)

Fig. 11 Examples of some letters in bihârî style

Fig. 12 The first Islamic inscription in Bengal from Sultanganj, now held in the Varendra Research Museum, Rajshahi Translation of the first Islamic inscription in Bengal In the beginning, I praise and thank God, the One Who in His (divine) wisdom has provided this inn (–like world). At every moment someone is entering into it, while someone else is departing; for no one has the capacity to settle here permanently. As soon as someone becomes aware of the rapid movement of the cosmos, he soon realizes that there is no other provision for the way [of life] except good deeds. Due to the justice of Sultân 'Alâ' Dîn wa Dunyâ' Shâh-e-Jahân (the king of the world), even a lamb does not (need to) hide from a wolf. Because of his efforts, Islam grows every moment. By the mercy of (God) the Just, this bridge was completed during his reign. This good action is possible only by the one who is day and night continually engaged in acts of benevolence for everyone – the noble as well as the commoner.

Fig. 13 Treasury Inscription in musalsal style discovered in the village of Wazir-Beldanga

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Fig. 14 Kûfi and thulth writing above the central mihrab of Adina Masjid

Fig. 15 Hatim Khan Palace Inscription in Bihar Sharif dated 707AH/1307 AD. Riqâ' style calligraphy in this inscription can be seen in Fig. 16

Fig. 16 Shape A: Al-'Âdil

Fig. 16 Shape B: Initial form of the letter sîn

Fig. 16 Shape C: Wajh al-hirra

Fig. 17 Riqâ' style calligraphy in the Masjid Inscription at Hatim Khan Palace in Bihar Sharif

Fig. 18 Shape A: The word al-khalªiq seen in Fig. 17

Fig. 18 Shape B: Fig. 18 Shape C: The word lâm seen in Fig. 17 The letter alif

Fig. 18 Shape D: Shâkila of the letter al-kâf

Fig. 19 Madrasah Dâr al-Khayrât Inscription in Tribenî dated 713 AH/1313 AD rendered in a calligraphic style close to ruq'a. The diagrams of its letters and words can be seen in Fig. 20

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Fig. 20 Fig. 20 Fig. 20 Shape A: Shape B: Shape C: The letter lâm The letter sîn The letter alif

Fig. 21 Shâkila of al-kâf al-thu'bâni or the python shape kâf in the British Museum Inscription from Gau¼a

Fig. 23 Shape A: Shâkila of al-kâf al-thu'bâni shown in Fig. 22

Fig. 25 Shape B: The verb fî in bihârî style shown in Fig. 29

Fig. 20 Shape D: The letter alif

Fig. 20 Shape E: The letter kâf

Fig. 20 Shape F: The word saltana

Fig. 20 Shape G: Diagram of the word mukarram

Fig. 20 Shape H: Diagram of the word Sulâyman

Fig. 22 Deotala Masjid Inscription dated 868 AH/ 1464 AD

Fig. 23 Shape B: Arabic preposition fi in tughrâ style shown in Fig. 22

Fig. 23 Shape C: A different form of fi in tughrâ style Fig. 24 Al-kâf al-thu'bâni and shown in Fig. 22 its shâkila in Naohata Iscription

Fig. 25 Shape C: The verb qâla in bihârî style shown in Fig. 29

Fig. 26 Shape A: Alif in Bengali tughrâ style shown in Fig. 28

Fig. 25 Shape A: Al-salâm shown in Fig. 29

Fig. 26 Shape B: Al-a'zam in Bengali tughrâ style shown in Fig. 28

Fig. 27 Masjid-cum-Madrasah Inscription from Sultanganj dated 835 AH/1432 AD

Fig. 28 Madrasah-cum-Masjid Inscription from Navagram dated 858 AH/1454 AD

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Fig. 29 Masjid Inscription from Mandaroga dated 850 AH/1446 AD

Fig. 30 An undated Persian inscription in bihârî style from Sultanganj now preserved in the Varendra Research Museum

Fig. 31 Madad-i-ma'ªsh Inscription of Bhªgal Khªn Masjid at Nayabari dated 1003 AH/1595 AD

Fig. 32 An inscription of Bari Dargah in Bihar Sharif dated 640 AH/1241 AD

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Fig. 34 Shape A: Abû in 'muÊaqqaq style shown in Fig. 33

Fig. 34 Shape B: Alif in 'muÊaqqaq style shown in Fig. 33

Fig. 33 Khanqah Inscription from Gau¼a dated 887 AH/1482 AD

Fig. 35 Când Darwâzâ Inscription at Miyâneh Dar in Gau¼a dated 871 AH/1466-67 AD

Fig 36 Shape A: Arabic preposition fî

Fig 36 Shape B: Different form of fî

Fig 36 Shapes C & D: The letter kâf in 'ijªzah variety of tughrâ with an over-imposing shâkila on the top of the main vertical

Fig. 37 Masjid Inscription from Sultanganj dated 879 AH/1474 AD

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Fig 36 Shape E: Three nûns placed one above the other

Fig 36 Shape F: Three dots of the letter shîn

Fig. 38 Shape B: Fig. 38 Shape A: Arabic word nûr in Bengali Arabic word dâ'iman tughrâ style in Bengali tughrâ shown in style shown in Fig. 39 Fig. 39

Fig 36 Shape G: Vegetal decorative motif

Fig. 38 Shape C: Arabic word mu'arrikhan in Bengali tughrâ style shown in Fig. 39

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Fig. 39 Chillakhana Inscription from Hadrat Pandua dated 898 AH/1493 AD

Fig. 40 Baliaghata Inscription dated 847 AH/1443 AD

Fig. 41 Shape A & B: Symbolic representation of boats and oars seen in Fig. 40

Fig. 42 The letter lâm in nasta'liq in the Hatkhola Masjid Insccription

Fig. 43 Shaykh 'Alâ' al-aq Masjid Inscription dated 743 AH/1342 AD

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Fig. 44 Inscription from Gunmant Masjid in Gau¼a dated 889 AH/1484 AD

Fig. 45 Mirror style calligraphy dated 863 AH/1458-59 AD from an unknown mosque in Gau¼a, now preserved in the Mahdipur High School Museum

Shape-A

Shape-B

Shape-C

Shape-D

Shape-E

Shape-F

Shape-G

Shape-H

Fig. 46 Shapes A-H: Different vegetal and geometrical motifs decorating the background of an undated Persian inscription from Sultanganj, now preserved in the Varendra Research Museum (Fig. 30)

Fig. 47 Shape A: A flower design seen in Fig. 33

Fig. 47 Shape B: A vegetal decoration seen in Fig. 33

Fig. 47 Shape C: An ornamentation seen in Fig. 33

Fig. 48 Shape A: A flower Fig. 48 Shape B: A design in 'Alâ' al-Khân decorative pattern in Fig. 49 Geometric Mosque Inscription 'Alâ' al-Khân Mosque pattern in a at Hathazari dated Inscription at Hathazari Masjid Inscription, 878 AH/1474 AD dated 878 AH/1474 AD Pandua

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Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars of Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh, India Shahida Ansari

formerly spoken, various dialects or forms of language which have been grouped under the name 'Kolarian') like the Mundas, Hos, Santhals, Bhumijs, Tamarias and Juangs. The Kols lent their name to the language family known as Kolarian, which is also known as the Mundari or Austro-Asiatic language forms. The Kols belong to the Proto-Australoid ethnic stratum (Singh 1996: 1763). According to A.C. Haddon (1924), and they can be placed among the Pre-Dravidian group of races.

INTRODUCTION Ethnobotany is the study of the total complex of relations that develops between human beings and plants. Often, it involves only the study of plants and people in specific local or regional contexts, in which case the study may be termed as the ethnobotany of a specific society or the medicinal uses of a particular plant species of certain indigenous people. It is a universalising field, for no people are known that do not rely on, utilise, name, and classify plants in their everyday milieus. Ethnobotany is also establishing itself as one of the most important sciences for the present and future well being of human kind itself (Balee and Brown 1996: 399, 403).

The Kols are, as a matter of fact, an offshoot of the Mundas of Chota Nagpur (Russell and Hiralal 1916: 500) but are not at all ascribed to the Kol tribe in Uttar Pradesh. According to Russell and Hiralal (1916: 501) the word Kol is probably derived from the Mundari 'Ho', 'Hore' or 'Horo' meaning 'man', which in course of time, assumed different forms i.e. Koro, Kolo, or Kol (Dalton 1871: 178; Nesfield 1888: 5; Crooke 1896, III: 294). The genesis of the word Kol, is also ascribed to etymological sources, for instance to Korar, a name given to the Mundas by the Kharias of Chota Nagpur, which closely approaches the word Kol. Kola in Sanskrit means ' a hog' and some authorities maintain that it is simply a term of contempt applied by the Aryans to the original inhabitants of the country (Nesfield 1888: 5). According to Herr Jellinghause, the term means a 'pig killer' (Risley 1891: 101). The word Munda, Sir H.H. Risley states, is the common term employed by the Kols for the headman of a village, and has come into general use as an honorific title (Russell and Hiralal 1916: 502).

The present paper aims to understand the use of plants by the Kols and the Musahars, two simple communities of Allahabad District (24°47' and 25°47' N.; 81°9' and 82°21' E.) of Uttar Pradesh, India who still largely depend on the forest flora for their sustenance and livelihood. These communities inhabit nearby forests, rivers and hills, and are close to the environment; consequently, they have a unique understanding/ knowledge about the plants in their surroundings. From the forest they collect a wide range of food items and utilise many trees, shrubs, herbs, tubers, roots, leaves, flowers, fruits, seeds and gums for their day to day needs. The Kols are the most widespread of the simple communities of Uttar Pradesh (Fig. 1). They live in Varanasi, Mirzapur, Allahabad and Banda districts, which forms the southern tribal belt of the state. A portion of these districts forms the southern fringe (Vindhya-Kaimur range) of the Central Indian Plateau. The Kols along with other Mundari (speaking) tribes constitute the largest group of simple communities in India. The Kols of Uttar Pradesh constitute nearly 22% of the total tribal population of the state. They are included among the scheduled tribes in all the states in India except in Uttar Pradesh where they are listed among the scheduled castes. The largest concentration of Kols in India is in Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. The Kols are one of the Kolarian groups of races (i.e. those tribes who inhabit the hill tracts extending from the east to west along the middle India, and who speak, or are known to have

Fig. 1 A Kol woman

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in piggery (Singh 1993: 969-970). Soran Singh (1987: 33) defines the Musahars as a criminal tribe (now absorbed in Hinduism), who are, rat catchers, palanquin bearers, field labourers, and cultivators. He also describes them as being a servile caste. The food habits of the Kols and the Musahars are generally developed according to the availability of food resources. For instance, the Kols collect and sell wood from the forest for their subsistence. In the process of collecting, they gather important plants for their consumption and other needs. Both men and women carry out the collecting and gathering activities (Fig. 2). For their subsistence, the Musahars collect leaves for making leaf platters and cups. They are the local suppliers of the leaf plates in the villages and markets in Allahabad (Fig. 3). During the collection of leaves, which is carried out by men, women and children, they gather important food plants from the forest for consumption. These natural granaries provide them with enough energy, proteins, fibres, vitamins and essential minerals for their diet. Since primeval times, they have also learnt the use of many plants and plant-products as medicine, dye, fuel and poison, and also to use many others to make articles of daily use, such as fibre, cord, oil, timber and wood work, broom and basket.

Fig. 2 A Musahar family returning home after gathering

The traditional occupation of the Kols is collection and sale of fuel wood and leaves from forests. As agricultural labourers, the more primitive Kols practice the system of cultivation by burning down the jungle i.e. dahya (Crooke 1896, III: 294, 315316). Presently, they are a landless community and work as mine workers, rickshaw pullers, unskilled labourers and cultivators (Singh 1993: 744). The Musahars were formerly a tribe but now are regarded as a separate caste. Their name is derived from a curious association with field rats. They are mainly distributed in the districts of central and eastern Uttar Pradesh. The Musahars of Uttar Pradesh are called Banmanus, Banraja or Gonr. According to H.H Risley (1891), 'Musahars are an offshoot of the Bhuiya tribe of Chota Nagpur'. According to J.C. Nesfield (1888: 2) the term Musahar (masa meaning flesh; hera meaning seeker) signifies flesh seeker or hunter, and another view holds that Musahar meaning musa i.e. rat and har i.e. taker or eater. H.H Risley (1891) inclined to accept the second view. In the study area, the natives pronounce them as Mushera, Musahar or Musaha. William Crooke (1896, IV: 12) called the 'Musahar' a Dravidian jungle tribe living in the eastern districts of the United Provinces (corresponding approximately to the combined regions of the present-day Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand). He also recorded their population in the Allahabad district as 361 in the year 1891 (Crooke1896, IV: 12, 37). J.C. Nesfield while quoting the origin of the tribe mentions them as 'Banmanush' or “man of the forest”; Deosiya, from their great ancestor Deosi; Banraj or “ king of the forest”; Maskhan or “eater of flesh” (Nesfield 1888: 3; Crooke 1896, IV: 13).

Fig. 3 A Musahar selling leaf plates and other forest materials in a local market

ETHNOBOTANICAL SURVEY The Ethnobotanical survey discussed in this paper was carried out in a number of remote villages of Allahabad District of Uttar Pradesh, which are populated by the Kols and the Musahars. The aim of the survey was to gather information on the traditional use of plants and plant-products in day-to-day life and healthcare. Men, women and local herb sellers of the Kols and the Musahars were consulted regarding the detailed use of various plants and their parts and some of them were photographed. The data thus gathered, especially the local names of the plants, were verified with published literature on the field (Nair and Mohanan: 1998; Ambasta et al. 1992; Kulkarni and Ansari 2002; Kulkarni and Ansari 2004). The plants used by the Kols and the Musahars for various purposes are illustrated in Table 1-12.

The traditional economic activities of the Musahar are collection and sale of medicinal roots, herbs, wild honey, preparation and sale of plates made of leaves, collection and sale of gum, trapping and sale of live lizards (goh), lighting of brick kilns, working as field labourers, rearing silk worm and carrying palanquins (Crooke 1896, IV: 12-13, 36-37). But nowadays, they mostly work as palanquin bearers, labourers in brick kilns, and agricultural labourers. Some are also involved 145

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Table 1: Parts of plants eaten as vegetables Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Parts Used

Amaranthaceae

Achyranthes aspera L. (Herb) Amaranthus spinous L. (Herb) Digera arvensis Forsk.

Chirchiri Chaulai Latmhuria

Tender shoot, leaves Leaves Leaves, shoots

Araceae

Amorphophallus campanulatus Blume ex Decne (Herb)

Jangali suran, zamin-kand

Underground tuber or corms

Umbelliferae

Anethum sowa Kurz Carum copticum Hiern

Soya, sowa Jangal jamain, ajwain

Tender shoot Seeds

Liliaceae

Asparagus racemous Willd. (Climbing shrub) (Fig. 4) Asphodelus tenuifolius Cav.

Shakakuli, sataveri Pyaji

Leaves Seeds

Gramineae

Avena sativa L. Bambusa arundinacea Willd. (Tree) Echinochlao frumentacea Link. Paspalum scrobiculatum L. (Herb)

Jai Bans Sanwa Kodo

Bulbs, seeds Tender shoot Seeds Seeds

Basellaceae

Basella alba L. (Climbing herb)

Poi

Leaves

Caesalpiniaceae

Cassia tora L. (Herb) Fls. & Frs: August-June (Fig. 5)

Chakaura

Tender shoot, leaves

Chenopodiaceae

Chenopodium album L.

Bathua sag

Tender shoot, leaves, seeds

Cucurbitaceae

Coccinia indica Wight & Arn Momordica dioica Roxb. ex Willd. (Climbing herb) Fls. & Frs.: March- August Trichosanthes cucumerina L. (Climber)

Kundru Golkandra

Raw fruits Unripe fruits

Jangali chachinda

Unripe and ripe fruits

Commelinaceae

Commelina benghalensis L.

Tankaua

Shoot

Cyperaceae

Cyperus esculentus L.

Gondila

Rhizome, tuber

Capparidaceae

Gynandropsis gynandra (Linn.) Briq

Hurhur, hulhul

Leaves

Convolvulaceae

Ipomoea aquatica Forsk. (Herb)

Kalmisag

Tender shoot, leaves

Nymphaeaceae

Nelumbo nucifera Gaertn. (Aquatic herb) Nymphaea alba L.

Kamala Kumudini

Rhizome, leaves Tuberous underground stem

Ophioglossaceae

Ophioglossum sp.

Janglipalak

Whole plant

Solanaceae

Solanum nigrum L.(Herb) (Fig. 6)

Makoi

Ripe fruits

Papilionaceae

Lathyrus aphaca L. Trigonella incisa Benth. Vicia hirsuta S. F. Gray Vicia sativa L.

Seeds Tender shoot Seeds Seeds

Compositae

Vernonia anthelmintica (L.) Willd. (Herb) Fls. & Frs.: October-January Latuca sativa L.

Janglimatar Chainhari Munmuna Akra Kaliziri

Tender Shoot

Kahu, salad

Leaves

Table 2: Flowers cooked as vegetable Botanical Name

Local Name

Rubiaceae

Anthocephalus cadamba Miq. or A. chinensis Walp. (Fig. 7)

Kadamba

Caesalpiniaceae

Cassia fistula Linn. (Tree)

Amaltas

Boraginaceae

Cordia dichotoma Frost. f.

Lasora, chota lasora

Sapotaceae

Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr (Tree)

Mahua

Family

Table 3: Edible fruits Botanical Name

Local Name

Alangiaceae

Alangium salviifolium (Linn. f.) Wang. (Shrub or small tree)

Akola

Rubiaceae

Anthocephalus cadamba Miq. or A. chinensis Walp. Xeromphis pinosa Keay Antidesma ghaesembilla Gaertn. Bridelia stipularis Blume Emblica officinalis Gaertn. (Fig. 8)

Kadamba Mainphal Umtao Khaji, khaja Aonla

Family

Euphorbiaceae

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Anacardiaceae

Buchnania lanzan Spreng. (Tree)

Chironji, chiroli

Apocynaceae

Carissa carandas Linn. (Shrub)

Jangli karaunda

Boraginaceae

Cordia dichotoma Forst. f.

Lasora, chota lasora

Rutaceae

Feronia limonia (Linn.) Single

Kavitha

Moraceae

Ficus racemosa Swingle (Tree) Fls. & Frs.: May-September

Gular

Tiliaceae

Grewia hirsuta Vahl

Kakrundah, kukurbicha

Sapotaceae

Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree)

Mahua

Solanaceae

Physalis minima Linn. (Herb)

Tulati pati

Myrtaceae

Syzygium cumini (Linn.) Skeels Syzygium heyneanun Wall. Ex Gamble

Combretaceae

Terminalia bellirica (Gaertn.) Roxb. (Tree) (Fig. 9)

Jamun Jam Bahera

Rhamnaceae

Zizyphus nummularia (Burm. f.) W. & A. Zizyphus oenoplia Mill. (Woody scandent shrub)

Jharberi, jhdiaber Makai

Table 4: Tubers processed before eating Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Dioscoreaceae

Dioscorea pentaphylla Linn. (Tuberous twiners) Dioscorea bulbifera Linn. (Tuberous twiners) Dioscorea hispida Dennst. (Tuberous twiners) Pueraria tuberosa DC.

Kantaalu Ratalu, suaralu Karukandu Sural

Papilionaceae; Fabaceae

Table 5: Fibrous plants used for making cordage Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Caesalpiniaceae

Bauhinia racemosa Lam.

Kachnal, ashta

Papilionaceae; Fabaceae

Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze (Tree) (Fig. 10)

Dhak, palas

Asclepiadaceae

Marsdenia tenacissima Wight & Arn. (Fig. 11)

Jiti, chiti

Dipterocarpaceae

Shorea robusta Gaertn.f. (Tree)

Sal, shal

Sterculiaceae

Sterculia urens Roxb. (Tree)

Gular, gulu

Table 6: Plants used for making leaf platters and cups Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Parts of the plant

Meliaceae

Azadirachta indica A. Juss. (Tree)

Neem

Leaf twigs

Gramineae; Poaceae

Bambusa Schreb. (Grass) Saccharum munja Roxb.(Grass)

Bans Sarpat

Twigs, bamboo Leaf

Papilionaceae; Fabaceae

Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze (Tree)

Dhak, palas

Leaf

Moraceae

Ficus bengalensis Linn.

Bar, bargad

Leaf

Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree)

Mahua

Leaf

Sapotaceae

Table 7: Plants used for making baskets Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Gramineae; Poaceae

Bambusa Schreb. Erianthus munja Jesw Saccharum munja (Grass) Saccharum spontaneum Linn.

Bans Munj Sarpat Kans, kas

Table 8: Plants used for making dye Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Caesalpiniaceae

Caesalpinia sappan Linn.

Varthangi

Melastomataceae

Memecylon edule Roxb.

Kasan

Zingiberaceae

Curcuma longa Linn. (Fig. 12)

Kachchi- haldi

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Table 9: Plants exploited for extracting oil Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Sapotaceae

Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree)

Mahua

Euphorbiaceae

Ricinus communis Linn. (Shrub)

Erandi

Dipterocarpaceae

Shorea robusta Gaertn. f. (Tree)

Sal, shal

Rhamnaceae

Ventilago denticulata Willd.

Pitti, raidhani

Table 10: Gum used for fowling Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Mimosaceae

Acacia catechu Willd (Tree) Acacia nilotica (Linn.) Willd. ex Delile subsp. Indica (Benth.) Brenan (Tree)

Khair Babool, babul

Table 11: Plants used for construction, roofing and thatching Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Mimosaceae

Acacia catechu Willd (Tree) Saccharum munja (Grass) Vetiveria zizanioides (Linn.) Nash

Khair Sarpat Khas-khas

Gramineae; Poaceae

Bambusa Schreb.

Bans

Euphorbiaceae

Bridelia squamosa Gehrm Ricinus communis Linn. (Shrub)

Sirai Erandi

Barringtoniaceae

Careya arborea Roxb. (Tree)

kumbhi

Fabaceae

Dalbergia sissoo Roxb. (Tree)

Sheesham

Burseraceae

Garuga pinnata Roxb. (Tree)

Kharpat

Verbenaceae

Gmelina arborea Roxb. (Tree) Tectona grandis Linn. f.

Gambhar Sagun, sagwan

Apocynaceae

Holarrhena antidysenterica (Linn.) Wall. (Tree)

Khurchi, karchi

Lythraceae

Lagerstroemia parviflora Roxb.

Dhaura

Sapotaceae

Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr. (Tree)

Mahua

Annonaceae

Miliusa tomentosa (Roxb.) J. Sinclair

Kari, kirua

Rubiaceae

Mitragyna parvifolia (Roxb.) Korth. (Tree)

Kaim, kalmi kadassa

Papilionaceae

Ougeinia oojeinensis (Roxb.) Hochr. Pterocarpus marsupium Roxb. (Tree)

Sandan Bijasal, bija

Dipterocarpaceae

Shorea robusta Gaertn.

Sal

Meliaceae

Soymida febrifuga Juss.

Rohun, rohunna

Myrtaceae

Syzygium cuminii (Linn.) Skeels

Jamun, jam

Combretaceae

Terminilia arjuna (Roxb.) Wight & Arn

Kahwa

Combretaceae

Terminilia alata Heyne ex Roth

Asan, sain

Table 12: Plants used for healthcare

plant is often used for a number of diseases in different ways and different parts of the same plant are utilized for different types of diseases. The glossary of technical terms used for diseases is given in Table 13. The plants yielding medicinal properties and used for healthcare are as follows:

The flora growing in the forests plays a vital role in the life and healthcare of the Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2001a). The plants used for treatment are locally collected and the ways of application vary according to traditional use. An individual Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Parts Used

Name of Diseases

Papilionaceae; Fabaceae

Abrus precatorius L. (Climbing shrub)

Ujarki ghunchi

Root Seed

Anthelmintic and antidote scorpion sting Arthritis, abortifacient, purgative, aphrodisiac, febrifuge, eczema, paralysis, stiffness of joints and skin diseases

Bruised seeds Leaf Leaf decoction

Poisoning cattle Leucoderma and swelling Cough and cold

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Family

Mimosaceae

Botanical Name Desmodium triflorium DC. (Undershrub)

Local Name Kuddalina, kudaliya

Parts Used Leaf

Name of Disease Boils, dysentery and diarrhoea

Indigofera linifolia L.

Neel

Indigofera tinctoria Linn. (Shrub)

Ban nilva

Seeds Shoot Plant paste and roots

Boils Skin disease Warts, nervous disorders, urinary complaints and jaundice

Pueraria tuberosa DC. (Large climber)

Patalkohra

Tuber

Leucorrhoea

Tephrosia purpurea (L.) Pers. (Shrub)

Sarphonka

Root Seeds

Tonsillitis Itch, eczema and skin eruptions

Seed Bark Pods

Spermatorrhoea Skin diseases, gonorrhoea and leucorrhoea Urino-genital diseases

Acacia nilotica (Linn.) Willd. ex Delile subsp. Indica (Benth.) Brenan (Tree)

Babool

Acacia pennata Willd. (Tree)

Kuchaya

Root Decoction of leaf

Wounds and boils Febrifuge

Mimosa pudica Linn. (Herb) (Fig. 13)

Lajani

Leaf juice Root

Fever during childbirth Urinary complaints

Amaranthaceae

Achyranthes aspera Linn. (Herb)

Chircheria, Chirchiri

Seed Root Shoot

Asthma Rheumatism and gout Antidote for scorpion sting and snake bite

Acanthaceae

Adhatoda vasica Nees (Fig. 14)

Arusa, arusha

Leaf juice

Cough, upper respiratory infection, bronchial troubles, diarrhoea and dysentery Skin infection

Asteracantha longifolia Nees (Fig. 15)

Talmakhan, talimakhana

Powdered leaves Root and seeds Seeds

Jaundice, cough, upper respiratory infection and urino-genital diseases Rheumatism

Adiantum philippense Linn. Hansraj

Whole plant

Snake bite, dysentery and applied during body itch

Aegle marmelos (L.) Correa. ex. Roxb. (Tree) (Fig. 16) Allium cepa L (Herb)

Bel

Fruit pulp

To kill intestinal worms of cattle

Piyaz

Bulb decoction

Diarrhoea, cholera, dysentery and hair fall

Aloe barbadensis Mill.

Ghee- kunvar

Leaf pulp Leaf juice Fruits

Piles, liver and ailment of spleen Eye trouble Astringent, digestive, stomach ache, diarrhoea and dysentery

Aloe vera L (Herb)

Ghikanvar

Leaf pulp

Burn, headache and menstrual disorders

Urginea indica (Roxb.) Kunth

Ban piyaz, jangli piyaz

Corm paste Bulb

Abortion Rheumatism and skin troubles

Araceae

Amorphophallus campanulatus Blume ex Decne (Herb)

Janglisuran, zamin-kand

Tuber

Diarrhoea, dysentery and piles

Papaveraceae

Argemone mexicana L. (Herb) (Fig. 17)

Ghamoya

Seeds Root Fruits

Boils and skin disease Malaria Eczema of cattle

Fumaria indica Pugsley

Pitpapra

Leaf

Gout and lumbago

Leaf juice Seeds

Malaria fever and cough Inflammations and biliousness

Adiantaceae Rutaceae

Liliaceae

Aristolochiaceae Aristolochia indica Linn. Gadahpurna (Climbing herb) (Fig. 18) Meliaceae

Azadirachta indica A. Juss.

Neem, nim

Bark Leaves Twigs

Skin trouble Eczema and skin problems Clean teeth and bleeding gums

Basellaceae

Basella alba L. (Climbing herb)

Poi

Leaves & tender stem juice

Cold, constipation during pregnancy

Nyctaginaceae

Boerhavia diffusa Linn (Prostrate herb) (Fig. 19)

Punarnaba, sant

Root decoction Root

Anaemia and weakness Asthma, abortifacient, malaria, bronchitis, spermatorrhoea and snake bite

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Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Parts Used

Name of Diseases

Asclepiadaceae

Calotropis gigantea (Linn.) R. Br. ex Ait (Shrub) Fls & Frs: Throughout the year

Bara madar

Milky juice

Diarrhoea and dysentery

Calotropis procera (Ait.) R. Br. Fls & Frs: Throughout the year

Madar

Tincture of leaves Fever

Tender leaf Leaf juice Leaf poultice Root and bark

Stomach pain and headache Earache Rheumatism, gout and lumbago Leprosy

Cryptolepis buchanani Dudhiya Roem. & Schult. (Climber)

Stem

Paralysis

Hemidesmus indicus (Linn.) R. Br. Climbing shrub) (Fig. 20)

Kapoori, Kapuri

Root Bark

Spermatorrhoea, urinary diseases and skin troubles Headache due to sunstroke, antidote to scorpion sting, snake bite and fever

Cannabinaceae

Cannabis sativa L. (Shrub) (Fig. 21)

Bhang, ganja

Dried leaves Body ache and pneumonia Female flowering Dysentery, sedative, analgesic tops

Solanaceae

Capsicum annuum L. Datura inoxia Mill. Datura stramonium L.

Lal mircha Dattura Dhatura

Nicotiana tabacum L. (Shrub) Solanum nigrum L. (Herb)

Surti

Seeds Seed paste Seeds smoked Hot leaf fermentation Dried Leaves

Solanum surattense Burm. f. (Shrub)

Makoya, mokoi Shoot decoction Leaves juice Fruits Root Bhatkatiya, Root decoction katai Fruit paste Root powder

Stomachache, vomiting and diarrhoea Arthritis Asthma and bronchitis Gout and lumbago Antidote to scorpion sting and anti-spasmodic Piles, diarrhoea and dysentery Fever and eye troubles Piles Asthma, bronchitis, cough and upper respiratory infection Fever Boils and sore throat Paralysis

Barringtoniaceae Careya arborea Roxb. (Tree)

kumbhi

Flowers Bark

Heal ruptures after childbirth Heals wounds

Apocynaceae

Karaunda

Root

Stomach pain, applied on animal wounds for healing and killing of worms

Catharanthus roseus (L.) Sadabahar G. Don (Small shrub)

Leaves

Antidote to scorpion sting, wasp sting

Caesalpiniaceae

Cassia tora L. (Herb) Fls & Frs: August-June

Chkaura

Root Leaves

Fever Skin troubles

Celastraceae

Cassine glauca (Roth) Kuntze (Tree)

Mamri, mamar

Leaves Seeds

Cramp diseases, headache and increase appetite Blood dysentery

Carissa carandas Linn (Shrub)

Scrophulariaceae Celsia coromandelina

Diarrhoea and dysentery Eruptions on skin

Flower

Anthelmintic proprieties

Cicer arietinum L. (Herb) Chana

Seeds

Amoebic dysentery

Dalbergia sissoo Roxb. (Tree)

Shisham

Leaves

Cooling effect during summer

Lablab purpureus (L.) (Herb)

Sem

Leaves

Boils and skin diseases

Convolvulus pluricaulis Choisy

Shankhpuspi

Shoot decoction

Anaemia and weakness

Cuscuta reflexa Roxb. (Parasitic herb) Fls & Frs: Throughout the year

Aakas bel

Plant sap

Burning sensation in the stomach and the urinary tract, headache and liver complaints

Ipomoea carnea Jacq.

Behaya

Leaf Sap

Arthritis Antidote scorpion sting

Chenopodiaceae

Chenopodium album L.

Fabaceae

Convolvulaceae

Gadar tambaku Leaf juice Plant juice Bathua sag

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Family

Botanical Name

Local Name

Parts Used

Name of Disease

Zingiberaceae

Curcuma longa Linn. (Herb)

Kachchi-haldi

Rhizome juice

Preventing conception, stomachache

Cyperaceae

Cyperus scariosus R. Br.

Nagarmutha

Rhizome powder

Antidote to snake bite

Dioscoreaceae

Dioscorea bulbifera Linn. Genthi, ratalu (Tuberous twiners)

Corm paste Tuber

Rheumatism and gout Piles and dysentery

Dioscorea hispida Dennst Bank (Tuberous twiners)

Corm paste

Rheumatism and gout

Eclipta alba Hassk.

Ghamira

Shoot

Boils and skin disease

Vernonia anthelmintica Willd. (Herb) Fls & Frs: OctoberJanuary

Kaliziri

Seeds

Anthelmintic and skin disease

Eucalyptus citriodora Hook. Syzygium heyneanum Wall. ex. Gamble Euphorbia dracunculoides Lam. Euphorbia nivulia Buch. Ham. (Tree or shrub) Fls & Frs: January-July (Fig. 22)

Liptees

Leaves

Headache

Jamati

Stem bark

Dysentery

Titlee

Plant paste

Eczema

Sehura

Leaf juice Leaf Hot leaf fermentation

Earache Fever Rheumatism

Jatropha curcas L. (Shrub)

Safed arand

Stem sticks Plant juice

Toothache Eczema and ringworm

Phyllanthus fraternus Webster and Phyllanthus niruri L. Hook. f. Ricinus communis Linn. (Shrub)

Bhui amla

Plant

Leprosy, stomach trouble, diarrhoea and dysentery

Root

Jaundice

Erandi

Root decoction Oil

Boraginaceae

Heliotropium indicum L. (Herb)

Hatesuria, hatta- sura

Leaf Seeds Roots

Stomachache, fever and leprosy Worms in intestine and stomachache Boils, gout and lumbago Stomachache Cough and fever

Malvaceae

Hibiscus syriacus L

Gurhal

Flowers

Diarrhoea, dysentery, cooling effect and skin troubles

Ulmaceae

Holoptelea integrifolia Planch. (Tree) Fls & Frs: February-May

Chilbil

Leaf Seeds Fruits

Rickets, boils and leprosy Diarrhoea Purgative

Capparidaceae

Gynandropsis gynandra DC.

Hurhar

Shoot

Scorpion sting

Moraceae

Ficus racemosa L. (Tree) Gular Fls & Frs: May-September

Fruit

Cooling effect for eyes turned red and stomachache

Ficus religiosa Linn. (Tree) Peepal Fls & Frs: May- September

Fruit Bark Leaf decoction

Induces fertility in women Earache, ulcer and skin trouble Cooling effect for eyes turned red

Streblus asper Lour.

Leaf decoction Leaf paste Root paste Seeds Fruit extract Leaf and flower paste

Fever Swelling Ulcers and boils Piles and diarrhoea

Compositae

Myrtaceae

Euphorbiaceae

Labiatae; Lamiaceae

Verbenaceae

Sihore

Leucas cephalotes (Roth) Gumma, goma Spreng. Fls & Frs: September-December

Antidote for snake bite, spleen enlargement and rickets Cough and upper respiratory infection

Ocimum sanctum L. (Fig. 23)

Tulsi

Leaf

Fever, cough and upper respiratory infection

Lippia nodiflora Rich.

Bukan

Leaf decoction Plant paste

Menstrual disorders Boils

Pygmaeopremna herbacea Moldenke

Gathiya

Root paste Leaves

Boils and blisters Fevers, cough and rheumatism

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Family

Botanical Name

Sapotaceae Olacaceae

Madhuca longifolia (Koenig) Macbr (Tree) Olax scandens Roxb.

Ruiaceae Gramineae; Poaceae

Name of Disease

Local Name Mahua

Parts Used Flowers

As a tonic

Batas

Leaf

Rheumatoid pain

Oldenlandia corymbosa L. Daman paper

Plant

Jaundice, stomachache and gastric irritability

Pennisetum typhoides (Burm. f.) Stapf & C.E. Hubb. Vetiveria zizanioides (Linn.) Nash

Bajra

Grains

Headache

Khas- khas

Extract of root

Constipation

Kauha, arjuna

Decoction of bark Asthma and liver Leaf juice Earache

Morepankhi

Leaf

Dysentery

Menispermaceae Tinospora cordifolia Guruja (Willd.) Miers. ex Hook. f. & Thoms. (Woody climber) (Fig. 25)

Shoot decoction Leaf decoction

Anaemia and weakness Gout

Rubiaceae

Fruit paste Seeds Bark

Boils Induce appetite Diarrhoea, dysentery and body-ache

Combretaceae

Cupressaceae

Terminalia arjuna (Roxb.) Wight & Arn. (Tree) (Fig. 24) Thuja orientalis Linn.

Xeromphis spinosa Keay

Mainphal

Table 13: Glossary of technical terms used for diseases and drugs Term of Disease Abortifacient

Description An agent that promotes abortion

Anaemia

A deficiency of blood or of red blood cells or of the red colouring matter of the blood

Anthelmintic

A drug that kills intestinal worms

Antispasmodic

A drug, which counteracts spasmodic disorders

Aphrodisiac

A drug, which promotes sexual desire

Asthma

A chronic disorder of the bronchial tubes

Astringent

A drug, which arrests secretion or bleeding

Bronchitis Dysentery

An inflammation of the air passages

Eczema

A skin disease accompanied by swelling, redness and exudation of lymph

Febrifuge

An agent used for reducing fever

Gonorrhoea

An infectious venereal disease marked by an inflammatory discharge from the genital organs

Itch

An infectious skin disease, caused by a mite, without specific lesions and marked by excessive itching; scabies

Jaundice

A diseased condition in which there is a yellowish staining of the tissues and excretions with bile

Leprosy

A chronic wasting disease caused by a germ; the disease generally results in mutilations and deformities

Leucoderma

A condition of the skin in which there is loss of pigment wholly or partially

Leucorrhoea

An excessive flow of lochia i.e., vaginal discharge following childbirth

Lumbago

Rheumatism of the muscles of the back

Malaria

A recurrent disease marked by bouts of shivering, sudden rise of temperature and general aching of the body, ague

Paralysis

A disease in which there is loss of power of voluntary movement in any part of the body

Piles

An inflamed condition of the veins in the rectal region

Pneumonia

Inflammation of the lungs

Rheumatism Ringworm

An indefinite term used for pains in the muscles, joints and certain tissues

Rubefacient

A mild counter-irritant

Spermatorrhoea

Abnormally frequent and involuntary emission of the semen without orgasm

Tonsillitis

Inflammation of the tonsils

Ulcer

An open sore on the skin

Wart

A hypertrophy of a growth on the skin

An infectious disease of which the chief symptoms are acute diarrhoea and discharge of mucus and blood

A parasitic skin disease usually marked by red, scaly, circular patches

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Table 14: Botanical remains from the archaeological site and the present use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars Botanical Remains/ Taxa

Use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2001a: 362-374)

Acacia catechu/ Acacia nilotica

The plant is used for preparation of Malhar gum and for construction, roofing and Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600thatching; the bark is used for skin 800 BC) diseases, gonorrhoea and leucorrhoea; pods for urino-genital diseases; and the seed is used during Spermatorrhoea Lahuradewa Period IB: Early Farming Phase (c. 50004000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP) Lahuradewa The leaf juice is used for treating Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 9000cough, upper respiratory infection, 5000 BP) bronchial troubles, diarrhoea and Period IB: (c. 5000-4000 BP) dysentery. Powder of leaves is used Period II: Developed Farming Phase for curing skin infection (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Adhatoda vasica Nees (Fig. 4)

Remains from Archaeological Sites/ Period/Dates

Reference Saraswat 2003-04: 167

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 52

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 52

Aegle marmelos (Fig. 5)

The fruit pulp is used to kill intestinal worms of cattle

Lahuradewa Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 9000-5000 BP) Period IB: (c. 5000-4000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 52

Alangium salviifolium

Eaten as a fruit

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53

Allium cepa L

Bulb decoction is used for diarrhoea, cholera, dysentery and loss of hair

Lahuradewa Period IB: Early Farming Phase (c. 5000-4000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP) Waina Period I (1600-800 BC)

Amaranthus sp. L. (Amaranthus spinous L.)

The leaves are eaten as a vegetable

Saraswat 2004-05: 147-51, Pokharia 2008a: 291

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Age/Period II (1300-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 291

Senuwar Neolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Imlidih-Khurd Period II: 1300-800 BC

Saraswat 1993: 39

Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC) Red Ware Period (50 BC- AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Anthocephalus cadamba (Fig. 6)

The flowers are cooked as a vegetable, and the fruits are edible

Lahuradewa Period IB: Early Farming Phase (c. 5000-4000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53

Argemone mexicana L (Fig. 7)

The seeds are used for treating boils and skin disease, the root for malaria and the fruit for eczema of cattle

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC) Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Senuwar Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Asphodelus tenuifolius Cav

Seeds are eaten as a vegetable

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Botanical Remains/ Taxa

Use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2001a: 362-374)

Remains from Archaeological Sites/ Period/Dates

Bambusa sp.

The tender shoot is eaten as a vegetable, the twigs made out of bamboo is used for making leaf platters and cups. It is also used for making basket and construction of huts

Saraswat 2003-04: 167 Malhar Period 1: Pre-Iron phase (1900-1600 BC) Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600800 BC)

Buchnania lanzan Spreng

An edible fruit

Butea monosperma (Lam.) Used for making cordage, Kuntze (Tree) (Fig. 12) leaf platters and cups

Reference

Lahuradewa Period IB: Early Farming Phase (c. 5000-4000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53

Mahagara (24° 54' 50" N.; 82° 3' 20" E.) Neolithic

Sharma et al. 1980: 182

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600-800 BC)

Saraswat 2003-04: 167

Lahuradewa Period IB: Early Farming Phase (c. 5000-4000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53

Senuwar Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Lahuradewa Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53

Carissa carandas

The fruit is edible. Roots are used for Lahuradewa curing stomach pain, and applied on Period II: Developed Farming Phase animal wounds for healing and killing (c. 4000-3200 BP) of worms

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53

Chenopodium album L.

Eaten as a vegetable, the seeds are consumed for their anthelmintic proprieties

Damdama (26° 10' N.; 82° 10' 36" E.) Mesolithic

IAR 1985-86: 84, IAR 1986-87: 131, Kajale 1990: 100, Kajale 1996: 252, Pal 1994: 100

Tokwa (24° 54' 20 N; 83° 21' 65" E.) Neolithic (3rd-2nd millennium BC)

Pokharia 2008b: 250, 251, 253

Senuwar Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Cannabis sativa L. (Fig. 13)

The leaves are eaten for healing body ache and pneumonia. Flowering tops are eaten for healing dysentery, and used as sedative and analgesic

Pokharia 2008a: 293 Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Pre- and Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC) Hulaskhera (26° 41' N.; 81° 1' E.) 700 BC-500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 68

Imlidih-Khurd (26° 3' 30" N.; 83° 12' 5") Period I: 2000-1400 BC Period II: 1300-800 BC

Saraswat 1993: 39

Manjhi (25° 50' N.; 84° 34' E.) Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Lahuradewa (26° 46' N.; 82° 57' E.) Tewari et al. 2005-06: Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 9000- 49-51 5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000-4000 BP)

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Botanical Remains/ Taxa

Use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2001a: 362-374)

Commelina benghalensis L. The shoot is eaten as a vegetable Commelina sp.

Cyperus sp. L. The rhizome powder is used as (Cyperus scariosus R. Br./ antidote to snakebite. Rhizome and Cyperus esculentus L.) tuber are eaten as vegetables

Remains from Archaeological Sites/ Period/Dates

Reference

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Hulaskhera 700 BC-500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 68

Manjhi Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Malhar Saraswat 2003-04: 164, Pre- and Early Iron Phase (1900-800 BC) Pokharia 2008a: 293 Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Hulaskhera 700 BC- 500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 70

Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC) Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Lahuradewa Tewari et al. 2005-06: Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 9000- 49-51 5000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000-4000 BP) Dalbergia sp./ Dalbergia sissoo

The leaves are valued for their cooling Malhar effect during summer. The tree is used Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600for construction, roofing and thatching 800 BC)

Saraswat 2003-04: 167

Lahuradewa Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53 Period IB: Early Farming Phase (c. 50004000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP) Datura sp. L. (Datura inoxia Mill. /Datura stramonium L.)

The seeds are used for treating asthma, Senuwar Neolithic-Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 bronchitis and arthritis; hot leaf BC) fermentation for gout and lumbago

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600800 BC)

Saraswat 2003-04: 164, Pokharia 2008a: 293

Hulaskhera 700 BC- 500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 68

Euphorbia sp. L. Plant paste is used for eczema; the Euphorbia dracunculoides leaf is used for earache, fever and Lam. /Euphorbia nivulia rheumatism Buch. Ham. (Fig. 17)

Senuwar Neolithic-Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Emblica officinalis Gaertn. (Fig. 16)

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Pre- and Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600800 BC)

Saraswat 2003-04: 164, Pokharia 2008a: 293

Imlidih-Khurd Period I: 2000-1400 BC Period II: 1300-800 BC

Saraswat 1993: 39

Lahuradewa Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53

Ficus religiosa

An edible fruit

The fruit induces fertility in women, the bark is used for treating earache, ulcer and skin diseases, and the leaf decoction for cooling effect for eyes turning red

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Botanical Remains/ Taxa

Use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2001a: 362-374)

Remains from Archaeological Sites/ Period/Dates

Reference

Heteropogon contortus L.

Used as a fodder for cattle

Damdama Mesolithic

IAR 1985-86: 84, IAR 1986-87: 131, Kajale 1990: 100, Kajale 1996: 252, Pal 1994: 100

Holoptelea integrifolia

The leaf is used for rickets, boils and leprosy, the seeds for treating diarrhoea and the fruits are applied as a purgative

Lahuradewa Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53 Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 90005000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000-4000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Indigofera sp. L. (Indigofera linifolia L. / Indigofera tinctoria Linn.)

Senuwar The seeds and shoots are used for treating boils and skin diseases respec- Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC) tively/ Plant paste and roots are used for treating warts, nervous disorders, urinary complaints and jaundice

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Hulaskhera 700 BC-500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 69

Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC) Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Ipomoea sp. (Ipomoea aquatica Forsk./ Ipomoea carnea Jacq.)

Tender shoots and leaves are eaten as a vegetable/ the leaf sap is used as a medicine for arthritis and is antidote to scorpion sting

Malhar Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600800 BC)

Saraswat 2003-04: 164

Lablab purpureus (L.)

The leaves are used for treating boils and skin diseases

Imlidih-Khurd Period I: 2000-1400 BC Period II: 1300-800 BC

Saraswat 2004-05: 147-51

Lagerstroemia parviflora/ Mitragyana parviflora

The plant is used for construction, roofing and thatching

Lahuradewa Tewari et al. 2005-06: 53 Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 90005000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Lathyrus aphaca L.

The seeds are eaten as a vegetable

Senuwar Neolithic-Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Hulaskhera 700 BC-500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 67

Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC) Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Paspalum scrobiculatum L.

Eaten as a vegetable

Lahuradewa Tewari et al. 2005-06: Period IB: Early Farming Phase (c. 5000- 49-51 4000 BP)

Ricinus communis Linn.

The plant is used for extracting oil

Senuwar Chalcolithic/Period II: 1300-600 BC

Saraswat 2004-05: 147-51, Pokharia 2008a: 291

Recorded as wood charcoals at archaeological site

Imlidih-Khurd Period II: 1300-800 BC

Pokharia 2008a: 291

The plant is used for extracting oil

Senuwar Chalcolithic/Period II (1300-600 BC)

Saraswat 2004-05: 147-51, Pokharia 2008a: 291

Recorded as wood charcoals at archaeological site

Imlidih-Khurd Period II: 1300-800 BC

Pokharia 2008a: 291

The leaves are used for healing fever, cough and upper respiratory infection

Manjhi Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Ricinus communis Linn.

Ocimum americanum (Ocimum sanctum L.) (Fig. 21)

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Shahida Ansari: Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars

Botanical Remains/ Taxa

Use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2001a: 362-374)

Remains from Archaeological Sites/ Period/Dates

Oldenlandia sp. L. The plant is used for treating jaundice, Malhar (Oldenlandia corymbosa L.) stomachache and gastric irritability Early Iron Phase (1900-800 BC)

Shorea robusta

Solanum nigrum L./ Solanum sp. (Fig. 22)

The plant is used for making cordage and oil. The tree is used for construction, roofing and thatching

Reference Pokharia 2008a: 293

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Pre- and Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Malhar Period I: Pre-Iron phase (1900-1600 BC) Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600800 BC) Lahuradewa Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP)

Saraswat 2003-04: 167

The fruit is eaten as a vegetable and Malhar for treating piles, the shoot decoction Period I: Pre-Iron Phase (1900-1600 BC) is used for treating piles, diarrhoea and dysentery and the juice of the leaves for treating eye troubles

Tewari et al. 2005-06: 54

Saraswat 2003-04: 164, Pokharia 2008a: 293

Hulaskhera 700 BC-500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 68

Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC) Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Syzygium cumini

The fruits are edible

Terminalia arjuna (Fig. 23)

Used as a medicinal plant; the bark Malhar decoction is used for asthma and liver Period I: Pre-Iron phase (1900-1600 BC) and leaf juice for earache

Lahuradewa Tewari et al. 2005-06: 54 Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 90005000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000-4000 BP) Saraswat 2003-04: 167

Lahuradewa Tewari et al. 2005-06: 52 Period IA: Early Farming Phase (c. 90005000 BP) Period IB (c. 5000-4000 BP) Period II: Developed Farming Phase (c. 4000-3200 BP) Terminalia bellerica (Gaertn.) Roxb. (Fig. 24)

An edible fruit

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Hulaskhera 700 BC-500 AD

Chanchala 1992: 67-68

Trigonella sp. (Trigonella incisa Benth.)

Tender shoot is eaten as a vegetable

Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC)

Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

Vicia hirsuta S. F. Gray

The seeds are eaten as a vegetable

Senuwar Neolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Tokwa Neolithic (3rd-2nd millennium BC)

Pokharia 2008b: 250-251

Senuwar Neolithic, Neolithic-Chalcolithic, Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Pre- and Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Malhar Pre- and Early Iron Phase (1900-800 BC)

Saraswat 2003-04: 164, Pokharia 2008a: 293

Vicia sativa L.

The seeds are eaten as a vegetable

Hulaskhera 700 BC-500 AD

157

Chanchala 1992: 67

Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars (Ansari 2001a: 362-374)

Remains from Archaeological Sites/ Period/Dates Manjhi Northern Black Polished Ware (ca. 60050 BC) Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300) Ziziphus jujuba Lam./ Eaten as a fruit, and its seeds are used Damdama Ziziphus Juss./ Ziziphus sp. for curing diarrhoea and abdominal Mesolithic pain Botanical Remains/ Taxa

Koldihwa (24° 54' 30" N.; 82° 2' 0" E.) Neolithic Hulaskhera 700 BC-500 AD

Ziziphus nummularia (Burm. f.) W. & A.

An edible fruit

Manjhi Red Ware Period (50 BC-AD 300) Tokwa Neolithic and Chalcolithic (3rd-2nd millennium BC) Senuwar Neolithic and Chalcolithic (2200700/600 BC) Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Pre- and Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Ziziphus oenoplia Mill.

An edible fruit

Reference Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5

IAR 1985-86: 84, IAR 1986-87: 131, Kajale 1990: 100, Kajale 1996: 252, Pal 1994: 100 Sharma 1980: 184 Chanchala 1992: 67 Srivastava 2000-01: 144-5 Pokharia 2008a: 293

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Imlidih-Khurd Saraswat 1993: 39 Period I: 2000-1400 BC Senuwar Pokharia 2008a: 293 Neolithic-Chalcolithic (2200-700/600 BC) Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila Early Iron Phase (1600-700 BC)

Pokharia 2008a: 293

Malhar Period 1: Pre-Iron phase (1900-1600 BC) Period II: Early Iron Phase (1700/1600800 BC)

Saraswat 2003-04: 164, Pokharia 2008a: 293

DISCUSSION

occurrence of perennial wild rice (Oryza rufipogon Griffith) at Koldihwa (6500-1500 BC, Neolithic), Mahagara (2200-1800 BC, Neolithic), Senuwar (2200-700/600 BC NeolithicChalcolithic), and at Malhar (1900-800 BC, Pre-Iron Phase). Further, they cultivated rice (Oryza sativa L.) at Koldihwa, rd nd Mahagara, Tokwa (3 -2 millennium BC, Neolithic and Chalcolithic), Senuwar (Neolithic, Neolithic-Chalcolithic and Chalcolithic), Malhar (Pre-Iron and Early Iron Phase), and Raja-Nal-Ka-Tila (1600-700 BC, Pre-Iron and Early Iron Phase) (IAR 1981-82:106, Pokharia 2008a: 292-293). Interestingly, the rice cultivation at the recently excavated site th of Lahuradewa dates back to the 9 millennium BP (Period I: Early Farming Phase), in calibrated AMS radiocarbon terms (cal. BP 8359 yr; Tewari et al. 2005-06: 50). The wild grass fruit weeds (Ischaemum rugosum) that grow in the paddy fields are also reported from Mahagara (IAR 1981-82: 106). In addition to this, another species of wild rice (Oryza spontanea Rosc.), a hybrid between the wild and cultivated strains, has also been reported from Mahagara (IAR 1982-83: 149). The other important botanical remains from the archaeological sites and our understanding of the present use of plant by the Kols and the Musahars are shown above in Table 14.

Due to the perishable nature of plants, their occurrence in archaeological sites is in small amount and generally depend on macroscopic plant remains that coming into contact with fire. Consequently, plant remains are mostly preserved by means of charring. This can occur in a number of ways (Hillman 1981): (i) charring during drying or parching of the crop product, (ii) accidental burning during cooking or destruction of a house by fire, (iii) using of crop waste as fuel and incorporation of the waste into dung used as fuel, and (iv) burning of diseased crop (cited in Pokharia 2008a: 290). A wide variety of botanical evidence from the archaeological sites in the Middle GaÕgª Plain suggests the importance of collection and preference for certain available plants by the ancient humans. Archaeologically, this region gives interesting botanical evidence from the Mesolithic to the Early Iron Age (Fig. 26). The sites like Mahagara, Tokwa, Koldihwa Damdama, Lahuradewa, Senuwar, Hulaskhera, Manjhi, Malhar, Raja-NalKa-Tila, Imlidih-khurd, and Waina are referred to for our understanding of ancient inhabitants of the region. The most interesting feature of the Neolithic people of the region was that they gathered wild rice, as suggested by the 158

Shahida Ansari: Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars

This ethnobotanical survey among the Kols and the Musahars suggests that the simple communities depend extensively on forest resources, both for food and medicines as would have been in the ancient past. It is necessary to recognize that the prehistoric humans consumed a variety of these plants, which were found in abundance in the forest, for food and probably for their medicinal properties, as the present research suggests. Plants like Lablab purpureus, Argemone mexicana L, Euphorbia sp., Indigofera sp. L., Adhatoda vasica, Acacia catechu/ Acacia nilotica, and Ficus religiosa have medicinal properties suggesting that ancient humans possibly suffered from various skin diseases and hence utilised these plants for ailment.

result, there has been a shift in the orientation of their labour, which is now directed to menial work in the agricultural fields and other social spaces of the settled communities. It is very important to note here that the fast-paced acculturation is taking away their traditional knowledge of the plant world and their utility. These communities with their rich knowledge should thoroughly be studied in future for more information, especially those related to medicinal plants. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research helps us in understanding that the Kols and the Musahars have a wide range of knowledge about the ecosystem, which they have effectively utilised for their well being. These communities are now coming in close contact with the settled communities of the area, and the contact has opened new fields of subsistence and means of exploitation of resources. As a

I am grateful to Drs. P.H. Kulkarni, Madura, and Mahesh Sabade from Ayurveda Rasashala, Pune for identifying some of the plants. I express my gratitude to Rampalji, Saritadidi, Kanchuki ji and Dr. Alok Kumar Kanungo for accompanying me during the fieldwork. My special thanks go to Budhu Musahar, Nageshwar Kol and Adyakshji Kol who parted me with their immense knowledge of the plant world.

Fig. 4 Asparagus racemous Willd

Fig. 5 Cassia tora L.

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Fig. 6 Solanum nigrum L.

Fig. 8 Emblica officinalis Gaertn.

Fig. 9 Terminalia bellirica (Gaertn.) Roxb.

Fig. 7 Anthocephalus cadamba Miq.

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Shahida Ansari: Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars

Fig. 12 Curcuma longa Linn.

Fig. 10 Butea monosperma (Lam.) Kuntze

Fig. 11 Marsdenia tenacissima Wight & Arn.

Fig.13 Mimosa pudica Linn.

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Fig. 14 Adhatoda vasica Nees

Fig. 16 Aegle marmelos (L.) Correa. ex. Roxb.

Fig. 15 Asteracantha longifolia Nees

Fig. 17 Argemone mexicana L.

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Shahida Ansari: Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars

Fig. 20 Hemidesmus indicus (Linn.) R. Br.

Fig. 18 Aristolochia indica Linn.

Fig. 19 Boerhavia diffusa Linn.

Fig. 21 Cannabis sativa L.

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Abhijñân: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts

Fig. 24 Terminalia arjuna (Roxb.) Wight & Arn.

Fig. 22 Euphorbia nivulia Buch. Ham.

Fig. 25 Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.) Miers. ex Hook. f. & Thoms.

Fig. 23 Ocimum sanctum L.

164

Shahida Ansari: Ethnobotanical Survey among the Kols and the Musahars

Fig. 26 Important archaeological sites located in GaÕgª Plain (Uttar Pradesh and Bihar) (Modified after Saraswat 2004-05: 147)

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Ansari, S. 2001a. Prehistoric Settlement Pattern of South-Central Ganga Valley: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective. Ph.D Thesis (unpublished ). Pune: Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute. Ansari, S. 2001b. Fishing Practices among the Mallahs of Allahabad District, Uttar Pradesh, Man and Environment 26(1): 39-55. Balee, W and J.C. Brown 1996. Ethnobotany, Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, David Levinson and Melvin Ember (Eds.), Vol. 2, pp. 399-404. New York: Henry Holt and Company.

Kajale, M.D. 1996. Plant Resources and Diet among the Mesolithic Hunters and Foragers, The Prehistory of Asia and Oceania, Colloquium XXXIII, Bioarchaeology of Mesolithic India: An Integral Approach, G.E Afanas'ev, S. Cleuziou, J.R. Lukacs and M. Tosi (Eds.), 16: 251-253. Forli Italia: A.B.A.C.O. Edizioni. Kulkarni, P.H. and Shahida Ansari 2002. Multilingual Ayurvedic Plant Dictionary. Pune: Ayurveda Education Series.

Chanchala 1991-92. The Fruit and Seed Remains from Ancient Hulaskhera, District Lucknow, U.P. (c. 700 BC-500 AD), Prªgdhªrª (Journal of the U.P. State Archaeology Department, Lucknow) 2: 65-80.

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Sharma, G.R. 1980. History to Prehistory. Allahabad: Allahabad University.

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Contributors A.S. Gaur, Ph.D, National Institute of Oceanography, Dona Paula, Goa - 403 004, India Anura Manatunga, Professor and Director, Centre for Asian Studies, University of Kelaniya, Kelaniya, Sri Lanka

Balaram Tripathy, Ph.D, Orissan Institute of Maritime & South East Asian Studies, Museum Building, Bhubaneswar 751 014, Orissa, India Claudine Bautze-Picron, Ph.D, Professor, CNRS, Paris, UMR 7528 'Mondes iranien et indien' Daniela De Simone, Archaeologist, Department of Asian Studies, Università degli Studi di Napoli "L'Orientale", Piazza San Domenico Maggiore, 12, 80134 Napoli, Italy Gerd J.R. Mevissen, Dipl.-Ing., MA, Erasmusstr. 17, D - 10553 Berlin, Germany Joachim K. Bautze, Ph.D, Professor, Kantstrasse 78, D - 10627 Berlin, Germany K.P. Shajan, Ph.D, School of Marine Sciences, CUSAT, Kochi, India Mala Malla, Ph.D, Associate Professor, Central Department of Nepalese History, Culture and Archaeology (NeHCA/ Culture), Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Nepal Md. Mosharraf Hossain, Ex-Deputy Director, Department of Archaeology, Ministry of Cultural Affairs, Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh Mohammad Yusuf Siddiq, Ph.D, Higher Education Commission Professor, Islamic Civilization & Culture, Department of Islamic Studies, University of the Punjab, Qa'id-e-A'zam (new) Campus, Lahore - 54590, Pakistan Nargis Rashid, Associate Professor, Department of General History, University of Karachi, Karachi - 75720, Pakistan

Nupur Dasgupta, Ph.D, Professor, Department of History, Jadavpur University, Kolkata - 700 032, India

Prabhakar Upadhyay, Ph.D, Lecturer, Department of AIHC and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi 221 005, India Pranab K. Chattopadhyay, Ph.D, Senior Fellow, Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training, Eastern India, 4 Camac Street, Ist Floor, Kolkata - 700 016, India S. Rama Krishna Pisipaty, Ph.D, Professor, SCSVM University, Enathur, Kanchipuram - 631 561, India

Sayan Bhattacharya, Centre for Archaeological Studies & Training, Eastern India, 4 Camac Street, Ist Floor, Kolkata 700 016, India Shahida Ansari, Ph.D, Lecturer cum Keeper in Museology, Department of Archaeology, Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, Pune - 411 006, India Shahnaj Husne Jahan, Ph.D, Assistant Professor, General Education Program, University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh, House 56, Road 4/A Dhanmondi R/A (Satmosjid Road), Dhaka - 1209, Bangladesh Sharmistha Chatterjee, Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, Kolkata, India

Sundaresh, National Institute of Oceanography, Dona Paula, Goa - 403 004, India Tilok Thakuria, Department of Archaeology, Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute, Pune - 411 006, India

V. Selvakumar, Ph.D, Department of Epigraphy and Archaeology, Tamil University, Thanjavur - 613 010, Tamil Nadu, India 167

SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY SERIES EDITED BY ALOK K. KANUNGO

SAA No 1. Kanungo, Alok Kumar 2004 Glass Beads in Ancient India: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1242) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 364 3. SAA No 2. Kanungo, Alok Kumar (Ed) 2005 Gurudakshina: Facets of Indian Archaeology, Essays presented to Prof. V.N. Misra (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1433) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 723 1. SAA No 3. Swayam, S. 2006 Invisible People: Pastoral life in Proto-Historic Gujurat (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1464) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 732 0. SAA No 4. Mushrif-Tripathy, Veena & Walimbe S.R. 2006 Human Skeletal Remains from Chalcolithic Nevasa: Osteobiographic Analysis (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1476) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 737 1. SAA No 5. Jahan, Shahnaj Husne 2006 Excavating Waves and Winds of (Ex)change: A Study of Maritime Trade in Early Bengal (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1533) Oxford. ISBN 1 84171 753 3. SAA No 6. Pawankar, Seema J. 2007 Man and Animal Relationship in Early Farming Communities of Western India, with Special Reference to Inamgaon (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1639) Oxford. ISBN 978 1 4073 0062 7. SAA No 7. Sharma, Sukanya 2007 Celts, Flakes and Bifaces – The Garo Hills Story (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1664) Oxford. ISBN 978 1 4073 0068 9. SAA No 8. Kanungo, Alok Kumar (Ed) 2007 Gurudakshina: Facets of Indian Archaeology, Essays presented to Prof. V.N. Misra (Part II) (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1665) Oxford. ISBN 978 1 4073 0069 6. SAA No 9. Nagar, Malti 2008 Hunter-Gatherers in North and Central India: An Ethnoarchaeological Study (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1749) Oxford. ISBN 978 1 4073 0209 6. SAA No 10. Jahan, Shahnaj Husne (Ed) 2009 Abhijñān: Studies in South Asian Archaeology and Art History of Artefacts, Felicitating A.K.M. Zakariah. (British Archaeological Reports, International Series S1974) Oxford. ISBN 978 1 4073 0458 8.