A Search for Method: A Study in the Syntactic Use of the H-Locale in Classical Hebrew. With the Collaboration of H.R. van der Laan and N.P. de Koo 9004062572, 9789004062573

Table of contents :
A SEARCH FOR METHOD: A STUDY IN THE SYNTACTIC USE OF THE H-LOCALE IN CLASSICAL HEBREW
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements
Introductory remarks
1. Choice of subject
2. Distinction between different types of text material
3. Linguistic and methodological remarks
a) Text and Language
b) Reproduction of the ending in question
c) Paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations
d) Symbols used
e) Type of approach
f) Function indication
g) Zero-instances
h) Percentages
i) Synchronic and historical approach
j) Final textual remarks
I. The Nh instances in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Zero-instances
4. Provisional discussion of the material
II. The pNh instances in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Provisional discussion of the material
III. The NhxN (or NhxNº) instances in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Zero-instances
4. Provisional discussion of the material
IV. The NxNh and pNxNh instances and related material in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Zero-instances
4. Provisional discussion of the material
V. The Nymh instances in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Zero-instances
4. Provisional discussion of the material
VI. The (p)Nmh instances in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Zero-instances
4. Provisional discussion of the material
VII. The N°h, N°hx° and N°x°h instances in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Zero-instances
4. Provisional discussion of the material
VIII. The pN°h, (p)NxN°h, pN°x°h instances and related material in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Provisional discussion of the material
IX. The Advh instances in prose
1. The instances
2. Function
3. Zero-instances
4. Provisional discussion of the material
5. Additional remarks
X. The use of the ending under consideration in the nonnarrative material
1. Introductory remarks
2. The poetic instances
3. The instances from non-narrative prophetic material
4. Function
a) The poetic material
b) The non-narrative prophetic material
5. Provisional discussion of the material
a) The poetic material
b) The non-narrative prophetic material
6. Additional remarks
a) Other adverbial instances
b) The situation in Ecclesiastes
c) The situation in Daniel
XI. Discussion of the material and conclusions
1. Discussion of the percentage fields in prose material
a) General remarks
b) Conclusions drawn from the study and comparison of percentage fields
2. Discussion of some remarkable facts in the use of the ending under consideration in prose
a) General remarks
b) The use of (p)NxNh and related material
c) The use of Nh with “deviating” function and the use of -h-morphemes in the nominal clause
d) Discussion of functional changes
e) The use of -h-morphemes preceded by preposition
f) Some remarks about the historical process in the use of the -h-morphemes in classical Hebrew
g) Productivity
h) The stage of the language development represented in a text and its date
2. Discussion of poetic and prophetic material
a) The poetic material
b) The non-narrative prophetic material
Methodological conclusions
Other conclusions
a) Prose material
b) Poetic and prophetic material
List of text quotations

Citation preview

A SEARCH FOR METHOD

STUDIES IN SEMITIC LANGUAGES AND LINGUISTICS EDITED BY

J. H. HOSPERS Professor of Semitic Languages and Literature and Archaeology of the Near East in the University of Groningen

XII J. HOFTIJZER

A SEARCH FOR METHOD

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL 1981

A SEARCH FOR METHOD A STUDY IN THE SYNTACTIC USE OF THE //-LOCALE IN CLASSICAL HEBREW

J. HOFTIJZER With the collaboration of H. R. VAN DER LAAN and N. P. DE KOO

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL 1981

Published with financial support from the Netherlands Organization for the Advancement of Pure Research (Z.W.O.).

ISBN 90 04 06257 2 Copyright 1981 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without written permission from the publisher PRINTED IN BELGIUM

CONTENTS Acknowledgements

ix

Introductory remarks 1. Choice of subject.................................................... 2. Distinction between differenttypes of text material 3. Linguistic and methodological remarks . a) Text and Language............................. b) Reproduction of the ending in question . c) Paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations . d) Symbols used e) Type of approach 0 Function indication . g) Zero-instances h) Percentages........... 16 i) Synchronic and historical approach j) Final textual remarks

1 1 2 5 5 6 6 10 14 14 15

I. The Nh instances in prose 1. The instances 2. Function . . 3. Zero-instances........... 4. Provisional discussion of the II. The pNh instances inprose 1. The instances 2. Function...................... 3. Provisional discussion of the

17 18 19 19 21

35 material

54 60 60 60

material

III. The NhxN (or NhxN0)instances in prose . 1. The instances 2. Function . 3. Zero-instances........... 4. Provisional discussion of the material

61 63 63 63 64 .76

IV. The NxNh and pNxNh instances and related material in prose ... 1. The instances 2. Function . . 3. Zero-instances........... 84 4. Provisional discussion of the material

80 80 81 84

VI

CONTENTS

V. The Nymh instances in prose 1. The instances 2. Function . 3. Zm>-instances......... 4. Provisional discussion of the material VI. The (p)Nmh instances in prose 1. The instances 2. Function . 3. Zm>-instances......... 4. Provisional discussion of the material

95 95 95 96 98 99 99 99 101 103

VII. The N°h, Nohxo and Noxoh instances in prose 1. The instances 2. Function . 3. Zm>-instances......... 113 4. Provisional discussion of the material VIII. The pN°h, (p)NxN°h, pNoxoh instances and related material in prose .... 1. The instances 2. Function.................... 134 3. Provisional discussion of the material IX. The Advh instances in prose 1. The instances 2. Function . . 3. Zero-instances......... 4. Provisional discussion of the material 5. Additional remarks .

105 105 108 130 133 133 136 138 138 139

142

X. The use of the ending under consideration in the nonnarrative material . . 1. Introductory remarks 2. The poetic instances.............................................. 3. The instances from non-narrative prophetic material . 4. Function .... a) The poetic material............................. b) The non-narrative prophetic material 5. Provisional discussion of the material a) The poetic material............................. b) The non-narrative prophetic material 6. Additional remarks .

144 150 154 154 154 155 156 156 158 161 161 168 182

CONTENTS

VII

a) Other adverbial instances b) The situation in Ecclesiastes c) The situation in Daniel

182 183 184

XI. Discussion of the material and conclusions 186 1. Discussion of the percentage fields in prose material . 186 a) General remarks...............................................................186 b) Conclusions drawn from the study and comparison of percentage fields......................................................... 195 2. Discussion of some remarkable facts in the use of the ending under consideration in prose . 199 a) General remarks........................................ 199 b) The use of (p)NxNh and related material 202 c) The use of Nh with “deviating” function and the use of -A-morphemes in the nominal clause 208 d) Discussion of functional changes..................................210 e) The use of -//-morphemes preceded by preposition 217 f) Some remarks about the historical process in the use of the -//-morphemes in classical Hebrew . 223 g) Productivity.................................................................... 243 h) The stage of the language development represented in a text and its date............................. 245 2. Discussion of poetic and propheticmaterial 246 a) The poetic material............................. 246 b) The non-narrative prophetic material . 247 Methodological conclusions 248 Other conclusions . 249 a) Prose material .... 249 b) Poetic and prophetic material . 252 List of text quotations

254

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First of all the author wishes to thank his colleagues H. R. v. d. Laan and N. P. de Koo of the department IVA of the Rekencentrum of the Technische Hogeschool at Delft for the help they gave him in approaching the problems of percentage and probability calculation. The author could not have written this study without their help and advice. Secondly the author wishes to thank Mrs C. A. Franken-Battershill (Leimuiden) and Dr. J. Lachlan Mackenzie (Amsterdam) for correcting the English of the text. After completing this book the author received R. Polzin, Late Biblical Hebrew. Toward an historical typology of Biblical Hebrew prose (Harvard Semitic Monographs, ed. F. M. Cross Jr. number 12), Missoula, Montana, 1976. Although Polzin addresses himself to partially the same questions, his approach and the elaboration of these ideas are in many respects different from mine. Moreover the special subject of my study is not treated by Polzin, and so the present study is not superfluous. April 1978

J. Hoftijzer

NB: In this book the terms “core constituent” and “core element” in a nominal clause are used indiscriminately.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

1. Choice of subject The choice of subject for this book may seem to need some justifi­ cation. Classical Hebrew syntax undoubtedly needs to be studied again, if only to answer the question how modern linguistic research can be applied to this field and how it is able to contribute to the solution of the problems involved. Even so, it is not obvious at first sight that the subject chosen ought to have first consideration. There are many syntactic subjects which offer far more grammatical and/or interpretational problems. Why not choose one of those, e.g. the function of the verbal system, a problem of central interest? I decided not to do so for the following reasons. Not only does every syntactic subject offer its own special problems, but in syntactic research there are also theoretical, methodological and practical problems of a more general nature. To solve—or better, to attempt to solve — these pro­ blems is far from simple. Therefore the choice of a syntactic subject, (such as the function of the verbal system), the special problems of which abound and are far from easy to solve, is not such a matter of course as it seems to be at first sight. For he who chooses such a subject has to (or at least ought to) deal with both the general and the special problems in question; if he takes this whole task seriously, he is faced with nearly insoluble difficulties. Unless one wants to treat certain of these problems (e.g. the general ones) in a less thorough way (an approach which must have unsatisfactory consequences for the study as a whole), there is only one course open : to start by studying subjects with a relatively small number of special problems, so that one is able to concentrate on the general ones. Only afterwards can one approach those subjects which have a greater number of special problems. This also explains my choice of subject: the study of the function of those nominal forms, (geographical) names, etc. to which the (unstressed) ending -/? is attached has its own special problems, but their number is relatively small.1 1 I have chosen to adopt an analytical, morphosyntactic approach and not a so-called holistic one. In the study of languages like classical Hebrew which have not been spoken any more for centuries, it is preferable to start one’s study with formal

2

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

2. Distinction between different types of text material Everyone who studies classical Hebrew more than superficially cannot but observe that prose and poetry show clear linguistic dif­ ferences. For this reason it is not justifiable to ignore these differ­ ences when studying any grammatical subject whatsoever. One has to treat prose and poetic material separately to avoid the possibility of overlooking an essential difference which could affect the whole study adversely.2 As with prophetic material it is often difficult to decide whether one is dealing with prose or poetry3 I have treated this material separately (with the exception of those parts which are undoubtedly prose, see pp. 3 f.). It is clear that the prose material as such is not written by one and the same author, does not all date from the same period and does not all belong to the same type of literature. It would be wrong to ignore these facts when studying any grammatical subject whatever. Ignoring them would mean neglecting the possibility that the texts in question reflect dissimilar linguistic situations. A cursory glance through the well-known grammars shows us that we must take this possibility seriously.4 Because classifying of the prose material is in many respects far criteria and formal oppositions, and not with functional/semantic ones, because in these fields no-one possesses the necessary native-speaker competence, as is the case for modern Western-European languages (see on this point the author’s “The nominal clause reconsidered”, VT xxiii (1973), pp. 446-510, on p. 477). If one lays such emphasis on the formal aspects, it goes without saying that an analytical approach is preferable to one in which the idea of function plays a more important basic role (see also the author, art. cit., pp. 452 f). This does not mean that, for the type of language studied here, a holistic approach is excluded, but—in my opinion—one does better to try this approach only after thoroughly exploring the field in an analytical way. For a justification of this choice of special subject, see also the author’s Verbale Vragen, Leiden, 1974, pp. 23 f. 2 See also the author’s Verbale Vragen, pp. 9 f. 3 See the author’s “Remarks concerning the use of the particle 7 in classical Hebrew, OTS xiv (1965), ed. P. A.H. de Boer, pp. 1-99, on pp. 59ff., 82ff., see also Verbale Vragen, p. 37 n. 34. 4 See e.g. A. Kropat, Die Syntax des Autors der Chronik verglichen mil der seiner Quellen, ein Beit rag zur historischen Syntax des Hebrdischen (Beihefte zur ZAW xvi), Giessen, 1909. See also e.g. Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebrdische Grammatik28, Leipzig, 1909, par. 2 1-p, H. Bauer-P. Leander, Historische Grammatik der hebrdischen Sprache des Alten Testaments, Halle, 1922, par. 2 q, G. Bergstrasser, Hebrdische Grammatik..., I i, Leipzig, 1918, par. h-i, P. JoOon, Grammaire de THebreu Biblique2, Rome, 1947, par. 3, R. Meyer, Hebrdische Grammatik, I3, Berlin, 1966, par. 5.5. As the author hopes to show, the differences among the various types of classical Hebrew prose, at least where the use of the ending under consideration is concerned, can be defined more clearly than some of the above-mentioned authors suppose.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

3

from easy, it may at first sight seem preferable notwithstanding the heterogeneity of the material to treat it as a unity and not to base oneself on a classification which on many points must remain more or less hypothetical. But although treating this material as a unity gives the impression of being more secure, in essence it only has the pretence of certainty. To disregard the important fact that the material in question may not be a unity from a linguistic standpoint, cannot offer any real certainty: to do so risks overlooking many significant discrepancies within the material, especially those which formally are not easily recognizable. As it is not an easy task to classify the material in question, I did not start my study with a fixed position on this point. The classi­ fication of prose texts found here is the result of experimenting with different methods of approach. As I do not want to transcend the limits imposed by the subject of this book, I will sketch only briefly how I came to this classification. In those cases in which one can be reasonably certain that the prose parts of a biblical book exhibit a linguistic unity, the classification of classical Hebrew prose texts can be made accordingly. This is the case with the prose parts of Jonah and Job and with the book of Ruth.5 The prose parts of Jeremiah (xix 1-xx 6, xxvi-xlv and Hi) I have treated as belonging together although it is not certain that they are from the same author, because I could not find traces of linguistic divergences within them 6. The prose parts of Isaiah (xxxvi xxxix) I have treated separately, although the same text can also be found in 2 Kings xviii 13-xx 19 (with the exception of Is. xxxviii 9-20). I did this to prevent any neglect of possible differences between both parallels. For the books of Chronicles I made a distinction between those parts which have been borrowed from a Vorlage known to us and those which have not. In the former I looked for possible dif­

5 It may be taken as a generally recognised fact that Ruth iv 17 (or 18)-22 is of a secondary character, see O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, an Introduction, Oxford, 1966, pp. 479 f. As these verses do not contain material of interest for this study, it is not necessary to make a division of the Book of Ruth here. 6 The results of my article in OTS xiv (1965), pp. 63 f., form the basis of my argument here. I do not set aside the so-called Booklet of Consolation (Jer. xxx-xxxi), although according to some authors poetry is concerned here, see e.g. Eissfeldt, op. cit., pp. 361 f. There is only a little material on the relevant subject in these verses.

4

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

ferences between them and their Vorlage on the relevant points.7 Although the prose parts of Ezekiel (= the whole book minus xix, xxvii, xxviii 12-19, xxxii 2-15)8 are in all probability not all written by the same author, I have treated them here as a unity, because I could not find internal linguistic divergences within them. Much more difficult is the classification of the prose material from Genesis up to and including 2 Kings. For the Hexateuch, a classifi­ cation based mainly on the source hypothesis gives the most satis­ factory results. The material ascribed to the Jahwist and Elohist I took together, because here I could not detect any internal linguistic divergency either (symbol: JE). I have divided the whole Hexateuch material into four parts, distinguishing a fourth (symbol: L) from the three main divisions: JE, P (Priestly Code) and D (deuteronomic material). Numb, xxxiii-xxxv and Josh, xiii-xxi belong to L, chapters which are related to each other and which show clear linguistic differences from their context. (L is an abbreviation of Lists).9 I abstained from a classification of the prose material from Judges up to and including 2 Kings, because, for the time being, it is impossible to give a dependable classification of this material as a whole. Only some parts can be lifted out of their context because of the clear linguistic differences they show from their context, cf. pp. 225 f. I therefore treated this prose material provisionally as a unity (symbol JK : fudges up to and including Kings), as far as possible keeping in view internal linguistic divergences. I am fully aware of the dis­ advantages of this approach (see above). I chose it for this part of the

7 The relatively scanty material in the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah has been treated separately. These books (although a part of the historical work edited by the Chronicler) consist for the main part of excerpts from older sources. For this reason it seemed best to treat them separately. There are no indications (at least as far as the use of the ending under study is concerned) of more than one type of classical Hebrew prose in either book. For the relevant problems in Ezra and Nehemiah, see Eissfeldt, op. cit., pp. 542 ff. 8 On this point, see the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 68. 9 For the division of sources I mainly rely on O. Eissfeldt, Hexateuch-Synopse. Die Erzdhlung der fmf Bucher Mose und des Buches Josua mit dem Anfdnge des Richterhuches in ihre vier Quellen zerlegt..., Leipzig, 1922 and M. Noth, Uherlieferungsgeschichte des Pentateuch, Stuttgart, 1948. I follow Noth’s opinion that there is no P material in the Book of Joshua (Uherlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien I, Halle (Saale), 1943, pp. 182 ff.) I also follow Noth in not accepting the so-called Laienquelle proposed by Eissfeldt. The proposed “source” L has been treated separately only because it exhibited its own usage of the ending under consideration in a way different from that of the other sources.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

5

material, only because it was the lesser of two evils. Only the clearly deuteronomistic parts are assembled under the symbol D.10 One could argue that any classification of the prose material is senseless because, although the different prose texts are from different authors and times, they have passed through so many hands that many linguistic differences will have been obliterated to a considerable extent, if not completely. In my opinion, however, this can be only the conclusion of a study like this, never the presupposition. As it turns out, this presupposition would have been the wrong one. 3. Linguistic and methodological remarks a) Text and language It must go without saying that a text is only a reproduction of a language, never the language itself. This means that we have no direct knowledge of any type of classical Hebrew, because there is only a relatively small corpus of texts at our disposal and no other means of knowing the language.11 It is a well-known fact that the vocalization and punctuation systems were added centuries later to the original text; so it is far from certain that they provide us with real knowledge about the phonology and morphology of classical Hebrew itself.12 This means that for a study like this, one has essentially to work from the consonantal text and the information with which this consonantal text provides us. As the consonantal text offers only a defective

10 See also the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 16 n. 2. For the decision on what could be considered clearly deuteronomistic, I have mainly followed Noth, Uberlieferungsgeschichtliche Studien 1. In this book the following passages from Judges-Kings have been treated as deuteronomistic: Judg. ii 6-iii 15, iv 2-3, vi 2-10, viii 27-28, 30-35, x 6-16, 1 Sam. vii 2-viii 22, x 17-27, xii 1-xiii 1, 2 Sam. v 4-12, vii 22-24, 1 Kings ii 2-4, v 15-32, viii 12-ix 9, xi 1-13, 38-43, xiv 21-24, xv 29-30, xxi 21-22, 24-26, 2 Kings x 28-33, xvii 7-20, xxi 1-18, xxiii 21-27, xxv 27-30. In many of these passages there is no, or only scanty, material on this subject. 11 See in this connection the author’s remarks on our competence in classical Hebrew compared with our competence in any modern Western-European language in art. cit., VT xxiii, pp. 456 f., 477. The relatively few classical Hebrew texts preserved outside the OT will be treated below (as far as they are relevant to this study). 12 This does not mean that the author considers the language tradition preserved in e.g. the type of Masoretic vocalization and punctuation met in the textus receptus of the OT as being of no importance for the knowledge of the Hebrew language. On the contrary, in this and other systems, there is valuable material for obtaining knowledge of certain stages of the Hebrew language. But the stages they reflect are far removed in time from the classical Hebrew of the time when OT consonantal texts were written.

6

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

reproduction of the language in question and the small corpus13 cannot be treated as a linguistic unity, we have to be aware that, although we may deepen our knowledge of classical Hebrew, it will always be limited, sometimes very much so. This should warn us not to draw too easily conclusions of a more definite character. b) Reproduction of the ending in question As I want to base myself mainly on the consonantal text (see above), I have represented the ending in question as -A, a transcription of the grapheme by which it is reproduced in consonantal writing.14 c) Paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations In defining the object of study with respect to its formal charac­ teristics, use not only must be made of its own formal characteristics, but also of its paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations of a formal nature.15 If these relations were omitted, a formal definition would be barely possible. Words like 'rsh (= to the earth), msrymh (= to Egypt), smh (= there) and 'qwmh (= let me stand up, I want to stand up) in all probability all had the same ending.16 The difference among them is the different syntagmatic relations contracted by the ending, the formally different types of morpheme to which it is attached in each case, a nominal form, a name, an adverb and a verbal form respectively.17 I shall restrict myself to the study of those cases where the ending is attached to a nominal form, a name or an adverb. 13 The number of classical Hebrew texts outside the OT is relatively small. 14 In the type of Masoretic vocalization and punctuation met in the tex/us receptus of the OT, the ending is represented as an unstressed -d, and in some instances an unstressed -e (Bauer-Leander, op. cit., par. 65v). Bauer-Leander also quoted some instances where the ending is reproduced as stressed, op. cit., par. 65q. The example from Dt. iv 41 is a valid one, but in the 2 instances from Josh, xix 13 it is far from certain whether one is dealing with instances where the ending under consideration is being used, see also p. 108. (The 2 instances of nhlh in Ez. xlvii 19 and xlviii 28 may be added.) See also pp. 7 f. for the remarks made on the difference between the ending under study and the so-called feminine one. 15 Compare e.g. J. Lyons, Introduction to theoretical linguistics, Cambridge, 1968, pp. 73 ff. 16 This is the case at least as far as can be judged from the vocalization and punctuation met in the printed editions of the OT. 17 A verbal form belongs to a verbal paradigm. Both verbal paradigms (the so-called prefix- and suffix-conjugation) have their formal pecularities by which they can be distinguished from each other and from all other paradigms (see, for example, the special consonantal changes in the prefix of the prefix-conjugation and the list of suffix-changes in the suffix-conjugation). There is no paradigmatic opposition which can be considered as typical for all nominal forms, except the one which could be

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

7

Most probably, this ending was formally different from the feminine singular absolute ending18, although the consonantal text does not indicate this difference. But this text at least indicates the different paradigmatic relations of each ending when attached to a nominal form: besides a form mlkh (= queen) there is a form mlkt (= queen of). This paradigmatic relation of the feminine singular absolute form ending in -h with a (singular construct) form ending in 19 does not exist for forms with the ending under consideration. See for example a form like 'rsh which has no paradigmatic relation with a form 'rst. called the construct-absolute one. Paradigmatic oppositions like -a: :-dt, -d: :-aty etc. are typical for nominal forms, but (to say the least) one does not find them for every nominal form. Formal differences between so-called absolute and construct forms, however, are found in the vocalized texts with many nominal forms, besides possible differences in ending, and are explicable only when one presupposes an already existing difference in the phatic field, e.g. a difference in stress between the absolute and the construct form. So one can—for the moment—safely presuppose that at the times when the texts were written there was also a formal opposition of the type of which I have spoken that was typical for every nominal form (in certain instances combined with oppositions of the type -d::-at or -im\ \-ey etc.) corresponding with the functional opposition absolute ^construct. This opposition is typical of nominal forms. The nominal morpheme can have so-called pronominal suffix morphemes attached to it, but the same is true for the verbal morpheme (there are some differences, e.g. whereas the nominal form can have the suffix -z, the verbal form has the suffix -a/enf). An adverb does not have the paradigms mentioned here (the prefix- and suffix-conjugation paradigms, nor the construct and absolute para­ digms) and therefore has to be separated from verbal and nominal forms. Some of them have paradigms (forms with and without pronominal suffixes) and they can like nominal forms be preceded by prepositions. Names do not have prefix- or suffixconjugation paradigms nor absolute-construct paradigms. The formal difference between names and adverbs is that names can be used as rectum (not regens, on this point a name differs from a nominal form) in a construct chain, and adverbs cannot. Names cannot have pronominal suffixes, but can be preceded By prepositions. I am well aware that a complete description of these oppositions will have to be much more exhaustive than this one. I have also omitted some other formally distinguishable groups such as pronouns, imperatives, infinitives, etc. 18 In the vocalization and punctuation encountered in the textus receptus of the OT, the feminine ending -a is represented as stressed and not as unstressed like the ending under study, see n. 14. There is—for the moment—no reason to doubt that this goes back to a much older difference. For the instances where the feminine ending is represented as not stressed, see Bauer-Leander, op. cit., par. 62y. 19 I restrict myself here to the absolute-construct opposition, and I leave out the opposition -d::-dt (in the consonantal writing -h : :(w)t), because this opposition is not found in every case, e.g. for yond the opposition is -d: \-im instead of -d: \-dt. There is a group of nominal forms which in the vocalized text have an unstressed feminine ending -d either for rhythmic reasons (cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, par. 29c, cf. the qpdh in Ez. vii 25) or for interpretative reasons (cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, par. 80k). I have omitted these forms here. Bauer-Leander, par. 62y, considers the hsmlh of Ez. viii 2 as belonging to this group, in my opinion wrongly so, cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, par. 90f.

8

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

or a form like Iskth (1 Sam. ix 22) which has no paradigmatic relation with a form Isktt. Nominal forms with the ending under consideration have a paradigmatic relation with forms without this or any other ending. So besides 'rsh there exist two formally different forms 'rs (the so-called absolute and construct singular forms) with which it has paradigmatic relations.20 There are nominal forms which are formally similar to nominal forms with the ending under study, but which do not have the same paradigmatic relations as mentioned here. So, at least in those forms of language reproduced by the prose texts, there was a form lylh (which is formally similar to a form like byth), but, whereas byth had a paradigmatic relation with two (singular) forms without an ending (: byt), lylh had a paradigmatic relation with only one form lyl (the so-called singular construct form).21 On the basis of these two formally different types of paradigmatic relation, it is possible to distinguish between cases where the ending under consideration is attached to a nominal form and a case like e.g. lylh, although there is a formal similarity between them. With names one finds an ending which formally is identical with the feminine singular absolute ending after some nominal forms,22 for example with names like b'lh (Josh, xv 9), gb'h (e.g. Judg. xix 12), etc. There most probably was a formal difference between this ending and the one under consideration,23 although the consonantal text does not indicate it. But this text at least here also indicates a

20 A nominal form with a feminine ending may (at least in the picture given by the consonantal text) have the same opposition, e.g. swsh opposed to 2 singular forms (absolute and construct) of sws, but it also has the opposition swsh:: swst, which is not found with forms with the ending under study. 21 Although lylh occurs many times in prose, an absolute form lyl is attested only in poetry and prophecy (Frov. xxxi 18, Lam. ii 19, Is. xvi 3; this last mentioned text is also comparable to poetic material in another respect, cf. the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 61). Although the construct form of lyl(h) occurs rarely, it is found once in prose (Ex. xii 42) and 4 times in prophecy (Is. xv 1 (twice), xxi 11, xxx 29): lyl. Historically it seems highly probable that an absolute form lyl once existed in nonpoetic or non-prophetic language also, but, since this study works on a synchronic level, this historical likelihood cannot be in any way decisive. From the moment an absolute form lyl was lost (at least in non-poetic or non-prophetic language) the paradigmatic relations of lylh and byth were different. That they once were the same does not alter this fact. 22 By this formal identity is meant that, in both instances, the -h probably represented the same long and stressed vowel -a. The difference is that when the ending is found with a noun there is a paradigmatic opposition but when it is found with a name, this paradigmatic opposition does not exist. 23 See n. 18.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

9

difference in paradigmatic relations. Besides a name with the ending under consideration there is also a form without this or any other ending with which it has a paradigmatic relation. So besides bblh (= to Babel) there is a form bbl. Alongside a name with a so-called feminine singular absolute ending there is no name without this or any other ending, with which it has a paradigmatic relation : besides b'lh there is a name b'l, but it is a completely different name; besides gb'h there is a nameg6\ but it also is a completely different name, etc.24 In at least some types of classical Hebrew reproduced in the OT texts there are names which are similar in form to names with the ending under consideration, but which do not have the paradigmatic relation mentioned above (bbl besides bblh). In some types of classical Hebrew at least there was no form tmnh besides tmnth or a form 'prh besides 'prth.25 In these types of classical Hebrew, names of the last-mentioned type have to be formally distinguished from names with the ending under consideration, because of the lack of this formal type of paradigmatic relation.26 An adverb with the ending under consideration has a paradigmatic relation with a form without this or any other ending, and so besides the form smh (= there) there is a form sm (= there) with which it has a paradigmatic relation. There are adverbial forms which are formally similar to adverbs with the ending under consideration, but which do not have this paradigmatic relation, so for example mth (= down­ wards, below). For this reason forms like this last one have to be distinguished from the forms with the ending under consideration, on purely formal grounds27. As we have seen, the ending under consideration can have a syn­ tagmatic relation with a nominal form. It is worth noting that the 24 I have restricted myself here to paradigmatic relations of a strictly grammatical and formal nature, because the study as such is based primarily on formal phenomena (see also n. 1). It goes without saying that it is quite possible to think of paradigmatic relations of another type, see also Lyons, op. cit., p. 74. It must be clear that there is no grammatical relationship between gb' and gb'h or the name b'l and the name b'lh. 25 See pp. 127 ff. 26 The situation here can be compared with that of the nominal form lylh in classical Hebrew prose, see p. 8 (and n. 21). As this material is being studied at a synchronic level, the historical fact that there was once an opposition 'prh. .'prth or tmnh. . tmnth cannot be in any way decisive. In those types of classical Hebrew under discussion, this opposition was probably lost and the fact that things were once different does not change things as such. 27 On this point and related ones, see pp. 150ff. Here again the subject is studied on a strictly synchronic level.

10

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

syntagmatic relation of the ending under consideration with nominal forms can also be subdivided into different types. The ending can be attached to a) a nominal form without plural or dual ending, which is neither a regens nor a rectum in a status-constructus group — b) a nominal form without plural or dual ending, which is a regens in a status-constructus group—c) a nominal form without plural or dual ending which is a rectum in a status-constructus group—d) a nominal form with the (plural) ending -im—e) a nominal form with the (dual) ending -ayim.2S This subdivision makes sense, because (as we shall see) it also has its reflection in the functional sphere, see pp. 21 ff., 63 f., 81 ff., 95 f., 99 f. d) Symbols used The following symbols will be used. a) N (nominal form without plural or dual ending, without the ending under consideration or any ending whatever, which is neither a regens nor a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is not preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). b) pN (nominal form without plural or dual ending, without the ending under consideration or any ending whatever, which is neither a regens nor a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). c) Nh (nominal form without plural or dual ending, followed by the ending under consideration, which is neither a regens nor a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is not preceded by a prepo­ sition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). d) pNh (nominal form without plural or dual ending, followed by the ending under consideration which is neither a regens nor a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). e) Nm (nominal form with so-called masculine plural absolute ending, but without the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is not preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article).28 28 I use the words plural and dual here as indications of strictly formal phenomena : forms ending in either -im or -ayim and standing in paradigmatic opposition to construct forms in -e. The use of the words therefore gives no certain indication that they have either a plural/dual function or meaning.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

11

0 Nmh (nominal form with so-called masculine plural absolute ending followed by the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is not preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). g) pNmh (nominal form with so-called masculine plural absolute ending followed by the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). h) Nym (nominal form with so-called dual absolute ending, but without the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is not preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). i) Nymh (nominal form with so-called dual absolute ending, followed by the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a statusconstructus group and which is not preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). j) pNym (nominal form with so-called dual absolute ending, but without the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is preceded by a preposition; the form may or may not be preceded by an article). k) NxN (status-constructus group consisting of two nominal forms without plural or dual ending, without the ending under consideration or any ending whatever and not preceded by a preposition; the rectum may or may not be preceded by an article). l) pNxN (status-constructus group consisting of two nominal forms without plural or dual ending, and without the ending under con­ sideration or any ending whatever and preceded by a preposition; the rectum may or may not be preceded by an article). m) NhxN (status-constructus group consisting of two nominal forms without plural or dual ending, of which the regens is followed by the ending under consideration, and the rectum is not, and which is not preceded by a preposition; the rectum may or may not be preceded by an article). n) NhxNm (status-constructus group consisting of two nominal forms, of which the regens does not have a plural or dual ending, but is followed by the ending under consideration and of which the rectum has a so-called masculine plural absolute ending not followed by the ending under consideration; the group is not preceded by a pre­ position ; the rectum may or may not be preceded by an article). o) NxNh (status-constructus group consisting of two nominal forms.

12

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

of which the regens does not have a plural or dual ending, and is not followed by the ending under consideration or any ending whatever, and of which the rectum is not followed by a plural or dual ending, but by the one under consideration; the group is not preceded by a preposition; the rectum may or may not be preceded by an article). p) pNxNh (status-constructus group consisting of two nominal forms, of which the regens does not have a plural or dual ending, and is not followed by the ending under consideration or any ending whatever and of which the rectum is not followed by a plural or dual ending, but by the one under consideration; the group is preceded by a preposition; the rectum may or may not be preceded by an article). q) Nx(NxN) (status-constructus group, the regens of which does not have a plural or dual ending and is not followed by the one under consideration or any ending whatever; the rectum is a status-con­ structus group of the NxN type; the group is not preceded by a preposition). r) pNx(NxN) (status-constructus group, the regens of which does not have a plural or dual ending and is not followed by the one under consideration or any ending whatever; the rectum is a status-constructus group of the NxN type; the regens is preceded by a preposition). s) Nx(NxNh) (status-constructus group, the regens of which does not have a plural or dual ending and is not followed by the one under consideration or any ending whatever; the rectum is a status-constructus group of the NxNh type; the regens is not preceded by a preposition). t) pNx(NxNh) (status-constructus group, the regens of which does not have a plural or dual ending and is not followed by the one under consideration or any ending whatever; the rectum is a status-constructus group of the NxNh type; the regens is preceded by a preposition). u) N° (name without the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group and which is not preceded by a preposition). v) pN° (name without the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group, and which is preceded by a preposition). w) N°h (name followed by the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group, and which is not preceded by a preposition). x) pN°h (name followed by the ending under consideration, which is not a rectum in a status-constructus group, and which is preceded by a preposition).

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

13

y) NxN0 (status-constructus group with as the regens a nominal form without plural or dual ending and without the ending under consideration or any ending whatever, and with as the rectum a name not followed by the ending under consideration; the group is not preceded by a preposition). z) NhxN° (status-constructus group with as the regens a nominal form without plural or dual ending, but followed by the ending under consideration, and with as the rectum a name not followed by the ending under consideration; the group is not preceded by a preposition). aa) Noxo (name composed of two elements, neither of which is followed by the ending under consideration and which is not preceded by a preposition). bb) pN0X0 (name composed of two elements, neither of which is followed by the ending under consideration and which is preceded by a preposition). cc) Nohxo (name composed of two elements, the first one of which is followed by the ending under consideration and which is not preceded by a preposition). dd) Noxoh (name composed of two elements, the second one of which is followed by the ending under consideration and which is not preceded by a preposition). ee) pNohxo (name composed of two elements, the first one of which is followed by the ending under consideration and which is preceded by a preposition). ff) pNoxoh (name composed of two elements, the second one of which is followed by the ending under consideration and which is preceded by a preposition). gg) Adv (adverb not followed by the ending under consideration and not preceded by a preposition). hh) pAdv (adverb not followed by the ending under consideration, but preceded by a preposition). ii) Advh (adverb followed by the ending under consideration, but not preceded by a preposition). jj) pAdvh (adverb followed by the ending under consideration, and preceded by a preposition). kk) (...) (parentheses are used to indicate that a group of words together form a constituent in a larger context, so that for example a status-constructus group is put within parentheses if this group serves as the rectum in another status-constructus group, cf. q up to and including /, or a noun phrase can be put within parentheses).

14

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

11) (...// . ) (a double oblique stroke is used to indicate that an endocentric phrase consists of two or potentially more paratactic elements).29 e) Type of approach This study will be concerned with the function of a special group of clause constituents, not the function of sentences or clauses as such. This does not mean that I consider this analytical approach to be preferable as such to a more holistic one. Both types of approach may be helpful for the understanding of languages. But for the study of languages which are not spoken any more and for which there is only a relatively small corpus of texts at our disposal, the analytical approach seems preferable (at least for the moment), because a holistic approach would be still more adversely affected by the fact that, necessarily, no one possesses native-speaker competence in the language in question, than is an analytical approach. Therefore it is better to give the latter method precedence over the former.30 0 Function indication In a clause like hmlk hrg (meaning: the king killed) the N (preceded by the article) is used in the function of subject modifier in a verbal clause31. This does not mean that the use of an N (preceded by an article) in the same place in the same type of clause, indicates as such that it is a subject modifier. In the same clause hmlk could just as well be an object (he killed the king), and in a similar clause hpth 'md (meaning : he stood in the door) the N (preceded by an article) is neither subject modifier nor object. Thus a clear difference must be made between the function a certain form fulfils in a certain clause and the function indication given by the use of a form of a certain morpho­ logical type in a certain type of clause (or in a certain place in a certain type of clause). In this study I shall first try to determine the function fulfilled by each instance of Nh, N°h, Advh in its particular context,

29 On endocentric and exocentric constructions, cf. Lyons, op. cit., pp. 231 ff. Lyons, op. cit., p. 233 speaks of co-ordinating and subordinating endocentric con­ structions. In this study I speak of endocentric constructions consisting either of elements in a paratactic relationship to one another (these elements I shall call paratactic elements) or of a core and one or more hypotactic elements (the latter ones Lyons calls modifiers). In this study the word core has been used instead of the word head used by Lyons, op. cit., p. 233. 30 For this point, see n. 1. 31 On the subject modifier, see the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 8.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

15

working from knowledge of classical Hebrew and text interpretation (I am aware of the fact that on these points there not always will be a communis opinio).32 Then, on the basis of the results obtained, I shall try to determine (basing myself on the results reached so far) which functional indications were given by the use of Nh, N°h, etc. for the different types of classical Hebrew reproduced in our corpus. More­ over I shall try to reach more general conclusions on these points (conclusions of a partly historical character). In describing the functions of e.g. an Nh, a pNh, etc. (see e.g. pp. 21 ff.) I shall describe not only the function itself, but also the level on which the constituent in question functions: for example, whether it is functioning at clause level, whether it is a paratactic or hypotactic element in an endocentric constituent, etc. Although, as far as can be judged, constituents with the ending under consideration are not restricted to functioning at a certain level only, sometimes the level as such plays a certain role in defining the function, see pp. 55, 131, etc. g) Zero-instances I shall not pay exclusive attention to those instances where the ending under consideration is attached to a nominal form, a name, an adverb, etc. In studying the instances of Nh, N°h, Advh, etc., I shall also pay attention to those where such a form could theoretically have been used, but was not. Instances where for example Nh, N°h, Advh (etc.) could have been used, but where the relevant form was not used, are called zero-instances. Thus, in the part of the study dealing with Nh, the rs of 1 Sam. xxv 23 is considered such a zero-instance, because an Nh {'rsh) could have been used here, but was not. Because the decision whether a zero-instance is present is partly based on text interpretation, about which there will not always be a communis opinio, I shall give complete lists of those instances I consider to be zeroinstances,33 as I shall also give complete lists of instances of Nh, 32 See the author’s remarks, art. cit.', VT xxiii, p. 456. Although for the purposes of determining function I base my study on formal phenomena, it goes without saying that it is impossible to define function without entering the interpretational sphere. Because of the lack of competence, there will in this interpretational sphere be no communis opinio. For this reason I will give a short explanation of my interpretation of texts the interpretation of which is uncertain. 33 In giving lists of z^ro-instances for e.g. Nh I have inserted instances of pNh, because instances where pNh is used belong to those where Nh could theoretically be used, but is not. As zero-instances for Nh I have only listed those instances where only the noun in question occurs; thus I have not taken an instance of mp't-ngb as being a zero-instance of ngbh.

16

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

N°h, etc. This is all the more important, because the ratio between for example the instances of Nh and the relevant zero-instances will play an important role (see also h below). Speaking about zero-instances I used the word theoretically. I did this intentionally: there are quite a number of instances where to judge by the meaning of a certain nominal form (name, etc.) and the meaning of the context, a Nh, N°h, etc. could have been used, yet where this was never done (see for example the discussion on p. 40). Because the ratio between the instances where, for example, an Nh was used and those where it could have been used (but was not) will play an important role, it is of great importance to determine where one is dealing with such apparent zero-instances. Although these instances will not be listed among the zero-instances, they will also be discussed, to avoid misunderstanding. h) Percentages As we have seen, the ratio between, for example, the instances of Nh and the relevant zero-instances will play an important role. To avoid misunderstanding we shall have to define the value of this ratio more exactly. One is dealing with the same ratio if one has 50 Nh instances against 50 zero-instances, or 10 Nh instances against 10 zero-instances or again 1 Nh instance against 1 zero-instance. But although in these 3 cases the ratio is the same, it goes without saying that the information given by them is completely different. According to probability calculation (with an unreliability factor of 5%) the first case mentioned here informs us that in a corpus of texts reproducing the same type of language and containing more instances of the relevant type (i.e. Nh instances and corresponding zoro-instances) the percentage of Nh must lie somewhere between 39.85 and 60.15%. The second case informs us that this percentage must lie somewhere between 27.2 and 72.8%, the third case informs us that it must lie somewhere between 1.26 and 98.74%. This proves the self-evident fact that the more instances we have at our disposal, the more exact is the information. In comparing the results of the study of the different text types (as will be done at the end of this study) it is especially important that we know that the accuracy and definitive­ ness of the information available is measured. If conclusions are to be of any value, they may not be based on more or less vague notions. I therefore decided to use the help of probability calculation to define important information on some vital points as exactly as possible.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

17

Each time I give a percentage, I shall add within parentheses the information the probability calculation provides. Thus, in the first case mentioned, the percentage will be indicated as 50% (39.85-60.15), in the second one it will be indicated as 50% (27.2-72.8), in the third case: 50% (1.26-98.74). From what has been said here it is clear that even if for a certain type of literature there are 100 instances of a special type (e.g. Nh instances and corresponding zm>-instances), the information obtained will still be not confined within the limits of a small percentage field (39.85-60.15, covering more than 20%). Moreover, in only a small minority of cases will the number of 100 instances be reached; on the contrary, the number often lies far below 100. Against this background, mention will be made (e.g. p. 42) of a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of language as the material studied at that moment. It is self-evident that the definition of what is suffi­ ciently large in this context will always have a subjective character, it will be defined by what there is and by what one wants to know. In view of the frequently defective information obtained, one is even prepared to consider as a sufficiently large corpus one in which the precentage fields described above could be narrowed down to 5 % or less. For the rules on using information obtained by probability calcu­ lation, see the discussion on pp. 186 ff. i) Synchronic and historical approach As will already be clear, I shall begin by studying the different types of text on a synchronic level; in other words I shall study each of them separately. Only afterwards shall I attempt to see whether it is possible to derive conclusions about an historical development within classical Hebrew from the results of the preceding parts of this work. It goes without saying that not every difference between different text types can be explained as pointing to a historical development within classical Hebrew. Account will also have to be taken of the existence of different types of classical Hebrew at the same time (the considerable differences between prose and poetry already point in this direction). Anticipating a more “historical” approach of the material, I shall even in the earlier parts, discuss the different types of prose texts in a more or less historical order. Because the dating of these texts is very difficult and uncertain, this order will have only a tentative

18

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

character.34 After the discussion of the prose texts, I shall discuss the poetic ones and those prophetic texts, which are not undoubtedly prose.35 j) Final textual remarks As is well known, there is more than one tradition of the OT text. This study is based on one of them, namely the one which one finds in the textus receptus of the OT. This choice is made intentionally. It is the only currently available text tradition transmitted in its entirety. Moreover, it seems wrong to study the subject in such a way that the different traditions are not treated separately and are, in one way or the other, mixed up. The only complete tradition ought to be taken first, and working from this special text, one should consider to what extent conclusions may be drawn at the synchronic and diachronic level. No doubt this text has gone through the hands of many redactors and transcribers; the question is to what extent they consciously or unconsciously changed texts they did not write themselves but took over from predecessors. Was this been done in such a way that all grammatical pecularities of an older text disappeared in the course of time? Or was it done in such a way that at least some of them are preserved? The answer can be given only if we study the text traditions separately in the relevant respect, leaving open both possi­ bilities. If, in the end, it emerges (as will indeed happen, cf. pp. 248 ff.), that where the use of the ending under consideration is concerned, there are considerable differences between poetry and prose and between the different prose types, the only conclusion can be that, although in this special tradition the text has been transmitted through the hand of many redactors and transcribers, nevertheless the different prose types did not lose their own grammatical character so completely that recognition of it has become impossible. This also means (with all due reserve) that this special tradition of the text can help not only to obtain knowledge of classical Hebrew, but also to get a picture of the different types of classical Hebrew and of the development of a language. 34 See on this point also the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 14 n. 1, 15 n. 2, 16 n. 1, 2, 17 n. 1, 2. See also the discussions on pp. 223 ff. 35 For poetry and prophecy, see also pp. 154ff. I consider the Books of Jonah (minus chapter ii) and Ezekiel (minus chapters xix, xxvii, xxviii 12-19 and xxxii 2-15), Is. xxxvi-xxxix, Jer. xix 1-xx 6, xxvi-xlv, lii as prophetic texts which are undoubtedly prose. See also the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 59, 63 f., 69 ff., 74. Those prophetic parts which are very much like prose but about which there could be some doubt, I have treated with the other prophetic parts on pp. 154ff.

CHAPTER ONE

THE Nh INSTANCES IN PROSE

1. The instances In the following lists it will be shown to which nominal forms the ending under study is attached. JE: ’/?/ (Gen. xviii 6, Ex. xviii 7, xxxiii 8, 9, Numb, xi 26, Josh, vii 22), >5 (Gen. xviii 2, xix 1, xxiv 52, xxviii 12, xxxiii 3, xxxvii 10, xxxviii 9, xlii 6, xliii 26, xliv 11, 14, xlviii 12, Ex. iv 3 (twice), ix 23, 33, Josh, v 14, vii 6), br (Gen. xxxvii 24), byt preceded by the article36 (Gen. xix 10, xxiv 32, xxxix 11, xliii 16, 26 (twice), Ex. ix 19, Josh, ii 18), gg (Josh, ii 6), hr (Gen. xii 8, xiv 10, xix 17, 19, Ex. xxiv 12, Josh, ii 16, 22)37, hws (Gen. xv 5, xix 17, xxiv 29, xxxix 12, 13, 15, 18, Josh, ii 19), hdr (Gen. xliii 30), ym (Gen. xiii 14, xxviii 14), mdbr (Ex. iv 27, Numb, xxi 23), mzrh (Numb, xxxii 19, Josh, xi 8), ngb (Gen. xiii 14, xxviii 14), 'yn (Gen. xxiv 16, 45), jy (Gen. xliv 13, Josh, vi 20), pth (Gen. xix 6), spn (Gen. xiii 14, xxviii 14), qdm (Gen. xiii 14, xxv 6, xxviii 14). Total: 68 instances. P: byt not preceded by the article (Ex. xxviii 26, xxxix 19), hws (Ex. xii 46), ym (Ex. xxvi 22, 27, xxxvi 27, 32, Numb, ii 18, iii 23), mdbr (Lev. xvi 10, 21), mzbh (Ex. xxix 13, 18, 25, Lev. i 9, 13, 15, 17, 36 In this paragraph I have treated separately byt preceded by the article and byt not preceded by it, because there is a clear difference in function between them (when the ending under consideration is attached) in all types of prose, as far as can be judged from the available material. Thus hbyth always has a local-terminative function and byth a locative function. With other nouns this difference does not exist: either they are always preceded by the article (e.g. mzbh), with the ending under consideration attached, or they are never preceded by it (rs), or they are sometimes preceded by it and sometimes not, without it being possible to establish a clear difference in function for the whole of the material (e.g. hws). 37 All the instances of hr mentioned here are preceded by the article except Gen. xiv 10. It has often argued that Gen. xiv was written in poetry or at least somehow underwent poetical influence, and this could explain why, in this case the article does not precede the noun (in poetry the article is considerably less used than in prose, see e.g. P. JoOon, op. cit., p. 421, n. 3). For the possibility of Gen. xiv being poetry, see J.A. Emerton, Some false clues in the study of Genesis xiv, VT xxi (1971), pp. 24-47 on pp. 25 ff., who himself however decides against this theory.

20

CHAPTER 1

ii 2,9, iii 5, 11, 16, iv 19, 26,31, 35,v 12, vii 5, 31, viii 16, 21, 28, ix 10, 14, 20, xiv 20, xvi 25, Numb, v 26), mzrh (Ex. xxvii 13, xxxviii 13, Numb, ii 3, iii 38), ngb (Ex. xl 24), spn (Ex. xl 22, Lev. ill, Numb, ii 25, iii 35), qdm (Lev. i 16, xvi 14, Numb, ii 3, iii 38, x 5), tymn (Ex. xxvi 18, 35, xxvii 9, xxxvi 23, xxxviii 9, Numb, ii 10, iii 29, x 6). Total: 61 instances. D: ’/? (Ex. xxxiv 8), byt not preceded by the article (2 Sam. v 9), hr (Dt. i 24, 41, 43, ix 9, x 1, 3), hws (Dt. xxiv 11, xxv 5), ym (Dt. iii 27, Josh, xii 7, 1 Kings v 23 (one can add here Josh, xxii 7 which probably belongs to a post-D redaction)), mdbr (Dt. i 40, ii 1), mzrh (Dt. iii 17, 27, iv 49, Josh, xii 1,3 (twice)), spn (Dt. ii 3, iii 27), s'r (Dt. xxii 15, xxv 7), tymn (Dt. iii 27). Total: 27 instances. L: hws (Numb, xxxv 4), ym (Numb, xxxiv 5, Josh, xv 4, 8, 10, 11, 12, 46, xvi 3 (twice), 6, 8 (twice), xvii 9, xviii 12, 15, xix 26, 29, 34), y*r (Josh, xvii 15), mdbr (Numb, xxxiii 8, Josh, xviii 12 (see n. 142)), mzrh (Numb, xxxiv 15, Josh, xiii 8, 27, 32, xvi 1, 5, 6, xviii 7, xix 13, xx 8), ngb (Josh, xv 1, 2, xvii 9, 10, xviii 13, 14 (twice), 16, 19), 'yr (Josh, xx 4), 'rbh (Josh, xviii 18), spn (Josh, xiii 3, xv 7, 8, 11, xvii 10, xviii 16, 18, 19 (twice), xix 27), qdm (Numb, xxxiv 3, 11, 15, Josh. xix 12, 13). Total: 58 instances. JK: 'hi (Judg. iv 18), 'rs (Judg. iii 25, xiii 20, xx 21, 25, 1 Sam. iii 19, v 3, 4, xiv 32, 45, xvii 49, xx 41, xxiv 9, xxv 41, xxvi 20, xxviii 14, 20, 2 Sam. i 2, ii 22, viii 2, xii 16, xiii 31, xiv 4, 11, 14, 22, 33, xviii 11, 28, xx 10, xxiv 20, 1 Kings i 23, 52, xviii 42, 2 Kings ii 15, iv 37, x 10, xiii 18), byt preceded by the article (Judg. xix 15, 18, 1 Sam. vi 7, 2 Sam. xiii 7, xiv 31, xvii 20, 1 Kings xiii 7, 15, xvii 23, 2 Kings iv 32, ix 6), byt not preceded by the article (1 Kings vii 25), bmh (1 Sam. ix 13), hr (Judg. i 34), hws (Judg. xii 9, 1 Sam. ix 26, 2 Sam. xiii 17, 1 Kings vi 6, viii 8), hdr (Judg. xv 1, 2 Sam. xiii 10, 1 Kings i 15), ym (1 Kings vii 25), Iskh (1 Sam. ix 22), mdbr (Judg. xx 45, 47, 1 Sam. xiii 18, xxvi 3, 1 Kings xix 15 (see n. 143)), mzrh (1 Kings vii 25), ngb (1 Kings vii 25), msdrwn (Judg. iii 23), m'gl (1 Sam. xvii 20), 'yr (2 Sam. xvii 17, 1 Kings xiv 12, xx 2, 2 Kings xx 20), prsdn (Judg. iii 22), spn (1 Kings vii 25, 2 Kings xvi 14), qdm (1 Kings vii 39, xvii 3, 2 Kings xiii 17). Total: 81 instances. Jer. : hsr (xxxvi 20), mzrh (xxxi 40), rwh (lii 23). Total: 3 instances. Job: 'rs (i 20). Total: 1 instance. Ruth : 'rs (ii 10). Total: 1 instance. Ez.: byt not preceded by the article (xliv 17), ym (xiv 7, xlvi 19, xlvii 8, xlviii 10, 17, 18, 21), mdbr (xxix 5), ngb (xlvii 19, xlviii 10, 17),

THE Nh INSTANCES

21

nhl (xlvii 19, xlviii 28), spn (viii 3, ix 2, xxi 3, xl 40, xlvi 19, xlvii 17, xlviii 1, 10, 17, 31), qdym (xi 1, xiv 7, xlvii 1, xlviii 10, 17, 18), qdm (viii 16 (twice)), tymn (xlvii 19, xlviii 28). Total: 34 instances. Chr. : a) those parts which have been borrowed from a Vorlage known to us : 'rs (l Chr. xxi 21 = 2 Sam. xxiv 20), byt not preceded by the article (2 Chr. iv 4 = 1 Kings vii 25), hws (2 Chr. v 9 = 1 Kings viii 8), ym (2 Chr. iv 4 = 1 Kings vii 25), mzrh (2 Chr. iv 4 = 1 Kings vii 25), ngb (2 Chr. iv 4 = 1 Kings vii 25), spn (2 Chr. iv 4 = 1 Kings vii 25), qdm (2 Chr. iv 10 = 1 Kings vii 39)—b) those parts which not have been borrowed from a Vorlage known to us: 7? (1 Chr. xxii 8, 2 Chr. vii 3, xx 18, 24), hws (2 Chr. xxiv 8, xxix 16, xxxiii 15), ym (1 Chr. ix 24), mdbr (1 Chr. v 9, xii 9), mzbh (2 Chr. xxix 22 (3 times), 24), mzrh (1 Chr. ix 18, xxvi 14), m'rb (1 Chr. xxvi 30, 2 Chr. xxxii 30, xxxiii 14), ngb (1 Chr. ix 24, xxvi 15), yr (1 Chr. xix 15)38, spn (1 Chr. ix 24, xxvi 14). Total: 8+ 24 instances = 32 instances. Neh. : 7? (viii 6). Total: 1 instance. Total of Nh instances in OT: 367.39 2. Function a) JE In JE, Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause40 (Gen. xiv 10, xv 5, xviii 2, etc., in total 42 instances) — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//wNh//wNh// wNh): Gen. xiii 14, xxviii 14; 2) (...//Nh//...): Gen. xxiv 29; 3) (Nh// 38 The text 1 Chr. xix 15 is borrowed from a Vorlage 2 Sam. x 14, but in the Chr. text there has been a change in the relevant respect, 1 Chr. xix 15 reading h'yrh, whereas the Vorlage reads h'yr. For this reason 1 have treated the text as not having been borrowed from the Vorlage. 39 To the best of my knowledge, there are only 2 instances of Nh in the epigraphical classical Hebrew material outside the OT, in both instances the noun being 'yr : Lachish ostracon iv 7, xviii 3 (the last instance is uncertain), I quote here and in the other epigraphical instances from J.C. L. Gibson, Textbook of Syrian Semitic inscriptions, Vol. 1, Hebrew and Moabite inscriptions, Oxford, 1971. I shall quote the Tell 'Arad ostraca from Y. Aharoni, Ketovot 'Arad, Jerusalem, 1975. I have not included here the difficult hhrsh of Judg. xiv 18, because either the correctness of the reading or perhaps the interpretations by the vocalization are highly uncertain. 40 I take a clause with an imperative as core as a verbal clause, although it could be doubted whether an imperative is a verbal form in the strict sense, see also the author, Verbale Vragen, p. 15. Of the 42 JE instances in question the following 4 are concerned: Gen. xix 17, xliii 16, Ex. xxiv 12, Josh, ii 16.

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...): Gen. xviii 6, xxv 6; 4) (...//Nh): Gen. xix 6, 10, Ex. iv 27, xxiv 12, Numb, xxi 23, Josh, ii 1841—c) the core of an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: Gen. xii 8 {hhrh mqdm lbyt-'l)*2 — d) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase43: Gen. xix 17, 19, xxxvii 10, Ex. xxxiii 8, 9—e) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: Gen. xxviii 12 — f) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: Numb, xxxii 19,44 Josh, xi 8.45 There is no example of Nh 41 I have followed Lyons, op. cit., pp. 133 f, in deciding whether a construction consists of paratactic elements or of a core with one or more hypotactic elements. For the differences in my way of formulating and his, see n. 29. For example, in lyrkty hmskn ymh (Ex. xxvi 22, see also n. 55) one is dealing with an endocentric constituent, preceded by preposition, consisting of a core yrkty hmskn and a hypotactic element ymh. It is impossible to maintain that the distribution of ymh is the same as that of yrkty hmskn. Although ymh does not necessarily have a local function and in a certain type of classical Hebrew prose can be used as subject in a nominal clause (see pp. 55 f.), there is no indication whatever that it could be used in any type of classical Hebrew prose as subject in a verbal clause or as object. For one difficult point, see n. 55. Endocentric constituents can be “interrupted”, see e.g. Gen. xix 6, where the 2 elements from the endocentric constituent 'lyhm hpthh are separated from each other by the personal name Iwt which does not belong to this constituent. It goes without saying that the decision that one is dealing with a constituent consisting of 2 or more elements and not with 2 or more “independent” constituents is based mainly on interpretation, because formal means for decision are insufficient here, at least the means accessible to us. 42 The ending under consideration is only rarely attached to a noun which functions as the core of an endocentric constituent, even if one is dealing with the right type of noun (see p. 35) and with the right type of function. It is difficult to decide whether this fact is significant, see also pp. 28, 114, 117ff. 43 By the infinitive is meant here the so-called construct infinitive. Although the construct infinitive and the participle, strictly speaking, are nominal forms, I have set them apart here because of their special paradigmatic relationship with the verbal paradigm. 44 Theoretically an interpretation as an endocentric constituent opnsisting of 2 para­ tactic elements m'br hyrdn and mzrhh would be possible here. Yet I do not think this probable. It is true that m'br lyrdn without further additions means at the other (east) side of the Jordan (Numb, xxxii 32, xxxv 14, Josh, xiv 3, xvii 5, Judg. vii 25), the same is true for b'br hyrdn (Gen. 1 10, 11, Dt. iii 8, 25, etc.). But this does not mean that additions like mzrhh can be considered as mere pleonasm, see m'br hyrdn ymh (Josh, xxii 7), m'br lyrdn m'rbh (1 Chr. xxvi 30) and b'br hyrdn ymh (Josh, xii 7). In these instances 'br does not refer to the other side, but merely to side, the question of which side is meant being answered by the addition: e.g. mzrhh, ymh, etc. Thus, it is better to take mzrhh, ymh, etc. as hypotactic elements to 'br h/lyrdn. The question is whether such additions as mzrhh and ymh are to be taken in a locative or local-terminative sense. It seems to me that the first possibility is the more probable for the following reasons. In a number of texts it is said that God (or Moses) has given certain tribes land on the east side of the Jordan; in some instances this is expressed by either m'br lyrdn (Josh, xiv 3) or b'br hyrdn (Dt. iii 20, Josh, i 14, xxii 4) without further additions. It is clear that these expressions have a strictly locative function. In some other instances, however, this is expressed by 'br hyrdn mzrhh (Josh, xiii 27, the verbal form

THE Nh INSTANCES

23

as a core element or a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause.46 In nearly all these instances the Nh is a constituent with localterminative function,47 there are only two exceptions: Numb, xxxii of run in v. 24), b'br hyrdn mzrh sms (Josh, i 15), b'br hyrdn mzrhh (Josh, xiii 8), cf. also Josh, xxii 7 where Joshua gives land to some tribes m'br hyrdn ymh. In these lastmentioned expressions 'br refers to side only; because the parallel expressions without additions refer to the east side and have a strictly locative function, so it seems probable that the additions in these expressions have a strictly locative function also. One may compare parallel instances concerning the inheritance on the east side of the Jordan, expressed a) without additions m'br lyrdn (Numb, xxxii 32, Josh, xiv 3), and b) with additions m'br hyrdn mzrhh (Numb, xxxii 19, Josh, xviii 7), m'br lyrdn yryhw mzrhh (Josh, xiii 32), m'br lyrdn yrhxv qdmh mzrhh (Numb, xxxiv 15) and the parallel instances concerning the cities of refuge, expressed a) without additions m'br lyrdn (Numb, xxxv 14), and b) with additions b'br hyrdn mzrhh sms (Dt. iv 41) and m'br hyrdn yryhw mzrhh (Josh, xx 8). Here the same conclusions about the locative function of the additions are valid as those drawn above. See also 1 Chr. vi 63 (a text referring to cities of refuge) where m'br lyrdn yrhw Imzrh hyrdn occurs. Here the addition already has in itself a clear locative function. See also Josh, xii 7 where it is said that Joshua smote the Canaanite kings b'br hyrdn ymh\ the context stating that the kings from the Lebanon to Seir are concerned makes it impossible for the ymh in this text to have a local-terminative function. These examples make it appear probable that additions like mzrhh, ymh, etc. have a strictly locative function in these instances. Consequently the whl'h in Numb, xxxii 19 must have a locative function too, see on this also p. 151. (On the terms locative and local-terminative, see n. 47.) 45 For this text, see n. 62. 46 On this point, see n. 52. 47 As will be seen, in all instances of Nh in OT prose, the nouns in question have a semantic component in common. They all refer to “objects” to which permanent or temporary local fixedness is inherent, or at least do so in the relevant contexts, see p. 35. This local “meaning” must clearly be distinguished from the idea of local function. “Meaning” indicates here the object(s) a noun as such refers to. “Function” indicates the type of relationship a constituent (e.g. a simple noun or, more complicated, a pN or Nh) has in a certain context. Thus a local function means that the constituent in question has a relationship of a special, local character with one or more constituents in the clause. It is a modifier of a local type. A noun with a local “meaning” is not necessarily such a modifier: in e.g. the clause wh'yr hz't thrb (Jer. xxvi 9), 'yr has a local “meaning” but not a local relationship. It is the subject modifier of the subject enclosed in the verbal form. In e.g. the clause whsmwty 't-mqdsykm (Lev. xxvi 31) mqds has a local “meaning” but not a local relationship. It is the object of the action expressed by the verbal form. In e.g. the clause wysbw h'yrh (Gen. xliv 13), 'yr not only has a local “meaning”, h'yrh also has a local relationship with the core of the clause (the verbal form). It shows that the action expressed by the verbal form is directed to a certain place (the 'yr). I distinguish 4 types of local function: localterminative, locative, local-final and local-separative function. By local-terminativity is meant a direction/movement to a certain place, leaving aside the question whether this place is reached, or whether it is a terminal point or not. The idea of localfinality means a movement to a certain place, the place being indicated as a terminal point. For the relevance of the use of the term /ocaZ-terminative instead of terminative, see p. 157. By local-separativity is meant a direction/movement from a certain place. By locativity is meant the presence in, on or at a certain place, the idea of direction/ movement to or from being absent. For Gen. xxviii 12 being local-terminative, see n. 298.

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19. Josh, xi 8,48 where it is a constituent with locative function. This ratio between local-terminative and locative instances is not signi­ ficant, at least not as far as the function indication of Nh as such is concerned.49 As a clause constituent in a verbal clause it can be placed immediately before or after the core (= verbal form), either immediately after it or not.50 As a hypotactic element in a phrase it has to be placed after the core, be it immediately after it or not.51 b) P In P, Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Ex. xii 46, xxix 13, 18, etc., in total 22 instances)—b) a core constituent in a nominal clause : Numb, ii 10, 18, 25 52—c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//...): Ex. xxix 25, Lev. i 17, iii 5, iv 35, v 12, viii 28; 2) (...//Nh): Ex. xxvi 18, xxvii 9, xxxvi 23, xxxviii 9, 13, Lev. ix 1453 — d) a paratactic element in an endocentric 48 For Numb, xxxii 19, see the discussion in n. 44, for Josh, xi 8, see the discussion in n. 62. For the term locative, see the preceding note. 49 See pp. 56 ff. 50 Although I have mentioned here the place an Nh can have within the clause, I shall not do so for the rest of this study, because, as far as can be judged, the place of the Nh (and the N°h, the Nymh, etc.) within a clause is not significant for the function of this Nh/N°h/Nymh/etc. as such. 51 Although 1 have referred to this fact here, I shall not do so for the rest of this study, because these facts are not being significant for the function of the Nh (/N°h/Nymh/etc.) as such. See also the preceding note. 52 For the term core constituent in a nominal clause as used here, see the author’s remarks, art. cit., VT xxiii, pp. 487 f, to the effect that in formal descriptions it is better to avoid terms like subject and predicate, which are terms of a functional character. As the formal task of describing the functional levels of Nh is concerned here, it seems best to avoid the terms subject and predicate. For these terms, see also n. 452. 53 It is clear that an Nh of a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass can have the meaning at the northjeastj westjsouth side, see e.g. instances like Numb, ii 10, 18, 25, x 5, 6. Here one finds references to the divisions of the Israelites encamped on one of the sides of the camp, and not in the North!Southfeic. as such. For this reason the Ip't ngbh tyrrmh of Ex. xxvi 18 has to be divided into 2 paratactic elements with the same meaning Ip't ngbh and tymnh (as in Ex. xxvii 9, 13, xxxvi 23, xxxviii 9, 13). Elsewhere, too, one finds endocentric constituents consisting of 2 paratactic elements with the same meaning: qdmh mzrhh (Numb, ii 3), qdmh mzrhh hsms (Josh, xix 13), qdmh mzrh hsms (Josh, xix 12). The only other way of dividing up Ip't ngbh tymnh is to take it to be a status-constructus group with p't as regens and ngbh tymnh as a “double” rectum, preceded by the preposition /. Yet this solution seems to be less convincing. It would be difficult to explain the fact that, in all instances where this “double” rectum occurred, either both nouns with the ending under consideration attached to them were found (Ex. xxvii 9, xxxvi 23, xxxviii 9, Ez. xiv 7, xlvii 19) or only the second one with this ending attached to it (Ex. xxvi 18, xxvii 13, xxxviii 13, Josh, xviii 14, Ez. xiv 7, xlvii 19, xlviii 28), but no instances where either only the

THE Nh INSTANCES

25

constituent (of the type (...//Nh)) which is a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause: Ex. xxvii 13 — e) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level; one finds the following types : 1) (Nh//Nh): Numb, ii 3; 2) (pN°//Nh): Lev. xvi 10—0 a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: Numb, x 5, 6—g) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase :54 Ex. xxvi 22, 27, xxviii 26, etc., in total 17 instances.55 In the majority of these instances Nh is a constituent with locative function, in only 3 instances is it a constituent with local-terminative function (Ex. xii 46, Lev. xvi 10, 21). This ratio between local-terminative and locative instances is not significant, at least as far the function indication of Nh as such is concerned.56 first one had the ending in question attached to it, or neither nominal form had the ending attached to it. For a discussion of this point, see also the remarks on pp. 89 f. 54 By a noun phrase is meant not only those phrases of which the core is a nominal form, but also those the core of which is a status-constructus group. 55 The hypotactic elements in question may be of either an additive character (Ex. xxvi 22, 27, xxxvi 27, 32, Lev. xvi 14, Numb, iii 23, 38 (twice)) or a restrictive character (Ex. xxvi 35, xxviii 26, xxxix 19, xl 22, 24, Lev. i 11, 16, Numb, iii 29, 35). In e.g. Ex. xxvi 22 lyrkty hmskn ymh it is impossible to take ymh to be a paratactic element to yrkty hmskn, see the remarks made in n. 41. From the context it is also clear that ymh does not mean in the West, or on the west side as such, but indicates on the west side of the Tabernacle. For this reason it is impossible to take ymh to be a paratactic element to lyrkty hmskn although this is formally possible, but it must be taken to be a hypotactic element to yrkty hmskn. For parallel instances, see the other additive ones. In 7 si' hmskn tymnh (Ex. xxvi 35) the same reasons as given here for Ex. xxvi 22 for taking tymnh to be a hypotactic element apply. It has a restrictive character, because the Tabernacle has one hind part at the west and one front at the east, but two sides at the north and the south. In Ex. xxviii 26 'l-'hr h'pwd byth, it must be clear that byth for reasons comparable to those given above cannot be a paratactic element to 'l-'br h'pwd, but is a hypotactic element of restrictive character to 'br h'pwd’, 'br has to be interpreted as side (see also n. 44). In Lev. i 16 it is formally possible to take 'si hmzbh and qdmh to be paratactic elements; but because an interpretation of qdmh as in the East or at the east side as such does not make much sense in the context, it seems better to take it to be a hypotactic element to mzbh with the meaning at the east side of the altar and to translate 'si hmzbh qdmh as beside the east side of the altar. For other restrictive instances comparable reasonings can be adduced. In Numb, iii 23, 35 one is dealing with “interrupted” endocentric constituents. 56 See p. 56 ff. I have taken all the instances of hmzbhh in P to have locative function against Th.J. Meek, The Hebrew accusative of time and place, JAOS lx (1940), pp. 224-233, who said that hqtyr hmzbhh literally meant “to turn (a sacrifice) into smoke toward the altar” (art. cit. p. 228). This solution seems to be a peculiar one from a practical standpoint, moreover it does not fit the context, see e.g. instances like Ex. xxix 25, Lev. i 17, etc., where hmzbhh is a paratactic element to combinations like 'l-h'wlh, 'l-h'sym, etc. which have a clearly locative function. On these contexts see also the author’s remarks in “Das sogenannte Feueropfer”, SVT xvi (1967), pp. 114-134 on p. 122. Against Meek, see also E. A. Speiser, The terminative-adverbial

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CHAPTER 1

D In D, Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Ex. xxxiv 8, Dt. i 24, 40, etc., in total 9 instances)57 — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//wNh// wNh//wNh): Dt. iii 27;58 2) (Nh//...): Dt. xxv 5, 7;59 3) (...//Nh): Dt. xxii 15, xxiv ll;60 4) (...//wNh): 2 Sam. v 961—c) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase : Dt. i 41, ix 9—d) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: Dt. iii 17, iv 49, Josh, xii 1, 3 (twice), 7, xxii 7 (see p. 20).62 In the majority of instances Nh is a constituent with C)

in Canaanite-Ugaritic and Akkadian, Oriental and Biblical Studies. Collected Writings of E. A. Speiser, ed. J. J. Finkelstein and M. Greenberg, Philadelphia, 1967, pp. 494-505, on p. 496. 57 In 3 of those instances one is dealing with clauses the core of which is an imperative form : Dt. i 40, ii 3, x 1. See on this point also n. 40. 58 The core of the clause in question is an imperative form, see also n. 40. 59 In Dt. xxv 5 one is dealing with a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root hyh. Although verbal clauses of this type show some pecularities compared with those with a verbal form from some other root, in this study I normally have not taken this type of verbal clause to be a special group. 60 In Dt. xxiv 11 one is dealing with an “interrupted” endocentric constituent, consisting of 2 paratactic elements 'lyk and hhwsh. 61 According to the formal rules for determining the relation between the elements in an endocentric constituent (see n. 41) this is an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements. In my opinion byth should be interpreted as having a locative function (at the inside of the Millo) and not as having a local-terminative function : this would mean that he started to build at the Millo and worked inwards. 62 For this interpretation of Dt. iv 49 ('br hyrdn mzrhh). Josh, xii 7 (b 'br. hyrdn ymh), xxii 7 (m'br hyrdn ymh), see the discussions on n. 44. In Josh, xii 1 I regard mzrhh as a hypotactic element (of restrictive character) to h'rbh, because the 'rbh as such could be at the east side of the Jordan (see e.g. Dt. iv 49) and at the west side (see e.g. Dt. xi 30, Josh, xi 2, xii 8, xviii 18), a local-terminative interpretation would give no sense here, nor would a more general locative one (in the East). In Josh, xii 3 the parallelism makes it appear probable that both instances of mzrhh are hypotactic elements to ym knrwt and ym h'rbh ym hmlh respectively and that the first instance is not a hypotactic element to h'rbh..., which theoretically could be possible. I take both instances of mzrhh here as hypotactic elements of restrictive character: the territory of king Sihon stretches to both seas, namely to their east sides. A local-terminative interpretation would give no sense, nor would a more general locative one (in the East). In Dt. iii 17 I take mzrhh as a hypotactic element to ym h'rbh ym hmlh... and not as a hypotactic element to 'sdt hpsgh with reference to Josh, xii 3 (for the tht 'sdt hpsgh being (also) a hypotactic element to ym h'rbh, see Dt. iv 49; moreover mzrhh as hypotactic element to 'sdt hpsgh (the eastern slopes of the Pisgah) would give not much sense in the context). I consider a local-terminative or more general locative interpretation of mzrhh in Dt. iii 17 to be less probable for the same reasons as I did in Josh, xii 3. Also in Josh, xi 8 I regard mzrhh as a hypotactic element in a noun phrase, as a hypotactic element to bq't msph: the East side of the M. valley. Formally one could also regard it as a paratactic element to 'd-bq't msph, but because the

THE Nh INSTANCES

27

local-terminative function: Ex. xxxiv 8, Dt. i 24, 40, etc.; but in 8 instances it is a constituent with locative function: Dt. iii 17, iv 49, Josh, xii 1, 3 (twice), 7, 2 Sam. v 9,63 see also Josh, xxii 7. In Dt. xxv 5 hhwsh means outside the family \ in this case the Nh cannot be considered as a constituent with locative function if one takes the word locative in its strict meaning.64 d) L In L, Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Numb, xxxiii 8, xxxiv 5, Josh, xv 4, xvi 6, etc., in total 12 instances)65—b) a core constituent in a nominal clause: Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice)66—c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//...): Josh, xv 10, xvi 3, 6, 8, xviii 12, (see n. 142), xix 34, xx 4; 2) (...//Nh): Josh, xviii 12, 14;67 3) (N°h//wNh): Josh, xv 7;68 4 (...//wNh): Josh, xv 4669—d) a core element in an pursuit which the context speaks of probably goes in a northerly direction, this would make less sense. A local-terminative interpretation would give no sense, and a more general locative one would not fit the context either {in the East). 63 For the discussion of these texts, see nn. 44, 61, 62. That in most instances quoted here Nh is a hypotactic element, is as such not significant, in so far as the possible locativity in concerned. 64 See also n. 85. This use of hhwsh, which is not strictly local, finds its origin in a strictly local use. In a time where the whole family lived in one house, a girl who was married into an other family lived outside the house, in the most literal sense of the word, so that the shift from outside the house to outside the family circle could easily be made. 65 Josh, xvii 15 has an imperative form as the core. Among these clauses there are some with a verbal form of the root hyh : Josh, xv 4, 11, xvi 3, 8, xvii 9, xix 29. On this type of verbal clauses, see n. 59. 66 Strictly speaking, hymh in Josh, xv 12 is the core of an endocentric constituent (hymh hgdwf) which in its turn is a core element in a nominal clause (here I follow the rules in n. 41). For the term core constituent in a nominal clause, see n. 52. 67 In Josh, xviii 14 there is an endocentric constituent of a type also found elsewhere (Ip't-ym ngbh), with the difference that the paratactic elements now do not have the same meaning, cf. n. 53. 68 The endocentric constituent in question is “interrupted”, its 2 elements are dbrh and wspwnh. The w preceding spwnh can be considered as the so-called waw explicativum. The 2 elements of the endocentric constituent in question are from a strictly formal standpoint paratactic. This fact does not mean that a second element like wspwnh such as occurs here, could not stand in a restrictive or additive relation to the first element. It is wrong to limit the use of functional terminology like restrictivity and additivity to those instances where one is dealing formally with an endocentric constituent consisting of a core and one or more hypotactic elements. Those hypotactic elements have to be restrictive or additive, whereas second paratactic elements (or third/fourth/etc. ones) can have this function, but do not necessarily have it. 69 Josh, xv 46 can be considered as part of a verbal clause; the verbal form wyhyw

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endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a nominal clause: Josh, xvii 970—e) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions as core constituent in a nominal clause: Numb, xxxv 4,71 type (...//wNh)—0 a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//Nh): Numb, xxxiv 15,72 Josh, xix 13;73 2) (Nh//...): Josh, xv l,74 xix 1275—g) a hypotactic element in

is to be found in v. 21. Here (in v. 46), according to the formal rules (see n. 41), one is dealing with an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements. In the context a locative interpretation of ymh seems most plausible: from the view­ point of Eqron at the west side. 70 The endocentric constituent in question is ngbh Inhl. Only rarely is an Nh the core in such a constituent; on this point, see n. 42. I have taken ngbh Inhl to belong to the following nominal clause, and not to the preceding verbal clause. If this were the case, ngbh would have to be taken in a local-terminative sense, which does not fit the context, because the territory of Manasse did not reach south of the brook (see the same verse: wgbwl mnsh mspwn Inhl). I translate ngbh Inhl by at the southern shore of the brook. 71 According to the formal rules (see n. 41) mqyr h'yr whwsh must be considered as an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements. In my opinion hwsh must be regarded as having a locative function : the pasture grounds of which the text speaks start immediately at the city wall, and the word hwsh indicates that they lie right outside the wall. A local-terminative interpretation makes less sense in this text where one is told where these grounds are located. The construction is comparable with that in 2 Sam. v 9 (see n. 61). Hwsh like the byth in 2 Sam. v 9 has a restrictive function, on this point see n. 68. 72 The endocentric constituent qdmh mzrhh is a hypotactic element in a noun phrase the core of which is 'br lyrdn yrhw. For this text, see also n. 44. For endocentric constituents consisting of 2 paratactic elements with the same meaning, see also the remarks on n. 53. 73 The endocentric constituent qdmh mzrhh is here a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent of the type ((Nh//Nh)//...//...). For the question whether in the 2 other elements one is dealing with N° or N°h, see p. 108. This last endocentric constituent is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. 74 This text is not easy to interpret. In my opinion it is best to take gbwl 'dwm (the frontier with Edom) as a paratactic element to mdbr sn, and both form an endocentric constituent preceded by the preposition V. The verse ends with another endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements ngbh and mqsh tymn which more or less have the same meaning. If one does not presuppose this and takes ngbh to be localterminative, whereas mqsh tymn is locative, it is not possible to give an interpretation which really makes sense. Both endocentric constituents form another one, of which the first is the core and the second is a hypotactic element. This last-mentioned constituent is of the following type: 7((...//...)-(Nh//...)). The text then speaks of the border with Edom (the wilderness of Sin) which lies at the southern border (of the Israelite territory). 75 The 2 elements of the endocentric constituent are qdmh and mzrh hsms. This endocentric constituent is in turn the first paratactic element of another endocentric constituent, the second element of which is 'l-gbwl kslt tbr.

THE Nh INSTANCES

29

a participle phrase: Josh, xv 2 — h) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: Numb, xxxiv 3, 11, Josh, xiii 3, 8, etc., in total 22 instances.76 76 For b'br hyrdn mzrhh (Josh, xiii 8) and related expressions (Josh, xiii 27, 32, xviii 7, xx 8), see n. 44. In Josh, xv 8 there is the clause w 'lh hgbwl 1-r's hhr 'sr 'l-pny gy-hnm ymh 'sr bqsh 'mq rp'ym spwnh. It is impossible for both ymh and spwnh to be constituents at clause level with either local-terminative or locative function. This would be sheer nonsense. In v. 7 one is told that the border goes northwards, but that the end of this part of the border is at En-Rogel. In v. 10 it is said that the border goes westward, so that in between one must find the description of a part of the border which turns from a northerly to a westerly direction. Thus the best solution seems to be to regard spwnh (leaving aside ymh for the moment) as a hypotactic element to qsh 'mq rp'ym with locative function {at the north side). A comparable solution can be proposed for Josh, xviii 19 where ngbh is probably a hypotactic element to qsh hyrdn (whereas the part of the border in question goes northwards, an interpretation of ngbh as either a local-terminative or a locative constituent at clause level giving no sense). Likewise, in Numb, xxxiv 3, qdmh cannot be a local-terminative or locative constituent at clause level, but has to be a hypotactic element to qsh ym-hmlh. In Numb, xxxiv 11 an interpretation of qdmh as a constituent at clause level does not make sense : one could either take it to be a local-terminative constituent, which in the context makes no sense, or as a locative constituent, but because it has already clearly been said that the eastern border is concerned (v. 10), this seems superfluous. For this reason it seems best to take it as hypotactic element to ktp ym-knrt (i.e. the slopes on the east side of the sea in question). Compare the following instances in L where instead of an Nh ktp... has a pN (Josh, xv 8, xviii 12) or a pNh (Josh, xv 10) as a hypotactic element. Based on these instances it seems best to take spwnh jngbh!ngbh jspwnh! spwnh in Josh, xv 11, xviii 13, 16, 18, 19 as hypotactic elements to ktp... In Josh, xix 27 the 2 following clauses occur: wpg' bzblwn wbgy ypth-'l spwnh byt h'mq wn'y'l wys' 'l-kbwl msm'l; it seems less probable that spwnh is either a local-terminative or locative constituent at clause level in view of its place in the midst of a number of geographical names (see also the msm'l in the next clause), therefore it is more probable that it is a hypotactic element to gy ypth-'l (transl. the north side of the valley of Y.). The w before bgy I take to be explicative. The second ngbh in Josh, xviii 14 I take to be a hypotactic element to hhr 'sr... (i.e. the mountain that at the southside looks toward B-H.); if it were taken to be a constituent at clause level, there would be a contradiction to the beginning of the clause, where it is said that the border goes in a south-westerly direction. The place of ymh in Josh, xv 8 makes it improbable that it is constituent at clause level (for the context, see above); it seems better to take it as hypotactic element to hhr 'sr... (compare in this connection Josh, xviii 13: hhr 'sr mngb Ibyt-hrwn thtwn). This solution should probably be proposed for Josh, xviii 16. In Josh, xviii 19 it is said that the goings-out of the border are 'l-lswn ym-hmlh spwnh 'l-qsh hyrdn ngbh, this border is the south border going in an easterly direction. For this reason and because of the fact that the sourthem point of the Jordan (see here also above) coincides with the northern bay of the Dead Sea, it seems best to take spwnh as a hypotactic element to Iswn ym-hmlh. For this interpretation, cf. also Josh. xv 5. In Josh, xiii 3, a description is given of a territory where, among others, the Philistines live (v. 2). This territory stretches from the Shihor on the Egyptian border w'd gbwl 'qrwn spwnh. Because of the parallelism of 'sr 'l-pny msrym (the south) with spwnh it seems best to take this last word to be a hypotactic element to gbwl 'qrwn. Another probable example where an Nh is a hypotactic element to gbwl... is Josh. xvi 5 (here gbwl means border and not territory {the northern border of their inheritance)). In Josh, xvi 1 an interpretation of mzrh as either a local-terminative or locative consti-

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In the majority of these instances Nh is a constituent with either local-terminative or locative function.*77 In 3 instances (Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice)) the Nh is a constituent which as such does not have any special local function.78 e) JK In JK, Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause79 (Judg. i 34, iii 22, 23, etc., in total 52 instances) — b) a para­ tactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//...): Judg. xx 45, 47, 1 Kings xix 15 (see n. 143); 2) (...//Nh): Judg. iy 18, xv 1, 2 Sam. xiii 7, 10, xiv 31, xvii 20, 1 Kings i 15, vi 6,80 xx 2 — c) a core element in a nominal clause: 1 Kings vii 25 (end) — d) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level: 1 Sam. xiii 18,1 Kings vii 3981 —e) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase: 2 Sam. viii 2, xvii 17, 1 Kings xiv 12—0 a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: Judg. iii 25, xix 15, 18, 1 Sam. v 3, 4, 2 Sam. xiv 14, 1 Kings vii 25 (4 times)—g) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: 2 Kings xvi 14.82 In the majority of these instances Nh is a constituent with local-terminative function: Judg. i 34, iii 25, tuent at clause level does not make much sense. The best interpretation seems to be to regard it as a hypotactic element to my yryhw, the east side of the waters of Jericho. 77 As local-terminative instances I consider in the first place: Numb, xxxiii 8, Josh, xv 2, 7 (see also n. 76), 10, xvi 3, 6 (twice), 8, xvii 9, 15, xviii 12, 14, 15, 18, xix 12, 13, 34, xx 4. To these local-terminative instances I wish to add the fwtfVMnstances as found in Numb, xxxiv 5 {whyw tws'tyw hymh)\ the other instances of this type are Josh, xv 4, 11, xvi 3, 8, xvii 9, xix 29. The noun in question is a derivative of the root ys\ which indicates a movement in a certain direction; cf. also the construction of this noun with the preposition 7 (Josh, xv 7, xviii 14); the noun is never constructed with h. The locative instances are: Numb, xxxiv 3, 11, 15 (twice), xxxv 4, Josh, xiii 3, 8, 27, 32, xv 1, 8 (twice), 11, 46, xvi 1, 5, xviii 7, 13, 14, 16 (twice), 18, 19 (3 times), xix 26, 27, xx 8. For a discussion of many of these instances, see the preceding note. 78 For the difference between local function and local “meaning”, see n. 47. 79 In some of these clauses an imperative form is the core: 2 Sam. xiii 17, 1 Kings xiii 7, 15, 2 Kings xiii 17, 18. 80 I take sbyb hwsh to be an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements: sbyb and hwsh. For the formal rules for determining the relationship between the elements of an endocentric constituent, see n. 41. 81 In 1 Sam. xiii 18 it is an endocentric constituent of the type (...//Nh), in 1 Kings vii 39 of the type (Nh//...). I take this endocentric constituent qdmh mmwl ngb to be a paratactic element in another endocentric constituent mktp hbyt hynrnyt qdmh mmwl ngb (type (...//(...//Nh)). These decisions have been taken partly on interpretational grounds. 82 I take spwnh meaning at the north side as a hypotactic element to yrk hmzbh. For this interpretation, see also the discussion of comparable instances, n. 55.

THE Nh INSTANCES

31

iv 18, etc.;83 in 6 instances it is a constituent with locative function: 1 Kings vi 6, vii 25 (end), 39, viii 8, 2 Kings xiii 17, xvi 14.84 In Judg. xii 9 the words xvslsym bnwt slh hhwsh mean “30 daughters he married off into other families” ', in this case the Nh cannot be considered as a constituent with strictly local-terminative function.85 0 Jer. In Jer., Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (lii 23)86 — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric consti­ tuent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause (xxxvi 20; type (...//Nh))—c) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase (xxxi 40). In Jer. xxxvi 20, lii 23 Nh is a constituent with local-terminative function, in Jer. xxxi 40 with locative function. g) Job The only instance of Nh in the prose parts of Job functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (i 20); this constituent has local-terminative function.

83 Among these local-terminative instances I have also reckoned 2 Sam. viii 2, xii 16, xiii 31, in which an Nh ('rsh) is either a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root skb or a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (in which the infinitive is of the same root). For a discussion on this and related points, see n. 436. 84 For 2 Kings xvi 14, see n. 55. The hwsh in 1 Kings vi 6, viii 8 must, in each context, clearly have the meaning at the outside. In the context of 1 Kings vii 39 it is clear that qdmh must have a locative function because it is paratactic to mmwl ngb and both together are paratactic to mktp hbyt hynrnyt (see n. 81 and also n. 241); at the east side (a more general locative meaning in the East would give no sense). At the end of 1 Kings vii 25 there is the nominal clause wkl-'hryhm byth, the suffix referring to the 12 oxen on which the molten sea stood. These oxen clearly stood in a circle. In my opinion the idea of the text is that the hind parts of these animals were along the inside of the circle. A more general locative interpretation with inside would give no sense, neither would a local-terminative interpretation inwards. In 2 Kings xiii 17, it is clear that a window at the east side of the building is opened (an opening eastward gives less sense in my opinion). The problem is whether qdmh is a constituent at clause level as I take it to be (see also n. 112), or whether it could be a hypotactic element in a noun phrase the core of which is hhlwn. This latter interpretation is in itself quite possible. 85 This case is comparable with that in Dt. xxv 5, see n. 64. 86 The verbal clause in question has a verbal form of the root hyh ; on this point, see n. 59. To the best of my knowledge this is the only place where rwh refers to the outside (the side where the wind blows); for this reason I shall not discuss the use of the Nh of this noun in the following pages, as I did for many other nouns.

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h) Ruth The only instance of Nh in Ruth functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (ii 10), it has local-terminative function. i) Ez. In Ez. Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (xxix 5, xlvii 1, xlviii 10 (4 times), 17 (4 times)87 — b) a core element in a nominal clause : viii 16, xlviii l,88 31 89—c) a constituent on clause level in a nominal clause : xlviii 18 (twice)90 — d) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types : 1) (Nh//...): xlvii 8; 2) (...//Nh): xxi 3,91 xlvii 19;92 3) (...//...//Nh//...): xlviii 2893 — e) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions as core element in a nominal clause; one finds the following types:

87 In Ez. xlviii 10 and 17 one is dealing with verbal clauses with verbal forms of the root hyh. In most of the relevant clauses the verbal form in question has to be presupposed; it has been deleted because it has been mentioned in a preceding clause. On verbal clauses with a verbal form of the root hyh, see n. 59. 88 In Ez. xlviii 1 I take gbwl dmsq spwnh 7 yd-hmt to be a subordinate nominal clause (while the territory of D. lies at the north side beside Hamat); cf. the situation in Ez. xlvii 17, where the main clause whyh gbwl mn-hym hsr 'ynn (the border will be from the Sea to H-E.) is.followed by the subordinate clause gbwl dmsq wspwn spwnh wgbwl hmt (while the territory of D. lies at the North side as does that of H.); for w standing in the middle of a clause, cf. Gesenius-Kautzsch, op. cit., par. 154 a N lb. 89 In Ez. xlviii 31 I take s'rym slwsh spwnh (there are 3 gates at the north side) to be an “independent” clause in asyndetic relation to the preceding one, and not as a hypotactic element to s'ry h'yr', cf. the situation in w. 32, 33, 34. 90 Both instances {qdymh and ymh) occur in a nominal clause; in the first one hnwtr b'rk I'mt trwmt hqds and 'srt Ipym are core elements; in the second the first core element is deleted because it was already mentioned in the first clause (hnwtr b'rk...), the second core element also is 'srt 'Ipym. 91 Mngb spwnh must be interpreted here as from south to north. According to the formal rules these words must be taken to be an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements; see n. 41. 92 It is not completely certain that one is dealing with a verbal clause here. A comparable clause (v. 18) is a verbal clause with as core the verbal form tmdw. I have presumed that this verbal form is presupposed in v. 19 but that it has been deleted because it was already mentioned in the preceding* clause; but this remains uncertain, cf. e.g. v. 20. The (...//Nh) in question is p't ngb//tymnh (= at the south side, cf. Ip't spwnh in v. 15). 93 Here one is dealing with a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root hyh. I take (mtmr//my mrybwt qds//nhlh/l'l-hym hgdwl) to be one endocentric constituent consisting of 4 paratactic elements (the border goes from T., to the waters of M., to the Brook to (or: unto) the great Sea). For the situation described here, cf. also Ez. xlvii 19.

THE Nh INSTANCES

33

1) (...//Nh): xlvii 17; 2) (...//...//Nh//...) xlvii 1994—0 a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//...): viii 16, xlviii 21 ;95 2) (...//Nh): xl 40, xiv 7 (twice), xlvii 19, xlviii 28;96 3) 94 For the interpretation of Ez. xlvii 17, cf. n. 88. Here one is dealing with an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements with the same meaning, cf. also n. 53. For comparable instances elsewhere in Ez.. see also nn. 92, 96. For the constituent in question in Ez. xlvii 19 (mtmr 'd-my mrybwt qds nhlh 1-hym hgdwf), see also the remarks made in the preceding note. 95 In Ez. viii 16 the constituent in question (qdmh Isms) is a hypotactic element in a participle phrase. In Ez. xlviii 21 I take (ymhU'l-pny hmsh w'srym Ip 'l-gbwl ymh) to be an endocentric constituent of the type (Nh//...). In the context, ymh must have a locative function : at the west side, the paratactic elements having essentially the same meaning. This constituent is a second paratactic element in an endocentric constituent, the first element being 'l-pny... up to and including qdymh. This endo­ centric constituent is a second paratactic element in an endocentric constituent, the first element being mzh wmzh Itrwmt-hqds wl'hzt h'yr. This endocentric constituent is the first paratactic element in an endocentric constituent, the second element being I'mt hlqym. This endocentric constituent is a core element in a nominal clause, the other core element being Insy'. For the interpretation, see also the following note, the remarks on Ez. xiv 7. 96 In Ez. xl 40 the constituent in question is (7 hktp mhwsh I'wlh Ipth hs'rf/hspwnh), the first element being in itself also an endocentric constituent the construction of which does not concern us here. Whereas the gate mentioned here is the North gate (cf. v. 35), it would be wrong to take hspwnh as the second element of an endocentric constituent the first element of which was Ipth hs'r and which was a hypotactic element to the participle 'wlh. In that case hspwnh would have to be taken as local-terminative, but it would be wrong to let someone entering the North gate go in a northerly direction. Hspwnh here must be taken as having a locative function (at the outside ...// at the north side). The endocentric constituent in question is a core element in a nominal clause. In Ez. xiv 7 one is dealing with 2 endocentric constituents, (mp't-yml/ymh) and (mp't-qdmhHqdymh), and in both cases the paratactic elements have the same meaning (see also n. 53); both constituents are the 2 paratactic elements of an endocentric constituent. This last constituent is the second paratactic element in an endocentric constituent, the first element of which is 'l-pny trwmt-hqds w'l-pny 'hzt h'yr. This endocentric constituent is the second paratactic element of another endocentric consti­ tuent the first element of which is mzh mzh up to and including wl'hzt h'yr. This in turn is the first paratactic element in another endocentric constituent, the second element of which is w'rk up to and including 'l-gbwl qdymh. This last endocentric constituent is a core element in a nominal clause of which also Insy' is a core element. This interpretation of Ez. xiv 7 was the example for the interpretation of Ez. xlviii 21 in the preceding note. In both instances of ymh and qdymh the Nh has locative function : at the west side, at the east side. In Ez. xlvii 19 the endocentric constituent in question is (w't p't-tymnh/ /ngbh); on this type of constituent, see also pp. 89 f. For the description of this constituent as a kind of “postponed” casus pendens, see also the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 71. In Ez. xlviii 28 the endocentric constituent in question is (7-p7 ngb//tymnh), both paratactic elements having the same meaning: at the south side (for this type of endocentric constituent, cf. n. 53). This endocentric constituent is the second paratactic element in an endocentric constituent, the first element of which is 7 gbwl gd. This endocentric constituent is either a casus pendens or a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (this depends on the interpretation one gives to the w before hyh).

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(...//wNh): xliv 17—g) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: viii 3, ix 2, xi 1, xlvi 19 — h) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: xlvi 19.97 In the majority of these instances Nh is a constituent with either local-terminative or locative function.97 98 In one instance, however, it is a constituent with local-final function:99 xxi 3; in an other one it is a constituent which as such does not have any special local function: xlvii 19.100 j) Chr. (Only those instances which have not been borrowed from a Vorlage known to us will be mentioned here.) In Chr., Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (1 Chr. xix 15, xxii 8, xxvi 14 (twice), 15,101 102 2 Chr. vii 3, xx 18, xxix 22 (3 times), 24—b) the core of an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause : 2 Chr. xxxiii 14, 15 — c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (...//Nh): 2 Chr. xxiv 8; 2) (...//Nh//...): 2 Chr. xxxii 30; 3) (...//...//Nh): 1 Chr. xii 9 102 — d) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level; one finds the following types: 1) (...//Nh): 2 Chr. xxix 16; 2) (...//Nh//Nh//wNh) 1 Chr. ix 24— e) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase: 1 Chr. v 9 — f) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: 2 Chr. xx 24—g) a hypo-

97 Formally, it is possible to take ymh to be a paratactic element to byrktm, but, in view of other parallels (see e.g. n. 55), it seems better to regard it as a hypotactic element to yrktm: the back which lies at the west side {ymh here has an additive function, see also n. 55). 98 I consider as local-terminative instances: Ez. viii 3, 16 (twice), ix 2, xi 1, xxix 5, xlvi 19, xlvii 1, 8, 19, xlviii 28; as locative instances: Ez. xl 40, xliv 17, xiv 7 (twice), xlvi 19, xlvii 17, 19, xlviii 1, 10 (4 times), 17 (4 times), 18 (twice), 21, 28, 31. For many of these locative instances, see the discussion in the preceding notes. 99 For the idea of local-finality, see n. 47. For the interpretation of Ez. xxi 3, see also n. 91. 100 For the interpretation of Ez. xlvii 19, (vr> p't-tymnh//ngbh) as a “postponed" casus pendens, see the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 71, see also n. 92. For the notions of local function and local meaning, see n. 47. 101 I consider this clause to be a verbal clause from which the verbal form wypl is deleted, because it has already been mentioned in the preceding verse (v. 14). 102 In this case I have taken, as the vocalization also presupposes, ('l-d\vyd//lmsd/l mdbrh) as an endocentric constituent consisting of 3 paratactic elements. It seems less probable that Imsd mdbrh should be regarded as a status-constructus-group preceded by a preposition, because in all but one instance of (p)NxNh the rectum is a special type of noun, a type to which mdbr does not belong, see p. 88.

THE Nh INSTANCES

35

tactic element in a noun phrase: 1 Chr. ix 18,103 xxvi 30. In some of these instances, Nh is a constituent with local-terminative function (1 Chr. v 9, xii 9, xix 15, etc.), in others, a constituent with locative function (1 Chr. ix 18 (3 times), 24, etc.).104 k) Neh. The only instance of Nh in Neh. (viii 6) functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause and has local-terminative function. (Of the epigraphical material, cf. n. 39, the instance in Lachish letter iv 7 functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. It has local-terminative function. The context of the possible instance in Lachish letter xviii 3 is too damaged to allow further conclusions.) 3. Zero-instances In the great majority of OT instances (total: 367), Nh is a consti­ tuent with local-terminative or locative function. In only 7 instances is this not so: Dt. xxv 5, Judg. xii 9, Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice), Ez. xxi 3, xlvii 19.105 Therefore in determining what in this connection can be considered a zero-instance, account has been taken only of those instances which have local-terminative or locative function. Furthermore, the nouns to which the ending under consideration is attached and which are listed on pp. 19fF. all have one semantic component in common: they all refer to (or, at least, in the relevant contexts refer to)106 “objects” in which local fixedness (be it temporary or permanent) is inherent. It is for this reason that, for the deter­ mination of zera-instances, the material has been limited to nouns 103 In 1 Chr. ix 18 I take mzrhh to be a hypotactic element (with additive function) to s'r hmlk. It would be also formally possible to take mzrhh as a paratactic element to hs'r hmlk. It seems best in the context to interpret mzrhh as having locative function (at the east side, sc. of the Temple), cf. also v. 24 where it is said that the gate-keepers stand at the 4 points of the compass (a local-terminative interpretation would give no sense here). 104 I consider as local-terminative instances: 1 Chr. v 9, xii 9, xix 15, xxii 8, 2 Chr. vii 3, xx 18, 24, xxix 16, 22 (3 times), xxxii 30. As locative instances: 1 Chr. ix 18, 24 (3 times), xxvi 14 (twice), 15, 30, 2 Chr. xxiv 8, xxix 24, xxxii 30, xxxiii 14. For some of these instances, see the discussion in the preceding note. 105 The first 2 instances of this list (Dt. xxv 5, Judg. xii 9) are only minor exceptions; see nn. 64, 85. For other problems, cf. pp. 54ff. 106 The background to this restriction is that some of the nouns to which the ending under consideration is attached in classical Hebrew prose can refer to objects in which local fixedness, temporary or permanent, is not inherent. Thus hyt can refer to family, qdm to the past, rwh to the wind.

36

CHAPTER 1

with this special semantic component or to particular instances where the noun in question has this component. The Nh form of many a noun to which the ending under study can be attached is used only as a constituent with local-terminative function and not as one with locative function (see below); in these cases, only instances with local-terminative function have been taken as zero-instances. Where the Nh of a noun is used only as a constituent with locative function, only instances with this function have been taken as zero-instances. As will be seen, the ratio between the instances of Nh and the zeroinstances is not the same for every noun involved, on the contrary there are clear differences in this respect. Therefore the nouns in question have been divided into different homogeneous groups. a) Nouns referring to the 4 points of the compass (the instances with local-terminative function) 107 For this type of noun the following picture presents itself. (The percentages mentioned by me are the percentages of Nh.) JE: Nh 9 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (66.37-100)).108 D: Nh 5 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (47.82-100)). L: Nh 15 instances against 1 zero-instance (93.75% (69.77-99.84)). JK : Nh 5 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (47.82-100)). Ez.: Nh 7 instances against 7 zero-instances (50% (23.04-76.96)). Chr.: Nh 1 instance against 2 zero-instances (33.33% (0.84-90.57)).109

b) Nouns referring to the 4 points of the compass (the instances with locative function) JE: P:

Nh 2 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)). Nh 28 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (87.66-100)).

107 These nominal forms are put together on strictly semantic and not formal grounds. I have done this because the nouns with this special semantic feature have some characteristics in common with respect to the use of their Nh. As the situation with the Nh of these nouns is different depending on whether they have a localterminative or a locative function, I have given separate lists for locative and localterminative instances. 108 There are neither Nh instances nor zero-instances attested in P. 109 I consider as Nh instances with local-terminative function: a) JE, Gen. xiii 14 (4 times), xxv 6, xxviii 14 (4 times)—b) D, Dt. ii 3, iii 27 (4 times) — c) L, Josh, xv 2, 7, 10, xvi 3, 6 (twice), 8, xvii 9, xviii 12, 14, 15, xix 12, 13 (twice), 34—d) JK, 1 Kings vii 25 (4 times), xvii 3 — e) Ez., viii 3, 16 (twice), ix 2, xi 1, xlvi 19, xlvii 1—0 Chr., 2 Chr. xxxii 30. As zero-instances: a) L, Josh, xix 11 (a pNh)—b) Ez., xliii 17, xliv 1, xlvi 1, 12, xlvii 1, 2, 3 — c) Chr., 1 Chr. xii 16 (twice). For Chr. I have only quoted those instances which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us (I have done the same in all other lists of this type).

THE Nh INSTANCES

D: L: JK : Ez.: Chr.: Neh.:

Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh

37

6 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (54.07-100)). 27 instances against 8 zero-instances (77.14% (59.87-89.58)). 3 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (29.24-100)).110 20 instances against 10 zero-instances (66.66% (47.19-82.71)). 9 instances against 8 zero-instances (52.94% (27.82-77.01)). 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)).111

In all Nh instances of this type (except one), the noun refers to the north {jsouth jeastj west) side.112 For this reason in determining what could be considered a zero-instance here, the material has been limited to those instances where the noun in question also refers to the north {jsouthjeastj west) side. That this approach is justifiable is proved by 1,0 For the reason why 1 have not considered Judg. xxi 19 (mspwnh Ibyt-'l) as a zero-instance, see n. 113. 111 I consider as Nh instances with locative function: a) JE, Numb, xxxii 19, Josh, xi 8 — b) P, Ex. xxvi 18, 22, 27, 35, xxvii 9, 13, xxxvi 23, 27, 32, xxxviii 9, 13, xl 22, 24, Lev. i 11, 16, xvi 14, Numb, ii 3 (twice), 10, 18, 25, iii 23, 29, 35, 38 (twice), x 5, 6 — c) D, Dt. iii 17, iv 49, Josh, xii 1, 3 (twice), 7 (to those instances Josh, xxii 7 probably belonging to a post-D redaction can be added) — d) L, Numb, xxxiv 3, 11, 15 (twice). Josh, xiii 3, 8, 27, 32, xv 1, 8 (twice), 11, 46, xvi 1, 5, xviii 7, 13, 14, 16 (twice), 18, 19 (3 times), xix 26, 27, xx 8 —e) JK, 1 Kings vii 39, 2 Kings xiii 17, xvi 14— 0 Ez., xl 40, xiv 7 (twice), xlvi 19, xlvii 17, 19, xlviii 1, 10 (4 times), 17 (4 times), 18 (twice), 21, 28, 31—g) Chr., 1 Chr. ix 24 (3 times), 18, xxvi 14 (twice), 15, 30, 2 Chr. xxxiii 14. As zero-instances : a) L, Josh, xv 8, 10, xvi 6, xvii 10 (twice), xviii 12, xix 34 (twice) (Josh, xv 10 is instance of pNh) — b) Ez., viii 14 (instance of pNh), xl 2, 19 (twice), 23 (twice), xiii 1, 4, xlvii 1, 17 — c) Chr., 1 Chr. v 9, ix 24, xxvi 16, 17 (3 times), 18, 2 Chr. xxxi 14 (there are 3 instances of pNh : 1 Chr. xxvi 17 (twice), 2 Chr. xxxi 14) — d) Neh., iii 26, xii 37. Although the Books of Ezra and Nehemiah originally formed one large historical work together with the Books of Chronicles, the contributions of the compiler are relatively so small that it seemed best to treat these books separately for the moment, cf. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, pp. 530 f., 542 ff. Among the Ezekiel instances I have not included Idrwm in Ez. xii 11; there is no Nh attested of this noun. If this instance were to be counted in, there would be a slight difference in percentage: 64.5%. If, as seems probable, cf. n. 113, 2 Chr. xxxiii 14 ought not to be included in the list here, the percentage of Chr. will have to be changed also: 50%. 112 For interpretations of many of these instances, cf. nn. 53, 55, 62, 76, 96. In Numb, ii 3, 10, 18, 25, iii 23, 35, x 5, 6 one has to translate the Nhs in question as at the eastjsouthj west!north side (sc. of the camp), a more general locative interpretation with in the efl-sf/etc. would give no sense. In Ez. xlviii 10 where the measures of the holy offering are given only the special locative interpretation given here makes sense and the same is true for the pasture grounds of the city which lie at its eastlzlc. side (Ez. xlviii 17). The gate-keepers of the Temple were put at the east/south/north/west side of the Temple (1 Chr. ix 24, cf. also v. 18); here also a more general locative interpretation would be wrong (the same interpretation has to be proposed for 1 Chr. xxvi 14, 15).' For Josh, xv 46 I propose an interpretation comparable to that for Numb, xxxv 4 (cf. n. 71) and 2 Sam. v 9 (cf. n. 61). In 2 Kings xiii 17 I have taken qdmh as also meaning at the east side (the opening of a window eastwards gives less sense in my opinion); if qdmh. is a hypotactic element to hhlwn (see n. 84) this locative interpretation is the only one possible. For Josh, xix 26, cf. n. 77 and n. 76. For the exception, see the next note.

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the fact that in those locative instances (unfortunately few in number) where the noun in question refers to one of the 4 points of the compass, but not strictly to the north (/south/east/west) side, a Nh occurs only once: 2 Chr. xxxiii 14. The other instances are: (JE) Gen. ii 8 (mqdm), xii 8 (mym, mqdm). Josh, xi 2 (mspwn, mym), 3 (mmzrh, mym), (JK) 1 Sam. xiv 5 (mspwn, mngb), (L) Josh, xviii 5 (mngb, mspwn) and possibly (Chr.) 1 Chr. vii 28 (Imzrh, lmtrb)}lz The fact that Nh occurs only once is significant against the background of the percentages mentioned above. For a comparable case, see p. 40. c) The nouns byt and hws (the instances with local-terminative function) JE:

Nh 8 instances against 0 zm>-instances (100% (63.06-100)). Nh 8 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (63.06-100)). P: byt Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). hws Nh 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). D: byt Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0%, (0.0-97.5)). hws Nh 1 instance against 1 zm>-instance (50%, (1.26-98.74)). JK : byt Nh 11 instances against 2 zero-instances (84.61% (54.56-98.08)). hws Nh 2 instances against 2 z^ro-instances (50% (6.76-93.24)). Ez.: byt Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). hws Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). Chr.: byt Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). hws Nh 2 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)). Neh.: hws Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).113 114 byt

hws

113 In Gen. xii 8 a more general interpretation has to be given. The towns Bethel and Ay lie respectively west and east of Abram’s abode, not at the west and east side of it. In Josh, xi 2, 3, xviii 5, too, a more strictly locative interpretation {at the eastjtic. side) would give no sense in the context (the same is true for 1 Chr. vii 28). In 1 Sam. xiv 4, mention is made of 2 rocky crags between the passes through which Jonathan wants to cross. This way of expressing it indicates that the crags in question did not each stand at the side of a pass, but probably at both sides of the “road” (see also v. 4). Thus mspwn and mngb in v. 5 cannot indicate at the north/south side in a strict sense. Perhaps Josh, xiii 4 {mtymn) has to be added to the examples quoted here, but the interpretation is very difficult. To these examples one has also to add such examples as Gen. xii 8 {mqdm Ibyt-'l), which has to be interpreted as east of Bethel and not at the east side of Bethel in the strict sense. Comparable instances are Gen. iii 24, Numb, xxxiv 4, 11, Josh, vii 2, viii 9, 12, 13, xviii 13, Judg. viii 11, xxi 19 (a pNh), Ez. viii 5, Jonah iv 5, 2 Chr. v 12. There is only 1 instance where Nh is used in a comparable case: 2 Chr. xxxiii 14 (see also p. 37 (n. 111)). But because, generally speaking, the use of Nh in more general locative instances is rare (only 1 instance), whereas it is considerably more common for more strictly locative instances in many types of classical Hebrew prose, it seems best to treat these last mentioned instances separately. Compare also n. 117 and n. 216. 114 I consider as Nh instances with local-terminative function here: a) JE, byt Gen. xix 10, xxiv 32, xxxix 11, xliii 16, 26 (twice), Ex. ix 19, Josh, ii 18, hws Gen. xv

THE Nh INSTANCES

39

d) The nouns byt and hws (the instances with locative function) P:

instances against 4 zero-instances (33.33% (4.33-77.12)). Nh 0 instances against 3 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). D: hyt Nh 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). L: hws Nh 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). JK : hyt Nh 1 instance against 4 zero-instances (20.0% (0.5-71.37)). hws Nh 2 instances against 1 zero-instance (66.66% (9.43-99.16)). Ez.: hyt Nh 0 instances against 3 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). hws Nh 0 instances against 6 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-45.93)). Chr.: hws Nh 1 instance against 1 zero-instance (50% (1.26-98.74)).115 hyt 2 hws

Among the z^ro-instances mentioned here there are 4 instances of mbyt wmhws (in P Gen. vi 14, Ex. xxv 11, xxxvii 2; in JK 1 Kings vii 9); there are no corresponding instances where an Nh is used either for one of the elements or for both of them. If this fact is significant (unfortunately the material at our disposal is scanty), it means that the percentages have to be changed, since those instances cannot anymore be considered as zero-instances. In that case, the following picture would be obtained: P:

hyt hws

Nh 2 instances against 1 zero-instance (66.66% (9.43-99.16)). Nh 0 instances against 0 zero-instances.

5, xix 17, xxiv 29, xxxix 12, 13, 15, 18, Josh, ii 19—b) P, hws \ Ex. xii 46—c) D, hws Dt. xxiv 11—d) JK, Judg. xix 15, 18, 1 Sam. vi 7, 2 Sam. xiii 7, xiv 31, xvii 20, 1 Kings xiii 7, 15, xvii 23, 2 Kings iv 32, ix 6, hws 1 Sam. ix 26, 2 Sam. xiii 17 (Judg. xii 9 is not included here, because it has no strictly local function, see p. 31)—e) Chr., hws 2 Chr. xxix 16, xxxiii 15. As zero-instances with local-terminative function: a) P, hyt Lev. xiv 46—b) D, byt 2 Sam. v 8, hws Dt. xxiii 13—c) JK, hyt 2 Sam. iv 7, xix 6, hws Judg. xix 25, 2 Sam. xiii 18 — d) Ez., hyt xliii 4, hws xxxiv 21 (pNh) — e) Chr., byt 2 Chr. xxiii 7 — 0 Neh., hws xiii 8. About the mutual relation of the byt and hws instances, see p. 40. Although the text of 2 Chr. xxiii 7 is borrowed from a Vorlage known to us (on this point, see n. 109), sc. 2 Kings xi 8, I have listed the text here, because on the relevant point it differs completely from its Vorlage. Lev. xiv 51 is not listed here, because I do not consider this instance as really local-terminative. Perhaps one has to add 1 Kings viii 38 (= 2 Chr. vi 29) to this list, but I am not certain whether Nh also could be used followed by the article + demonstrative pronoun, see also nn. 117, 120, 129 and n. 42. 115 1 here consider as Nh instances with locative function: a) P, byt Ex. xxviii 26, xxxix 19 — b) D, byt 2 Sam. v 9—c) L, hws Numb, xxxv 4—d) JK, byt 1 Kings vii 25, hws 1 Kings vi 6, viii 8 — e) Chr., hws 2 Chr. xxiv 8. Dt. xxv 5 is not included here because it has no strictly local function; for the reason for omitting the byth of Ez. xliv 17 here, cf. p. 40 (n. 117). The following instances have been considered as zeroinstances with locative function: a) P, byt Gen. vi 14, Ex. xxv 11, xxxvii 2, Lev. xiv 41, hws Gen. vi 14, Ex. xxv 11, xxxvii 2 — b) JK, byt 1 Kings vi 15 (twice; once pNh), vii 9, 2 Kings vi 30, hws 1 Kings vii 9 — c) Ez., byt xl 7, 8, 9, hws xl 19, 40, xii 9, 17, 25, xiii 7—d) Chr., hws 2 Chr. xxxii 5. For the question whether some of the instances quoted here as zero-instances really are zero-instances, see also pp. 39 f. I have not included Ez. xl 44 in these lists (mhw$h /JV), cf. n. 117.

CHAPTER 1

40 JK :

instance against 3 zero-instances (25% (0.63-80.58)). Nh 2 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)).

byt Nh \ hws

There is a formal difference between the Nh instances of byt with local-terminative function and those with locative function. The former are always preceded by the article, the latter never. With the Nh instances of hws the situation is slightly different: of the localterminative instances 12 are preceded by the article, 3 (P Ex. xii 46, Chr. 2 Chr. xxix 16, xxxiii 15) are not; of the locative instances 3 are not preceded by the article, but one is (JK, 1 Kings viii 8)116. In all locative Nh instances of byt (with one exception : Ez. xliv 17) this noun refers to the inside, and the instances in question can be. translated as at the inside. In all locative Nh instances of hws this noun refers to the outside, and the instances in question can be translated as at the outside. Therefore, in determining what could be a zero-instance here, I have restricted myself to considering those instances where the nouns in question refer to the inside and the outside respectively. That this approach is justifiable is proved by the fact that in those locative instances where byt refers to a house {! templeIpalace) (these instances can be translated with in the house {j templeIpalace), indoors) and where hws refers to the street and to what is outdoors (these instances can be translated with on the street, outdoors, abroad), a Nh never occurs. This is the more remarkable because quite a number of instances are concerned.117 116 In Dt. xxv 5, where hhwsh has a function that is at least partly locative, see n. 64, one also finds the article preceding. Basing oneself on the situation with byt one gets the impression that originally the situation with hws was the same as with byty but that with hws a change occurred that did not occur with byt. On the differences in situation with byt and hw$, cf. also p. 191. 117 For most of the texts which I interpret as locative, see nn. 55, 61, 84. In 2 Chr. xxiv 8, bs'r byt-YHWH hwsh has to be translated as at the gate of the Temple of the Lord, at the outside. The exception in question is Ez. xliv 17, where byth cannot be taken in the sense of at the inside, but must mean within (namely within the gates Of the inner Temple court). For these locative instances where byt refers to a house, temple or palace, and where no Nh is used, see: a) JE, Gen. xxvii 15, xxxiv 29, xxxix 5, 8, 11, Josh, ii 19, vi 17—b) P, Lev. xiv 36, 47 (twice) — c) JK, 1 Sam. vi 10, xxviii 24, 2 Sam. vii 6, 1 Kings iii 17, 18 (twice), vi 7, 2 Kings iv 2 (twice),* 35, v 24, xxii 9 — d) Ez., vii 15 — e) Ruth, ii 7 — 0 Esth., vii 8. I have not included here instances like Lev. xiv 35, 43, 44, 48, Ez. xl 43, which in my opinion are not certain. Perhaps one also has to add 1 Kings viii 31, 33 (=2 Chr. vi 22, 24) to this list, but I am not certain whether Nh also could be used followed by an article + demonstrative pronoun, see also n. 114. For locative instances where hws refers to street or what is outdoors, and where no Nh is used, see: a) JE, Gen. ix 22, xxiv 31, Ex. xxi 19 — b) D, Dt. xxiii 14, xxiv 11 —c) JK, 2 Kings x 24—d) Ez., vii 15 — e) Esr., x 13. Besides the texts

THE Nh INSTANCES

41

e) The noun 'rs JE: D: JK : Job: Ruth: Ez.: Chr.:

Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh

18 instances against 0 zm?-instances (100% (81.47-100)). 1 instance against 3 zero-instances (25% (0.63-80.58)). 37 instances against 2 zero-instances (94.87% (82.68-99.37)). 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100%(2.5-100)). 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100%(2.5-100)). 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). 4 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (39.76-100)).118

As all Nh instances of 'rs have a local-terminative function, the material has been limited, for the purposes of determining zeroinstances, to instances with that function. This decision is justified, because in instances with locative function an Nh is notonly unat­ tested, but most probably was not used at all, or only veryrarely.119 quoted here, there is also another group where no Nh is used. One of these instances is Lev. viii 17, where it is said that a certain bullock is burnt mhws Imhnh. Here mhws l must not be taken in the strict locative sense of at the outside of but in a more general locative sense: outside... Comparable instances one finds in: a) JE, Gen. xxiv 11, Ex. xxxiii 7 (twice). Numb, xii 14, 15, xv 35 — b) P, Ex. xxvi 35, xxvii 21, xxix 14, xl 22, Lev. ix 11, xiii 46, xiv 8, xvii 3, xxiv 3, Numb, xxxi 19 — c) D, Dt. xxiii 13 — d) L, Numb, xxxv 5, 27 — e) JK, 2 Kings xxiii 4—0 Ez-, xl 5, 44, xliii 21—g) Neh., xiii 20— h) Chr., 2 Chr. xxxii 3. There is 1 comparable instance of hyt \ 1 Kings vi 16 (JK). I have left out instances of (m)hws / ..., which clearly have a local-terminative function, e.g. Lev. iv 12, 21, etc. Because, generally speaking, the use of Nh in more general locative instances is rare (only 1 instance), whereas it is considerably more common for more strictly locative instances, it seems best to treat these last-mentioned instances separately. Compare n. 113. 1,8 For the instances of Nh, see pp. 19ff. I have considered as zero-instances: a) D, Dt. xii 16, 24, xv 23—b) JK, 1 Sam. xxv 23, 1 Kings i 31—c) Ez., xxiv 7, xxxviii 20. 119 See e.g. the locative instances for in the country, a) JE, Gen. xii 6, 10 (twice), xiii 7, 17, xix 31, xxvi 1, 22, xxxiv 21, 30, xxxvi 20, xii 31, xliii 1, xlvii 4, 1 11, Ex. viii 21, ix 5, xiv 3, xxiii 31, Numb, xiii 28, xxxii 17, Josh, ii 9, 24, vii 9 — b) P, Lev. xxv 10, 18, xxvi 6 — c) D, Ex. xxxiv 12, 15, Dt. iv 25, Josh, ix 24, 2 Sam. v 6, 1 Kings viii 37 (twice), xiv 24—d) L, Numb, xxxiii 55, xxxv 32, Josh, xiii 21, xiv 4, xviii 4, 8 — e) JK, Judg. i 32, 33, ii 2, xviii 7, 1 Sam. xxiii 23, xxvii 8, 1 Kings ix 18, 21, xvii 7, xviii 5, 2 Kings iv 38, xv 20, xxv 24—0 Jer. prose, xxxiii 15, xl 6, 9 — g) Ez., vii 7, xxxiv 29, xxxvii 22 — h) Ruth, i 1 — i) Chr., 1 Chr. v 23, vii 21, xxi 12, 2 Chr. xix 5, xxxii 31—j) Neh., ix 24. See also the locative instances for on (the) earth ’, a) JE, Gen. ii 5, iv 12, 14, vi 4, 5, 6, x 8, xiv 7 — b) P, Gen. i 11, 22, 26, 28, 30, vi 12, 17, vii 14, 21 (twice), viii 17 (3 times), 19, ix 7, 16, 17, x 32, Lev. xi 2, 29, 41, 42, 44, 46 — c) D, Dt. iii 24, iv 17, 32, 36, 2 Sam. vii 23, 1 Kings viii 27 —d) JK, Judg. xviii 10, 2 Sam. vii 9, xiv 20—e) Jer. prose, xxxi 22 — 0 Job prose, i 7, 8, 10, ii 2, 3 — g) Chr., 1 Chr. xxix 11, 15, 2 Chr. vi 14. As Chr. texts I have only quoted those instances which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us. I have quoted here only some of the locative instances (there are also instances of on the ground and in the ground) but their very numerousness proves that it is improbable that an Nh of 'rs was more than scantily used, if at all, in locative function in any known type of classical Hebrew prose. For a discussion of the fact that 'rsh in Gen. xxviii 12 has a local-terminative and not a locative function, see n. 449.

42

CHAPTER 1

The noun 'rs refers semantically to either the ground, the country (or : piece of ground), the netherworld or the whole of the earth {world). In all Nh instances, however, this noun refers exclusively to the ground. The probability of this being significant is also increased by the fact that in the relatively small number of local-terminative ’^-instances, where the noun does not refer to the ground, an Nh is not attested.120 Therefore, in determining what could be zero-instances here, the material has been restricted to those instances with local-terminative function, where 'rs refers to the ground. For the deviating percentages in D and Ez., see the discussion on p. 224. f) The noun mzbh To determine a zero-instance here is far from easy. The instances of Nh in P (in total 28) all have strictly locative function.121 In none of the instances in P of a function which is not strictly locative (in total 29) does one find an Nh.122 Therefore it is highly probable that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of language as the P-texts, a Nh of mzbh would be never, or hardly ever,

120 See the local-terminative instances for to the/a country : a) JE, Josh, ii 18 — b) P, Gen. xxxvi 6, Lev. xix 23 — c) D, Judg. vi 5 — d) JK, 2 Kings iii 27, viii 1(7), xiii 20, xv 19 — e) Jer. prose, xxxv 11, and the instances for (raining/etc.) on the earth : JE, Gen. ii 5, vii 4. Although the number of these instances is small and they are divided over many types of classical Hebrew prose, the fact that Nh is not used in any of them is significant when compared with the fact that in the local-terminative instances for on the ground the Nh instances normally reach such a high percentage. There are only 2 instances for into the ground (both JK): Judg. iv 21, 1 Sam. xxvi 8; this number is too small to allow conclusions to be drawn. Whereas in Ez. xxvi 11 'rs probably means netherworld, I have not listed this instance among the rm>-instances. (Among the instances of to theja country I have not listed those where 'rs is followed either by an ’ir-phrase (Gen. xii 1, xxiv 5, Ex. vi 8, etc.) or by the article + demonstrative pronoun (Gen. xxiv 5, Numb, xiv 3, 8, etc.); if it is right to include them here (see also n. 114), these many instances will strengthen our case still more.) 121 See also the remarks made in n. 56. 122 The instances in question are: Ex. xxix 16, 20, Lev. i 5, 11, iii 2, 8, 13, vii 2, viii 11, 19, 24, ix 12, 18, Numb, xviii 17 (combined with a derivative of the root zrq). Ex. xxviii 43, xxx 20, Lev. ii 8, xxi 23, Numb, v 25 (combined with a derivative of the root ngs). Lev. i 7, xvii 11, xxii 22 (combined with a derivative of the root ntn). Lev. ii 12 (combined with a derivative of the root 7/?), Ex. xl 32, Lev. i 15, ix 7, 8 (twice). Numb, xviii 3 (combined with a derivative of the root qrh). In Lev. ii 12 it seems best to take the collectivum qrhn r'syt as the subject of ylw and not the sacrificers; in that case one would expect the form t'lw, cf. tqryhw. It is uncertain whether one has to consider the first-mentioned instances (those combined with a derivative of the root zrq) as strictly local-terminative, but in any case they are not strictly locative, see also p. 43 (n. 124).

THE Nh INSTANCES

43

used in instances with a function which is not strictly locative. In the majority of the material outside P one finds nothing which could justify any other conclusion.123 But the picture in Chr. is completely different. Of the 4 Nh instances only that in 2 Chr. xxix 24 has a strictly locative function, the 3 instances in 2 Chr. xxix 22 all having a local-terminative function.124 In Chr., no instance is attested with local-terminative function where one does not find an Nh. The conclu­ sion must be that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of language as found in the Chr. texts (not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us) the Nh of mzbh would be used for instances with both a locative and a local-terminative function. In determining what could be zero-instances here, one also encounters another problem. Besides the 28 Nh instances in question, one finds in P 12 instances of mzbh which have locative function, but where no Nh is used. With one exception (Lev. xiv 20), all instances of Nh are either a constituent (or paratactic element in an endocentric consti­ tuent) at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the Hiph'il conjugation of the root qtr. Among the 12 instances mentioned above, however, where no Nh is used, only 3 are constituents at clause level in a verbal clause of the same type: Lev. vi 8, ix 13, 17.125 These facts justify the conclusion that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of language as the P texts, the Nh of mzbh would have a much higher density, if a constituent (or a para­ tactic element in an endocentric constituent) at clause level in a verbal 123 In most other types of classical Hebrew prose no Nh instances of mzbh are attested, except in Chr. (see below). For local-terminative instances, in none of which Nh is used, see: a) JE, Gen. xxii 9 (combined with a derivative of the root sym). Ex. xxiv 6 (combined with a derivative of the root zrq)—b) JK, 2 Kings xvi 13 (combined with a derivative of the root zrq), 1 Kings xii 32, 33 (twice; combined with a derivative of the root 7//), 2 Kings xvi 12 (combined with a derivative of the root qrb). For Chr., see below. This material as such is too slight to allow many conclusions to be drawn. 124 In all 3 instances in 2 Chr. xxix 22 one is dealing with verbal clauses with a verbal form of the root zrq (see also n. 122). In P there are 14 comparable instances (all with zrq) without the Nh of mzbh, and none with it (see n. 122). This is a significant difference. 125 There follows a list of the remaining 9 locative instances where the Nh of mzbh could theoretically have been used, but was not: a) 3 instances which are constituents at clause level in a verbal clause: Ex. xxix 38 (verbal form of the root \sh). Lev. vi 6 (verbal form of the root yqd), ix 24 (verbal form of the root 'kl) — b) 1 instance which is a core element in a nominal clause: Lev. vi 2 — c) 1 instance which is a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: Lev. vi 5 — d) 4 instances where one finds the 'sr phrase 'sr 7 hmzbh : Ex. xxix 21, Lev. i 8, 12, viii 30.

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CHAPTER 1

clause with a verbal form of the Hiph'il conjugation of the root qtr were concerned, than in many other cases. Unfortunately the other locative material in P is so heterogeneous and, outside P in JE, JK and Ez., so scanty that it is very difficult to come to further con­ clusions.126 In the only exception in P (Lev. xiv 20), the Nh is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the Hiph'il conjugation of the root YA. Of the 12 instances mentioned above, where no Nh is used, there is none which is a constituent at clause level in a same type of verbal clause.127 The material outside P is also very scanty (2 instances, in both of which no Nh is used: Gen. viii 20 (JE), 2 Chr. xxix 27 (in the latter the pN is, moreover, a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase, with an infinitive of the Hiph'il conjugation of the root 7A)). Conclusions about this matter are difficult if not impossible to draw. Against this background the only instances which one can identify with certainty as zero-instances are Lev. vi 8, ix 13, 17 (see above). To those 3 instances correspond, in P, 27 Nh instances, which are also constituents (or paratactic elements in an endocentric constituent) at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the Hiph'il conjugation of the root qtr. The percentage of Nh in this case is 90% (73.47-97.89). g) The rest of the material The rest of the material is quite heterogeneous, yet for practical reasons the various instances will here be dealt with together. Of 5 of the nouns involved, only 1 Nh is attested in classical Hebrew (all instances have local-terminative function) without any corres­ ponding zero-instance of a similarly local-terminative function being attested: hsr (Jer.), Iskh, msdrwn, m'gl and prsdn (all in JK). Of these nouns not only is no Nh attested with locative function, but 4 of them also have no other instances attested with locative function; 126 Outside P one finds the following locative instances where the Nh of mzbh could theoretically have been used but was not: a) JE, Gen. viii 20 (constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with verbal form of the root 7/z)—b) JK, 2 Kings xxiii 16 (constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with verbal form of the root srp) — c) Ez., xliii 27 (constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with verbal form of the root 'sh) — d) Chr., 2 Chr. xxix 27 (same situation as in JE). Perhaps one ought to add 1 Kings iii 4 here (JK), but I am not certain whether Nh also was used followed by an article + demonstrative pronoun; otherwise it is the same situation as in JE. For P, see n. 125. There are unfortunately no qtr instances outside P. 127 For the fact that it is improbable that Lev. ii 12 is to be considered as a locative zero-instance, see n. 122.

THE Nh INSTANCES

45

the only exception is hsr of which one finds 3 such instances: Esth. v 2, vi 4, 5.128 Of 6 other nouns, also only 1 Nh is attested in classical Hebrew (in these instances also with local-terminative func­ tion) : bwr (JE), bmh (JK), gg (JE), yr (L), 'rbh (L) and pth (JE), but here there are corresponding zero-instances with similarly localterminative function, albeit that their number is small and that consequently we can obtain no overall picture of these points through­ out the whole of classical Hebrew prose material.129 Of these 6 nouns no Nh with locative function is attested, on the other hand some instances of them with locative function where no Nh is used, are attested, but they are too few in number to allow any more definite conclusion to be drawn.130 A survey of the material available will be given for each of the other nouns. 7. 'hi JE: Nh 6 instances against 1 zm?-instance (85.7% (42.13-99.64)). P: Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). JK : Nh 1 instance against 1 z^ro-instance (50% (1.26-98.74)).131

As all Nh instances of 7// have a local-terminative function, the material has been restricted, for the purpose of determining zero128 The percentage is 0.0% (0.0-70.76). 129 The local-terminative zero-instances in question are : A) bwr: a) JE, Gen. xl 15 — b) Jer. prose, xxxviii 6, 7, 9 (perhaps one has to add Gen. xxxvii 22, but I am not certain whether Nh also could be used followed by an article + demonstrative pronoun, see n. 114)—B) bmh\ a) JK, 1 Sam. ix 14, 19, x 13—b) Chr., 2 Chr. i 3, 13—C) gg\ a) JE, Josh, ii 8 — b) JK, 1 Sam. ix 26 (the Qere has haggdgd here, but I am working from the Ketib which has hgg) — D) y'r \ a) D, Dt. xix 5 — b) JK, 1 Sam. xiv 26 — E) 'rbh : Ez. xlvii 8 — ¥) pth : 1 Kings xiv 6 (JK). Because the only Nh instance of bwr means into the pit (Gen. xxxvii 24) I have left out local-terminative instances of bwr with other meaning such as to the pit: Gen. xxxvii 29, Jer. xxxviii 11, because it is uncertain whether Nh could be used in such instances. For the instances of Nh, see the lists on pp. 19ff. For the nominal forms in question there is not enough material for us to decide with reasonable certainty whether the percentage of Nh instances for any of them would be different in the different types of classical Hebrew prose. 130 For these locative instances see: a) bwr (in the/a pit): 1) JE, Gen. xxxvii 29, xl 15 — 2) Jer. prose, xxxviii 6 — b) bmh (on the bama) : 1) JK, 1 Sam. ix 12 — 2) Chr., 1 Chr. xxi 29 — c) gg (on the roof): 1) JE, Josh, ii 6 — 2) JK, Judg. xvi 27, 1 Sam. ix 25, 2 Sam. xvi 22, 2 Kings xxiii 12 — d) y'r (in the forest): JK, 2 Sam. xviii 17 — e) ’rbh (on the plain): 1) D, Dt. i 1, 7, xi 30, Josh, xii 8 — 2) JK, 1 Sam. xxiii 24— 0 pth (in the gate/entrance): 1) JE, Gen. iv 7 — 2) JK, 2 Kings iv 15. 131 For the Nh instances, see pp. 19ff. For the zero-instances, see: Ex. xxxiii 8 (JE), Numb, xix 14 (P), Judg. vii 13 (this instance is not completely certain; JK). All instances of Nh are preceded by the article.

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instances, to instances with local-terminative function. Although there are no Nh instances of 'hi with locative function, the material available does not permit a decision whether or not in one or more types of classical Hebrew prose an Nh of this noun could be used as a constituent with locative function.132 2. hr JE:

Nh 7 Nh 0 Nh 6 Nh 0 JK : Nh 1 Neh.: Nh 0 P: D: L:

instances against 3 zero-instances (70.0% (34.76-93.32)). instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). instances against 1 zero-instance (85.7% (42.13-99.64)). instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). instance against 1 zero-instance (50.0% (1.26-98.74)). instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).133

As all Nh instances of hr have a local-terminative function, the material has been restricted, for the purpose of determining zeroinstances, to instances with local-terminative function. From the material available one gets the impression that, for instances with locative function, the Nh of hr was not used in classical Hebrew, or, if so, very rarely.134 It seems possible that a differentiation ought to be made in the local-terminative material, but the material at our disposal excludes the possibility of any real certainty.135 132 The instances with locative function where no Nh is used, are : 1) JE, Gen. iv 20, xviii 9, Dt. xxxi 15 — 2) P, Numb, xix 14 (twice) —3) D, 1 Kings viii 4 (probably D) — 4) JK, 2 Sam. vii 6 — 4) Chr., 2 Chr. v 4 (= 1 Kings viii 4). These small numbers do not make it possible to decide whether or not an Nh of 'hi could be used in locative function in any known type of classical Hebrew prose. 133 For the Nh instances, see pp. 19ff. For the zero-instances, see: a) JE, Ex. xix 12, 13, Numb, xiii 17 — b) P, Ex. xxiv 15, 18 — c) D, Dt. v 5 — d) L, Josh, xvi 1, xviii 12 — e) JK, 2 Kings iv 27 — 0 Neh., viii 15. 134 The instances with locative function where no Nh is used are : 1) JE, Gen. xix 30, xxxi 25, 54 (twice), Ex. xix 16, xxiv 18, Numb, xiii 29, Josh, x 6 (do Josh, ix 1 and xi 2, 3 also belong here, or do they belong to a D-redaction?) — 2) P, Ex. xxv 40, xxvi 30, xxvii 8 — 3) D, Dt. i 7, v 4, 22, viii 7, ix 9, 10, x 4, 10, Josh, xii 8, 1 Kings v 29 — 4) L, Josh, xiii 6, xv 48 — 5) JK, Judg. i 9, 1 Sam. xxiii 14, 2 Sam. xxi 9, 1 Kings xix 11, 2 Kings xxiii 16 — 6) Chr., 2 Chr. ii 1, 17 (in both instances compare 1 Kings v 29). Although in every single type of classical Hebrew prose referred to here the material is in itself insufficient to be absolutely conclusive, the fact that a Nh is not used in any of them means that a certain cumulative- significance cannot be denied it. 135 All zm>-instances in JE, P, D and L occur with verbal forms (or an infinitive) of the root 7A, whereas in JE there is only one of the 7 Nh instances which occurs with a verbal form of this root (Gen. xxiv 12; in P there are no Nh instances). In D, however, all 6 Nh instances occur with verbal forms (or infinitives) of this root. Unless one accepts a clear difference in this respect between the type of classical Hebrew prose represented by D and those types represented by JE, P and L (which is possible, but the available material excludes all certainty because of its scantiness), no real conclusion is possible.

THE Nh INSTANCES

47

3. hdr JE: JK :

Nh 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). Nh 3 instances against 1 zero-instance (75.0% (19.41-99.37)).136

As all Nh instances of hdr have a local-terminative function, the material has been restricted, for the purpose of determining zeroinstances, to instances with local-terminative function. Although there are no Nh instances of hdr with locative function, the material available does not permit a decision whether or not in one or more types of classical Hebrew prose an Nh of this noun could be used as a constituent with locative function.137 4. ym D: L: Ez.:

(referring to the sea as such, not to the west) Nh 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100%, (2.5-100)). Nh 7 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (59.03-100)). Nh 1 instance against 1 zero-instance (50% (1.26-98.74)).138

With the exception of Josh, xv 12 (hymh hgdwl) all Nh instances of ym referring to the sea as such have a local-terminative function 136 For the Nh instances, see pp. 19fT. The zero-instance (JK) is 2 Sam. xiii 10. I have omitted here the expression hdr bhdr, which occurs in 1 Kings xx 30, xxii 25 (= (2 Chr. xviii 24)), 2 Kings ix 2, because it is highly uncertain that such a special expression can be taken to be comparable with the other relevant material. 137 The instances with locative function where no Nh is used both occur in JK : Judg. xvi 9, 12. This material is too small for any conclusion to be drawn. 138 The Nh instances are : 1) D, 1 Kings v *23 — 2) L, Numb, xxxiv 5, Josh, xv 4, 11, xvi 3, 8, xvii 9, xix 29 — 3) Ez., xlvii 8. The only zero-instance is in Ez. xlvii 8 (a pNh). It is impossible to interpret either hymh or 1-hymh in Ez. xlvii 8 as westward, because from the context it is clear that the movement in question is eastward, cf. vv. 1, 8. The interpretation of the end of Ez. xlvii 8 is difficult. With all due reserve I propose to take wb'w hymh 1-hymh as one clause, consisting of a verbal form followed by an endocentric constituent, both paratactic elements of which have the same meaning (compare e.g. p. 89). I would like to interpret hmws'ym wnrp'w hmym as “as to what is brought forth (namely the water which flows from the Temple to the Dead Sea) the water will be healed” (i.e. it will not be salted anymore, cf. w. 9ff.). I take hmws'ym as a casus pendens which has no correspondent in the “real” clause, cf. the author in art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 50, 68, 71, 76 and in “Das sogenannte Feueropfer”, SVT xvi (1967), pp. 114-134 on p. 126, n. 2. In the material available the Nh of ym referring to the sea is sometimes preceded by the article (Numb, xxxiv 5, Josh, xvi 8, xvii 9, xix 29, Ez. xlvii 8) and sometimes not (Josh, xv 4, 11, xvi 3, 1 Kings v 23). The Nh of ym referring to west is normally not preceded by the article: JE 2 instances, P 6 instances, D 2 instances, L 7 instances, JK 1 instance, Ez. 6 instances, Chr. 2 instances (one borrowed from a Vorlage known to us). There are only 2 instances where the Nh of ym referring to west is preceded by the article, a local-terminative one (Josh, xvi 6) and a locative one (Josh, xix 26). This could argue the case that, at least originally, the Nh of ym referring to west was not preceded by the article and that later (at least in certain types of classical Hebrew) the situation changed slightly.

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(the instance in Josh, xv 12 is a constituent which does not have any special local function; for this reason I have not considered it here at all). Therefore, the material has been restricted, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, to instances with local-terminative func­ tion.139 Although there are no Nh instances of ym (referring to the sea) with locative function, the material available does not permit us to reach a decision with any certainty whether or not in one or more types of classical Hebrew prose an Nh of ym (referring to the sea) could be used as constituent with locative function.140 5. mdbr JE: P: D: L: JK : Ez.: Chr.:

Nh 2 Nh 2 Nh 2 Nh 2 Nh 5 Nh 1 Nh 2

instances against 2 zero-instances (50.0% (6.76-93.24)). instances against 2 zero-instances (50.0% (6.76-93.24)). instances against 1 zero-instance (66.6% (9.43-99.16)).141 instances against 1 zero-instance (66.6% (9.43-99.16)).142 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (47.82-100)).143 instance against 1 zero-instance (50.0% (1.26-98.74)). instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)).144

139 As all Nh instances referring to sea have the meaning towards the sea, I did not include in the zero-instances those meaning into the sea, cf. Ex. xiv 28, xv 19 (JE), Jonah i 5, 12, 15. 140 These locative instances are rare. For on the sea, cf. 1 Kings v 23, Jonah i 4. This material does not allow any conclusion to be drawn. 141 The zero-instance in question Numb, xiv 25 can also be considered as belonging to JE, cf. Eissfeldt, Hexateueh-synopse, a.l., Noth, Uberlieferungsgeschichte, p. 34. 142 One of the Nh instances in question is Josh, xviii 12/ Usually, mdbrh in this verse is taken to be a nomen regens (an interpretation also presupposed by the vocaliza­ tion). In my opinion, however, it is preferable to regard mdbrh byt 'wn as an endo­ centric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements (towards the desert, to B-A.). Compare a construction like ylk hgbwl ymh nhl qnh (Josh, xvi 8, i.e. the border went westward to the brook of Qanah). 143 One of the Nh instances in question is 1 Kings xix 15. Usually, mdbrh in this verse is taken to be a nomen regens (an interpretation also presupposed by the vocalization), but in view of the context it seems better to regard mdbrh dmsq as an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements: into the desert, to Damascus (the anointing of Hazael spoken of in the second half of the verse undoubtedly took place in Damascus and not in the desert, cf. also 2 Kings viii 7). The fact that mdbrh here and in Josh, xviii 12 (see preceding note) is not preceded by the article is no decisive argument against the interpretation of this‘word as a noun in the status absolutus. See other instances where the Nh of mdbr is not preceded by the article : 1 Chr. v 9, xii 9. See also the fact that e.g. the Nh instances of ym referring to the sea are sometimes preceded by the article, and sometimes not, cf. n. 138. 144 For the Nh instances, see pp. 19fT. For the zero-instances, see: a) JE, Numb, xxiv 1, Josh, viii 20—b) P, Ex. xvi 10, Lev. xvi 22 — c) D, Numb, xiv 25 (see n. 141) — d) L, Josh, xvi 1 (see below) — e) Ez., xx 10. It is not completely certain whether Josh, xvi 1 belongs here, although it seems probable. It seems less probable that

THE Nh INSTANCES

49

As all Nh instances of mdbr have a local-terminative function, the material was restricted, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, to instances with local-terminative function. From the material available one gets the impression that an Nh of this noun was not used as a constituent with locative function in classical Hebrew prose, or only very rarely.145 6. nhl JK : Ez.:

Nh 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). Nh 2 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)).146

As both Nh instances of nhl have a local-terminative function, the material was restricted, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, to instances with local-terminative function. Although there are no Nh instances of nhl with locative function, there is no material available to permit a decision whether or not in one or more types of classical Hebrew prose an Nh of nhl could have been used as a constituent with locative function.147 'lh (not preceded by the article) is an attribute to hmdbr, it is also less probable (as is apparent from the context) that hmdbr 'lh... is a nominal clause. For this reason 1 propose to interpret the text as follows: “And the lot for the children of Joseph went out from the Jordan at Jericho... into the desert, going up (sc. the borderline of the lot in question which is described here) from Jericho to the hill country of Bethel, and from Bethel...” (for a borderline being the subject of 7/?, cf. e.g. Josh, xv 6, 7, 8, etc.). 145 For those locative instances, see: a) JE, Gen. xvi 7, xxi 20, xxxvi 24, xxxvii 22, Ex. iii 18, v 1, 3, vii 16, viii 23, 24, xiv 11, 12, xv 22, xvi 32, xix 2, Numb, x 31, xv 32, xvi 13, xxi 5, 13, xxxii 13, 15, Josh, xxiv 7 (total 23 instances) — b) P, Ex. xvi 2, Numb, xiv 33 (twice), xxvi 65, xxvii 3 (total 5 instances) — c) D, Numb, xiv 16, 22 (uncertain whether both instances really are D), Dt. i 1, iv 43, viii 2, 16, ix 7, 28, xi 5, xxix 4, Josh, v 4, 5, 6, xii 8 (total 14 instances) — d) L, Josh, xiv 10, xv 61, xx 8 (total 3 instances) — e) JK, Judg. xi 16, 18, 1 Sam. iv 8, xvii 28, xxiii 14, xxv 4, 21, xxvi 3, 2 Sam. xvi 2, xvii 29, 1 Kings ii 34, ix 18, xix 4 (total 13 instances)—0 Jer. prose, xxxi 2 (1 instance) — g) Ez., xx 13 (twice), 15, 17, 18, 21, 23, xxxiv 25 (total 8 instances) — h) Neh., ix 19, 21 (total 2 instances) — i) Chr., 1 Chr. vi 63 (cf. Josh, xx 8), xxi 29, 2 Chr. i 3, viii 4 (cf. 1 Kings ix 18), xx 24, xxiv 9, xxvi 10 (total 5 instances not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us). Although it may be probable only for some types of classical Hebrew prose (those represented by JE, D and JK) that the Nh of mdbr was not used as a constituent with locative function, or very rarely so, the fact that in 74 OT instances where a locative Nh of mdbr could theoretically have been used, this was never done has its own cumulative significance. 146 The zm?-instance in question is 2 Sam. xvii 13. Both Nh instance (Ez. xlvii 19, xlviii 28) have the meaning towards the brook \ the 'd-hnhl of 2 Sam. xvii 13 has the meaning into the brook/valley. For this reason one cannot be completely certain that one is dealing here with a real zmj-instance; cf. also n. 139, the remarks on the instances of into the sea. 147 There are only a few instances with locative function: a) JE, Gen. xxvi 19 —

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7. 'yn JE:

(referring to spring/fountain) Nh 2 instances against 2 zm>-instances (50.0% (6.76-93.24)).*148

As both Nh instances of 'yn have a local-terminative function, the material was restricted, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, to instances with local-terminative function. Although there are no Nh instances of 'yn with locative function, the material available does not permit a decision whether or not an Nh of 'yn could be used as a constituent with locative function in one or more types of classical Hebrew prose.149 8. 'yr JE: L: JK : Jer.: Jonah: Ruth: Chr.:

Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh Nh

2 1 4 0 0 0 1

instances against 3 zm>-instances (40.0% (5.28-85.33)). instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). instances against 22 zero-instances (15.38% (4.36-34.86)). instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). instance against 1 zero-instance (100% (2.5-100)).150

As all Nh instances of 'yr have a local-terminative function, the material was restricted, for the purpose of determinating zero-instances, to instances with local-terminative function. From the material available one gets the impression that in classical Hebrew prose an Nh of 'yr was not used as a constituent with locative function, or only very scantily.151

b) D, Dt. ii 36, xxi 4, 6 — c) JK, 1 Sam. xv 5 — d) Neh., ii 15 (probable example) — e) Chr., 2 Chr. xxxiii 14. This number of instances is too small to allow any conclusion whatever to be drawn. 148 For both instances of Nh, see p. 19. The r^ro-instances in question are Gen. xxiv 29, 42. Both Nh instances occur with a verbal form of the root yrd\ in both other instances this is not the case. Unfortunately the material is too insufficient to permit a decision whether this is significant or not. 149 The only possible example is Gen. xxiv 30 (JE): at the fountain. 150 For the Nh instances in question, see pp. 19ff. The r^ro-instances in question are : a) JE, Josh, viii 5, 18, 19 — b) JK, Judg. xx 11, 1 Sam. ix 12, 13, 14 (twice), 25, x 5, xx 40, xxi 1, xxx 3, 2'Sam. x 14, xi 20, xv 25, 27, 34, 37, xix 4, 1 Kings xx 30 (twice), 2 Kings vii 4, 12, xxiv 11 —c) Jer. prose, xxxii 24, xii 7 — d) Jonah, iii 4 — e) Ruth, ii 18, iii 15. Whereas the Nh of 'yr is always preceded by the article, I have omitted from the list of zero-instances those instances where no special town is indicated and where the meaning is to any city whatever (Dt. xx 10, 2 Sam. xvii 13). In the epigraphical material there are 2 (or 1?) instances of Nh, cf. n. 39, against no zero-instances. 151 For those locative instances, see : a) JE, Gen. xix 12, xxxiv 28, Josh, vi 21, viii 16 (Ketib; total 4 instances) — b) D, Dt. xx 14, xxii 23, 24, xxviii 3, 16 (total 5 instances)

THE Nh INSTANCES

51

9. s'r D: Nh JK : Nh Ez.: Nh Ruth :Nh

2 0 0 0

instances instances instances instances

against against against against

0 1 1 1

zm?-instances (100% (15.81-100)). zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).152

As all Nh instances of fV have a local-terminative function, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, material was restricted to instances with local-terminative function. Although there are no Nh instances with locative function, there is no material available to permit a decision whether or not in one or more types of classical Hebrew prose an Nh of yr could be used as a constituent with locative function.153 10. Nouns of which no Nh is attested in classical Hebrew As has been seen (p. 35), those nominal forms of which an Nh is attested in classical Hebrew prose have a semantic component in common. There is a large group of nominal forms, however, which have the same component, but of which no Nh is attested in our corpus of texts. In the majority of the instances the material available is so scanty that it is impossible to decide whether or not in one or more types of classical Hebrew prose an Nh of such a noun could have been used as either a constituent with local-terminative or locative function.154 Only in some cases can one be more certain. — c) JK, 1 Sam. xx 29, 1 Kings ix 16, xiv 11, xvi 4, xxi 24, 2 Kings vii 4, xxv 3, 11, 19 (twice; total 10 instances) — d) Jer. prose, xxxviii 9, xxxix 9, Iii 6, 15, 25 (twice; the 4 last mentioned instances are identical with 2 Kings xxv 3, 11, 19 (twice); total 5 instances)—e) Ez., vii 15, ix 5, 7—0 Jonah, iv 5—g) Chr., 2 Chr. xxviii 27. Although no absolute proof can be given that a locative Nh of 'yr was not used in any type of classical Hebrew prose represented by the text material quoted here, the fact that such an Nh is not used in any of these types of prose has a certain cumulative significance that cannot be denied. 152 For the Nh instances in question, see pp. 19ff. The rtro-instances in question are: a) JK, 2 Kings ix 31—b) Ez., xliii 1—c) Ruth, iv 1. 153 For those locative instances, see: a) JK, 2 Sam. xix 9 (twice), 2 Kings vii 17, 20 — b) Ez., xl 3 — c) Ruth iv 11. These small numbers do not make it possible to decide whether or not an Nh of s'r meaning in the gate could be used in any known type of classical Hebrew prose. The same is true for the small number of locative instances meaning a/ //H'gtf/?; see: a) JK, 2 Sam. xxiii 15, 16—b) 1 Chr. xi 17, 18 (= 2 Sam. xxiii 15, 16), xvi 42. See also Is'r ws'r (= at every gate) in 2 Chr. viii 14, xxxv 15. 154 I want to give only some examples. Of the nouns quoted here, however, all local-terminative or all locative instances attested are quoted. For local-terminative instances, see : a) h'r (to the well) Gen. xxiv 20 (JE) — b) hq'h (on to the plain) Ez. iii 22, 23 — c) hykl (to the temple) Ez. xii 1, Neh. vi 11—d) krm (into the vineyard) Numb.

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It can be regarded as reasonably certain that an Nh of mhnh was used rarely (if at all) as a constituent with local-terminative function in a sufficiently large corpus of texts, which reproduces the same types of classical Hebrew prose as do either JE, JK or (perhaps) P155. The same is true for the use of Nh of mhnh as a constituent with locative function in a sufficiently large corpus of texts, which reproduces the same type of classical Hebrew prose as does JE.156 It is also true for the use of Nh of qds as a constituent with either local-terminative or locative function in a sufficiently large corpus of texts, which repro­ duces the same type of classical Hebrew prose as does P.157 *And it xxi 22 (JE) — e) mgdl (unto the tower) Judg. ix 52 — 0 mlwn (to the lodging-place) Gen. xliii 21, Josh, iv 8 (JE) — g) m'rh (unto the cave) 1 Kings xix 9 — h) msd (to the stronghold) 1 Chr. xii 17 — i) mswdh (unto the stronghold) 1 Sam. xxiv 23, 2 Sam. v 17 —j) msph (to the watch-tower) 2 Chr. xx 24—k) mqds (into the sanctuary) Lev. xii 4 — 1) mskn (into the Tabernacle) Ex. xl 21 (P) — m) 'lyh (into the upper chamber) 2 Kings iv 11—n) 'mq ((in)to the valley) Judg. i 34, vii 12 — o) swr (to the rock) 1 Chr. xi 15 — p) qbh (into the chamber) Numb, xxv 8 (P) — q) qbr (to the grave) 1 Kings xiv 13 — r) sht (into the pit) Ez. xxviii 8. For locative instances, see: a) bq'h (in the valley) Dt. viii 7, Ez. viii 4—b) gy (in the valley) Dt. xxxiv 6 (JE) — c) gn (in the garden) Gen. iii 8, 10 (JE)—d) dbyr (in the sanctuary) 1 Kings vi 23, 2 Chr. iii 26—e) hykl (in the Temple) 2 Chr. iv 7, 8 — 0 h(w)mh (upon the wall) Josh, ii 15 (JE), 2 Kings iii 27, vi 26, 30, xviii 26, 27, Is. xxxvi 11, 12 (= 2 Kings xviii 26, 27), Neh. xii 38 (prob.), 2 Chr. xxxii 18 — g) mgdl (on the tower) 2 Kings ix 17 — h) mdynh (in the district) Neh. i 3 — i) mlwn (in the lodging-place) Gen. xiii 27, Ex. iv 24 (JE)—j) m'rh (in the/a cave) Gen. xix 30, Josh, x 16, 17 (JE), 1 Sam. xxiv 11, 1 Kings xviii 4, 13 — k) mswdh (in the stronghold) 1 Sam. xxii 4, 5,2 Sam. v 9 (D), xxiii 14, 1 Chr. xi 16 (= 2 Sam. xxiii 14) — 1) mskn (in the tent) 2 Sam. vii 6; (on the tent) Numb, ix 15, 18, 19, 20, 22 (P) — m) str (in a hidden place) Dt. xxvii 15, 1 Sam. xix 2 — n) 'mq (in the valley) Numb, xiv 25 (JE), Judg. i 19, vii 1,8, 1 Sam. vi 13, 1 Chr. x 7 — o) swr (upon the rock) Ex. xvii 16, xxxiii 21 (JE), Judg. xiii 19, 2 Sam. xxi 10—p) rhwb (in the broad place) Gen. xix 2 (JE), Judg. xix 20 — q) rsph (upon the pavement) Ez. xl 17, 2 Chr. vii 3 — r) splh (in the lowland) Dt. i 7, Josh, ix 1 (JE or D?), xi 2 (JE or D?), xv 33 (L), xii 8 (D), Judg. i 9, 1 Kings x 27, 1 Chr. xxvii 28, 2 Chr. i 15 (= 1 Kings x 27), ix 27 (= 1 Kings x 27), xxvi 10. 155 The local-terminative instances in question are: a) JE, Ex. xxxii 19, xxxiii 11, Numb, xi 30, Josh, vi 11, 14, ix 6, x 6, 15, 21, 43 (total 10 instances) — b) P, Lev. xiv 8, xvi 26, 28, Numb, xix 7, xxxi 12, 24 (total 6 instances) — c) L, Josh, xviii 9—d) JK, Judg. vii 9, 10, 11, xxi 8, 12, 1 Sam. iv 3, 5, 6, 7, xvii 17, xxvi 6 (total 11 instances) — e) Chr., 2 Chr. xxii 1. That the nominal type of mhnh is a noun of a tertiae infirm root could also argue the case that an Nh form of it would not occur in any known type of classical Hebrew prose. The same is true for sdh. 156 The locative instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xxxii 22, Ex. xix 16, xxxii 17, 27, Numb, xi 26 (twice), 27, Josh, v 8, vi 11 — b) P, Ex. xxxvi 6, Lev. xvii 3, xxiv 10 — c) JK, Judg. vii 11, 1 Sam. xiv 15, 1 Kings xvi 16, xxii 36 (total: 9 instances in JE, 3 in P and 4 in JK). See also the remark made in the preceding note. 157 The local-terminative instances in question are: a) P, Ex. xxviii 29, 35, Lev. x 18, xvi 3, 23, Numb, iv 15, viii 19—b) Ez., xliv 27. The locative instances in question are: a) P, Ex. xxviii 43, xxix 30, xxxv 19, xxxix 1, 41, Lev. vi 23, x 18, xvi 17, 27, Numb. iv 12, xxviii 7 — b) Chr., 2 Chr. xxix 7, xxxv 5. There are 7 local-terminative instances in P and 11 locative ones.

THE Nh INSTANCES

53

is highly likely to be true for the use of Nh of sdh as a constituent with locative function in a sufficiently large corpus of texts, which reproduces the same types of classical Hebrew prose as do either JE, JK or (perhaps) D158 and possibly true for the use of the Nh of this noun as a constituent with local-terminative function in a sufficiently large corpus of texts, which reproduces the same type of classical Hebrew prose as does JK.159 The reason why an Nh of the nouns ymyn, sbyb and sm'l is not found is probably that these nouns do not have the semantic component mentioned above.160 138 The locative instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. iv 8, xxiii 17, xxiv 63, 65, xxix 2, xxx 14, xxxiv 5, 28, xxxvii 15, xxxix 5, Ex. i 14, ix 3, 19 (twice), 21, 25, xvi 25, xxii 30, xxiii 16, Josh, viii 24 (total 20 instances) — b) D, Dt. xxi 1, xxii 25, 27, xxiv 19, xxviii 3, 16 (total 6 instances) — c) JK, Judg. ix 32, 43, 44, xiii 9, xx 31, 1 Sam. iv 2, xx 5, 24, xxv 15, xxx 11,2 Sam. ii 18, x 8, xiv 6, xvii 8, 1 Kings xi 29, xiv 11, xvi 4, xxi 24, 2 Kings vii 12 (total 19 instances) — d) Jer. prose, xl 7, 13, xii 8 — e) Ez., vii 15, xxvi 6, 8 — 0 Ruth, ii 3, 17 — g) Chr., 1 Chr. xix 9 (cf. 2 Sam. x 8), xxvii 25. See also the remark made in n. 155. The high numbers for JE and JK especially make it appear highly probable that in the types of classical Hebrew prose represented by these texts a locative Nh of sdh did not occur, cf. also n. 155. 139 The local-terminative instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xxvii 3, 5, xxxi 4, Numb, xxi 22, xxii 23 (total 5 instances) — b) JK, Judg. ix 27, 42, 1 Sam. xx 11 (twice), 35, 2 Sam. xi 23, xviii 6, xx 12, 2 Kings iv 39 (total 9 instances) — c) Ruth, ii 2. See also the remarks made in n. 155. 160 For local-terminative instances of ymyn (meaning to the right), see: a) JE, Gen. xiii 9, xxiv 49, Numb, xx 17, xxii 26 (total 4 instances) — b) D, Dt. ii 27, v 32, xvii 11, 20, xxviii 14, Josh, i 7, xxiii 6 (total 7 instances) — c) JK, 1 Sam. vi 12, 2 Sam. 11 19, 2 Kings xxii 2 (total 3 instances) — d) Chr., 2 Chr. xxxiv 2 (= 2 Kings xxii 2). For local-terminative instances of sm'l {to the left), see: a) JE, Gen. xiii 9, xxiv 49, Numb, xx 17, xxii 26 (total 4 instances) — b) D, same texts as with ymyn — c) JK, same texts as with ymyn — d) Chr., same texts as with ymyn. For locative instances of ymyn {on the right side), see: a) JK, 1 Kings vii 39, 49, 2 Kings xii 10 — b) Ez., i 10—c) Chr., 2 Chr. iii 17 (slightly different from the Vorlage 1 Kings vii 21), iv 6, 7, 8. For locative instances of sm'l {on the left side), see : a) JK, 1 Kings vii 49—b) Ez., i 10 — c) Chr., same texts as with ymyn and 1 Chr. vi 29. For locative instances of sbyh {round about), see: a) JE, Ex. xix 12, Numb, xxxii 33 — b) P, Gen. xxiii 17, Ex. xxv 11, 24, 25 (twice), xxvii 17, xxviii 32, 33, 34, xxix 16, 20, xxx 3 (twice), xxxvii 2, 11, 12 (twice), 26 (twice), xxxviii 16, 20, 31 (twice), xxxix 23, 25, 26, xl 8, Lev. i 5, 11, iii 2, 8, 13, vii 2, viii 15, 19, 24, ix 12, 18, xiv 41, xvi 18, xxv 31, Numb, iii 26, 37, iv 26, 32 (total 45 instances) — c) D, Dt. xii 10, xxv 19, Josh, xxi 44, xxiii 1, Judg. ii 14, viii 34, 1 Sam. xii 11, 1 Kings v 18 (total 8 instances) — d) L, Numb, xxxiv 12, xxxv 4, Josh, xv 12, xviii 20 (total 4 instances) — e) JK, Judg. xx 29, 1 Sam. xiv 21 (?), 47, xxxi 9, 2 Sam. vii 1, 1 Kings iii 1, v 4, 11, vi 5 (twice), 6, vii 12, 18, 20, 23 (twice), 24 (twice), 35, 36, 2 Kings xi 8, 11, xxv 1, 4, 10, 17 (total 25 instances) — 0 Jer. prose, xx 3, Iii 4 (= 2 Kings xxv 1), 7 (= 2 Kings xxv 4), 14 (= 2 Kings xxv 10), 22 (= 2 Kings xxv 17), 23 (total 6 instances) — g) Ez., i 4, 18, 27 (twice), 28, iv 2, x 12, xvi 57, xxiii 24, xxvii 11 (twice), xxviii 23, xxxvi 3, 4, 7, xii 5, 16, xiii 16, 17, xliii 13, 17 (twice), 20, xiv 2 (twice), xlvi 23 (3 times) (total 28 instances) — h) Job prose, i 10—i) Chr., 1 Chr. x 9 (= 1 Sam. xxxi 9), xi 8, xxii 9, 18, xxviii 12, 2 Chr. iv 2 (twice, = 1 Kings vii 23), 3 (= 1 Kings vii 24), xiv 6, xv 15, xx 30, xxiii 7 (= 2 Kings xi 8), 10 (= 2 Kings xi 11),

54

CHAPTER 1

4. Provisional discussion of the material Of the 367 instances of Nh in OT,161 there are 215 which function as a constituent (or as a core of a constituent or as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent) at clause level in a verbal clause (the spread over the material is more or less equal). There are 13 instances where an Nh functions as a core constituent (or as a paratactic element in such a constituent) in a nominal clause and 4 instances where it functions as a constituent (or paratactic element in an endocentric constituent) at clause level in a nominal clause. In the other instances, it does not function at clause level (the spread over the material of these instances is more or less equal). Among the 367 instances in question there are—we leave aside Dt. xxv 5 and Judg. xii 9 for the moment—only 5 instances where Nh is a consti­ tuent neither with locative nor local-terminative function : Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice), Ez. xxi 3, xlvii 19.162 In one of these instances only xxxii 22, xxxiv 6 (total 15 instances). One may add the instances of sbyb sbyb: a) Ez., viii 10, xxxvii 2, xl 5, 14, 16 (twice), 17, 25, 29, 30, 33, 36, 43, xii 6, 8, 10, 11, 12, 16, 17, 19, xiii 15, 20, xliii 12 (total 25 instances) — b) Chr., 2 Chr. iv 3. For the types of classical Hebrew prose represented by P, JK and, Ez., especially, it is improbable that a locative Nh of sbyb was used at all. The absence of a locative Nh of sbyb in all types of classical Hebrew prose, moreover, has its own cumulative significance, and makes it appear probable that an Nh of this noun was never used in any known type of classical Hebrew prose. The noun sbyb differs in one essential respect from those nouns an Nh of which is attested in classical Hebrew prose. A semantic component of local fixedness is not inherent in it; it does not refer to an object which possesses local fixedness in itself, but to one which possesses such a fixedness only in relation to another object. Nouns like ymyn and sm'l (referring to the right and the left) do not possess this semantic component of local fixedness in itself either, but also have a semantic com­ ponent of local fixedness only in relation to another object. Thus there are also semantic reasons for arguing that in types of classical Hebrew prose represented by the known prose texts an Nh of these 3 nouns was not used. The number of local-terminative or locative instances of ymyn and sm'l is in itself too small to be used as a proof that no Nh of one or both nouns with either local-terminative or locative function could be used in any special type of classical Hebrew prose known to us. But here also the cumulative argument must carry some weight, especially when combined with the semantic argument mentioned above. From this discussion I have omitted the following instances: 1 local-terminative instance of ymyn meaning to the south (Josh, xvii 7) and 1 locative instance of sm'l meaning in the North (Josh, xix 27). There are no localterminative instances of sbyb attested in classical Hebrew prose. 161 See p. 21. Besides these instances there are 2 in epigraphical material, see n. 39. This material does not change the picture described in this paragraph. In the first instances the Nh (h'yrh) is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause and has local-terminative function. The second one (not completely certain) is in an unfortunately damaged context. 162 I leave Dt. xxv 5 and Judg. xii 9 aside for the moment, because, although the use of the instances in question is not strictly local, its origin is in strictly local use, see nn. 64, 85.

THE Nh INSTANCES

55

(Ez. xxi 3) does it have a local function (local-final), in the other 4 it does not have any special local function. In view of the numbers mentioned above, it is remarkable that 3 of these 4 instances function as a core constituent in a nominal clause (in Ez. xlvii 19 one is dealing with a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions as a casus pendens;163 in Ez. xxi 3 it is a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause). This means that among the 215 instances where Nh is a (paratactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level in a verbal clause there is only one where it has a “deviating” function (Ez. xxi 3, be it that it has a function of a local type). Of the 134 instances where Nh belongs to a clause as such, but functions neither as core constituent nor as a (paratactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level, there is no instance which has a “deviating” function (Ez. xlvii 19 has not been included here, because as a casus pendens it functions outside the clause as such). Of the 4 instances where Nh is a (para­ tactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level in a nominal clause, there is none with a “deviating” function. Of the 13 instances where Nh is a (paratactic element in an endocentric) consti­ tuent which functions as a core constituent in a nominal clause, there are 3 which have “deviating” functions; moreover all 3 have no special local function whatever. From these facts the conclusion can be drawn that the function indication given by the use of Nh must (at least in some types of classical Hebrew prose) have been different, depending on whether it occurred in a verbal or a nominal clause and whether it occurred at clause level or not. (This means that the function indication was not given by the use of Nh as such alone, it was also dependent on the context in which the Nh in question occurred.)164 163 It is extremely rare for an Nh to have a function like the one in Ez. xlvii 19; the only possible other example is Ez. xlviii 28, cf. n. 96. 164 The conclusion reached here is supported not only by the fact that, of the 350 instances where Nh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause or as the core or a paratactic element in such a constituent, or functions as a constituent not at clause level in a verbal clause, or as the core or a paratactic element in such a constituent, not one instance has a non-local function. It is also supported by another fact. Of the nouns of which an Nh is attested, there occur in the available text material many instances where a “deviating” use of Nh in a non-local function could theoretically have occurred, especially in the types of context discussed in this note. Their number is too large to enumerate here: enough examples can be found with a cursory glance through a concordance. In none of these instances is an Nh used. For some restrictive remarks on this point, which, in my opinion, are however not decisive, see n. 167. For the terminology used, see the following remarks. A constituent

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CHAPTER 1

The 3 “deviating” instances in a nominal clause all occur in L,165 but nevertheless it is for the moment impossible—because of the scanty material at our disposal—to draw many conclusions from this fact.166 For the time being, because of the scarcity of material, it is also impossible to decide whether it is significant that these 3 “deviating” instances in nominal clauses are all core constituents.167 We may conclude that (in certain types of classical Hebrew prose, such as that of L) the use of Nh as such as a (paratactic element in an endo­ centric) core constituent (or constituent at clause level (?)) in a nominal clause gave no functional indication whatever.168 The use of Nh as a constituent not at clause level or as a (paratactic element in an is considered a constituent at clause level if it does not function as an element within any other constituent within the clause in question, be it as core, paratactic or hypotactic element. For the decision whether one is dealing with a core, a paratactic or a hypotactic element, see n. 41. Obviously, the decision whether one is dealing with an independent constituent or with an element within a constituent must be based mainly on interpretational grounds, because here formal means for decision are insufficient (see also n. 41). The reason is that our competence in classical Hebrew is defective (see p. 14) and probably the fact that intonation, accent and other phatic elements of classical Hebrew are practically inaccessible. 165 The instances in question are: Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice). 166 The instances where a “deviating” use of Nh in a non-local function could theoretically have occurred in a nominal clause are extremely rare: Jonah i 11, 13 (where hym is the core element in a core constituent in a nominal clause) and Ez. xlvii 20 (where hym hgdwl is the core element in a core constituent in a nominal clause; the other core constituent is deleted, but is presupposed by the context: ghwl h'rs, v. 15). Obviously, I have restricted myself here to core constituents and to constituents at clause level in nominal clauses, or to cores or paratactic elements in such a constituent. Moreover, the instances are limited to those where a noun is used which refers, or can refer, to, one of the 4 points of the compass because the fact that the 3 “deviating” instances of Nh are all of a noun of this type is probably significant, see the discussion on pp. 199ff. 167 From the preceding note it is clear that in the available material there is no instance attested of a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause (or of a core or a paratactic element within such a constituent), where theoretically a “deviating” use of an Nh is a non-local function could have occurred. Here also, I make the same restrictions as in the preceding note. One could argue that in n. 164—speaking of constituents at clause level in a verbal clause (and of cores and paratactic elements in such a constituent) and of constituents which do not function at clause level at all (neither as core or paratactic element in such a constituent)—I ought to have made the same restrictions, the more so because the number of instances would have been quite small in that case: a) JE, Ex. xiv 21, 27, xx 11, Josh, xxiv 7 — b) L, Numb, xxxiv 6, Josh, xvii 10—c) Jonah, i 9, 11, 12, 15 — d) Jer. prose, xxxi 35 — e) Ez., xxvi 3 (all are instances of ym referring to sea). Yet, pp. 208 ff., the absence of Nh in the instances nevertheless has some significance. The instances where ym refers to the molten sea I have omitted. 168 For the consequences of the fact that the “deviations” probably occurred only with a certain type of noun, see pp. 199 ff.

THE Nh INSTANCES

57

endocentric) constituent at clause level in a verbal clause gave in most types of classical Hebrew prose (that of Ez. excepted) the indication that the constituent in question had a local function of either a locative or a local-terminative type (that is not of a localfinal or local-separative type).169 In a type of classical Hebrew prose such as that of Ez., the use of Nh in the same types of context gave the indication that one was dealing with a constituent with a local function, a function not of a local-separative type.170 It is not possible to decide whether one would have to differentiate further in the types of context in question.171 From the preceding paragraphs of this chapter it must be clear that not every Nh (regardless of which Nh is used) can have a local function of both the locative and the local-terminative type in all types of classical Hebrew prose. This is indeed so for some nouns, but not for all; one has only to refer to the Nh of mzbh, which (at least in a type of classical Hebrew prose like that of P) most probably was used only as a constituent with locative function or to the Nh of which, in the types of classical Hebrew prose known to us, most probably was used only as a constituent with local-terminative func­ tion.172 In other words, the answer to the question whether an Nh is a constituent with locative or local-terminative function (an answer which lies outside the sphere of syntactic indications) is partly given

169 Of course, in some types of classical Hebrew prose referred to here, the Nh material alone is insufficient for a decision like this (see the survey, pp. 19ff). But the fact that Ez. also differs in other respects from the rest of the material must also be taken into consideration, see pp. 234ff. See also the next note and also the discussion on local-final Nh on pp. 203 ff., 211. 170 It is probably not mere chance that the Nh in Ez. xxi 3, which has local-final function, has an Nh referring to one of the 4 points of the compass, see pp. 199ff, nor that this local “deviation" occurs with a constituent with local-final function, and not with one with local-separative function, see the discussion on p. 211. For instances where Nh could theoretically have been used with local-final function, but was not, see: a) JE, Dt. xxxiv 2—b) D, Dt. xi 24, Josh, i 4, xxiii 4—c) L, Josh, xv 47—d) Ez., xxi 9, xlvii 18, 19, xlviii 1, 28. For instances where Nh could theoretically have been used with local-separative function, but was not, see: a) JE, Gen. xiii 11, Numb, xi 31 — b) L, Numb, xxxiv 4, 7, Josh, xv 3, xviii 17, xix 14 — c) JK, 1 Kings xviii 44—d) Ez., i 4, xxi 3, 9, xxvi 7, xlvii 15, 17. For these lists I have restricted myself to those instances where a noun is used which refers or can refer to one of the 4 points of the compass (see the remarks at the beginning of this note). It goes without saying that if I had not done this, the numbers of quoted instances would have been much larger. 171 The text material quoted in the preceding note does not permit this. 172 See pp. 41 ff.

58

CHAPTER 1

by the nouns used. It goes without saying that this answer is (usually) also given by the meaning of the context. From the preceding paragraphs of this chapter it also becomes clear that Nh is not used in every instance in which this was theo­ retically possible.173 There are also a small number of nouns (possessing the semantic component mentioned above174) for which a decision of high probability can be reached that (at least in certain types of classical Hebrew prose) no Nh was used at all.175 As has been seen, there are also a number of nouns of which it is very probable that (at least in certain types of classical Hebrew prose) no Nh was used as a constituent with either locative or local-terminative function.176 Moreover, it has been seen that if a noun refers to more than one concept, it is possible that an Nh (with either locative or localterminative function) of this noun was never used (at least in certain types of classical Hebrew prose) when the noun in question referred to one (or more) of these concepts, even if the concept in question possessed the semantic component mentioned above.177 There is, however, also another respect in which those nouns, for which the use of an Nh is not only theoretically possible, but actually attested, do not present a uniform picture. The percentage can be different not only as to the different types of prose texts, but also as to the nouns in question used and, with those nouns of which an Nh can have a locative and a local-terminative function, as to the question whether the relative Nh has either locative or local-terminative function.178 This means that it would be wrong to discuss indis­ criminately even those instances of Nh which belong to the same type of classical Hebrew prose texts, when one is dealing with problems of density.179 (The relationship between the different types of classical Hebrew prose will be discussed later, see pp. 223 ff.).

173 See pp. 36ff. 174 See p. 35. 175 See pp. 52 f. 176 See p. 41 (>5), pp. 42f. (mzbh), p. 46 (hr), p. 49 (mdbr), p. 50 ('yr). The epigraphical instance of an Nh of 'yr in Each, iv 7 fits into this picture. 177 See pp. 37f. (nouns which refer, or can refer, to one of the 4 points of the com­ pass), p. 40 (byt and hus), p. 42 (rs). In the case of 'rs an Nh with local-terminative function is concerned, in the other cases.an Nh with locative function. 178 For the idea of percentage, see pp. 16f. For the details, see the discussions on pp. 36 ff. 179 I speak of density when referring to the percentage reached by a certain phenomenon in an available text and of frequency when referring to the percentage of

THE Nh INSTANCES

59

It is remarkable that in the 5 instances of Nh with “deviating” function mentioned above p. 54, the nouns in question are all nouns of which the Nhs have in certain types of classical Hebrew prose a density of 100% as constituents with locative and local-terminative function: ym, ngb, spwn.180 This fact is probably significant; see the discussion on pp. 199ff.

that phenomenon in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of classical Hebrew prose (cf. also p. 17), or in the language type represented in that text. As both percentages are not necessarily the same (see the discussion on percentage on pp. 16f), it seems worthwhile using different words to distinguish them clearly from each other. 180 The instances in question are Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice), Ez. xxi 3, xlvii 19. For the percentages, see pp. 36 f, 47.

CHAPTER TWO

THE pNh INSTANCES IN PROSE

1. The instances The following list indicates which nominal forms and prepositions are concerned. L: ym (Josh, xix 11, /), spwn (Josh, xv 10, mn). Total: 2 instances. JK: byt (1 Kings vi 15, mn), spwn (Judg. xxi 19, mn). Total: 2 instances. Ez.: hws (xxxiv 21, 7; xl 40, 44, both mn), ym (xlvii 8, 7), spwn (viii 14, 7). Total: 5 instances. Chr. : The instances in question occur only in those parts which have not been borrowed from a Vorlage known to us: hws (2 Chr. xxxii 5, /), mzrh (2 Chr. xxxi 14, /), ngb (1 Chr. xxvi 17, /), spwn (1 Chr. xxvi 17, /)• Total: 4 instances. Total of pNh instances in OT: 13 instances.181 2. Function a) L In L, pNh functions as a) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent (of the type (pNh//...)) which functions at clause level in a verbal clause: Josh, xix 11 — b) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: Josh, xv 10. In one of these instances pNh has a localterminative function: Josh, xix 11, in the other a locative function: Josh, xv 10. b) JK In JK, pNh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: 1 Kings vi 15 — b) a core element of an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level: Judg. xxi 19. Both instances of pNh have a locative function.

181 To the best of my knowledge there are no instances of pNh attested in classical Hebrew texts outside the OT.

THE pNh INSTANCES

61

c) Ez. In Ez., pNh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: xxxiv 21 — b) a core element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a nominal clause : xl 44—c) a para­ tactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause: xlvii 8 — d) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: xl 40182 — e) an element in an exocentric constituent (an 5rphrase): viii 14.183 In 2 of these instances pNh has a local-terminative function: xxxiv 21, xlvii 8, in 3 of them it has a locative function: viii 14, xl 40, 44. d) Chr. In Chr., pNh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: 2 Chr. xxxii 5 184 — b) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: 2 Chr. xxxi 14—c) a core element in a nominal clause: 1 Chr. xxvi 17 (twice). All these instances of pNh have a locative function. 3. Provisional discussion of the material No special paragraph on zero-instances will be included here, because in the preceding chapter pNh is itself considered to be a zero-instance to Nh and consequently all the relevant material is to be found there. Only Judg. xxi 19 and Ez. xl 44 are not considered to be zero-instances in chapter 1, because of the special meaning of these pNh instances.185

182 The noun phrase in question preceded by a preposition is 1-hktp mhwsh. That one is here not dealing with an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements is proved by the fact that hktp h'hrt is mentioned in the same verse, and, as mention is made of 2 sides in this text, the second of which is specified as the other one, it is most likely that the first would have been specified also, and not referred to just as the side. This argues the case for mhwsh being a hypotactic element to (h)ktp. 183 For the term exocentric, see the reference given in n. 29. As in an exocentric constituent there is no difference in element types, as is so in an endocentric constituent (core, paratactic and hypotactic element), I speak of element without further specification. 184 The verbal form presupposed here is wybn (or a combination of verbal forms wythzq wybn) which occurs in a preceding clause in the same verse. In the clause discussed here it is deleted. 185 For a discussion of the mspwnh Ibyt-'l in Judg. xxi 19 and comparable instances, see n. 113. For a discussion of Ez. xl 44 {mhwsh Is'r hpnymy) and comparable instances, see n. 117. It is wrong to take hws in this last-mentioned text as referring to the outside, and to translate mhwsh l by at the outside of...,* better translation is outside. For from

62

CHAPTER 2

All instances of pNh have either a local-terminative or a locative function. As has been seen, the instances of Nh with “deviating” function are rare when they occur at clause level in a verbal clause, or when they do not occur at clause level at all. They are attested especially as core elements in a nominal clause.186 Consequently the function indication given by the use of Nh as a core element (and at clause level?) in a nominal clause is different from the indication given by its use at clause level in a verbal clause or not at clause level at all.187 The material at our disposal is unfortunately too scanty for us to decide with reasonable certainty whether the same conclu­ sions could be drawn for the use of pNh and its functional indications or not.188 The same is true for the question whether the functional indications given by the use of pNh at clause level in a verbal clause (and not at clause level?) in a type of classical Hebrew prose like that represented by Ez. was slightly different from the indications given by its use in comparable circumstances in other types of classical Hebrew prose, as is the case with Nh.189 It is remarkable that instances of pNh are attested only for nouns of which Nh probably had a density of 100% in certain types of classical Hebrew prose.190 For the significance of this fact, see pp. 199 ff. It is also remarkable that instances of pNh are not attested at all in JE, P, D. For the background to this fact, see pp. 199ff. (The relation­ ship of the different types of classical Hebrew prose with respect to the use of pNh, will be discussed later on, see pp. 201 f, 228f.). the context, it is clear that the inner gate faced eastwards (compare vv. 6ff. with v. 15). This gate could be reached through the inner court (cf. vv. 19, 23, 27, 28, 32, 44). This court was accessible through 3 gates, at the east, the north and the south side (vv. 28, 32, 35). Whereas the chambers (v. 44) were situated against the sides of the north- and east-gate (must it be south-gate?) it is impossible to situate them right outside the inner gate. Thus the better translation is: outside the inner gate. 186 See the discussion on pp. 54ff. 187 See pp. 56f. 188 The instances where pNh could theoretically have been used in a “deviating”, i.e. non-local, function in a nominal clause are very limited in number : a) the 3 instances where Nh is used: Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice) — b) the 3 instances quoted in n. 166: Jonah i 11, 13, Ez. xlvii 20. I made the same restrictions here, as formulated in n. 166. 189 There are only 6 instances in Ez. where theoretically a pNh could have been used in a local-final function: Ez. xxi 3 (where Nh is used), 9, xlvii 18, 19, xlviii 1, 28. This material is too scanty to permit a decision whether or not a pNh really could be used in this function in a type of classical Hebrew prose such as that represented by the text of Ez. I made the same restrictions here as those formulated in n. 166. 190 For the fact that for byt and hws a density of 100% is attested only in a certain group of local-terminative instances (in JE), see the discussion on pp. 200, 240.

CHAPTER THREE

THE NhxN (or NhxN°) INSTANCES IN PROSE191

1. The instances The following lists indicate to which nominal forms the ending under consideration is attached. JE: 'hi (Gen. xxiv 67), 'rs (Gen. xx 1, xxix 1, xxxii 4, xiii 29, xiv 17, xlvi 28, Ex. iv 20), byt (Gen. xliii 17, 24, xliv 14, xlvii 14, Ex. viii 20), ym (Ex. x 19). Total: 14 instances. P: 'rs (Gen. xii 5 (twice), xi 31, xxxi 18, 1 13), byt (Gen. xxviii 2). Total: 6 instances. D: mzrh (Dt. iv 41, Josh, xii 1). Total: 2 instances. L: 'rs (Numb, xxxv 10), nhl (Numb, xxxiv 5). Total: 2 instances. JK : mzrh (Judg. xxi 19). Total: 1 instance. Total of NhxN (or NhxN°) instances in OT: 25 instances.192 2. Function a) JE In JE, NhxN (or NhxN°) functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: Gen. xx 1, xxiv 67, xxix 1, xliii 17, 24, xliv 14, xiv 17, xlvi 28, xlvii 14, Ex. iv 20, x 19193 — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (NhxN°)//w(...): Ex. viii 20; 2) (...)//(NhxN°): Gen. xiii 29; 3) (...)//(NhxN°)//(...): Gen. xxxii 4. 191 As those instances are discussed here the regens of which is followed by the ending under consideration, I have listed under the heading NhxN not only those instances where the rectum is a single noun in the singular, but also those instances where the rectum is either a single noun in the plural or a status constructus group. To use different symbols here would only complicate matters unnecessarily, because, as far as can be judged, those differences in rectum-type are not significant for this study. 192 To these instances one can add from epigraphical material: Tell Arad ostracon xvii 2, probable reading byth 'lysb, in Gibson’s edition: D 2. 193 Gen. xiv 17 has as core an imperative and no verbal form in the strict sense; on this point, see n. 40.

64

CHAPTER 3

In all these instances NhxN(°) is a constituent with local-terminative function. b) P In P, NhxN (or NhxN0) functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: Gen. xii 5, 1 13 — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause: Gen. xxviii 2 (type (...)//(NhxN0))194—c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level: Gen. xxxi 18 (type (...)//(NhxN°)) — d) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase: Gen. xi 31, xii 5. In all these instances NhxN(°) is a constituent with local-terminative function. c) D In D, NhxN (or NhxN°) functions as a hypotactic element in a noun phrase: Dt. iv 41, Josh, xii l.195 Both instances are constituents with locative function. d) L The instances of NhxN (or NhxN°) in L function as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: Numb, xxxiv 5 — b) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: Numb, xxxv 10. Both instances are constituents with local-terminative function. e) JK The one instance of NhxN in JK functions as the core element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level: Judg. xxi 19. This instance is a constituent with locative function. (The only instance from epigraphical material, cf. n. 192, functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. It has local-terminative function.) 3. Zero-instances Whereas the instances of NhxN (or NhxN°) in classical Hebrew prose have either a local-terminative or locative function, for the 194 Gen. xxviii 2 has as core an imperative and no verbal form in the strict sense; on this point, see n. 40. 195 In both instances I take mzrhh (h)sms as a hypotactic element to 'br hyrdn, which is the core of the endocentric constituent (the constituent is preceded by the preposition b). For a discussion of a comparable group of instances, see n. 44. The arguments used there are also valid in the instances in question.

THE NhxN (OR NhxN°) INSTANCES

65

purpose of determining zero-instances, the material has been restricted to instances with these functions. Furthermore the nouns to which the ending under consideration is attached here (cf. the list on p. 63), all have one semantic component in common or at least they have it in the relevant contexts; for this component, cf. p. 35. Thus, in determining zero-instances here, the material has been limited to nouns with this special component, or to instances where the noun in question has this component.196 As will be seen, the ratio between the instances of NhxN (or NhxN°) and the zero-instances is not the same for every noun involved, on the contrary there are great differences in this respect. Moreover —even if the same noun is used for the regens—there may be a different ratio between the instances of NhxN (or NhxN°) with one type of rectum and the zero-instances belonging to them and the instances of NhxN (or NhxN°) with an other type of rectum and their zero-instances. Therefore I have avoided treating the material in question as a unity. a) Instances where 'rs is the regens and where a geographical name is the rectum 197 JE: P: D: L: JK : Jer.: Ez.: Ruth:

NhxN0 6 instances against 3 zero-instances (66.6% (26.93-92.51)). NhxN° 5 instances against 1 zero-instance (83.3% (35.88-99.56)). NhxN° 0 instances against 4 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). NhxN° 1 instance against 2 zero-instances (33.3% (0.84-90.57)). NhxN0 0 instances against 9 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-33.63)). NhxN° 0 instances against 7 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-40.96)). NhxN0 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). NhxN° 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).198

196 Where necessary, I have restricted myself to instances where the NxN in question refers to a special object, leaving aside those instances where it refers to another object, see p. 71. 197 A name as such can be distinguished on formal grounds from e.g. a nominal form, a pronoun, an adverb, etc., see also n. 17. A geographical name as such, however, cannot be distinguished on formal grounds from other names. It can be distinguished from them only on semantic grounds, because as such it refers to objects which have local fixedness as an inherent feature (e.g. names of deities, persons, animals, etc. do not have this); for a parallel with the nominal forms, see pp. 35f. The instances discussed here, therefore, are partly selected on non-formal grounds. I did this because the NhxN°s in question have some common characteristics as to their use, compare n. 202. For an interplay between syntactic and semantic features, see also the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 12f., 23. 198 The instances of NhxN° in question are : a) JE, Gen. xx 1, xxxii 4, xiii 29, xiv 17,

66

CHAPTER 3

As all instances of NhxN° involved have a local-terminative function, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, the material was restricted to instances with that function. This decision is also justified by the fact that—at least for certain types of classical Hebrew prose— in instances with locative function an NhxN° of the relevant type was most probably not used.199 b) Instances where 'rs is the regens and where the rectum is not a geographical name JE: P:

NhxN 1 instance against 5 zero-instances (16.66% (0.42-64.12)). NhxN 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)).

xlvi 28, Ex. iv 20 — b) P, Gen. xi 31, xii 5 (twice), xxxi 18, 1 13 — c) L, Numb, xxxv 10. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xxii 2, xlv 25, Numb, xxxii 32 — b) P, Lev. xiv 34—c) D, Josh, xxii 9, 13, 15, 32 (all 4 probably belong to a postD-redaction) — d) L, Numb, xxxiii 51, xxxiv 2 — e) JK, Judg. xi 18, xxi 21, 1 Sam. ix 5, xiii 7, 17, xxii 5, 2 Sam. xxiv 6, 2 Kings vi 23, xix 37 — 0 Jer. prose, xxxvii 12, xl 12, xlii 14, xliii 7, xliv 12, 28 (twice) — g) Ez., xvii 4, xl 2 — h) Ruth, i 7. One may add Is. xxxvii 38 (= 2 Kings xix 37). In a part of the zero-instances listed here the names in question are Yisrael (2 Kings vi 23, Ez. xl 2), Judah (1 Sam. xxii 5, Jer. xl 12, xliv 28, Ruth i 7), Benyamin (Judg. xxi 21, Jer. xxxvii 12), Gad (1 Sam. xiii 7), Moab (Judg. xi 18). Of these names it is not absolutely certain that they are geographical names in the strict sense of the word (see the discussion in n. 688). If one had to list them among the zero-instances of those instances where 'rs is regens and a non-geographical name is rectum, this would not weaken the conclusions that can be drawn from a com­ parison of both lists of instances where 'rs is regens \ on the contrary it would strengthen them. It is also very difficult to decide where to list a status-constructus group like 'rs bny 'mwn (2 Sam. x 2 (= 1 Chr. xix 2)). 199 The locative instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. iv 16, x 10, xi 2, xxiv 62, xxxvi 16, 17, 21, 30, 31, xli 30, 36, 48, 53, 56, xiii 5, 13, 32, xlv 10, xlvi 31, 34, xlvii 1, 4 (twice), 27 (twice), 1 5, 8, Ex. ii 15, ix 22, 26, xi 3, 5, xii 29, xxii 20, xxiii 9, Numb, xiii 29, xxxii 30, Dt. xxxiv 5, 6, 11, Josh, xi 3 (total 41 instances) — b) P, Gen. xiii 12, xvi 3, xxiii 2, 19, xxxiii 18, xxxv 6, xxxvi 5, 6, xxxvii 1, xlvi 6, 12, 20, xlvii 11 (twice), 28, xlviii 3, 5, 7, xlix 30, Ex. vi 28, vii 3, xi 9, xii 1, 12 (twice), xvi 3, Lev. xix 34, Numb, iii 13, viii 17, xiv 2, xxvi 19 (total 31 instances) — c) D, Ex. xiii 15, Dt. i 5, v 15, x 19, xv 15, xxiv 22, xxviii 69, xxix 1, 15, 2 Kings xxiii 24 (total 10 instances; 2 instances from a post-D-redaction Josh, xxii 9, 10 may be added) — d) L, Numb, xxxiii 40, xxxiv 29, xxxv 14, Josh, xiv 1, xxi 2 (total 5 instances) — e) JK, Judg. x 4, xi 3, xii 12, 15, xxi 12, 2 Sam. xvii 26, xxi 14, 1 Kings iv 19, ix 11, 26, 2 Kings xxiii 33, xxv 21, 22 (total 13 instances) — 0 Jer. prose, xxxi 23, xxxii 8, 20, 44, xxxiii 13, xxxix 5, 10, xiii 16, xliii 4, 5, 13, xliv 1 (twice), 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 24, 26, 27, Hi 9, 27 (total 24 instances) — g) Ez., xx 5, xxiii 19 (total 2 instances) — h) Job prose, i 1—i) Neh., v 14—j) Chr., 1 Chr. ii 22, v 9, 11, vi 40 (differs from Josh, xxi 11), xxii 2, 2 Chr. ii 16, viii 17 (= 1 Kings ix 26), ix 11 (differs from 1 Kings x 12), xvii 2, xxx 10 (total 10 instances). Especially for the types of classical Hebrew prose represented by the texts of JE, P, Jer. prose and probably JK, it is highly improbable that an NhxN° of the relevant type was used as a constituent with locative function, unless very rarely. See also n. 201. I have restricted myself here to instances where 'rs has the meaning land, country, because in the instances of NhxN° of this type 'rs always has this meaning.

THE NhxN (OR NhxN°) INSTANCES

D: L: JK : Ez.:

NhxN NhxN NhxN NhxN

0 0 0 0

67

instances against 8 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-36.94)). instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). instances against 4 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). instances against 7 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-40.96)).200

As the one instance of NhxN involved has a local-terminative function, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, the material has been restricted to instances with that function. This decision is also justified by the fact that—at least for certain types of classical Hebrew prose—one cannot avoid the impression that in instances with locative function an NhxN of the relevant type most probably was never or at least hardly ever used.200 201 c) Instances where byt is the regens and the rectum is the name of a deity or a person 202 JE:

P: D: JK :

NhxN° NhxN° NhxN° NhxN°

5 1 0 0

instances against 4 zmMnstances (55.5% (21.2-86.3)). instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). instances against 4 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). instances against 32 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-10.89)).

200 The instance of NhxN in question is Gen. xxix 1 (JE). The zero-instances in question are : a) JE, Gen. xxi 32, xxv 6, xxxi 3, 13, xlviii 21, Josh, xxiv 8 — b) P, Lev. xxvi 41, Numb, xv 2 — c) D, Ex. iii 17, xiii 5, 11, Dt. ii 37, viii 7, x 7, Josh, i 15, xxii 4 (to these texts one may add from a post-D redaction: Josh, xxii 9, 19) — d) L, Numb, xxxv 28 — e) JK, Judg. i 26, 1 Sam. xxvii 1, xxix 11, 2 Sam. x 2 (for this text, see however n. 198)—0 Ez., xii 13, xxix 14, xxxi 18, xxxii 18, 24, xxxviii 2, 11. For possible other zero-instances, see n. 198. 201 The locative instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xi 28, xxi 34, xli 52, Numb, xxi 31 (total 4 instances) — b) P, Gen. xxxvi 43, Lev. xxvi 34, 44 (total 3 instances) — c) D, Dt. iv 43, 46, xi 30, Josh, xi 22, Judg. x 8, 1 Kings viii 37, 47, 48 (total 8 instances) — d) L, Josh, xvii 15, 16 — e) JK, 1 Kings iv 19, 2 Kings viii 2 (total 2 instances) — 0 Ez., i 3, xxvi 20 (twice), xxxii 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 32 (total 9 instances) — g) Neh., iii 36 — h) Chr., 2 Chr. vi 28 (= 1 Kings viii 37), 37 (cf. 1 Kings viii 47), 38 (cf. 1 Kings viii 48) (total 3 instances). This material is unfortunately not so impressive as that quoted in n. 199. For the types of classical Hebrew prose represented by D and Ez. one can be reasonably certain that an NhxN(°) of the relevant type was only rarely used in locative function, if at all. Among the locative instances quoted in n. 199, there is quite a number where the rectum is Judah, Yisrael, etc. As it is not completely certain that these names are geographical ones in the strict sense (see nn. 198 and 688) it remains possible that they ought to be listed here, in which case this material would gain in significance. 202 I have taken pr'h to be a name too, because it cannot be used as regens in a status-constructus group and cannot have pronominal suffixes, as can a nominal form, see also n. 17. A personal or a divine name cannot be distinguished from other names on formal grounds. It can be distinguished from them only on semantic grounds, because it refers to objects which do not have local fixedness as an inherent feature, but which have “being animated” (or “having been animated”) as an inherent feature. See also the discussion, n. 197.

68

CHAPTER 3

Is.: NhxN° 0 instances against 3 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). Jer.: NhxN° 0 instances against 7 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-40.96)). Esr.: NhxN° 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). Neh.: NhxN° 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). Chr.: NhxN0 0 instances against 10 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-30.85)).203

As the instances of NhxN0 involved have a local-terminative function, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, the material has been restricted to instances with that function. This decision is also justified by the fact that—at least for certain types of classical Hebrew prose— in instances with locative function an NhxN° of the relevant type was (most) probably not used.204 d) Instances where byt is the regens and the rectum is not the name of a deity or a person JE: NhxN 0 instances against 9 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-33.63)). P: NhxN 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). JK : NhxN 0 instances against 12 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-26.46)). Jer.: NhxN 0 instances against 5 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-52.18)). Ruth: NhxN 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). Esth.: NhxN 0 instances against 6 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-45.93)). 203 The NhxN° instances in question are quoted on p. 63 under JE and P. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xii 15, xliii 18, Ex. xxiii 19, xxxiv 26 — b) D, Dt. xxiii 19, 2 Kings xxii 3, 4, xxiii 2 (are the 3 last mentioned instances really D?) — c) JK, Judg. xvii 8, xviii 2, 13, 15, 18, 1 Sam. i 7, 24, v 2, 5, vii 1,2 Sam. iv 5, xii 20, xiii 7, 8, 1 Kings xiv 4, 28, xv 15, 2 Kings v 18, x 21, 23, xi 4, 13, 18, xii 5 (twice), 10, 14, 17, xix 1, 14, xx 5, 8 — d) Is. prose, xxxvii 1 (= 2 Kings xix 1), 14 (= 2 Kings xix 14), xxxviii 22 — e) Jer. prose, xxvi 9, 10, xxxv 4, xxxvi 5, xxxvii 20, xxxviii 26, xli 5 — 0 Esr., ii 68 — g) Neh., vi 10, x 36 — h) Chr., 2 Chr. vii 2, xx 28, xxiii 6, xxix 16, 20, 31, xxx 1, xxxi 10, 16, xxxiv 14. In the epigraphical material there is 1 instance of NhxN° (cf. n. 192) against no zero-instance. 204 The locative instances in question are: a) D, 2 Kings xxi 4, xxii 5, 8, xxiii 2 (total 4 instances; are the last 3 instances really D?) — b) JK, Judg. xvii 4, 12, 1 Sam. xxxi 10, 2 Sam. vi 10, 11, xiii 20, 1 Kings vii 40, 45, 48 , 51, x 5, xi 20, xii 27, xvi 9, 2 Kings v 18 (twice), xi 3, 4, 10, 15, xii 11, xiv 14, xvi 8, xix 37, xxiii 7, xxv 13 (total 26 instances) — c) Jer. prose, xx 1,2, xxvi 7, 9, xxvii 18, xxviii 1, 5, xxxviii 14, Hi 17 (total 9 instances)—d) Esth., vii 9—e) Chr., 1 Chr. x 2 (differs from 1 Sam. xxxi 10), xiii 13 (= 2 Sam. vi 10), xxvi 12, 2 Chr. vii 11 (differs from 1 Kings ix 1), viii 11, xx 5, xxiii 14 (= 2 Kings xi 15), xxiv 14, xxvi 19, xxx 15, xxxi 11, xxxiii 4 (= 2 Kings xxi 4), xxxiv 10 (= 2 Kings xxii 5), 15 (= 2 Kings xxii 8), 17 (differs from 2 Kings xxii 9), 30 (= 2 Kings xxiii 2) (total 16 instances, 5 borrowed from a Vorlage known to us). Of this material, especially that from JK clearly has significance; also some significance cannot be denied to that of Jer. prose and Chr. In determining the zero-instances 1 have restricted myself in this note and the preceding one to those instances where byt has the special semantic component discussed above, see p. 65, see also p. 35 (n. 106). To the instances quoted here one can add the epigraphical one Tell Arad xviii 9, in Gibson’s edition C 9.

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69

Esr.: NhxN 0 instances against 3 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). Neh.: NhxN 0 instances against 4 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). Chr.: NhxN 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).205

As the instances of NhxN° with byt as the regens have a localterminative function (instances of NhxN with byt as the regens are not attested), for the purpose of determining zero-instances, material has been restricted to instances with local-terminative function. More­ over, it seems probable that—at least in a certain type of classical Hebrew prose—in instances with locative function an NhxN of the relevant type was never or at least hardly ever used.205 206 e) Instances with 'hi as the regens JE: P: JK : Chr.:

NhxN(°) NhxN(°) NhxN(°) NhxN(°)

1 0 0 0

instance against 5 zero-instances (16.66% (0.42-64.12)). instances against 16 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-20.59)). instances against 4 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5).207

As the only attested instance of NhxN° with 'hi as the regens has a local-terminative function, for the purpose of determining zeroinstances, material has been restricted to instances with that function. 205 The zero-instances in question are: a) Gen. xix 2, xxiv 27, 38(?), xxviii 21, xxxix 20, Ex. vii 28, viii 20, Josh, ii 1, vi 22 — b) P, Lev. xxii 13 —c) JK, Judg. ix 5, 27, xiv 19, xviii 15, xix 2, 3, 1 Sam. xviii 2, 2 Sam. xvii 18, xx 3, 1 Kings x 17, 2 Kings xi 16, 19 — d) Jer. prose, xxxvi 12, xxxvii 16, 18, xxxviii 11, Iii 11 (differs from 2 Kings xxv 7) — e) Ruth, i 8 — 0 Esth., ii 3, 8, 13, 14, 16, vii 8 — g) Esr., i 7, iii 8, viii 30 —h) Neh., vi 10, x 35, 37, 39 — i) Chr., 2 Chr. xxxii 31 (differs from 2 Kings xix 37). I have omitted here 2 Chr. xxxiv 9, where one finds hmwb' byt-'lhym, but where the Vorlage has hmwb' byt YHWH (2 Kings xxii 4); it remains possible that the byt was taken over from the Vorlage regardless of the change of rectum, so that it seems better not to use this text as evidence. 206 The locative instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xxiv 23, xxxviii 11 (twice), xxxix 2, 20, 22, xl 5, xiii 19, Ex. xii 29 (total 9 instances)— b) P, Lev. xiv 34, Numb, xxx 4 — c) D, Dt. xxii 21—d) JK, Judg. xvi 21, 2 Sam. vii 2, 2 Kings xv 5, xvii 4, 32 (total 5 instances) — e) Jer. prose, xxxviii 7, 22 — 0 Job prose, i 13, 18 — g) Esth., v 1 — h) Esr., iii 9, viii 33 — i) Neh., x 37, xii 40, xiii 14—j) Chr., 1 Chr. x 10 (differs from 1 Sam. xxxi 10), xvii 1 (= 2 Sam. vii 2), 2 Chr. iii 10, iv 11 (differs from 1 Kings vii 40), xviii 26 (= 1 Kings xxii 27), xxii 12 (= 2 Kings xi 3), xxiii 3, 5, 9, (= 2 Kings xi 10), xxv 24 (= 2 Kings xiv 14), xxvi 21 (= 2 Kings xv 5), xxxvi 17 (total 12 instances, 6 not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us). For most of the material it must be concluded that it is insufficient for us to be able to assign any significance to it. It seems probable, however, that in a type of classical Hebrew prose like that represented in JE, an NhxN of the relevant type was not used, or only rarely so. 207 For the one instance of NhxN°, see Gen. xxiv 67. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xxxi 33 (three times). Ex. xxxiii 7, Numb, xii 4 — b) P, Ex. xxviii 43, xxix 30, xxx 20, xl 32, 35, Lev. iv 5, 16, vi 23, x 9, xvi 23, Numb, vii 89, xvii 7, 23, xviii 22, xxxi 54 — c) JK, Judg. iv 17, 1 Kings ii 28, 29, 30 — d) Chr., 2 Chr. xxiv 6.

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For one type of classical Hebrew prose at least, it seems certain that in instances with locative function an NhxN(°) of the relevant type was never or hardly ever used.208 The only attested instance of NhxN(°) with ’A/as the regens has a personal name as rectum. Although this fact could be significant (compare the instances discussed under the head a up to and including d) this cannot be proved, because of the scarcity of the material. If it were true (and the possibility cannot be dismissed) this would have consequences for the percentages.209 0 Instances with ym as the regens JE: NhxN(°) 1 instance against L: NhxN(°) 0 instances against JK : NhxN(°) 0 instances against Esr.: NhxN(°) 0 instances against

3z^ro-instances 1 zero-instance 1 zero-instance 1 zero-instance

(25% (0.0% (0.0% (0.0%

(0.63-80.58)). (0.0-97.5)). (0.0-97.5)). (0.0-97.5)).210

As the only attested instance of NhxN(°) with ym as the regens has a local-terminative function, for the purpose of determining zeroinstances, material has been restricted to instances with that function. The material at our disposal does not allow us to decide whether an NhxN(°) of the relevant type could be used (in some types of classical Hebrew prose) in instances with a locative function.211

208 The locative instances in question are: a) JE, Dt. xxxi 14 (twice) — b) P, Ex. xxvii 21, xl 24, 26, Lev. iv 7, 18, xvi 17, xxiv 3, Numb, i 1, iii 25, iv 3, 4, 15, 23, 28, 31, 33, 35, 37, 39, 41, 43, 47, viii 19, 22, 26, xiv 10, xvii 19, 22, xviii 31 (total 29 instances). It seems certain that in a type of classical Hebrew prose like that represented in P, an NhxN of the relevant type was not used, or hardly so. 209 Of the zero-instances quoted n. 207 only the following are of the type NxN°: a) JE, Gen. xxxi 33 (twice) — b) JK, Judg. iv 17, 1 Kings ii 28, 29, 30. // one were to distinguish between the NhxN and NhxN° of 'hi (which is not certain), one would get the following picture. The only prose types which provide material about the use of NhxN° in local-terminative function are JE and JK. The percentages in that case would be: a) JE, 1 instance of NhxN° against 2 zero-instances (33.33% (0.84-90.57)) — b) JK, 0 instances of NhxN° against 4 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). The only prose types which provide material about the use of NhxN with local-terminative function are JE, P and Chr. The percentages in that case would be: a) JE, 0 instances Of NhxN against 3 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). — b) P, 0 instances of NhxN against 16 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-20.59)) — c) Chr., 0 instances of NhxN against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). 210 The only instance of NhxN is Ex. x 19. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Ex. xiii 18, Josh, iii 16, xxiv 6—b) L, Numb, xxxiv 12 (for a discussion of why this and comparable instances are local-terminative, see n. 77)—c) JK, Judg. xi 16 — d) Esr., iii 7. 211 To the best of my knowledge there is no locative material of the relevant type, unless the 2 instances of by the Sea of rushes (Numb, xxxiii 10 (L), Neh. ix 9) are to be included.

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71

g) Instances with mzrh as the regens JE: D: L: JK :

NhxN(°) 0 instances against 1 zmMnstance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). NhxN(°) 2 instances against 3 zm?-instances (40% (5.28-85.33)). NhxN(°) 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). NhxN(°) 1 instance against 1 zero-instance (50% (1.26-98.74)).212

As all instances of NhxN involved have a locative function, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, material has been restricted to instances with that function. Unfortunately it is impossible to say whether this decision is right, because local-terminative instances with mzrh as regens are rare: Josh, xix 12, 27 (both L). Although the scarcity of the material at our disposal makes any more definite decision impossible, Josh, xvi 6 was not taken as a zero-instance213 for the following reasons: a) the rectum in Josh, xvi 6 is an N°, in the 3 instances of NhxN(°) attested it is always the same N {sms) Dt. iv 41, Josh, xii 1, Judg. xxi 19—b) in Dt. iv 41, Josh, xii 1 mzrh (sms) refers to the east side (in Judg. xxi 19 this is not the case, but because in this verse there also occurs another instance of an “abnormal” use of the ending under study,214 this fact cannot be decisive). Moreover in the locative instances of Nh (where the N is a noun referring to one of the 4 points if the compass) one also finds this typical semantic feature.215 This feature we do not find in Josh, xvi 6.216 212 The 3 instances of NhxN are Dt. iv 41, Josh, xii 1, Judg. xxi 19. The zeroinstances in question are: a) JE, Numb, xxi 11 — 6) D, Dt. iv 47, Josh, i 15, 2 Kings x 33 — c) L, Josh, xiii 5, xix 34 — d) JK, Judg. xx 43. In Josh, xiii 5 I take mzrh hsms as a hypotactic element to hlbnwn (the east side of the Lebanon), for comparable instances, cf. e.g. n. 76. 213 The same is true for 1 Chr. vi 63 {Imzrh hyrdn, an instance which also has a locative function); see also n. 216. 214 The instance in question is mspwnh Ibyt-'l, where an example of pNh is found and where spwn does not refer to the north side but to the north. For a discussion of this pNh-phrase, see n. 113, where this text and comparable instances are treated. In Judg. xxi 19 mzrh hsms Imslh... has to be interpreted as east of the highway (see the north of... and south of... in the context). 215 See pp. 37 f. 216 In Josh, xvi 6 mmzrh ynwhh is to be interpreted as east of Y. and not as at the east side of Y. {mzrh refers here to the east and not to the east side ; for a discussion of comparable instances, cf. n. 113). In 1 Chr. vi 63 {Imzrh hyrdn) the only reason for not listing it with the zero-instances is that the rectum is not sms; mzrh clearly refers to the east side. As has been said the decision not to list Josh, xvi 6 and 1 Chr. vi 63 with the zero-instances cannot be a definite one; if one were to include them among the zero-instances, the situation would not change very much. In L one would have 3 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-70.76)); in Chr. one would have 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).

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h) Instances with nhl as the regens JE: D: L: JK : Chr.:

NhxN(°) NhxN(°) NhxN(°) NhxN(°) NhxN(°)

0 0 1 0 0

instances against 2 z^ra-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). instances against 1 z^ra-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). instance against 3 z^ro-instances (25% (0.63-80.58)). instances against 6 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-45.93)). instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)).217

As the one instance of NhxN° with nhl as the regens which is attested has a local-terminative function, for the purpose of determining zeroinstances, material has been restricted to instances with that function. The material available makes it impossible to decide whether an NhxN(°) of the relevant type could be used (in some types of classical Hebrew prose) in instances with locative function.218 As there is only one instance of NhxN(°) with nhl as the regens and only a relatively small number of zoro-instances dispersed over different types of prose, it is impossible to decide whether the use of the rectum could have had some influence here on the matter, whether or not NhxN(°) was used.219 On this point see also pp. 65ff., 68f., 70. i) Nouns which are not attested as regens in an NhxN(°) in prose Only those nouns which have the semantic component mentioned above will be discussed in this paragraph.220 Those nouns of which an Nh is attested in classical Hebrew prose will be dealt with first, followed by those for which this is not the case.

217 The NhxN° instance is Numb, xxxiv 5 (L). The zm?-instances in question are: a) JE, Numb, xiii 23, xxxii 9 — b) D, Dt. i 24 (not an absolutely certain example) — c)L, Josh, xv 4, xvi 8, xvii 9 — d) JK, Judg. iv7, 13, 1 Sam. xxx 9, 1 Kings xviii 40, 2 Kings xxiii 6, 12 — e) Chr., 2 Chr. xxix 16, xxx 14. In some of these instances the preposition 'd is used. This preposition does not necessarily have a local-final meaning and, in my opinion, in the relevant instances this is not the case. For local-finality, see n. 47. 218 For locative instances with the meaning at the wadi, see: Dt. iii 12 (D), 2 Kings x 33 (D). For locative instances with the meaning in the wadi, see: Gen. xxvi 17 (JE), Numb, xxi 12 (JE), Judg. xvi 4 (JK), 1 Sam. xxx 21 (JK), 2 Sam. xv 23 (JK), 1 Kings xv 13 (JK), xvii 5 (JK), 2 Kings xxiii 6 (JK), 2 Chr. xv 16 (= 1 Kings xv 13). This is the only material which could have some significance, but even then it could be only very slight significance. 219 In both preceding notes the instances where the rectum, is an noun, are Numb, xiii 23, xxxii 9, Dt. i 24, Judg. xvi 4, 1 Kings xvii 5 (?). The NhxN° in question (Numb, xxxiv 5) has the name of a country as rectum, as does Josh, xv 4. In Gen. xxvi 17 the rectum is the name of a town. In all other instances the rectum is the name of the brook in question. For instances where the type of rectum used is significant, see pp. 65ff., 67ff. 220 For this type of nouns, see pp. 35, 65.

THE NhxN (OR NhxN°) INSTANCES

73

For a large number of nouns in the first group it is impossible to decide whether or not they could be used as the regens in an NhxN(°) of local-terminative function in any type of classical Hebrew prose known to us. Either the available material is too small for any conclusion to be drawn, or there is no material available at all.221 Only for some of the nouns can it be proved, or at least established as highly probable, that in some types of classical Hebrew prose they were not used as the regens in an NhxN(°) with local-terminative function, or were rarely so used. The nouns in question are the following; after each, the type of classical Hebrew prose involved will be indicated: a) hr (8 z^ro-instances in JE (0.0-36.94%); 11 zeroinstances in P (0.0-28.49%))—b) >r (8 zero-instances in JK (0.036.94%))—c) pth (21 zero-instances in P (0:0-16.11 %)).222 For a large number of nouns in the first group, it is also impossible to decide whether or not they could be used as the regens in an NhxN(°) with locative function in any type of classical Hebrew prose known to use. Either the available material is too small for any conclusion to be drawn or there is no material available at all.223 Only for some of the nouns can it be proved, or at least be established as highly probable, that in some types of classical Hebrew prose they

221 Here I will list the nouns in question and the z^ro-instances attested: a) gg, Judg. ix 51, 2 Sam. xviii 24 (both JK) — b) hsr, Jer. xxxii 8, Ez. viii 16 — c) y'r, 1 Sam. xxii 5, 2 Kings xix 23 (both JK), Is. xxxvii 24 (= 2 Kings xix 23) — d) Iskh, 2 Kings xxiii 11 (JK), Jer. xxxv 4, xxxvi 12, Esr. x 6 — e) mdbr. Ex. xv 22 (JE), xix 1 (P), 2 (JE), Numb, xiii 26 (JE), xx 1 (P), Judg. i 16, 1 Sam. xxiii 25, xxv 1, xxvi 2 (the 4 preceding instances are JK), Ez. xx 35, 2 Chr. xx 20 — 0 mzbh. Lev. xvii 6 (P), Numb, iv 11 (P; ?), Dt. xii 27 (D), 2 Kings xxiii 9 — g) ngb, 2 Sam. xxiv 7 — h) iV, Gen. xxiii 10, 18 (both P), xxxiv 20 (JE), Dt. xxi 19, xxii 24, Ez. xl 35, xlvii 2, Esth. iv 2, vi 12, Neh. ii 13, 14, 15, xii 37 (?), 2 Chr. xxxiii 14. There is no relevant material at all attested for the following nouns: bwr, bmh, grn, Hus, hdr, m'rb, msdrwn, m'gl, 'yn, 'rbh, prsdn, spwn, qdym, qdm, tymn. 222 The zero-instances attested for the nouns in question are: a) hr (JE, Gen. x 30, xxxi 21, Ex. iii 1, xix 23, xxiv 13, xxxiv 2, 4, Dt. xxxiv 1; P, Numb, xxvii 12, Dt. xxxii 49; D, Dt. i 7, 20; L, Josh, xv 10; JK, Judg. iv 6, 12, ix 48, xvii 8, xviii 2, 13(7), 1 Kings xviii 19, 20, xix 8, 2 Kings ii 25, iv 25; Ez., xxxv 2; Neh., ix 13; Chr., 1 Chr. iv 42) — b) 'yr (JE, Gen. xxiv 10, xxxiii 18, Numb, xxii 36; L, Numb, xxxv 25, 32; JK, 1 Sam. xv 5, xxiii 7, 2 Sam. vi 10, 12, 16, 1 Kings iii 1, xiii 29, 2 Kings x 25; Neh., ii 5; Chr.’ 1 Chr. xiii 13 (= 2 Sam. vi 10), xv 29 (cf. 2 Sam. vi 16), 2 Chr. xxxii 30) — c) pth (P, Ex. xxix 4, xl 12, Lev. i 3, iv 4, viii 3, 4, xii 6, xiv 23, 38, xv 14, 29, xvii 4, 5, 9, xix 21, Numb, vi 10, 13, x 3, xvi 19, xvii 15, xx 6; D, Dt. xxii 21; JK, Judg. ix 52, 1 Kings xvii 10; Ez., viii 3, 7, 14, xl 40, xlvii 1). 223 I will give here only some examples: a) bwr, 2 Kings x 14 (JK) — b) gg, 2 Sam. xi 2, xviii 24 (both JK) —c) hdr, Judg. iii 24, 2 Sam. iv 7, 2 Kings vi 12, xi 2 (all examples JK).

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were not used as the regens in an NhxN(°) with locative function, or were rarely so used. The nouns in question are the following; after each, the type of classical Hebrew prose involved will be indicated : a) hr (12 zero-instances in JK (0.0-26.46%); 10 zero-instances in P (0.0-30.85%); 8 zero-instances in L (0.0-36.94%)) — b) mdbr (13 zeroinstances in P (0.0-24.7%)) — c) pth (14 zero-instances in JE (0.023.16%); 16 zero-instances in JK (0.0-20.59%); 18 zero-instances in P (0.0-18.53%).224 For the majority of nouns in the second group it is impossible to decide whether or not they could be used as the regens in an NhxN(°) with local-terminative function in any type of classical Hebrew prose known to us: here again either the available material is too small for any conclusion to be drawn or there is no material available at all.225 Only for one of these nouns does it seem probable that in at least some types of classical Hebrew prose it was not used as the regens in an NhxN(°) with local-terminative function, or was rarely so used: twk (5 zero-instances in JE (0.0-52.18%), 6 zero-instances in JK (0.0-45.93%), 5 zero-instances in D (0.0-52.18 %).226 For some 224 The ::m>-instances attested for the nouns in question are: a) hr (JE, Gen. xxxi 23, 25, xxxvi 9, Ex. iv 27, Josh, xxiv 30, 33; P, Gen. xxxvi 8, Ex. xxiv 16, xxxi 18, xxxiv 32, Lev. vii 38, xxv 1, xxvi 46, xxvii 34, Numb, iii 1, xxviii 6; D, Dt. xxvii 4, 12, 13, Josh, viii 30, Judg. ii 9; L, Numb, xxxiii 23, Josh, xiii 19, xix 50, xx 7 (3 times), xxi 11, 21; JK, Judg. i 35, iii 27, iv 5, x 1, xii 15, 1 Sam. xiii 2, xiv 22, xxxi 1, 8, 2 Sam. i 6, 1 Kings iv 8, xii 25) — b) mdhr (JE, Gen. xxi 14, 21; P, Lev. vii 38, Numb, i 1, 19, iii 4, 14, ix 1, 5, x 12, xii 16, xxvi 64, xxvii 14 (twice), Dt. xxxii 51; L, Numb, xxxiii 8, 11, 15, 36; JK, 1 Sam. xxiii 14, 15, 24, 25, xxiv 2) — c) pth (JE, Gen. xviii 1, 10, xix 11, xxxviii 14, xliii 19, Ex. xxxiii 8, 9, 10 (twice). Numb, xi 10, xii 5, xvi 27, Dt. xxxi 15, Josh, viii 29; P, Ex. xxix 11, 32, 42, xxxviii 8, xl 29, Lev. i 5, iii 2, iv 7, 18, viii 31, 35, xiv 11, xvi 7, xvii 6, Numb, vi 18, xvi 18, xxv 6, xxvii 2; L, Josh, xix 51, xx 4; JK, Judg. iv 20, ix 35, 44, xviii 16, 17, xix 26, 27, 1 Sam. ii 22, 2 Sam. x 8, xi 9, 1 Kings xix 13, xxii 10, 2 Kings v 9, vii 3, x 8, xxiii 8; Jer. prose, xix 2, xxvi 10, xxxvi 10, xliii 9; Ez., viii 16, x 19, xi 1, xlvi 3; Chr., 1 Chr. ix 21, xix 9 (= 2 Sam. x 8), 2 Chr. xviii 9 (= 1 Kings xxii 10)). 225 I will give here only some examples: a) dbyr, 1 Kings viii 6 (= 2 Chr. v 7) (JK) — b) krm, Dt. xxiii 25, 2 Kings xxi 16 (both D) —c) 'lyh, 2 Sam. xix 1 (JK) — d) mr (10 zero-instances in JE (0.0-30.85%)); 18 zero-instances in D (0.0-18.53%)) — d) 'mq (8 zero-instances in JK (0.0-36.94%) — e) twk (14 zero-instances in JE (0.0-23.16%); 12 zeroinstances in JK (0.0-26.46%); 11 zero-instances in Ez. (0.0-28.49%)).229

really had in itself the semantic component of inherent local-fixedness. It is quite possible that it possessed the semantic component of local-fixedness only in relation to another object (see also n. 160). 227 The zero-instances attested for the nouns in question are: a) mhnh (JE, Ex. xiv 24; JK, Judg. vii 13, 15, 2 Sam. xxiii 16, 2 Kings iii 24, vii 4, 5, 10; Chr., 1 Chr. xi 18 (= 2 Sam. xxiii 16)) — b) qsh (JE, Ex. xvi 35; D, Josh, iii 8; L, Josh, xviii 16; JK, Judg. vii 11, 17, 19, 1 Sam. ix 27, 2 Kings vii 5, 8) —c) sdh (JE, Gen. xxxii 4, Numb, xxiii 14; P, Gen. xxv 9; JK, 1 Sam. vi 14; Ez. xvii 5; Chr., 2 Chr. xxvi 23). The attested material for these nouns is in itself insufficient. For the fact that the nominal group to which these nouns belong also argues in favour of there being no NhxN attested for them, compare n. 155. For the local-terminative interpretation of Gen. xxv 9 and 2 Chr. xxvi 23, see the discussion of comparable instances in n. 436. 228 I will give here only some examples: a) gn (JE, Gen. ii 15; Ez., xxxi 8 (twice), 9; perhaps the 2 instances of by the garden of... should be added: 2 Kings xxv 4 (= Jer. Iii 7)) — b) hykl (JK, 1 Sam. iii 3, 2 Kings xx 18, xxiv 13; Is. prose, xxxix 7 (= 2 Kings xx 18); Chr., 2 Chr. xxix 16. 229 The zero-instances question are: a) gbwl {by the border of) Ez. xlvii 16, xlviii 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 21 (twice), 24, 25, 26, 27, 28 —b) hsr (Jer. xix 14, xxvi 2, xxxii 2, 12, xxxiii 1, xxxvii 21 (twice), xxxviii 6, 13, 28, xxxix 15)—c) 'hr (JE, Gen. 1 10, 11, Numb, xxi 13, xxxii 19, Josh, v 1, vii 7, ix 1, xxiv 2, 8, 14, 15; P, Ex. xxviii 26, xxxix 19; D, Dt. i 1, 5, iii 8, 20, 25, iv 41, 46, 47, xi 30, Josh, i 14, 15, ii 10, ix 10, xii 1, 7, xxii 4, 7 (probably belonging to a post-D redaction), Judg. x 8; L, Josh, xiii 8, 27; JK, Judg. xi 18, 1 Sam. xxxi 7, 2 Sam. x 16, 1 Kings vii 20, 30; Chr., 1 Chr. xix 16 (= 2 Sam. x 16), xxvi 30) — d) 7w and in the first element of d), the N is also such a noun. In Ez., one finds, with constituents with a comparable meaning, constituent structures of the following types: a) (pNxNh//Nh) (Ez. xlv 7) 282 — b) (pNxN//Nh) (Ez. xlv 7, xlviii 28)283 —c) (NxN//Nh) (Ez. xlvii 19) — d) NxNh (Ez. xlviii 16, 33, 34) — e) pNxNh (Ez. xlvii 15, xlviii 1, 21 (twice), 32; in 1 instance, xlviii 1, the rectum is not p't but qsh, and in two others it is gbwl: Ez. xlviii 21) — f) pNxN (Ez. xlviii 16, 30)—g) NxN (Ez. xl 10, xli 11, xiii 10, 11, 12, xlvii 18, 20, xlviii 16 (twice); in 5 instances: xl 10, xli 11, xiii 10, 11, 12, the regens is drk, in the other ones it is p't) — h) Nx(NxN) (Ez. xli 12; the regens is/? V, the second one drk)—i) pN (Ez. xl 2, 23 (twice), xiii 1, 4) —j) (N//Nh) (Ez. xlvii 17) —k) N (xl 19 (twice), xlvii 1)—1) Nh (xl 40, xlvi 19, xlviii 1, 10 (4 times), 17 (4 times), 18 (twice), 21, 31). Under a), b), c), d), e), f)> g) and h) the regens is p't in all those instances for which the regens is not specified. Sub a), b), c), d), e), 0, g) and h) the rectum is always a noun indicating one of the four points of the compass. In i), j), k), 1) and in the second element of a), b) and c) the N is also always such a noun. In Chr. there is no comparable material.284

282 For the discussion of this text, see n. 96. 283 For the discussion of the text Ez. xlv 7, see n. 96. Strictly speaking, in Ez. xlviii 28 one is dealing with an endocentric constituent consisting of 4 paratactic elements (...//...//Nh//...), see also the discussion in n. 93. From these 4 elements I choose here only those 2 which have the same meaning. The idea that those 2 formed together an endocentric constituent which with the 2 other paratactic elements formed another endocentric constituent of the type (...//(...//Nh)//...) could also be defended. But because nothing is known about accent and intonation, a decision on this point is very difficult, see also n. 41. 284 In the only example of pNxNh in Chr. (2 Chr. iv 10), the regens is mwl (on this point, see n. 241). In Chr. and the other types of classical Hebrew prose, there are no comparable instances with a status-constructus group attested. The situation there is as follows: a) JE, 2 instances of Nh (Numb, xxxii 19, Josh, xi 8)—b) D, 7 instances of Nh (Dt. iii 17, iv 49, Josh, xii 1, 3 (twice), 7) — c) JK, 3 instances of Nh (1 Kings vii 39, 2 Kings xiii 17, xvi 14) — d) Neh., 1 instance of N (xii 37) and 1 instance of pN (iii 26) — e) Chr., 9 instances of Nh (1 Chr. ix 24 (3 times), 18, xxvi 14 (twice).

THE NxNh AND pNxNh INSTANCES

91

From what has gone before, it may be concluded that the locative instances of pNxNh and NxNh (in total 17 instances) all have a closely related meaning: at the north/east/south/west side/end/boundary ; there is only 1 exception: 2 Chr. iv 10. (Unfortunately the material does not allow us to reach a decision whether in a type of classical Hebrew prose such as that represented in the text of Chr. (p)NxNh would have been used for this special meaning too, nor what the relevant ratios would be). This means that, at least in certain types of classical Hebrew prose, the locative use of (p)NxNh remained mainly or entirely confined to the very special use mentioned above. Against this background the use of p't (/gbwl/qsh) as the rectum in all instances except 2 Chr. iv 10 is completely understandable. In this connection it is remarkable that in the special locative instances spoken of here, in those instances where drk is the regens, no (p)NxNh is used, but in 5 instances NxN (Ez. xl 10, xli 11, xlii 10, 11, 12) and in one instance Nx(NxN) (Ez. xli 12): although drk in certain contexts, like these, can have a meaning closely related to that of p't, it generally does not. This fact underlines the remarks made about the special locative use of (p)NxNh. In all local-terminative, local-final and local-separative instances of (p)NxNh the rectum is a noun referring to one of the four points of the compass. These instances are found only in Ez., which is why this discussion is concerned with Ez. only. There are however differences as to the regens : with the 4 local-terminative instances it is drk, with the 23 local-final and local-separative instances it is always p't (with one exception: Ez. xlv 7 with gbwl as the regens). The localterminative instances all have the same type of meaning: towards the north/east/south/west; the local-final ones all have the same type of meaning too: as far as the north/east/south/west side/boundary; the same is true for all local-separative instances: from the north/east/ south/west side. In Ez. there are 9 corresponding local-terminative instances of the type NxN : Ez. xl 20, 22, 32, 44, 46, xlii 1,15, xliii 1, 4 (all with drk as the regens) and 4 corresponding local-separative instances of the type pNxN: Ez. xlviii 2, 6, 7, 8 (all with p't as the regens). In Ez. there are no corresponding local-final instances of the type (p)NxN. 15, 30, 2 Chr. xxxiii 14 (but this text probably does not belong here, see n. 112), 3 instances of pNh (1 Chr. xxvi 17 (twice), 2 Chr. xxxi 14), 4 instances of pN (1 Chr. v 9, xxvi 16, 17, 18) and 1 instance of N (1 Chr. ix 24).

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The high percentage of pNxNh instances among the special localfinal and local-separative instances spoken of here is remarkable. (In Ez. there is only 1 instance of Nh as constituent with local-final function (Ez. xxi 3), and none with local-separative function; there is no pNh instance with either local-final or local-separative function.)285 Also the difference in percentage between the local-final instances and the local-separative ones is remarkable. In the instances where a status-constructus group is used, pNxNh reaches a 100% (76.84-100) with the local-final instances and 69.2% (38.58-90.91) with the localseparative ones. The conclusion must be that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the type of classical Hebrew prose repre­ sented in the text of Ez. in local-final instances where a statusconstructus group is used, the use of pNxNh was common (at least in those instances where the rectum referred to one of the four points of the compass and the regens was of the type discussed above).286 As far as can be judged, the use of Nh in local-final instances would have been rare in such a corpus. This cannot be explained by the fact that the ending under consideration was not used in local-final instances, or only rarely so, for then the pNxNh instances with localfinal function would become incomprehensible. It probably can be explained in this way: that the use of Nh was restricted to a special type of local-finality.287 285 For Ez. xxi 3, see pp. 54f., 59. For the instances of pNh, see p. 62. In n. 170 are listed the instances of (p)N with local-final and local-separative function, the noun of which refers, or can refer, to one of the 4 points of the compass. These generally do not mean as far as the north I east/south/west border {boundary) ox from the north/east/ south/west side. The only local-final exceptions are Ez. xxi 3 (Nh) and Ez. xxi 9 (N), the only local-separative exceptions are Ez. xxi 3, 9 (pN). See also the next note. The absence of local-terminative pNxNh instances is probably due to the use of the regens drk. Besides the 4 local-terminative instances of NxNh and the comparable 9 of NxN there are in Ez. 7 instances of Nh with the same meaning (see n. 109) and 7 instances of N with this meaning (see n. 109). 286 It is also remarkable that, whereas in Ez., in the locative instances meaning at the north/east/west/south side/boundary, beside the instances of pNxN(h), there are many of (p)N(h), cf. p. 90; in the local-final instances, beside the 14 instances of pNxNh, only 2 instances (1 of N and 1 of Nh) are attested with the same local-final meaning {as far as the north/east/south/west side (/boundary)), see the preceding note. The number of local-final instances in Ez. in which a status-constructus group occurs which is not of the type discussed here, but which has the special semantic feature discussed already (see p. 35) is unfortunately very small: Ez. xli 20 {'d m'l hpth). I have omitted here the instances where a geographical name is rectum (Ez. xxix 10: 7/ gbwl kws). 287 See the last but one note. Of the local-final instances in Ez. (xxi 3, 9, xlvii 18, 19, xlviii 1, 28) where a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass is used

THE NxNh AND pNxNh INSTANCES

93

It has already been shown that the locative use of (p)NxNh is restricted to special instances, in most of which p't is used as the regens. This indicates a special relationship between p't and the ending under consideration. In local-final instances in Ez. of a correspondingly special type, with only 2 exceptions (Ez. xxi 3, 9) a status-constructus group is used, with p't as the regens and the ending under consideration attached to the rectum.2** Thus, in the texts of Ez., there is another special “relationship” between the use of p't and that of the ending under study. (On the relationship between (p)NxNh with locative function and pNxNh with local-final function, see pp. 203 ff). At this point, the use of the ending under study with other pNxNh instances with p't as the regens and a noun referring to one of the four points of the compass becomes understandable, namely with the localseparative instances; notwithstanding the fact that at first sight the function of the pNxNh in question would not make this likely.288 289 The use of the ending under consideration with the local-separative instances in question must have been caused by analogy, but, when introduced, changed the function indication of pNxNh.290 Against this background the lower percentage of NxNh in local-terminative instances (where drk is the regens) compared with NxN and the absence of the ending under consideration in those locative instances where drk is the regens (see above) becomes understandable. There was no analogy like that mentioned above to increase the percentage.291 Other instances where the analogy mentioned above has caused the introduction of the ending under consideration are Ez. xlvii 18, 19 (both instances of 7-NxNh), where the regens is also p't and the rectum a noun referring to one of the four points of the compass.292 (see n. 170), only 2 have exactly the same meaning as the 14 local-final instances of pNxNh: as far as the north/east/south/west border!boundary, Ez. xxi 3, 9. To these two also belongs the only instance of Nh with local-final function (Ez. xxi 3). For a further discussion, see also pp. 203 ff. 288 For the 2 exceptional instances, see nn. 285, 286, 287. 289 For the percentage of instances with local-separative function, see p. 92, see also the fact that in Ez. there are only 2 comparable instances with the special localseparative function in question: Ez. xxi 3, 9, where rather than a status-constructus group, a single noun is used (cf. n. 285). 290 For this historical explanation, see also p. 203. 291 The percentage of the -A-instances is even lower in those cases where a statusconstructus group is used for a constituent with a comparable local-terminative function (30.77% (9.09-61.42)) than in those instances where a single noun is used (50% (23.04-76.96)); cf. also pp. 36, 91. 292 Though the influence of analogy in Ez. has been touched on in this context, I leave out of the present discussion the instance of V-NxNh from L (Numb, xxxv 5),

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A further discussion of these points and of the relationship of the classical Hebrew prose types to one another in this respect and its consequences will be found on pp. 202ff., 223ff. The origin of the locative and local-terminative use of (p)NxNh will also be discussed there.293 on this point, see pp. 229, 235. In Ez. xlvii 17 there is a comparable rm>-instance: 7-NxN {p't being regens and the rectum being a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass). 293 Everything which can be discussed only on the basis of a comparison of the different types of classical Hebrew prose will be spoken of on pp. 226 ff.

CHAPTER FIVE

THE Nymh INSTANCES IN PROSE294

1. The instances The following list indicates which nominal forms are concerned. JE : mym (Ex. vii 15, viii 16), smym (Gen. xv 5, xxviii 12, Josh, viii 20). Total: 5 instances. P: smym (Ex. ix 8, 10). Total: 2 instances. D: smym (Dt. iv 19, xxx 12). Total: 2 instances. JK: smym (Judg. xiii 20, xx 40). Total: 2 instances. Job-prose: smym (ii 12). Total: 1 instance. Chr. : smym (2 Chr. vi 13).295 Total: 1 instance. Total of Nymh instances in the OT: 13 instances.296 2. Function a) JE In JE, Nymh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Gen. xv 5, Josh, viii 20)297 — b) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Gen. xxviii 12, Ex. vii 15, viii 16). In all instances Nymh is a constituent with local-terminative function.298 294 For the term dual, see the remarks made in n. 28. It is remarkable that the dual paradigms of both nouns discussed in this chapter {mym and smym) do not stand in paradigmatic relationship to singular and/or plural paradigms, on this point they show a difference from most dual paradigms. 295 2 Chr. vi 13 reads wyprs kpyw hsmymh and in this respect shows a clear difference from its Vorlage 1 Kings viii 22 which reads wyprs kpyw hsmym. On this Vorlage, see also p. 97. 296 To the best of my knowledge there are no instances of Nymh attested in classical Hebrew prose texts outside the OT. 297 In Gen. xv 5 the core of the clause is an imperative; cf. also n. 40. 298 In Gen. xxviii 12 I interpret the words wr'sw mgy' hsmymh as “the top of which reached into heaven” (cf. Gen. xi 4), taking hsmymh in a local-terminative sense. Compare the following instances of the Hiph'il of ng' + 7:1 Sam. xiv 9, Ez. xiii 14 (see also Ex. xii 22), and of the Qal of this root + 7: Numb, iv 15, Jonah iii 6, Dan. ix 21. (Cf. the parallelism of bw' 7 and ng' 'd in the poetic text Job iv 5.) The meaning in these instances is to approach, to come to {> to touch), to cause to approach, to bring near to {> to make touch).

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b) P

In P, Nymh functions in both instances attested as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. In both instances Nymh is a constituent with local-terminative function. c) D In D, Nymh functions in both instances attested as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. In both instances Nymh is a constituent with local-terminative function. d) JK In JK, Nymh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Judg. xx 40) — b) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (Judg. xiii 20). In both instances Nymh is a constituent with localterminative function. e) Job-prose In Job-prose, Nymh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. It is a constituent with local-terminative function. 0 Chr. In Chr., Nymh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. It is a constituent with local-terminative function. 3. Zero-instances In all instances attested in the OT Nymh is a constituent with localterminative function. Therefore in determining what can be considered in this connection as zero-instances, only those instances which have a local-terminative function have been taken into account.299 The nouns in question will be treated separately. 299 In those instances where, theoretically, an Nymh with locative function could be used, this never is done. The instances in question are: a) mym (P, Lev. xi 9 (twice), 10, 12, 46; D, Dt. xiv 9)—b) smym (JE, Gen. xi 4; D, Dt. i 28(?), iii 24, iv 17, ix 1(?), xxx 12, 1 Kings viii 30, 32, 34, 36, 39, 43, 45, 49; JK, 2 Kings vii 2, 19; Chr., 1 Chr. xxix 11, 2 Chr. vi 14, xx 6). Perhaps one could add instances of at (near) the water (JE, Ex. xv 27; P, Numb, xxvii 14). Only for a type of classical Hebrew prose like that represented in the text of D may one draw the probable conclusion that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts Nymh of smym with locative function never would have been used, or only rarely so. Yet the absence in all instances of Nymh with locative function also has a certain significance when compared with the use of Nymh with localterminative function. Thus, for this reason too, the decision to consider as zeroinstances only those with local-terminative function is justified. For the locative instances of mym I have restricted myself to those instances where the noun in question has the special semantic feature discussed above (p. 35, n. 106), see also p. 98.

THE N*mh INSTANCES

97

a) smym This noun has the semantic component mentioned above.300 The situation is as follows: JE: P: D: JK : Job: Chr.:

Nymh 3 Nymh 2 Nymh 2 Nymh 2 Nymh 1 Nymh 1

instances against 4 zm?-instances (42.86% (9.9-81.59)). instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)). instances against 2 zero-instances (50% (6.76-93.24)). instances against 3 zero-instances (40% (5.28-85.33)). instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). instance against 3 zero-instances (25% (0.63-80.58)).301

As far as the percentages in JE are concerned, it must be noted that in all the zero-instances the constituent in question functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause in which the verbal form is of the root nth (Ex. ix 22, 23, x 21, 22),302 whereas the instances of Nymh in JE (and in the other text material) are neither constituents at clause level in such a verbal clause nor hypotactic elements in, for example, a participle phrase with a participle from this root. Thus, one has to reckon seriously with the possibility that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the type of classical Hebrew represented in the text of JE, a Nymh of smym was never or only rarely, used as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root nth or as a hypotactic element in a participle/infinitive phrase with a participle/infinitive of that root. If this is right, it is better not to consider the 4 instances in question as zero-instances: the percentage would then be 100% (29.24-100). In this connection it is remarkable that whereas the 4 instances in question all speak of stretching towards heaven, in 2 other instances referring to stretching!spreading hands towards heaven (root prs) Nymh is again not used (1 Kings viii 22, 54; D). But unfortunately the material available is too scanty to yield any conclusion.303

3°° por (hjg semantic component, see the discussion on p. 35 (n. 106). 301 For the Nymh instances in question, see p. 95. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Ex. ix 22, 23, x 21, 22—b) D, 1 Kings viii 22, 54—c) JK, 1 Sam. v 12, 2 Kings ii 1, 11—d) Chr., 2 Chr. xxviii 9, xxx 27, xxxii 20. 302 In Ex. ix 22, x 21 the clause core is an'imperative. 303 It is remarkable that in 2 Chr. vi 13 {wyprs kpyw hsmymh) an Nymh is used although the stretching of hands towards heaven is referred to. Still I would not like to use this fact against the possible conclusion about JE; also in other respects Chr. shows a character of its own, see especially the remarks on the use of hmzbhh, pp. 42ff.; see also p. 238. If in D also the absence of Nymh in 1 Kings viii 22, 54 were due to the fact that in the type of classical Hebrew prose represented by D Nymh of smym was not used, or only rarely so, in this special context type, this would influence the percentage: 100% (15.81-100).

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b) mym This noun can have the semantic component mentioned above;304 in that case it refers to something like a stream or a river, which has its own place in the landscape. In both instances of Nymh (Ex. vii 15, viii 16) mym does refer to such a stream/river. In determining what could in this connection be a zero-instance, only those instances where this noun also refers to a stream/river have been taken into con­ sideration.305 The situation is as follows. JE: JK :

Nymh 2 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)). Nymh 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)).306 307

c) Other material As far as I can judge there are no other nominal forms which have (or can have) the semantic component mentioned above 307 and of which it would have been (theoretically) possible to use a Nymh in the material available. 4. Provisional discussion of the material It is impossible to decide whether the fact that the Nymh instances attested in the material function only as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause or as a hypotactic element in a participle/infinitive phrase, is significant. As far as can be judged from the available material the use of an Nymh in (many types of) classical Hebrew prose indicated that one was dealing with a constituent with local-terminative function. From the preceding paragraphs of this chapter it will have become clear that Nymh was not used wherever it was theoretically possible to do so. For the relationships between the different types of classical Hebrew prose in this respect, see p. 241. It is remarkable that no instance of pNymh is attested. 304 For this semantic component, see p. 35 (n. 106). 305 Those texts where mym refers to the material water as such, or a special specimen of this material, are omitted here, so that e.g. Ex. xv 25, 2 Kings vi 5 are not quoted below as zero-instances. 306 For the Nymh instances in question, see p. 95. For the zero-instances in question, see: Judg. vii 4, 5. 307 For this semantic component, see p. 35 (n. 106).

CHAPTER SIX

THE (p)Nmh INSTANCES IN PROSE308 1. The instances The following lists indicate which nominal forms are concerned. Moreover special lists of Nmh and pNmh will be given. a) List of Nmh instances P: pnym (Lev. x 18). Total 1 instance. D: ymym (Ex. xiii 10). Total: 1 instance. JK : ymym (Judg. xi 40, xxi 19, 1 Sam. i 3, ii 19), pnym (1 Kings vi 18, 2 Kings vii 11). Total: 6 instances. Ez.: ksdym (xi 24, xvi 29, xxiii 16). Total: 3 instances. Chr. : pnym (2 Chr. xxix 18; not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us). Total: 1 instance. Total of Nmh instances in OT: 12 instances.309 b) List of pNmh instances This list also indicates which prepositions are concerned. JK : pnym (1 Kings vi 19 (mn)y 21 (raw), 30 (/)). Total: 3 instances. Ez.: pnym (xl 16 (twice), xli 3). In all instances the preposition / is used. Total: 3 instances. Chr. : pnym (2 Chr. iii 4 (mn),310 xxix 16 (/) (not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us)). Total of pNmh instances in OT: 8 instances. 2. Function A. The instances of Nmh a) P In P, Nmh functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (type (...//Nmh)). The only instance (Lev. x 18) has a local-terminative function. 308 For the term plural, see the remarks in n. 28. 309 To the best of my knowledge there are no instances of Nmh attested in classical Hebrew prose texts outside the OT. 310 Although 2 Chr. iii 4 differs in many aspects from its Vorlage 1 Kings vi 21, like its Vorlage it also reads mpnymh.

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b) D In D, Nmh functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (type (...//Nmh)). The only instance attested (Ex. xiii 10) has a temporal-terminative function.311 c) JK In JK, Nmh functions as a) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions as core element in a nominal clause (1 Kings vi 18; type (...//Nmh))—b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause (Judg. xi 40, 1 Sam. i 3, ii 19, 2 Kings vii 11; type (...//Nmh)) —c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a nominal clause (Judg. xxi 19; type (...//Nmh)). The instances in question have a) a locative function (1 Kings vi 18, 2 Kings vii 11) — b) a temporal-terminative function (Judg. xi 40, xxi 19, 1 Sam. i 3, ii 19). d) Ez. In Ez., Nmh functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: a) (Nmh//...): xi 24—b) (...//Nmh): xvi 29, xxiii 16. In these instances Nmh has a) a local-terminative function (xi 24, xxiii 16)312 — b) no local function whatever (xvi 29). e) Chr. In Chr., functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (type Nmh//...). In this only instance it has local-terminative function (2 Chr. xxix 18). B. The instances of pNmh a) JK In JK, pNmh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (1 Kings vi 21)—b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. The following consti­ 311 By temporal-terminativity is meant that a certain action/situation is going on till a certain time, leaving aside the question whether this time is the terminal point or not. For the usefulness of the distinction between local-, temporal- and other types of terminativity, see also the discussion on p. 157. 3,2 The type of local-terminativity here is different from that found elsewhere; on this point, see the discussion pp. 102f.

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tuent types are used: 1) (pNmh//w...): 1 Kings vi 30—2) (...//pNmh): 1 Kings vi 19. All instances have locative function. b) Ez. In Ez., pNmh functions as a) a core constituent in a nominal clause (xl 16)313 — b) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (xli 3) — c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent functioning at clause level in a nominal clause (xl 16); strictly speaking, one is dealing with a constituent of the type p(Nmh//...) here, see preceding note. In one instance, pNmh has local-terminative function: xli 3; in the other two, it has locative function. c) Chr. In Chr., pNmh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (2 Chr. iii 4) — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent functioning at clause level in a verbal clause (2 Chr. xxix 16; type (pNmh//...)). In one instance, it has local-terminative function (2 Chr. xxix 16); in the other, it has locative function (2 Chr. iii 4). 3. Zero-instances In this paragraph the different nominal forms will be treated separately. The (p)Nmh instances of the nominal forms in question show too great functional differences among themselves. The Nmh of ymym occurs only in a special expression (mymym ymymh) and nowhere else. This makes it probable (as far as the scanty material available allows conclusions to be drawn) that the Nmh of ymym in (most of) the types of classical Hebrew prose, only —or mainly—occurred in this special expression. The use of ymymh in this special expression reaches a density of 100%: there are no variant forms of this expression which show any other type of formulation and/or in which no Nmh occurs.314 313 The nominal clause in question is whlwnwt sbyb sbyb Ipnymh. I take sbyb sbyb to be a constituent at clause level which interrupts the core. For this interpretation, cf. v. 36 the nominal clause whlwnwt Iw (the suffix referring to a gate) sbyb sbyb and v. 33 whlwnwt Iw (the suffix referring to a gate) wl'lmw sbyb sbyb, where sbyb sbyb has to be taken as constituent at clause level, cf. also v. 29 and the first half of v. 16. In this first half I take 'l-ht'ym w'l 'lyhmh Ipnymh Is'r to be the second core element in the nominal clause in question, type ((...//...)//p(Nmh...)). The last element consists of a preposition, an Nmh and a hypotactic element to this Nmh. 314 Unfortunately, the number of instances where this expression occurs is small: Ex. xiii 10, Judg. xi 40, xxi 19, 1 Sam. i 3, ii 19. For this reason it is impossible to draw many conclusions because of the absence of variants. In JK there are 4 instances, percentage 100% (39.76-100).

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The nominal form pnym as such does not necessarily have the semantic component mentioned above.315 But in the instances where its (p)Nmh occurs, it clearly does have this component.316 Thus, for the purpose of determining what could be a zmMnstance here, only those instances where pnym has the semantic component in question have been examined. Moreover, because (p)Nmh of pnym only has a local-terminative or locative function, in determining the zero-instances here, only instances of these types have been considered. In this way, it appears that there are no zero-instances of the type Nm or pNm for pnym. In the following lists the ratio between Nmh and pNmh instances will be given: one list for the local-terminative ones and one for the locative ones. The percentage given is that of the Nmh instances. a) local-terminative instances P: Nmh 1 instance against 0 pNmh instances (100% (2.5-100)). Ez.: Nmh 0 instances against 1 pNmh instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). Chr.: Nmh 1 instance against 1 pNmh instance (50% (1.26-98.74)).

b) locative instances JK : Nmh 2 instances against 3 pNmh instances (40% (5.28-85.33)). Ez.: Nmh 0 instances against 2 pNmh instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). Chr.: Nmh 0 instances against 1 pNmh instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).317

A discussion of the ksdym material is very difficult. The nominal form ksdym normally refers to a group of human beings and so normally does not have the semantic component mentioned above.318 For these reasons it is not surprising that—with the exception of the 3 instances in Ez.—one finds no instances of this nominal form (or comparable ones) with the ending under consideration attached to it. As to the 3 “exceptional” instances one must remark that—at least in 2 of them—ksdym has a meaning very near to land of the Chaldeans

315 For the semantic component in question, see the discussion, p. 35 (n. 106). 316 In these instances pnym has either the meaning inner side (e.g. Ez. xl 16 (twice)) or interior (e.g. Lev. x 18, 2 Kings vii 11). 317 The local-terminative instances of Nmh in question are: Lev. x 18 (P), 2 Chr. xxix 18 (Chr.); the locative instances of Nmh in question are : 1 Kings vi 18, 2 Kings vii 11 (JK). The local-terminative instances of pNmh in question are: Ez. xli 3, 2 Chr. xxix 16. The locative instances of pNmh in question are: 1 Kings vi 19, 21, 30 (JK), Ez. xl 16 (twice), 2 Chr. iii 4. 3,8 For the semantic component in question, see the discussion on p. 35 n. 106. In this case ksdym “normally” does not have the semantic component of local-fixedness.

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(Ez. xi 24, xvi 29),319 which may have influenced the use of Nmh in these instances (it is remarkable however that in Ez. xvi 29 the Nmh has no local function whatsoever). In Ez. xxiii 16, ksdym has more the meaning the Chaldeans.320 No list of zm?-instances is given here, because, as will be seen, the prose of Ez. often has its own pecu­ liarities and because there is no really comparable instance of ksdym elsewhere.321 4. Provisional discussion of the material From the preceding paragraphs it appears that (p)Nmh is only rarely attested as a constituent (or paratactic element in an endo­ centric constituent) which functions as a core element in a nominal clause or at clause level in such a clause.322 The material available is too scanty, however, to draw any significant conclusion from this fact. The indication given in most known types of classical Hebrew prose —as far as Nmh is attested in them—by the use of this constituent is not so firm as that given, for example, by Nh, NhxN, N°h, etc. The indication is that a constituent of either local-terminative, locative or temporal-terminative function is involved. A choice between the possi­ bilities can (partly) be made only when it is known to which Nm the ending under study is attached in the relevant case. In a type of classical Hebrew prose like that in Ez., the use of Nmh as such does not give a sure indication of its function. Here too, knowledge about which Nm the ending under consideration is attached to would probably give more indications.323 As far as can be judged, the use of 3,9 For problems which names which can indicate a nation/people as well as the country the people in question live in present in the study of the use of the ending see also the discussion in n. 688. 320 Especially the lyhm preceding ksdymh argues the case that primarily the people is meant. One can speak here of local-terminative function (see p. 100) of the Nmh in question, in as far as this people is living in a certain place. See also the next note. 321 In Jer. xxxviii 2, 23 one finds instances of terminative function which could be compared, but in these instances the ksdym in question are not in their own country; in this respect these instances differ from Ez. xxiii 16 where the ksdym in question are the people living in their own country. See also the preceding note. The same is true for instances like Jer. xxxvii 13, 14, xxxviii 19 (go over to the ksdym). 322 The instances in question are Judg. xxi 19, 1 Kings vi 18. For the pNmh instances the examples are Ez. xl 16 (twice). 323 One has to admit that there is no really comparable material for the localterminative instances of the Nmh of ksdym in Ez. outside this book (see also p. 102). Nevertheless, Ez., often shows (see p. 236) its own pecularities; for this reason, where

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pNmh in any type of classical Hebrew prose indicated that a con­ stituent with locative (or local-terminative) function was involved.324 The question whether pNmh could occur in every known type of classical Hebrew prose will be dealt with elsewhere, cf. pp. 222 f., 241. Whereas instances of pNh (and (p)NxNh and the like) occur only for nouns the Nh of which had (or nearly had) a 100% density in some types of classical Hebrew prose, the possibility that a Nmh of pnym also had a 100% density, or nearly so, in at least certain types of classical Hebrew prose, must be taken into account. Unfortunately, the material on pnym itself is so scanty that it forbids us to draw more conclusions. On this point, see also pp. 222 f. the use of Nmh is concerned, I place this presentation of the indicational differences between Ez. and other types of classical Hebrew prose. The only plural noun of which an Nmh is attested in Ez. is ksdym (see p. 99), yet, in view of the other material, one must seriously reckon with the probability that ymymh and pnymh did occur in the type of classical Hebrew prose attested in this book also. 324 Although in only 2 instances does an pNmh have a local-terminative function (Ez. xli 3,2 Chr. xxix 16), the material as such is too limited to enable us to decide whether it is significant that these only instances occur in Ez. and Chr. Of the only plural noun of which in this material a pNmh is attested {pnym) only 2 instances of Nmh are attested which have local-terminative function: Lev. x 18, 2 Chr. xxix 18.

CHAPTER SEVEN

THE N°h, Nohxo AND Noxoh INSTANCES IN PROSE

1. The instances The following lists indicate which names are involved. For every type of classical Hebrew prose separate lists for N°h, Nohxo and Noxoh instances will be given. JE: N°h instances : 'ylm (Ex. xv 27), 'swr (Gen. xxv 18), b'r (Numb, xxi 16), (h)glgl (Josh, x 6, 15, 43), gTd (Numb, xxxii 39), grr (Gen. x 19, xxvi 1), gsn (Gen. xlvi 28, 29), dbyr (Josh, x 38), dt(y)n (Gen. xxxvii 17), hbr(w)n (Josh, x 36), hrb (Ex. iii 1), hrn (Gen. xxvii 43, xxviii 10), yhs (Numb, xxi 23), Ikys (Josh, x 31), msrym (Gen. xii 10, 11, 14, xxvi 2, xxxvii 25, 28, xxxix 1, xli 57, xlv 4, xlvi 3, 4, 1 14, Ex. iv 21, xiii 17, Numb, xiv 3, 4, xx 15), mrh (Ex. xv 23), ngb (Gen. xii 9, xiii l),325 326 sdm (Gen. x 19, xviii 22, xix 1), skt (Gen. xxxiii 17, Ex. xii 37), spr (Gen. x 30), 'gin (Josh, x 34), ptwr (Numb, xxii 5), s'r (Gen. xix 23), qds (Numb, xiii 26), s'yr (Gen. xxxiii 14, 16), s'wl (Gen. xxxvii 35, xlii 38, xliv 29, 31, Numb, xvi 30, 33),326 skm (Gen. xxxvii 14, Josh, xxiv 1). Total: 59 instances. Nohxo instances: b'r sb' (Gen. xlvi 1). Total: 1 instance. P: N°h instances : Iwz (Gen. xxxv 6), msrym (Gen. xlvi 6, 7, 8, 26, 27, xlviii 5, Ex. i 1). Total: 8 instances. Nohxo instances: pdn 'rm (Gen. xxviii 2, 5, 6, 7). Total: 4 instances. D : N°h instances: gb'h (\ Sam. x 26), (h)gdgd (Dt. x 7), yhs (Dt. ii 32). ytbh (Dt. x 7), Ibnwn (1 Kings v 28), (h)msph (1 Sam. vii 5, 6, 7), msrym (Dt. x 22, xvii 16, xxvi 5), (h)rmh (1 Sam. vii 17, viii 4), s'yr (Josh, xii 7). Total: 14 instances. 325 The word ngb is a noun in those instances where it refers to the idea of south, south side, etc. In these instances it can be regens in a status-constructus group. It is a name, however, in those instances where it refers semantically to a specific area in the south of Palestine: the Negev, the Southern region. In these instances it cannot be regens in a status-constructus group. 326 I have taken s'wl as a geographical name, because it behaves like one. Nowhere in classical Hebrew text material is it regens in a status-constructus group, neither is it attested with a pronominal suffix.

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L: N°h instances: 'dr (Josh, xv 3), 'ylm (Numb, xxxiii 9), 'kzyb (Josh, xix 29), dbyr (Josh, xv 7), zprn (Numb, xxxiv 9), hwqq (Josh, xix 34), yhs (Josh, xiii 18), yzr*'l (Josh, xix 18), (h)yrdn (Numb, xxxiv 12), Iwz (Josh, xvi 2, xviii 13), n'rh (Josh, xvi 7), 'smn (Numb, xxxiv 4, Josh. xv 4), sdd (Numb, xxxiv 8), sn (Numb, xxxiv 4, Josh, xv 3), (h)qrq' (Josh, xv 3), shswm (Josh, xix 22), skrwn (Josh, xv 11), spm (Numb, xxxiv 10). Total: 21 instances. JK : N°h instances: 'bl (2 Sam. xx 14), 'wpyr (1 Kings ix 28, xxii 49), 'y/n (1 Sam. xiv 31), 'pq (1 Sam. xxix 1, 1 Kings xx 26, 30), 'sdwd (1 Sam. v 1), 'swr (2 Kings xv 29, xvii 6, 23, xviii 11), b'r (Judg. ix 21), bbl(2 Kings xx 17, xxiv 15 (twice), 16, xxv 13), (h)gbth (Judg. xx 4, 14, 31,1 Sam. x 10, xxiii 19, xxvi 1), gb'(w)n (2 Sam. ii 12, 1 Kings iii 4), (h)glgl (2 Sam. xix 16, 41, 2 Kings iv 38), (h)gVd (2 Sam. xxiv 6), gswr (2 Sam. xiv 23), gt (1 Kings ii 40), gtym (2 Sam. iv 3), zyp (1 Sam. xxiii 24), hbr(w)n (2 Sam. ii 1, v 1, 3, xv 9), hl'm (2 Sam. x 17), ybs (1 Sam. xxxi 12), yzr"l (1 Kings xviii 45, 46, 2 Kings ix 16, 30, x 6, 7), (h)yrdn (Judg. viii 4, 2 Kings ii 6, vi 4), yrwslm (1 Kings x 2, 2 Kings ix 28), (h)krml (1 Sam. xv 12, xxv 5, 40), Ihy (2 Sam. xxiii ll),327 lys (Judg. xviii 7), Ikys {2 Kings xiv 19 (twice), xviii 14), mhnym (2 Sam. xvii 24, 27, 1 Kings iv 14), nb (1 Sam. xxi 2, xxii 9), 'zh (Judg. xvi 1, 21), 'prh (Judg. ix 5), s'yr (2 Kings viii 21), spwn (Judg. xii 1), srpt (1 Kings xvii 9, 10), srrh (Judg. vii 22), qds (Judg. iv 9, 10, xi 16), qyr (2 Kings xvi 9), rbh (2 Sam. xii 29), rblh (2 Kings xxv 6, 20), (h)rmh (1 Sam. i 19, ii 11, xv 34, xvi 13, xix 18, 22), (h)s'yrh (Judg. iii 26), swr (1 Sam. xxvii 8), skm (Judg. ix 1, 31, xxi 19), smrwn (1 Kings xx 43, 2 Kings vi 19, xiv 14), tqw' (2 Sam. xiv 2), trsh (1 Kings xiv 17). Total: 95 instances. Nohxo instances: dn y'n (2 Sam. xxiv 6). Total: 1 instance. Is.: N°h instances: 'sdwd (xx l),328 yrwslm (xxxvi 2).329 Total: 2 instances. Jer. : N()h instances : bbl (xx 4, 5, xxvii 18, 20, 22, xxviii 4, xxix 1, 3, 4, 327 It is not completely certain whether one is really dealing with a nomen loci Ihy here, although it seems probable (cf. also KB* suh voce lhy2)\ the masoretic vocalization presupposes here the preposition / 4 hylu which can be interpreted as a nomen loci too, but can just as well be interpreted as a noun meaning something like army (or encampment), cf. the hyt plstym in 2 Sam. xxiii 13 (the parallel text 1 Chr. xi 15 reads mhnh plstym here). Unfortunately the difficult Ihyh of 2 Sam. xxiii 11 is not found in the parallel text I Chr. xi 13; in its stead is Imlhmh. 328 This text is treated in the context of prose texts, because here one is dealing with a prose introduction of an historical type to the prophecy itself. 329 The parallel text 2 Kings xviii 17 does not read yrwslmh but yrwslm. The parallel text 2 Chr. xxxii 9 reads yrwslymh.

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15, 20, xxxix 7, xl 1, 7, Hi 11, 17), g'h (xxxi 38), (h)msph (xl 6, 8,330 12, 13, xli 1), rblh (xxxix 5, Hi 9, 26). Total: 25 instances. Ez.: N°h instances : bbl (xii 13, xvii 12, 20), brwt (xlvii 16), ddn (xxv 13), yrwslm (viii 3), sdd (xlvii 15), qrytm (xxv 9), djrblh (vi 14),331 332 f(w)l (xxx\ 15, 16, 17). Total: 12 instances. Jonah: N°h instances: trsys (i 3 (twice), iv 2). Total: 3 instances. Chr.: N°h instances a) those parts which have been borrowed from a Vorlage known to us: "wpyr (2 Chr. viii 18=1 Kings ix 28), hbrwn (1 Chr. xi 1, 3 = 2 Sam. v 1, 3), ybys (1 Chr. x 12 = 1 Sam. xxxi 12),332 Ikys (2 Chr. xxv 27 (twice) = 2 Kings xiv 19 (twice)). Total: 6 instances—b) those parts which not have been borrowed from a Vorlage known to us: bbl (2 Chr. xxxiii 11, xxxvi 6, 10), b*lh (1 Chr. xiii 6),333 334 gl'd (1 Chr. xxvii 21), hbrwn (1 Chr. xii 24, 39), hmt (1 Chr. xviii 3),334 yrwslym (2 Chr. xxxii 9),335 msrym (2 Chr. xxxvi4),3365/:m(2Chr. x l),337 trsys {\ Chr. i 7).338 Total: 12 instances. Total of Chr. instances: 18. Total of N°h instances in OT: 257. Total of Nohxo instances in OT: 6 instances. There are no Noxoh instances as such in OT. On this point, see p. 243. :

Apart from the instances mentioned above there are some others 330 The parallel text 2 Kings xxv 23 reads hmsph. 331 It seems probable that instead of a nomen loci dblh which is not attested elsewhere in the OT, rblth should be read here (cf. e.g. KB2 sub voce dblth). For the interpretation, cf. p. 112 (n. 353). 332 Although 1 Chr. x 12 differs in many respects from its Vorlage 1 Sam. xxxi 12, it is identical with it in this essential respect; for this reason I take it to be a text borrowed from a Vorlage known to us. 333 Although this text is borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, I take it here to be an original text, because in this essential respect it differs from it completely. 1 Chr. xiii 6 reads b'lth 'l-qryt y'rym 'sr lyhwdh, whereas its Vorlage 2 Sam. vi 2 reads mb'ly yhwdh. 334 Although this text is borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, I take it here to be an original text, because in this essential respect, it differs from it. The N°h from 1 Chr. xviii 3 (hmth) has no parallel whatever in the Vorlage 2 Sam. viii 3. 335 Although this text is borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, I take it here to be an original text, because in this essential respect, it differs from it. In n. 329 the different readings are quoted. 336 Although this text is borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, I take it here to be an original text, because in the essential respect it differs from it. This text reads msrymlu the Vorlage 2 Kings xxiii 34 reads msrym. 337 Although this text is borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, I take it here to be an original text, because in the essential respect it differs from it. This text reads skmh, the Vorlage 1 Kings xii 1 reads skm. 338 Although this text is borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, I take it here as an original text, because on the essential point it differs from it. This text reads trsysh, the Vorlage Gen. x 4 reads trsys.

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which could be considered either as N°h or as Nohxo instances. For the problems with 'prt and tmnhy see pp. 127 ff. Possible instances of Nohxo are gth hpr and *th qsyn (both Josh, xix 13; L); the context seems to demand this interpretation, but see 2 Kings xiv 25, where the signs are divided differently: (m)gt hhpr and where the context does not demand an Nohxo interpretation. The problem of the hrsh in 1 Sam. xxiii 16 (and in ibid. w. 15, 18, 19) will be discussed elsewhere, see p. 129. A special problem is that of (h)y'r because it is unknown here whether an N or an N° is being dealt with.339 The only instance of -A is Ex. i 22 (JE).340 2. Function a) JE In JE, N°h functions as a) a core element in a nominal clause (Numb, xxi 16)341 — b) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (36 instances : Gen. xii 9, 10, xviii 22, etc.) 342—c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one 339 It is difficult to decide whether hy'r is a noun or a name. In certain instances y'r clearly is no name from the formal standpoint. It can have a pronominal suffix (Ez. xxix 3, cf. also the plural with suffix : Ex. vii 19, Ez. xxix 3, 4, 5, 10, Ps. Ixxviii 44), there is a singular-plural opposition (cf. e.g. the plural absolute forms in Ex. viii 1, Is. xxxiii 21, Ez. xxx 12, Nah iii 3, Job xxviii 10), it can be a regens in a status-constructus group (Amos viii 8, ix 5; for plural examples, cf. 2 Kings xix 24, Is. vii 18, xix 6, xxxvii 25). Perhaps it is best to treat it in the same way as ngb (cf. n. 325) and to consider it as a noun for those instances where it refers semantically to the idea of river, stream, arm of a river and to take it as a name for those instances where it refers semantically to a specific river: the Nile. 340 In Ex. i 22 hy'r(h) clearly refers to the Nile. There are no zero-instances for y'r either as a noun or as a name. There are some instances where the Masoretic vocalization does not suggest the use of the ending under consideration after a name, but, although it is not possible to prove the contrary, this still could be the case: dymwnh (Josh, xv 22, no local function), mr'lh (Josh, xix 11), mtqh (Numb, xxxiii 28, 29, in both instances preceded by preposition), skkh (Josh, xv 61 (no local function)), 'brnh (Numb, xxxiii 34, 35, in both instances preceded by preposition), 'd'dh (Josh, xv 22 (no local function), slmnh (Numb, xxxiii 41, 42, in both instances preceded by a preposition), qynh (Josh, xv 22, no local function), tr'lh (Josh, xviii 27, no local function). In the epigraphical material there is 1 instance of N°h attested: m$rymh (Lachish iii 16). 341 I regard msm b'rh as the core of a nominal clause without other elements. For a comparable clause, cf. Numb, xxi 18 mmdbr mtnh. The context does not make it possible to presuppose a deleted element here. 342 In Ex. xii 37 I take mr'mss and skth as 2 constituents at clause level, and not as 2 paratactic elements belonging to the same endocentric constituent. Strictly speaking this decision cannot be proved (see also my remarks, n. 41). For comparable instances, see e.g. Gen. xiii 1, Josh, x 31, 34, 36.

THE N°h, Nohxo AND N0,l0h INSTANCES

109

finds the following types : 1) (...//N°h): Gen. xxvi 1, xxvii 43, xxxiii 14, xxxvii 35, xlvi28, 29, Ex. iii 1, Josh, x 15, 43 — 2) (...//...//N°h): Josh, x 6—3) ((...w//...w//...)//...//N°h): Numb, xiii 26343 — d) a core element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level (Numb, xxii 5) — e) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Gen. xix 23)344 — 0 a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (Gen. x 19 (twice), 30, xii 11, 14, xxv 18, xxxvii 25, xlvi 3, Ex. iv 21). In all instances N°h has local-terminative function. In JE, Nohxo functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; in the only instance (Gen. xlvi 1) it has local-terminative function. b) P In P, N°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Gen. xlvi 6, 7)—b) a core element in a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Gen. xxxv 6)—c) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Gen. xlvi 8,26,27, Ex. i 1) — d) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent (type (...//N°h)) which functions as hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (Gen. xlviii 5). In all instances N°h has local-terminative function. In P, Nohxo functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Gen. xxviii 6, 7)—b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Gen. xxviii 2, 5; type (N°h//...)).345 In all instances Nohxo has local-terminative function. c) D In D, N°h functions as a) a core element in a nominal clause (1 Sam. vii 17) — b) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (8 instances; Dt. x 22, xvii 16, etc.) 346 — c) a paratactic element in an endocentric 343 In Gen. xxvii 43 the clause core is not a verbal form as such, but an imperative (cf. also n. 40). In Gen. xxxvii 35, xlvi 28 the endocentric constituent in question is interrupted. 344 I have taken the b' in this verse to be a participle and not a perfect-form (which in itself is possible). If it is regarded as a participle, the words wlwt b' s'rh are a circumstantial clause (on this point, see the author, art. cit., VT xxiii, pp. 505 f; what has been said here about a special type of nominal clause with a prepositional phrase as second core element, is also true for the same type of clause with an N/N°-/z as second core element). A circumstantial clause would fit the context very well: the sun rises at the moment Lot comes unto Soar. 345 In Gen. xxviii 2 the clause core is, strictly speaking, not a verbal form, but an imperative. 346 In 1 Sam. vii 5 the clause core is, strictly speaking, not a verbal form, but an imperative.

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constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (N°h//...): 1 Sam. x 26, Dt. x 7—2) (...//N°h): Dt. ii 32, 1 Sam. viii 4—d) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Josh, xii 7). In all instances N°h has local-terminative function. d) L In L, N°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (15 instances)347 — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (N°h//...): Josh, xviii 13 — 2) (...//(w)N°h): Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xvi 7, xix 29348 — 3) (...//wN°h//vv...): Josh, xix 22 — c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level (Josh, xiii 18; constituent of a complicated type in vv. 17ff). In most instances N°h has a local-terminative function.349 The “exceptions” are a) Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xix 29 where N°h has a local-final function and b) Josh, xiii 18, xix 18 where it has no special local function at all. e) JK In JK, N°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (60 instances): Judg. iii 26, iv 9, 10, etc.)350—b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (N°h//...): Judg. ix 1, 1 Sam. ii 11, xxi 2, xxiii 24, 1 Kings ii 40, xx 30—2) (...//N°h): Judg. ix 5, 1 Sam. 1 19, x 10, xiv 31, xix 18, xxiii 19, xxv 40, xxvi 1, 2 Sam. v 1, 3, 2 Kings x 7, xviii 14, xxv 6, 20)—3) (N°h//vv...): 2 Sam. xxiv 6 — 4) (...//N°h//...): Judg. vii 22—c) the core in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Judg. xx 4, 1 Kings 347 In instances like Numb, xxxiv 8, Josh, xix 18 one is dealing with verbal clauses with a verbal form of the root hyh\ although verbal clauses of this type show some pecularities compared with those with a verbal form of another root, I have not regarded this type of verbal clauses as a special group in this study, see also n. 59. 348 For the interpretation of the mhsr 'ynn spmh in Numb, xxxiv 10 and the mhbl 'kzybh in Josh, xix 29 as endocentric constituents consisting of 2 paratactic elements, cf. the interpretation of comparable instances, nn. 91,353. In Josh, xix 29 an interpretation of mhbl 'kzybh as a pNxN° would make no sense in the context. For this reason it seems best to regard it as the description of that part of the coast where the territory of Asher touched the sea: from Ch. to A. (the first name is unknown, it could be a scribal error), compare also the construction in Numb, xxxiv 10. 349 It is difficult to decide whether the N°h instance in Josh, xix 22 has a localterminative function, but it is possible, cf. the construction pg' 7 in Josh, xix 11. 350 In 1 Sam. xxv 5, 1 Kings xvii 9, 2 Kings x 6 the clause core is, strictly speaking, not a verbal form but an imperative.

THE N°h, Nohxo AND Noxoh INSTANCES

111

xvii 9) — d) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (1 Sam. xxvii 8, 2 Sam. xvii 27, 1 Kings xviii 46, xxii 49) — e) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Judg. ix 31, xxi 19, 2 Sam. xvii 24, xix 16351) — 0 the core element in an endocentric constituent which functions as hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Judg. xx 31) — g) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions as hypotactic element in a participle phrase (1 Sam. xxii 9; type (N°h//...))—h) a hypotactic element in an N° phrase (1 Kings iv 14). In most instances the constituent has local-terminative function. The “exceptions” are a) 1 Kings iv 14, where N°h has locative function — b) 1 Sam. xiv 31, where it has local-final function (possibly this is also the case in Judg. vii 22). In JK, Noh*° functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause, type (N°h//...): 2 Sam. xxiv 6. This only instance has local-terminative function. 0 Is. In Is. prose, N°h functions as a) a paratactic element in an endo­ centric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (xxxvi 2) — b) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (xx 1). In both instances N°h has local-terminative function. g) Jer. In Jer. prose, N°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (12 instances) — b) a paratactic element in an endo­ centric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (...//N°h): xxix 3, xl 6, 8, 13, xli 1, Hi 26 — 2) (...//(...//N°h)): xl 12 — c) the core in such a paratactic element (type (...//N°h...)): xxxix 5, Hi 9—d) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (xxviii 4, xl 1)—e) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase

351 In 2 Sam. xix 16 I have taken the b' as a participle and not as perfect-form which in itself is possible. If it is regarded as participle, the words wyhwdh b' hglglh are a circumstantial clause (on this point, see the remarks in n. 344). Such a clause would fit the context very well. After Absalom’s death the northern tribes consider the return of their former king David (vv. 10 f.). David himself warns the people of his own tribe (Judah) that they would be letting their opportunity slip (vv. 12 f.) if they were not the first to meet him. The outcome is that when David arrives on the Eastbank, the Judahites arrive in Gilgal (near the Jordan; v. 16). This interpretation of both facts coinciding is possible only if one takes b' as participle, and the clause as circumstantial, an interpretation which fits the context very well. Now it is the northern tribes which have let their opportunity slip.

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(xxvii 20, xxxix 7). All instances except one have local-terminative function. The exception is xxix 15, where N°h has locative function. h) Ez. In Ez., N°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (xvii 20) — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. One finds the following types: 1) (N°h//...): viii 3, xii 13, xxxi 17352 —2) (...//N°h): vi 14, xvii 12, xxv 13 — c) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (xxxi 15, 16) — d) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions as hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase: xlvii 15f. (type (N°h//... //N°h//...//...)) — e) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level: xxv 9 (type (...//...... //wN°h)). The majority of those instances (9) has local-terminative function. The “exceptions” are 1) vi 14,353 xxv 13, where the N°h has localfinal function and 2) xxv 9, where the N°h has no special local function whatever. i) Jonah In Jonah, N°h functions as hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase in all 3 instances. In these instances it has local-terminative function. j) Chr. (Only those instances which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us will be dealt with here.) In Chr., N°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (7 instances)—b) a paratactic element in an endocentric con­ stituent which functions as a core constituent in a nominal clause (1 Chr. i 7 (type (...//wN°h//...//vv...))—c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds 352 The endocentric constituent in Ez. viii 3 is interrupted. 353 One could also interpret mmdbr dblth as a pNxN°h with no local function whatever (more than the wilderness of D/Riblah). In the few instances pNxN°h is attested, however, it always has a local function (Josh, xvi 6, xviii 13, 2 Chr. xiv 9), cf. pp. 134, 136. Of the 17 instances of pN°h moreover, all except one have a local function of some kind (the exception is Josh, x 39), cf. pp. 136f. The same is true for the example of pNohxo (2 Sam. xx 15) and the 2 instances of pNoxoh (Numb, xxxiii 46, 47), cf. p. 135. Against this background, a pNxN°h in Ez. vi 14 with no local function would be quite exceptional (yet one cannot exclude the possibility on these grounds because of the special character of the Ez. prose, cf. pp. 234ff.). The vocalization suggests such an interpretation, as does the absence of an article before mdbr.

THE N°h, Noh*° AND NOIOh INSTANCES

113

the following types : 1) (N°h//...): 1 Chr. xiii 6 — 2) (...//N°h): 1 Chr. xii 24—d) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (2 Chr. xxxvi 6) — e) a hypotactic element in a status-constructus phrase (1 Chr. xxvii 21). The majority of these instances (9) have local-terminative function. The “exceptions” are a) 1 Chr. xviii 3, where N°h has locative function 354 and b) 1 Chr. i 7, xxvii 21, where N°h has no special local function whatever. (The only instance from epigraphical material, cf. n. 340, is a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase. It has local-terminative function.) 3. Zero-instances As has been seen, in the majority of the OT instances (in total 257), N°h is a constituent with local-terminative function. The number of the instances with no local-terminative function is 12 or 13. Therefore for the purpose of determining what can be a zera-instance here, only the instance with local-terminative function have been taken into consideration. Furthermore the names to which the ending under consideration is attached and which are listed on pp. 106f, all have one semantic component in common: they all refer to (or at least in the relevant contexts refer to) 355 geographical “objects” in which local fixedness is inherent.356 There is only one exception: 1 Chr. i 7 where trsys, which “normally” is a geographical name,357 refers to the eponym of this place. It must be considered significant that the only exception occurs with a name which “normally” is a geographical one. For this reason, the material is restricted, for the purpose of determining zero-instances here, to names with this specific semantic component or to instances where the name in question has this

354 For this text, see also n. 334. In this text hmth has a special locative function: “by Hamath”, not “in Hamath”. 355 See e.g. 'swr which can refer to the land Assur, and also to the people of Assur or to Assur as a political power. In the instances where it has the ending under consideration (Gen. xxv 18, 2 Kings xv 29, xvii 6, 23-, xviii 11) it always refers to the land Assur. 356 See also the discussion on p. 35 (n. 106). 357 Normally Tarsis is a geographical name referring to the well-known distant port: 1 Kings x 22, xxii 49, Is. ii 16, etc. In 2 instances it clearly refers to the eponym of this port: Gen. x 4, 1 Chr. i 7. Besides, in 2 instances it is a personal name, which has nothing to do with the port in question: a) in Esth. i 14, the name of a high Persian official — b) in 1 Chr. vii 10, the name of a grandson of Benjamin.

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component. As N°h only rarely occurs as a core in an endocentric constituent (the only instances are: Gen. xxxv 6, Numb, xxii 5, Judg. xx 4, 31, 1 Kings xvii 9, Jer. xxxix 5, Hi 9), material dealing with such a core element is not automatically included in the zm>-instances.358 As will be seen, the ratio between the instances of N°h and the zm?-instances is not the same for every name involved; on the contrary there are great differences in this respect. For this reason many names will be discussed separately. It goes without saying that for a group of names the material available is so scanty that discussion is (nearly) impossible. As to the Nohxo instances in the OT (6 instances), because all of them have local-terminative function (and because of the situation in related material),359 for the purpose of determining zm>-instances I have limited the material to instances with local-terminative function. As all the Noxo names involved refer to a geographical “object” (with the same semantic component as mentioned above), material has been restricted, for the purpose of determining zero-instances, to Noxo names with this special component. Material dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent is not automatically included in the zeroinstances.360 Among the names of which N°h is attested there are some for which it can be established as probable that a N°h form of them was only rarely used (and only in certain types of classical Hebrew prose). It goes without saying that here the relevant material is not so scanty as to preclude any real conclusion. These names will be discussed first. a) Jerusalem D: JK : Is.: Jer.: Ez.: Esr.:

N°h N°h N°h N°h N°h N°h

0 2 1 0 1 0

instances against 3 zero-instances (0.0°() (0.0-70.76)).361 instances against 29 zero-instances (6.45(0.79-21.42)).362 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). instances against 5 zero-instances (0.0%, (0.0-52.18)).363 instance against 3 zero-instances (25%, (0.63-80.85)). instances against 14 zero-instances (0.0%, (0.0-23.16)).

358 For a discussion, see p. 22. 359 The related material in question is the N°h material. 360 For a discussion, see p. 22. 361 For one of the zero-instances (2 Kings xxv 8) it is uncertain whether one is dealing with D; this would change the percentage (0.0%, (0.0-84.19)). 362 For the question whether some of these instances really are zero-instances, see n. 364. 363 For the question whether some of these instances really are zero-instances, see n. 364.

THE N°h, Nohxo AND Noxoh INSTANCES

115

Neh.: N°h 0 instances against 5 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-52.18)). Chr.: N°h 1 instance against 22 zero-instances (4.35% (0.11-21.95)).364

Unfortunately there is no material from JE and P, which makes a comparison with the msrym material more difficult; on this point, see pp. 116f. Of the zero-instances in Chr., one (2 Chr. ix 1) has a pN° instead of the N°h of the Vorlage in 1 Kings x 2. The only N°h instance in Chr. (2 Chr. xxxii 9) differs from its Vorlage 2 Kings xviii 17 (but see Is. xxxvi 2), see n. 329. For the comparison of the situation in 2 Chr. ix 1 and 2 Chr. xxxii 9 it is perhaps worth observing that in the last mentioned text yrwslym- is used, not yrwslm-\ of the few instances of yrwslym this is the only one which has a local-terminative function.365 On this point, see p. 195. b) Hamath A geographical name the N°h of which was possibly used only rarely in classical Hebrew prose, is hmt; unfortunately there is not much material available. There are 10 zero-instances (P: 1, JK : 1, D: 2, L: 2, Ez.: 3, Chr.: 2 (one borrowed from a Vorlage known to us)).366

364 For the instances of N°h in question, see the list on pp. 105ff. For the zeroinstances in question, see: a) D, 2 Sam. v 6, 1 Kings viii 1, 2 Kings xxv 8 (see for this text, n. 361)—b) JK, Judg. i 7, 1 Sam. xvii 54, 2 Sam. viii 7, x 14, xii 31, xiv 23, xv 8, 29, 37, xvi 15, xvii 20, xix 26, 35, xx 3, 22, xxiv 8, 16, 1 Kings iii 15, xii 18, 21, 28, xiv 25, 2 Kings xii 18, xiv 13, xviii 17 (twice), xxiii 20, 30, xxiv 10, xxv 1 —c) Jer. prose, xxvii 3, xxxv 11, xxxvi 9, xxxix 1, Hi 4 — d) Ez., xiv 21, xvii 12, xxi 7 — e) Esr., i 3, 11, ii 1, iii 8 (twice), vii 7, 8, 9, viii 30, 31, 32, x 7, 9 — 0 Neh., ii 11, vii 6, xii 27, xiii 7, 15 — g) Chr., 1 Chr. xv 3, xxviii 1, 2 Chr. i 13, ii 15, ix 1, xi 14, 16, xii 4, 5, xiv 14, xv 10, xix 1, 8, xx 27, 28, xxiii 2, xxiv 23, xxx 3, 11, 13, xxxii 23, xxxiii 13. For Chr. only those instances are listed which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us. Some times the decision on this point is very difficult to make, especially when the text of the Vorlage is considerably changed in Chr., cf. e.g. 1 Chr. xxi 4 with its “Vorlage” 2 Sam. xxiv 8. Among the instances not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, I have listed 2 Chr. ix 1 which has byrwslm, whereas the parallel text 1 Kings x 2 has yrwslmh. Among the zero-instances listed above there is one which is the core in an endocentric constituent: Esra i 3. Among the zero-instances 1 have also listed those instances in which mention is made of advancing on Jerusalem (2 Sam. v 6, 1 Kings xiv 25, 2 Kings xii 18, xxiv 10, xxv 1, Jer. xxxix 1, Hi 4), because one finds inter alia a feature of local-terminativity here too. That, among the few N°h instances of Jerusalem, none occurs in a similar contextual situation, is not decisive because those instances are few. 365 The other instances of yrwslym besides 2 Chr. xxxii 9 are Jer. xxvi 18, Esth. ii 6, 2 Chr. xxv 1. 366 The instances in question are: a) P, Numb, xiii 21—b) D, Judg. iii 3, 1 Kings viii 65 — c) L, Numb, xxxiv 8, Josh, xiii 5 — d) JK, 2 Kings xiv 25 — e) Ez., xlvii 16, 20, xlviii 1 — f) Chr., 1 Chr. xiii 5, 2 Chr. vii 8 (= 1 Kings viii 65). In none of these zero-instances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent. If one has to

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Remarkably there is no N°h instance of hmt with local-terminative function; yet 2 facts warn us against drawing too hasty conclusions. In all zero-instances but one, one finds the expression lb(w)' hmt; the “exception” does not differ very much here (Ez. xlvii 15 f.) one finds Ibw' sddh hmt brwth...361. For this reason one has to reckon with the possibility that the N°h of hmt was never, or only rarely, used in certain types of local-terminative instances, whereas in other ones it was.*368* *Perhaps * 367 the fact that the only N°h instance of hmt (1 Chr. xviii 3) has a locative function {by Hamath) could strengthen this. Because a N°h with locative function is only rarely attested (the other instances are: 1 Kings iv 14, Jer. xxix 15), the occurrence of such a N°h with “deviating” function possibly can be explained only if one presupposes that there was also a “normal” use of this N°h, namely with local-terminative function.369 c) Misrayim A geographical name the N°h of which in some types of classical Hebrew prose reached a rather high density, whereas its density in other types of classical Hebrew prose was rather low, is msrym. One finds the following picture: take Ibw' in these and some other instances as a kind of nominal form regens or Ibw' hmt as nomen loci (for references, see KB3 sub voce lb9) the instances in question are not relevant. Yet I doubt this, especially because of Ez. xlvii 15f. (Cf. also R. North, Phoenicia-Canaan frontier, lebo of Hama, MusJ 46 (1971), pp. 71-103). 367 In this text hmt is the second element of an N° chain, the first and second elements of which are instances of N°h. 368 For comparable instances where a noun with the ending under study with either local-terminative or locative function was used in certain types of context only, cf. pp. 43 f., 101. It is possible that the N°h of hmt was not used with forms of the root bw', or at least not with infinitives of this root. 369 Of both other names of which an N°h with locative function is attested, there are also instances attested with local-terminative function : for mhnym (locative instance 1 Kings iv 14), see 2 instances p. 106 under JK; for bbl (locative instance Jer. xxix 15), see 5 instances p. 106 under JK, 15 instances pp. 106f. under Jer. prose, 3 instances p. 107 under Ez., 3 instances p. 107 under Chr. Moreover, see the fact that -//-forms with “ab­ normal” function are generally attested for those nouns, etc. of which a probably high frequency of the “normal” use is attested. Cf. pp. 199ff. For some of the other names of which an N°h of “abnormal” use is attested, instances of “normal” use are also found in the texts: a) £/V/(“abnormal” instance 1 Chr. xxvii 21, other instances Numb, xxxii 39, 2 Sam. xxiv 6) — b) yhs (“abnormal” instance Josh, xiii 18, other instances Numb, xxi 23, Dt. ii 32) — c) yzr"l (“abnormal” instance Josh, xix 18, other instances 1 Kings xviii 45, 46, 2 Kings ix 16, 30, x 6, 7) — d) trsys (“abnormal” instance 1 Chr. i 7, other instances Jonah i 3 (twice), iv 2). Of the rest of these names neither an N°h with local-terminative function nor a zero-instance is attested: a) 'yin (cf. 1 Sam. xiv 31) — b) 'kzyb (cf. Josh, xix 29) — c) ddn (cf. Ez. xxv 13) — d) qrytm (cf. Ez. xxv 9) — e) spm (cf. Numb, xxxiv 10); for the problems with dblh (Ez. vi 14), cf. pp. 107, 112.

THE N°h, Nohxo AND Noxoh INSTANCES

JE: P: D: JK : Jer.: Ez.: Chr.:

117

N°h 17 instances against 3 zero-instances (85% (62.11-96.79)). N°h 7 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (59.04-100)). N°h 3 instances against 4 zero-instances (42.85% (9.9-81.59)). N°h 0 instances against 4 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). N°h 0 instances against 10 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-30.85)). N°h 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). N°h 1 instance against 1 zero-instance (50% (1.26-98.74)).370

For a possible explanation of the differences in density in this respect in the different types of classical Hebrew prose, see n. 688. d) Other geographical names of which an N°h is attested With many other names, there is not the same kind of distribution as there is with names like Jerusalem and Misrayim. But if we consider some of them, it will become clear that there is a different picture as far as the density of the relevant N°h is concerned. Some show a higher, or much higher, density of N°h in certain types of classical Hebrew prose, and, with some of them, the internal difference in density is not so great as, for example, with msrym. The relevant names are now listed.371 1. Asshur JE: JK :

N°h 1 instance against 1 z^ro-instance (50% (1.26-98.74)). N°h 4 instances against 0 z^ro-instances (100% (39.76-100)).372

2. Babel JK: N°h 5 instances against 1 zero-instance (83.3% (35.88-99.58)). Is.: N°h 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)).373

370 For the N°h instances in question, cf. pp. 105 ff. For the zero-instances in question, cf. a) JE, Gen. xxxvii 36, xliii 15, Ex. iv 19 — b) D, Dt. xxviii 68, Josh, xxiv 4 (D?), 1 Kings xi 40,1 Sam. xii 8 — c) JK, 1 Kings xi 17, 18, 2 Kings xxiii 34, xxv 26 — d) Jer. prose, xxvi 21, 22 (twice), xxxvii 7, xli 17, xlii 15, 17, 18, 19, xliii 2 — e) Ez., xvii 15, xxx 4(?) — 0 Chr., 2 Chr. xxvi 8. In none of these zero-instances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. To the only instance of N°h in epigraphical material (cf. n. 340) there does not correspond any zero-instance. 371 I have tried to give as justified a choice of geographical names as possible. 1 have chosen those for which relevant instances are attested in a reasonably sufficient number in at least one of the known types of classical Hebrew prose or for which a certain comparison as to their use can be made between 2 or more types of classical Hebrew prose. 372 For the N°h instances, see pp. 105f. The zero-instance in question is Gen. x 11. In this verse I take Nimrod and not Asshur to be the subject of ys'; this interpretation fits the context best, because in v. 10 it is said that Babel and other cities were the r'syt mmlktw (the beginning of his kingdom). 373 The zero-instance Is. xxxix 6 reads bbl, whereas the parallel text 2 Kings xx 17 reads bblh. For a complete list of zero-instances, see next note.

118 Jer.: Ez.: Ezr.: Chr.:

CHAPTER 7

N°h N°h N°h N°h

15 instances against 9 zm?-instances (62.5% (40.59-81.99)). 3 instances against 0 zm>-instances (100% (29.24-100)). 0 instances against 1 zm>-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). 3 instances against 4 zm>-instances (42.85% (9.9-81.59)).374

3. Gibeah D: JK :

N°h 1 instance against 0 zmj-instances (100% (2.5-100)). N°h 6 instances against 1 zm>-instance (85.7% (42.13-99.64)).375

4. Gilgal JE: L: JK :

N°h 3 instances against 1 z£T0-instance (75% (19.42-99.37)). N°h 0 instances against 1 zm>-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). N°h 3 instances against 7 zero-instances (30% (6.68-65.24)).376

5. Hebron JE : N°h 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). JK : N°h 4 instances against 3 zero-instances (57.1 % (18.41-90.1)). Chr.: N°h 2 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)).377

6. Jezreel JK :

N°h 6 instances against 1 zero-instance (85.7% (42.13-99.64)).378

7. Lachish JE : JK :

N°h 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)). N°h 3 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (29.24-100)).379

374 For the N°h instances, see pp. 105IT. In those N°h instances I did not include Jer. xxix 15, where bblh has no local-terminative but locative function. The zeroinstances in question are : a) JK, 2 Kings xxv 7—b) Is. prose, xxxix 6, — c) Jer. prose, xx 6, xxviii 3, xxix 28, xxxii 5, xxxiv 3, xxxix 9, xl 4 (twice), xliii 3—d) Esr., ii 1 — e) Chr., 1 Chr. ix 1, 2 Chr. xxxvi 7, 18, 20. In none of these zero-instances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 375 For the N°h instances, see pp. 105f. The zero-instance in question is Judg. xix 12, where the preposition 'd clearly has no local-final meaning. 376 For the N°h instances, see pp. 105f. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Josh, ix 6 — b) L, Josh, xv 7 — c) JK, 1 Sam. x 8, xi 14, 15, xiii 4, 8, 12, xv 12. In Josh, xv 7, the zero-instance is core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 377 For the N°h instances, see pp. 105ff. For Chr. only those instances are taken into consideration which occur in those parts which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us. The zero-instances in question are: 2 Sam. iii 20, 27, iv 8. In none of these zeroinstances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 378 For the N°h instances in question, see p. 106. The N°h instance of yzr"l in Josh, xix 18 has not been listed here, because it does not have a local-terminative function (cf. p. 110). The zero-instance in question is 1 Sam. xxix 11. 379 For the N°h instances in question, see pp. 105f. The 2 instances from 2 Chr. xxv 27 are not given here, because they are from a part borrowed from a Vorlage known to us.

119

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8. Mahanayim JK :

N°h 2 instances against 3 zmj-instances (40% (5.28-85.33)).380

9. Mispah D: N°h 3 instances against 1 z^ro-instance (75% (19.42-99.37)). JK : N°h 0 instances against 6 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-45.93)). Jer.: N°h 5 instances against 0 zoro-instances (100% (47.82-100)).

381

10. Riblah L: N°h 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). JK : N°h 2 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (15.81-100)). Jer.: N°h 3 instances against 0 zoro-instances (100% (29.24-100)).382

11. Ramah D: L: JK :

N°h 2 instances against 0 zoro-instances (100% (15.81-100)). N°h 0 instances against 1 zero-instance (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). N°h 6 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (54.07-100)).383

12. Sheol JE: JK : Ez.:

N°h 6 instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (54.07-100)). N°h 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). N°h 3 instances against 1 zero-instance (75% (19.42-99.37)).384

13. Shechem JE: N°h 2 instances against 0 zoro-instances (100% (15.81-100)). JK : N°h 3 instances against 3 zero-instances (50% (11.81-88.19)). Chr.: N°h 1 instance against 0 zoro-instances (100% (2.5-100)).385

380 For the N°h instances in question, see p. 106. The N°h instance in 1 Kings iv 14 is not listed here, because it does not have a local-terminative function, cf. p. 111. The zero-instances in question are: 2 Sam. ii 8, 29, 1 Kings ii 8. In none of these zero-instances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 381 For the N°h instances in question, see pp. 105ff. For Jer. xl 8, see n. 330. The zero-instances in question are: a) D, 1 Sam. x 17 — b) JK, Judg. xi 34, xx 1, 3, xxi 5, 8, 2 Kings xxv 23. In none of these zero-instances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 382 For the N°h instances in question, see pp. 106f. The only zero-instance (Numb, xxxiv 11) is probably the core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 383 For the N°h instances in question, see pp. 105 f. The zero-instance in question is Josh, xix 29. 384 For the N°h instances in question, see pp. 105 ff. The zero-instances in question are: a) JK, 1 Kings ii 6, 9 — b) Ez., xxxii 27. In none of these zero-instances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 385 For the N°h instances in question, see pp. 105ff. For 2 Chr. x 1, cf. n. 337. The zero-instances in question are : Judg. ix 26, 1 Kings xii 1 (twice). None of these zeroinstances is the core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. From Chr. I have given only those instances which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us.

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14. Shomron JK : N°h 3 instances against 9 zero-instances (25% (5.48-57.18)). Chr.: N°h 0 instances against 5 zero-instances (0.0%, (0.0-52.18))386

It is clear from the preceding (notwithstanding the scantiness of the material) that within any one type of classical Hebrew prose the density of N°h in local-terminative instances can be quite different for the various geographical names. Thus, for the type of classical Hebrew prose represented by the prose parts of Jeremiah there must have been a great difference in N°h density between names like Jerusalem and Misrayim on the one hand and Babel, Mispah and Riblah on the other. The same is true in the type(s) of classical Hebrew prose represented in JK for names like Jerusalem, Misrayim, Gilgal, Sheol and Shomron on the one hand and names like Asshur, Babel, Gibeah, Jezreel and Ramah on the other. Moreover among names mentioned here as one group (with either high or low density of N°h in a certain type of classical Hebrew prose) there may be mutual differences with respect to density. Thus, it seems probable that in a type of classical Hebrew prose such as that in Jer. names like Mispah and Riblah showed a higher N°h density than a name like Babel. The conclusion must be that it would be wrong to discuss the percentage of zero-instances with non-compound geographical names without paying attention to the different situations in this respect with the different names. All the more so because in a certain type of prose one geographical name is often much more frequently represented in local-terminative instances than another. For example, there are 31 local-terminative instances of Jerusalem in JK against 6 of Babel, and 5 instances of this type of Jerusalem in Jer. prose against 24 of Babel.387 This being so, a distorted picture of the relevant percentages would be obtained if the names in question were not treated separately. It goes without saying that neglecting this complicated percentage situation would also adversely affect the comparison of the different types of classical Hebrew prose with respect to the percentage of N°h. All the more so, because one type of prose may show for one name a

386 For the N°h instances in question, see p. 106f. The zero-instances in question are: a) JK, 1 Kings xxii 37, 2 Kings ii 25, vi 20, x 1, 12, 17, xv 14, xvii 5, xviii 9—b) Chr., 2 Chr. xviii 2, xxv 24, xxviii 8, 9, 15. In 2 Chr. xxv 24 one finds smrwn, whereas the Vorlage 2 Kings xiv 14 has smrwnh. In none of these zero-instances is one dealing with a core in an endocentric constituent, cf. pp. 22, 114. 387 I have chosen examples with clear percentage differences.

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121

percentage of N°h completely different from that in an other type of prose (see e.g. the percentage of N°h of Misrayim in JE on the one hand and in JK on the other) whereas the difference between each type of prose in the percentage of N°h for other names can be either less great or even non-existent (see e.g. for JE and JK the percentage of N°h of Riblah and Shechem).388 e) Geographical names of which no N°h is attested There is also a group of non-compound geographical names of which no N°h is attested, although this would have been theoretically possible.389 For the majority of them the available material is so scanty that the question whether a N°h of such a name was used in a certain type of classical Hebrew prose cannot be answered. Thus, there is only one zero-instance attested for 'dmh (JE, Gen. x 19), for 'sqlwn (JK, Judg. xiv 19), for 'st'l (JK, Judg. xviii 8), etc. Only in a

388 In many instances, however, the comparison of the different types of classical Hebrew prose is extremely difficult, if not impossible, in respect of the N°h percentage of a special N°h, because of the scantiness of the relevant material. 389 I want to give here all the examples; therefore all local-terminative instances attested of the names quoted here are given : 1) 'dmh (Gen. x 19, JE) — 2) 'hw' (Esr. viii 15)—3) 'yl(w)t (2 Kings xvi 6, JK; 2 Chr. viii 17, differs from Vorlage 1 Kings ix 26) — 4) 'sqlwn (Judg. xiv 19, JK) — 5) 'st'wl (Judg. xviii 8, JK) — 6) hhwrym (2 Sam. xvi 5, JK) — 7) hhkym (Judg. ii 1, JK) — 8) hmwt (Numb, xxi 19, JE) — 9) gy' (1 Sam. xvii 52, JK, probably a name)—10) gyhn (1 Kings i 33, 38, JK)—11) glylwt (Josh. xviii 17, L)—12) hdbrt (Josh, xix 12, L)—13) dmsq vel drmsq vel dwmsq (1 Kings xi 24, 2 Kings viii 7, xvi 9, 10, JK; 2 Chr. xxviii 5)— \ A) dn (\ Kings xii 30, JK)— 15) hr' (1 Chr. v 26)— 16) hhwr (1 Chr. v 26)— 17) hlh (1 Chr. v 26)— 18) hsh (Josh, xix 29, L)—19) hsrwt (Numb, xi 35, JE) — 20) hrsh (1 Sam. xxiii 16, JK; probably no N°h) — 21)^7(Josh, xv 11, L) — 22)>ym’(Jonah i 3) — 23)(Josh, xix 12, L) — 2A,)yr(y)hw (Josh, xxiv 11, JE; 2 Kings ii 4 (twice), JK; 2 Chr. xxviii 15) — 25) khwl (Josh, xix 27, L) — 26) kpyrym (Neh. vi 2) — 27) mgdw (2 Kings ix 27, JK) — 28) mwsrh (Dt. x 6, D; or instance of N°h?) — 29) mkms (1 Sam. xiii 11, JK) — 30) mkmtt (Josh, xvii 7, L) — 31) mnht (1 Chr. viii 6) — 32) mqdh (Josh, x 21, JE)—33) mr'lh (Josh, xix 11, L) —34) mtnh (Numb, xxi 18, JE)—35) nwyt (1 Sam. xix 23 (twice))—36) nynwh (Jonah i 2, iii 2, 3)—37) hn'h (Josh, xix 13, L)—38) shrym (Ez. xlvii 16)—39) si' (2 Kings xii 21, JK) — 40) 'trwt (Josh, xvi 2, 7, L) — 41) (h)'y (Josh, vii 2, viii 3, 10, 18, 24, JE; Josh, viii 1, D) — 42) 'mrh (Gen. x 19, JE) — 43) 'ntt (1 Kings ii 26, JK) — 44) 'qrwn (1 Sam. v 10 (twice), vi 16, JK) — 45) p'rn (1 Kings xi 18) — 46) shym (Gen. x 19, JE) — 47) sydn (Ez. xxviii 21) — 48) sywn (Jer. xxxi 6; there is an N°h attested, but outside the prose material: Jer. iv 6) — 49) s(y)qlg (1 Sam. xxx 1, 26, JK; 1 Chr. xii 1, 21) — 50) 5r (Ez. xxvi 7) — 51) sr'h (Judg. xviii 8, JK) — 52) q'ylh (1 Sam. xxiii 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, JK) — 53) rmn (Josh, xix 13, L) — 54) skh (1 Sam. xvii 1, JK) — 55) swnm (2 Kings iv 8, JK) — 56) swsn (Esth. ii 3, 8) — 57) sylwjh (Judg. xxi 12, 1 Sam. i 24, ii 14, iv 4, 12, 1 Kings xiv 2, 4, JK; Josh, xviii 1, 9, L; Josh, xxii 12, probably post-D) — 58) tbs (Judg. ix 50, JK) — 59) thpnhs (Jer. xliii 7, probable example). In a number of instances the relevant zm?-instance is the core in an endocentric constituent.

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few instances can it be decided that, in all probability, an N°h of a certain name was either not used, or only rarely, in a certain type of classical Hebrew prose, the material at our disposal remaining very scanty. Thus, it seems probable that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of classical Hebrew prose as represented in the text of JE an N°h of (h)'y would hardly ever, if at all, have been used.390 It also seems probable that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of classical Hebrew prose as represented in the text of JK, an N°h of q'ylh and sylhjw would hardly ever, if at all, have been used.391 0 The situation with the compound names As has been seen, there are only 3 compound names of which a Nohxo is attested : b'r sb' (1 instance in JE), pdn 'rm (4 instances in P), dn y'n (1 instance in JK). The zero-instance situation with these 3 compound names will be reviewed first.392 /. Beersheba JE: JK :

Nohxo 1 instance against 2 zero-instances (33.3% (0.84-90.57)). Nohxo 0 instances against 2 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-84.19)).393

2. Dan Ya'an JK :

Nohxo 1 instance against 0 zero-instances (100% (2.5-100)).

3. Paddan Aram p.

jsjohxo

4

instances against 0 zero-instances (100% (39.76-100)).

This material as such does not allow many conclusions to Yet there are some other facts worth consideration. First the 89 geographical names of which either an N°h or Nohxo in prose texts, there are only 3 of the compound type.394

be drawn. of all: of is attested Of the 97

390 One must be careful about drawing conclusions here because there are only 5 zero-in stances in JE, cf. preceding note. 391 One has to make the same restrictions as in the preceding note. Note that the instances of q'ylh are all from the same chapter, see n. 389. The morphological type of sylwjh makes it seem probable that no N°h form existed; cf. also n. 400. (Could one also add to these 2 names that of Damascus?). 392 I apply the same criteria as for the non-compound names when deciding whether one is dealing with a zero-instance. 393 For the Nohxo instance in question, see p. 105. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. xxii 19, xxvi 23 — b) JK, 2 Sam. xxiv 7, 1 Kings xix 3. None of the zeroinstances is the core in an endocentric constituent. 394 Not included here are those names of which a pN°h, 7-N°h, pNohxo, pNoxoh or a pNxN°h is attested (see p. 133). Prepositional phrases of these types are attested for

THE N°h, Nohxo AND Noxoh INSTANCES

123

geographical names of which neither a N°h nor a Nohxo is attested in prose texts, although in one or more instances this would, at least theoretically, have been possible, 34 are of the compound type. There now follows a statement of the distribution of the compound name material in question according to the different types of classical Hebrew prose. jE- jsjohxo 0f one comp0un(j name attested {b'r sb'; 1 instance); zero-instances of 10 compound names attested {'rm nhrym, b'r sb', byt 7, bmwt b'l, grn h'td, 'yn mspt, 'mg 'kwr, 'mg hsdym, 'mg swh, gryt hswt; total 12 instances). P: Nohxo of one compound name attested (pdn 'rm; 4 instances); zero-instances of one compound name attested (hr hhr ; 3 instances). L : no Nohxo attested; zero-instances of 11 compound names attested ('znt tbwr, byt dgn, byt hglh, byt sms, gy(') hnm, hr hhr, hsr 'dr, 'trwt 'dr, 'yn rgl, 'yn sms, t'nt slh; total 13 instances). JK: Nohxo of one compound name attested (dn y'n; 1 instance); zero-instances of 10 compound names attested (byt 7, byt Ihm (yhwdh), byt sms, b'l prsym, gb' bnymn, grn nkwn, msph m'b, pnw'l, rmt gl'd; total 29 instances). Jer.: no Nohxo attested; a zero-instance of one compound name attested (gy(') hnm; 1 instance). Ez.: no Nohxo attested; zero-instances of 2 compound names attested (hsr 'ynn, tl 'byb; total 2 instances). Ruth: no Nohxo attested; zero-instances of one compound name attested (byt Ihm; total 3 instances). Chr. : a) the parts which are borrowed from a Vorlage known to us : no Nohxo attested; zero-instances of 2 compound names attested (b'l prsym, rmt gl'd; total 7 instances)—b) the parts which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us : no Nohxo attested, zero-instances of 4 compound names attested (gy(') hmlh, grn kydn, 'sywn gbr, gryt y'rym; total 4 instances).395

19 non-compound names and 2 compound names. Of the 19 non-compound names 8 do not occur among the 89 mentioned above; of the 2 compound names no Nohxo or Noxoh is attested. See also the next note. 395 For the instances of Nohxo, see pp. 105f. For the zero-instances in question, see: a) JE, Gen. xiv 3, 7, 17, xxii 19, xxiv 10, xxvi 23, xxxv 1, 3, 1 10, Numb, xxii 39, 41, Josh, vii 24—b) P, Numb, xx 22, 25, 27 — c) L, Numb, xxxiii 38, xxxiv 4, 7, Josh, xv 6, 8, 10, xvi 6, xviii 13, 16 (twice), 17, xix 27, 34 —d) JK, Judg. i 22, viii 8, xix 2, 18, xx 10, 18, 26, 31, xxi 2, 1 Sam. vi 9, xvi 4, xx 6, 28, xxii 3, 2 Sam. v 20, vi 6, 1 Kings xiii 1,10,

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It goes without saying that for most of the compound names of which no Nohxo is attested, there can be no certainty whatever—on the basis of the material at our disposal—that an Nohxo of this name was not used in some type of classical Hebrew prose or only rarely so. For only 2 compound names {byt 7 and rmt gl'd) can it be regarded as probable that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of prose as that of JK an Nohxo would not have been used, or only rarely so.396 Yet one remarkable fact remains : of the 141 non-compound names of which, in one or more instances, an N°h with local-terminative function could theoretically be used, an N°h is attested for 81 ;397 of the 36 compound names for which, in one or more instances, an Nohxo with local-terminative function could theoretically be used, an Nohxo is attested for only 3 of them. There follows now a special survey for every type of classical Hebrew prose. In it “compound names 1-11“ for example, means: of 1 compound name at least one Nohxo is attested, of 11 ones only one or more zero-instances. JE: P:

non-compound names : 27-9 compound names: 1-9 non-compound names : 2-2 compound names: 1-1

xxii 4, 6, 12, 15, 29, 2 Kings ii 2 (twice), 23, ix 1,4, xxiii 4—e) Jer. prose, xix 2—0 Ez. iii 15, xlviii 1 (probable example) — g) Ruth, i 19 (twice), 22 — h) Chr., 1 Chr. xiii 6 (differs from Vorlage 2 Sam. vi 2), 9 (differs from Vorlage 2 Sam. vi 6), xiv 11 (= 2 Sam. v 20), 2 Chr. viii 17 (differs from Vorlage 1 Kings ix 26), xviii 2, 3, 5, 11, 14, 28 (= 1 Kings xxii 4, 6, 12, 15, 29), xxv 11. The instances of pNohxo and pNoxoh are not listed here among the zm?-instances, because they do not have a local-terminative function (Numb, xxxiii 46, 47, 2 Sam. xx 15). Among the zero-instances listed here there are only 2 which are the core in an endocentric constituent, Gen. 1 10, 1 Chr. xiii 6. 396 The zero-instances in question are: a) byt 7 (Judg. i 22, xx 18, 26, 31, xxi 2, 1 Kings xiii 1, 10, 2 Kings ii 2 (twice), 23, xxiii 4) — b) rmt gl'd (1 Kings xxii 4, 6, 12, 15, 29, 2 Kings ix 1, 4). One must bear in mind here that JK is not a unity. 397 Those non-compound names of which no N°h with local-terminative function is attested, although this would have been theoretically possible, are listed n. 389. To those 59 instances one has to add hmt, of which no N°h with local-terminative funtion is attested, but only an N°h with locative function (1 Chr. xviii 3), whereas there are 10 zmj-instances attested, cf. pp. 115f. (n. 366). The 81 non-compound names of which one or more N°hs with local-terminative function are attested are listed on pp. 105 ff. From the names mentioned there one must not include the following names: a) hmt (see above) — b) 'yin (1 Sam. xiv 31), 'kzyb (Josh, xix 29), ddn (Ez. xxv 13), qrytm (Ez. xxv 9), spm (Numb, xxxiv 10). Of the names mentioned under b) only an N°h with non-local-terminative function is attested and no zero-instance.

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D:

non-compound names : 9-5 compound names: nothing attested. L: non-compound names: 14-17 compound names: 0-11 JK : non-compound names 43-31 compound names: 1-10 Is.: non-compound names : 2-1 compound names: nothing attested. Jer.: non-compound names: 4-4 compound names: 0-1 Ez.: non-compound names : 5-6 compound names: 0-2 Jonah : non-compound names : 1-2398 compound names: nothing attested. Ruth : non-compound names: nothing attested. compound names: 0-1 Esra : non-compound names: 0-2399 compound names: nothing attested. Neh.: non-compound names : 0-2 compound names: nothing attested. Chr.: (not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us): non-compound names: 6-7 compound names : 0-3 400 398 Both names listed here as zero-instances (ypw and nnwh, see n. 389) probably could not have an N°h because of their special type, cf. also nn. 399, 400. 399 The name in question 'hw' (see n. 389), probably could not have an N°h, because of its special type, cf. also nn. 398, 400. 400 For the non-compound names of which an N°h with local-terminative function is attested, see the lists on pp. 105 ff. For the compound names of which an Nohxo with local-terminative function is attested, see the same lists. For the non-compound names the following remarks can be made: a) JE, the names for which only zero-instances are attested are: 'dmh, bmwt, hsrwt, yryhw, mqdh, mtnh, h'y, 'mrh, sbym (for the relevant texts, cf. n. 389), of these names at least one, yryhw, probably cannot have an N°h because of its special type, cf. nn. 398, 399.—b) P, the names for which only zero-instances are attested are: hmt, hrn, see respectively Numb, xiii 21 and Gen. xi 31 (probable example) — c) D, the names for which only zero-instances are attested are: mwsrh, h'y (see n. 389) and also some names of which no N°h is attested in D: hmt (Judg. iii 3, 1 Kings viii 65), yrwslm (see n. 364), 'zh (Judg. vi 4) — d) L, of the names listed on p. 106 4 have not been included here, because for them only a N°h with non-localterminative function is attested : 'kzyb (Josh, xix 29), yhs (Josh, xiii 18), yzr"l (Josh, xix 18), spm (Numb, xxxiv 10); the names for which only zero-instances are attested are : glylwt, hdbrt, hsh, ybn'l, ypy', kbwl, mkmtt, mr'lh, hn'h, 'trwt, rmn, sylwjh (cf. n. 389), to these names some others have to be added of which no N°h is attested in L: b'lh (Josh, xv 9), gzr (Josh, xvi 3, probable example), hmt (Numb, xxxiv 8, Josh, xiii 5), rblh (Numb, xxxiv 11), rmh (Josh, xix 29). Of these names sylwjh, because of its special

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Even if one takes into account possible ratio differences between the individual compound names401 and their possible other individual peculiarities, it still remains remarkable that—at least in those types of prose where there is enough relevant material—the percentage of compound names of which an Nohxo is attested is normally much lower than that of the non-compound names of which an N°h is attested. Therefore (in my opinion at least) there can be no reasonable doubt that this fact is significant. This must mean that—allowing for exceptions402—in most known types of classical Hebrew prose type, probably cannot have an N°h, cf. also nn. 398, 399.—e) JK, of the names listed on p. 106, 2 must not be included here, because only an N°h form of non-local-terminative function is attested : 'yin (1 Sam. xiv 31) and srrh (Judg. vii 22); the names for which only rm?-instances are attested are: 'ylwt, 'sqlwn, 'st'wl, hhwrym, hhkym, gy', gyhn, dmsq, dn, hrsh(?), yryhw, mgdw, mkms, nwyt, si', 'ntt, 'qrwn, p'rn, syqlg, s'rh, q'ylh, skh, swnm, sylwjh, tbs (cf. n. 389) and also some names of which no N°h is attested in JK : gzr (2 Sam. v 25), hmt (2 Kings xiv 25), hrh (1 Kings xix 8, probable example), msph (2 Kings xxv 23), msrym (see n. 370), s'wl (1 Kings ii 6, 9). Of these names 3 {gy', yryhw, mgdw), because of their special type, probably cannot have an N°h, cf. nn. 398, 399.—0 Is. prose, the name for which only a zero-instance is attested is hbl. Is. xxxix 6—g) Jer. prose, the names for which only zero-instances are attested are: sywn and thpnhs (see n. 389), to those names 2 have to be added for which no N°h is attested in Jer. prose: yrwslm (see n. 364) and msrym (see n. 370)—h) Ez., of the names listed on p. 107 3 have not been included here, because only an N°h of non-local-terminative function is attested for them : dblh (vi 14), ddn (xxv 13) and qrytm (xxv 9); the names for which only z^ro-instances are attested are: shrym, sydn, sr (cf. n. 389), to these names some others have to be added of which no N°h is attested in Ez., hmt (xlvii 16, 20, xlviii 1), Ihnwn (xvii 3), msrym (cf. n. 370) — i) Jonah, see n. 389—j) Ezra, see nn. 389, 399, the other name beside 'hw' is yrwslm (see n. 364)—k) Neh., the two names are kpyrym (cf. n. 389) and yrwslm (cf. n. 364)—1) Chr., of the names listed on p. 107 3 have not been included, because for them only an N°h with non-local-terminative function is attested: gl'd (1 Chr. xxvii 21), hmt (1 Chr. xviii 3), trsys (1 Chr. i 7); of these names hmt and trsys have been added to the names of which only z^ro-instances are attested, for hmt, see 1 Chr. xiii 5, for trsys, see 2 Chr. ix 21 (differs from Vorlage 1 Kings x 22), xx 36 (differs from Vorlage 1 Kings xxii 49), 37; the other names for which only zero-instances are attested are : 'ylwt, dmsq, hr', hhr, hlh, yryhw, mnht, syqlg (see n. 389) and smrwn (2 Chr. xviii 2, xxv 24) for which no N°h is attested in Chr. (of these hr' and yryhw, because of their special type, could not have an N°h, cf. nn. 398, 399). For the compound names the following remarks can be made. Of the 10 names for which in JE one or more zero-instances are attested (see p. 123) h'r sb' is not included here, because an Nohxo of it is also attested in JE. For the other names of which only zero-instances are attested, see the references on pp. 123f. (n. 395). 401 A clear example of probably significant percentage differences between com­ pound names is found in the text of P. Here 4 Nohxo instances of pdn 'rm are attested against 0 z^ro-instances (100% (39.76-100)), whereas no Nohxo instances of hr hhr are attested against 3 zero-instances (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). For the text references, cf. p. 105 and p. 123 (n. 395). 402 Such an exception is pdn 'rm, for which compound name it can be regarded as probable that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of classical Hebrew as that represented in P, the use of Nohxo reached a reasonably high density (see also the preceding note).

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the Nohxo was of a lower density than the N°h and/or that the number of compound names of which Nohxo was used was proportionately lower than that of non-compound names of which an N°h was used. g) Names which offer special problems There are some geographical names which offer some special problems with regard to the opposition N°:: N°h; it was for this reason that they were not treated in the preceding paragraphs. (Here all instances where the names in question occur will be referred to.) /. 'prt In JE one finds 'prth, once (Gen. xxxv 16) as a hypo tactic element in an infinitive phrase with local-terminative function, once (Gen. xxxv 19) as rectum (bdrk 'prth), the relevant prepositional phrase having a locative function.403 In P one finds 'prt once and 'prth once. One finds 'prth as a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase with local-terminative function (Gen. xlviii 7), one finds 'prt as rectum (bdrk 'prt), the relevant prepositional phrase having a locative function.404 In Ruth one finds 'prth once (and no 'prt) in a prepositional phrase (b'prth) which has a locative function (iv 11). In Chr., one finds 'prt once and 'prth twice (in the 3 instances not as a geographical name but as an eponym). In 1 Chr. ii 19, 'prt is part of an 7-phrase ('t-'prt) which functions as an object, in 1 Chr. ii 50, iv 4 'prth is a rectum, the relevant status-constructus group (bkwr 'prth) having no local function whatever. In 1 Chr. ii 24 one finds the compound name klb-'prth in a prepositional phrase, which has a locative function. Although the material available is too scanty to allow conclusions to be drawn with any certainty,405 it seems probable, at least for 403 Cf. n. 436 for the discussion of the fact that those instances where someone is buried in the place in which he also died, are considered of locative function, whereas those instances where someone is buried in a place in which he did not die, are considered of local-terminative function. 404 The suggestion (e.g. made in the dictionary of Gesenius-Buhl, sub voce) that instead of bdrk 'prt hw'... one must read bdrk 'prth hw', one h being left out because of haplography, remains possible, but is difficult to prove. 405 The material outside the prose texts is also very scanty, there are only 2 instances: Micah v 1, Ps. cxxxii 6. In the second instance one is dealing with a pN°h with locative function, in Micah v 1 with an instance with no local function at all. It is, however, very difficult to adduce poetic and prophetic material in the discussion of prose material, because the differences between prose and other material is often very great, see also for the ending under study the remarks made on pp. 161 ff.

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certain types of classical Hebrew prose, that the formal opposition 'prt : :'prth existed, but one gains the impression that, if there was also a functional opposition, then it differed completely from the “normal” functional opposition N0::N°h.406 This impression is based on the fact that in 4 of the 6 instances where in “normal” usage one would not expect the ending under consideration, one finds 'prth (Gen. xxxv 19, Ruth iv 11, 1 Chr. ii 50, iv 4). On this point, see also p. 129 below. Unfortunately there is no material for those instances with non-local-terminative function, where “normal” usage would lead one to expect (p)N°, so that it is uncertain whether in this case too N°h would be used. The 3 eponym instances from Chr. have also been included here, because in corresponding eponym instances the ending under consideration “normally” is not used (the only “excep­ tion” is 1 Chr. i 7 trsysh). 2. tmnh Although Timnah is the name of more than one place, I will treat the material together. In JE one finds 3 instances of tmnth, and none of tmnh. In 2 instances (Gen. xxxviii 12, 13) tmnth has local-terminative function (once, v. 12, it functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause, once, v. 13, as a hypotactic element in a participle phrase). In Gen. xxxviii 14 it is a rectum; the relevant prepositional phrase ('l-drk tmnth) has a locative function. In JK one finds 5 instances of tmnth, and none of tmnh. Twice (Judg. xiv 1, 5) it functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause and has local-terminative function; twice it is part of a prepositional phrase (btmnth) which has a locative function (Judg. xiv 1, 2), once it is a rectum (Judg. xiv 5), the relevant prepositional phrase 'd-krmy tmnth having a local-final function.407 In L one finds tmnh twice and tmnth once. In one case tmnh has a local-terminative function (Josh, xv 10)408—it functions as a consti­ tuent at clause level—, in the other, it has no local function whatever (Josh, xv 57). In Josh, xix 43 tmnth has no local function whatever. 406 For this “normal” functional opposition, cf. the discussion on pp. 130fT. 407 One has to interpret the'd in this text as as far as. For this reason I did not take 'd-krmy tmnth as having local-terminative function, see also the definition of localfinality in n. 47. 408 For the interpretation of tmnh in Josh, xv 10 as having local-terminative function, cf. the comparable instances Josh, xv 7 (w'br hgbwl 'l-my-'yn sms), 10 (w'br 'l-ktp hr y'rym), xviii 18 (w'br 'l-ktp mwl h'rbh), 19 (w'br hgbwl 'l-ktp byt hglh).

THE N°h, NohM AND N0*0h INSTANCES

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In Chr. one finds tmnh once and no instance of tmnth. The only instance of tmnh (2 Chr. xxviii 18) is part of an V-phrase and has no local function whatever. In at least one type of classical Hebrew prose it is clear that there was a formal opposition tmnh: .tmnth. For at least certain types of classical Hebrew prose, however, the impression cannot be avoided that, if this formal opposition existed, the functional one was either non-existent or differed completely from the “normal” functional opposition.409 This impression is based on the following considerations. In 5 of the 6 instances, where, in “normal” usage, the ending under consideration would not be expected, one finds tmnth. The instances of 'prth and tmnth as a rectum occur in JE and JK, where no other instance of N°h as a rectum occurs.410 Moreover the number of instances outside JE and JK where N°h is a rectum is small: 3.411 3. hrs In JK there are 4 instances of hrsh and none of Ari.412 In one instance (1 Sam. xxiii 16) hrsh has a local-terminative function; in the 3 others it is part of a prepositional phrase {bhrsh) which has a locative function. Provided there was a formal opposition hrs: .hrsh, it seems probable that the functional opposition was either non-existent or differed completely from the “normal” one.413 This impression is based on the observation that a pN°h of a name is in itself not impossible in JK,414 but 3 instances of pN°h of the same name (without a pN° of this name occurring) can be considered highly exceptional, to say the least.415 409 For the “normal" functional opposition, see the discussion on pp. 130ff. 410 The use of the term N°h for 'prth and tmnth in the relevant instances proceeds on the assumption that a formal opposition N0::N°h existed for the names in question. Strictly speaking it cannot be proved that such an opposition existed for these names in such types of classical Hebrew prose as are represented in the texts of JE and JK. Cf. pp. 127f. 411 The instances in question are: Josh, xvi 6, xviii 13, 2 Chr. xiv 9. 412 The instances in question are 1 Sam. xxiii 15, 16, 18, 19. The possibility of an N°h suggests itself, because the final syllable is unstressed, according to the Tiberian vocalization and punctuation system. Compare the remarks on pp. 6f. There are no instance outside JK. 413 For the “normal" functional opposition, see the discussion on pp. 130ff. 414 In JK one finds instances of pN°h in Judg. xi 20, 1 Sam. xxxi 13, 1 Kings iv 12, 2 Kings xvii 24 (4 different names are concerned here). 415 Besides 'prth, tmnth and hrsh there are some other possibly comparable instances. First of all there is b'rs-slsh (1 Sam. ix 4), where the vocalization of slsh suggests an unstressed final syllable. This fact and the fact that slsh is rectum in a status-

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As the situation with names like 'prt, tmnh and hrs is (in all probability) completely different from that with other geographical names treated in the preceding paragraphs, they have, for the moment, been treated separately. 4. Provisional discussion of the material Most instances of N°h attested in the OT function either as a (paratactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level in a verbal clause or not at clause level at all. The material for the nominal clause is very scanty: there are no instances where N°h functions at clause level in such a clause and only 3 where it is a core element in such a clause (Numb, xxi 16, 1 Sam. vii 17, 1 Chr. i 7). In the last mentioned instance N°h has a completely “deviating” function, in both of the others it has local-terminative function.416 In view of the situation with Nh it might be possible that, at least in certain classical Hebrew prose types, the indication given by N°h as a core element in a nominal clause differed from that given by it at clause level in a verbal clause or not at clause level at all.417 In the majority of the instances N°h has a local-terminative function : in 258 instances there are 13 or 14 exceptions (they occur in L, JK, Jer., Ez. and Chr.). One of them is the core element in a nominal clause from 1 Chr. i 7 already quoted. Nine of them function as a (paratactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level in a verbal clause : Numb, xxxiv 10, 1 Sam. xiv 31, Jer. xxix 15, Ez. vi 14, xxv 13, 1 Chr. xviii 3, Josh, xix 18, 29 and the uncertain instance Judg. vii 22. It could be significant that of the 8 certain instances there are 2 in //j/z-clauses, because instances of N°h at clause level in hyhclauses are rarely attested (in one of those 2 instances N°h has no local function: Josh, xix 18; in Josh, xix 29 N°h has local-final constructus group could suggest that this is a case where the formal opposition N°:: N°h has lost its “normal” function (cf. pp. 130ff.) or where it has been lost. The pNxN°h in question has a locative function. In the second place there is mb'l slsh (2 Kings iv 42), a constituent with local-separative function. Here also the vocalization of slsh suggests an unstressed final syllable. This fact could suggest that we are dealing with a pNoxoh. However, because of the parallel with the slsh of 1 Sam. ix 4, the possibility is conceivable that the formal opposition Noxo::Noxoh did not exist, but this remains completely a matter of conjecture. The only 2 certain examples of pNoxoh are Numb, xxxiii 46, 47. 416 It remains possible that the use of N°h as a core element in a nominal clause is relatively limited, because such core elements do not often have a local-terminative function. 417 See the discussion on pp. 55ff.; see also the remarks made on pp. 62, 85f.

THE N°h, Nohxo AND Noxoh INSTANCES

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function).418 The function of the other 6 is either locative or localfinal. The 4 other “exceptional” instances do not function at clause level: Josh, xiii 18, 1 Kings iv 14, Ez. xxv 9, 1 Chr. xxvii 21 419 Of these 4 instances one (1 Kings iv 14) has a locative function, the others have no local function at all. The fact becomes the more remarkable, when one considers that of the 257 instances of N°h 197 function as a (paratactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (or as the core element in such a constituent). Four out of 5 instances of N°h with non-local function (Josh, xiii 18, Ez. xxv 9, 1 Chr. i 7, xxvii 21) are not found among this majority of 197 instances, the other one, Josh, xix 18, also occurring in a special context, see above. This justifies the conclusion that the function indication given by the use of N°h was different, at least in certain types of classical Hebrew prose, depending on whether it occurred at clause level in a verbal clause or not. It may be concluded that in certain types of classical Hebrew prose (such as JE, P and D) the use of N°h as such indicated that a constituent with local-terminative function was involved. But in other types of classical Hebrew prose these narrowly defined indications were not given by the use of N°h as such and its indications were dependent on external facts, namely whether it functioned as a (paratactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (with no verbal form of the root hyh) or not.420 If this was the case the use of N°h indicated that one was dealing with a constituent of localterminative or locative function. If this was not the case, the use of N°h indicated that one was dealing with either a constituent with local function (but not of the local-separative type) or a constituent with no local function at all, the greatest chance being that it was a constituent with local-terminative function. In these last instances the function indication given by the use of N°h as such had become rather vague.421 For a more exact distinction within the group of N°hs not functioning at clause level, a distinction which makes it 4,8 It remains possible that the use of N°h as a constituent at clause level in a hyhclause is relatively limited, because such constituents do not often have a local-terminative function; compare the remarks made in n. 572. For /jjVj-clauses, see also n. 59. 419 These 8 “exceptional” instances do not function as a hypotactic element in either an infinitive or participle phrase. 420 I leave out of consideration the use of N°h in a nominal clause (and its function), because knowledge about this point is completely insufficient, cf. p. 130. 421 If the 'prtl'prth and related material had to be included in our considerations (see pp. 127ff), this would change my conclusions. But this seems to be highly uncertain.

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possible to define the functional indication system more exactly, see p. 211. As far as can be judged from the scanty material available the use of Nohxo indicated that one was dealing with a constituent with localterminative function. The material available does not permit any conclusions to be drawn about the level on which Nohxo functioned, although the instances attested function only as a (paratactic element in an endocentric) constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. For the fact that among the 13 (or 14) instances of N°h with “exceptional” function there are 5 (or 6) with a local-final function, see the discussion on pp. 211, 216. For the fact that among them there are only 3 locative instances, see the discussion on p. 213. For a comparison of the different known types of classical Hebrew prose on the usage of N°h and Nohxo, see pp. 223 ff.

CHAPTER EIGHT

THE pN°h, (p)NxN°h, pNoxoh INSTANCES AND RELATED MATERIAL IN PROSE

1. The instances For every special type there is a special list. It is indicated to which N° or Noxo the ending under study is attached. JE: pN°h instances: dbr (Josh, x 39), g/ww (Josh, x 36). Total: 2 instances. D : pN°h instances : (h)gdgd (Dt. x 7). Total: 1 instance. L: pN°h instances: 'pq (Josh, xiii 4), ytbh (Numb, xxxiii 33, 34), ynwh (Josh, xvi 7), ngb (Josh, xv 21), qhlh (Numb, xxxiii 22, 23). Total: 7 instances. pNxN°h instances: ynwh (Josh, xvi 6), Iwz (Josh, xviii 13). Total: 2 instances. pNoxoh instances: 'Imn dbltym (Numb, xxxiii 46, 47). Total: 2 instances. JK: pN°h instances: ybs (1 Sam. xxxi 13), yhs (Judg. xi 20), kwt (2 Kings xvii 24), srtn (1 Kings iv 12). Total: 4 instances. 't-N°h instances: glyl (2 Kings xv 29). Total: 1 instance. pjsjohxo instances : 'bl byt m'kh (2 Sam. xx 15). Total: 1 instance. Jer. : pN°h instances: bbl (xxvii 16), rblh (Hi 10).422 Total: 2 instances. Chr. : (only those parts which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us). pN°h instances: gzr (1 Chr. xiv 16), srdh (2 Chr. iv 17).423 Total: 2 instances. 't-N°h instances: yhs (1 Chr. vi 63). Total: 1 instance. pNxN°h instances: spt (2 Chr. xiv 9). Total: 1 instance. 422 This text which reads brblth differs from its parallel 2 Kings xxv 7, where the words wgm 't-kl-sry yhwdh sht brblth are missing. 423 The text 1 Chr. xiv 16, which reads w'd-gzrh, differs from its Vorlage 2 Sam. v 25, which reads 'd-b'k gzr; 2 Chr. iv 17, which reads wbyn srdth, differs from its Vorlage which reads wbyn srtn (1 Kings vii 46). These 2 Chr. texts have a pN°h where their Vorlage does not have one; 1 Sam. xxxi 13 on the contrary reads bybsh whereas the parallel text in Chr., 1 Chr. x 13, reads bybs.

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Total of pN°h instances in the OT: 18. Total of 7-N°h instances in OT: 2. Total of pNxN°h instances in OT: 3. Total of pNohxo instances in OT: 1. Total of pNoxoh instances in OT: 2.424 2. Function a) JE In JE, pN°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Josh, x 36) — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric consti­ tuent at clause level in a verbal clause (Josh, x 39; type (pN°h//w...)). In Josh, x 36 it has local-separative function, in Josh, x 39 no local function whatever. b) D In D, pN°h functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. The only instance (Dt. x 7) has local-separative function. c) L In L, pN°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (5 instances) — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric consti­ tuent which does not function at clause level (Josh, xv 21; type (...//...//pN°h)) — c) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase (Josh, xiii 4).425 It has a) locative function (Numb, xxxiii 22, 33, Josh, xv 21) — b) local-final function (Josh, xiii 4) — c) local-separative function (Numb, xxxiii 23, 34, Josh, xvi 7). In L, pNxN°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Josh, xvi 6) — b) the core element in a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Josh, xviii 13; type (N0h//pNxN°h...)). It has a) local-terminative function: Josh, xviii 13 — b) locative function: Josh, xvi 6. 424 To the best of my knowledge there are no instances of pN°h, pNxN°h and pNoxoh in classical Hebrew texts outside the OT. For 2 other possible instances in the OT: 1 Sam. ix 4 (b'rs-slsh) and 2 Kings iv 42 {mb'l slsh), see the remarks in n. 415. 425 One could also interpret bngbh in Josh, xv 21 as pNh (at the south side), cf. Josh, xv 1 (see n. 74). But in all zm>-instances in L with locative function of those nouns which refer to one of the 4 points of the compass (Josh, xv 8, 10, xvi 6, xvii 10 (twice), xviii 12, xix 34 (twice)) the preposition mn precedes. For this reason 1 prefer to take ngb in Josh, xv 21 as a geographical name. The endocentric constituent of which bngbh is the third paratactic element functions as a hypotactic element in a noun phrase of which h'rym is the core. In Josh, xiii 4 I take mtymn as a hypotactic element to h'wym in v. 3. The endocentric constituent of which 'd-'pqh is the first paratactic element functions as a hypotactic element in a noun phrase of which probably kl-'rs hkn'ny wm'rh 'sr Isydnym is the core.

THE pN°h, (p)NxN°h AND pN0*°h INSTANCES

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In L, pNoxoh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. It has a) locative function (Numb, xxxiii 46) — b) localseparative function (Numb, xxxiii 47). d) JK In JK, pN°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Judg. xi 20) — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric consti­ tuent at clause level in a verbal clause (2 Kings xvii 24; type (...// pN°h//...//...)) — c) an element in an ’ir-phrase (1 Kings iv 12) — d) a hypotactic element in a noun phrase (1 Sam. xxxi 13). It has either locative (Judg. xi 20, 1 Sam. xxxi 13, 1 Kings iv 12) or local-separative function (2 Kings xvii 24). In JK, 7-N°h functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (2 Kings xv 29; type (...//w...//w...//w...//w...//vv...//wV-N0h)//...)). The only instance has no local function: it is an object. In JK, pNohxo functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. The only instance (2 Sam. xx 15) has locative function. e) Jer. In Jer. prose, pN°h functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Hi 10) — b) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (xxvii 16). It has a) locative function (Hi 10)—b) local-separative function (xxvii 16). 0 Chr. In the parts of Chr. not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, pN°h functions as a) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level (2 Chr. iv 17; type (...// wpN°h))426 — b) a hypotactic element in a prepositional phrase (1 Chr. xiv 16). It has a) locative function (2 Chr. iv 17)427 — b) local-final function (1 Chr. xiv 16).

426 I take the endocentric constituent in question to be a hypotactic element in a noun phrase, the core of which is 'by h'dmh. But this interpretation cannot strictly speaking be proved; it could also be taken to be a paratactic element in another endocentric constituent, which is interrupted: bkkr hyrdnl/b'by h'dmhHbyn skwt wbyn srdth. 427 Although the pN°h in question has a locative function, it is not the locative function of the type one generally finds elsewhere in this study (see e.g. pp. 36ff.), where indication is made at which place something is or happens.

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In these parts of Chr., 7-N°h functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which does not function at clause level (type (V-N°h//vv...)).428 It has no local function whatever, but rather object-function (1 Chr. vi 63). In these parts of Chr., pNxN°h functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (2 Chr. xiv 9; type (pNxN°h//...)). The only instance has locative function. 3. Provisional discussion of the material It is a remarkable fact that there is no instance of pN°h, pNxN°h, etc. attested functioning as either a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause or as a core element in such a clause. It is remarkable because (some of the) attested functions of pN°h, pNxN°h, pNohxo, pNoxoh could easily be expected for constituents functioning at clause level or as a core element in a nominal clause.429 It is also a remarkable fact that among the instances of pN°h, pNxN°h, etc. listed here, there is only one with a local-terminative function, whereas N°h mainly has this function:430 one instance in L of pNxN°h (Josh, xviii 13). For this fact, see the discussion on pp. 217ff. It is also noteworthy that in JE there are 2 instances attested of pN°h, whereas there is no instance of pNh attested for JE. In this connection it is perhaps significant that both instances are to be found in a part of JE that is considered by many scholars to be a later addition. For the implications of this, see the discussion on p. 242. On the origin of pN°h, pNxN°h, V-N°h, pNohxo, pNoxoh and the problems involved, see pp. 217fT. It is not an easy task to reach firm conclusions about the function indication given by the use of pN°h as such, because of the scantiness of the material available. It seems likely that the use of pN°h indicated, 428 The clause in question is a verbal one in which the verbal form is deleted because it already occurs in a parallel preceding clause : 1 Chr. vi 52. The endocentric constituent in question is in its turn a paratactic element in another endocentric constituent, consisting of 4 such elements, this constituent being the second one; the third and fourth element are in v. 64. 429 Especially a locative or a local-separative function could easily be expected for constituents functioning at clause level in a nominal clause or as a core element in such a clause. 430 See p. 130.

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at least in most known types of classical Hebrew prose, that one probably was dealing with a constituent with local function, yet probably not of the local-terminative type,431 although it was not out of the question that one was dealing with a constituent of no local function whatever, at least in some of these types of prose. See the one instance with no local function in Josh, x 39.432 For pNxN°h, V-N°h, pNohxo and pNoxoh the material is so scanty that conclusions about the function indications seem to be impossible; moreover it does not belong to the same type of prose. The question whether it is significant that these possibilities are attested only for some types of prose will be discussed on pp. 228 f, 242. 431 It seems significant that of the prepositional phrases spoken of in this chapter, 2 of the 3 instances of pNxN°h have local-terminative function, whereas none of the pN°h instances has this function. 432 Instances with local-final function are also relatively rare: Josh, xiii 4, 1 Chr. xiv 16. It is difficult to decide whether this is significant. The use of Nh and pNxNh with local-final function probably was restricted to a special type of local-finality which is not found in the instances in question, see pp. 203 ff. See also the discussion on p. 211.

CHAPTER NINE

THE Advh INSTANCES IN PROSE

In this chapter the situation with the Adv.yw will first be discussed. The possible -Q::-h opposition with other adverbs will be dealt with in a special paragraph. Therefore, in the following lists, only the relevant OT texts where smh is attested will be given. 1. The instances JE: Gen. xiv 10, xix 20 (twice), 22 (twice), xx 13, xxiv 6, 8, xxix 3, xxxix 1, xiii 2, xliii 30,1 5, Ex. x 26, xvi 33, xxi 13, 33, Dt. xxxi 16, xxxiv 4, Josh, ii 1, 16, vii 3, 4. Total: 23 instances. P: Gen. xxiii 13, xxv 10, xlix 31 (three times), Ex. xxvi 33, xxix 42, 43, xxx 6, 18, 36, xl 30, Lev. xviii 3, xx 22, Numb, xv 18, xvii 19, Dt. xxxii 50, 52. Total: 18 instances. D: Numb, xiv 24 (D?), Dt. i 38, 39, iii 21, iv 5, 14, 26, 27, 42, vi 1, vii 1, xi 8, 10, 11, 29, xii 5, 6, 11, 29, xix 3, 4, xxiii 13, 21, xxviii 21, 37, 63, xxx 1, 16. Total: 28 instances. L: Numb, xxxiii 54, xxxv 6, 11, 15, 25, 26, Josh, xx 3, 9. Total: 8 instances. JK : Judg. viii 25, ix 51, xvi 27, xviii 15, 17, 1 Sam. xxii 1, 2 Kings iv 8, 10, 11 (twice), v 18, vi 6, 14, ix 2, 16, xii 10, xvii 27, xxiii 8. Total: 18 instances. Jer. : xxvii 22, xxix 7, xl 4. Total: 3 instances. Ez.: i 12, 20, xi 18, xxiii 3, xxix 13, xxxii 29, 30, xxxvi 21, xl 1, 3, xlvii 9 (twice), xlviii 35. Total: 13 instances. Job: i 21. Total: 1 instance. Ruth: i 7. Total: 1 instance. Neh. : iv 14. Total: 1 instance. Chr. : parts not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us : 1 Chr. iv 41. Total: 1 instance. Total of Advh instances in OT: 115.433

433 Outside the OT there are 2 instances of smh in Lachish letter iv 8 and Tell Arad ostracon xxiv 20.

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2. Function a) JE In JE, Advh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (19 instances)434 — b) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (Gen. xix 20, 22, Ex. x 26)—c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions as a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Dt. xxxi 16; type (Advh//...)).435 In the majority of the instances Advh has local-terminative function,436 in 2 instances it has locative function (Gen. xliii 30, Josh, ii 16). 434 In some instances the clause core is not a verbal form, but an imperative: Gen. xix 22, xiii 2, Ex. xvi 33. 435 I regard b' as a participle and not as a perfect-form; cf. the comparable instances like Dt. iv 5, vii 1, xi 10, Josh, ii 18, etc., where one is clearly dealing with participles. 436 It is useful to comment on some instances interpreted as being local-terminative. In Gen. 1 5 smh is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with as its core a verbal form of the root qbr. In the available material, instances where smh is such a constituent are all instances where mention is made of someone’s burial in a place not identical to the one in which he died: Gen. xxiii 13, xxv 10, xlix 31 (3 times), 1 5. In comparable instances where sm is used as a constituent in a verbal clause of the above mentioned type (Gen. xlviii 7, Numb, xi 34, xx 1, Dt. x 6, Jer. xx 6, Ez. xxxix 11, Ruth i 17), all are instances where someone’s burial is mentioned as occurring in a place identical to the place in which he died, with the only exception of Ez. xxxix 11. The most probable conclusion is that in instances where mention is made of some­ one’s burial in a place not identical to the place where he died, smh was used (or at least could be used), in other instances it was not used (or rarely so). This difference makes it appear probable that in the relevant instances there was an aspect of movement; cf. also Gen. xxiii 19, xxv 10, xlix 29, Ez. xxxix 15, where qbr is constructed with 7 (in these instances mention is also made of someone’s burial in a place where they did not die). Whether the same rule is also valid for instances where, instead of smh, one is dealing with a geographical name or a noun, cannot be decided on the basis of the available material. In Ex. xvi 33 (clause core: an imperative of the root ntn) and Josh, ii 1 (clause core: verbal form of the root skb) smh is also regarded as having local-terminative function, for the following reasons. With locative function smh is only rarely used, whereas it is often used with local-terminative function, in at least some types of classical Hebrew prose such as that in JE, P, D and JK (see pp. 142f.). Against this background, it is significant to find the following picture emerging for the relevant instances with a form of the root ntn : a) JE, 1 instance of smh. Ex. xvi 33, none of sm — b) P, 2 instances of smh. Ex. xxx 18, xl 30, 1 instance of sm. Ex. xl 7 — c) D, no instance of smh, 1 instance of .vm, 1 Kings vi 19 — d) JK, 1 instance of smh, 2 Kings xii 10, none of sm — e) Ez., no instance of smh, 1 instance of sm, xx 28 — 0 Neh., no instance of smh, 1 instance of sm, xiii 5. For the relevant instances with a form of the root skb the following picture is found : a) JE, 1 instance of smh. Josh, ii 1, none of sm—b) JK, 2 instances of smh, 2 Kings iv 11, ix 16, none of sm. This picture, especially with JE, P and JK (against the background of the facts mentioned above), argues the case that in the relevant instances there was an aspect of movement. Cf. also the fact that ntn (meaning to put) could be constructed with 7, 1 Sam. vi 8, Jer. xxxvii 18, xxxviii 7, etc. and that skb can be constructed with 'rsh, 2 Sam. viii 2, xii 16, xiii 31. This does not mean that this possible aspect of movement was necessarily expressed by

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b) P In P, Advh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (13 instances)437 — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Ex. xxvi 33; type (Advh//...) —c) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Lev. xviii 3, xx 22, Numb, xv 18, Dt. xxxii 50). In all instances Advh has local-terminative function.438 c) D In D, Advh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Numb, xiv 24, Dt. i 38, 39, iv 27, xii 5, 6, 11, xix 4, xxiii 13, xxviii 37, xxx 1) — b) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (15 instances) — c) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (Dt. iv 42, xix 3). In all instances Advh has local-terminative function. d) L In L, Advh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Numb, xxxiii 54, xxxv 11, 25, 26)—b) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (Numb, xxxv 6, 15, Josh, xx 3, 9). In all instances Advh has local-terminative function. e) JK In JK, Advh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (15 instances)439 — b) a core element in a nominal clause (Judg. xvi 27) — c) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (1 Sam. xxii 1; type (...//Advh)) — d) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (2 Kings v 18). In the

the prepositional phrase (or the -/^-phrase), with which ntn or skb was constructed, cf. the many instances in which ntn or skb are constructed with b (see the dictionaries). 437 In Gen. xxv 10 I followed the Masoretic punctuation, according to which a new clause starts with smh-, the preceding hsdh 'sr... is probably apposition to sdh 'prn... from v. 9. 438 For Ex. xxx 18, xl 30, see n. 436. In Ex. xxix 42, 43, xxx 6, 36, Numb, xvii 19, smh is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with as clause core a verbal form of the root y'd. Whereas in locative function smh is only rarely used, it is on the contrary often used in local-terminative function in classical Hebrew prose types like JE, P, D and JK (see pp. 142f). For that reason I have also regarded the relevant instances of smh as having local-terminative function : there is only 1 prose instance of sm in a comparable context as against the 5 instances of smh mentioned here : Ex. xxv 22 (all instances are P). See also the fact that verbal forms of the root y'd can be constructed with the preposition 7: Numb, x 3, 4, 1 Sam. xxi 3, Neh. vi 10. This argues the case that in the relevant instances there was an aspect of movement. 439 In 2 Kings xvii 27 the clause core is an imperative.

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141

majority of the instances Advh has local-terminative function;440 in 3 instances it has locative function (Judg. xvi 27, 2 Kings v 18, xxiii 8).441 0 Jer. In Jer. prose, Advh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause.442 In 2 instances Advh has local-terminative function (xxix 7, xl 4), in one it has locative function (xxvii 22). g) Ez. In Ez., Advh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (10 instances)443—b) a core element in a nominal clause (xxxii 29, 30, xlviii 35). In the majority of the instances Advh has local-terminative function,444 in 4 instances it has locative function (xxiii 3, xxxii 29, 30, xlviii 35). h) Job In Job prose, Advh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. The only instance (i 21) has local-terminative function. i) Ruth In Ruth, Advh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause.445 The only instance (i 7) has locative function. j) Neh. In Neh., Advh functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. The only instance (Neh. iv 14) probably has local-terminative function.446 440 For 2 Kings iv 11, ix 16, xii 10, see the discussion n. 436. 441 In 2 Kings xxiii 8 one is dealing with a verbal clause with as core a form of the root qtr. Has the use of this root here influenced the use of smh with locative function? Cf. the remarks on pp. 43 f. 442 In Jer. xl 4 one is dealing with a clause with an imperative as core, in Jer. xxvii 22 the clause core is a verbal form of the root hyh. 443 In Ez. i 12 one is dealing with a clause with a verbal form of the root hyh as core. I regard the clause in question as expressing an aspect of movement. For the fact that a verbal clause with as its core a form from the root hyh can express movement, cf. e.g. Gen. xv 1, 1 Sam. xv 10, Ez. iii 16, vi 1, Hos. i 1, Micah i 1. For the parallel text Ez. i 20 I prefer the same interpretation. 444 I regard xxix 13 'sr-npsw smh as expressing an aspect of movement, cf. Dt. xxx 3, and similarly 2 Sam. xx 22, Ez. xxxiv 21. I propose the same interpretation for Ez. xxxiv 12 npsw sm. 445 In the only instance (Ruth i 7) one is dealing with a clause with a verbal form of the root hyh as core. 446 I regard the words smh tqbsw 'lynw as together forming one clause, the words smh and lynw together forming an interrupted endocentric constituent, consisting of 2 paratactic elements. The words bmqwm up to and including hswpr I take as a casus pendens, to which the smh in the “real” clause refers.

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k) Chr. In Chr., Advh functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. The only instance (1 Chr. iv 41) has locative function. (Of the 2 instances in epigraphical material, cf. n. 433, Tell Arad ostracon xxiv 20 functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause and Lachish letter iv 8 as a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (?). Both have local-terminative function.) 3. Zero-instances In the instances listed in the first paragraph of this chapter, Advh is a constituent with either local-terminative or locative function.447 So for the determination of zero-instances, the material has been restricted to instances of sm which have local-terminative or locative function. As will be seen the proportion of instances of sm to those of smh is often not the same for either local-terminative or locative instances. For this reason both types will be treated separately. a) Instances with local-terminative function JE: P: D: L: JK : Jer.: Ez.: Job: Ruth : Ezra : Neh.:

smh smh smh smh smh smh smh smh smh smh smh

21 instances against 0 instances of sm (100";, (83.89-100)). 18 instances against 2 instances of sm (90% (68.31-98.76)). 28 instances against 4 instances of sm (87.5% (71.01-96.49)). 8instances against 0 instances of sm (100% (63.06-100)). 15 instances against 19 instances of sm (44.1% (27.19-62.11)). 2 instances against 9 instances of sm (18.18% (2.29-51.77)). 9 instances against 11 instances of sm (45% (23.07-68.45)). 1 instance against 0 instances of sm (100% (2.5-100)). 0 instances against 1 instance of sm (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). 0 instances against 1 instance of sm (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). 1 instance against 3 instances of sm (25% (0.63-80.58)).448

447 On this point, see also pp. 144f. 448 For the iw/j-instances which have a local-terminative function, see the list, p. 138, and the discussions on pp. 139ff. The zero-instances in question are: a) P, Ex. xxv 22 (cf. n. 438), xl 7 (cf. n. 436)—b) D, Dt. i 37, 1 Kings ii 3, vi 19 (cf. n. 436), viii 47 — c) JK, Judg. xix 15, xxi 10, 1 Sam. ii 14, ix 6, x 5, 10, xix 23, 2 Sam. ii 2, xvii 18, xxiii 9, 1 Kings xviii 10, xix 9, xxi 18, 2 Kings i 4, 6, 16, ii 21, vi 9, xix 32 — d) Jer. prose, xix 14, xxix 14, 18, xxx 11, xxxii 37, xl 12, xli 9, xliii 5, xlv 5 — e) Ez., i 20 (cf. n. 443), iv 13, vi 9, xi 16, xii 16, xx 29, xxxiv 12 (cf. n. 444), xxxvi 20, 22, xxxvii 21, xlvii 9 — 0 Ruth, iii 4 (cf. also n. 436) — g) Ezra, x 6—h) Neh., v 16, xiii 5 (cf. n. 436), 9. To the im/i-instances one can add the instances from epigraphical material (cf. n. 433) which have the same function. In this material there are no zero-instances.

THE Advh INSTANCES

b)

143

Instances with locative function

JE: P: D: L: JK : Jer.: Ez.: Ruth : Ezra : Neh.: Chr.:

smh2 instances

against 90 instances of sm (2.17% (0.26-7.63)). against 17 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-19.51)). smh0 instances against 52 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-6.85)). smh0 instances against 6 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-45.93)). smh 3 instances against 126 instances of sm (2.33% (0.48-6.65)). smh 1 instance against 26 instances of sm (3.5% (0.09-18.07)). smh 4 instances against 43 instances of sm (8.5% (2.37-20.38)). smh 1 instance against 4 instances of sm (20% (0.5-71.64)). smh0 instances against 4 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). smh0 instances against 4 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-60.24)). smh 1 instance against 17 instances of sm (5.55% (0.14-27.29)).449 smh0 instances

449 For the im/z-instances which have a locative function, see the list, p. 138 and the discussions on pp. 139ff. The zero-instances in question are: a) JE, Gen. ii 8, 11, 12, xi 2, 7, 9, xii 7, 8, 10, xiii 3, 4 (twice), 14, 18, xviii 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, xix 27, xxi 17, 31, 33, xxii 2, 9, xxvi 8, 17, 19, 25 (3 times), xxviii 11, xxix 2, xxxi 13 (twice), 46, xxxii 14, 30, xxxiii 19, 20, xxxv 1 (twice), 3, 7 (twice), xxxviii 2, xxxix 11, 20, 22, xl 3, xli 12, xliii 25, xliv 14, xlv 11, xlvi 3, 1 10, Ex. viii 18, ix 26, xii 30, xv 25 (twice), 27 (twice), xvii 3, 6, xviii 5, xix 2, xx 21, xxiv 12, xxxiv 2, 5, 28, Numb, xi 16, 17, 34, xiii 22, 28, 33, xiv 43, xx 1 (twice), xxxii 26, Dt. xxxi 26, xxxiv 5, Josh, ii 22, iii 1, iv 8, 9, x 27, xxiv 26 — b) P, Gen. xi 31, xxxv 15, 27, xlviii 7, Ex. xii 13, xxix 42, xl 3, Lev. viii 31, xvi 23, Numb, ix 17 (twice), xiv 35, xix 18, xx 4, 26, 28, xxi 32 — c) D, Dt. i 28, iv 28, x 5, 6 (twice), xii 2, 5, 7, 11, 14 (twice), 21, xiii 13, xiv 23, 24, 26, xvi 2, 6, 11, xvii 12, xviii 6, 7, xxi 4, xxvi 2, 5 (twice), xxvii 5, 7, xxviii 36, 64, 65, 68, Josh, viii 32, xiv 12, xxii 10, 19, 1 Sam. vii 6, 17 (twice), 1 Kings v 23, viii 9, 16, 21 (twice), 29, 64, ix 3 (twice), xi 36, xiv 21, 2 Kings xvii 11, xxiii 27 — d) L, Numb, xxxiii 9, 14, 38, Josh, xvii 15, xviii 1, 10 — e) JK, Judg. i 7, ii 5, vi 24, vii 4, viii 27, ix 21, xiv 10, xvi 1, xvii 7, xviii 2, 10, xix 2, 4, 7, 26, xx 22, 26, 27, xxi 2, 4, 9, 1 Sam. i 3, 22, 28, iii 3, iv 4, v 11, vi 14 (twice), ix 10, x 3, 5, xi 14, 15 (3 times), xiv 11, 34, xix 3, xx 6, 19, xxi 7, 8, xxii 22, xxiii 22, 23, xxiv 4, xxvi 5, xxvii 5, xxix 4, xxx 31, xxxi 12, 2 Sam. ii 4, 18, 23 (twice), iii 27, iv 3, v 20, 21, vi 7 (twice), x 18, xi 16, xiii 38, xiv 30, 32, xv 21 (twice), 29, 32, 35, 36, xvi 14, xvii 12, 13, xviii 7 (twice), xx 1, xxi 12, xxiii 11, xxiv 25, 1 Kings i 14, 34, ii 36, iii 4, v 8, vii 7, 8, viii 8, x 20, xi 16, xiii 17, xiv 2, xvii 4, 9 (twice), 10, 19, xviii 40, xix 3, 9, 2 Kings ii 20, iv 8, 10, vi 1, 2 (twice), 10, vii 4, 5, 10, ix 2, 27, xi 16, xii 6, xiv 19, xv 20, xvi 6, xvii 25, 27, 29, xxiii 7, 16, 20, 34—0 Jer. prose, xix 2, xx 6 (twice), xxix 6, xxxii 5, xxxv 7, xxxvi 12, xxxvii 13, 16, 20, xxxviii 26, xli 1, 3, xiii 14, 15, 16 (3 times), 17, 22, xliii 2, xliv 8, 12, 14 (twice), 28 — g) Ez., i 3, iii 15 (twice), 22 (twice), 23, vi 13, viii 1, 3, 4, 14, xii 13, xiii 20, xvii 20, xx 28 (4 times), 35, 40 (3 times), 43, xxiii 3, xxix 14, xxx 18, xxxii 22, 24, 26, xxxiv 14, xxxv 10, xxxix 11 (twice), 28, xl 38, xiii 13 (twice), 14, xliii 7, xlvi 19, 20, 24, xlvii 23 — h) Ruth, i 2, 4, 17, iv 1 —i) Esra, i 4, viii 15, 21, 32 —j) Neh., i 3, 9, ii 11, x 40—k) Chr., 1 Chr. iii 4 (differs from Vorlage 2 Sam. v 5), iv 23,40,41,43, xi 4 (differs from Vorlage 2 Sam. v 6), xii 40, xxi 26, 28, 2 Chr. i 3, 6, vi 6, viii 2, xx 26, xxviii 9, 18, xxxii 21. For Chr. I have quoted only those instances which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us. For the instances where sm is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with as core a verbal form of the root qbr, see n. 436.1 take all instances of sm which are constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form or an imperative of the root sym as its core (or which are hypotactic elements in an infinitive phrase with an infinitive of that root) to have locative function; in as far as the context expresses the idea of moving, it is not done by this special element. I do this because there are no instances of smh in the same position (this fits in better

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4. Provisional discussion of the material At clause level in a verbal clause the formal opposition Adv::Advh corresponds with a functional one, namely (constituent which is neither subject nor object, the function of which, however, is not indicated more specifically)::(constituent which is neither subject nor object, but which has a function of a special local type).*450 Whereas in this chapter just one special Adv is concerned, it would be wrong to neglect a possible interplay of the indications given by the formal phenomena and the semantics of the special form involved.451 As smwith what is known about the use of sm(h) in locative function, than with what is known about it in local-terminative function (see the remarks n. 436 and p. 145)). The texts in question are: a) P, Ex. xl 3 — b) D, Dt. xii 5, 21, xiv 24, 1 Kings viii 21, ix 3, xi 36, xiv 21—c) JK, 2 Kings ii 20, iv 10—d) Ez., xx 28—e) Chr., 2 Chr. vi 11 (= 1 Kings viii 21), 20 (differs from Vorlage 1 Kings viii 29), xii 13 (= 1 Kings xiv 21). It must be acknowledged that a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a form of this root as core can have a local-terminative function, see 1 Sam. vi 11, 15, xix 13, which at least argue for this case. But this does not exclude the possibility that other constituents in the same type of context can have a locative function, see also the remarks made in n. 436 end. Also with the instances where sm is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a form of the root ysb or nwh as core, one finds a parallel situation. The instances in question are: a) JE, Ex. xxxiv 5, Numb, xi 16, Josh, iv 8 — b) P, Lev. xvi 23 — c) D, 1 Kings viii 9 — d) JK, 1 Kings xix 3 — e) Ez., xiii 13, 14 (only the 2 first mentioned instances are of the root ysb). There are no parallel instances where smh is used. Although the material is limited it does not fit in with what is known about the use of sm(h) in local-terminative instances (cf. n. 436, and p. 142). Again it must be acknowledged that verbal forms of roots meaning something like to put, to stand can be constructed with constituents with local-terminative function, cf. my remarks above and n. 436; see also Gen. xxviii 12 slm msb 'rsh, it is highly probable that 'rsh here has local-terminative function, because it always has it, see p. 41. and it seems probable that it was not used in locative function, or hardly so (see the survey n. 119). Among the locative instances I also include the one instance where sm is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a form of the root qwm as core: Josh, xxiv 26. In epigraphical material there are no instances of smh with this function against one of sm: Lachish letter iv 5. 450 Subject and object are functional indications. In a verbal clause that constituent at clause level has the so-called subject function which specifies the subject indications given by the clause core, i.e. the verbal form. By object the direct object is meant. A direct object is formally recognizable: besides the clause in question there is a possible clause expressing the same ideas, but having as core a “passive” verbal form of the same root and in which the constituent at clause level which in the other clause was object now is subject. So besides hdrag 'et-hammelek a clause is possible of the type hammelek hdrag. Unfortunately because of the relatively small corpus of texts available, we are not well informed about every possibility in this respect in the different types of classical Hebrew. To avoid all possible misunderstanding I will add to my remarks about adverbs (cf. n. 17) the following, that, considering the idea adverb as a formal one, I do not take as an adverb any nominal form preceded by a preposition, although it may have so-called adverbial function. 451 See the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, especially p. 12.

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145

as such refers semantically to a local phenomenon, it goes without saying that this fact must affect the opposition mentioned at the beginning of this paragraph, provided one is willing, as one should be, to acknowledge the interplay of formal and semantic phenomena. The Adv sm- as such refers semantically to a local phenomenon of neither the local-separative nor the local-final type. If the semantics are taken into account, this means that a possible functional opposition smwsmh is limited to the field of locative and/or local-terminative function. The same is true for the use of sm(h) as a hypotactic element in an infinitive or participle phrase. In a nominal clause (not below clause level) the formal opposition Adv::Advh corresponds with a functional one, namely (constituent which is no subject, the function of which, however, is not indicated more specificly)::(consti­ tuent which is no subject, and which has a function of a special local type).452 Again, provided that one is willing to acknowledge the interplay of formal and semantic phenomena, it goes without saying that here too the special semantics of sm- as such must affect the opposition in question. Here also a possible functional opposition smwsmh is limited to the field of locative and/or local-terminative function. The lists in § 3 of this chapter make it clear that in sufficiently large corpora of prose texts reproducing the same types of classical Hebrew prose as those represented in the prose parts of the OT, the frequency of smh in local-terminative instances must have been higher than in locative instances. Exception must be made for some prose types, the information given being so insufficient that conclusions are not possible.453 In the second of the two lists (instances with locative function) some remarkable differences in the density of smh are found454, although this density is nowhere very high. Thus, for example, the difference between the relevant density in Ez. on the one hand and the relevant density in JE, P, D and JK on the other hand, is significant, and it is worthwhile going somewhat deeper into

452 Although in many instances it is not easy to define in a nominal clause which of the core elements is subject and which predicate (see the author’s remarks, art. cit., VT xxiii, pp. 470 f., 487 f.), it is clear that an adverb cannot have the subject function, because it does not in any way give information about the “person” and therefore cannot be replaced by an independent personal pronoun. 453 Strictly speaking, one cannot express a definite opinion on the type(s) of classical Hebrew prose represented in e.g. Job-prose, Ruth, Ezra, Nehemiah. 454 For the term density, see the remarks on n. 179.

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this point. Of the 4 instances of smh in Ez. which have locative function 3 are a core element in a nominal clause (see p. 141); of the 43 instances of sm in Ez. which have the same function only 7 are a core element in a nominal clause. This means that in 30% (6.68-65.24) of the locative instances which function as a core element in a nominal clause smh is used, whereas in only 2.7% (0.07-14.16) of the other instances is smh used.455 This difference is significant: it shows that in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the same type of classical Hebrew prose as that represented in Ez. the frequency of smh for locative instances would be much higher for those instances where it was a core element in a nominal clause than for the other locative instances. This situation in Ez. makes it advisable to look into the situation with the other sm(h) instances with locative function in OT prose texts. (In the locative sm(h) material in L, Ruth and Ezra there is no instance which functions as core element in a nominal clause.) a) Instances with a locative function which are a core element in a nominal clause JE: P: D: JK : Jer.: Neh.: Chr.:

0 instances against 14 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-23.16)). against 2 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-84.19)). smh0 instances against 3 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). smh 1 instance against 22 instances of sm (4.35% (0.11-21.95)). smh 0 instances against 1 instance of sm (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). smh 0 instances against 1 instance of sm (0.0% (0.0-97.5)). smh 1 instance against 2 instances of sm (33.3% (0.84-90.57)).456 smh

smh0 instances

b) Instances with a locative function which are not a core element in a nominal clause JE:

smh 2

instances against 76 instances of sm (2.56% (0.31-8.96)).

455 For the im//-instances involved, see the description on p. 141. The 7 .?w-instances which are core elements in nominal clauses, are: Ez. viii 3, 4, xxxii 22, 24, 26, xxxix 11, xlvi 19. 456 The r^ro-instances in question are: a) JE, Gen ii 11, 12, xiii 14, xxi 17, xxix 2, xxxix 11, xli 12, xliv 14, Ex. ix 26, xii 30, xv 27,xx 21, Numb, xiii 22, xiv 43 — b) P, Ex. xii 13, Numb, xxi 32 — c) D, Josh, xiv 12, 1 Sam. vii 17, 1 Kings viii 21 — d) JK, Judg. xix 26, xx 27, xxi 9, 1 Sam. iii 3, iv 4, vi 14, ix 10, x 5, xix 3, xx 6, xxi 8, xxii 22, xxiv 4, 2 Sam. xi 16, xiv 32, 1 Kings xiv 2, 2 Kings iv 8, vii 5, 10, ix 2, xxiii 16, 20—e) Jer. prose, xxxvii 13 — 0 Neh., x 40 — g) Chr., 1 Chr. iv 41, xi 4. In some cases sm is not a core element in a nominal clause, but a paratactic element in an endo­ centric constituent, which is a core element in such a clause. In Numb, xxi 32 I take 'sr sm as a nominal clause introduced by the “signaP \sr. One of the core elements is deleted (it could have been e.g. hem) because it is presupposed by the context {h'mry)\ for comparable instances, see 2 Kings xxiii 16, 20.

THE Advh INSTANCES

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P: smh 0 instances against 15 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-21.8)). D: smh 0 instances against 49 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-7.25)). JK: smh 2 instances against 105 instances of sm (1.87% (0.23-6.59)). Jer.: smh 1 instance against 25 instances of sm (3.84% (0.1-19.63)). Neh.: smh 0 instances against 3 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-70.76)). Chr.: smh 0 instances against 15 instances of sm (0.0% (0.0-21.8)).

Unfortunately the material available is in many instances insuffi­ cient for us to be able to draw conclusions, yet in some respects, this is possible. As has been seen, the frequency of locative iw/z-instances in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the type of classical Hebrew prose represented in Ez., must have been higher for those instances where sm(h) was a core element in a nominal clause than for other instances. A comparable situation could probably457 be found in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the type of classical Hebrew prose represented in Chr. (at least in those parts not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us). But a comparable situation would not be found in a sufficiently large corpus of texts reproducing the type of classical Hebrew prose represented in JE.458 The differences in percentages of locative iwA-instances which are not a core element in a nominal clause (and their possible significance) in the different types of classical Hebrew prose will be discussed below, cf. pp. 210f, 213f. From the survey of local-terminative -instances (p. 142) it emerges that the different types of classical Hebrew prose show significant differences in their percentage of iwA-instances. In suffi­ ciently large corpora of texts reproducing the types of classical Hebrew prose represented in JE, P, D and L, the percentage of the localterminative instances where smh, but not sm is used must have been considerably higher than the percentage of smh in comparable instances in sufficiently large corpora of texts reproducing the types of classical Hebrew prose represented in JK, Jer., Ez. and probably Neh. (Some types of classical Hebrew prose are not mentioned here because the material available is too small to allow any valid conclusion.) The percentage of iwA-instances with local-terminative function in Jer. prose is remarkable. It is not easy to interpret this fact. In 5 of the 457 Unfortunately the number of instances in the text of Chr. where sm(h) is a core element in a nominal clause is too small to allow a more definite conclusion. 458 Unfortunately the information given in list a) about P, D, Jer. prose, and Neh. is insufficient to permit a conclusion to be drawn about sufficiently large corpora reproducing the same types of classical Hebrew prose represented in these texts. The same is true for the types of classical Hebrew prose represented in the text of JK.

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9 zero-instances (xxix 14, 18, xxxii 37, xl 12, xliii 5), sm is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root ndh (the 2 instances of smh with local-terminative function are not found in this type of verbal clause). It is quite possible that this fact is significant and that in verbal clauses of this type the percentage of smh in local-terminative instances was lower than in other verbal clauses, at least in a type of classical Hebrew prose comparable to that in Jeremiah. Yet the material available does not allow a more definite conclusion to be drawn; cf. also n. 579.459 Although, in many instances, there must remain uncertainties, it is clear that the functional indications given by the use of smh were different in different types of classical Hebrew prose. In a type of classical Hebrew prose such as that in JE the use of smh indicated that one most probably was dealing with a constituent with local-terminative function, but the possibility that it was a constituent with locative function could not be excluded (the final decision on this point is made on other criteria, e.g. the meaning of the context). It is very difficult to decide whether in such a type of classical Hebrew prose the use of sm indicated that one was dealing with a constituent with locative function or whether the possibility that it was one with a local-terminative function could not be ruled out.460 There are no indications that in types of classical Hebrew prose like those represented in P, D and L the situation was much different.461 In a type or types 459 The material outside Jer. prose does not help to solve the problem. The instances in question are: Dt. xxx 1, Jer. xvi 15, xlvi 28 (3 instances of smh), Jer. viii 3, xxiii 3, 8, xxiv 9, Ez. iv 13, Dan. ix 7 (instances of sm), cf. also Ez. xl 38. One might think that in the 5 instances in Jer. prose smh is not used because sm- refers here to people (cf. p. 102). The only other instance in Jer. prose where sm- refers to people (xxx 11) also does not have the ending under study. Nevertheless, this solution is not convincing because elsewhere, where sm- refers to a living being or a group of living beings, one finds the following picture: a) Dt., 2 instances of smh (Dt. iv 27, xxviii 37), none of sm — b) Ez., 2 instances of smh (xxix 13, xxxvi 21) and 5 of sm (vi 9, xii 16, xxxvi 20, 22, xxxvii 21; perhaps 1 Kings xviii 10 should be added, 1 instance of sm). The situation in D is especially significant (for relevant instances in Ez. referring to people, cf. pp. 102 f). 460 In view of the relatively small number of instances available one cannot exclude the possibility that in such a type of classical Hebrew prose sm could be used in localterminative function, the more so because one cannot avoid the impression that in some instances the density of sm was very low. 461 The difference is that in types of classical Hebrew prose like those represented in P and D sm is attested as a constituent with local-terminative function (there are no indications that the same was the case in L, but the material is very limited). This means that in instances where sm is used in these prose types, clearly no absolute indication is given that one is dealing with a constituent with locative function. The use of smh in these prose types (the material in L is again too limited) is not attested in

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of classical Hebrew prose like those represented in JK there is one difference: the use of sm gave as such no clear indication whether one was dealing with a constituent with local-terminative or locative function. In a type of classical Hebrew prose like that represented in Ez. another element plays a role, namely whether‘Or not sm(h) is a core element in a nominal clause. When this is not the case, the use of smh indicated that one probably was dealing with a con­ stituent with local-terminative function, but the possibility that it was a constituent with locative function could not be ruled out;462 the use of sm in these circumstances gave no clear indication whether one was dealing with a constituent with locative or local-terminative function.463 When in such a type of classical Hebrew prose sm(h) was used as a core element in a nominal clause, the formal opposition smwsmh probably did not correspond with a real functional one.464 In a type of classical Hebrew prose such as that represented in the prose parts of Jer., the use of smh probably indicated that one was dealing with a constituent with local-terminative function, but the possibility that one was dealing with a constituent with locative function could not be ruled out (the final decision being made on other criteria); the use of sm probably gave no certain indication whether one was dealing with a constituent with local-terminative or locative function.465 In a type of classical Hebrew prose like that represented in those parts of Chr. which are not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, the situation was probably comparable to that of Ez. as far as the functional indication given by the use of sm and locative function. Yet what has been said in the preceding note about the low density of sm with local-terminative function is also valid here for smh with locative function. There is not enough material for us to decide whether a distinction must be drawn here between the instances where sm- is a core element in a nominal clause and where it is not, cf. pp. 146f. 462 There is at least one instance in Ez. where smh is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause and has a locative function: Ez. xxiii 3. 463 In all probability the density of sm in this type of context was higher as a constituent with locative function than as a constituent with local-terminative function. But yet it was used so often in the last-mentioned function that this does not really affect the indication as described here. 464 In this type of context the use of smh (as far as Ez. is concerned) in only locative function is attested. The percentage-differences are not so great that they affect this conclusion. The same is true for the use of sm. Cf. the lists and discussions on pp. 145ff. 465 There is insufficient material for us to decide whether, for Jer. prose, a distinction must be drawn between the instances where sm- is a core element in a nominal clause and where it is not, cf. pp. 146f. If it were necessary, it could affect this conclusion.

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smh is concerned.466 It goes without saying that in the different types of classical Hebrew prose treated here the formal opposition sm wsmh did not always correspond with a same type of functional opposition. On the consequences which can be drawn from this fact—taking also into account that such a functional opposition is limited to the field of locative and local-terminative function—, see p. 214. Other points in relation with the use oi sm(h) will also be discussed below (pp. 209f., 225 f., 234, 241 f.). 5. Additional remarks The question remains whether there were other instances of the opposition Adv::Advh besides the opposition smw.smh. With 'n(h) such an opposition existed in at least one of the known types of classical Hebrew prose. There remain some difficulties. In prose only 1 instance of 'n is found (JK, 1 Sam. x 14; constituent with local-terminative function). All instances of 'nh in prose (with 1 exception) are also constituents with local-terminative function: JE 4 instances (Gen. xvi 8, xxxii 18, xxxvii 30, Josh, ii 5), D 1 instance (Dt. i 28), JK 4 instances (Judg. xix 17, 2 Sam. ii 1, xiii 13, 2 Kings vi 6), Ez. 1 instance (xxi 21), Neh. 1 instance (ii 16). The locative instance occurs in Ruth ii 19. One can add the combination 'nh w'nh with local-terminative function, 3 times in JK: 1 Kings ii 36, 42, 2 Kings v 25; the prepositional phrase 'd-'nh functioning as temporal-final constituent: Ex. xvi 28, Numb, xiv 11 (twice), Josh, xviii 3;467 and probably the prepositional phrase m'n, a constituent with localseparative function: 2 Kings v 25.468 Before I discuss this, it seems right also to consider some related material. In the texts concerned, no opposition hn w.hnh is attested, only the latter form occurs. It once 466 I make no comments here about the types of classical Hebrew prose represented in Ruth, Ezra and Neh., because the available material is too limited to allow conclusions to be drawn about a functional opposition between sm and smh. 467 Outside the prose material discussed here the picture is as follows. There are 8 instances of 'nh : Is. x 3, Jer. xv 2, Zech. ii 6, v 10, Ps. cxxxix 7 (twice), Cant, vi 1 (twice). There are 9 instances of ’d-'nh: Jer. xlvii 6, Hab. i 2, Ps. xiii 2 (twice), 3 (twice), Ixii 4, Job xviii 2, xix 2 and 1 instance of 'd-'n: Job viii 2. For the functional aspects in these texts, see the discussion on pp. 182f. The 'd-'nh instances in prose belong to the following types, Josh, xviii 3 to L and the 3 others possibly to D. 468 In this text the Ketib has m'n, but the Qere m'yn. Whereas 'n has the meaning where?, I prefer to follow the Ketib, although elsewhere the idea of whence? is expressed by m'yn: Gen. xxix 4, xiii 7, Numb, xi 13, etc. I realize, however, that one cannot speak on this point with any form of absolute certainty.

THE Advh INSTANCES

151

has locative function (JE, Gen. xxi 23); in many instances it has localterminative function: JE 6 instances (Gen. xv 16, xiii 15, xlv 5, 8, 13, Josh, ii 2), D 2 instances (Josh, iii 9, 2 Sam. v 6), JK 3 instances (Judg. xvi 2, 2 Sam. i 10, xiv 32), Jer. prose 1 instance (xxxi 8), Ez. 1 instance (xl 4), Chr. 2 instances (1 Chr. xi 5 (= 2 Sam. v 6), 2 Chr. xxviii 13; see also hnh ... (w)hnh (JE 1 instance: Josh, viii 20; JK 3 instances: 2 Kings ii 8, 14, iv 35) and mmk whnh (JK, 1 Sam. xx 21); the prepositional phrase 'd-fwh is a constituent with a) local-final function (JK 2 instances: 2 Sam. xx 16, 2 Kings viii 7) and b) temporal-final function (JE 2 instances: Gen. xv 16, xliv 28; D 2 instances: Numb, xiv 19, 1 Sam. vii 12;469 JK 1 instance : Judg. xvi 13).470 An opposition hl'whl'h is not attested either, only the latter form occurs. It is a) a con­ stituent with local-terminative function (JE 1 instance: Gen. xix 9; P 1 instance: Numb, xvii 2; JK 3 instances: 1 Sam. x 3, xx 22, 37) and b) with locative function: Numb, xxxii 19 (JE) — c) a constituent with temporal-final function (P 2 instances: Lev. xxii 27, Numb, xv 23; JK 1 instance: 1 Sam. xviii 9; Ez. 2 instances: xxxix 22, xliii 27). Moreover in the texts concerned the prepositional phrase mhl'k occurs with local-separative function (JE 1 instance: Gen. xxxv 21).471 The absence of an opposition hnwhnh and an opposition hl'y.hrh in the texts concerned is supporting evidence that it is not mere chance that there are so few instances of 'n and so relatively many of 'nh in OT prose.472 473 The occurrence of 4 instances of 'd-'nh also supports this case (see in this connection also the 7 instances of 'd-hnh).*13 Probably it is no mere chance either that only 1 locative instance of 'nh is attested (Ruth ii 19) and relatively many of 'n(h) with local-terminative function and that one finds a corresponding situation with hnh (locative “exception”: Gen. xxi 23) and with hl'h (no locative “exception”). In sufficiently large corpora of classical Hebrew prose reproducing the known types of prose, the locative use of 'nh, hnh and hl'h would consequently be limited. This probably would be so because, especially for the corresponding locative instances, 469 It is not certain whether Numb, xiv 19 really is D. 470 For the picture outside the prose material discussed here, see p. 183. I do not understand why the instance Jer. xxxi 8 should have to be vocalized differently, against e.g. KB2 sub voce. 471 For the picture outside the prose material discussed here, see p. 183. 472 One is dealing here with words which are closely related semantically. 473 See the fact, too, that pNh occurs very rarely and only with a noun of which Nh reaches a density of 100% in certain types of classical Hebrew prose. On this point, see the discussion on pp. 199ff.

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many other words were available which referred to the same phe­ nomena,474 whereas, for the local-terminative instances, this was not the case, at least not to the same extent. The fact that a formal oppositional group like 'n:: 'nh was almost entirely limited to the field of local-terminative function only must have had its consequences. It could not have a corresponding functional opposition, or only a weak one, for the very reason that it was limited to such a narrow field of function. The near or entire absence of a functional opposition must have weakened the possibilities of the continued existence of the formal one.475 Thus, it goes without saying that the functional opposition corresponding to the formal one smwsmh was different from that corresponding to the formal one 'nw'nh in those types of classical Hebrew prose where the latter opposition occurred, although both sm- and 'n- are Adv and both refer to a local phenomenon.476 Of mV-, which in the types of classical Hebrew prose for which it is attested can as a rule be considered as an Adv, although originally it probably was a nominal form,477 478 there are two forms attested: mV and m'lh. Yet one must be very careful of speaking of the formal opposition m'lw.m'lh. For the form mV is only attested preceded by the preposition mn*ls whereas the form m'lh is only attested either

474 See adverbs like 'e(-ze), 'ayye, ekd (2 Kings vi 13) and 'epo. 475 In as far as V refers to a local phenomenon, its field of functional indication is already limited, as is the case with sm-, see the discussion on p. 145. It goes without saying that if of the remaining functional possibilities, namely local-terminative and locative, only or almost only the first-mentioned is used, the already limited possibilities for functional opposition are almost completely lost. See also the discussion on sm, p. 214. 476 Compare the conclusions on the functional opposition corresponding with the formal one smwsmh on pp. 144f., with that corresponding with the formal one 'nw'nh as described here. For the importance of the interplay of the indications given by formal phenomena and those given by the semantics of the form involved, see also the preceding note. 477 Outside prose there is only one instance where mV could be considered as still being a nominal form, namely Sir. xxvi 16 mrwmy m'l (so e.g. KB* sub voce). This is not absolute proof, however, that m'l still functioned as a nominal form in some type of classical Hebrew, because an adverb can also be rectum in a status-constructus group, cf. e.g. JoOon, op. cit., par. 129 1. In prose material there is 1 instance where m'lh functions as regens in a status-constructus group, Esra ix 6: Im'lh r's, in this case it does not function as an adverb, cf. also my remarks in n. 17. It is a difficult question, and one I shall not go into here, at what stage a morpheme which originally is a nominal form, but which “becomes” an adverb, can still be considered as a nominal form and at what stage it is to be considered an adverb. The outcome of this study is not influenced by the answer to this, in itself, important question. 478 Cf. e.g. Gen. xxii 9, Ex. xx 4, xxviii 27, xxxix 20, Lev. xi 21, Dt. iv 39, etc.

THE A^h INSTANCES

153

not preceded by a preposition or preceded by the preposition / or by the prepositional combination mn + A479 480 Thus, a formal opposition m'l ..m'lh as such does not exist (or at least is not attested), whereas a formal opposition pm'lr.pm'lh as such does exist. But a description of the functional opposition which perhaps corresponded to this last mentioned formal one is more or less meaningless, because in this material m'l is never preceded by the same prepositional combination) as m'lh.*80 479 For m'lh, cf. Ex. xxx 14, xxxviii 26, Lev. xxvii 7, Numb, i 3, 18, etc., for Im'lh, cf. Ex. xxv 20, xxxvii 9, Dt. xxviii 13, Judg. vii 13, 2 Kings xix 30 and for mlm'lh, cf. Gen. vi 16, vii 20, Ex. xxv 21, xxvi 14, xxxvi 19, etc. 480 Besides m'ljm'lh there is mdttd, its semantic counterpart. The ending of this word is the same as that of md'ld and its historical origin is probably also the same. But I shall not treat this word here, because there was no formal opposition between mdtta and a form without the ending -d, at least not as far as can be judged from the available text or from the vocalization. For the background to this decision, see also the remarks made on p. 8.

CHAPTER TEN

THE USE OF THE ENDING UNDER CONSIDERATION IN THE NON-NARRATIVE MATERIAL 1. Introductory remarks As has already been said,481 the non-narrative material does not form a unity from a linguistic standpoint. First of all, a distinction has to be made between poetic and narrative material. In the second place, there is the non-narrative prophetic material which in itself does not form a linguistic unity: a part of it reproduces the type of language a reproduction of which is also found in the poetic texts, another part reproduces a type of language which is more or less identical with a type of language a reproduction of which is also found in narrative texts, and yet other parts reproduce types of language which are neither identical with the type reproduced in poetic texts nor with any type reproduced in narrative material, but which have to be placed somewhere “between” poetic and narrative language. For these reasons it seems best to treat the poetic and prophetic material separately.482 2. The poetic instances In the following lists it will be shown to which nominal, and other, forms the ending under study is attached. 7. Nh instances 'ymh (Ex. xv 16), rv (Job xxxiv 13), hyt (Ps. Ixviii 7), hws (Prov. v 16), ysw'h (Jonah ii 10), mwt (Ps. cxvi 15), nhl (Ps. cxxiv 4), '(w)lh (Ez. xxviii 15, Ps. xcii 16, Job v 16),483 zr/? (Ps. xliv 27, Ixiii 8, xciv 17). Total: 13 instances. 481 See the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 80fT. and also his remarks, Verbale Vragen, p. 37 n. 34. 482 Daniel (i.e. its Hebrew part) will be treated separately on pp. 184f. For the decision on what is to be considered poetry, see the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 50 f. 483 In Job v 16 one finds '1th instead of 'with, and the same form occurs in the Ketib of Ps. xcii 16. The reason is probably diphthong contraction, cf. the vocalization 'dla Is. Ixi 8, and 'dldt Pss. Iviii 3, Ixiv 7.

THE USE OF THE ENDING IN THE NON-NARRATIVE MATERIAL 155

2. pNh instances ysw'h (Ps. Ixxx 3), 'wlh (Ps. cxxv 3), srh (Ps. cxx 1). Total: 3 instances. 3. NxNh instances ysw'h (Ps. iii 3).484 Total: 1 instance. 4. pNxNh instances 'rs (Job xxxvii 12), 'ph (Job x 22).485 Total: 2 instances. 5. Nmh instances pnym (Ps. xlv 14). Total: 1 instance. 6. pN°h instances fwl (Ps. ix 18). Total: 1 instance. 7. Advh instances sm (Ps Ixxvi 4, cxxii 5, Cant, viii 5 (twice)). Total: 4 instances.486 3. The instances from non-narrative prophetic material 1. Nh instances byt (Is. xiv 17), grn (Micah iv 12), hws (Is. xxxiii 7), ym (Is. xi 14, Zech. xiv 4), mdbr (Is. xvi 1), mzmh (Jer. xi 15),487 mzrh (Zech. xiv 4), ngb (Zech. xiv 4), swph (Hos. viii 7), 'wlh (Hos. x 13), spwn (Jer. iii 12, xlvi 6, Zech. xiv 4), qdym (Hab. i 9), s'r (Is. xxii 7, xxviii 6). Total: 17 instances. 2. pNh instances m'rb (Is. xlv 6). Total: 1 instance. 3. NhxN0 instances 'rs (Is. viii 23, twice). Total: 2 instances. 4. pNxNh instances spwn (Jer. i 13, xxiii 8). Total: 2 instances.

484 I have taken 'yn in this text as a nominal form because here there is still an absolute-construct paradigm ('dyinr.'en), albeit that the form 'dyin occurs relatively rarely. Compare my remarks in n. 17. 485 Here I take together the end of v. 21 with the beginning of v. 22 : 'l('rs hsk wslmwt// 'rs 'pth...). Strictly speaking one is dealing here with a paratactic element which is part of an endocentric constituent preceded by a preposition. 486 For the instances of sm(h) in Ecclesiastes, cf. pp. 183f. For the discussion on 'n(h), cf. pp. 182f. 487 In Jer. xi 15 mzmth is preceded by the article.

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5. pNx(Nx(NxNh)) instances spwn (Jer. i 15). Total: 1 instance. 6. N°h instances ’iwr (Is. xix 23), bbl (Is. xliii 14), hrmn (Amos iv 3),488 lys (Is. x 30), prt (Jer. xiii 4, 6, 7), sywn (Jer. iv 6), qyr (Amos i 5), s'l (Is. vii 11), skm (Hos. vi 9), trsys (Is. xxiii 6). Total: 12 instances. 7. pN°h instances yhs (Jer. xlviii 21). Total: 1 instance. 8. Advh instances sm (Is. vii 24,25, xxii 18 (twice), xxxiv 15, Iv 10, Ixv 9, Jer. xiii 7, xvi 15, xviii 2, xxii 27, xlvi 28, Hos. ii 17, Joel iv 7, 11). Total: 15 instances. 4. Function In this paragraph a distinction between poetic and “prophetic” non-narrative material will be also made, cf. pp. 2, 154. a) The poetic material 1. The Nh instances In poetic material Nh functions as a) a core element in a nominal clause : Jonah ii 10, Ps. xcii 16, xciv 17—b) the core in an endocentric constituent which functions as a core element in a nominal clause: Ps. cxvi 15—c) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause: Ez. xxviii 15, Ps. xliv 27, Ixiii 8, cxxiv 4, Prov. v 16, Job v 16, xxxiv 13488 489—d) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent which functions at clause level in a verbal clause: Ex. xv 16; type (Nh//wN) — e) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase: Ps. Ixviii 7. In one instance, Nh is a constituent with locative function : Prov. v 16. In one other instance, it could be described as a constituent with locative function (Ps. Ixviii 7), but it would be wrong to consider it as strictly locative.490 In the other 11 instances, Nh is a constituent with no 488 The interpretation of hhrmnh as nomen loci is not completely certain. For proposals for emendation, see e.g. KB1 sub voce. 489 In Ps. Ixiii 8 the clause core is a verbal form of the root hyh, in Ps. xliv 27 it is an imperative. 490 From the context it is clear that here byt- refers to the context of a household: the solitary one will not be lonely anymore, just as the prisoners will not be in prison any longer. As far as byt- is concerned the situation here is comparable with that of hws- in Dt. xxv 5 and Judg. xii 9; see the discussion on pp. 27, 31.

THE USE OF THE ENDING IN THE NON-NARRATIVE MATERIAL 157

local function at all.491 In 4 instances it is the subject in a verbal clause: Ex. xv 16, Ez. xxviii 15, Ps. cxxiv 4, Job v 16, in 3 instances in a nominal clause: Jonah ii 10, Ps. xcii 16, cxvi 15 and in one instance it functions as the object in a verbal clause: Job xxxiv 13. In one instance it is the predicate in a nominal clause492 (Ps. xciv 17) and in 2 instances a complement other than the object in a verbal clause (Ps. xliv 27, Ixiii 8).493 In the 3 last-mentioned instances, the Nh can be described as having a terminative function, but it must be stressed that there is here no question at all of foca/-terminative function.494 2. The pNh instances In poetic material, pNh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Ps. Ixxx 3, cxxv 3)495 and b) the core element in such a constituent (Ps. cxx 1). In these 3 instances it has no local function at all. In Ps. Ixxx 3 it could be described as having terminative function, but here also there is no question of /oozZ-terminative function.496 In Ps. cxx 1, cxxv 3 it could be described as having a situational function; there is no question of any locative function, unless one uses the word locative in a meaning completely different from its real one.497

491 Here I shall not go into the different types of non-local function in detail; what is important for this study is that it is a non-local function. 492 A core element in a nominal clause can have a subject- and a predicate-function. Although it is not always easy to decide whether one is dealing with the one function or the other, it seems probable that here one is dealing with a predicate function; compare my remarks, n. 452. 493 In this study I generally speak about the function (i.e. the local function) which a certain element has as such. The local function of the morphemes with the ending under study is generally not dependent on the level at which the morphemes function nor on their syntagmatic relations. Therefore function which is determined, at least partly, by level or syntagmatic relations does not often enter this study. An exception to this occurs here, because the object-function is dependent on a certain functional level and on a certain syntagmatic relation. 494 For this reason it would be wrong to say that because, in many instances in prose Nh has a terminative function and the Nh in these 3 instances also has terminative function all these instances of Nh belong functionally in the same category. One can say so only if one neglects the fact that there is no functional overlap between both groups and if one is willing to use the word terminative in a vague and inexact way. See also n. 497. 495 In Ps. Ixxx 3 the clause core is an imperative. 496 See also the discussion in n. 494. 497 In that case the terminology used would be as misleading as the use of the word terminative as described in n. 494.

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3. The NxNh instance This one instance of NxNh functions as a core element in a nominal clause (Ps. iii 3). It has no local function whatever: it is the subject in a nominal clause.498 4. The pNxNh instances In poetic material pNxNh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Job xxxvii 12) and b) a paratactic element in a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Job x 22; type (p(...//NxNh) i hypotactic element)). It has a) local-terminative function (Job x 22) and b) locative function (Job xxxvii 12). 5. The Nmh instance The only instance (Ps. xlv 14) functions as a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause. It has no local function at all; on this point, see p. 165. 6. The pN°h instance The only instance (Ps. ix 18) functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. It has local-terminative function. 7. The Advh instances In all instances in poetic material Advh is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause. In all instances it has locative function: Ps. Ixxvi 4, cxxii 5, Cant, viii 5 (twice). b) The non-narrative prophetic material 1. The Nh instances In this material Nh functions as a) a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Is. xi 14, xiv 17, xxii 7, xxxiii 7, Jer. iii 12, Hos. viii 7, x 13, Micah iv 12, Zech xiv 4 (twice))—b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent functioning at clause level in a verbal clause; one finds the following types: 1) (Nh//...): Is. xvi 1, Jer. xlvi 6; 2) (Nh//wNh): Zech. xiv 4;—c) a core element in a nominal clause (Hab. i 9) — d) a hypotactic element in an infinitive phrase (Jer. xi 15) and e) a hypotactic element in a participle phrase (Is. xxviii 6). In 8 instances it has local-terminative function (Is. xvi 1, xxviii 6,499 Jer. iii 12, Micah iv 12, Zech. xiv 4 (4 times)). In one other 498 It goes without saying that a form which functions as subject in a nominal clause cannot have a local function as well, because a form which has a local function cannot be replaced by an independent personal pronoun, see also n. 452. 499 On this verse, see n. 502.

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instance it could be described as local-terminative (Is. xiv 17), but it would be wrong to consider it as strictly local-terminative.500 In 4 instances it has locative function (Is. xi 14,501 xxii 7,502 xxxiii 7, Jer. xlvi 6). In 4 instances it has no local function whatever: in 3 of them it is an object (Jer. xi 15, Hos. viii 7, x 13), in one instance it probably has comparative function (Hab. i 9).503 2. The pNh instance The only instance (Is. xlv 6) functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (type (pNxN// wpNh)). It has locative function. 3. The NhxN0 instances Both instances (Is. viii 23) function as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (type (NhxN0// NhxN0)). They have no local function whatever: both are objects. 4. The pNxNh instances In prophetic non-narrative material, pNxNh functions as a) a core element in a nominal clause (Jer. i 13) and b) a paratactic element in 500 In the context it seems probable that byt- here does not refer only to the house as such, but also to the family; on this context, see also the remarks on Ps. Ixviii 7, in n. 490, and the references given there. 501 It seems less probable that ymh here has a local-terminative function. The clause in which it stands is in contrastive parallelism to the next one; both clauses speak of successful attacks made by Judah and Ephraim together on ennemies (for the form of the root 'wp used in the first clause, cf. also Hab. i 8). The difference between what is stated in each clause is expressed by the ymh in the first clause and the qdm in the second one. As the bny-qdm in the second clause clearly refers to those who live in the East (there is no local-terminative feature whatever present here), it seems probable that the ymh in the first clause has to be taken in a locative sense; one clause tells what happens in the east, the other what happens in the west. See also p. 169. 502 The locative interpretation of hs'rh offered here is not absolutely certain. If it is right, it would indicate a special type of locativity : at the gate (cf. also the discussion on p. 169). It is possible to defend the interpretation against the gate (cf. stw 'ly in Ps. iii 7); in this connection one also has to consider the fact that in certain prophetic texts (as in poetic texts) Nh is used in a way which differs completely from that in which it is used in prose texts, see the discussion on pp. 162f. If the interpretation at the gate is right, one could also defend this interpretation for the s'rh in Is. xxviii 6, where it also would fit the context instead of the local-terminative interpretation I have proposed. 503 Unfortunately, the interpretation of the context is difficult, especially that of the word mgmt, for which I cannot propose any interpretation which is absolutely convincing. Yet it is clear that an attack by the Chaldeans is described here. For this reason an interpretation of qdymh as eastward does not fit the context (an interpretation as forward is not free from arbitrariness). The only interpretation which makes sense is that the attack of the Chaldeans is compared with the east wind often described as scorching and violent, cf. e.g. Gen. xli 6, 23, 27, Hos. xiii 15, Jonah iv 8.

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an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Jer. xxiii 8). In both instances it has local-separative function.504 5. The pNx (Nx(NxNh) ) instance The only instance (Jer. i 15) is a hypotactic element in a participle phrase. It is probably an object.505 6. The N°h instances In prophetic non-narrative material, N°h functions as a) a consti­ tuent at clause level in a verbal clause (Is. xxiii 6, xliii 14, Jer. iv 6, xiii 4, 6, 7, Hos. vi 9, Amos i 5, iv 3)506 — b) a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (Is. vii 11, xix 23; type (...//N°h)) 507 — c) a hypotactic element in an imperative phrase (Is. x 30).508 It has in 7 instances local-terminative function (Is. xxiii 6, xliii 14, Jer. xiii 4, 6, 7, Amos i 5, iv 3) and in 3 instances locative function (Is. vii 11, Jer. iv 6,509 Hos. vi 9). In one instance

504 In Jer. i 13 mpny spwnh could as such be interpreted as meaning at the north side. Yet this is less probable in view of its explanation in Jer. i 14 where the mspwn referring to it clearly has a local-separative function. I take pnyw as meaning its appearance, cf. e.g. Ps. xxi 10. 505 For Ikl-msphwt mmlkwt spwnh being an object to qr' (meaning inviting, summoning), cf. the instances where this root with this meaning is not followed by a prepositional phrase but by an V-phrase: Gen. xli 8, 14, 1 Sam. iii 16, xxii 11, etc. and the fact that those invited/summoned can be indicated by a passive participle: 1 Sam. ix 13, 22, 2 Sam. xv 11, 1 Kings i 41, 49, Zeph. i 7, Prov. ix 18, Esth. v 12. If one takes the prepositional phrase in question as having terminative function, one must be aware of the fact that msphwt mmlkwt spwnh refers to groups of human beings and does not have the special semantic component discussed above (p. 35). Thus the terminativity in question is not terminativity directed to a fixed place and differs in this respect from that in nearly all instances of local-terminativity discussed above; see also pp. 102f. 506 In Is. xxiii 6, Jer. iv 6, xiii 4, 6 the clause core is an imperative. In Hos. vi 9 one can also take skmh to be a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent at clause level. The endocentric constituent in question is an interrupted one: (drk...Hskmh). 507 In Is. xix 23 the constituent in question is (mmsryml/'swrh). I regard the last element as having local-final function; for comparable instances, cf. nn. 91, 348 (see also the context). For the fact that the constituent in question has to be regarded as an endocentric constituent consisting of 2 paratactic elements, see the remarks made p. 26 (n. 61), p. 28 (n. 71). 508 The imperative phrase in question is hqsyby lysh, which can be described as {hqsyb(-y lysh)). According to the formal rules for describing the relation between the elements in an endocentric constituent, (-y lysh) is an endocentric constituent consisting of a core (-y) and a hypotactic element (lysh), because -y has the same distribution as the constituent in question and lysh clearly has not (on this point, see also n. 41). 509 I interpret sywnh in this text as on Sion (= the Temple-hill) on the grounds of the comparable text Is. xiii 2, where an ensign is set up on the high mountain, and which also has a comparable context.

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it has local-final function (Is. xix 23).510 In Is. x 30 it has no local function whatever.511 7. The pN°h instance The only instance (Jer. xlviii 21) is a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent (type (...//wpN0h//w...// etc.))512 which in its turn functions as a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent functioning at clause level in a verbal clause. It has local-terminative function. 8. The Advh instances In the prophetic non-narrative material, Advh mostly functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (14 instances).513 In one instance (Is. xxii 18) it functions as a core element in a nominal clause. In 8 instances it has local-terminative function (Is. vii 24, 25, Iv 10, Jer. xvi 15, xxii 27, xlvi 28, Joel iv 7, 11), in 7 instances it has locative function (Is. xxii 18 (twice), xxxiv 15, Ixv 9, Jer. xiii 7,514 xviii 2, Hos. ii 17). 5. Provisional discussion of the material a) The poetic material In this special chapter no list of zero-instances has been given as was however the case for many instances in the prose material. It is impossible to give a well-defined functional definition of Nh, for example, in the poetic material as it was however for most of the prose. For that reason it is also extremely difficult, if not impossible, to determine which instances can be considered a zero-instance and which not. In only 6 of the 20 instances in classical Hebrew poetry where the ending under consideration is attached to a nominal form, is it attached

510 For this text, see the remarks in n. 507. 511 For this text, see also the remarks in n. 508. 512 The last paratactic element is w'l kl-'ry 'rs mw'b hrhqwt whqrbwt (v. 24). The endocentric constituent consisting of many paratactic elements, the first of which is 'l-hlwn, itself stands in parataxis to the preceding 'l-'rs hmysr (v. 21). 513 In Joel iv 11 the clause core is an imperative. 514 I have taken the smh in this text to have locative function, because with verbal forms (/imperatives/infinitives/participles) of tmn, the place where the object is hidden is often introduced by the preposition b (Josh, ii 6, vii 21, 22, Ex. ii 12, Is. ii 10, Jer. xiii 4, 5, xliii 9, Ps. cxlii 4, Job xviii 10, xxxi 33, xl 13) and never with the prepositions / or 7.

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to a nominal form to which it is also attached in the available classical Hebrew prose texts (Ps. xlv 14, Ixviii 7, cxxiv 4, Prov. v 16, Job xxxiv 13, xxxvii 12; the nominal forms in question are 7?, byt, hws, nhl and pnym). In the other 14 instances it is attached to nominal forms (ymh, ysw'h, mwt, 'wlh, 'zrh, 'ph and srh) which do not have the semantic component which is shared by those nominal forms to which the ending under consideration is attached in the prose material (with only 1 exception: hsml in Ez. viii 2, see p. 88). The semantic characteristics of those 7 nominal forms even exclude the possibility that e.g. an Nh, a pNh, an NhxN, in which the N to which the ending under consideration is attached is one of those 7, could have any local function whatever.515 Looking at the material in a more detailed way, the following picture emerges. In 4 of the 13 Nh instances the ending under consideration is attached to a noun to which it could also be attached in prose. There is only one even of these 4 instances in which the Nh has a strictly local function: Prov. v 16. In one other instance Nh has local features but has no strictly local function (Ps. Ixviii 7); there are 2 comparable instances in prose: Dt. xxv 5 and Judg. xii 9.516 The 2 others (Ps. cxxiv 4, Job xxxiv 13) have no local function whatever: they are respectively subject and object in a verbal clause. It goes without saying that of the remaining 9 instances none can even have a local function because of the semantic characteristics of the nominal forms in question (see above). This situation differs completely from that found in prose texts. There, of the 367 instances of Nh, only 4 have no local function whatever (Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice), Ez. xlvii 19), moreover one functions as a casus pendens (Ez. xlvii 19) and the 3 others function as a core element in a nominal clause.517 Of the 11 (out of a total of 13) instances of Nh in classical Hebrew poetry which have no local function, there are only 4 which function as a core element in a nominal clause (or as the core in such an element): 515 A local function in the strict sense of the word can be attributed to an N, a pN(h), an Nh, etc. only if the noun in question somehow has a semantic feature of a local type. This does not mean that an N(h), a pN(h), etc. of such a noun must necessarily have a local function, see the remarks made about the relation between local meaning and local function, n. 47. 5.6 See also the remarks made on p. 27 (n. 64) and p. 31 (n. 85). 5.7 For the discussion of these points, see pp. 54ff. The fact is significant that in prose material 3 of the 4 instances of Nh which have no local function whatever function as a core element in a nominal clause; see p. 55. See also comparable instances on pp. 85, 130.

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Ps. xcii 16, xciv 17, cxvi 15, Jonah ii 10. There are no instances in this poetry where Nh is a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause.518 In the remaining 7 instances one is dealing with constituents at clause level in a verbal clause. Even in the one instance (Prov. v 16) where Nh has a strictly local function (a locative one) there is no absolute correspondence with the situation in prose texts.519 In all locative instances of hws in classical Hebrew prose, where an Nh of this noun is used, it refers to the outside', the locative instances in question all have the meaning at the outside, etc. (in Dt. xxv 5 only it means outside the family). In Prov. v 16 hwsh has the meaning on the street, outside, the noun referring to street, what is out-of-doors. There are some additional facts which underline still more strongly the difference between prose and poetry. Not only is an Nh in poetic material mostly used in instances where it would not have been used in prose, it is never used in poetic material in those instances where it could or would have been used in prose. The instances in question are: 1) 'rs local-terminative instances:520 Ez. xix 12, xxviii 17, xxxii 4, Ps. Ixxxix 45, Job xvi 13, Lam. ii 1, 2, 10, ll.521 Total: 9 instances. 2) hws local-terminative instances: Ps. xli 7. Total: 1 instance. 3) qdm local-terminative instances: Job xxiii 8. Total: 1 instance. 4) tymn local-terminative instates: Job xxxix 26. Total: 1 in­ stance.522 Although the number of instances quoted here is low (12), it is significant that Nh is never used in 9 local-terminative ’^-instances, whereas in prose the percentage of this special Nh is generally rather high.523 In this connection it is also remarkable that in those localterminative instances in the classical Hebrew poetry texts concerned 518 I mention this fact because, for the prose material, it remains uncertain whether the use of Nh as a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause gave any other functional indication than its use as e.g. a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause, cf. the discussion on pp. 56 f., see also pp. 85, 130. 5,9 There is no doubt that in this text hwsh has a locative function, because of the parallel hrhhwt. 520 Here I have listed only those local-terminative instances of 'rs in which the noun refers to ground, because in prose an Nh of 'rs is attested only in instances where the noun in question refers to ground’, see the discussion on p. 42. 521 Here I have left out the 2 instances of I'rs in Pss. Ixxiv 7, Ixxxix 40, where this prepositional phrase is used in a figurative sense. 522 Here I have left out 2 instances of 'd-ym (Pss. Ixxii 8, Ixxx 12), because a localfinal interpretation of them seems preferable. 523 See the description on pp. 4If. For the deviating percentages of the use of Nh in D and JK, see the discussion on p. 224.

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where the Nymh of smym could have been used, it never is. The instances in question are: Dt. xxxii 40, Ps. cvii 26, cxxxix 8, Prov. xxiii 5, xxx 4, Job xx 6.524 The fact that in these 6 instances the Nymh in question is never used, whereas in classical Hebrew prose it often reaches a rather high percentage,525 is significant. In the 3 pNh instances attested in OT poetry, the noun is always a nominal form which does not have the semantic component which is held in common by those nominal forms to which the ending under consideration is attached in the prose material.526 This is all the more noteworthy because, in prose, a pNh is attested only for a special group of those nominal forms which have the semantic component mentioned above in common; a fact which cannot be considered a mere accident, but must be considered as significant.527 Whereas the instances of pNh attested in prose all have locative or localterminative function, none of the 3 instances from poetry (Ps. Ixxx 3, cxx 1, cxxv 3) have any local function whatever.528 In 2 of the 3 instances in OT poetry where the ending under consideration is attached to a rectum the noun in question is a nominal form which does not have the semantic component which is held in common by those nominal forms to which the ending under consideration is attached in the prose material.529 The exception is Job xxxvii 12 (the noun in question is 'rs)\ but the fact that in prose no instance is attested where the ending under consideration is attached to 'rs as rectum ought to be considered as probably significant.530 Moreover in a large majority of the prose instances where the ending under 524 Possibly one has to add Ps. 1 4; but the impression cannot be avoided that the Heavens are not taken in a strictly local sense here, but in a more “personar one, cf. vv. 5f. 525 See the description on p. 97. 526 For this semantic component, see p. 35. 527 See the discussion on pp. 199ff. 528 The fact that nothing is known for certain about the function of pNh in a nominal clause as far as the prose material is concerned (see p. 62), cannot affect the conclusion that, with respect to the use of pNh, there is a striking difference between poetic and prose material, because in the 3 poetic instances pNh functions at clause level in a verbal clause (or is a core element in a constituent functioning in this way). 529 For this semantic component, see p. 35. The fact that in 2 of the 3 poetic instances discussed here the noun which is the rectum does not have this semantic component is all the more remarkable because in parallel prose instances the rectum is a noun which belongs to a special group of those nouns which have this special component, see p. 88. Although poetical material is scanty, this allows us to conclude that, here also, there is a significant difference between prose material and poetry. 530 See p. 80, and also the preceding note.

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consideration is attached to a rectum, the regens in question is p't or a nominal form with a comparable meaning.531 In the 3 poetic instances a different regens is found in each case {'yn Ps. iii 3, 'rs Job x 22, tbl Job xxxvii 12), one which is not attested in the relevant prose instances. The only NxNh instance in poetry has no local function whatever (Ps. iii 3), but this fact cannot be used as an argument for the great difference in the use of the ending under consideration in prose and poetry.532 Of the 2 pNxNh instances 1 has locative function (Job xxxvii 12; a function a pNxNh also often has in prose), the other one has local-terminative function (Job x 22). The latter fact is remarkable, because no instance of pNxNh in prose (in total 38 instances) has local-terminative function, a fact which in all probability can be considered as significant.533 The only instance of Nmh in OT poetry (Ps. xlv 14) has offered many difficulties to text interpreters.534 As long as one considers poetry and prose material on this point as a unity (and does not emend the text) the only interpretation possibilities are either at the inside or inside\ neither interpretation makes much sense.535 However, it has been seen that with those instances in poetry where the ending under consideration is attached to a noun, the situation can be completely different from prose types. Thus, for example, the ending under consideration can be attached to a noun which does not have the semantic component held in common by all those nominal forms to which it is attached in prose.536 I therefore suggest that in Ps. xlv 14 we are dealing with a Nm which does not necessarily have the semantic component in question, and which, in this special case, does not have it. So the Nmh in question has no local function at all and has to be translated as as to countenance!appearance. That the Nmh in question should have no local function whatever is not surprising in view

531 See p. 88. 532 In Ps. iii 3 the NxNh in question is a core constituent in a nominal clause. In at least one special type of classical Hebrew prose (represented in L) the use of an NxNh as a core constituent in a nominal clause gave no functional indication whatever (see the discussion on pp. 84ff.). 533 See the discussion on p. 205. 534 See the commentaries and the dictionaries sub voce. 535 In prose material a (p)Nmh of pnym is found only in those instances where this noun has the special semantic component discussed above (see p. 35 (n. 106)). Moreover, in this material, this (p)Nmh has only local-terminative or locative function. 536 For this semantic component, see the discussion on p. 35. For the poetic situation, see pp. 161 f.

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of what has been seen of the instances from poetry where the ending under study is attached to a noun.537 The only instance in OT poetry of pN°h (Ps. ix 18) has a localterminative function; this is remarkable because none of the instances of pN°h and pNoxoh in prose has such a function (one finds this function with 1 instance of pNxN°h in prose: Josh, xviii 13; the pN°h and pNoxoh instances in prose number 21 in total).538 In this connection it is also remarkable that in a number of local-terminative instances in poetry where, theoretically, an N°h of fwl could have been used, this never is done. The instances in question are: Ps. xlix 15,539 Iv 16, Ixxxviii 4, Job vii 9, xxi 13 (total: 5 instances). This is remarkable because in OT prose the density of N°h of fwl in localterminative instances is generally rather high.540 Unfortunately there is only one other local-terminative instance where, theoretically, an N°h could have been used: Ps. cv 23, but, as the density of the N°h of the name in question, msrym, is low in most types of classical Hebrew prose,541 this fact as such cannot be considered significant. For further discussion on this and related points, see p. 175. The 4 instances of Advh in OT poetry all have a locative function. Besides these 4 instances there is a number of instances with locative function where sm and not smh is used: Dt. xxxiii 19, 21, Judg. v 11, 2 Sam. i 21, Ps. Ixvi 6, Ixviii 28, Ixix 36, Ixxxvii 4, 6, civ 17, 25, 26, cvii 36, cxxxii 17, cxxxiii 3, cxxxvii 1, 3, cxxxix 8, 10, Prov. viii 27, ix 18, xv 17, Job iii 17 (twice), 19, xxxiv 22, xxxv 12, xxxix 30, xl 20, Cant, vii 13 (in total: 30 instances).542 There is no great difference in this 537 In the poetic material there are no z^ro-instances of pnym with either localterminative or locative function. 538 See the discussion on pp. 136, 217ff. 539 In this verse the word stw is difficult. I prefer to derive it from a root sfstt meaning to be dispersed, cf. Arabic satta. This root is not found in the Ugaritic text G 68:27 as often thought (cf. J. C. de Moor, The seasonal pattern in the Ugaritic myth of Ba'lu according to the version of Ilimilku, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1971, p. 138, who criticizes this interpretation). The yst of this text can best be derived from a root nst, to be dry, parched, for the Qal of this root in classical Hebrew, cf. Is. xli 17, Jer. li 30; the Niph'al which has the same meaning is used once of the water of the sea (Is. xix 5), which would fit the Ugaritic text perfectly. 540 See the discussion on p. 119. 541 See the discussion on pp. 116f. 542 Here I did not include the instances of sm in Ps. xiv 5, xxxvi 13, xlviii 7, liii 6 and Job xxiii 7, where the Adv in question does not refer to a local phenomenon, cf. e.g. F. E. KOnig, Historisch-comparative Syntax der hebrdischen Sprache, Leipzig, 1897, par. 373 k. The other examples of this use of sm given by M. Da hood, Psalms I, 1-50, Introduction, translation and notes. New York, 1966 ad Ps. xiv 5 are not convincing

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regard between poetry and prose.543 Unfortunately there are only 2 instances attested for in OT poetry with local-terminative function where sm (and not smh) is used : Ps. cxxii 4, Prov. xxii 14. Therefore it is impossible to compare prose and poetry in this respect, the more so because the situation in prose is not uniform.544 For further discussion on this particular matter and related points, cf. p. 182. It goes without saying that there are so many differences in use and function of the ending under consideration in prose and poetry that one has to conclude that the separate treatment of the -A-material in poetry is not only completely justified, but that it would be a serious mistake not to discuss them separately. This finding is an added indication that the idea of a separate syntax for classical Hebrew poetry, clearly distinguished from that of prose, must be given the most serious consideration.545 One more remark must be made on the subject of poetry. In OT poetry there are no instances of NhxN(°). This is in itself not so remarkable because in many types of classical Hebrew prose NhxN(°) was probably not used or only rarely so.546 Yet it seems worthwhile to give a list of those local-terminative instances where NhxN(°) could, theoretically, have been used, but was not. Only reference to those nominal forms which in OT prose are attested as the regens in a NhxN(°), will be made. ’A/: no instances. : a) instances where a geographical name is the rectum: Ez. xix 4, (see also his remarks, Psalms III, Introduction, translation and notes with appendix: the Grammar of the Psalter, New York, 1970, p. 410. See also C. F. Whitley, Has the particle sm an asseverative force?, Bihl. Iv (1974), pp. 394-398. 543 See the discussion on the relevant prose material, pp. 145 ff. In those instances in poetry where sm- with locative function does not function as a core element in a nominal clause one has 4 im/z-instances against 22 zero-instances, a percentage of nearly 15.4%, which is rather high compared with prose material (cf. pp. 146f.). In those instances where sm- with the same function does function as a core element in a nominal clause one has only 8 zero-instances: Ps. Ixviii 28, civ 25, cxxxix 8, Prov. viii 27, ix 18, xv 17, Job iii 19, xxxix 30. The percentage here does not differ from that in certain types of prose material, cf. p. 146. 544 See the discussion on the relevant prose material, pp. 147f. 545 F. I. Andersen, The Hebrew verbless clause in the Pentateuch (Journal of biblical literature monograph Series XIV, ed. R. A. Kraft), Nashville-New York, 1970, p. 24 has rightly said : “A full study of the syntax of poetry is called for”. See also the author, Verbale Vragen, pp. 9, 29. On this point also A. Bloch, Vers und Sprache im Altarabischen. Metrische und syntaktische Untersuchungen (= Ars Tropica, Supplementum 5), Basel, 1946 is interesting, especially his surveys on pp. 35 ff. 546 See the discussion on this point, pp. 239 f.

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Ps. Ixxxi 6—b) instances where the rectum is not a geographical name : Job x 21, 22. Total: 4 instances.547 byt: a) instances where the rectum is a divine or personal name: Ps. xlii 5, Iv 15, cxxii l 548 — b) instances where the rectum is not a divine or personal name: Cant, ii 4, iii 4, viii 2. Total: 6 instances. ym: Ps. cxxxvi 15. Total: 1 instance. mzrh and nhl: no instances. For further discussion on these and related points, see pp. 181 f. b) The non-narrative prophetic material Of the 17 Nh instances in this material 4 do not have a local function whatever: Jer. xi 15, Hos. viii 7, x 13, Hab. i 9. In these 4 instances the ending under consideration is attached to a nominal form which does not have the semantic feature held in common by those nominal forms to which the ending in question is attached in prose.549 The semantic characteristics of the 4 nouns in question even exclude the possibility that, for example, an Nh of one of them could have a local function. If we look at the material in a more detailed way, the following picture emerges. Of the 13 other instances there are 12 in which the ending under consideration is attached to a nominal form, an Nh of which is also attested in prose. The exception is Micah iv 12 where one finds an Nh of the noun grn \ the noun, however, has the semantic component shared by those nominal forms to which the ending in question is attached in prose.550 Of these 13 instances 4 have a locative function; but although an Nh can have a locative function in classical 547 I have not included the text Ps. cxliii 10 (tnhny b'rs myswr) here, because I am not certain that the pNxN in question has local-terminative function, cf. the com­ parable clause sm ydk tnhny (Ps. cxxxix 10) where sm clearly does have locative function. 548 Although in Ps. xlii 5 the preposition 'd is used, the pNxN in question clearly has no local-final function. I have taken the 'Ihym of Pss. xlii 5, Iv 15 as a divine name. In the Psalms there is yet another instance where NhxN° could have been used, but was not: Ps. Iii 2. I have nevertheless not listed it here because it occurs in the title of the Psalm in question which cannot be considered poetry. 549 For this semantic component, see the discussion on p. 35. 550 We are insufficiently informed about the possibilities of using an Nh of grn in classical Hebrew prose. There are no instances of Nh of this noun attested in the prose material concerned. Only in Ruth are there 3 instances where an Nh with localterminative function could have been used, but was not (iii 3, 6, 14). Only in JK are there 2 instances where an Nh with locative function could have been used, but was not (Judg. vi 37, 1 Kings xxii 10 (= 2 Chr. xviii 9)). In the last-mentioned text one could also be dealing with a regens (this is probably presupposed by the Masoretic vocalization).

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Hebrew prose, the 4 instances concerned show remarkable differences with respect to the prose situation. In 2 of them (Is. xi 14, Jer. xlvi 6) the ending under consideration is attached to a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass. But, whereas in locative Nh instances of this type in prose the noun always refers to the east/west/south/north side,551 in the two instances concerned ym and spwn refer to the west and the north.552 In all locative Nh instances of hws in prose the noun refers to the outside, all these instances having the meaning at the outside, without (the only exception being Dt. xxv 5).553 In Is. xxxiii 7 hws refers to what is outside, the street, hwsh here having the meaning on the street, outside (see the comparable situation in Prov. v 16). In 1st. xxii 7 one finds the Nh of £V. The Nh instances of iV in prose (Dt. xxii 15, xxv 7) have local-terminative function and there is no instance attested with locative function (unfortunately it is not certain whether this fact is significant).554 The Nh in Is. xxii 7 has a peculiar locative function: at the gate, if it has a local function at all.555 As has been said,556 the Nh byth in Is. xiv 17 does not have a strictly local-terminative function (compare, Dt. xxv 5, Judg. xii 9 and Ps. Ixviii 7). Note that in Is. xiv 17 the Nh is not preceded by the .article, whereas in prose the local-terminative instances all are. In this con­ nection it must also be stated that 2 of the local-terminative Nh instances in non-narrative prophetical texts (Is. xvi 1, xxviii 6) are not preceded by the article, whereas, from the evidence of the prose material, it would be expected.557 In 6 of the local-terminative instances (Jer. iii 12, Micah iv 12, Zech. xiv 4 (4 times)) the situation is not different from that in prose. In the following instances where in prose an Nh would, or could, have been used, this was not done in the prophetic material concerned.

551 See the discussion on pp. 37f. 552 For the interpretation of Is. xi 14, cf. n. 501. 553 See the discussion on p. 40. 554 See the discussion of this point on p. 51. 555 See the discussion on the interpretation of this verse, n.502. 556 See the discussion on this point on p. 159 n. 500. 557 Nevertheless, this fact probably is not significant, because in the prose material there are only 2 Nh instances of s'r (Dt. xxii 15, xxv 7), and among the 16 Nh instances of mdbr in prose there are 4 which are not preceded by the article, namely Josh, xviii 12 (cf. n. 142), 1 Kings xix 15 (cf. n. 143), 1 Chr. v 9, xii 9. Thus, too much importancemust not be attached to the absence of the article before mdbrh (Is. xvi 1) and s'rh (Is. xxviii6).

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A. Local-terminative instances 1) 'rs : Is. xiv 12, xxi 9, xxv 12, xlix 23, Ixiii 6, Amos iii 14, ix 9, Ob 3. Total: 7 instances. 2) bwr: Is. xxiv 22. Total: 1 instance. 3) byt: Is. xv 2, Iviii 7, Amos v 19, Hagg. i 9. Total: 4 instances. 4) bmh: Jer. xlviii 35. Total: 1 instance. 5) hr: Hagg. i 8. Total: 1 instance. 6) mdbr : Hos. ii 16. Total: 1 instance. 7) 'yr: Jer. xiv 18. Total: 1 instance. 8) spwn: Zeph. ii 13. Total: 1 instance.558 Total of local-terminative instances mentioned here: 17. B. Locative instances 1) qdm : Zech. xiv 4. Total: 1 instance.559 In most cases the material presented here is too scanty to be of any significance. What is remarkable, however, is that in the non­ narrative prophetic material concerned there is no instance of an Nh of >?, whereas there are 9 local-terminative zero-instances of this noun. See also p. 175.560 That the only instance of pNh (Is. xiv 6) has a locative function and that the noun in question refers to one of the four points of the compass is not remarkable against the background of the situation in prose material.561 Yet there is one notable difference. In the pNh instances in prose, where a noun is found referring to one of the 4 points of the compass and which have a locative function, the noun

558 Here I have restricted myself to instances where, theoretically, an Nh with localterminative function could occur for those nouns among which at least one Nh with this function is attested in the prose material. Under >,v I have not listed Amos v 8, ix 6 here, because >.y is not an N here, but the rectum in a status-constructus group. 559 Perhaps Is. ix 11 has to be added here, if mqdm means at the eastern border (cf. the locative use of Nh of those nouns which denote one of the 4 points of the compass in prose, pp. 37f.). For this list I have restricted myself to the same type of nouns as those mentioned in the preceding note. 560 Although there are 4 instances with local-terminative function in this prophetic material where an Nh of byt could have been used but was not, it is better not to suggest that this is significant, because of the small number of instances (the single instance of byth (Is. xiv 17), albeit with no strict local-terminative function, cf. n. 500) and because the situation in comparable prose material is uncertain (and also because of the scantiness of the material). 561 For the situation in prose material, see the discussion on pp. 61 f.

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in question refers to the south/east/north/west side. In Is. xiv 6 refers to the east.562 Against the background of the prose situation, it is not remarkable that in Is. viii 23 the regens is 'rs and the rectum is a geographical name in both NhxN° instances.563 The non-local function is remarkable. In the 3 instances (Jer. i 13, 15, xxin 8) where the ending under study is attached to a noun functioning as rectum, the noun in question is always spwn. In this respect the situation does not differ from that found in prose.564 But whereas in a great majority of instances in prose the regens in question is either or a nominal form with a comparable meaning,565 this is not the case here. The nominal forms pny, mmlkwt and 'rs are found here as regens. They are not found as regens in the instances of (p)NxNh in prose. That both instances of pNxNh (Jer. i 13, xxiii 8) have local-separative function is not remarkable against the background of the situation in prose. There is no pNx(Nx(NxNh))instance attested in prose as in Jer. i 15. Among the 13 instances of N°h in this material, there are 5 with a function other than a local-terminative one. Compared with the situation in prose, this is a rather high percentage.566 Otherwise there 562 For the situation in prose material, see the discussion on pp. 199f. For com­ parable instances in prophetic material, cf. Is. xi 14, Jer. xlvi 6 (see p. 169) and Is. xxxiii 7 (see p. 169). For a comparable instance in poetic material, cf. Prov. v 16, cf. p. 163. 563 For the situation in prose material, see the discussion on pp. 65ff. 564 For the situation in prose material, see the discussion on p. 88. 565 Cf. the remarks made on p. 88. 566 Unfortunately the fact that the non-narrative prophetic material in question is not a unity (see also p. 174), not being from the same time nor from the same author, weakens the significance of the percentage. For the situation in prose material, cf. p. 130. In comparing the relevant prose material with the parallel non-narrative prophetic text material, one also must consider the following facts. Of the many instances in prose where N°h functions at clause level in a verbal clause which has a verbal form not of the root hyh. only 6 have a non-local-terminative function (see p. 130). Of 10 N°h instances in the prophetic material in question, functioning at clause level in a same type of clause (Is. vii 11, xxiii 6, xliii 14, Jer. iv 6, xiii 4, 6, 7, Hos. vi 9, Amos i 5, iv 3, the last instance is not completely certain, cf. n. 488), 3 have a non-local-terminative function (Is. vii 11, Jer. iv 6, Hos. vi 9). This difference is significant (see also n. 584), even if one acknowledges that non-local-terminative use of N°h occurs only in certain groups of classical Hebrew prose. In 61 prose N°h instances not functioning at clause level in a verbal clause, there are 8 or 9 which have a non-local-terminative function. This is a high percentage, especially if one considers that in those prose types in which these instances occur, the total of the N°h instances which do not function at this special level is not much more than 20. In the prophetic material in question, of 2 N°h which do not function at this special level (Is. x 30, xx 1) one has non-local-terminative function (Is. x 30). Here there is no real difference between the prophetic material and at least a part of

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is nothing to show a real difference with respect to the prose situation as far as can be ascertained from the available material, except that in Is. x 30 a hypotactic element in an imperative phrase is con­ cerned.567 In the following instances where an N°h would, or could, have been used in prose, this has not been done so here.568 1) ’iwr: Is. xix 23, Hos. v 13, vii 11, viii 9, x 6. Total: 5 instances. 2) bbl: Jer. 1 9, li 1, 2, 56, 59, 61, Micah iv 10.569 Total: 7 instances. 3) glgl : Hos. iv 15, Amos iv 4,570 v 5. Total: 3 instances. 4) gl'd: Jer. xlvi 11. Total: 1 instance. 5) hmt: Amos vi 14. Total: 1 instance. 6) yrwslm : Is. vii 1, Zech. xii 9, xiv 2,12,16, 17. Total: 5 instances.571 7) Ibnwn: Jer. xxii 20, Zech. x 10. Total: 2 instances. 8) msrym : Is. xix 1, 23, xxx 2, xxxi 1, Iii 4, Hos. viii 13, ix 3, xii 2. Total: 8 instances. 9) sywn: Is. xxxv 10, li 11, Hi 8, lix 20, Jer. iii 14, Zech. viii 3. Total: 6 instances.572 10) fwl: Is. xiv 11, 15. Total: 2 instances.573 the prose material. The only instance of N°h in the prophetic material in question functioning as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root hyh (Is. xix 23) has a non-local-terminative function. In prose material, of a small number of N°h having the same type of functional level, 2 have a non-local-terminative function (Josh, xix 18, 29). Also here there is no real difference between the prophetic material and at least a part of the prose material. In this note I have also taken to be a constituent at clause level a paratactic element in such a constituent or its core. 567 For the discussion of Is. x 30, see p. 160. Compare the description of the N°h material in prose (pp. 130ff.) and of the parallel material in non-narrative prophetical texts (pp. 177, 178, 180). 568 Here I will list only those names of which at least one N°h is attested in prose. 569 Here I have listed the text Jer. li 59, but the fact that, being an introductory formula, it is probably prose has to be considered. The first 1-bbl from Jer. li 60 is not listed here, because it cannot be considered as strictly local-terminative. 570 I take hglgl in this text to be a constituent at clause level in a clause with an imperative as core (b'w)\ this core is deleted, because it is also the core in a preceding clause (b V byt- 7). 571 For the reason why Zech. xii 9, xiv 2, 12, 16 are listed here, see the discussion of comparable prose material, n. 364. 572 No N°h of this name is attested in prose, the only instance of N°h is Jer. iv 6 (on this verse, see n. 509). 573 I have not listed the trsys of Is. Ixvi 19 here, because here it is not primarily meant as a mere geographical name, but as referring to a people (cf. the preceding hgwym and the rest of the context). To this list 1 instance can be added where in prose an Noh*° could have been used, at least in certain prose material, but where it is not done in this material: the b'r sb' in Amos v 5. Here also I refer only to those instances of No*° of which an Noh,u> is attested (cf. my remarks made in n. 568).

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Against the background of the prose material, it is not remarkable that, in some of these instances, no N°h has been used. This is the case with Jerusalem and Hamath.574 For some of the names there is not enough prose material available to make any comparison possible: for example Gil'ad and Lebanon.575 The prose material of Misrayim shows such internal differences, that any conclusion on this point is, at least for the moment, impossible.576 For Sion there is no prose material available at all. For Assur, Babel, Gilgal and the Sheol one cannot avoid the impression that the situation is different from that in those types of classical Hebrew prose in which material is attested on these points. But one must not forget that there is no unity in the material concerned.577 The only instance of pN°h in the material in question (Jer. xlviii 21) has local-terminative function; this is remarkable, because none of the pN°h instances in prose (or those of pNoxoh) have this function (compare the situation in poetry: Ps. ix 18).578 As has been seen, there are 8 instances in the material concerned of smh with local-terminative function and 7 with locative function. In assessing this, it is worthwhile first observing the number of instances of sm in the same material with either local-terminative or locative function. The instances in question are: a) those with localterminative function: Is. xx 6, Jer. viii 3, xxii 11, 27, xxiii 3, 8, xxiv 9,

574 For the situation in prose material on these points, see the discussion on pp. 114fT. 575 On Gil'ad, see the remarks made in n. 369. Although the “abnormal” use of the N°h of this name in 1 Chr. xxvii 21 makes it seem probable that the “normal” use reached a reasonably high frequency (at least in certain types of prose), the scantiness of the material makes any real conclusion impossible (there are no zero-instances in prose). For Lebanon the relevant prose material is still more scanty, 1 instance of N°h in 1 Kings v 28. 576 For the situation in prose material in the relevant respect, see the discussion on pp. 116f. 577 For the situation with these geographical names in this respect in prose material, see pp. 117ff. Taking the non-narrative prophetic material to be a unity, one has the following percentage situation: a) Assur, 0.0% (0.0-52.18)—b) Babel, 0.0% (0.040.96)—c) Gilgal, 0.0% (0.0-70.76)—d) Sheol, 0.0% (0.0-84.19). Especially for the 2 first mentioned names the percentage picture shows a difference with respect to the picture in prose material (see pp. 117f.). But the problem is that this non-narrative prophetic material is not a unity, see pp. 171, 175. 578 It is remarkable that the only instance of pN°h in poetry (Ps. ix 18) also has local-terminative function (see p. 158), whereas none of the instances of pN°h (or pNoxoh) in prose has such a function, see p. 136.

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xlvii 7, xlix 36579 (in total: 9 instances)—b) those with locative function: Is. vii 23, xiii 20 (twice), 21 (3 times), xxiii 12, xxvii 10 (twice), xxviii 10 (twice), 13 (twice), xxxiii 21, xxxiv 12, 14, 15, xxxv 8, 9 (twice), xlviii 16, Hi 4, Jer. ii 6, iii 6, vii 2, 12, viii 14, 22, xiii 4, 6, xvi 13, xxii 1, 12, 26 (twice), xlvi 17, xlix 18, 33, 1 40, Hos. vi 7, 10, ix 15, x 9, xii 5, xiii 8, Joel iv 2, 12, Amos vii 12 (twice), Nah. ii 12, iii 15, Hab. iii 4, Hagg. ii 14, Zech. v 11 (total: 54 instances; to those locative instances there can be added 5 instances of msm with locative function: Is. Ixv 20, Hos. ii 17, Amos ix 3 (twice), 4).580 Taking for the moment the non-narrative prophetic material as a whole, one can conclude that the percentage of the locative im/?-instances does not differ very much from that in prose (for a more detailed discussion, see n. 609) and that the percentage of the local-terminative smhinstances does not differ from the situation in at least a part of the prose material (for a discussion on this point, see n. 609).581 It is now clear that the non-narrative prophetic material does show many differences in the use of the ending under consideration with prose material, although these are less extensive than those between 579 In Jer. viii 3, xxiii 3, 8, xxiv 9, sm is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root ndh \ for the problems in such clauses, see the discussion on pp. 147f. In Jer. xlvii 7, sm is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root y'd. For sm in such a clause having localterminative function, see n. 438. Although in this text a component of “against” is present (against Ashqelon, etc.), this still does not exclude a local-terminative component, see the discussion of comparable instances, n. 364, see also n. 571. In Jer. xlix 36 sm refers to people, cf. hgwy. Yet this does not exclude it from being listed here, see my remarks, n. 459. 580 In Jer. xiii 4, 6, sm occurs with an imperative/infinitive of the root tmn \ for sm having in such instances a locative function, see n. 514. Although in Nah. ii 12 sm is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root hlk, it is clear from the context that it still must have a locative function. In Zeph. i 14 not listed here, sm does not refer to any local phenomenon (for comparable instances, see n. 542). I cannot agree with Whitley, art. cit., pp. 395 f. that the sm of Hos. vi 10, which refers to people, cannot be taken in a local sense, see also my remarks, n. 459. The instance Is. xlviii 16 is uncertain, but I am not convinced by Whitley’s proposal, art. cit., p. 398. 581 In at least certain types of prose material the frequency of smh with locative function is much higher, if it functions as a core element in a nominal clause. Yet the fact that in the relevant material 8 instances of sm occur with locative function as a core element in a nominal clause (Is. xxviii 10 (twice), 13 (twice), xlviii 16, Jer. viii 22, Hos. vi 10, Hab. iii 4), with 1 corresponding instance of smh (Is. xxii 18) is not decisive because prose material as such is not a unity in this particular respect. However, the fact that there are 6 instances of smh with locative function which do not occur as a core element in a nominal clause, against 46 corresponding zero-instances, a percentage of ± 11.5%, could be significant compared with prose material; this shows more similarity to the situation in poetry, cf. n. 543.

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prose and poetry. It seems worthwhile embarking upon a more detailed discussion of the material. In a former study, previously referred to, I tried to show that a part of the non-narrative prophetic material showed a similarity to poetic material with respect to the use of the so-called nota accusativi 't and that another part showed similarity to prose material in this regard.582 These results must now be checked to see how far they may be of value here. In those parts which showed a certain similarity to the poetic material with respect to the usage of V, there are functional or formal or semantic differences to the parallel prose instances in the majority of those instances, where the ending under consideration is used: Is. x 30, xiv 17, xvi 1, xxii 7, xxviii 6, xxxiii 7, xiv 6, Jer. i 13, 15, xlvi 6, Hos. viii 7, x 13, Hab. i 9 (13 instances out of 18). In those parts, only one instance is found where Nh is used in a way that it would also be used in prose: Micah iv 12 (1 out of 6 instances).583 Four out of 8 instances where N°h has local-terminative function occur here too: Is. xxiii 6, xliii 14, Amos i 5, iv 3, and 3 out of 4 instances where N°h has locative or localfinal function: Is. xix 23, Jer. iv 6, Hos. vi 9.584-Moreover, there are in those parts a) all 7 zero-instances of rs585 — b) the one zeroinstance of bwr: Is. xxiv 22—c) 3 instances of the byt zero-instances (3 out of 4): Is. xv 2, Iviii 7, Amos v 19—d) the one zero-instance of bmh : Jer. xlviii 35 — e) the one zero-instance of *yr: Jer. xiv 18 — 0 the 5 zero-instances of ’iwr 586 — 587g) 1 zero-instance of bbl (out of 7): Micah iv 10—h) the 3 zero-instances of glgl : Hos. iv 15, Amos iv 4, v 5 — i) the one zero-instance of gl'd: Jer. xlvi 11 —j) the one zeroinstance of hmt: Amos vi 14—k) all 8 zero-instances of msrym581 — 1) 4 zero-instances of sywn (out of 6): Is. xxxv 10, fill, Hi 8, lix 20 — m) both zero-instances of fwl: Is. xiv 11, 15 — n) 3 zero-instances 582 The study on the so-called nota accusativi, OTS xiv, pp. 1-99, see especially pp. 59 ff. 583 For this text, see also the discussion on p. 168 (n. 550). 584 For the discussion of the 3 last-mentioned texts, see nn. 506, 507, 509. Unfor­ tunately there are no N°h instances attested in the poetic texts available. As has been seen (n. 566), 3 of the 10 instances of N°h which function at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form not of the root hyh have a non-local-terminative function, a percentage which is rather high compared with the percentage of N°h instances functioning in prose material at the same functional level in the same type of clause and having a non-local-terminative function. Of these 10 instances 6 occur in that part of the prophetic material which in the ’/ study showed a remarkable similarity to poetic material, and of these 6 two have a non-local-terminative function. 585 See the list on p. 170. 586 See the list on p. 172. 587 See the list on p. 172.

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of smym : Is. xiv 13, li 6, Jer. iv 23 — o) 4 instances of smh with local-terminative function (4 out of 8): Is. Iv 10, Jer. xlvi 28, Joel iv 7, 11 —p) 2 instances of sm with local-terminative function (2 out of 9): Is. xx 6, Jer. xlvii 7—q) 5 instances of smh with locative function (5 out of 7): Is. xxii 18 (twice), xxxiv 15,588 Ixv 9, Jer. xviii 2 — r) 36 instances of sm with locative function : Is. xiii 20 (twice), 21 (3 times), xxiii 12, xxvii 10 (twice), xxviii 10 (twice), 13 (twice), xxxiii 21, xxxiv 14, 15, 12, xxxv 8, 9 (twice), xlviii 16, Hi 4, Jer. ii 6, xlvi 17, xlix 18, 33, Hos. vi 7, 10, ix 15, x 9, xii 5, xiii 8, Joel iv 2, 12, Nah. ii 12, iii 15, Hab. iii 4 (one can add the following instance of msm: Is. Ixv 20). When the situation in those parts of the prophetic material is com­ pared with that in the poetic material, some remarkable similarities emerge, and when it is compared with the situation in the prose material, some striking differences emerge. There is for example the fact that in only one instance (Micah iv 12) Nh is used in a way that it would have been used in prose, whereas there are 13 instances where the ending under consideration is used and where one or more differences from the prose situation are found (among them 9 instances of Nh : Is. xiv 17, xvi 1, xxii 7, xxviii 6, xxxiii 7, Jer. xlvi 6, Hos. viii 7, x 13, Hab. i 9).589 There is also the fact that there are 7 zero-instances of >5, without there being 1 instance of Nh of this noun.590 The only remarkable point is that the number of nouns to which the ending under consideration is attached here and which lack the semantic component held in common by all those nouns to which in prose the ending in question is attached is relatively smaller than in poetry; see p. 162.591 Unfortunately the number of instances with smym and 5 V/ is too small for us to decide with certainty whether the situation 588 On the question whether the chapter to which this verse belongs shows similarities to poetic material in as far as the use of ’/ is concerned, see the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 62 f. 589 For the use of Nh in prose material, see the discussion on pp. 54ff.; for the use of Nh in poetic material, see the discussion on pp. 161 f. For the discussion of the 9 “deviating” prophetic instances, cf. pp. 168f. 590 For the situation in prose material, cf. the discussion on pp. 41 f.; for the situation in poetic material, cf. the discussion on p. 163. 591 On the semantic component in question, see p. 35. Of the 13 different nouns to which the ending under consideration is added in poetry (see the list, pp. 154f.), 7 lack this component (I have added the pnym of Ps. xiv 14 to these 7). Of the 15 different nouns to which the ending under consideration is attached in non-narrative prophetic material, 4 lack this component (I have added the qdym of Hab. i 9 to these 4). In those prophetic texts which, as far as the use of V is concerned, show a similarity to poetic material, of the 10 different nouns to which the ending under consideration is attached, 3 lack the component (the instances in question are byt (Is. xiv 17), grn (Micah iv 12), hws (Is. xxxiii 7), mdbr (Is. xvi 1), swph (Hos. viii 7), 'wlh (Hos. x 13), spwn (Jer. i 13, 15,

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here is comparable to that of poetry.592 (For the zmMnstances of byt, see below). Compared with what is known of classical Hebrew prose, it is remarkable that in this material there are 7 zm>-instances of 5wr against only one instance of N°h (Is. xix 23). Moreover this N°h has no local-terminative function.593 (For further discussion on some other points, see pp. 181 f.). At no point does poetry differ from prose where this material agrees with the prose situation, at least as far as can be ascertained. There is yet another remark to be made. In the material concerned there is no instance of NhxN(°). In itself this is not remarkable because in many classical Hebrew prose types NhxN(°) was probably not used or only rarely so.594 Yet it seems worthwhile giving a list of those local-terminative instances where, theoretically, NhxN(°) could have been used, but was not. Reference will be made only to those nominal forms which in prose are attested as regens in a NhxN(°). 'hi: no instances. 'rs: a) instances where a geographical name is the rectum: Hos. xi 5 — b) instances where the rectum is not a geographical name: Jer. ii 7, xlvi 16, xlviii 21. Total: 4 instances. byt: a) instances where the rectum is a divine or personal name: Is. Ixvi 20, Hos. ix 4, Joel i 14, Amos i 4—b) instances where the rectum is not a divine or personal name: Is. ii 3, Jer. xviii 2, 3, Micah iv 2. Total: 8 instances. ym: no instances. mzrh: 2 uncertain examples: Is. xiv 6, lix 19.595 nhl : no instances. xlvi 6), qdym (Hab. i 9), s'r (Is. xxii 7, xxviii 6), m'rb (Is. xiv 6). In the remaining prophetic material discussed here, of the 5 different nouns to which the ending under consideration is attached, 1 lacks the component. Yet both groups show quite a difference from poetic material in this particular respect. 592 See the discussion on p. 175f. For the relevant poetic material, see pp. 163F, 166. 593 For the zm?-instances of jmt, cf. p. 172. For the situation in this regard in prose, cf. p. 117. 594 See the discussion on pp. 239 f. 595 In both verses one finds mmzrh-sms meaning in the east. In 2 of the instances of mzrhh (h)sms in prose (Dt. iv 41, Josh, xii 1), mzrhjms refers not to the east, but to the east side. In the third instance of mzrhh hsms (Judg. xxi 19), however, the construct group in question does not have this reference. Because in the last mentioned verse another instance of the “abnormal” use of -h also occurs, I have not taken this fact to be decisive (see the discussion on p. 71). Nevertheless, for the sake of completeness, I quote both instances from Isaiah. Since in prose material the Nh of a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass (if it has locative function) always refers to the eastjwestlnorthlsouth side, I did not include the mm'rh of Is. lix 19, in the list on p. 170, m 'rh referring here to the west.

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For further discussion on these and related points, see pp. 181 f. There can be no reasonable doubt that the material concerned does not form a unity and stems from different authors and different times. For this reason it is worthwhile going into the question of a possible differentiation of this material. One of the large prophetic parts, which, as a whole, is similar to poetry with regard to the use of V, is Hos. iv-xiv. As far as the use of the ending under consideration is concerned, the following picture emerges in these chapters. Here there are two instances of Nh, both with no local function whatever and, in both, the ending under consideration is attached to a nominal form which does not have the semantic component held in common by those nominal forms to which the ending in question is attached in prose :596 Hos. viii 7, x 13. Moreover there is a) 1 N°h with locative function : Hos. vi 9 — b) 4 zeroinstances of swr: Hos. v 13, vii 11, viii 9, x 6.597 The conclusion must be that as far as the Nh and N°h usage is concerned, there are considerable differences with respect to the prose situation; the usage of Nh resembles what is found in poetry, but information about N°h is too scanty in poetry to make any comparison possible. Another large prophetic part which, as a whole, is at least comparable to poetry as far as the use of 7 is concerned is Is. xiii-xxviii.598 The 4 instances of Nh in these chapters (Is. xiv 17, xvi 1, xxii 7, xxviii 6) all show some difference with respect to the prose situation, although the very considerable differences found, for example, in Hos. iv-xiv and in poetry, are not distinguishable here. Of the 2 N°h instances599 596 For this semantic component, see p. 35. See also the discussion on p. 113. 597 There is only 1 rcra-instance of glgl : Hos. iv 15; this fact as such cannot be considered to be significant in any way (see also p. 118 for the situation in prose). There are 3 rcro-instances of msrym (Hos. viii 13, ix 3, xii 2), but, here also, any conclusion is impossible, because the prose material for this name shows great internal differences (see pp. 116f. and also p. 195). In the second part of Hosea there are no rero-instances of sm- with local-terminative function (see the list p. 173f.) and 6 with locative function (vi 7, 10, ix 15, x 9, xii 5, xiii 8) against no instances of smh with these functions; but because in prose material sm/u with locative function only, also shows a low percentage (see p. 143), this fact is not significant. In some prose types smh with locative function does at least reach a higher percentage when it functions as a core element in a nominal clause (see pp. 146 and 146f). Since in the relevant .fw-material there is only one corresponding instance (Hos. vi 10), any real comparison is impossible. 598 I am aware of the fact that Is. xiii-xxviii is not a unity. I use the word comparable here, because in many chapters the use of't is not identical with that which is found in the majority of poetic material, but is still considerably nearer to it, than in prose material. See also the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 61 f. 599 I have not included the N°h instance in Is. xx 1 here, because one is dealing with a title, which is prose.

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one has local-terminative function (Is. xxiii 6) and one local-final function (Is. xix 23). There are 3 zero-instances of 'rs (Is. xiv 12, xxi 9, xxv 12). The other material is not relevant to the comparison with prose and poetry material.600 Although these chapters do not show such great differences from prose as poetry does, the differences from prose are so numerous that a normal prose situation cannot be classified. As in my V-consideration, the conclusion here is that these chapters are comparable to poetry. Although there are some other instances in this material which show a clear difference in the use of the ending under consideration from that in prose (Is. x 30, xxxiii 7, xiv 6, Jer. i 13, 15, xlvi 6, Hab. i 9), in their respective contexts there is not enough material for a further comparison with poetic and prose material as far as the use of the ending in question is concerned. In those parts of the non-narrative prophetic material which show certain similarities with prose material as far as the use of V is concerned, the following picture emerges for the use of the ending under consideration: a) 5 instances where the ending in question is attached to a noun and which show functional/formal and/or semantic differences with the prose situation in parallel cases: Is. viii 23 (twice), xi 14, Jer. xi 15, xxiii 8 — b) 4 instances where an Nh has local-terminative function: Jer. iii 12, Zech. xiv 4 (3 times)—c) 3 in­ stances where an N°h has local-terminative function: Jer. xiii 4, 6, 7 — d) 1 instance where an N°h has locative function: Is. vii 11 — e) a zero-instance of byt \ Hagg. i 9, Z/r: Hagg. i 8, mdbr : Hos. ii 16, qdm: Zech. xiv 4601 — 0 6 zero-instances of bbl: Jer. 1 9, li 1, 2, 56, 59, 61—g) all 6 zero-instances of yrwslm602 — h) 2 zero-instances of 600 The instances concerned are: 1 zero-instance of bwr (Is. xxiv 22), 1 zeroinstance of byt (Is. xv 2), 1 zero-instance of 'swr (Is. xix 23), 2 zero-instances of msrym (Is. xix 1, 23), 2 zero-instances of iV/(Is. xiv 11, 15), 1 zero-instance of smym (Is. xiv 13) and 1 zero-instance of sm- with local-terminative function (Is. xx 6). There are also 12 instances of sm with locative function (see the list on p. 174) in these chapters against 2 of smh with the same function (Is. xxii 18 (twice)). Of these instances of sm 4 function as a core element in a nominal clause: Is. xxviii 10 (twice), 13 (twice) and 1 of the im/f-instances functions at the same level. This rather high percentage is not surprising in view of the situation in prose material (cf. pp. 145 ff.). Of the 10 instances of sm- having local-terminative function, 1 has the ending under consideration. This compared with the situation in prose material (cf. p. 142), is a rather low percentage. 601 One could also include the ‘l-spwn of Zeph. i 13, although here also there is an element of “against” (for comparable instances, see also the discussion n. 364). I have not included it here because it comes from a chapter which as far as the use of V is concerned can be compared neither with the poetic nor the prose material, see the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 75. 602 See the list on p. 172.

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Ibnwn : Jer. xxii 20, Zech. x 10—i) 2 zero-instances of sywn : Jer. iii 14, Zech. viii 3—j) 3 zero-instances of smym: Jer. li 9, 53, Amos ix 2— k) 4 instances of smh with local-terminative function: Is. vii 24, 25, Jer. xvi 15, xxii 27—1) 7 instances of sm with local-terminative function : Jer. viii 3, xxii 11,27, xxiii 3,8, xxiv 9, xlix 36—m) 2 instances of smh with locative function: Jer. xiii 7, Hos. ii 17—n) 19 instances of sm with locative function: Is. vii 23, Jer. iii 6, vii 2, 12, viii 14, 22, xiii 4, 6, xvi 13, xxii 1, 12, 26 (twice), 1 40, Amos vii 12 (twice), Zeph. i 14, Hagg. ii 14, Zech. v 11. Taking this part of the non-narrative prophetic material as a whole for the moment, one can state that there are clear differences from the prose material, but that they are not so numerous as those in the other part of the non-narrative prophetic material. In the other part, there are 13 instances where the ending under consideration is attached to a noun which deviate from the prose situation, in this part only 5; in the other part 9 of them are instances of Nh, in this part 2; in the other part there is 1 instance with “normal” use of Nh, here 4 instances; in the other part there are 4 instances of N°h with localterminative function and 3 with another local function, here there are also 4 N°h instances with local-terminative function but only 1 instance with another local function (also in the other there is 1 instance with no local function whatever: Is. x 30). As has already been said, in this part there are still some clear differences from what one would expect in prose texts: besides the 5 “deviating” instances where the ending under consideration is attached to a noun: Is. viii 23 (twice), xi 14, Jer. xi 15, xxiii 8, there are the 6 zero-instances of bbl against no N°h of this name, all in one context (see above).603 Although this special context, Jer. xlix 34-li shows a similarity to prose material in the use of V,604 this is not very surprising. As has been seen in the study on V, poetic and related material is not always consistent; although it generally differs considerably from prose material, poetry can in certain cases even have a similar use of V to that in prose.605 Therefore it ought not to be surprising that a text from prophetic material, which in the matter of 7-usage is more or less similar to prose, differs entirely from prose in the way the ending under con­ 603 This is clearly difTerent from the situation in this respect in prose, or at least those prose types about which reasonable information about the relevant point is available, cf. pp. 117f. 604 See the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 65. 605 See the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 56f., 80ff.

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sideration is used. The “deviating" instances in Is. viii 23 (twice), xi 14, Jer. xi 15, xxiii 8, all found in a context which, in the use of 7, corresponds with or is identical to prose material, can also be explain­ ed thus.606 This conclusion also remains valid when one considers the fact that especially in Is. viii 23 and Jer. xi 15 the situation differs completely from that in prose. No clear new indications that one part differs more from prose than the other have been found for the poetic material in this study. For the non-narrative prophetic material, however, it has given some new indications that this material is in part nearer to prose, in part similar or nearer to poetry (or better: the majority of poetry). My conclusion drawn from studying 7 that this non-narrative prophetic material is not a unity from a linguistic standpoint and cannot be treated as such is confirmed. Besides parts which are similar to either prose or most poetry, there are parts which, strictly speaking, are similar to neither. These parts do not form a linguistic unity of their own as far as can be assessed at present. It seems better to define them as “fluid" material somewhere between prose and poetry “proper".607 Further linguistic studies will be needed to clarify this particular point still more. The following remarks can be made about the use of the ending under consideration in poetic and related material. The use of an Nh as such in this material gave no indication whatever about its function. The use of a pNh as such gave no more functional indication than the use of a pN would do. As far as can be ascertained from the scanty material available,608 the use of a pNxNh at least indicated that one was dealing with a constituent with local function, but one has to be careful on this point. For the other constituent types where the ending under consideration is attached to a noun, the material is too scanty to allow conclusions to be drawn, although the pnymh in Ps. xiv 14 makes it clear that the function indication given by the use of Nmh is poetry was different from that given by its use in 606 Besides, as to the use of the relevant chapters do not give a uniform picture either, see especially the relation a-d, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 60, 66 f. 607 Strictly speaking there is within poetry also a group of “fluid” material albeit smaller. The only material which is more “solid” at the synchronic level is the prose material. Unfortunately it is not possible to take one special text from the prophetic material which is not strictly poetic to illustrate my point, at least not on the basis of the research done hitherto. 608 The texts in question are Jer. i 13, Job x 22, xxxvii 12. For the discussion of these texts, cf. nn. 485, 504 and p. 164.

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prose. Although in poetic material no instances of N°h are attested, the material from prophecy makes it appear probable that the use of N°h as such did not give a clear functional indication (Is. x 30), but the chance that a constituent with a local (non local-separative?) function was involved must have been much greater than when an Nh was used. The material on pN°h is too slight to allow further con­ clusions to be drawn. The impression is gained that the use of the Advh of sm gave as such no certain indication of whether a consti­ tuent of a local-terminative or locative function was involved. It may be that the chance of it having a local-terminative function was higher.609 Remarks about functional indications given by the use of the ending under study in the linguistically fluid material which is neither prose nor poetry “proper” are hardly possible because of the fluidity of the material and its lack of uniformity. For these reasons no conclusions will be drawn on this point. 6. Additional remarks a) Other adverbial instances In the poetic and prophetic material concerned, there is no opposition 'n:: 'nh attested as such. Only instances of 'nh are found : a) in poetry, Ps. cxxxix 7 (twice), Cant, vi 1 (twice) — b) in non-narrative prophetical texts: Is. x 3, Jer. xv 2, Zech. ii 6, v 10 (in all these instances probably with local-terminative function).610 The material is too scanty to permit one to decide with any reasonable certainty whether a form 'n could occur in poetical and related texts. As it is not known whether the opposition 'n \ : 'nh existed in a poetic type of language, it is senseless to discuss a possible functional opposition. There is an opposition attested of the type pAdv::pAdvh (the p being the preposition 'd) for this adverb. There is 1 instance attested of 609 In poetic and related material there are 4 instances of smh with local-terminative function (seep. 158) against 4 of sm with the same function (see pp. 167, 176). In the same material there are 9 instances o( smh with locative function (see pp. 158, 176) against 66 of sm with the same function. This may argue the case that if smh was used, the chance of its having local-terminative function was higher. Yet, one must not forget that in “real” poetry sm is twice attested in local-terminative function, and smh never (p. 158). 610 I take the 'nh of Is. x 3 to have local-terminative function, primarily because of the parallel in the preceding clause 'l-my tnwsw, where 'l-my clearly has local-terminative function. Perhaps one can also compare some instances where a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root 'zb also has a kind of terminative feature: Job xxxix 11 (with 7), 14 (with /), Ps. xvi 10 (with /), xlix 11 (with /)•

THE USE OF THE ENDING IN THE NON-NARRATIVE MATERIAL 183

'd-'n in Job viii 2, and a number of instances of 'd-'nh: a) in poetry, Ps. xiii 2 (twice), 3 (twice), Ixii 4, Job xviii 2, xix 2 — b) in non-narrative prophetic material, Jer. xlvii 6, Hab. i 2 (total: 9 instances). As far as can be decided from the material available the formal opposition 'd-'nw'd-'nh did not correspond to a functional one (all instances* have a temporal-final function). The fact that in poetry there is 1 instance attested of 'd-'n makes it just possible that such a constituent also existed in prose; // this was so, it seems probable that it was relatively rarely used, see also the remarks on pp. 150ff. Also the material on hVh and hnh makes it seem probable that of the formal opposition 'd-'n::'d-'nh and the possible one 'nw'nh the forms without the ending under consideration were more rarely used.611 For the 2 adverbs the formal opposition 0: :-h is not attested in the material concerned any more frequently than in prose. The following picture emerges: 1) hnh: a) poetry, Prov. ix 4, 16, xxv 7—b) non­ narrative prophetic material, Is. Ivii 3, Jer. 15 — 2) 'd-hnh : a) poetry, Ps. Ixxi 17 — b) non-narrative prophetic material, Jer. xlviii 47, li 64 — 3) A/7r, Is. xviii 2, 7 — 4) mhl'h, Jer. xxii 19, Amos v 27. b) The situation in Ecclesiastes Since, when studying 7, I found that the book of Ecclesiastes produced a pattern of use similar to the prose material, this book has been treated here separately.612 In Ecclesiastes there is no instance attested where the ending under consideration is attached to a noun. The following instances where the use of Nh would have been theoretically possible are found: a) ym (i 7), b) drwm (i 6, xi 3), c) 'yr (x 15), d) spn (i 6, xi 3).613 The only other instances found in Ecclesiastes regarding the use of the ending under consideration are: 1) 1 instance of smh with local-terminative function: ix 10—2) 1 instance of sm with localterminative function : i 7 — 3) 2 instances of smh with locative function : iii 16 (twice) — 4) 3 instances of sm with locative function : i 5, iii 17, 611 Cf. the discussion of the comparable situation in prose material, pp. 150ff. 612 See the remarks of the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 78. As it is possible for a poetic text to have a use of 't similar to that of prose (see above p. 181), for the time being I have preferred not to consider a Wisdom text like that of Ecclesiastes a priori as prose. 613 For the use of the noun drwm with locative function in prose material {Idrwm Ez. xli 11), see the remarks n. 111. Among the relevant prose material I have not included the 1-drwm of Ez. xxi 2.1 interpret htp 'l-drwm as “speak against the South” (see also the parallel hnb' 'l-y'r hsdh ngb, see also a comparable parallelism in Ez. xxi 7 and the parallelism /’ mb' l-ysr'l wT tfyp 'l-byt yshq in Amos vii 16).

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xi 3. This material is too scanty to permit one to decide with reasonable certainty whether Ecclesiastes is similar to prose material or not as far as the use of the ending under consideration is concerned. The only remarkable point is the presence of 2 zmMnstances of spn with local-terminative function against no Nh-instance of this noun with the same function, but even this is not decisive.614 There is a relatively high percentage of locative iw/z-instances.615 c) The situation in Daniel When studying V, I found that the Hebrew part of Daniel did not offer a uniform picture with respect to the use of this particle; these chapters were therefore treated here separately.616 In the Hebrew part of Daniel the following instances of Nh are found: >.s (Dan. viii 7, 10, 12, 18, x 9, 15); ym (Dan. viii 4); ngb (Dan. viii 4); spn (Dan. viii 4), total: 9 instances against no zeroinstances.617 There are no instances of NhxN(°) against 2 zeroinstances : 'rs (Dan. i 2, xi 41). There are no instances of N°h against 3 zero-instances: ngb (Dan. xi 29); yrwslm (Dan. i 1); msrym (Dan. xi 8). There are no instances of Nymh against 1 zero-instance (Dan. xii 7). There are no instances of smh against 2 of sm, 1 with localterminative function (Dan. ix 7), and 1 with locative function (Dan. x 13). The 9 instances of Nh (all with local-terminative function) occur 614 In the use of Nh with local-terminative function of those nouns which refer to one of the 4 points of the compass, prose material as such does not offer a uniform picture (cf. p. 36). The 0.0% (0.0-84.19) does not differ very much from the situation in some younger texts, in as far as the scanty material available allows a decision to be made. 615 Both instances of smh (both iii 16) function as a core element in a nominal clause. Two zero-instances function as a constituent at clause level in a nominal clause (i 5, iii 17; in the last-mentioned verse the sm refers in my opinion to the mqwm hmspt and the mqwm hsdq mentioned in v. 16, against Whitley, art. cit., Bibl. Iv, pp. 396 f.); the third one functions as a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause (xi 3). The fact that the use of smh with locative function in those instances where it is a core element in a nominal clause reaches 100% (29.24-100) could be significant in comparison with the prose and poetic material, although the number of instances attested is very low, cf. pp. 146 and 166f. The fact that in the other instances with locative function sm reaches a 100% density (29.24-100) is not significant compared with the prose material; there is a difference, however, with respect to the situation in poetic material, cf. pp. 166f, cf. also n. 609. 616 The chapters i 1-ii 4a, viii and x are in agreement with the picture found in prose material; in chapters ix, xi, xii a picture similar to that in poetic material emerges, cf. the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, p. 79. 617 I have not taken the 'l-hngb and the 'l-hmzrh of Dan. viii 9 here to be zeroinstances, interpreting both strictly as againstwithout local-terminative component, cf. also the 'l-hsby in the context.

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in chapters which are in agreement with prose material as far as the use of the particle 7 is concerned.618 The picture which these chapters show in the use of Nh is completely in agreement with what is found in prose texts and in contradiction with the poetic material.619 The material on NhxN(°), N°h and Nymh is too scanty and is of little avail, as is true for the iw-material. The only result is that the conclusion that chapters viii and x are similar to prose material is confirmed. For i-ii 4a, ix, xi, xii no decision can be reached on the basis of the material in question. 618 For these chapters, see n. 616. 619 The situation with those nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass (3 instances of Nh against 0 zero-instances, 100% (29.24-100)) is in complete agreement with what is found in at least part of the prose material, cf. p. 36. The relevant poetic material, however, scanty it may be, points in another direction, cf. p. 163. The situation with 'rs fits in with most of what is found in prose material, cf. pp. 41 f. For the com­ pletely different situation in poetry, cf. p. 163, cf. also pp. 170, 175.

CHAPTER ELEVEN

DISCUSSION OF THE MATERIAL AND CONCLUSIONS

1. Discussion of the percentage fields in prose material a) General remarks Before discussing the conclusions which can be drawn from a comparison of percentage fields, the rules which have to be conformed to must be first mentioned.620 In comparing 2 percentage fields, there are 3 possibilities to be considered : 1) the 2 fields do not overlap at all—2) the one field lies completely within the other—3) each field partly overlaps the other. 1. Situation one, non-overlapping fields. In such a case, in all probability,621 there is an indication that the difference in percentage is significant in as far as, even if it were possible to increase the relevant material (i.e. the relevant corpus or corpora) to a very great extent, it would never alter the relation between the highest and the lowest percentages. To give an example: in the instances with locative function of those nouns which refer to the 4 points of compass, the use of Nh is in P 100% (87.66-100) and in those parts from Chr. not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us 52.94% (27.82-77.01), cf. pp. 36f. The percentage fields do not overlap; this indicates that, even if it were possible to increase very greatly the relevant text corpora, the corpus reproducing the type of prose represented in P would always show a higher percentage of the relevant Nh than the one reproducing the type of prose represented in the Chr. text. 2. Situation two (the one field lying completely within the other). If such a situation occurs, a significant indication of the type mentioned

620 Mr. H. R. v. d. Laan has been a great help to me in the formulation and application of these rules. I wish to express here my indebtedness and gratitude to him. 621 In all calculations of percentage fields there is an unreliability factor of 5°/0. For this reason there can never be absolute certainty for anyone basing conclusions on the outcome of these calculations. To indicate this 1 have added here the words “in all probability”. Although 1 did not add this expression in the descriptions of the other situations, it is also presupposed there.

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187

above is not given.622 To give an example: in the instances with local-terminative function of those nouns which refer to the 4 points of the compass, in Ez. the use of Nh is 50% (23.04-76.96) and in those parts from Chr. not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us 33.33% (0.84-90.57), cf. p. 36. The first field lies completely within the other. This indicates that if it were possible to increase very greatly the relevant text corpora, there would be no way of knowing for certain that the text, reproducing the type of prose represented in Ez. would always show a higher percentage of the relevant Nh than the other, reproducing the prose type represented in the Chr. text. 3. Situation three (each field partly overlaps the other). Here there are 3 possibilities. a) The centre of each field lies within the other. In this case a significant indication of the above-mentioned type is not given. To give an example : in the instances of byt with local-terminative function, in those parts of Chr. not borrowed from a Vorlage known to us the use of Nh is 0.0% (0.0-97.5), whereas with comparable instances of hws in the same prose type, the use of Nh is 100% (15.81-100), cf. p. 38. The centre of the first percentage field (48.75) lies within the second, and the centre of the second field (57.9) lies within the first. This fact indicates that if it were possible to increase very greatly the relevant text corpus, one could not be certain that the text would always show a higher percentage of the relevant Nh of hws than of the relevant Nh of byt. b) The centre of one field lies within the other but the centre of the latter does not lie within that of the former. If this is the case a significant indication of the above mentioned type is given. To give an example: in the instances of Misrayim with local-terminative function the percentage of N°h in JE is 85% (62.11-96.79), whereas in D it is 42.85% (9.9-81.59), cf. p. 117. The centre of the first field (79.45) lies within the second, but the centre of the second field (45.75) does not lie within the first. This indicates that even if it were possible to increase very greatly the relevant text corpora, the corpus reproducing the prose type represented in the text of JE, would always show a 622 For example, if the centre of the bigger field does not lie within the other, this fact would constitute some evidence for a significant indication of the type mentioned above. However, as it cannot be denied that such an indication has a lower grade of reliability than the indication type I base myself on in this chapter, it seems best to be on the safe side and to leave this lower-grade indication type out of the picture here.

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higher percentage of the relevant N°h than the one reproducing the prose type represented in the D text. c) The centre of each field lies outside the field of the other. If this is the case a significant indication of the above mentioned type is given. To give an example: in the instances of the nouns referring to the 4 points of the compass with local-terminative function, in JE the use of Nh is 100% (66.37-100), whereas in Ez. it is 50% (23.0476.96), cf. p. 36. The centre of the first field (84.18) lies outside the second and the centre of the second field (50) lies outside the first. This indicates that even if it were possible to increase very greatly the relevant text corpora the corpus reproducing the prose type represented in JE would always show a higher percentage than the one reproducing the prose type represented in Ez. To be on the safe side the rules in question will only be applied for those percentage fields which are based on at least 4 instances. To avoid misunderstanding, it must be said that if a significant indication of the above mentioned type is not given, this does not necessarily mean that the relation between the highest percentage and the lowest would be changed if the relevant material was very greatly increased. It only means that, on the basis of the available material, it is impossible to arrive at any firm conclusion about the point in question. First of all, the rules formulated here will be used to consider to what extent a conclusion about percentage differences between different types of -/z-morphemes can be reached for the same type of classical Hebrew prose. In other words it will be seen in which instances the percentage differences between these -//-morphemes are significant in the way mentioned above. To avoid frequently having to repeat the phrases used in defining and explaining the rules formulated above, which would make this whole part unreadable, only the results of their application will be given. This can give rise to no misunderstanding, because it is easy to apply them and a reference to the pages where the percentages/percentage fields are to be found, will be given each time. Moreover, where possible, the results of the application of these rules will be summed up in short formulae, so as to avoid a tiresome repetition of certain phrases. It has been seen above that the differences in ratio between different -//-morphemes in the same type of prose text can be significant in so far as even if it were possible to increase very greatly the relevant text corpus, the relation between the highest and the lowest percentages

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would never be difTerent from that found in the material in question.623 In this regard the results of the application of these rules will be expressed in formulae of the following type: Nh of 'rs versus Nh of 'hi. This means that in the type of prose under consideration the Nh of 'rs not only reaches a higher ratio than the Nh of 'hi, but that even if the relevant text corpus could be very greatly increased, the Nh of 'rs would always have the higher ratio compared with the Nh of 'hi “Nh of compass point (term.)” indicates the Nh of those nouns which refer to one of the 4 points of the compass and especially those which have a local-terminative function (if instead of “term.”, “loc” is given, the locative is meant).624 1. The situation in JE a. Nh of 'hi versus NhxN of 'hi, 'rs (with rectum which is not a geographical name), byt (with rectum which is not a personal or divine name), ym and Advh of sm (loc.). b. Nh of 'rs versus Nh of 'hi, hr, mdbr, *yr, NhxN of 'rs, 'hi, byt, ym, Nymh of smym, N°h of Gilgal and Misrayim and Advh of sm (loc.). c. Nh of byt and hws (term.) versus Nh of mdbr, yr, NhxN of 'rs, 'hi, byt, ym, Nymh of smym, N°h of Gilgal and Advh of sm (loc.). d. Nh of hr versus NhxN of 'hi, 'rs (with rectum which is not a geographical name), byt (with rectum which is not a personal or divine name) and Advh of sm (loc.). e. Nh of hws (term.), cf. byt (term.). f. Nh of mdbr versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is not a personal or divine name) and Advh of sm (loc.). g. Nh of yr versus the same -A-morphemes. h. Nh of compass point (term.) versus Nh of hr, mdbr, yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, ym, Nymh of smym, N°h of Gilgal and Advh of sm (loc.). i. NhxN of 'hi versus Advh of sm (loc.). j. NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name) versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is not a personal or divine name) and Advh of sm (loc.). k. NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is not a geographical name) versus Advh of sm (loc.). 623 See pp. 186ff. 624 It goes without saying that a part of the material is so scanty, that it cannot be used here; therefore only those parts of the material are referred to here to which the rules can be applied and about which a more definite opinion can be expressed on the basis of these rules. See also pp. 194, 198.

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l. NhxN of byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name) versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is not a personal or divine name) and Advh of sm (loc.). m. NhxN of ym versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is not a personal or divine name) and Advh of sm (loc.). n. Nymh of smym versus the same -/^-morphemes. o. N°h of Gilgal versus the same -/z-morphemes. p. N°h of Misrayim versus Nh of mdbr, 'yr, NhxN of ’/z/, Vy, byt, ym, Nymh of smym and Advh of sm (loc.). q. N°h of Sheol versus Nh of mdbr, yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs (with rectum which is not a geographical name), byt, ym, Nymh of smym and Advh of sm (loc.). r. Advh of sm (term.) versus Nh of 'hi, mdbr, 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, ym, Nymh of smym, N°h of Gilgal, Misrayim and Advh of sm (loc.). 2. The situation in P a. Nh of byt (loc.) versus NhxN of 'hi and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). b. Nh of mdbr versus the same -/z-morphemes. c. Nh of mzbh versus Nh of byt (loc.), mdbr, NhxN of 'hi and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause).625 d. Nh of compass point (loc.) versus Nh of byt (loc.), mdbr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), Advh of sm (term.) and sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). e. NhxN of (with rectum which is a geographical name) versus NhxN of 'hi and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). f. N°h of Misrayim versus Nh of byt (loc.), NhxN of 'hi and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). g. Nohxo of Paddan Aram versus NhxN of 'hi and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). h. Advh of sm (term.) versus Nh of byt (loc.), mdbr, NhxN of 'hi and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). 3. The situation in D a. Nh of 'rs versus NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is not a geo­

625 For the way the density percentage of mzbh has been calculated see the discus­ sion on p. 44. It is obvious that reference is here being made to the use of the Nh of mzbh with locative function in a special context type. Outside this context type this Nh with this function often was rarely used, if at all.

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graphical name) and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). b. Nh of compass point (term.) versus Nh of >5 NhxN of byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name), mzrh, N°h of Misrayim and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). c. Nh of compass point (loc.) versus Nh of V.?, NhxN of lrs, byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name), mzrh, Nymh of smym, N°h of Misrayim and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). d. NhxN of mzrh versus NhxN of 'rs (with rectum, which is not a geographical name) and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). e. Nymh of smym versus the same -//-morphemes. f. N°h of Misrayim versus the same -//-morphemes. g. N°h of Mispa versus the same -//-morphemes. h. Advh of sm (term.) versus Nh of Vy, NhxN of 'rs, byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name), mzrh, Nymh of smym, N°h of Misrayim and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). 4. The situation in JK a. Nh of 'rs versus Nh of byt (term, and loc.), hws (term.), *yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, Nymh of smym, Nmh of pnym (loc.), N°h of Gilgal, Hebron, Jerusalem, Mahanyim, Misrayim, Mispa, Sheol, Shechem, Shomron and Advh of sm (term, and loc.). b. Nh of byt (term.) versus byt (loc.), hws (term.), 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, Nymh of smym, Nmh of pnym (loc.), N°h of Gilgal, Hebron, Jerusalem, Mahanayim, Misrayim, Mispa, Shechem, Shomron and Advh of sm (term, and loc.). c. Nh of byt (loc.) versus NhxN of rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt and Advh of sm (loc.). d. Nh of hdr versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt, nhl, N°h of Jerusalem, Mispa and Advh of sm (loc.). e. Nh of hws (term.) versus the same -//-morphemes. f. Nh of mdbr versus Nh of byt (loc.), 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, Nymh of smym, Nmh of pnym, N°h of Gilgal, Mahanayim, Misrayim, Mispa, Jerusalem, Shomron and Advh of sm (term, and loc.). g. Nh of 'yr versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name) and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause).

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h. Nh of compass point (term.) versus Nh of byt (loc.), 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, Nymh of smym, Nmh of pnym (loc.), N°h of Gilgal, Jerusalem, Mahanayim, Misrayim, Mispa, Shomron and Advh of sm (term, and loc.). i. Nymh of smym versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of V? (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt, N°h of Jerusalem and Advh of sm (loc.). j. Nmh of pnym versus the same -//-morphemes. k. N°h of Jerusalem versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name), and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). l. N°h of Asshur versus Nh of byt (loc.), 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, N°h of Gilgal, Jerusalem, Misrayim, Mispa, Shomron and Advh of sm (loc.). m. N°h of Babel versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, N°h of Gilgal, Jerusalem, Misrayim, Mispa, Shomron and Advh of sm (loc.). n. N°h of Gibea versus Nh of byt (loc.), 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, N°h of Gilgal, Jerusalem, Misrayim, Mispa, Shomron and Advh of sm (loc.). o. N°h of Gilgal versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt, N°h of Jerusalem and Advh of sm (loc.). p. N°h of Hebron versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt, nhl, N°h of Jerusalem, Mispa and Advh of sm (loc.). q. N°h of Jezreel versus Nh of byt (loc.), 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, N°h of Gilgal, Jerusalem, Misrayim, Mispa, Shomron and Advh of sm (loc.). r. N°h of Mahanayim versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt, N°h of Jerusalem and Advh of sm (loc.). s. N°h of Rama versus Nh of byt (loc.), 'yr, NhxN of 'hi, 'rs, byt, nhl, N°h of Gilgal, Jerusalem, Misrayim, Mispa, Shomron and Advh of sm (term, and loc.). t. N°h of Shechem versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt, N°h of Jerusalem and Advh of sm (loc.). u. N°h of Shomron versus NhxN of byt, N°h of Jerusalem and Advh of sm (loc.). v. Advh of sm (term.) versus Nh of 'yr, NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is a geographical name), byt, nhl, N°h of Jerusalem, Mispa and Advh of sm (loc.).

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5. The situation in L a. Nh of ym versus Advh of sm (loc.). b. Nh of compass point (term.) versus the same -//-morpheme. c. Nh of compass point (loc.) versus the same -//-morpheme. d. Advh of sm (term.) versus the same -//-morpheme. 6. The situation in Jer. prose a. N°h of Babel versus Nh of >s, NhxN of byt, N°h of Jerusalem, Misrayim, Advh of sm (term.) and sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). b. N°h of Mispa versus the same -//-morphemes. c. Advh of sm (term.) versus Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). 7. The situation in Ez. a. Nh of 'rs versus Nh of hws (loc.), NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is not a geographical name) and Advh of sm (term, and loc.). b. Nh of byt (loc.) versus NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is not a geographical name) and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). c. Nh of compass point (term.) versus Nh of hws (loc.) and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). d. Nh of compass point (loc.) versus Nh of byt (loc.), hws (loc.), NhxN of 'rs (with rectum which is not a geographical name), N°h of Jerusalem and Advh of sm (term, and loc.). e. Advh of sm (term.) versus Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). f. Advh of sm (loc.; core element in a nominal clause) versus Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). 8. The situation in Chr. (those parts not borrowedfrom a Vorlage known to us) a. Nh of compass point (loc.) versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name), N°h of Jerusalem, Shomron and Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). b. Nymh of smym versus NhxN of byt (with rectum which is a personal or divine name), N°h of Jerusalem and- Advh of sm (loc.; not core element in a nominal clause). c. N°h of Babel versus the same -//-morphemes. It goes without saying that in the preceding and following lists only those instances are given about which a more definite opinion can be

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expressed, based on the rules mentioned above. All other instances are omitted here. Their absence means only that, on the available evidence, it is impossible to express any opinion. The rules mentioned above will also be used to arrive at conclusions about the relations between the different prose types. In as far as the material available and the application of these rules allow, conclusions will be drawn for every -/z-morpheme already discussed in this study. Again these results will be summed up in short formulae to avoid the tiresome repetition of certain phrases. To give some examples: 1) JED: this means that even if the relevant text corpora were to be very greatly increased, the percentage of the -/z-morpheme studied here would always be higher in a corpus reproducing the type of prose represented in JE than in one reproducing the type of prose represented in D—2) JE-D-L : this means, that even if the relevant text corpora were to be very greatly increased, the percentage of the -/z-morpheme studied here would be higher in a corpus reproducing the type of prose represented in JE, than in one reproducing the type of prose represented in D, and that the percentage of the relevant phenomenon would always be higher in both these corpora than in one reproducing the type of prose represented in L—3) (JE 1 D)-L : this means that even if the relevant text corpora were to be very greatly increased, the percentage of the -/z-morpheme studied here would always be higher in the corpora reproducing the types of prose represented in JE and D than in one reproducing the type of prose represented in L, but it cannot be certain that the percentage in question in the corpora reproducing the types of prose represented in JE and D would always show the same relation between the highest and the lowest ratio as does the available text material. 1. Nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass, instances with local-terminative function : (JE L)-Ez. Cf. p. 36. 2. Nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass, instances with locative function: (P < D)-Chr.; P-L; P-Ez.; L-Chr. Cf. pp. 36f. 3. Noun hws, instances with local-terminative function: JE-JK. Cf. p. 38. 4. Noun 'rs: (JE . JK)-D. Cf. p. 41. 5. Noun >: JE-JK. Cf. p. 50. 6. NhxN instances of >.y with a geographical name as rectum: (JE < P)-(JK f Jer. prose); P-D.626 Cf. p. 65. 626 On this point, see also the remarks made in n. 198.

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7. NhxN instances of byt with a personal or divine name as rectum: JE-(JKf Jer. prose f Chr.). Cf. pp. 67f. 8. NhxN instances of 'hi: JE-P. Cf. p. 69. 9. Name Jerusalem: Ez.-(Esr. f Chr.).627 Cf. pp. 114f. 10. Name Misrayim: (JE-bP)-D-Jer. prose; (JEfP)-JK. Cf. p. 117. 11. Name Mispa: (Df Jer. prose)-JK. Cf. p. 119. 12) Advh sm, instances with local-terminative function : (JE f D f L)(Ez. fNeh.); JE-P-JK-Jer. prose; (D 4 L)-JK-Jer. prose; P-(Ez. + Neh.). Cf. p. 142. 13. Advh sm, instances with locative function; core element in a nominal clause: Ez.-(JE-hJK). Cf. p. 146. From this last list it can be concluded that there are certain differences between the known prose types. Such differences can also be deduced from the first list in which the percentage order of the different -A-morphemes within one and the same type of prose is described. Unfortunately, because of the limited material available, knowledge of these percentage orders is also limited. Notwithstanding the defective nature of this knowledge, it is possible to draw conclusions, in some instances at least, in the relevant respect about the prose types in question. These differences are: 1. JE has the order Misrayim versus mdbr, whereas in JK mdbr versus Misrayim is found. Result: JE-JK (cf. pp. 190, 191). 2. JE and P have the order sm (term.) versus mdbr, whereas in JK mdbr versus sm (term.) is found. Result: (JE-l-P)-JK (cf. pp. 190, 191). 3. D has the order sm (term.) versus 'rs, whereas in JK 'rs versus sm (term.) is found. Result: D-JK (cf. p. 191). 4. JK has the order 'rs versus Mispa, whereas in Jer. prose Mispa versus 'rs is found. Result: JK-Jer. prose (cf. pp. 191, 193). b) Conclusions drawn from the study and comparison ofpercentage fields At the beginning it was decided not to study all -/z-morphemes as a unity, but to differentiate between them as to the type of morpheme to which the ending under consideration is attached. This decision 627 Some reservations must be made about the Chr. material in this respect. The only N°h instance of Jerusalem (2 Chr. xxxii 9) has yrwslym- and not yrwslm- as most other texts do (on the few texts'which read yrwslym-, see p. 115 (n. 365)). It remains possible that the density of N°h was different with yrwslym compared with yrwslm.

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has already been justified by the fact that, within one and the same type of prose, the function of one type of -A-morpheme can differ from that of another type (see the discussion of the function on pp. 21 ff., 63f., etc.). Moreover, it was decided not to study all -A-morphemes of a same type as a unity, but to differentiate here also. Thus, a distinction was drawn, for example, between the various Nh-morphemes (see pp. 36 ff.), the various NhxN-morphemes, the various Nymh/Nmh/N°h-rnorphemes, basing this division on the different N (/Nym/Nm/NxN/N°)-morphemes to which the ending under considera­ tion can be attached. This was not done on morphological grounds. This decision has been (partly) justified by the fact that, within one and the same type of prose, the function of one type of Nh (/Nmh/ etc.) can differ from that of another type (cf, for example, the conclusions for the Nh-morphemes on pp. 36ff, some of which have only localterminative function, or in a certain type of literature only a locative function, whereas others can have both functions). (These instances which have another local function or no local function at all are not discussed here.) Both decisions, moreover, are justified by the results of the comparison of percentage fields. For many types of prose texts the list on pp. 189ff. shows both differences between different types of -A-morphemes and between different types of the same -A-morpheme; a glance through this list will prove this. Moreover the results of comparing the percentage fields (partly) justify the decision to differentiate still further; between the Nh’s of the same noun (for example, the differentiation between the Nh’s of byt with local-terminative and with locative function), between the NhxN’s of the same noun (for example, between those of byt with either personal or divine name as rectum or with another type of rectum), etc. To mention only a few instances: in JE the difference of percentage between the NhxN of byt with a personal or divine name as rectum and the NhxN of this noun with another rectum is significant628 (cf. p. 190); in JE the difference of percentage between the Advh of sm with local-terminative function and the same Advh with locative function is significant (cf. p. 190); in JK the difference of percentage between the Nh of byt with local-terminative function and the same Nh with locative function is significant (cf. p. 191); in L one finds the 628 There is even the possibility that all prose types in this material represent types of classical Hebrew prose in which the NhxN of byt with a rectum which is neither a divine nor a personal name was not used or at least not anymore.

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same situation for the Advh of sm as in JE (cf. p. 193); in Ez. the difference of percentage between the Advh of sm with locative function, which is a core element in a nominal clause and the same Advh with the same function, but which is not a core element in a nominal clause, is significant629 (cf. p. 193); etc. First of all, these differences in percentage which have become clear by the differentiation of the material, help to clarify the linguistic situation on a very specific point in different types of classical Hebrew prose. In other words they help in the study of the different prose types at the synchronic level. As has been seen, however (cf. pp. 194f), the differences in percentage also help us to gain insight into the differences in certain respects between these prose types, and they even warrant the decision made at the start of this study (p. 2) not to treat the prose material as a unity, but to divide the material in the way that it has been done, see also below pp. 226 ff. Especially in this regard the differentiation of the -A-material as presented here helps us to gain a clear insight into the differences in the relevant respects between the different prose types, as far as the available material allows. Above all, it helps to prevent the data being confused, which, to a certain extent, would otherwise be inevitable. From the list on pp. 194f, the following facts can be deduced about the relation of the different prose types, where the use of -A-morphemes is concerned. a) There are 2 significant differences between JE and P. b) There are 2 significant differences between JE and D. c) There are 6 significant differences between JE and JK. From the list on p. 195 two may be added. d) There are 4 significant differences between JE and Jer. prose. e) There are 3 significant differences between JE and Ez. 0 There is 1 significant difference between JE and Chr.630 g) There are 2 significant differences between P and D. h) There are 3 significant differences between P and JK. From the list on p. 195 one can be added.

629 For this situation with smh with locative function, see also the discussion on pp. 149f., where it is claimed that a parallel situation possibly also existed for a prose type like that represented in Chr. 630 To this list one could also add: 1 significant difference between JE and Neh.; but because, generally speaking, the text of Neh. offers insufficient material for com­ parisons of this type, I have omitted it here, cf. also p. 198.

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i) There is 1 significant difference between P and L. j) There are 3 significant differences between P and Jer. prose. k) There are 2 significant differences between P and Ez. l) There is 1 significant difference between P and Chr.631 m) There are 3 significant differences between D and JK. From the list on p. 195 one can added. n) There are 2 significant differences between D and Jer. prose. o) There is 1 significant difference between D and Ez. p) There is 1 significant difference between D and Chr.632 q) There is 1 significant difference between JK and L. r) There are 2 significant differences between JK and Jer. prose. From the list on p. 195 one can be added. s) There is 1 significant difference between JK and Ez. t) There is 1 significant difference between L and Jer. prose. u) There are 2 significant differences between L and Ez. v) There is 1 significant difference between L and Chr.633 w) For the difference between Ez. and Chr. we must reserve our judgement.634 From the list on pp. 194f., it is impossible to glean any significant difference between JE and L, D and L, JK and Chr., Jer. prose and Ez. and Jer. prose and Chr. However, this lack of difference as such cannot be considered significant, as the available material is so scanty and the text corpora naturally do not give a balanced survey of the use of the -A-morphemes in the prose types in question. Their aim is not in the first place to satisfy grammatical curiosity. For the same reason the number of significant differences between two prose types cannot be considered significant. For some types of prose the material available is so small that it is impossible to show one significant difference between them or between one of them and the other types of prose. The prose types concerned here are: Is. prose, Jonah, Job prose, Ruth and Esther. The list of significant differences will be used as a point of departure for a further study of the relation between different types of prose attested for in classical Hebrew. 631 One could also add here: 1 significant difference between P and Neh.; cf. also the preceding note. 632 One could also add here: 1 significant difference between D and Neh.; cf. also n. 630. 633 One could also add here: 1 significant difference between L and Neh.; cf. also nn. 630, 632. 634 On this point, see the remarks on p. 115 and in n. 627.

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2. Discussion of some remarkable facts in the use of the ending under consideration in prose a) General remarks In the 13 instances of pNh attested, the noun in question is always either one of the nouns which refer, or can refer, to one of the 4 points of the compass or byt or hws (cf. p. 60). In the 52 instances of (p)NxNh (and related material), the noun to which the ending under consideration is attached is always a noun referting to one of the 4 points of the compass, with only 1 exception: the k'yn hhsmlh (Ez. viii 2). Moreover in the 5 instances of Nh with “deviating” function (cf. pp. 54ff.): Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice), Ez. xxi 3, xlvii 19, the noun in question is always a noun which refers, or can refer,635 to one of the 4 points of the compass. It seems to me that these facts are not accidental. In the majority of these instances, the noun refers to one of the 4 points of the compass : 63 instances. These are nouns the Nh of which reaches a 100% density in certain types of classical Hebrew prose: a) for instances with local-terminative function, this is attested in JE, D and JK (there is no material at all for P; cf. p. 36)—b) for instances with locative function, this is attested for in JE, P, D and JK (cf. pp. 36 f.). For the prose corpora in question the local-terminative instances are in total 19, the locative ones 39. These locative instances all have the special meaning at the north/south/west/east side, cf. pp. 37f. Against this background it is remarkable that all locative instances of (p)NxNh have a closely related meaning: at the north/south/west/ east side/end/boundary (see the discussion on pp. 88 ff.); in these instances p't {/gbwl/qsh) is the regens.636 This fact is all the more noteworthy because in the 5 locative instances where drk is the regens, Ez. xl 10, xli 11, 12, xlii 10, 11, 12 the ending under consideration is not used and because in all 23 local-final and local-separative instances of pNxNh (there are none attested of NxNh) the regens is p't and they all have the special meaning as far as/from the north/south/west/east side/boundary (cf. p. 91).637 Moreover, of the 6 instances of pNh the 635 In Josh, xv 12 ym- refers to sea; for a discussion of this text, see below. 636 The only exception is 2 Chr. iv 10. For the problems raised by this text, cf. also n. 241. 637 In this connection it is also remarkable that in Ez. the percentage of NxNh with local-terminative function (and with drk as regens) is 30.8% (9.09-61.42) whereas the percentage of pNxNh with local-final function is 100% (76.84-100) and of pNxNh

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noun of which refers to one of the 4 points of the compass and which have a locative function (Josh, xv 10, Judg. xxi 19, Ez. viii 14, 1 Chr. xxvi 17 (twice), 2 Chr. xxxi 14), 5 have the special meaning at the north/southjeast side (the exception is Judg. xxi 19).638 In one of the instances where Nh has a “deviating” function (cf. pp. 54ff.): Josh, xv 12, the noun in question, ym, which can refer to one of the 4 points of the compass, refers to the sea. The same is true for a local-terminative instance of pNh : Ez. xlvii 8. Unfortunately the local-terminative material of ym referring to the sea639 is rather scanty: there is no material for JE, P and JK, and only 1 instance (a Nh) for D (1 Kings v 23); yet there is 100% density for L (on the basis of 7 instances). Of those instances of pNh whose noun is either byt or hws, there is only 1 with local-terminative function (Ez. xxxiv 21 : 1-hhwsh). In the local-terminative instances of both nouns, the Nh also reaches 100% density in a type of classical Hebrew prose, albeit only in one: JE, cf. p. 38 (total in JE 16 instances). Four of the instances of pNh of the nouns in question have a locative function (1 Kings vi 15, Ez. xl 40, 44, 2 Chr. xxxii 5). Unfortunately there is no type of classical Hebrew prose in which 100% density is attested for the Nh of these nouns with locative function, except in D and L, but because in both these cases only 1 instance is concerned (2 Sam. v 9 and Numb, xxxv 4), this fact can hardly be considered in any way decisive. One must not forget, however, that in JE there is no locative material attested for these nouns and that for the local-terminative instances of these nouns this is the only type of literature where Nh reaches 100% density (see above). Moreover the Nh instances of these nouns with locative function all have the meaning at the inside/outside (cf. p. 40). Of the 4 instances of pNh discussed here, 3 have the same meaning (the exception is Ez. xl 44, cf. n. 117). All this considered, the conclusion cannot be avoided that there must be a relationship among the facts that pNh, (p)NxNh and Nh with “deviating” function in the large majority of instances are attested for nouns the Nh of which reached 100% density in other text corpora. with local-separative function is 69.2% (38.58-90.91), in both cases p't and once gbwl is regens. In other words there is a significant difference in density ratio between the local-terminative NxNh on the one hand and the local-final and local-separative pNxNh on the other. Cf. also p. 93. 638 For this special text, cf. also the discussion in n. 113 and on p. 61. 639 The local-final material of ym-, referring to the sea, is also very scanty, cf. n. 170.

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In other words there is a relationship among the facts that, in some types of classical Hebrew prose, pNh, (p)NxNh and Nh with “deviating” function occurred mainly with those nouns whose Nh reached a very high frequency in other prose types, if not used exclusively in them. An attempt will be made to define this relationship more exactly. As has been seen (p. 197), as far as the density of -A-morphemes is concerned, the JE texts show quite a number of significant differences with respect to other prose texts (P, D, JK, Jer. prose, Ez., Chr., Neh.). In all instances except one, this means that the higher density shown by JE, in comparison with the other relevant text corpora, in the relevant respects, is significant, cf. the data on pp. 194f. Only in one instance can the fact that JE shows a lower density in comparison with Ez. be considered significant.640 In OT introductory studies JE is generally considered to be (mainly) pre-Exilic in origin and older than the sources P and D. It must also be older than Jer. prose, Ez., Chr. and Neh.641 This argues the case for the many instances in which JE has a higher significant density than other text corpora, being at least partly explained by the fact that JE represents an older stage of classical Hebrew prose, in which the frequency of -/z-morphemes was normally higher than in other types known to us. As will be seen, the one case where a lower JE density is significant can easily be explained as a later development in special circumstances, see pp. 209 f. If this is correct, it also will have consequences for the special subject discussed in this paragraph. Let us start with the instances of pNh. In those types of literature where a pNh of certain nouns is used, 100% density for the Nh of the nouns in question is obviously excluded. This 100% is in most instances attested in JE, among others. (For problems with the instances of byt and hws with locative function, see above.) With the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass and having locative function, the number of instances attested as such in JE is too low

640 This point will be discussed on pp. 209 f. 641 I will provisionally leave JK out of consideration here. The material of JE is generally taken to consist of material from the 8th century BC and earlier. P probably has to be dated in the 6th or the beginning of the 5th century BC; the core of D is generally considered to be pre-Exilic (7th century BC), but the greatest part stems from the Exile (6th century BC?). Jer. prose and Ez. must be dated at the earliest after the beginning of the Exile. Chr. comes from the 4th or 3rd century BC. Large parts of Neh. are somewhat older (partly 5th century BC).

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to allow any conclusion to be drawn, cf. p. 36, but the fact that here P and D have 100% density (on a total of 34 instances), argues the case that also the occurrence of the same situation in JE is no mere chance. As has been said, the JE text probably represents an older stage of classical Hebrew prose than that of P and D, in which the frequency of -/z-morphemes was higher than in other known stages. Against this background it seems probable that the occurrence of pNh instances of certain nouns in certain classical Hebrew prose types is an indication of a development whereby an originally very high frequency (possibly even of 100%) was negatively affected.642 The fact that this indication is given not only by the occurrence of the relevant N or pN only, but also by the relevant pNh, can in its turn be accounted for by the very high frequency which the Nh of the nouns in question once had.643 The occurrence of (p)NxNh instances of certain nouns and related material and the “deviating” use of the Nh of certain nouns (see above) can probably also be accounted for as the result of a situation in which the Nh of the relevant nouns reached a very high frequency. This remark will be supported by the evidence given in the next paragraphs. b) The use of (p)NxNh and related material In all this material, with only one exception, the rectum to which the ending under consideration is attached is a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass. The exception is Ez. viii 2 (kyn hhsmlh); for this instance, see p. 88. In all this material the regens is either p't(/gbwl/qsh) or drk (cf. p. 81), except in 2 instances: Ez. viii 2 already mentioned and 2 Chr. iv 10 (in the latter instance it is not absolutely certain that it is a true instance of pNxNh, cf. n. 241). The instances with drk as regens all have local-terminative function: Ez. viii 5 (twice), xxi 2, xl 6, xlvi 9, xlvii 2; there are no instances with local-terminative function attested which have another regens. In itself 642 Of course, with the nouns the Nh of which once reached a very high frequency (possibly even a 100°() one) this frequency was not necessarily negatively affected at the same moment for every noun involved. 643 It is not necessary that after this high frequency was negatively affected, for every noun the Nh of which once reached a very high frequency (possibly even 100%), a pNh was used. For 'rs at least no pNh is attested, only N with local-terminative function (1 Sam. xxv 23, 1 Kings i 31) and pN with the same function (Dt. xii 16, 24, xv 23, Ez. xxiv 7, xxxviii 20). On Dt. xii 16, 24, xv 23, Ez. xxiv 7, see also the discussion on p. 224.

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it is not so noteworthy that of the 16 instances with locative function, all except one (the text already discussed: 2 Chr. iv 10) have more or less the same meaning: at the north!southl westI east sidejendj boundary, cf. p. 91. It is more remarkable that the (p)NxNh and 7-NxNh instances which have either a local-separative, a local-final function or no local function at all (cf. the survey pp. 81 ff.) all have the same type of regens as have the locative instances: always /?7, except gbwl once: Josh, xv 5. For, also in special types of Nh with locative function, one is dealing with a comparable type of locative function to that found here: with the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass and with byt and hws, cf. pp. 37 f., 40. But what is understandable as such in locative instances, might seem less so in the local-separative and the local-final ones and in those with no local function whatever; namely that in the instances attested (in total 28 instances) the number of nouns used as regens is limited to 2 with more or less the same meaning, which fit the situation with the locative nouns exactly. For this reason it seems probable that this limitation to those 2 special regentia is no mere chance for, at least, the local-separative and non-local instances (for the local-final ones, see below). It is probable that the use of pNxNh and 7-NxNh with local-separative and non-local function is, from a historical standpoint, secondary to the locative use of (p)NxNh, in so far as the appearance of pNxNh and 7-NxNh with those functions was caused by the relatively high frequency of (p)NxNh with locative function. For pNxNh with local-final function the situation may seem more complicated. An attempt at further explanation in relation to the usage of Nh with this function will now be made. There is only 1 instance of Nh with local-final function: Ez. xxi 3, cf. pp. 54f. Here one is dealing with a special type of local-finality, cf. nn. 286, 287. It has already been suggested that this is no mere chance. The noun used here is one of those referring to one of the 4 points of the compass, spwnh, the meaning of which is as far as the northern border, cf. n. 286. Of the 10 instances of the same type of nouns attested in the OT with local-final function (cf. n. 170), where Nh could theoretically have been used but was not, only one (Ez. xxi 9) has the same type of local-final function. Whereas the Nh with locative function of the relevant nouns also refers to the north/southleast/west side/border and the (p)NxNh with locative, local-final and localseparative function also refers to it, it seems no mere chance that the one instance of Nh with local-final function does so too. Moreover,

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although the relevant local-final (p)N(h) material is relatively scanty (see above), it is difficult to explain why the density of local-final pNxNh is very high and within Ez. shows such a significant difference with respect to the density of the local-final Nh, unless one presupposes that the use of local-final Nh was restricted to the special type of local-finality discussed here, which corresponds with the meaning of local-final pNxNh, cf. also p. 92. In answering the question whether the use of Nh with local-final function is the result of a historically secondary development, the fact that the noun in question in Ez. xxi 3 refers not to the North, but to the northern side/border cannot be used as a decisive argument, because this is also the case in the comparable locative Nh instances. Yet I believe that this is a case of secondary development. Reference has already been made to the remarkable fact that in Ez., where locative instances meaning at the north/west/south/east side/boundary are concerned, not only instances of (p)NxN(h) are used, but also many of (p)N(h), whereas, where local-final instances meaning until the north/west/south/east side/boundary are concerned, alongside 14 instances of pNxNh, there is only one of N (Ez. xxi 9) and one of Nh (Ez. xxi 3). As will be seen (p. 207), in an older stage of the language, in instances with locative function, the north/south/east/west side/ boundary could be indicated by either a relevant noun or statusconstructus group (later on there was a contamination of Nh with pNxN). If this had been the case too for the instances with local-final function, the low count of relevant N(h) instances compared with the much higher count of (p)N(h) instances with locative function is difficult to explain. For this reason, another explanation seems preferable, namely that for the relevant local-final instances in an older stage of the language, a status-constructus group was used alone and only secondarily a single noun. This development can be explained in the following way : as a parallel (p)N(h) was used beside the locative (p)NxN(h), by analogy a parallel (p?)N(h) began to be used beside the already present local-final pNxNh. If this is true, it can explain the low number of single nouns used for the relevant local-final instances. A consequence of this argument is the following. If the local-final Nh is, from a historical standpoint, secondary to the localfinal pNxNh, the restriction of local-final pNxNh instances to those of a very special type becomes remarkable, and can be explained only if it is presupposed, as it was for pNxNh with local-separative function and related material without local function (cf. p. 203), that the

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205

appearance of this type of pNxNh was also caused by a relatively high frequency of (p)NxNh with locative function (see also below, pp. 205 ff.). Another remarkable fact is that the instances of NxNh and Nx(NxNh) which have local-terminative function all have the same regens: drk and the meaning of the 4 instances of NxNh with this function is exactly the same as that of the corresponding Nh instances with the same function (namely, of those nouns which refer to one of the 4 points of the compass). This remarkable restriction can be explained only if one presupposes that, from a historical standpoint, the use of NxNh and Nx(NxNh) with local-terminative function is secondary to the use of the Nh of nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass with the same function. As has been seen the Nh of these nouns with local-terminative function reached in certain types of classical Hebrew prose a very high frequency (cf. p. 36). If this explanation is right, the appearance of the NxNh (and Nx(NxNh)) with local-terminative function in classical Hebrew prose is caused by the very high frequency which the Nh with the same function of the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass had in certain types of classical Hebrew prose, types which represented an older stage, at least as far as this point is concerned. Thus, before the appearance of the NxNh and Nx(NxNh) in question, there were in classical Hebrew prose 2 phenomena which form a background to all this: a) the Nh with local-terminative function of nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass—b) a NxN with localterminative function and with drk as regens, for instances, cf. e.g. Dt. i 19, ii 8, Josh, ii 7, viii 15, 1 Kings viii 44, 48, xviii 43, Jer. Hi 7, etc.644 Then, because of the high frequency of the first-mentioned phenomenon, a certain contamination took place between the Nh in question and those instances of the relevant NxN and Nx(NxN) which had a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass as rectum. The fact that the NxN we are discussing here is not preceded by a preposition explains why only an NxNh or Nx(NxNh) with localterminative function and no pNxNh or pNx(NxNh) with this function is found in the material in question. As has been seen, the meaning as such of the (p)NxNh with locative function cannot be adduced as a decisive argument that, from a 644 Not all instances quoted here are strictly speaking NxN, there are examples of the Nx(NxN) type, etc.

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historical standpoint, their use must be secondary to the use of the Nh of the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass with the same function, cf. p. 203. Yet one should ask whether this is not so, in view of the fact that both pNh and NxNh and related material with local-terminative function are, from a historical standpoint, secondary phenomena in classical Hebrew prose, the appearance of which is caused by the high frequency which certain Nh types had in certain prose types. It is noteworthy that beside the 3 instances of pNxNh with locative function in P (Ex. xxvi 18, xxvii 13, xxxviii 13) there are 9 instances of pNxN with comparable meaning (Ex. xxvi 20, xxvii 9, 11, 12, xxxvi 23, 25, xxxviii 9, 11, 12), but none of NxNh or NxN with comparable meaning, cf. the survey, p. 89. In L one also finds 4 instances of pNxNh with locative function (Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xv 5, xviii 12, 20), but no instances of pNxN, NxN or NxNh with comparable meaning, cf. the survey, pp. 89 f. Only in Ez. does one find beside 6 instances of pNxNh with locative function, 4 of pNxN with comparable meaning and 3 instances of NxNh and 10 of NxN, also with comparable meaning, cf. the survey, p. 90. Of the 10 NxN instances there are 5 with drk as regens \ whereas in instances with this regens the ending under study is never used (cf. p. 91) (probably because the special locative function of (p)NxNh makes the use of a regens which rarely refers to sidejendj boundary less preferable), the 5 instances in question can better be put aside for the moment.645 But even if this is done, there is quite a difference between the situation in P and L on the one hand and Ez. on the other. In P, 12 instances with a preposition are found against none without (100% (73.53-100)); in L, 4 instances with a preposition are found against none without (100% (39.76-100)); in Ez., 10 instances with preposition are found against 8 without (55.5% (30.76-78.47)). Based on the rules defined above (pp. 186ff), the conclusion must be that the differ­ ence shown between P and Ez. is to be considered significant in so far as even if it were possible to increase very greatly the relevant text corpora, the ratio of NxN(h) morphemes of the type in question preceded by a preposition would always be higher in the type of text reproducing the prose type represented in P than in that reproducing the prose type represented in Ez. Although the material in L is scanty, 645 In this connection one can also mention Ez. xli 12, a locative instance of Nx(NxN), of which the first regens is p't, but the second one drk.

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the absence of the relevant type of NxN(h) in both P and L makes it quite possible that P could represent a prose type in which the relevant type of NxN(h) was absent. As has been seen, where the use of -A-morphemes is concerned, there are 2 significant differences in ratio between P and Ez., cf. p. 198, in both cases P has the higher ratio. It was also seen that, where the ratio of -//-morphemes is concerned, the text of JE shows many significant differences with respect to other prose types. In all except one case, JE has the higher ratio (for the one exception, cf. pp. 209f). It has already been concluded that, in all probability, this fact means that JE represents an older stage of classical Hebrew prose, in which the frequency of -//-morphemes was normally higher than in other known prose types. This could be an argument in favour of the case that, normally, the fact that, where the use of certain -//-morphemes is concerned, one type of prose shows a significant difference in ratio from another, indicates that the type of prose with the higher ratio represents an older stage for the point in question than the other one. Moreover, on one of the points of difference between P and Ez., P shows a ratio situation, which, although the relevant JE material is very scanty, probably did not differ very much from that in JE (see the discussion on pp. 201 f). The consequence of this argument is that the type of prose with the higher frequency (possibly even 100% frequency) of pNxN(h) of the relevant type and function within the field of comparable instances of (p)NxN(h) represents the older stage in this respect. Whereas the -//-morphemes preceded by a preposition are normally a secondary phenomenon (see the discussion on pp. 199ff, 217ff), a fact like this can be explained only if it is presupposed that a pNxNh with locative function came into being only as the result of a con­ tamination between the relevant Nh with this function and a pNxN with comparable meaning. The next development was that the preposi­ tion also could be omitted. As far as the contamination is concerned, a development comparable to that which brought the local-terminative NxNh into existence would occur. If this argument is sound, there are 2 phenomena which form a background io this process: a) the Nh with locative function of nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass—b) a pNxN with locative function, with / as the preposition, p't as regens and a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass as rectum. (One should note here that all instances of pNxN discussed here in P (9; cf. p. 206) are preceded by the preposi­

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tion /, as are the comparable instances of pNxNh in P and L.)646 That the contamination in question could take place is also due to the fact that the relevant Nh reached a very high frequency in certain types of classical Hebrew prose. It is noteworthy that each of the 3 instances of pNxNh, all with locative function, in P (Ex. xxvi 18, xxvii 13, xxxviii 13) is a paratactic element in an endocentric constituent of the type (pNxNh//Nh) and that there are no instances attested in P of pNxNh alone, although in P there are 6 instances attested of pNxN besides the 3 of (pNxN//Nh), cf. p. 89. Although this fact could very well be significant, it does not necessarily point to a stage in the spread of (p)NxNh with locative function in classical Hebrew prose: its first occurrence being in endocentric constituents of the above-mentioned type. It also could be a style peculiar to P. In the next paragraph the background to the use of Nh with “deviating” function will be discussed, and because this problem is partly related to that of certain developments in the use of -/?morphemes in the nominal clause, both will be treated together. c) The use of Nh with “deviating" function and the use of -h-morphemes in the nominal clause As has already been seen (p. 55), 3 of the 5 instances of Nh with “deviating” function are core elements in a nominal clause; in these 3 instances the Nh has no local function whatever: Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice). Thus, this fact has also been noted as significant. The 2 instances of NxNh which have “deviating” function (i.e. no local function whatever : Josh, xv 5, xviii 15) are also a core constituent in a nominal clause, cf. p. 85. A comparison with the situation with the Nh instances with the same functional “deviation”, makes it

646 In L, there is only 1 instance of pNxNh where the regens is not p't, but a noun with a related meaning: gbwl. Numb, xxxiv 10. One has to presuppose that the first type of pNxNh which emerged had p't as regens and a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass as rectum, a secondary development being that there emerged types of pNxNh with as regens a noun which was related to p't in meaning. The fact that, in Ez., among the 6 instances of pNxNh (cf. p. 83) with locative function there are 3 instances with this type of regens (Ez. xlviii 1, 21 (twice)) can be considered as an indication that this secondary development continued. As an indication of a secondary development, it also may be considered that, in Ez., among the instances with p't as regens there are 2 (Ez. xlv 7, xlviii 32) with another preposition than /.

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appear probable that this too is significant, cf. p. 85.647 The fact that this “deviating” material is attested only in L, is in itself not significant, because the corresponding material outside L is too scanty to allow any conclusion to be drawn, cf. p. 56 (n. 166) and p. 86 (n. 266). As has been seen, from a historical standpoint, the use of NxNh without local function is as such the result of a secondary development, cf. p. 203. This implies that the use of NxNh with “deviating” function developed only in a certain context and at a certain level. It did not develop at clause level in a verbal clause nor with constituents which did not function at clause level at all.648 The development in question also meant that, used in the special context and at the special level, NxNh lost its functional indication. In other words, in such cases, the formal opposition NxN:: NxNh, if it still existed, did not correspond with a functional opposition. There is a more or less exact parallel to this development. As has been seen (p. 146), there is in Ez. a significant difference in density between instances of smh which are a core element in a nominal clause and those which are not. Such a significant difference is not found, for example, in JE and JK. On the contrary, there is a significant difference between the density of smh with locative function as a core element in a nominal clause in Ez. on the one hand and its density in JK and JE at the other, cf. p. 195. This also means that in as far as core elements in a nominal clause are concerned, the formal opposition smwsmh in JE and JK did correspond to a functional opposition (albeit that there are differences among them 649), but in Ez. it did not. Whereas the situation in JE probably represents an older stage in the development of the language than in Ez. (cf. p. 201), it also seems best here to explain the situation with regard to the point in question in Ez. as a secondary development, a development more or less parallel to that of NxNh described above. In both instances one would be concerned with a development which implied an increasing frequency of certain -/z-morphemes, whereas

647 Unfortunately, the situation at clause level in a nominal clause cannot be assessed because of the lack of material, cf. the discussion on pp. 85 f. 648 The same restriction is made here as in the preceding note. 649 The difference between JE and JK in this respect is that the density ratio of smh with local-terminative function is (cf. also pp. 142, 195) significantly lower in JK than in JE, which results in the functional opposition in question being different in JK from in JE (cf. the discussion on pp. 148f.).

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the development normally implied a lowering of the frequency of -//-morphemes. Against the background of the development described above, it seems probable that the use of Nh with “deviating” function as a core element in a nominal clause is also the result of a comparable development which, from a historical standpoint, can be considered secondary. (Unfortunately the comparable material from text types other than L is so scanty (cf. n. 166) that it does not offer any help.) However, this theory can be supported by the fact that the nouns in the 3 instances which are attested (Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice)) belong to types which in certain prose types reach 100% density, a density which, in all probability, can be considered significant. Whereas the appearance of pNh, (p)NxNh and related phenomena must also be understood as, directly or indirectly, the result of the fact that the noun to which the ending under consideration is attached had a very high Nh ratio in certain stages of the language, it also seems probable in this case that the use of “deviating” Nh instances for this special type of noun is significant and is the result of the very high density their Nh had in certain stages of the language. In other words, their appearance is the result of a secondary development. d) Discussion of functional changes In the preceding paragraphs, some functional changes which must have taken place for certain -//-morphemes at a certain moment in classical Hebrew, have already been discussed. In this paragraph an attempt will be made to trace some more. Of the 197 instances of N°h functioning at clause level in a verbal clause, only one (Josh, xix 18) has no local function, moreover this instance occurs in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root hyh, which is remarkable because an N°h at clause level in such a clause is only rarely attested, cf. pp. 130f. Of the other 61 N°h instances, 4 have no local function (Ez. xxv 9, Josh, xiii 18, 1 Chr. i 7, xxvii 21), cf. pp. 130f. Among these 61 instances there are 39 where N°h is a hypotactic constituent in an infinitive or participle phrase (or the core of such a constituent or paratactic element in an endocentric consti­ tuent which functions at this level). The 4 non-local instances of N°h do not occur among them. This fact must also be significant because the 39 instances in question are more or less equally distri­ buted over the OT prose texts. The consequence of these facts is that functional indications given by the use of N°h are dependent on the context in which it occurs, at least in certain prose types. If it occurs

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at clause level in a verbal clause with no verbal form of the root hyh, the indication is different from when it occurs at clause level in a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root hyh, or is a core element in a nominal clause or a constituent not functioning at clause level, which is not a hypotactic constituent in an infinitive or participle phrase. If it is such a hypotactic constituent, it probably gave the same functional indications as if it had occurred at clause level in a verbal clause with no verbal form of the root hyh. This means that, in the relevant prose types, the indication given by the use of N°h at clause level in a verbal clause with no verbal form of the root hyh, is that one is dealing with a constituent with local-terminative (local-final or locative) function; the same indication is given if one is dealing with a hypotactic element in a participle or infinitive phrase. In other instances, the indication is that one is dealing with a constituent with either local (but not local-separative) function or no local function at all, cf. pp. 131 f. Moreover, the certain instances of N°h with local-final function (1 Sam. xiv 31, Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xix 29, Ez. vi 14, xxv 13) occur only as a paratactic element in a special type of endocentric constituent (mA7N7/(w)N0h). This could very well be significant because although the use of N°h as such gave no certain indication whatever that one was dealing with a constituent with local-final function, the special context leaves no doubt on this point. In other words the local-final use of N°h was probably confined to those contexts where no doubt about this function was reasonably possible. In this connection, it is remarkable that the only instance of Nh with local-final function is found in the same type of context: Ez. xxi 3; moreover, the instances of pNxNh with local-final function (cf. p. 84) also occur in a com­ parable context type. This means that an addition has to be made to the description of functional indications given above. If N°h occurred in the special type of endocentric constituent spoken of here, it indicated that one was dealing with a constituent with localfinal function; if this was not the case the constituent probably was not one with local-final function. The question now is whether the occurrence of N°h with other than local-terminative function could be the result of a historically secondary development. The problems involved are not easy to solve. It is probable that, at least in certain older types of classical Hebrew prose, the Nh of certain nouns reached a very high frequency, clearly higher than that of the Nh of certain other nouns, cf. pp. 189ff. The

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“deviating” use of Nh and the occurrence of pNh which is attested only for nouns of this group, has been noted. This can be considered significant, cf. pp. 199ff. Although in OT prose there are 257 instances attested of N°h, 86 different names are used there; moreover the relevant material is dispersed over different prose types. This means that we cannot obtain an overall picture of many geographical names of which N°h is attested as is partly possible for names like Jerusalem and Misrayim. For most of those names of which N°h with other than local-terminative function is attested, it is consequently impossible to attain a general conspectus which is based on a minimum of sufficient material. The best there is, is that of Babel (locative N°h Jer. xxix 15), cf. pp. 117f. Yet here too there is no material from prose types like JE, P and D, for which it has been established as highly probable that the 100% density of, for example, those nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass is significant, cf. pp. 199 ff. For Riblah (// this is the name to be read in Ez. vi 14) one gets the impression that, in some prose types at least, its N°h frequency in “normal” function must have been high, yet the material is too slender to allow any certainty whatever, cf. p. 119. Besides 1 instance with locative function (1 Chr. xviii 3) for Hamath, there are 10 zeroinstances; yet because they occur in a special type of context (cf. p. 116), they cannot be adduced as an argument of any significance. For Jezreel (N°h with non-local function Josh, xix 18) there is only a reasonable survey for JK; etc. Against this background it is impossible to show that an N°h which is attested with other than local-terminative function reached a high frequency in certain older prose types. One cannot deny the possibility, but there is no real indication in the material discussed here. In other words, if there was a situation here which was parallel to that with Nh, it cannot be proved; an analogy with the situation with Nh cannot be adduced as an argument that the occurrence of N°h with other than local-terminative function is the result of a historically secondary development.650 650 Moreover, in some instances it cannot be regarded as absolutely certain that a formal opposition N0::N°h still existed; cf. e.g. the name Yahas. In prose texts instances of yhsh are attested (with local-terminative function : Numb, xxi 23, Dt. ii 32, without local function: Josh, xiii 18), and also 1 of byhsh (Judg. xi 20, with locative function) and 1 of 't-yhsh (1 Chr. vi 63, without local function) against none of yhs, byhs, 't-yhs, etc. Only the fact that, in prophetic material besides 1 instance of 'l-yhsh (Jer. xlviii 21) one also finds 2 instances of 'd-yhs (Is. xv 4, Jer. xlviii 34) could possibly indicate that, for prose material also, such an opposition still existed, but one cannot be certain. This is not the only instance of which one cannot be certain in prose material whether the opposition in question still existed.

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As has been seen, the N°h instances with local-final and non-local function are confined to a special type of context, cf. pp. 210f, this not being the case, as far as can be judged, with the 3 instances of N°h with locative function: 1 Kings iv 14, Jer. xxix 15, 1 Chr. xviii 3. One could try to explain this rare use of N°h with locative function (in 1 Chr. xviii 3 with special locative function, cf. n. 354) as repre­ senting the last traces of an older, more common use of N°h with this function. Yet, this seems to be less probable for the following reasons. The instances in question occur in JK, Jer. prose and Chr. Not one comparable instance is found in JE, P and D. Against the background leading to the conclusion that JE represents an older stage of classical Hebrew prose, this would be remarkable, cf. p. 201. Also for P and D this would be remarkable. There are significant differences where the density of -//-morphemes is concerned, between P and D on the one hand and JK, Jer. prose and Chr. on the other, cf. pp. 197f. (see also the discussion on p. 224), P and D having the higher percentage. Whereas it seems probable that normally the prose type with the significantly higher density represents the older stage in language/prose development in the relevant respect, cf. p. 201, the fact that neither JE nor P and D have any N°h instance with locative function argues against the explanation proposed above. A more probable explanation is that the use of N°h with locative function must be explained, from a historical standpoint, as the result of a secondary development, by which N°h was used in a function that it was not used in before. The reason, at least in part, for this development (cf. also p. 222) was probably that, by analogy with the situation with Nh which could have a local-terminative and a locative function, the use of N°h with locative function also developed. Against the background to the fact that N°h could theoretically often have been used with locative function, but rarely was, it seems probable that its locative use remained limited in classical Hebrew prose. Before turning to the background to the use of N°h with local-final and non-local function, it seems preferable to go into the problems around sm- first. As was seen on pp. 148 ff., the functional indications given by the use either of sm or of smh are not the same for every known type of classical Hebrew prose. In a classical Hebrew prose type such as that represented in JE, the use of smh indicated that one was most probably dealing with a constituent with local-terminative function and the use of sm in this prose type indicated that one was most probably

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dealing with a constituent with locative function. The situation in JK is different in that the use of sm in this prose type did not give a clear indication whether one was dealing with a constituent with localterminative or with locative function. As has been seen, the JE prose probably represents an older stage of the use of -/z-morphemes than the prose types in JK, cf. p. 201. In view of this, the following historical explanation of the situation in JK can be offered. This situation is the result of a development through which the use of smh in local-terminative function diminished, and its use with locative function did not increase; in other words there was a decreasing use of smh and an increasing use of sm. The development in question also means that, although the formal opposition smwsmh still cor­ responded with a functional one, the character of this functional opposition had changed. First it was an opposition between 2 func­ tionally marked constituents, then one of them {sm) became func­ tionally unmarked or neutral. A more or less comparable situation to that in JK can be found in Jer. prose, cf. p. 149. Neither in JE nor in JK is there any indication that the density of smh with locative function might be different depending on the context type in which it occurs. As has already been seen (pp. 145 ff.), the situation in this respect is different in Ez. Here the density of smh is significantly higher (cf. also p. 195) when sm- with locative function occurs as a core element in a nominal clause, than when it is used in another context. (Possible traces of a comparable situation in Chr. can be found, cf. pp. 149f.) This also means that the formal opposition sm wsmh did not correspond in Ez. to a functional one when sm- occurred as a core element in a nominal clause and that in this special context both forms were used in free variation. As has already been pointed out, this special higher density of smh probably has to be explained as the result of a secondary development. The result of this development was that, where core elements of a nominal clause were concerned, the original functional opposition between sm and smh was lost for this special context; in other contexts the formal opposition smwsmh still cor­ responded to a functional one, the form sm being functionally unmarked or neutral. Returning to the use of N°h, we observe that it may occur with non-local function. The 5 instances in question (Josh, xiii 18, xix 18, Ez. xxv 9, 1 Chr. i 7, xxvii 21) all occur in a special type of context, namely when the instance in question is not functioning at clause level in a verbal clause with no verbal form of the root hyh, cf. pp. 210 f. In only one of these instances is it a core element in a nominal

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clause: 1 Chr. i 7. This means that, at least in certain types of classical Hebrew prose, the formal opposition N0::N°h, in as far as it occurred in the special context type discussed here, did correspond to a very vague functional opposition, cf. also the remarks on p. 131. It has already been seen that the parallel instances of Nh, NxNh and smh also occurred in a special context, cf. pp. 208ff., and that this probably is the result of a historically secondary development. The result of this development was also that the -/^-morphemes in question, when used in this special context, gave no functional indication any more, and that the formal opposition in these cases did not therefore correspond any more to a functional one. One cannot avoid observing the similarity between the situation of Nh, NxNh and smh with non-local function and that of N°h with non-local function, although there is no absolute identity. This could argue the case that the use of N°h with non-local function was also the result of a historically secondary development. This explanation could be strength­ ened by the fact that this special use of N°h occurs in L (also Nh and NxNh with non-local function are found here), in Ez. (the “deviating” density of smh as a core element in a nominal clause occurs here) and in Chr., but not in JE, although this would have been possible. As has been seen, there are significant differences in density percentage between JE on the one hand and Ez. and Chr. on the other (cf. p. 197), which argue the case, already discussed, that JE represents an older stage in language development, cf. p. 201. Based on the presupposition that the prose type with a significantly higher density percentage in the use of -/i-morphemes represents an older stage in the language develop­ ment, the claim may be made that JE represents an older stage than P (see also p. 195), which in turn represents an older stage than L (see p. 194, and also p. 228). Against this background the absence of non-local N°h in JE also argues the case that this use of N°h was the result of an historically secondary development in the language. It has already been seen (cf. p. 211) that there are 5 certain instances of N°h with local-final function : Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xix 29, 1 Sam. xiv 31, Ez. vi 14, xxv 13. It is probable that the*use of pNxNh with local-final function can be considered the result of a historically secondary development and that, from a historical standpoint, the use of Nh with the same function is secondary to that of pNxNh with this function, cf. p. 204. These instances of pNxNh and Nh occur in the same special context in which N°h with local-final function also occurs. Before attempting to draw any conclusions, it seems right to

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list here those instances with the same special context type, where N°h with local-final function could have been used, but was not: Gen. xxv 18 (JE), Dt. ii 36 (D), Josh, x 41 (JE), xii 2 (D), xiii 26 (?, L), xix 33 (L), Judg. xi 13 (twice), 22 (twice; all JK), 1 Sam. vii 14 (D), 2 Sam. xx 2 (JK), 1 Kings v 4 (JK), Esth. i 1, viii 9, 1 Chr. xxi 2, 2 Chr. xxx 5. Moreover, there is an instance where pN°h is used : 1 Chr. xiv 16. (For the reasons for not including Josh, xiii 4 here, cf. n. 425). These instances where no N°h but rather an Nohxo or an Noxoh would have been used are omitted: Gen. xiii 3, Numb, xxxiii 49, Dt. i 2 (?), Josh, xi 17 (?), xiii 6, Judg. xi 33 (?), xx 1, 1 Sam. iii 20, 2 Sam. iii 10, xvii 11, xxiv 2, 15, 1 Kings v 5, 2 Kings xxiii 8, Ez. xlvii 10, 1 Chr. v 23, 2 Chr. xxv 13. The reason for this is that an Nohxo (or an Noxoh) is much rarer than an N°h, cf. pp. 126f., and if the instances in question were included there would be a danger of falsifying the evidence.651 As has been seen, N°h with local-final function occurs twice in L, once in JK and twice in Ez. Moreover, among the instances where, theoretically, this local-final N°h could have been used, but was not, there are 2 from JE (against none of N°h), 3 from D (against none of N°h), 6 from JK (against 1 of N°h: 1 Sam. xiv 31), 1 or 2 from L (against 2 of N°h : Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xix 29), none of Ez. (against 2 of N°h: Ez. vi 14, xxv 13) 2 from Esther (against none of N°h) and 2 from Chr. (against 1 of pN°h: 1 Chr. xiv 16). Although this is very limited material dispersed over many prose types, one cannot avoid the impression that the fact that N°h is not attested, or hardly attested, in those prose types which represent older stages of the language (especially JE and D) could be significant. If this impression is right, this may point to the use of N°h with local-final function in a very special context as the result of an historically secondary development in the language. Also, provided one wants to argue from analogy, the fact that the use of pNxNh and Nh with local-final function is probably the result of such a secondary development points in such a direction. Moreover, it is a remarkable fact that 14 instances of pNxNh with local-final function and 9 with local-separative function are attested (cf. pp. 83 f), without there being any instance attested of NxNh with one of these 2 functions. The use of pNxNh in both functions can be considered as the result of an historically secondary 651 To this list of instances where N°h with local-final function could have been used, one could add Gen. x 19 (twice), but it must be admitted that the contextual situation is slightly different.

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development, cf. pp. 203 ff. The fact that there are no instances attested without preposition, argues the case that, when the use of pNxNh in both functions appeared in the language, the use of a preposition in comparable local-final and local-separative instances was at least predominant, which argues against a use of N°h in this function (unless it were a very rare one). With all due reserve, the most probable solution for the time being seems to be that the use of N°h with localfinal function was the result of an historically secondary development. If this is right, this development took place in a very special context, where the use of N°h instead of pN° did not obscure the fact that local-finality was meant here, because this was already clear from the context. Another reason for the appearance of N°h in this function is possibly that when (p?)N(h) with special local-final function began to come into use (cf. p. 204), then, by analogy, N°h began to be used besides pN° with local-final function. e) The use of -h-morphemes preceded by a preposition For the use of pNh, see the discussion on pp. 61 ff., 199ff. For the use of pNxNh, see the discussion on pp. 87ff., 202 ff. The use of pN°h shows some remarkable differences with respect to that of N°h. The only instance of pN°h with non-local function (Josh, x 39) is a constituent at clause level in a verbal clause with no verbal form of the root hyh (for the different situation with N°h, cf. pp. 130f.). There are 7 instances of pN°h having local-separative function (Numb, xxxiii 23, 34, Josh, x 36, xvi 7, Dt. x 7, 2 Kings xvii 24, Jer. xxvii 16) and one of pNoxoh (Numb, xxxiii 47), whereas there are no instances attested of N°h with this function. Whereas the great majority of the N°h instances have local-terminative function (cf. p. 130), there is no instance among the 21 of pN°h, pNohxo and pNoxoh with such a function. There is only one instance of pNxN°h, Josh, xviii 13, which has it. Among the 18 instances of pN°h there are 8 with locative function (Numb, xxxiii 22, 23, Josh, xv 21, Judg. xi 20, 1 Sam. xxxi 13, 1 Kings iv 12, Jer. Iii 10, 2 Chr. iv 17), whereas among the 258 instances of N°h there are only 3 with this function (1 Kings iv 14, Jer. xxix 15, 1 Chr. xviii 3). Moreover among the 3 instances of pNohxo and pNoxoh there are 2 with this function (Numb, xxxiii 46, 2 Sam. xx 15), but among the 6 of Nohxo there is none with it. In view of this, it must be clear that the relation between N°h and pN°h (etc.) must be different from that of Nh and pNh. Nh has mostly local-terminative or locative function and pNh always has

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the same type of function, whereas N°h has mostly local-terminative function and pN°h never has (there is only 1 instance of pNxN°h which has it: Josh, xviii 13). This means that it is impossible to explain the occurrence of pN°h in some classical Hebrew prose types in exactly the same way as was done for the occurrence of pNh. The appearance of pNh was explained (cf. pp. 201 f.) as being an indication of a development by which an originally very high frequency (possibly even of 100%) was affected. That this indication was given not only by the occurrence of instances of N or pN, but also by pNh, can be accounted for by the very high frequency that the Nh of the relevant nouns once had. As all instances of pN°h attested have a function at variance with what N°h normally has, it is clear that an explanation for its occurrence must be sought in a different, or partly different, way. As has already been stated (cf. p. 212), for most geographical names there is insufficient or no information about the density ratio that the N°h of these names would have had in different types of classical Hebrew prose. This is also true for those names of which a pN°h is attested. There is at least some information for 2 of these names: Babel (pN°h in Jer. xxvii 16) and Riblah (pN°h in Jer. Hi 10). Riblah has already been written about on p. 212, when discussing the use of N°h with other than local-terminative function. For Babel there is some more information, cf. p. 212; at least for some types of classical Hebrew prose it can be presumed that the density of its N°h was reasonably high, although a significant 100% density is found nowhere in the material in question. Unfortunately there is no material whatever on this name in JE, P and D. For 4 of the names in question there are no instances without the ending under consideration (a. 'bl byt m'kh, 2 Sam. xx 15, cf. also 2 Sam. xx 14 —b. ytbh. Numb, xxxiii 33, 34, cf. an Nh in Dt. x 7—c. 'Imn dbltym. Numb, xxxiii 46, 47—d. qhlh. Numb, xxxiii 22, 23). It is uncertain whether yhs ought to be added to this list; in prose material there are 2 instances of pN°h (Judg. xi 20, 1 Chr. vi 63) and 3 of N°h attested (Numb, xxi 23, Dt. ii 32, Josh, xiii 18), but none without the ending under consideration. In prophetic material there are two instances with­ out this ending: Is. xv 4, Jer. xlviii 34. However, the material involving these names is so scanty that it is impossible to decide whether the absence of forms without the ending under consideration is significant or not. That it could, theoretically speaking, be so is proved by the evidence on Ephrat and Timnah, cf. pp. 127 ff. Against this background, the same

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remarks must be made as were made when discussing N°h with other than local-terminative function (p. 212). It is impossible to show that the N°h of the names in question with local-terminative function reached a high frequency in certain older prose types. The possibility cannot be denied, but there is no clear indication in the material discussed here. If there was a situation parallel to that with Nh and pNh here, it cannot be proved. The question whether pN°h and related material is the result of an historically secondary development in the language or a more original element can also be approached from another angle: that of the function indication given by the use of pNh and pN°h as such. As far as can be judged, the use of pNh as such gives a clear functional indication, cf. p. 62; the use of pN°h as such, however, gives a less clear indication, cf. pp. 136f. It would be wrong, however, to describe the relationship and the differences in pNh and pN°h usage only from a strictly syntactical standpoint. The indicational system of a language functions not only through the functional, syntactic indications which are given, but also through the indications given by semantic means; in other words, there is an indicational interplay between syntax and semantics.652 Thus, the use of an Nh as such gives syntactic indications (sometimes in relation with syntactic indications given by the context), but in addition to this, semantic indications are given by the relevant noun and by the context (sometimes an indication is also given by the fact that the ending under consideration is attached to this noun). The use of pNh as such also gives syntactic information (sometimes in relation with syntactic indications given by the context), but in addition to this, semantic indications are given by the preposition used and by the context. Provided the same noun and the same context are being dealt with, the sum of indications as described here is normally the same, whether pN or Nh is used. Thus, the indicational result of the use of a special p- or -h is, generally speaking, the same. If pNh is used, no more indication is given by syntactic and semantic means than by the use of Nh or pN; in other words 2 morphemes, pand -/;, are used here where, theoretically speaking, one of them would have been sufficient. Even if one is dealing with the same geographical name and the same context type, the sum of indications as described above will be different in most instances depending on whether one uses pN°h 652 See also the remarks of the author, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 12 f.

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or N°h (see also the remarks made above). But if one is dealing with the same geographical name, the same context type and the same preposition (or a semantically related one), the sum of indications as described above will be the same in most instances, generally speaking, whether pN°h or pN° are used. In other words the ending under consideration is used in pN°h where, theoretically speaking, -0 would have been sufficient. As has been seen (pp. 201 f.), the occur­ rence of pNh was probably the result of a secondary development in the language. It is quite conceivable that the fact that it probably never reached a high frequency was due to the fact that it had, popularly speaking, one morpheme too many (see above).653 Whereas pN°h also had one morpheme too many (see above), and in all probability also did not reach a high frequency, it seems probable that the same explanation can be given for the historical background of pN°h as was given for pNh. Moreover, to the best of my knowledge, the material from other Semitic languages gives us no reason to presume that either pNh or pN°h belonged to the more “original” phases of these languages (this argument holds good regardless of which explanation one prefers for the historical origin of the ending under consideration, whether one traces its descent from a morpheme -h with consonantal h as, for example, in Ugaritic or from the accusative ending -a).654 As has already been seen, an explanation for an historically secondary appearance of pN°h can never be exactly the same as for the appearance of pNh, cf. pp. 217 f. An explanation must be sought in a different way. The names Ephrat and Timnah have already been discussed. The conclusion was that, at least in certain types of classical Hebrew prose, the oppositions 'prtr.'prth and tmnhwtmnth still existed but that, if they corresponded to functional ones, these functional opposi­ tions differed completely form the “normal” functional opposition N0::N°h.655 Moreover, in prose texts the nominal form Idyld is found which probably once stood in opposition to a form Idyl.656 This opposition is completely lost in prose. Thus, too, a previously existing 653 For comparable phenomena, cf. the author’s remarks, art. cit., OTS xiv, pp. 37 ff. 654 The author hopes to publish an article in the near future on the historical background to the ending under study (whether it should be traced from a morpheme -h or from the accusative ending -a) and on related matters. 655 See the discussion on pp. 127ff. 656 Cf. the remarks made on n. 21. By Idyl is here meant the so-called singular absolute form.

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opposition m'lwm'lh was lost in prose, or at least is not attested in the material in question. Although an opposition pm'l::pm'lh exists, formally speaking, it has no real function because in pm'l the same preposition is never used as in pm'lh, cf. pp. 152f. (See also the dis­ cussion on mdttd, n. 480). For the nominal forms in question, the most probable explanation is that the formal opposition -0::-/z once existed not only for all of them, but also corresponded to a clear functional opposition in either the local or temporal sphere. The fact that this functional opposition was seriously affected and eventually lost, also negatively affected the raison d'etre of the formal opposition, with the result that in some instances even the formal opposition was in all probability lost. This same explanation also offers considerable help with the problems surrounding 'prt and tmnh. The question is how the functional opposition could be negatively affected. Perhaps the following con­ siderations may help. A noun like lyU or m'l-, etc., could be used in different circumstances, with or without a preposition, with or without an ending, and also in a different function. Yet, in a large number of instances it was used in a function for which the use of Nh was either common or at least very frequent. (It goes without saying that lyl- or mV- were very often used in cases where one had to indicate at/by night and above.) As a consequence of the Nh of these nouns being used very often, the use of Nh became so common, that it also began to be used in instances for which it was not used originally. Thus, the original functional opposition was negatively affected, a fact which in its turn could have contributed to the loss of the original formal opposition and the complete disap­ pearance of the noun without the ending under consideration. The same process underlies the use of Nh with non-local function: Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice), Ez. xlvii 19. In these 4 instances one is dealing with a noun, which refers, or can refer, to one of the points of the compass. These nouns were very often used in instances with localterminative or locative function, and in these instances the use of Nh reached a very high frequency in older classical Hebrew prose types. The consequence was that one also began to use the Nh of these nouns in instances for which it was not used originally. Thus, as has already been seen, there is a relation between the significant 100% density and the secondary appearance of, for example, non-local use of Nh (cf. pp. 199ff.), but one also has to see this 100% density against the background of the fact that, in a high number of instances where

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the nouns in question were used, they were used in a function for which the use of Nh reached a very high, possibly absolute, frequency, which is represented by a significant 100% density in the texts in question. The same process underlies the use of (p)/7-NxNh with local-final, local-separative and non-local function. The status-constructus group used for the large majority of those instances (cf. p. 88) was also often used in constituents with locative function, and in this function the (p)NxNh reached a high frequency (moreover, Nh of the nouns serving here as rectum was also often used). The consequence, here too was that one began to use this status-constructus group with the ending under consideration in instances where originally the ending was not used. It seems probable that a comparable process also affected the functional oppositions corresponding to the formal ones 'prtr.’prth and tmnhwtmnth, and that such a process also underlies the use of, for example, pN°h or N°h with other than local-terminative function. Unfortunately this solution for geographical names can only be proposed only on the basis of analogy. It has already been seen (p. 212) that there is some information on the frequency of the use of N°h in local-terminative function of only a small number of names. In this regard, information on prose types like JE, P and D is still more restricted, cf. p. 212. It is especially in these prose types that most material with significant 100% density of -A-morphemes with localterminative and/or locative function is found. Thus, by analogy, it may be assumed that, in older prose types, for certain names at least,657 the use of N°h with local-terminative function reached a very high, if not absolute, frequency and that, because those names often occurred as constituents with local-terminative function, they came to be used in cases where they would not have been used originally. The process, which started in this way for many names, was not generalized to the extent that the formal opposition -0::-/* was in danger of being lost for the great majority of them. (See in this connection the remarks on pN°h on p. 218.) In classical Hebrew prose, too, there are 8 instances of pNmh (cf. p. 99), the Nm in question being pnym, of which 4 instances are also attested of Nmh (cf. also p. 99). There is undoubtedly a 657 That this was not the case for all geographical names is clear from the available material on Jerusalem, cf. pp. 114f. (Unfortunately there is no material here from JE and P). Cf. the comparable situation with Nh, cf. pp. 199ff.

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formal opposition pnym wpnymh,65* there can be no doubt, however, that in prose material pnym without the ending under consideration is never attested referring semantically to the phenomenon to which it refers when it has the ending in question. If it does have it, it refers to inner sideI interior (cf. n. 316). All instances in which pnym has this reference are instances with local-terminative or locative function; for this reason it is unfortunately impossible to decide whether or not the ending under consideration would be generally, or exclusively, found attached to this pnym in instances with other functions. The fact that in the texts in question 8 instances of pNmh are attested but no comparable ones of pNm or Nm, could point in such a direction (especially if one compares the situation with pNh, which is used besides Nh and N and pN, and which was probably less frequently used, cf. pp. 199ff.). Arguing partly by analogy (cf. also p. 222) we seem justified in concluding that, in certain older types of prose, the Nmh of pnym referring to the inner sideI interior reached a very high, if not absolute, frequency in instances with local-terminative and locative function and that the occurrence of the relevant pNmh was due to a historically secondary development in the language. Unfortunately the material of this special pnym is so scanty that it is impossible to reach these conclusions from studying it alone. 0 Some remarks about the historical processes in the use of the -h-morphemes in classical Hebrew From the discussion in the preceding paragraphs it can already be concluded that it is possible to discern traces of processes in the texts concerned such as are referred to in this paragraph heading. It is also possible because one can establish with a reasonable amount of certainty, that, as far as the use of -//-morphemes is concerned, one type of classical Hebrew prose represents an older stage in the development of the language than another. In this paragraph these points will be looked into further. On the basis of the plausible presupposition that, normally, when 2 types of classical Hebrew prose have a significant difference in density of -//-morphemes, the one with the higher percentage represents an older stage of classical Hebrew (cf. pp. 201), the prose types can658

658 As I base the present study on the consonantal text, I omit any discussion of the remarkable shewa in the first syllable of pnymh according to the Tiberian vocalization; on this point, cf. e.g. Bauer-Leander, op. cit., parr. 26p, 73 1.

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be organised with the older ones preceding the younger. Before this can be done, there are still some points to clear up. Firstly the relation between D and JK has to be discussed. As has been seen, there are 3 significant differences in density of -A-morphemes between the two types of classical Hebrew prose. In two of the cases, D has the higher percentage, in one JK has. The question is how this fact is to be explained, particularly against the background of the discussion above. The case where D has the lower percentage concerns the use of the Nh of 7?. Here JK has 37 instances of Nh with localterminative function against 2 corresponding zmMnstances, whereas D has 1 instance of Nh against 3 zero-instances; against the back­ ground of the other prose types, with the exception of Ez., the situation in D is of a rather deviant nature, cf. pp. 41 f. The 3 zeroinstances in D (Dt. xii 16, 24, xv 23) are all instances where a verbal form of the root spk is used and blood is the object. Of the 4 other zero-instances which are attested, one (Ez. xxiv 7) is also of the same type. Among the relevant Nh instances (62) there are only 2 where one is dealing with a verbal form of the same root, once (1 Chr. xxii 8) with blood as object, once (2 Sam. xx 10) with intestines as object. The obvious solution is that, for at least certain prose types, the frequency of the Nh of >5 with local-terminative function was lower than normal when a verbal clause with a verbal form of the root spk was concerned (it is impossible to determine from the material whether the object used was also decisive). This means that, in all probability, the difference in density in question is not decisive, although as such it is significant, because 4 out of the 7 zm>-instances (among them the 3 from D) cannot be considered as true ones. For this reason it seems better to omit the significant difference in density between D and JK, where the use of the Nh of 'rs is concerned, from the discussion of the relation of the different prose types.659 The second point is that, where the use of N°h of Mispa is concerned, Jer. prose has a significantly higher percentage than JK, whereas, where the use of smh with local-terminative function is concerned, the situation is just the other way around. The use of the N°h of Mispa differs completely in Jer. prose from 659 A method of solving this problem would be to point to the fact that JK does not form a unity (cf. pp. 225 f, 231 f); but because the material on 'rs is more or less equally divided over JK, this solution would in my opinion not help here.

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its usage in JK, cf. p. 119. In Jer. there are 5 instances of N°h (Jer. xl 6, 8, 12, 13, xii 1) against none without the ending under consideration; in JK there are only 3 of N°h (1 Sam. vii 5, 6, 7) against 7 without the ending under consideration (Judg. xi 34, xx 1, 3, xxi 5, 8, 1 Sam. x 17, 2 Kings xxv 23). The most probable solution seems to be that in Jer. prose an older stage of classical Hebrew prose is represented in the relevant respect than in, at least, a part of JK (Judg. xvii-xxi, the “appendix” to the Book of Judges),660 though there is a different picture in the instances from 1 Sam. vii.661 This conclusion is possible only because JK does not represent one prose type (see above, pp. 4f.). The other material is too scanty and too dispersed to allow any conclusion, except that the context to which 2 Kings xxv 23 belongs is probably from a later date than Jer. prose.662 The use of smh with local-terminative function is different in Jer. prose than in JK. In Jer. prose, there are 2 instances of smh with this function against 9 zm?-instances; in JK one finds 15 instances of smh against 19 zero-instances, cf. p. 142. Within JK, however, the situation differs in the various parts. So in the Elisha stories (2 Kings ii-xiii 21), 9 instances of smh (2 Kings iv 8, 10, 11 (twice), vi 6, 14, ix 2, 16, xii 10) with local-terminative function are found, against 2 zero-instances (2 Kings ii 21, vi 9). This is 81.82% (48.23-97.92), a significant difference in ratio from that of the total of JK. There are also internal differences in the rest of JK. Thus, in Judges (without the appendix), there are 2 instances of smh with the relevant function (Judg. viii 25, ix 51) against no zero-instances, in the appendix 2 instances of smh (Judg. xviii 15, 17) against 2 zero-instances (Judg. xix 15, xxi 10), in the books of Samuel 1 comparable instance of smh (1 Sam. xxii 1) against 8 zero-instances (1 Sam. ii 14, ix 6, x 5, 10, xix 23, 2 Sam. ii 2, xvii 18, xxiii 9). In the Eliah-stories there are no corresponding smh instances against 6 zero-instances (1 Kings xviii 10, xix 9, xxi 18, 2 Kings i 4, 6, 16). In the rest of the JK material there is 1 corresponding instance of smh (2 Kings xvii 27) against 660 I leave out here the very difficult question of the relation of this appendix to the older pre-deuteronomic parts of the Book of Judges, and also the related question of its date. 661 As will be seen, the Books of Samuel mostly represent a later stage in the language development, cf. e.g. pp. 229 ff. This does not mean that I consider them to be a literary unity. 662 Cf. e.g. Eissfeldt, Introduction, pp. 297, 365 on the section 2 Kings xxv 22-26.

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1 zero-instance (2 Kings xix 32). There can be no doubt that there is a significant difference in density between Jer. prose on the one hand, and the Elishah-stories on the other. Keeping to the rules mentioned above, it cannot be concluded from the often scarce material for the rest of JK that there is a significant difference in density between Jer. prose and those other parts of JK, notwith­ standing significant internal differences in these parts of JK. As regards the usage of the -/z-morphemes, it is clear that Jer. prose represents a later stage in the development of classical Hebrew prose than the Elishah stories, a parallel situation being found in the Eliyah stories.663 Keeping strictly to the lists of significant differences in density percentages (pp. 197 f), we may draw up the following lists of prose types JE-P-(D4 L)-JK-Ez., JE-P-(D 4 L)-Chr. and JE-P-(D4 L)-Jer. prose. In these lists, prose types representing an older stage in the development of the language are given before those representing a later stage. Keeping to this order, we well make an attempt to fill in the picture still more. JE. In all probability, the prose type in the JE text represents the oldest stage of known classical Hebrew prose, as far as the use of -/z-morphemes goes. Instances of pNh, (p)NxNh (, etc.) and pNmh are not attested here, but only 2 instances of pN°h (Josh, x 36, 39). No instances of Nh with other than local-terminative or locative function, nor instances of N°h with other than local-terminative function are attested. In other words, the only traces of a development which, from a historical standpoint, can be considered secondary are the 2 instances of pN°h, found in a context which in all probability can be considered secondary within the JE material.664 The absence of (p)Nmh cannot be considered significant.665 On the absence of other traces of secondary development, see below. P. In P, there is some difference with respect to the situation in JE. The density of the NhxN of 'hi is significantly lower than in JE (if this NhxN was used at all in a prose type like P); the density of smh with local-terminative function is significantly lower than in JE. There is no sign that the use of Nh or N°h gave functional indications 663 For the Elishah stories, cf. e.g. Eissfeldt, Introduction, pp. 294 ff. For the Elijah stories, cf. ibid., pp. 291 ff. 664 Cf. e.g. Eissfeldt, Hexateuehsynopse. p. 74, who considers the context to be deuteronomistic; cf. also the same author. Introduction, p. 255. 665 There is no corresponding rcro-instance in JE, cf. p. 102, for this reason, the absence of (p)Nmh cannot be considered as in any way significant.

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other than those attested in JE. In P, Nmh is attested (Lev. x 18), but this difference with respect to JE is not significant, see above. Instances of pNh, pNmh and pN°h are not attested, see also below. That there are 2 instances of pN°h in JE cannot affect the order JE-P (for this order, see above), because both instances are found in a context which in all probability is secondary within the JE-material (see above). There are 3 instances of pNxNh (Ex. xxvi 18, xxvii 13, xxxviii 13); although the occurrence of pNxNh is probably due to a secondary development in the language, cf. pp. 202ff, its absence in JE need not to be significant, because no comparable material where a status-constructus group is used is attested in JE (cf. n. 284). No instance of locative NxNh, which within the development of the language is probably secondary to pNxNh is attested in P, cf. pp. 206f. For P, see also below. D. In D, there are some differences with respect to the situation in JE and/or P. The density of the N°h of Misrayim is significantly lower than in JE and P; the density of the NhxN of Vs with a geographical name as rectum is significantly lower than in P (this does not mean that the fact that the material does not allow an opinion to be formed on the relation between JE and D in this respect, is significant or needs to be so; the order JE-P cannot be contested on this); the density of the Nh of 'rs is significantly lower than in JE (in this regard there is no comparable material attested in P). There is no sign that the use of N°h gave another functional indication than in JE and P. There is 1 instance in D where an Nh does not have a strictly local function: Dt. xxv 5, cf. p. 27. This, however, does not necessarily point to a significant difference between D on the one hand and JE and P on the other, because compatible instances are not attested in these prose types. The fact that the one instance of Nmh in D (Ex. xiii 10) has another function than the Nmh instance in P (Lev. x 18) cannot be considered significant.666 That there is no instance of pNmh attested in D cannot be considered significant.667 There is no instance attested of pNh. There is no instance attested of (p)NxNh; this fact, however, need not to be significant because comparable status-constructus groups are not attested for in D, cf.

666 In Ex. xiii 10 and Lev. x 18, the Nms in question are different: ymym and pnym. As has been discussed already, the function of Nmh is different depending on which plural noun is involved. 667 The relevant material is too scarce, cf. pp. 99, 101 ff.

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n. 284, so that the order P-D cannot be affected by this fact. There is 1 instance of pN°h (Dt. x 7) on this point, see also below. There is no instance attested of Nohxo as in JE (Gen. xlvi 1) and P (Gen. xxviii 2, 5, 6, 7); on this point, see below. L. In L, there is a difference in density percentages with respect to P. The density of the Nh of the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass and having locative function is in L signifi­ cantly lower than in P. That there are no differences of this special type between JE and L is not significant as such, because the material available is relatively scarce, and for this reason the possibility of comparing the percentages of parallel material in two or more prose types is often not present; at least, not if one wants to do this on a more or less firm basis. There are 3 instances where Nh is used in a non-local function (Josh, xv 12, xvii 10 (twice)); this in itself is not significant, because instances where this special “deviating” use of Nh could have been attested are not present in JE, P and D, cf. also n. 166.668 There are no instances of Nymh attested in L; this fact, however, is not significant because instances where it could have been used are not attested here, cf. pp. 97 f. There are no instances attested of (p)Nmh in L; this fact, however, is not significant because instances where it could have been used in “normal” function, are not attested here, cf. pp. 101 f. There is no instance attested of Nohxo as in JE and P (see above); on this point, see below. There are 2 instances attested of pNh (Josh, xv 10, xix 11), 7 instances of pN°h (Numb, xxxiii 22, 23, 33, 34, Josh, xiii 4, xv 21, xvi 7), 2 of pNoxoh (Numb, xxxiii 46, 47) 2 of pNxN°h (Josh, xvi 6, xviii 13), 4 of pNxNh (Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xv 5, xviii 12, 20), 2 of NxNh (Josh, xv 5, xviii 15) and 1 7-NxNh (Numb, xxxv 5). Moreover there are 4 instances attested of N°h with other than local-terminative function (Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xiii 18, xix 18, 29). The fact that there are 4 instances of pNxNh here is not significant as such in comparison to the situation in JE and D, because comparable status-constructus groups are not attested in these prose types, see above. The relatively high number of instances (11) of pNh, pN°h and pNoxoh is significant compared with the absence of comparable instances in JE (with the exception of 2 instances in 668 In looking for instances where this special “deviating” use of Nh could have been attested, I have restricted myself to constituents which function as a core element in a nominal clause and at clause level in a nominal clause, cf. n. 166. Although it cannot be proved that this use of Nh did not occur outside this special context (cf. p. 56 (n. 167)), it still is probable, because of the parallel situation elsewhere, cf. pp. 208 ff.

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229

a probably secondary context) and P and compared with the fact that only 1 instance is attested in D (pN°h, Dt. x 7; perhaps 2 have to be added to them, cf. p. 133 and especially n. 353). To this one can add that whereas there are no instances of N°h attested in JE, P and D with other than local-terminative function, there are 4 attested in L. This is especially interesting for the relation between L and D. The fact that the text of L reproduces quite a number of indications for secondary developments in the language, whereas there is only 1 in D, can be used as a cumulative argument. If only one of these developments was indicated in L, one could entertain doubts concerning this point; it is their number which can be used as an argument in favour of the order D-L.669 That in L an NxNh is attested twice (both times with no local function) is another indication for the representation of secondary language developments in this text (cf. p. 203), but cannot be used as evidence for the order of the relevant prose types, because the comparable material is too scarce, cf. n. 266. The same is true for the single attestation of an 7-NxNh in L.670 JK. In JK, there is a difference in density percentages with respect to JE, P, D and L. The density of smh with local-terminative function is significantly lower in JK than it is in the 4 other prose types. As has already been seen, the JK material is also not a unity on the question of the frequency of this smh, cf. pp. 225 f. The low density ratio in JK, especially in this respect, can be explained by the situation in the Books of Samuel and in the Elija stories; it is particularly these parts of JK which show the significant difference in density percentage discussed here with respect to JE, P, D and L. In JK, there are 2 differences in density percentages with respect to JE and P: the density of the NhxN of 'rs (with geographical names as the rectum) and the density of the N°h of Misrayim is significantly lower than it is in JE and P. In JK there are no instances of the NhxN in question against 9 zm?-instances, cf. n. 198. These 9 instances are distributed over many parts of JK; it is remarkable that there are 5 in the Books of Samuel (1 Sam. ix 5, xiii 7, 17, xxii 5, 2 Sam. xxiv 6). In JK there is no N°h of Misrayim against 4 zero-instances 669 For this order and its meaning, cf. p. 194. See also p. 198. 670 Besides the instances of 7-NxNh (cf. pp. 80f.), there are only a few attested of 7-NxN of comparable type (p't/qsh/gbwl as regens and a noun referring to one of the 4 points of the compass as rectum)\ for this type, cf. also p. 88. The texts in question are Numb, xxxv 5 (3 times), Ez. xlvii 17. This means that there is no corresponding material from JE, P and D.

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(1 Kings xi 17, 18, 2 Kings xxiii 34, xxv 26). (If one were to subdivide JK, this material would be too scanty to be decisive.) In JK, there are also 3 differences in density percentages with respect to JE alone: the density of the Nh of hws with local-terminative function, of the Nh of 'yr and of the NhxN of byt (with a personal or divine name as rectum) is significantly lower than it is in JE. There are 2 instances of the relevant Nh of hws in JK : 1 Sam. ix 26, 2 Sam. xiii 17, against 2 zero-instances: Judg. xix 25, 2 Sam. xiii 18. (If one were to subdivide JK, the material would be too scanty to be decisive.) In JK, there are 4 instances of the Nh of *yr against 22 zero-instances, cf. p. 50, n. 150. It is remarkable here that 1 of the Nh instances in JK is found in the Books of Samuel (2 Sam. xvii 17) against 16 zero-instances in these books (1 Sam. ix 12, 13, 14 (twice), 25, x 5, xx 40, xxi 1, xxx 3, 2 Sam. x 14, xi 20, xv 25, 27, 34, 37, xix 4). In the rest of JK, the relevant material is too dispersed to be decisive. In JK there is no instance of the NhxN of byt mentioned here against 32 zero-instances. Of these 32 instances there are 5 in the appendix to the Book of Judges (Judg. xvii 8, xviii 2, 13, 15, 18), 9 in the Books of Samuel (1 Sam. i 7, 24, v 2, 5, vii 1,2 Sam. iv 5, xii 20, xiii 7, 8), 11 in the Elishah-stories (cf. p. 225; 2 Kings v 18, x 21, 23, xi 4, 13, 18, xii 5 (twice), 10, 14, 17) and 4 in the Isaiah-stories (2 Kings xviii 13-xx 19;671 2 Kings xix 1, 14, xx 5, 8). For at least these parts of JK one can be reasonably certain that they have a significantly lower density where the use of the relevant NhxN is concerned than JE. In JK, there is also a difference in density percentages with respect to D alone: the density of the N°h of Mispa is significantly lower than it is in D. In JK there is no instance of the N°h in question against 6 zero-instances. Of these zero-instances 4 are found in the “appendix” to the Book of Judges (Judg. xx 1, 3, xxi 5, 8). Thus, it seems reasonably certain that, in at least this part of JK, we find a significantly lower density of the relevant N°h than in D.672 In JK, there is 1 instance of Nh with no strictly local function (Judg. xii 9); this fact need not to be significant, see the discussion of Dt. xxv 5 on p. 227.

671 On these stories, cf. e.g. Eissfeldt, Introduction, p. 296. 672 One must be careful on this point; the relevant percentage field for D is 19.42-99.37 (cf. p. 119), for the appendix to the Book of Judges with 4 zmMnstances against no N°h instances of Mispah it is 0.0% (0.0-63.24). if the rules are strictly applied, the difference between both percentage fields is not significant.

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231

That in L there are 3 instances of Nh with “deviating” function, whereas there is no such instance in JK, cannot be considered significant because in JK there are no comparable instances where it could have been used, cf. p. 56, n. 166. In JK, there are 2 instances of N°h with other than local-terminative function (1 Sam. xiv 31, 1 Kings iv 14), on this point see below. In JK, the functional indication given by the use of sm differs from that given by sm in JE, P, D and L, cf. p. 195. In JK, there are 2 instances of pNh (Judg. xxi 19, 1 Kings vi 15), 3 of pNmh (1 Kings vi 19, 21, 30), 4 of pN°h (Judg. xi 20, 1 Sam. xxxi 13, 1 Kings iv 12, 2 Kings xvii 24), 1 of V-N°h (2 Kings xv 29) and 1 of pNohxo (2 Sam. xx 15). There are no instances attested of (p)NxNh but this cannot be considered significant, because there is no comparable material where a status-constructus group is used, cf. n. 284. That 4 of these 11 instances are found in the description of the building of the Temple and palace (1 Kings vi-vii) is not significant, because elsewhere in JK there are nearly no comparable instances where pNh or pNmh could have been used. More remarkable is the fact that in the short list of Solomon’s taxation districts (1 Kings iv 1-20) there are 2 instances representing a secondary development in the language: 1 Kings iv 14 (N°h with other than local-terminative function), 1 Kings iv 12 (instance of pN°h); on this point, see also p. 245. In attempting to determine the relation of the different parts of JK to prose types like JE, P, D and L, the following picture emerges. The appendix to the Book of Judges shows in the use of smh with localterminative function a significantly lower density than JE, P, D and L.673 Moreover, in the use of the NhxN of byt (with a personal or divine name as rectum), it shows a significantly lower density than JE, cf. p. 230, and in the use of the N°h of Mispa a significantly lower density than D, cf. p. 230. The Books of Samuel show a significantly lower density in the use of smh with local-terminative function than JE, P, D and L, cf. p. 229. Moreover it shows a signifi­ cantly lower density than JE and P in the use of the NhxN of (with a geographical name as rectum), cf. p. 229 and in the use of the NhxN

673 For the percentage fields of JE, P, D and L, cf. p. 142. In the appendix of the Books of Judges there are 2 instances of smh with local-terminative function against 2 instances of sm with corresponding function, cf. p. 225. The percentage is 50% (6.76-93.24).

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of byt (with a personal or divine name as rectum)674 and of the Nh of fyr (cf. p. 50) a significantly lower density than JE, cf. p. 230. The Elijah-stories show a significantly lower density than JE, P, D and L in the use of smh with local-terminative function, cf. p. 229. The Elisha-stories show a significantly lower density than JE in the use of smh with local-terminative function 675 676 and the same is true for its use of the NhxN of byt (with a personal or divine name as rectum).616 These results fit in with the picture given on pp. 225 f. of the internal relationship of these parts of JK. Also what has been said about the use of -A-morphemes which represent a secondary devel­ opment within the language (see above) is not at variance with this. What has been said above about the situation in 1 Kings iv 1-20 (the fact that both a “deviating” use of N°h and the use of pN°h is attested in such a small text) argues the case that it represents a prose type which, compared with, for example, JE and P, shows a later stage in the development of the language. Unfortunately, elsewhere in JK, the material is often insufficient to indicate its relation to JE, P, D and L. Does the use of pN°h (Judg. xi 20) and of smh with locative function as a core element in a nominal clause (the only instance of sm- at this level in this prose type) in Judg. xvi 27 point in the direction of a prose type which represents a stage in the language development later than that represented by JE??677 As has been seen, the use of pNmh (1 Kings vi 19, 21, 30) in the description of the building of the Temple and palace need not be significant, nor need the occurrence of one pNh (1 Kings vi 15), where comparison with other prose types is concerned. The only remarkable fact is the use of 7-N°h in 2 Kings xv 29; this might argue the case for the prose type to which this verse belongs deriving from a later stage in the language development than prose types like, for example, JE and P.678 674 in the Books of Samuel there are no instances of this NhxN against 9 zeroinstances : 1 Sam. i 7, 24, v 2, 5, vii 1,2 Sam. iv 5, xii 20, xiii 7, 8. The percentage is 0.000 (0.0-33.63). For the percentage field in JE, cf. p. 67. 675 For the percentage field in the Elishah stories, cf. p. 225. For the percentage field in JE, cf. p. 142. 676 The relevant rm?-in stances in the Elishah stories are: 2 Kings v 18, x 21, 23, xi 4, 13, 18, xii 5 (twice), 10, 14, 17. The percentage is 0.0°0 (0.0-28.49). For the relevant percentage field in JE, cf. p. 67. 677 On these points one has to be extremely careful, and it is better to abstain from any more definite conclusion, because of the scantiness of the material. 678 As has been seen, 7-N°h is very rarely attested: 2 Kings xv 29, 1 Chr. vi 63. It goes without saying that it is the result of a secondary development in the language,

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Jer. prose. The relationship between Jer. prose and the different parts of JK has already been mentioned above (pp. 225 f.). In Jer. prose there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE, P, D and L: the density of smh with local-terminative function is significantly lower than in the 4 prose types mentioned here. In Jer. prose, too, there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE, P and D. The density of the N°h of Misrayim is significantly lower than in these 3 prose types. Moreover, in Jer. prose, there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE and P. The density of the NhxN of 'rs (with a geographical name as rectum) is significantly lower than it is. in JE and P, provided that this NhxN was used at all in such a prose type as Jer. prose. Finally, in Jer. prose there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE alone. The density of the NhxN of byt (with a personal or divine name as rectum) is significantly lower than it is in JE, provided it was used at all in such a prose type as Jer. prose. In Jer. prose, there is 1 instance of N°h with other than localterminative function (Jer. xxix 15) and 2 instances of pN°h (Jer. xxvii 16, Hi 10). The absence of Nymh and (p)Nmh in Jer. prose is not significant, because in it there are no instances attested where it could have been used. The absence of pNh in Jer. prose is not significant, notwithstanding the fact that it is attested in L (Josh, xv 10, xix 11) and JK (Judg. xxi 19, 1 Kings vi 15), because there are no comparable instances in Jer. prose where it could have been used, cf. the lists of Nh and zero-instances of nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass and of byt and hws (cf. pp. 36 ff, see also p. 60). Neither is the absence of (p)NxNh in Jer. prose significant, because there is no comparable material in this text where it could have been used, cf. n. 284. The fact that in Jer. prose there is 1 instance of N°h with other than local-terminative function against 4 in L (Numb, xxxiv 10, Josh, xiii 18, xix 18, 29) and that there are 2 of pN°h against 7 pN°h instances in L (Numb, xxxiii 22, 23, 33, 34, Josh, xiii 4, xv 21, xvi 7 together with 2 of pNoxoh : Numb, xxxiii 46, 47), is not significant in as far as it does not contradict the previous conclusion (p. 198) that with regard to a certain point concerning the use of -/z-morphemes, cf. also p. 203. If such a very rare example occurs in a text, it argues the case that this text represents a stage in the language development later than that represented by prose types like JE and P.

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Jer. prose represents a language type which can taken as having developed further than that of L, for the use of geographical names is much more extensive in L than in Jer. prose. Ez. In Ez., there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE, P, D and L. The density of smh with localterminative function is significantly lower than it is in the 4 prose types mentioned here. In Ez., too, there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE and L. The density of the Nh of those nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass and having local-terminative function, is significantly lower than in both prose types mentioned here. Moreover, in Ez., there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to P. The density of the Nh of those nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass and having locative function is significantly lower than it is in P. Finally, in Ez., there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE and JK. The density of smh with locative function, and when it is a core element in a nominal clause, is significantly higher than it is in JE and JK. As JK is not a unity, it is wise to check which parts are involved here. In the Books of Samuel there is no instance of smh with this function against 12 corresponding instances of sm (\ Sam. iii 3, iv 4, vi 14, ix 10, x 5, xix 3, xx 6, xxi 8, xxii 22, xxiv 4, 2 Sam. xi 16, xiv 32): 0.0% (0.0-26.46), a significant difference with respect to the situation in Ez. (cf. p. 146). In the Elisha-stories there is no instance of this smh against 4 corresponding ones of sm (2 Kings iv 8, vii 5, 10, ix 2): 0.0% (0.0-60.24); unfortunately, this material is insufficient for us to be decisive about its being significantly lower in density than in Ez. As already has been seen in the Book of Judges (minus the D-parts and the appendix), there is only 1 corresponding instance of smh (Judg. xvi 27) against no corresponding instance of sm \ this material is far too small to allow any conclusion. The higher density of smh with locative function, when a core element in a nominal clause, is due to a secondary development in the language. It is significant that there is no trace of it in the Books of Samuel, a part of JK which, as far as the use of -/z-morphemes is concerned, reflects a younger stage in the development of the language. It is therefore probable that Ez. reflects a still younger stage. In Ez., there are 2 instances of Nh with “deviating^ function: Ez. xxi 3, xlvii 19. In the first it has local-final function; although it is probable that this use of Nh is due to a secondary development

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in the language (cf. pp. 203 ff.), the fact that it occurs in Ez. and not in JE, P, D, L and JK cannot be considered significant because the corresponding material is extremely scarce, cf. n. 170 and n. 285. The fact that in Ez. xlvii 19 an Nh is used for a “postponed” casus pendens without local function, cf. p. 33 n. 96, is not significant, because there is no corresponding material available. The fact that no instance of Nh without local function is attested for core elements in a nominal clause (as it is in L, cf. p. 56) is not significant, because there is only 1 instance attested in Ez. (xlvii 20) where one finds a comparable situation, cf. n. 166. In 1 instance in Ez. (xliv 17) byth has a meaning it normally does not have (cf. n. 117). The absence of Nymh is not significant, because in Ez. there are no instances attested where it could have been used. In Ez. there are 5 instances of pNh (viii 14, xxxiv 21, xl 40, 44, xlvii 8); compared with the situation in L and JK this is in itself not significant. It is remarkable that one of these instances (Ez. xl 44) has a meaning which a pNh normally does not have, cf. n. 117. In Ez. there are 41 instances attested of (p)NxNh and related material, cf. p. 80. That there are 2 instances of 7-NxNh (Ez. xlvii 18, 19) is not significant in view of the fact that there is also an instance in L (Numb, xxxv 5), cf. also p. 229. That in Ez. there are 9 instances of pNxNh with local-separative function (cf. p. 84) need not be significant, although pNxNh instances with the same function are not found elsewhere. There is no comparable material in the other prose types where pNxNh could have been used. The same is true for the 4 instances of NxNh with local-terminative function (cf. p. 82) and 14 instances of pNxNh with local-final function, without there being instances of (p)NxNh with the same function elsewhere. The fact that the use of pNxNh with local-separative and local-final function and the use of NxNh with local-terminative function are probably the result of a secondary development in the language does not change this conclusion (cf. pp. 202ff.). That there is no instance of NxNh without local function, as is the case in L (Josh, xv 5, xviii 15), is not significant, see the discussion in n. 266. It is remarkable that in Ez. there is 1 instance of pNxNh, where a preposition, a regens and a rectum are used, which differ from those attested in P and L: viii 2, cf. p. 88. It is also remarkable that in Ez. the ending under consideration is attached to a Nm which normally does not have the semantic component discussed in this study 679 and in one of the 3 679 Cf. the discussion on pp. 102 f.

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relevant instances does not have it at all: Ez. xvi 29, cf. pp. 102f. In Ez. there are 3 instances of N°h with other than local-terminative function; this is in itself not significant (the fact that the use of geographical names is relatively rare in Ez. in comparison with L has to be considered), cf. also the discussion on pp. 215 f. The fact that no pN°h is attested in Ez., whereas there are instances of it attested in D, JK, L and Jer. prose need not be significant, because also in these prose types the use of pN°h is relatively rare, and in Ez. the use of geographical names as such is also relatively rare, as has been seen. It may be concluded that the use of a “deviating” pNxNh (Ez. viii 2) and a “deviating” use of Nmh (especially in Ez. xvi 29), combined with the occurrence of byth with “deviating” meaning (Ez. xliv 17) and a pNh with “deviating” meaning (Ez. xl 44) can be used as a cumulative argument for the conclusion that the prose of Ez. represents a later stage in the development of the language than the prose types discussed in the preceding pages, especially against the background of the remarks on the significantly different density ratios, where the use of -/z-morphemes is concerned, between Ez. and those prose types. (It goes without saying that here as elsewhere, cf. p. 229, it is the cumulative effect; separately these facts would have con­ siderably less importance.) Chr. In Chr. there is a significant difference in density percentages with respect to JE: the density of the NhxN of byt (with a personal or divine name as rectum) is significantly lower in Chr. than it is in JE (supposing this NhxN was used at all in a prose type like Chr.). In Chr. there is also a significant difference in density percentages with respect to P, D and L. The density of the Nh of those nouns which refer to one of the 4 compass points (in instances with locative function) is significantly lower in Chr. than it is in the 3 prose types mentioned here. As has been said (n. 627), it is too risky to use here the difference in density percentages which exists between Chr. and Ez. in one respect. The absence of any indication of significant difference in density ratio between Chr. on the one hand, and JK and Jer. prose on the other need not be significant, neither need the relatively small number of significant indications for a difference in density percentages between Chr. and other prose types. In Chr. all instances of Nh have either a local-terminative or locative function. The absence of Nh instances with either non-local or localfinal function is not significant, because instances where one could

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expect such an Nh are absent in Chr.680 In 2 Chr. xxxiii 14 there is an Nh with locative function (the noun is one of those referring to one of the 4 points of the compass) having a meaning deviating from that which such a Nh normaly has, cf. n. 113. In Chr. there is twice an Nh of mzbh (2 Chr. xxix 22, twice) which has a function which its Nh did not have in the type of classical Hebrew prose represented by the text of P, cf. pp. 42 ff. In Chr. there are 4 instances of pNh (1 Chr. xxvi 17 (twice), 2 Chr. xxxi 14, xxxii 5), the absence among them of instances with local-terminative function (as are found in L and Ez.: Josh, xix 11, Ez. xxxiv 21, xlvii 8) is not significant, because of the small number of instances where it could have been used, cf. pp. 36, 38. There is only 1 instance of pNxNh attested (2 Chr. iv 10, on the problems raised by this instance, cf. n. 241) and none of NxNh in Chr. This, however, cannot be considered significant, because instances comparable to those of which mostly (p)NxNh is used are not attested in Chr., viz. those status-constructus groups with p't (/gbwl/qsh/drk) as regens and one of the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass as rectum, cf. pp. 202 ff. In Chr. there are 3 instances of N°h with other than local-terminative function : 1 Chr. 1 7, xviii 3, xxvii 21; this in itself is not significant, however, it is remarkable that in 1 Chr. i 7 one finds the only instance in classical Hebrew prose material whose name does not refer to a geographical phenomenon but to the eponym of a town, cf. p. 113, although it cannot be denied that “normally” this name can be considered a geographical one. In Chr. there are 2 instances of pN°h (1 Chr. xiv 16, 2 Chr. iv 17), 1 of V-N°h (1 Chr. vi 63) and 1 of pNxN°h (2 Chr. xiv 9); this is not significant, especially compared with the situation in L. Neither is the fact that one of the pN°h instances has local-final function (1 Chr. xiv 16) because there is a comparable instance in L: Josh, xiii 4. Chr. represents a younger stage in the development of classical Hebrew prose than L. (For this conclusion based on a significant difference in density percentages between L and Chr., cf. p. 198.) It can be considered to be certain that Chr. was written at a later date than JK (even than its deuteronomic redaction).681 The question, however, is whether this fact is reflected by significant differences between prose types represented in JK (and in Jer. prose also) and 680 Cf. the surveys in nn. 166, 170, see also the remarks in n. 287. 681 Cf. e.g. Eissfeldt, Introduction, pp. 531 f.

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that represented in Chr., where the use of -/z-morphemes is concerned. The differences in density percentages do not help here, cf. p. 198. Neither do most of the facts listed above nor the fact that in those texts in the Books of Chronicles which are borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, changes have been made, including in the use of -/z-morphemes. For there are instances where an -/z is added (1 Chr. xiv 16, cf. 2 Sam. v 25; 1 Chr. xix 15, cf. 2 Sam. x 14; 2 Chr. iv 17, cf. 1 Kings vii 46; 2 Chr. x 1, cf. 1 Kings xii 1; 2 Chr. xxxvi 4, cf. 2 Kings xxiii 34) as well as instances where it is omitted (1 Chr. x 13, cf. 1 Sam. xxxi 13; 2 Chr. ix 1, cf. 1 Kings x 2; 2 Chr. xxv 24, cf. 2 Kings xiv 14). Nevertheless the use of an Nh with “deviating” meaning in 2 Chr. xxxiii 14 (cf. n. 113), the use of an N°h of a name which does not refer to a geographical phenomenon (1 Chr. i 7, cf. p. 113), the use of an N°h with locative function (but a locative function different from the one found elsewhere) in 1 Chr. xviii 3, the use of an uncommon preposition in a pN°h in 2 Chr. iv 17 682 and the use of an uncommon pNxN°h in 2 Chr. iv 10683 can be used as a cumulative argument for the conclusion that the prose of Chr. represents a later stage in the prose development than the prose types represented in JK and Jer. prose. It goes without saying that here also, cf. pp. 229, 236, it is the cumulative effect which is impor­ tant; separately these facts would be considerably less telling. It is impossible to come to any reliable conclusions about the relationship between Chr. and Ez. where the use of -/z-morphemes is concerned. Now that the relations between the different prose types have been determined where the use of -/z-morphemes is concerned and the question of which stage of the development they represent has been answered, as far as possible, the relation between the different processes in the usage of the -/z-morphemes will be determined. It may be considered to be certain that in many instances the use of -/z-morphemes declined during the development of the language which 682 One does not find the preposition byn used here in another pN°h. One cannot deny, however, that in 1 Kings iv 12 there is also a pN°h with an uncommon preposition ('si). On the other hand, in the Vorlage of 2 Chr. iv 17 (1 Kings vii 46), the ending under study is absent and the local “meaning” of the preposition in question differs from the meaning types of the other prepositions in the N°h instances. 683 As has been seen (n. 241) it is not certain that one is here dealing with an instance of pNxNh. But even if this is the case, the combination in question would be uncommon. See also the fact that in the Vorlage 1 Kings vii 39 the ending under study is absent.

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is represented in the available classical Hebrew prose material. It also seems probable that during this development the use of NhxN and Nohxo was reduced to nil, or nearly so, for the following reasons. Already in the prose types representing an older stage in the develop­ ment of the language, the number of nouns of which a NhxN is attested is considerably lower than the number of those of which an Nh is attested. The same is true for the number of compound names of which an Nohxo is attested compared with those of which an N°h is attested.684 For the NhxN of 'rs with a geographical name as rectum only instances are attested in JE, P and L, but none in JK, Jer. prose and Ez., whereas in these prose types there are 18 zeroinstances (the deficiency of such instances in these 3 prose types can be used as cumulative argument), cf. p. 65. For the NhxN of 'rs with a rectum which is not a geographical name only 1 instance is attested (JE) and no instances in P, D, L, JK and Ez., whereas in these prose types 22 zero-instances are found (this also can be used as cumulative argument), cf. pp. 66 f. For the NhxN of byt with a personal or divine name as rectum, instances are attested only in JE and P, but none in D, JK, Jer. prose and Chr., whereas in these prose types 53 zeroinstances are found (this also can be used as cumulative argument), cf. pp. 67f. For the NhxN of 'hi 1 instance is attested in JE, and none for P, JK and Chr., whereas in these prose types 21 zeroinstances are found (this also can be used as cumulative argument), cf. p. 69. The material of those NhxN’s with either ym, mzrh or nhl as regens is too scarce to allow any real conclusion to be drawn on this point, cf. pp. 70 ff. Yet the fact that for those NhxN’s for which there is material from those prose types representing later stages in the development of the language, the picture is the same, also has some cumulative value. In this connection it is also remarkable that, as to the compound names (which in a certain respect can be considered parallel to the status-constructus group), the number of those names of which Nohxo is attested is considerably lower than the number of non-compound names of which N°h *is attested. It has already been seen that this probably is significant, cf. pp. 126f. Unfortunately, the material for the individual compound names is far too scarce to allow the conclusion to be drawn that in the course of the development of the language discussed here, a special Nohxo 684 Compare the lists on pp. 105ff. and pp. 124fT. There is a Nh attested for 31 nouns, but a NhxN for 6 nouns.

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went out of use. So too the material for these prose types which represent the later stages in the development is too scarce on this point to allow of any conclusion. It is clear that the use of Nh was not reduced to nil in the course of the language development discussed here, although, for some nouns at least, it can be proved that the use of their Nh lessened.685 In this respect it is noteworthy that in the Books of Chronicles, in the texts which are borrowed from a Vorlage known to us, in one instance an Nh is used (1 Chr. xix 15), whereas its Vorlage (2 Sam. x 14) uses N. It also must be clear that the process of diminishing use was not the same for every noun, and that in some instances the decrease was almost negligible (e.g. for 'rs, cf. p. 41; cf. also the situation in Daniel, as described on p. 184).686 This also means that at the end of the development in question, the situation of the various nouns, as far as the frequency of their Nh usage is concerned, was internally different, as it was in the oldest known stage. Moreover, as far as can be judged from the available material, the diminishing use of Nh started earlier with byt and hws than with the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass. For the lastmentioned type of nouns in P and D 5 Nh instances with localterminative function are found (only D) and 34 with locative function against no zero-instances; for byt and hws in these types of prose 2 Nh instances with local-terminative function and 3 with locative function against 3 zero-instances with local-terminative function and 7 (all P) with locative function are found, cf. pp. 36ff., cf. also p. 200. It is also clear that the use of N°h was not reduced to nil in the course of the language development discussed here. Only in one instance (with the N°h of Misrayim) can it be proved that there was in the course of this development a clear reduction of its use, cf. the survey on pp. 116f. Although the material for the other geographical names is generally relatively scarce, the impression, based on the survey of names given on pp. 117ff., cannot be avoided that for many

685 Cf. the list of nouns/noun groups for which the density percentages of Nh show significant differences in different prose types, cf. pp. 36 ff. As already discussed the prose types with the lower density percentages in these cases are normally those which represent a later stage in the language development, cf. pp. 209f., 213. 686 The frequency of use of the Nh of nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass (with locative and local-terminative function) and of byt and hws (with locative and local-terminative function) clearly diminished more than that of the Nh of 'rs (with local-terminative function), compare the surveys on pp. 36ff.

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of them either the diminishing use did not take place at all, or, at least, was not very serious.687 It is also remarkable that in Chr. (2 Chr. xxxvi 4) the N°h of Misrayim is used, whereas in its Vorlage (2 Kings xxiii 34) the N° is used.688 If the use of Nymh diminished in the course of the language development discussed here, it cannot be proved from the available material, cf. the survey on pp. 97f. That the use of Nmh of pnym must have diminished in the course of this development seems probable, cf. pp. 222 f., although the survey on p. 102 does not give sufficient arguments for this conclusion. There can be no reasonable doubt that the use of smh with localterminative function diminished in the course of this development, cf. the survey on p. 142 and the discussion on pp. 213 f. Here also it is clearly not reduced to nil during this development. One cannot avoid the impression that this reduction started earlier with the use of this smh than with the use of the Nh of the nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass (cf. the surveys on pp. 36 ff. and p. 142); there is already a significant difference in density percentages in the use of this smh between JE and P (cf. also p. 195), whereas with the Nh in question (with both local-terminative and locative function) the first signs of a diminishing use are with L. The original difference in density ratio between smh with local-terminative and smh with locative function is remarkable (see also pp. 142 ff.). It

687 The situation here is comparable to that of the group of nouns discussed on pp. 45ff., where one cannot avoid a comparable impression, although here also the material is rather scarce. 688 It is a remarkable fact that no N°h is attested of the names of Kanaan, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Aram, Israel, Reuben, Simeon, Judah, Zebulon, Issaschar, Dan, Naftali, Gad, Aser, Ephraim, Manasse, Benjamin and the like. This is partly due to the fact that these names are relatively seldom used to indicate the country in which the peoples in question lived. (Instances where this is however the case are for Edom 2 Sam. viii 14, for Zebulon Josh, xix 27, 34, for Naftali 1 Kings iv 15, for Asher 1 Kings iv 16, for Judah, Benjamin, Ephraim and Manasse 2 Chr. xxxi 1, etc.). Generally the countries in question are indicated in another way, e.g. the land of Kanaan (Gen. xi 31, xii 5, xiii 12, etc.), the Judd of Moab (Gen. xxxvi 35, Numb, xxi 20, Ruth i 1, etc.), the land of Moab (Dt. i 5, xxviii 69, xxxii 49), the land of the sons of Ammon (Dt. ii 37, Josh, xiii 25, etc.), the land of Edom (Gen. xxxvi 16, 17, 21, etc.), the land of Israel (1 Sam. xiii 19, 2 Kings v 2, 4, vi 23, etc.), the hill-eountry of Ephraim (Josh, xvii 15, xix 50, xx 7, etc.), the land of Judah (1 Sam. xxii 5, 2 Kings xxiii 24, xxv 22, etc.), etc. Perhaps this situation influenced the situation with Misrayim, in that the originally high frequency of its N°h with local-terminative function dropped at a relatively early stage. See the fact that besides Misrayim the expression the land of Misrayim is also used: Gen. xiii 10, xxi 21, xli 19, etc.).

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must be considered to be certain that at the end of the development in question there was not such a big gap between both ratios; whether there was no real gap anymore cannot be decided (here the locative instances of smh functioning as a core element in a nominal clause have been omitted).689 The increase of the use of smh with locative function as a core element in a nominal clause must have taken place in a later stage of the development in question, see the discussion on pp. 209 f. It must also be clear that the process of a diminishing use of NhxN (a process which probably ended in their being reduced to nil, or almost so), did not develop in the same way for every NhxN. Definite proof for this is afforded by the fact that the density ratio for the NhxN of 'rs (with a geographical name as rectum) in P shows a significant difference in density ratio with respect to the NhxN of 'hi in the same prose type (cf. p. 190). It must be clear that the use of pNh started only during the development in question, namely at the moment when the relevant Nh lost its probable absolute percentage, cf. pp. 201 f, and that the use of pNh remained relatively limited (for the background, see also the discussion on pp. 219f). The fact that in JE pN°h is attested only in a secondarily added part (Josh, x 36, 39) and that it is absent in P pleads the case for the use of pN°h also having started during the development discussed here (for the use of pN°h being secondary from a historical standpoint, see the discussion on pp. 220ff). As 3 instances of pNxNh (Ex. xxvi 18, xxvii 13, xxxviii 13) are found in P against none of pNh or pN°h, they could be proof that the pNxNh usage preceded both others. It has already been seen that the use of locative NxNh is historically secondary to that of pNxNh and that the use of (p)NxNh with localfinal, local-separative and non-local function is secondary to the locative use of pNxNh, cf. the discussion on pp. 202 ff. Thus, these usages did not start until the development discussed here. It has been seen that pNh is mostly attested for those nouns the Nh of which has a significant 100% density and that this fact in itself is again significant, cf. the discussion on pp. 199ff. Of pNhxN and

689 Perhaps at the end of the language development there is a comparable situation with those nouns the Nh of which could have local-terminative and locative function (cf. pp. 36ff.). The difference is that originally the frequency in these cases was probably the same.

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pNymh no instance is attested. It is not known for certain whether such a combination was possible in certain classical Hebrew prose types or not. In this connection it is noteworthy that no attested type of NhxN reached a 100% density in JE, cf. pp. 65 ff.; the Nymh of smym did not reach it either in JE, cf. p. 97; the Nymh of mym reached it only in JE, but this fact cannot be considered significant because of the paucity of the available material (only 2 instances attested). Thus the absence of pNhxN and pNymh can be partly connected with the fact that most of the NhxN’s and Nymh’s involved did not have an absolute, or nearly absolute, frequency in the language stages represented in the texts concerned, and possibly never reached it. There is 1 instance of pNohxo attested (2 Sam. xx 15, JK). It is not completely certain if a compound name of the “normal” type is concerned here. In 1 Kings xv 20 and 2 Kings xv 29 the same name is found: 'bl byt-(h)m'kh, but in 2 Sam. xx 14 'bl-wbyt m'kh occurs, which could argue the case that here are 2 names which, at least originally, did not belong together and which were combined after­ wards.690 Against this background it is very difficult to decide on the possible use of pNohxo of “normal” compound names. In L there are 2 instances attested of pNoxoh (Numb, xxxiii 46, 47). It is clear that the name which originally was certainly a compound one, is not treated here as such, but as a unity. Yet the fact of its pNoxoh being attested is remarkable, all the more so because no Noxoh is attested. The reason for this use escapes me; any explanation is also made difficult by the fact that there is a reasonable survey only for a very few names and the material on compound names is not extensive. In the discussion on the preceding pages the material of Is.-prose, Jonah, Ruth, Ezra and Nehemiah have been left out because there is too little to help obtain a clearer picture of the language situation in classical Hebrew. Only of Neh. can one be certain that it represents a stage in the language development which is more advanced than that of JE, P, D and L, cf. the list on pp. 197f. g) Productivity As far as can be judged from the available material, there has not been much productivity in the use of the ending under consideration. 690 On p. 106 I have also interpreted the 'blh of 2 Sam. xx 14 as an instance of N°h. The fact that 'blh wbyt m'kh is found in the preceding verse must make one also careful in interpreting the b'blh byt hm'kh in 2 Sam. xx 15 as pNohxo.

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The group of nouns to which this ending was attached did not really increase; during the whole period surveyed and in those language types represented by prose texts, it is nearly always attested as being attached to a noun with the semantic component discussed above.691 There are only very few exceptions: hsml (Ez. viii 2), ymym (for the instances involved, cf. p. 99) and ksdym (Ez. xi 24, xvi 29, xxiii 16). Ymymh is not to be considered in terms of productivity, it is better to interpret it as a remnant from a time in which the ending under consideration was also attached to a type of noun to which, later on, it was normally not attached.692 Only the 2 other examples can be considered as indicating a very slight degree of productivity. The group of names to which the ending under consideration was attached did not increase either. The only exception, where it is attached to a name which does not have the semantic component discussed above,693 is 1 Chr. i 7, where the name in question (trsys) normally has this semantic component but does not have it in this special case, cf. p. 113. As to the number of different morpheme-combination types of which the ending under consideration is one of the components, one can state that one is dealing with cases of productivity. The part of the language development for which an overall picture emerges from the available texts, began with a situation in which only Nh, NhxN(°), N°h, Nymh, Nmh and Advh occurred. In the course of this development the following other types emerged: pNh, NxNh, pNxNh, 7-NxNh, Nx(NxNh), pNmh, pN°h, V-N°h, pNohxo (?), pNoxoh, pNxN°h. In all probability most of them were used only rarely : pNh, 7-NxNh, pN°h, 7-N°h, pNohxo, pNoxoh and pNxN°h, probably also Nx(NxNh). Especially the frequency of pNxNh and pNmh was quite high at a certain time, but yet one has to consider that this was confined to very special instances (pNxNh, and also NxNh, mostly with a special regens and a special rectum, and in as far as instances with local-final function are concerned, instances of a special type; pNmh only with one type of Nm-). 691 On this semantic component, see the remarks on p. 35. 692 1 refer here to a type Of nouns without the semantic component referred to in the preceding note. Cf. also the remarks made on />/-, p. 8. The time at which there was a formal opposition lylwlylh also must have been a time at which the ending under consideration was not so exclusively used with nouns with a certain semantic component as was the case later on. 693 On this semantic component, see the remarks on p. 35.

DISCUSSION OF THE MATERIAL AND CONCLUSIONS

245

h) The stage of the language development represented in a text and its date To a certain extent, it is possible to list the different prose types according to the stage of language development they represent, cf. pp. 223 ff. However, it would be wrong to presume that this order of texts also has to be the order of the dates in which they were written. One is mistaken if one states without more ado that a text written at a later date than another one cannot represent an older stage in the development of the language. To give an example: it is generally assumed (and in my opinion rightly so) that the Books of Samuel, for at least their greater part, and the Elijah stories were written at an earlier date than the moment at which all of D was completed.694 Yet, in a certain respect of the use of -A-morphemes these texts represent a later stage in the language development than D does.695 This means that the language stage represented in a text is not dependent only on the date at which the text was composed but also on other factors, probably the author (his milieu?, his dialectal background?). There is possibly still another factor to consider: namely the type of prose text concerned. In the appendix to the Book of Judges there are some instances of what could be called a less common use of -/z-morphemes. These instances are concentrated in one verse: Judg. xxi 19: a) an instance of pNh which, moreover, has a meaning deviating from what it normally has and b) an NhxN which has the same type of deviating meaning, cf. pp. 61, 71. It is this concentration at one place which is remarkable. The verse in question gives the description of a geographical situation; perhaps this fact is significant. In the short list of Solomon’s taxation districts (1 Kings iv 7-20) one also finds 2 of these instances: a pN°h in v. 12 and an N°h with other than local-terminative function in v. 14. The text of L which for the major part consists of geographical descriptions and an itinerary, compared with, for example, D, shows a much higher frequency of less common -/z-morphemes (or a less common use of them). It is not impossible that this is also, at least partly, due to the type of text. Nevertheless this is only a possibility worth consideration. The material available does not allow one to reach more solid con­ clusions; moreover, this would require many more studies on matters of detail. A single study like this can form no solid basis for this 694 See e.g. the survey, Eissfeldt\ Introduction, p. 243. 695 Cf. the discussion of the relation of JK to JE, P, D and L, pp. 229 ff.

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hypothesis. As far as I can see, there is no difference in the use of -/^-morphemes between the first part of the Book of Ez. and its final chapters (xl-xlviii), at least not in the respects for which there is sufficient material in both parts. If this conclusion is right, it must be concluded that a description of a building and of a geographical situation need not necessarily differ in language type from another prose type from the same time and possibly from the same author. It goes without saying that the remarks made in this short paragraph are only of a very provisional nature. As already said, many more details will have to be studied before one is able to reach mor or less definite decisions on the relevant points. The only aim of this para­ graph has been to forestall the misunderstanding whereby the list of prose types, the order of which is significant in a certain respect, is considered as a chronological list of the times at which they were written down, which it is not. 2. Discussion of poetic and prophetic material a) The poetic material There is nothing much to add here to what has already been said on pp. 161 ff. about the poetic material. Nor can the discussion on pp. 186ff. of prose material change the conclusion which I reached about the relation between poetic and prose material (see pp. 167, 176f). One cannot avoid the impression that although the morphemes to which the ending under consideration could be attached in poetry are not confined to some very special group with special meaning, as mostly is the case in prose, the use of it was nonetheless relatively rare. Owing to the scarcity of the material available, it is not possible to decide whether the use of Nh, pNh, NxNh and pNxNh was limited to a special group of nouns, albeit that this group must have been completely different from the special group found in prose. One cannot avoid the impression that with nouns which once had the vowel -ain the last syllable, the attachment of the ending under consideration took place much more frequently than with other ones. The material available does not allow us to talk of any form of productivity in this respect. It is remarkable that in the instances where the ending under consideration is attached to a name in poetry (or in comparable material) it is always a geographical name. In this regard at least the situation does not differ from the prose situation. If there was a development in the use of -//-morphemes in poetry and related material, the material available (often hardly datable, if

DISCUSSION OF THE MATERIAL AND CONCLUSIONS

247

datable at all) does not make it possible to trace it. Nor, on the basis of this material, can it be decided whether, in poetic language, the attachment of the ending under consideration to certain morphemes or morpheme groups occurred only as a result of secondary historical development. As to the grammatical function of -/z-morphemes in poetry and related material, the following remarks may be made. For some type of -/z-morphemes it is probable that a clear grammatical function as such is absent: this is the case with Nh, N°h and with smh, cf. pp. 181 f. In the other instances the available material is generally too scarce to allow any definite conclusion to be drawn, cf. also pp. 181 f. If it is right to conclude that, in certain instances at least, -/z-morphemes in poetry did not have a clear grammatical function (if any grammatical function at all), it seems probable that their function must have lain outside the grammatical sphere, and that possibly it was some kind of literary device.696 b) The non-narrative prophetic material For that part of this material which, as far as the use of 7 is concerned, shows certain similarities with prose material, a conclusion as to the use of -/z-morphemes is not easy, because here one is concerned, or partly so, with “fluid” material lying somewhere between prose and “real” poetry, cf. p. 181. Consequently, a comparison of this material with prose material, with the purpose of adding conclusions about this prose material, does not help very much, the more so because the prophetical material in question has no unity whatever.697

696 Although at the end of the language development represented in the prose material, the functional opposition corresponding with the formal opposition smwsmh is rather vague, cf. pp. 148ff., there is a difference with respect to the situation in poetry. In the language development represented in prose it is a question of the result of this development, there having originally been a real functional opposition. In poetry there is no trace of such a development. For the literary device, cf. also the author’s remarks on the fact that probably in poetry the attaching of the ending under consideration took place much more with nouns that (once) has the vowel -a- in the last syllable than with other ones. On the occurrence of the ending under consideration in poetry, cf. also Bauer-Leander, op. cit., par. 65 s, t. 697 There is material only for some points in this “fluid” material between prose and poetry. But even then conclusions are not possible. In Zech. xiv 4 there are 4 instances of N°h with local-terminative function for nouns referring to one of the 4 points of the compass against no zero-instances in Deutero-Zechariah. This may seem interesting in view of the late date generally given to these chapters, cf. e.g. Eissfeldt, Introduction, pp. 437 ff. But although this seems so, one must not forget that the

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One conclusion, however, remains valid, namely that the situation concerning the use of -A-morphemes in poetic and related material differed completely from that in prose material, cf. pp. 167, 176f.

METHODOLOGICAL CONCLUSIONS

1) The decision to study the poetic and the related prophetical material separately from prose material, has been proved right: the function of the different morpheme-types with the ending under consideration attached to them differs in many respects completely from that of their respective parallels in prose. Moreover the morpheme groups to which, in prose material, the ending under consideration is attached often do not correspond at all to those in poetic and related material. 2) The decision not to study the prose material as a unity has been proved right. There are many differences as to function, occurrence of special morpheme groups to which the ending under consideration is attached, and density among the different prose text groups. The results of source analysis have been proved helpful for the division of prose material. 3) The decision to study every morpheme type or morpheme-group type to which the ending under consideration is attached separately has been proved right. There are clear differences as to function. 4) The decision to subdivide the material still more, on non-formal grounds, has been proved right. Here also there are internal differences as to function and density. 5) The decision to study not only those instances where the ending under consideration is used, but also those where it could theoretically have been used, has been proved right. If this approach is applied carefully, it helps us to discern differences between prose and poetry and differences among the various types of prose. It also can help in defining the development within classical Hebrew in as far as this is represented in the available prose texts.

percentage field 100% (39.76-100) shows no significant difference from those of e.g. Ez. and Chr. (cf. p. 36), if one applies the rules strictly (for the rules, cf. pp. 186ff.). In Jer. xiii 4, 6, 7 one finds 3 N°hs of prt, but this fact does not help, because in prose there is no material on the same name.

DISCUSSION OF THE MATERIAL AND CONCLUSIONS

249

6) The use of probability calculation for defining the value of the densities has proved to be a useful tool for a grammatical study of this type. OTHER CONCLUSIONS

a) Prose material (By the “language development” mentioned in these conclusions is meant the development which took place within the type of classical Hebrew which is represented in the available prose texts. By “fre­ quency” of use of Nh, for example, is meant the frequency of its use in those instances where its special functions allowed it to be used.) 1) In classical Hebrew prose, an Nh is attested only for nouns which have a certain semantic component. 2) In the first stage of the known language development, an Nh had either a local-terminative or a locative function or both of these functions. Which function it had depended on which particular noun or group of nouns the ending under consideration was attached to. In the course of the language development, changes in this overall picture were possible. During this development the local-final and non-local use of Nh also emerged. This use was probably restricted to a particular group of nouns only and also to particular contexts. 3) At one and the same stage of the language development the use of the Nh of different nouns did not necessarily have the same frequency; on the contrary the frequencies often differed. The frequency of the use of the Nh of at least certain nouns decreased during the language development. 4) The use of pNh arose during this language development. Its occurrence remained restricted to a very special group of nouns belonging to the group for which Nh is attested. There are pNhs attested with local-terminative and with locative function. Its use probably never reached a high frequency. 5) An NhxN(°) is attested only for relatively few nouns (all having the semantic component also referred to under 1). In all probability it always had a local-terminative or locative function. It is probable that during the language development the use of NhxN(°) was reduced to nil, or nearly so. At the same stage of the language development the frequency of NhxN(°) was not necessarily the same regardless of which noun was used for regens and which for rectum. On the

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contrary, the frequencies could clearly differ depending on which regens and also which rectum was used. 6) The use of NxNh, pNxNh, 7-NxNh and Nx(NxNh) emerged during the language development. It remained mainly restricted to instances with particular nouns as regens and particular nouns as rectum. The nouns used as rectum were restricted mainly to a very special set belonging to the group of nouns of which Nh is attested. Originally pNxNh was used with a locative function; in the course of further development the use of pNxNh with a local-final, a localseparative, and also an non-local, function occurred. The use of instances with a local-final function probably remained restricted to special contexts. The use of NxNh with a locative and an non-local function arose secondarily to pNxNh. The use of NxNh with an non-local function probably remained restricted to special contexts. Whereas the occurrence of pNxNh with a local-final and a localseparative function and the use of NxNh with a locative and an non­ local function during the language development was due to the previous occurrence of pNxNh with a locative function, the use of NxNh with a local-terminative function emerged independently. The outcome of this development was that the functional indication given by the use of pNxNh became dependent to a certain extent on the preposition used. The emergence of Nx(NxNh) is possibly closely related to that of NxNh (because of the scarcity of available material no more conclusions are possible). 7) Nymh is attested only of nouns which have the semantic component mentioned under 1. During the whole language development Nymh had a local-terminative function, at least as far as can be judged from the relatively scarce material. 8) With Nmh, the ending under consideration is not necessarily attached to an Nm which has the semantic component referred to under 1. As far as can be judged this situation did not arise in the course of the language development. Depending on which Nm it was attached to, Nmh originally either had a locative/local-terminative function or a temporal-terminative function. The Nmh which had the latter function occurred only in a special context. In the course of the language development the ending under consideration could also be attached to an Nm which did not primarily have the semantic component mentioned above. In connection with this, a non-local use also arose. 9) The use of pNmh probably emerged in the course of the language

DISCUSSION OF THE MATERIAL AND CONCLUSIONS

251

development. It is attested only for one Nm, which has the semantic component referred to under 1, the only Nm of which an Nmh with local-terminative or locative function is attested. It is not impossible that in certain stages the use of this pNmh reached a reasonably high frequency, because a corresponding (p)Nm with a corresponding function is not attested. 10) With N°h the ending under consideration, at least originally, was exclusively attached to N°s which had the semantic component referred to under 1. In the course of the language development this situation was in all probability only very slightly changed. 11) In the first known stage of the language development, N°h had a local-terminative function. In the course of development the use of N°h with a locative, a local-final and a non-local function also emerged. The use of N°h with a local-final or an non-local function remained confined to special contexts. The use of N°h with other than a localterminative function remained, in all probability, rather limited. 12) At the same stage of the language development the use of N°h of different names did not necessarily all have the same frequency; on the contrary, the frequencies could differ. The frequency of the use of the N°h of some names at least diminished in the course of the language development. 13) The use of Nohxo is attested only with a few names, all having the semantic component referred to under 1. The fact that this number is small is probably significant. No material is available from which to reach a decision whether any particular Nohxo was reduced to nil, or nearly so, during the language development. 14) The use of pN°h, pNxN°h, pNoxoh, pNohxo and 7-N°h arose only in the course of the language development. The names used all have the semantic component referred to under 1. In all probability, their frequency remained low. The form pN°h is attested with a locative, a local-final, a local-separative and a non-local function. It is significant that no instance with a local-terminative function is attested. In all probability 7-N°h never had a local function. The material for pNxN°h, pNoxoh, pNohxo is too small to allow further conclusions to be drawn. 15) The Advh of sm-, in the first known stage of the language development, was with local-terminative and locative function. In the former, its frequency was high, if not 100%, in the latter, its frequency was very low. In the course of the language development, the frequency of the use of smh with a local-terminative function diminished. The

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frequency of the use of smh with a locative function increased, at least in a special type of context. Because of this development the functional opposition corresponding with the formal one smwsmh became different. 16) In the first known stage of the language development, the functional indication given by the use of Nh, NhxN, Nymh, N°h, Nohxo and smh was given by its use alone. Only in the case of Nh could this indication be defined more closely by knowing to which noun the ending under study was attached (this did not mean change in indication, but an additional indication). In the case of Nmh the indication was more dependent on which Nm the ending under consideration was attached to. In the course of the language development this picture changed. Not only the indications given by the use of Nh and N°h (and also Nmh as such) did change, but the indication given by the use of Nh and N°h was not given any more by this use alone, but also became dependent on the context in which Nh or N°h occurred. b) Poetic and prophetic material 1) In poetic and related material an Nh is not attested only for nouns having the semantic component referred to under A.l; as far as can be judged it has no grammatical function. 2) The pNh in this material is also attested for nouns which do not have the semantic component referred to under A. 1; it was clearly also used with an non-local function. 3) The Nmh in this material need not be attested of an Nm having the semantic component referred to under A.l; it also need not have any local function. 4) The N°h in this material probably was attested of names which had the semantic component referred to under A. 1; it did not necessarily have a local function (most of the instances attested have a locative or a local-terminative function). 5) The use of smh in this material did not give a clear functional indication whether one was dealing with a constituent with a localterminative or a locative function. 6) The use of NxNh and pNxNh in this material is not restricted to status-constructus groups with special regens and special rectum, as is the case in prose. The rectum need not be a noun having the semantic component refered to under A.l. The only instance of NxNh has no local function. It is possible that pNxNh in this material

DISCUSSION OF THE MATERIAL AND CONCLUSIONS

253

generally had a local function. In the only instance of pNx(Nx(NxNh)) attested in this material the rectum to which the ending under consideration is attached has the semantic component referred to under A.l; the pNx(Nx(NxNh)) in question has no local function. 7) The instances of pN°h attested in this material both have a localterminative function, both names involved having the semantic com­ ponent referred to under A.l. 8) There is no indication that the instances preceded by a preposi­ tion (see under 6 and 7) emerged in the course of a language development reflected in this material. 9) From the available material it cannot be concluded that there was any change in the use of forms with the ending under consideration in poetic language. 10) Between prose and poetry there is a kind of prophetic material which can be defined as “fluid”, being neither roughly identical with poetic material, nor with prose material. In this “fluid” material one finds instances of the use of the ending under consideration which differ completely from those found in prose, albeit that their number, in relative terms, is smaller than in poetry and related material. 11) The differences between poetic and related material on the one hand and prose material on the other include not only the points mentioned above, but also other minor ones.

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Genesis

PP-

i 6 75 i 11, 22, 26, 28, 30 41 ii 5 41, 42 ii 8 38, 143 ii 9 75 ii 11, 12 143, 146 ii 15 75 iii 3 75 iii 8 52, 75 iii 10 52 iii 24 38 iv 7 45 iv 8 53 iv 12, 14 41 iv 16 66 iv 20 46 vi 4, 5, 6, 12 41 vi 14 39 vi 16 153 vi 17 41 vii 4 42 vii 14 41 vii 20 153 vii 21 41 viii 17, 19 41 viii 20 44 ix 7, 16, 17 41 ix 21 75 ix 22 40 x 4 107, 113 x 8 41 x 10 66, 117 x 11 117 x 19 105, 109, 121, 216 x 30 73, 105, 109 x 32 41 xi 2 66, 143 xi 4 95, 96 xi 7, 9 143 xi 28 67 xi 31 63, 64, 66, 125, 143, 241 xii 1 42 xii 5 63, 64, 66, 241 xii 6 41

Genesis

PP-

xii 7 143 xii 8 19, 22, 38, 143 xii 9 105, 108 xii 10 41, 105, 108, 143 xii 11, 14 105, 109 xii 15 68 xiii 1 105, 108 xiii 3 143, 216 xiii 4 143 xiii 7 41 xiii 9 53 xiii 10 241 xiii 11 57 xiii 12 66, 241 xiii 14 19, 21, 36, 143, 146 xiii 17 41 xiii 18 143 xiv 3 74, 123 xiv 7 123 xiv 8 75 xiv 10 19, 21, 138 xiv 17 74, 123 xv 1 141 xv 5 19, 21, 39, 95 xv 16 151 xvi 3 66 xvi 7 49 xvi 8 150 xviii 1 74 xviii 2 19, 21 xviii 6 19, 22 xviii 9 46 xviii 10 74 xviii 22 105, 108 xviii 24, 26 75 xviii 28, 29, 30, 31, 32 143 xix 1 19, 105 xix 2 52, 69 xix 6 19, 22 xix 9 151 xix 10 19, 22, 38 xix 11 74 xix 12 50 xix 17 19, 21, 22, 39

255

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS Genesis

pp.

Genesis

pp.

xix 19 xix 20, 22 xix 23 xix 27 xix 30 xix 31 xx 1 xx 13 xxi 14 xxi 17 xxi 20 xxi 21 xxi 23 xxi 31 xxi 32 xxi 33 xxi 34 xxii 2 xxii 9 xxii 19 xxiii 2 xxiii 9 xxiii 10 xxiii 13 xxiii 17 xxiii 18 xxiii 19 xxiv 5 xxiv 6, 8 xxiv 10 xxiv 11 xxiv 12 xxiv 16 xxiv 20 xxiv 23, 27 xxiv 29 xxiv 30 xxiv 31 xxiv 32 xxiv 38 xxiv 42 xxiv 45 xxiv 49 xxiv 52 xxiv 62 xxiv 63, 65 xxiv 67 xxv 6 xxv 9 xxv 10 xxv 18

19, 22 138, 139 105, 109 143 46, 52 41 63, 65 138 74 143, 146 49 74, 241 151 143 67 143 67 66, 143 43, 143 122, 123, 152 66 76 73 138, 139 53 73 66, 139 42 138 73, 123 41 46 19 51 69 19, 21, 39, 50 50 40 19, 38 69 50 19 53 19 66 53 63, 69 19, 22, 36, 67 75, 140 138, 139, 140 105, 109, 113, 216

xxvi 1 xxvi 2 xxvi 8 xxvi 17 xxvi 19 xxvi 22 xxvi 23 xxvi 25 xxvii 3, 5 xxvii 15 xxvii 43 xxviii 2 xxviii 5, 6, 7 xxviii 10 xxviii 11 xxxviii 12 xxviii 14 xxviii 21 xxix 1 xxix 2 xxix 3 xxix 4 xxx 14 xxxi 3 xxxi 4 xxxi 13 xxxi 18 xxxi 21 xxxi 23 xxxi 25 xxxi 33 xxxi 46 xxxi 54 xxxii 4 xxxii 14 xxxii 18 xxxii 22 xxxii 30 xxxiii 3 xxxiii 14 xxxiii 16, 17 xxxiii 18 xxxiii 19, 20 xxxiv 5 xxxiv 20 xxxiv 21 xxxiv 28 xxxiv 29 xxxiv 30 xxxv 1, 3 xxxv 6

41, 105, 109 105 143 72, 143 49, 143 41 122, 123 143 53 40 105, 109 63, 64, 105, 109, 228 105, 109, 228 105 143 19, 22, 23, 41, 95, 144 19, 21, 36 69 63, 67 53, 143, 146 138 150 53 67 53 67, 143 63, 64, 66 73 74 46, 74 69, 70 143 46 63, 65, 75 143 150 52 143 19 105, 109 105 66, 73 143 53 73 41 50, 53 40 41 123, 143 66, 105, 109, 114

256

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Genesis

pp.

Genesis

PP

xxxv 7, 15 xxxv 16 xxxv 19 xxxv 21 xxxv 27 xxxvi 5 xxxvi 6 xxxvi 8, 9 xxxvi 16, 17 xxxvi 20 xxxvi 21 xxxvi 24 xxxvi 30, 31 xxxvi 35 xxxvi 43 xxxvii 1 xxxvii 7 xxxvii 10 xxxvii 14 xxxvii 15 xxxvii 17 xxxvii 22 xxxvii 24 xxxvii 25 xxxvii 28 xxxvii 29 xxxvii 30 xxxvii 35 xxxvii 36 xxxviii 2 xxxviii 9 xxxviii 11 xxxviii 12, 13 xxxviii 14 xxxix 1 xxxix 2 xxxix 5 xxxix 8 xxxix 11 xxxix 12, 13, 15, 18 xxxix 20, 22 xl 3 xl 5 xl 15 xli 6 xli 8 xli 12 xli 14 xli 19 xli 23, 27

143 127 127, 128 151 143 66 42, 66 74 66, 241 41 66, 241 49 66 76, 241 67 66 75 19, 22 105 53 105 45, 49 19, 45 105, 109 105 45 150 105, 109 117 143 19 69 128 74, 128 105, 138 69 40, 53 40 19, 38, 40, 143, 146

xli 30 xli 31 xli 36, 48 xli 52 xli 53, 56 xli 57 xiii 2 xiii 5 xiii 6 xiii 7 xiii 13 xiii 15 xiii 19 xiii 27 xiii 29 xiii 32 xiii 34 xiii 38 xliii 1 xliii 15 xliii 16 xliii 17 xliii 18 xliii 19 xliii 21 xliii 24 xliii 25 xliii 26 xliii 30 xliv 4 xliv 11 xliv 13 xliv 14 xliv 28 xliv 29, 31 xiv 4 xiv 5 xiv 7 xiv 8 xiv 10 xiv 11 xiv 13 xiv 17 xiv 25* xlvi 1 xlvi 3 xlvi 4 xlvi 6 xlvi 7, 8 xlvi 12, 20 xlvi 26, 27

66 41 66 67 66 105 138, 139 66 19 150 66 151 69 52 63, 65 66 88 105 41 117 19, 21, 38 63 68 74 52 63 143 19, 38 19, 138, 139 88 19 19, 23 19, 63, 143, 146 151 105 105 151 41 151 66 143 151 63, 65 66 105, 109, 228 105, 109, 143 105 66, 105, 109 105, 109 66 105, 109

19, 39 69, 143 143 69 45 159 160 143, 146 160 241 159

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Genesis

pp.

Exodus

PP

xlvi 28 xlvi 29 xlvi 31, 34 xlvii 1 xlvii 4 xlvii 11 xlvii 14 xlvii 27, 28 xlviii 3 xlviii 5 xlviii 7 xlviii 12 xlviii 21 xlix 29 xlix 30 xlix 31 1 5 1 8 1 10 1 11 1 13 1 14

63, 66, 105, 109 105, 109 66 66 41, 66 66 63 66 66 66, 105, 109 66, 127, 139, 143 19 67 76, 139 66, 76 138, 139 66, 138, 139 66 22, 75, 123, 124, 143 22, 41, 75 63, 64, 66 105

vih 16 viii 18 viii 20 viii 21 viii 23, 24 ix 3 ix 5 ix 8, 10 ix 19 ix 21 ix 22 ix 23 ix 25 ix 26 ix 33 x 19 x 21, 22 x 26 xi 3, 5, 9 xii 1, 12 xii 13 xii 22 xii 29 xii 30 xii 37 xii 42 xii 46 xiii 5 xiii 10 xiii 11 xiii 15 xiii 17 xiii 18 xiii 20 xiv 3 xiv 11, 12 xiv 16 xiv 21 xiv 22, 23 xiv 24 xiv 27 xiv 28 xiv 29 xv 16 xv 19 xv 22 xv 23 xv 25 xv 27 xvi 2 xvi 3

95, 98 143 63, 69 41 49 53 41 95 19, 38, 53 53 66, 97 19, 97 53 66, 143, 146 19 63, 70 97 138, 139 66 66 143, 146 95 66, 69 143, 146 105, 108 8 19, 24, 25, 39, 40 67 99, 100, 101, 227 67 66 105 70 76 41 49 74 56 74 75 56, 74 48 75 154, 156, 157 48, 75 49, 73 105 98, 143 96, 105, 143, 146 49 66

Exodus i 1 i 14 i 22 ii 5 ii 12 ii 15 iii 1 iii 17 iii 18 iv 3 iv 19 iv 20 iv 21 iv 24 iv 27 v 1, 3 vi 8 vi 28 vii 3 vii 15 vii 16 vii 19 vii 28 viii 1

105, 109 53 108 75 161 66 73, 105, 109 67 49 19 117 63, 66 105, 109 52 19, 22, 74 49 42 66 66 95, 98 49 108 69 108

258

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Exodus

pp.

Exodus

pp.

xvi 10 xvi 25 xvi 28 xvi 32 xvi 33 xvi 35 xvii 3, 6 xvii 16 xviii 5 xviii 7 xix 1 xix 2 xix 12 xix 13 xix 16 xix 23 xx 4 xx 11 xx 21 xxi 13 xxi 19 xxi 33 xxii 20 xxii 30 xxiii 9 xxiii 16 xxiii 19 xxiii 31 xxiv 6 xxiv 12 xxiv 13 xxiv 15 xxiv 16 xxiv 18 xxv 11 xxv 20, 21 xxv 22 xxv 24, 25 xxv 40 xxvi 5 xxvi 14 xxvi 18

48 53 150 49 138, 139 75 143 52 143 19 73 49, 73, 143 46, 53 46 46, 52 73 152 56 143, 146 138 40 138 66 53 66 53 68 41 43 19, 21, 22, 143 73 46 74 46 39, 53 153 140, 142 53 46 76 153 20, 24, 37, 80, 81, 89, 206, 208, 227, 242 89, 206

xxvii xxvii xxvii xxvii

46 20, 24, 37, 89, 206 89, 206 20, 24, 25, 37, 80, 86, 89, 206, 2 227, 242 53 41, 70 19, 25, 39, 75 152 52 53 52 42, 52, 69 73 74 19, 24 41 42, 53 19, 24 42, 53 43 19, 24, 25 52, 69 74 43 74, 138, 140, 143 138, 140 53 138, 140 153 138, 139, 140 42, 69 138, 140 74 52 41, 69 19, 22, 45, 74 19, 22, 74 74 52 73, 143 73 143, 144 20, 26, 27 41 68 143 74 52 52

xxvi xxvi xxvi xxvi xxvi

20 22 27 28 30

xxvi 33 xxvi 35

19, 22, 25, 37, 89 19, 25, 37, 89 75 46 138, 140 20, 25, 37, 41, 89

8 9 11, 12 13

xxvii 17 xxvii 21 xxviii 26 xxviii 27 xxviii 29 xxviii 32, 33, 34 xxviii 35 xxviii 43 xxix 4 xxix 11 xxix 13 xxix 14 xxix 16 xxix 18 xxix 20 xxix 21 xxix 25 xxix 30 xxix 32 xxix 38 xxix 42 xxix 43 xxx 3 xxx 6 xxx 14 xxx 18 xxx 20 xxx 36 xxxi 18 xxxii 17, 19, 27 xxxiii 7 xxxiii 8 xxxiii 9 xxxiii 10 xxxiii 11,21 xxxiv 2 xxxiv 4 xxxiv 5 xxxiv 8 xxxiv 12, 15 xxxiv 26 xxxiv 28 xxxiv 32 xxxv 19 xxxvi 6

259

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS Exodus

pp.

Leviticus

pp.

xxxvi 12 xxxvi 19 xxxvi 23 xxxvi 25 xxxvi 27, 32 xxxvi 33 xxxvii 2 xxxvii 9 xxxvii 11, 12, 26 xxxviii 8 xxxviii 9 xxxviii 11, 12 xxxviii 13

76 153 20, 24, 37, 89, 206 89, 206 19, 25, 37, 89 75 39, 53 153 53 74 20, 24, 37, 89, 206 89, 206 20, 24, 37, 80, 81, 89, 206, 208, 227, 242 53 153 53 52 19, 25, 39, 75 152 53 52 143, 144 139, 142 53 73 52 20, 25, 37, 41, 89 20, 25, 37, 70, 89 70 74 138, 139, 140 42, 69 69

ii 8 ii 9 ii 12 iii 2 iii 5 iii 8 iii 11 iii 13 iii 16 iv 4 iv 5 iv 7 iv 12 iv 16 iv 18 iv 19 iv 21 iv 26, 31 iv 35 v 12 vi 2, 5, 6 vi 8 vi 23 vii 2 vii 5, 31 vii 38 viii 3, 4 viii 11 viii 15 viii 16 viii 19 viii 21 viii 24 viii 28 viii 30 viii 31 viii 35 ix 7, 8 ix 10 ix 11 ix 12 ix 13 ix 14 ix 17 ix 18 ix 20 ix 24 x 9 x 18 xi 2 xi 9, 10,‘ 12

42 20 42, 42, 20, 42, 20 42, 20 73 69 70, 41 69 70, 20 41 20 20, 20, 43 43, 52, 42, 20 74 73 42 53 20 42, 20 42, 20, 43 74, 74 42 20 41 42, 43, 20, 43, 42, 20 43 69 52, 41 96

xxxviii 16, 20 xxxviii 26 xxxviii 31 xxxix 1 xxxix 19 xxxix 20 xxxix 23, 25, 26 xxxix 41 xl 3 xl 7 xl 8 xl 12 xl 21 xl 22 xl 24 xl 26 xl 29 xl 30 xl 32 xl 35

Leviticus i 3 i 5 i 7 i 8 i 9 i 11 i 12 i 13 i 15 i 16 i 17 ii 2

73 42, 42 43 19 20, 43 19 19, 20, 19, 20

53, 74

25, 37, 42, 53, 89

42 25, 37, 89 24, 25

44 53, 74 24 53 53

74

74

24 24 44 69 53

53 53 24 143

53 44 24 44 53

99, 102, 104, 227

260

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Leviticus

PP.

Leviticus

pp.

xi 21 xi 29, 41, 42, 44 xi 46 xii 4 xii 6 xiii 46 xiv 8 xiv 11 xiv 20 xiv 23 xiv 34 xiv 35, 36 xiv 38 xiv 41 xiv 43, 44 xiv 46 xiv 47, 48 xiv 51 xv 14, 29 xvi 3 xvi 7 xvi 10 xvi 14 xvi 17 xvi 18 xvi 21 xvi 22 xvi 23 xvi 25 xvi 26, 27, 28 xvii 3 xvii 4, 5 xvii 6 xvii 9 xvii 11 xviii 3 xix 21 xix 23 xix 34 xx 22 xxi 23 xxii 13 xxii 22 xxii 27 xxiv 3 xxiv 10 xxv 1 xxv 10, 18 xxv 31 xxvi 6 xxvi 31

152 41 41, 96 52 73 41 41, 52 74 20, 43, 44 73 66, 69 40 73 39, 53 40 39 40 39 73 52 74 19, 25 20, 25, 37, 89 52, 70 53 19, 25 48 52, 69, 143, 144 20 52 41, 52 73 73, 74 73 42 138, 140 73 42 66 138, 140 42 69 42 151 41, 70 52 74 41 53 41 23

xxvi 34, 41, 44 xxvi 46 xxvii 7 xxvii 34

67 74 153 74

Numbers i 1 70, 74 i 3, 18 153 i 19 74 ii 3 20, 24, 25, 37, ii 10 20, 24, 37, 86, ii 18 19, 24, 37, 86, ii 25 20, 24, 37, 86, iii 1,4 74 iii 13 66 iii 14 74 iii 23 19, 25, 37, 89 iii 25 70 iii 26 53 iii 29, 35 20, 25, 37, 89 iii 37 53 iii 38 20, 35, 37, 89 iv 3, 4 70 iv 11 73 iv 12 52 iv 15 52, 70, 95 iv 23 70 iv 26 53 iv 28, 31 70 iv 32 53 iv 33, 35, 37, 39,41, 43, 47 70 v 25 42 v 26 20 vi 10, 13 73 vi 18 74 vii 89 69 viii 17 66 viii 19 52, 70 viii 22, 26 70 ix 1, 5 74 ix 15 52 ix 17 143 ix 18, 19, 20, 22 52 x 3 73, 140 x 4 140 x 5, 6 20, 24, 25, 37, x 12 74 x 31 49

89 89 89 89

89

261

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS Numbers

pp.

Numbers

pp.

xi 10 xi 13 xi 16 xi 17 xi 26 xi 27, 30 xi 31 xi 34 xi 35 xii 4 xii 5 xii 14, 15 xii 16 xiii 17 xiii 21 xiii 22 xiii 23 xiii 26 xiii 28 xiii 29 xiii 33 xiv 2 xiv 3 xiv 4 xiv 8 xiv 10 xiv 11 xiv 16 xiv 19 xiv 22 xiv 24 xiv 25 xiv 33 xiv 35 xiv 43 xv 2 xv 18 xv 23 xv 32 xv 35 xvi 13 xvi 18 xvi 19 xvi 27 xvi 30, 33 xvii 2 xvii 7 xvii 12 xvii 15 xvii 19 xvii 22

74 150 143, 144 143 19, 52 52 57 139, 143 121 69 74 41 74 46, 88 115, 125 143, 146 72 73, 105, 109 41, 143 46, 66 143 66 42, 105 105 42 70 150 49 151 49 138, 140 48, 52 49 143 143, 146 67 138, 140 151 49 41 49 74 73 74 105 151 69 74 73 70, 138, 140 70

xvii 23 xviii 3, 17 xviii 22 xviii 31 xix 6 xix 7 xix 14 xix 18 xx 1 xx 4 xx 6 xx 15 xx 17 xx 22, 25 xx 26 xx 27 xx 28 xxi 5 xxi 11 xxi 12 xxi 13 xxi 16 xxi 18 xxi 19 xxi 20 xxi 22 xxi 23

69 42 69 70 74 52 45, 46 143 73, 139, 143 143 73 105 53 123 143 123 143 49 71 72 49, 75 105, 108, 130 108, 121 121 76, 241 52, 53 19, 22, 105, 116, 212, 218 67 143, 146 105, 109, 114 53 73, 76 123 75 48 74 52 66 74 49 74 49 73 74, 96 74 52 69 52 41 52

xxi 31 xxi 32 xxii 5 xxii 23, 26 xxii 36 xxii 39, 41 xxiii 14 xxiv 1 xxv 6 xxv 8 xxvi 19 xxvi 64 xxvi 65 xxvii 2 xxvii 3 xxvii 12 xxvii 14 xxviii 6 xxviii 7 xxx 4 xxxi 12 xxxi 19 xxxi 24

262

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Numbers

pp.

xxxi 54 xxxii 9 xxxii 13, 15 xxxii 17 xxxii 19

69 72 49 41 19, 22, 23, 24, 37, 75, 90, 151 143 66 22, 23, 66 53 105, 116 76 20, 27, 30, 74 106, 143 70 74 143 74 133, 134, 217, 218, 228, 233 74, 133, 134, 217, 218, 228, 233 108 133, 134,218,228,233 108, 133, 134, 217, 218, 228, 233 108 74 76 123, 143 66 108 112, 124, 130, 133, 135, 217, 218, 228, 233, 243 216 66 138, 140 41 66 20, 29, 30, 37, 90 38, 57, 106, 123 20, 27, 30, 47, 63, 64, 72 56 57, 123 106, 110, 115, 125 106 29, 80, 81, 82, 88, 89, 106, 110, 116, 124, 125, 130, 206, 208,

xxxii 26 xxxii 30 xxxii 32 xxxii 33 xxxii 39 xxxiii 6 xxxiii 8 xxxiii 9 xxxiii 10 xxxiii 11 xxxiii 14 xxxiii 15 xxxiii 22 xxxiii 23 xxxiii 28, 29 xxxiii 33 xxxiii 34 xxxiii xxxiii xxxiii xxxiii xxxiii xxxiii xxxiii

35 36 37 38 *0 41, 42 46, 47

xxxiii xxxiii xxxiii xxxiii xxxiv xxxiv xxxiv xxxiv

49 51 54 55 2 3 4 5

xxxiv xxxiv xxxiv xxxiv xxxiv

6 7 8 9 10

Numbers

xxxiv 11 xxxiv 12 xxxiv 15 xxxiv 29 xxxv 4 xxxv 5 xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv xxxv

6 10 11 14 15 25 26 27 28 32 34

pp. 211, 215, 216, 228, 233 20, 29, 30, 37, 38, 90, 119, 125 53, 70, 106 20, 23, 28, 30, 37, 90 66 20, 28, 30, 37, 39, 53, 200 41, 80, 81, 82, 88, 93, 228, 229, 235 138, 140 63, 64, 66 138, 140 22, 23, 66 138, 140 73, 138, 140 88, 138, 140 41 67 41, 73 75

Deuteronomy i 1 i 2 i 5 i 7 i 19 i 20 i 24 i 28 i 37 i 38, 39 i 40 i 41 i 43 ii 1 ii 3 ii 8 ii 27 ii 32 ii 36 ii 37 iii 8 iii 12 iii 17 iii 20 iii 21

45, 49, 75 216 66, 75, 241 45, 46, 52, 73 88, 205 73 20, 26, 27, 72 96, 143, 150 142 138, 140 20, 26, 27 20, 26 20 20 20, 26, 36 205 53 105, 110, 116,212,218 50, 216 67, 241 22, 75 72 20, 26, 27, 37, 90 22, 75 138

263

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS Deuteronomy

pp.

Deuteronomy

PP-

iii iii iii iv iv iv iv iv iv iv iv iv iv iv

41, 96 22, 75 20, 26, 36 138, 139 138 41, 96 95 41 138 138, 140, 148 143 41 152 6, 23, 63, 64, 71, 75, 177 138, 140 49, 67 67, 75 71, 75 20, 26, 27, 37, 90 46 66 46 53 138 138, 139 49 46, 52, 67 49 96 49 20, 26, 46 46 49 20, 26 20 46 143 121, 139, 143 67, 105, 110, 133, 134, 217, 218, 228, 229 46 66 105, 109 49 138 138, 139 138 57 138 26, 45, 67, 75 143

xii 5 xii 6 xii 7 xii 10 xii 11 xii 14 xii 16 xii 21 xii 24 xii 27 xii 29 xiii 13 xiii 17 xiv 9 xiv 23 xiv 24 xiv 26 xv 15 xv 23 xvi 2, 6, 11 xvii 11 xvii 12 xvii 16 xvii 20 xviii 6, 7 xix 3, 4 xix 5 xx 10, 14 xxi 1 xxi 4 xxi 6 xxi 12 xxi 19 xxii 2 xxii 15 xxii 21 xxii 23 xxii 24 xxii 25, 27 xxiii 11, 12 xxiii 13 xxiii 14 xxiii 19 xxiii 21 xxiii 25 xxiv 11 xxiv 19 xxiv 22 xxv 5

138, 140, 143, 144 138, 140 143 53 138, 140, 143 143 41, 202, 224 143, 144 41, 202, 224 73 138 143 74 96 143 143, 144 143 66 41, 202, 224 143 53 143 105, 109 53 143 138, 140 45 50 53 50, 143 50 74 73 74 20, 26, 169 69, 73 50 50, 73 53 74 39, 41, 138, 140 40 68 138 74 20, 26, 39, 40 53 66 20, 26, 27, 31, 35, 39, 40, 54, 156, 162, 163, 169, 227, 230 20, 26, 169

24 25 27 5 14 17 19 25 26 27 28 32, 36 39 41

iv 42 iv 43 iv 46 iv 47 iv 49 v 4, 5 v 15 v 22 v 32 vi 1 vii 1 viii 2 viii 7 viii 16 ix 1 ix 7 ix 9 ix 10 ix 28 x 1 x 3 x 4 x 5 x 6 x 7 x 10 x 19 x 22 xi 5 xi 8 xi 10 xi 11 xi 24 xi 29 xi 30 xii 2

xxv 7

264

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Deuteronomy

pp.

Joshua

pp.

xxv 19 xxvi 2 xxvi 5 xxvii 4 xxvii 5, 7 xxvii 12, 13 xxvii 15 xxviii 3 xxviii 13 xxviii 14 xxviii 16 xxviii 21 xxviii 36 xxviii 37 xxviii 63 xxviii 64, 65 xxviii 68 xxviii 69 xxix 1 xxix 4 xxix 15 xxx 1 xxx 3 xxx 4 xxx 12 xxx 16 xxxi 14 xxxi 15 xxxi 16 xxxi 26 xxxii 40 xxxii 49 xxxii 50 xxxii 51 xxxii 52 xxxiii 19, 21 xxxiv 1 xxxiv 2 xxxiv 4 xxxiv 5 xxxiv 6 xxxiv 11

53 143 105, 143 74 143 74 52 50, 53 153 53 50, 53 138 143 138, 140, 148 138 143 117, 143 66, 241 66 49 66 138, 140, 148 141 76 95, 96 138 70 46, 74 138, 139 143 164 73, 241 138, 140 74 138 166 73 57 138 66, 143 52, 66 66

ii 2 ii 5 ii 6 ii 7 ii 8 ii 9 ii 10 ii 15 ii 16 ii 18 ii 19 ii 22 ii 24 iii 1 iii 8 iii 9 iii 15 iii 16 iii 17 iv 5 iv 8 iv 9 iv 19 v 1 v 4, 5, 6 v 8 v 14 vi 11, 14 vi 17 vi 20 vi 21 vi 22 vii 2 vii 3, 4 vii 6 vii 7 vii 9 vii 21 vii 22 vii 24 viii 1, 3 viii 5 viii 9 viii 10 viii 12 viii 13 viii 15 viii 16 viii 18 viii 19 viii 20

151 150 19, 45, 161 205 45 41 75 52 19, 21, 138, 139 19, 22, 38, 42, 139 19, 39, 40 19, 143 41 143 75 151 76 70 75 74 52, 143, 144 75, 143 76 75 49 52 19 52 40 19 50 69 38, 121 138 19 75 41 75, 161 19, 161 74, 123 121 50 38 121 38 38, 74 205 50 50, 121 50 48, 95, 151

Joshua i 4 i 7 i 14 i 15 ii 1

57 53 22, 75 23, 67, 71, 75 69, 138, 139

265

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS Joshua

pp.

Joshua

pp.

viii 24 viii 29, 30 viii 32 ix 1 ix 6 ix 10 ix 24 x 6 x 12 x 15 x 16, 17 x 21 x 27 x 31, 34 x 36

53, 121 74 143 46, 52, 75 52, 118 75 41 46, 52, 105, 109 75 52, 105, 109 52 52, 121 143 105, 108 105, 108, 133, 134, 217, 242 105 112, 133, 134, 137, 217, 242 216 52, 105, 109 26, 38, 46, 52 38, 46, 66 19, 22, 24, 26, 37, 90 216 67 20, 26, 27, 37, 63, 64, 71, 75, 90, 177 216 20, 26, 27, 37, 90 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 37, 75, 105, 110 26, 45, 46, 49, 52 29 20, 29, 30, 37, 90, 134 38, 133, 134, 137, 216, 228, 233, 237 71, 115, 125 46, 216 20, 23, 29, 30, 37, 75, 90, 210 75 110 106, 110, 116, 125, 131, 212, 214, 218, 228, 233 74 41 23 241 216

xiii 27

20, 22, 29, 30, 37, 75, 90 20, 23, 29, 30, 37, 90

x 38 x 39 x 41 x 43 xi 2 xi 3 xi 8 xi 17 xi 22 xii 1 xii 2 xii 3 xii 7 xii 8 xiii 2 xiii 3 xiii 4 xiii 5 xiii 6 xiii 8 xiii 9, 16 xiii 17 IT. xiii 18

xiii xiii xiii xiii xiii

19 21 24 25 26

xiii 32 xiv 1 xiv 3 xiv 4 xiv 10 xiv 12 xv 1 xv xv xv xv

2 3 4 5

xv 6 xv 7 xv 8 xv 9 xv 10

xv 11 xv 12

xv 21 xv 22 xv 33 xv 46 xv 47 xv 48 xv 57 xv 61 xvi 1 xvi xvi xvi xvi

2 3 5 6

xvi 7

66 22, 23 41 49 143, 146 20, 28, 30, 37, 76, 90, 134 20, 29, 30, 36 57, 106 20, 27, 30, 47, 72, 106 29, 76, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 203, 206, 208, 228, 235 49, 123 20, 27, 29, 30, 36, 49, 106, 118, 128 20, 29, 30, 37, 49, 76, 89, 90, 123, 134 8, 125 20, 27, 29, 30, 36, 37, 60, 73, 90, 123, 128, 134, 200, 228, 233 20, 27, 29, 30, 37, 47, 106, 121 20, 27, 30, 35, 47, 48, 53, 54, 56, 59, 62, 85, 86, 162, 199, 200, 208, 210, 221, 228, 233 28, 76, 133, 134, 217, 228 108 52 20, 27, 28, 30, 37,. 90 57 46 128 49, 108 20, 29, 30, 37, 46, 48, 90 106, 121 20, 27, 30, 36, 47, 125 20, 29, 30, 37, 90 20, 27, 30, 36, 37, 47, 71, 89, 112, 123, 129, 133, 134, 228 106, 110, 121, 133, 134, 217, 228, 233

266

LIST OF TEXT QUOTATIONS

Joshua

pp.

xvi 8

20, 27, 30, 36, 47, 48, 72 22 54, 121 20, 27, 28, 30, 36, 47, 72 20, 27, 30, 35, 37, 54, 56, 59, 62, 85, 89, 134, 162, 199, 208, 210, 221, 228 20,27, 30,67, 143, 241 67, 75 121, 143 150 41 38 20, 23, 29, 30, 37, 90 41 52, 121 143 20, 27, 29, 30, 36, 37, 46, 48, 80, 82, 89, 134, 169, 206, 228 20, 29, 30, 37, 38, 90, 106, 110, 112, 123, 129, 133, 134, 136, 166, 217, 218, 228 20, 24, 27, 29, 30, 36, 37, 86, 90 20, 30, 36, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 208, 228, 235 20, 29, 30, 37, 75, 90, 123 57, 121, 123 20, 26, 29, 30, 37, 90, 128 20, 29, 30, 37, 86, 90 53, 80,82, 89, 206, 228 108 75 36, 60, 108, 110, 121, 228, 233, 237 20, 24, 28, 30, 36, 71, 112O 11 6, 20, 24, 28, 30, 36, 108, 121 57 106, 110, 116, 118, 125, 130, 131, 172,

xvii 5 xvii 7 xvii 9 xvii 10

xvii xvii xviii xviii xviii xviii xviii xviii xviii xviii xviii

15 16 1 3 4 5 7 8 9 10 12

xviii 13

xviii 14 xviii 15 xviii 16 xviii 17 xviii 18 xviii 19 xviii 20 xviii 27 xix 1, 9 xix 11 xix 12 xix 13 xix 14 xix 18

Joshua

xix 22 xix 26 xix 27 xix 29

xix 33 xix 34

xix 43 xix 50 xix 51 xx 3 xx 4 xx 7 xx 8 xx 9 xxi 2 xxi 11 xxi 21 xxi 41 xxi 44 xxii 4 xxii 7 xxii 9 xxii 10 xxii 12 xxii 13, 15 xxii 19 xxii 32 xxiii 1 xxiii 4 xxiii 6 xxiv 1 xxiv 2 xxiv 4 xxiv 6 xxiv 7 xxiv 8 xxiv 11 xxiv 14, 15 xxiv 26 xxiv 30, 33

pp. 210, 212, 214, 228, 233 106, 110 20, 30, 37, 47, 90 20, 29, 30, 37, 54, 71, 90, 121, 123, 241 20, 27, 30, 47, 106, 110, 116, 119, 121, 124, 125, 130, 172, 211, 215, 216, 228, 233 216 20, 27, 30, 36, 37, 71, 90, 106, 123, 134, 241 128 74, 241 74 138, 140 20, 27, 30, 74 74, 241 20, 23, 29, 37, 49, 90 138, 140 66 66, 74 74 75 53 22, 67, 75 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 37, 75 66, 67 66, 143 121 66 67, 143 66