A descriptive syntax of the Ormulum [Reprint 2017 ed.] 3111001091, 9783111001098

Table of contents :
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS
1. INTRODUCTION
2. THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES
3. MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE
4. MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE
5. THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE
6. THE "TO"-INFINITIVE PHRASE
7. THE NOUN-HEADED PHRASE
8. OTHER NOMINAL PHRASES
9. CONCLUSIONS
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Citation preview

A D E S C R I P T I V E S Y N T A X OF THE

ORMULUM

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN WIJK DEDICATA

edenda curat

C. H. VAN SCHOONEVELD INDIANA

UNIVERSITY

SERIES PRACTICA 74

1969

MOUTON THE H A G U E · PARIS

A DESCRIPTIVE SYNTAX OF THE ORMULUM by

ROBERT ALLEN PALMATIER WESTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY

1969

MOUTON T H E H A G U E · PARIS

© Copyright 1969 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. Ν.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER 69-10747

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

Το M. P.

TABLE O F CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES

6

LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

7

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1. 1.2. 1.3. 1.4. 1.5. 1.6. 1.7.

The text The corpus Nature of the analysis Previous scholarship Basic assumptions Metrical -e and other devices Method of analysis 1.7.1. Identification of finite verbs 1.7.2. Determination of concord 1.7.3. Determination of nominal and verbal phrase structure 1.7.4. Determination of phrase rank and order in the clause 1.7.5. Demarcation of clause boundaries 1.7.6. Determination of clause relationship 1.8. Order of description 2 . THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 2.4.

Quotation and non-quotation discourse Major clause status Minor clause status Function of minor clauses 2.4.1. Major element of the clause 2.4.1.1. Subject 2.4.1.2. Direct object 2.4.2. Minor element of the clause 2.4.2.1. Pseudo subject 2.4.2.2. Pseudo direct object 2.4.2.3. Pseudo "dative" object

15

15 16 17 18 18 19 22 22 22 23 24 24 24 25 26

26 27 28 30 30 30 30 31 31 31 32

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

2.4.2.4. Object of io-infinitive 2.4.3. Modifier of nominal 2.4.3.1. Appositive or complement 2.4.3.2. Relative clause 2.4.4. The adverbial clause 2.4.4.1. Correlation 2.4.4.2. Mood in adverbial clauses 2.4.5. The sequence clause 2.4.6. The parenthetical clause 3 . MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

3.1. The subject 3.1.1. Inversion of subject and verb 3.1.1.1. Nominal subject 3.1.1.2. Clause subject 3.1.1.3. Conclusions 3.2. The predicator 3.2.1. The expanded verb 3.2.1.1. Future indicative active 3.2.1.2. Past active subjunctive 3.2.1.3. Present perfect indicative active 3.2.1.4. Past perfect indicative active 3.2.1.5. Present indicative passive 3.2.1.6. Past indicative passive 3.2.1.7. Past perfect indicative passive 3.2.1.8. Future perfect indicative active 3.2.1.9. Future indicative passive 3.2.1.10. Past passive subjunctive 3.2.2. Subjectless clauses 3.2.2.1. Impersonal verbs 3.2.2.2. Imperative verbs 3.3. The direct object 3.3.1. Order of finite verb and direct object 3.3.2. Order of subject and direct object 3.3.3. Order of subject, finite verb, and direct object 3.4. The indirect object 3.4.1. Order of indirect object and direct object 3.4.2. Order of indirect object and finite verb 3.4.3. Order of indirect object and subject 3.4.4. Order of indirect object, direct object, and finite verb 3.4.5. Order of indirect object, direct object, and subject 3.4.6. Order of indirect object, subject, and finite verb

32 32 33 33 35 35 36 37 38 40

40 42 42 44 45 45 45 45 46 46 46 46 46 46 46 47 47 47 48 48 49 51 52 54 55 56 57 57 58 59 59

TABLE OF CONTENTS

3.4.7. Order of indirect object, direct object, subject, and finite verb . . 3.4.8. Conclusions 3.5. The subject complement 3.5.1. Order of subject complement and subject 3.5.2. Order of subject complement and finite verb 3.5.3. Order of subject complement, subject, and finite verb 3.5.4. Conclusions 3.6. General conclusions 4 . MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

4.1. The "dative" object 4.1.1. The "dative" object of an impersonal verb 4.1.2. The "dative" object in a passive construction 4.1.3. "Dative" complement of nominal or verbal 4.1.3.1. Complement of nominal 4.1.3.2. Complement of verbal 4.2. The "pseudo" element 4.2.1. "Pseudo" indirect object and "dative" object 4.2.2. "Pseudo" direct object 4.2.3. "Pseudo" subject 4.3. The "additional" major element 4.3.1. Sequential members of a series of major elements 4.3.2. "Additional" elements after a series of verbals 4.3.3. Separated appositi ves 4.3.4. "Subjective complements" in subjectless clauses 4.4. The "nominative" of address 4.5. The object complement 5. THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

5.1. Relationship of modifiers to verb head 5.2. Modification in the minimum verb phrase 5.2.1. Modifiers occurring before the minimum verb 5.2.2. Modifiers occurring after the minimum verb 5.2.3. Modifiers occurring both before and after the minimum verb . . 5.2.4. Relative order of modifiers of minimum verb 5.2.5. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in respect to the minimum verb 5.3. Modification in the verb phrase expanded by a plain infinitive . . . . 5.3.1. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with a double infinitive 5.3.2. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with a single infinitive 5.3.2.1. Modifiers before VI 5.3.2.2. Modifiers between V and I

7

60 60 61 62 62 63 64 64 65

65 65 66 67 67 67 68 68 68 69 70 70 70 71 71 71 72 73

73 74 74 75 77 78 79 79 80 80 81 81

8

TABLE OF CONTENTS

5.4.

5.5.

5.6. 5.7. 5.8.

5.3.2.3. Modifiers after VI 5.3.3. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in the verb phrase expanded by an infinitive Modification in the verb phrase expanded by a past participle 5.4.1. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with the past participle before the verb 5.4.2. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with the past participle after the verb 5.4.2.1. Modifiers before VL 5.4.2.2. Modifiers between V and L 5.4.2.3. Modifiers after VL 5.4.3. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in the verb phrase expanded by a past participle Modification in the verb phrase expanded by both an infinitive and a past participle 5.5.1. Modification in the phrase LYI 5.5.2. Modification in the phrase VLI 5.5.3. Modification in the phrase VIL 5.5.4. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in the verb phrase expanded by both an infinitive and a past participle Conclusions on order of modifiers and finite verb Conclusions on relative order of adverbial modifiers Negation in the verb phrase

6. THE "TO"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

6.1. Identification of the fo-infinitive 6.2. Function of the to-infinitive 6.2.1. Major element of the clause 6.2.1.1. Direct object of finite verb 6.2.2. Minor element of the clause 6.2.2.1. "Pseudo" subject 6.2.2.2. "Additional" direct object 6.2.3. Modifier or complement of nominal or verbal 6.2.3.1. Modifier of verbal 6.2.3.2. Modifier or complement of nominal 6.2.4. "Major" element of another io-infinitive phrase 6.3. Structure of the io-infinitive phrase 6.3.1. "Major" elements of the phrase 6.3.1.1. The "subject" 6.3.1.2. The "direct" object 6.3.1.3. The "indirect" object 6.3.1.4. The "subject" complement

82 82 83 83 83 84 84 84 85 85 86 86 86 87 88 88 89 90

90 92 92 92 93 93 94 94 94 94 95 95 95 95 95 96 96

TABLE OF CONTENTS

6.4. Adverbial modifiers of the io-infinitive head 6.4.1. Modifiers before the head 6.4.2. Modifiers after the head 6.4.3. Summary of occurrences of modifiers before or after the io-infinitive head 6.5. Conclusions for all modifiers of verbal heads 6.5.1. Relative order of modifiers and verbal head 6.5.2. Relative order of types of adverbials with each other 6.5.3. Order of members of types of adverbials 6.5.3.1. Absolute order of adjacent adverbs 6.5.3.2. Absolute order of adjacent clauses 6.5.3.3. Relative order of prepositional phrases 6.5.4. Semantic succession among adverbials 6.5.4.1. Semantic succession among prepositional phrases. . . . 6.5.4.2. Semantic succession among adjacent adverbs 6.5.4.3. Semantic succession among all adjacent adverbials . . . 7 . THE NOUN-HEADED PHRASE

7.1. Description of the noun-headed phrase 7.1.1. Configuration of the phrase 7.1.2. Method of analysis 7.1.3. Order of presentation 7.2. Order Class A 7.2.1. Sub-class Al 7.2.2. Sub-class A2 7.3. Order Class Β 7.4. Order Class C 7.5. Order Class D 7.6. Order Class E 7.6.1. Sub-class El 7.6.2. Sub-class E2 7.6.3. Sub-class E3 7.6.4. Sub-class E4 7.6.4.1. E4a 7.6.4.2. E4b 7.7. Order Class F 7.7.1. Sub-class Fl 7.7.2. Sub-class F2 7.7.3. Sub-class F3 7.8. Order Class Ρ 7.9. Order Class T/R 7.9.1. Sub-class Τ

9

97 97 98 98 99 99 99 100 100 101 102 103 103 103 103 105

105 105 107 108 109 109 110 Ill 112 112 113 114 114 115 115 115 116 117 118 118 119 119 119 120

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

7.9.2. Sub-class R 7.10. Head-initial phrases 7.11. Compounding of modifiers and head 7.12. Conclusions on order class modifiers 7.12.1. Number of modifiers of a single head 7.12.2. Distribution of modifiers 7.12.2.1. Modifiers occurring before the head 7.12.2.2. Modifiers occurring after the head 7.13. Other modifiers of the noun 8. OTHER NOMINAL PHRASES

8.1. The elliptical noun phrase 8.2. The adjective-headed phrase 8.2.1. Order of modifying adverbs 8.3. The pronoun-headed phrase 8.3.1. Function of the pronoun phrase 8.3.2. Profile of the pronoun phrase 9 . CONCLUSIONS

9.1. The organization of words in phrases 9.1.1. The endocentric phrase 9.2. The organization of words and phrases in clauses 9.3. Organization of clauses in clusters SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

120 120 121 121 121 122 122 122 123 125

125 127 128 129 129 130 132

133 133 134 135 136

LIST OF TABLES

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34.

Major and minor clauses Order of subject and finite verb Order of finite verb and direct object Order of subject and direct object Order of subject, finite verb, and direct object Order of indirect object and direct object Order of indirect object and finite verb Order of indirect object and subject Order of indirect object, direct object, and finite verb Order of indirect object, direct object, and subject Order of indirect object, subject, and finite verb Order of indirect object, direct object, subject, and verb Order of subject complement and subject Order of subject complement and finite verb Order of subject complement, subject, and finite verb Order of modifiers and head in minimum verb phrase Order of modifiers and head in verb phrase with infinitive Order of modifiers and verb in phrase with past participle Order of modifiers and verb head in phrases with both an infinitive and a past participle Summary of orders of modifiers and finite verb Summary of orders of modifiers and /o-infinitive Over-all order of modifiers and verbal head Absolute order of adjacent adverbs Relative order of prepositional phrases Order classes of modifiers in the noun-headed phrase Order of class A modifiers and noun head Order of class E modifiers and noun head Order of sub-class E4 modifiers and noun head Order of class F modifiers and noun head Distribution of order class modifiers and noun head Distribution of order class modifiers before noun head Distribution of order class modifiers after noun head Absolute order of adjacent adverbs before adjective head Order of modifiers and head in the pronoun phrase

29 41 51 53 54 56 57 58 58 59 60 61 62 63 63 79 82 85 87 88 99 100 101 102 106 109 114 116 118 122 123 123 128 130

LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

SYMBOLS

Symbols used in the White and Holt edition The symbols used in the White and Holt edition to represent the characters in the manuscript (e.g. w for "wen") are employed here with the following exceptions: p stands for both the capital and small "thorn". 5 stands for both the capital and small "yogh". y stands for the symbol representing "and". / is introduced to separate "half" lines, italics mark a citation from the edition. spaced words mark the relevant portion of a citation from the edition. Symbols introduced for the present description A Β C D E F H 1 L M Ν O Ρ

in Chapters 5 and 6, "adverb or adverb phrase"; in Chapters 7 and 8, "first position". in Chapter 4, "object complement"; in Chapters 7 and 8, "second position". in Chapter 3, "subject complement" ; in Chapters 5 and 6, "clause" ; in Chapters 7 and 8, "third position". before line numbers, "Dedication" ; in Chapter 4, " 'dative' object" ; in Chapters 7 and 8, "fourth position". "fifth position in noun phrase". "sixth position in noun phrase". "head of structure of modification". before line numbers, "Introduction"; in Chapter 3, "indirect object"; in Chapter 5, "plain infinitive". before line numbers, "Luke"; in Chapter 5, "past participle". "modifier". "nominal or nominal phrase". "direct object". before line numbers, "Preface" ; otherwise, "prepositional phrase".

14 R S Τ T/R V

LIST OF SYMBOLS AND ABBREVIATIONS

"relative clause". "subject". "io-infinitive". "last position after noun head". "verb". "order of occurrence" : M - H "modifier precedes head".

ABBREVIATIONS

Adj. "adjective or adjective phrase". Adv. "adverb or adverb phrase". CI. Inf.

"clause". "io-infinitive".

M E D Middle English Dictionary. Nom. "nominal or nominal phrase". Prep, "prepositional phrase". Pron. "pronoun or pronoun phrase". WH

White and Holt edition of the Ormulum.

1 INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study is to describe the syntactic system of the Ormulum*

1.1. THE TEXT

The Ormulum is an early Middle English text in the East Midland dialect {MED,1 "Plan and Bibliography": "East Midland") consisting of an incomplete series of metrical paraphrases and homilies on the Gospels. The single manuscript (Oxford University, Junius I, Bodleian Library 5113) was set down in the hand of its author, Orm, circa A.D. 1200 {MED, "Plan and Bibliography": "?cl200"). The only complete edition of the Ormulum is the diplomatic and definitive edition of R. M. White, edited by Robert Holt2 {MED, "Plan and Bibliography": "Preferred"). The text consists of a dedication to Orm's brother Walter, a table of the Latin texts used (cited in Latin), a preface, an introduction to the first paraphrase, and the paraphrases and homilies that make up the body of the work. Of the 243 Latin texts listed in the table of contents (numbered I to CCXLII, but with the number for text CLXXXXV1II entered twice), only 27 are represented in the 24 surviving paraphrases. These texts are from among the first 32 entries in the listing. Only 29 of the 243 Latin texts are represented among the 25 surviving homilies, also from the first 32 items listed. Only 21 of the paraphrases and 9 of the homilies survive in their complete form, making up 8 sets of a complete paraphrase followed by a complete homily. The English portion of the work - that is, all of the work except for the Latin table of contents - comprises 10,220 full (or "long") lines of unalliterated and unrimed verse, not including a fragment at the end which contains 36 full lines in an imperfect state. The meter of the full line might be described as iambic heptameter with a weak (or "feminine") ending. The full line of 15 syllables is divided into two half * I wish to thank Professor Sherman M. Kuhn, Editor of the Middle English Dictionary, at the University of Michigan, for introducing me to the Ormulum and for directing my investigations into its structure. I would also like to thank Professors James W. Downer, John Reidy, and Ladislav Matejka of the University of Michigan for their valuable comments on the preliminary draft of this paper. 1 Hans Kurath and Sherman M. Kuhn (eds.), Middle English Dictionary (Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 1952-). Hereafter not noted. 2 Robert Meadows White, The Ormulum, ed. Robert Holt (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1878).

16

INTRODUCTION

(or "short") lines by a caesura, which is evidenced by the lack of conversion of p-tot" at the beginning of the second half line when the first half line ends in -t or -d (for example: lines 475-6 sett / patt; lines 591-2 hird / pati). The meter of the first half line of 8 syllables is iambic tetrameter with a strong (or "masculine") ending. The meter of the second half line of 7 syllables is iambic trimeter with a weak ending. Departures from the model line are frequent, of course; but the syllable count is usually observed. The White and Holt edition of the Ormulum, which is the primary source for this investigation, groups the half lines into couplets but gives each half line a separate number. The Dedication contains 342 half lines, the Preface 106, the Introduction 108, and the body of the work 19,885 - exclusive of the 72 half lines in the fragment. The total number of half lines in the Ormulum, including the fragment, is therefore 20,513.3

1.2. THE CORPUS

In order to accomplish a syntactic study of such a substantial text within a reasonable length of time, the present investigator has restricted his attention to selected portions of the work. These portions have been selected from the beginning, the middle, and the end of the text to represent the latest, earliest, and middle stages of production respectively. The selected portions comprise 3012 half lines, extending over 108 pages in the White and Holt edition (WH). The first continuous portion consists of 1002 half lines, comprising the Dedication (numbered 1-342 in WH; to be numbered D. 1-D.342 here), the Preface (1-106 in WH; P. 1 to P. 106 here), the Introduction (1-108 in WH; I. 1-1. 108 here), and the first 446 lines of Luke I (109-554 in WH; L.109-L.342 and 343-554 here). The Dedication and Preface were the last sections of the Ormulum to be written, as their content and form indicate. In their content, they report that the work has been completed: D.27. y unnc birrp bapepannkenn Crist / patt itt iss brohht till ende 'And it behooves us both to thank Christ that it has been brought to an end'; P. 1.pissboc issnemmneddOrrmulum / Forrpi patt Orrm itt wrohhte 'This book is named Ormulum because Orm produced it'. In their form, they contain no eo spellings, and no evidence of erasure of original eo spellings.4 The Introduction and Luke I were written early, as the content of the former and the form of both indicate. In content, the Introduction previews the first Latin text listed in the table of contents: 1.105. y her icc wile shxwenn / Hu Sannt Johan Bapptisste / Wass sennd purrp Godd biforenn Crist, / To sarrkenn Cristess \ve33ess 'And here I will show ' N . R. Ker cites 519 additional lines copied by Jan van Vliet in the seventeenth century: "Unpublished Parts of the Ormulum Printed from MS. Lambeth 783", Medium /Evum, IX (February, 1940), 1-22. They are outside the corpus. 4 Sigurd Holm, Corrections and Additions in the Ormulum Manuscript (Uppsala, Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri-A.-B., 1922), p. 60.

INTRODUCTION

17

you how Saint John the Baptist was sent by God before Christ to prepare Christ's way'. In form, both of the sections contain eo spellings and indication that the o in such spellings had originally been written, then erased, then restored.5 The second selected portion consists of 1005 consecutive half lines from the middle of the text, based on Matthew. These lines are numbered 11,319 to 12,323 in WH and will be so numbered here. This portion of the work was written early, as the restoration of o in the eo spellings indicates.6 The third selected portion consists of 1005 half lines from the last part of the text, based on John. The lines are numbered 17,984 to 18,988 in WH and will be so numbered here. This portion of the Ormulum was written late, as the absence of eo spellings indicates;7 but it was written earlier than the Dedication and the Preface, as the content of the latter two indicates.

1.3. NATURE OF THE ANALYSIS

The present study consists of a description of the syntax of the selected portions of the Ormulum enumerated above - hereafter to be called the "corpus". A description of a linguistic system is not necessarily a complete grammar of that system. The present paper assumes and does not describe the phonological (phonetic, phonemic, phonotactic), morphological (morphemic, morphophonemic, morphotactic), lexical, and semantic systems of the corpus. It also does not assume an identical syntactic structure for the entire Ormulum or for the portions not selected. The description restricts itself to the level of structure, in the corpus at hand, beyond morphology and short of discourse analysis - that is, to syntax. The syntax of a corpus consists of its set of rules for organizing words in phrases, words and phrases in clauses, and clauses in clusters. The syntactic rules governing a corpus that survives only in writing and reflects a dialect unable to provide native informants is nevertheless recoverable by rigorous structural analysis. Structural analysis is characterized by attention to overt signals. In the case of a structural syntactic analysis, these signals consist of the form and distribution of words and word groups. When there is a change in the form or distribution of words, it can be assumed that there is a change in meaning: grammatical, lexical, or metrical.8 It is the responsibility of the investigator to determine which kind of meaning is being signaled and then to codify the signals of grammatical relationships. A structural syntactic analysis of an ancient corpus can be synchronic or diachronic, descriptive or comparative. The present analysis has been conducted on a synchronic-descriptive basis; that is, it has focused on the overt signals in the corpus 6

• ' * in

Ibid., p. 61. Ibid. Ibid., p. 60. This is not to say, of course, that the meaning of a word or phrase cannot change without a change form or distribution. Such ambiguities must be resolved semantically, if possible.

18

INTRODUCTION

at hand, and no attempt has been made to compare the results with those for contemporaneous or non-contemporaneous texts.9 Structural analysis of the synchronicdescriptive type has been applied successfully to the syntax of several Old English texts.10 Its application to the syntax of the Ormulum, an early Middle English text, will facilitate the eventual comparison of the syntactic systems of the two periods. 1.4. PREVIOUS SCHOLARSHIP

The language of the Ormulum has received considerable attention, though the studies are dated and seldom extend beyond the morphology. These traditional - as opposed to structural - treatments include the notes in WH and in anthologies which contain selections from the Ormulum and/or other early Middle English texts;11 articles, monographs, and dissertations from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries ;12 and standard handbooks of Middle English grammar.13 More recent studies of the structure of the Ormulum have been restricted to the parts of speech. Martin Lehnert's "Sprachform und Sprachfunktion im 'Orrmulum' (um 1200)" in Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 1952,14 is a description of the case system of nomináis. Tauno F. Mustanoja's A Middle English Syntax, Part I, Parts of Speech, I96015 has frequent references to the Ormulum, but it does not describe word order. The only quantitative study of Middle English syntax is Walerian áwieczkowski's Word Order Patterning in Middle English, 1962,16 which surveys texts from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It is hoped that the present study will provide a bridge from the structural descriptions of Old English syntax to the newly developing structural investigations of later Middle English syntax. 1.5. BASIC ASSUMPTIONS

The analysis has been based on the following assumptions : (1) It has been assumed that the WH edition of the Ormulum, as corrected by S. Holm in Corrections and Additions in the Ormulum Manuscript,17 is complete and accurate. The investigator has verified all of Holm's corrections to that part of WH • In the body of the present paper, diachronic-comparative statements have been unavoidable: e.g. "Orm has no present participle". 10 See Bibliography for University of Michigan dissertations by Carlton, Shannon, Pillsbury, and Brown. 11 See Bibliography for Morris, 1873 (2) and 1887; Sweet, 1891; Hall, 1920; and Dickins, 1951. 12 See Bibliography for Monicke, 1853; Nilsson, 1900; Zenke, 1910; and Laeseke, 1933. 13 See Bibliography for Emerson, Mossé, and Wright. 14 II, No. 2 (1952), 1-58. " (Helsinki, Société Néophilologique, 1960). " ('s-Gravenhage, Mouton & Co., 1962). 17 See Bibliography.

INTRODUCTION

19

that falls within the corpus by reviewing the microfilm facsimile of the manuscript. 18 (2) It has been assumed that the Ormulum, though verse, is representative of the spoken English of East Midland circa A.D. 1200. Supporting such an assumption are the lack of rime and alliteration; the intention of the author that the work be read aloud (D.325. y icc Orrmin ... Her bidde pa Crisstene menti, / patt he renn operr rédenn / piss hoc 'And I, Orrm, ... here bid those Christian men who hear or read this book'')·, the inferior quality of Orm's verse style;19 the inclusion of dialogue; and the use of "metrical -e" and other devices to maintain the position of a word in a phrase or a word or phrase in a clause.20 (3) It has been assumed that the English versions of the Latin text are truly paraphrases and not literal translations preserving Latin word order. Supporting this assumption are Orm's own statements in the Dedication (e.g. D.41. Icc hafe sett her o piss boc / Amang Goddspelless wordess, / All purrh me sellfenn, mani3 word / pe rime swa to fillenn Ί have set here in this book, among the Gospel's words, all by myself, many a word in order to fill the meter') 21 and a comparison of the first few lines of a paraphrase with the Latin incipit which precedes (e.g. Secundum Johannem XXVIII. Quem enim misit Deus verba Dei loquitur, non enim ad mensuram dat Deus Spiritum 'he-whom for has-sent God words of-God he-speaks, not for by measure gives God the-Spirit'; 17984. He patt wass hiderr sennd purrh G odd / He spekepp Godess wordess, / Forr Godd ne 3ifepp nohht wipp mett j Hiss Gastess H alighe Frofre 'He who was hither sent by God, he speaks God's words; for God gives not with moderation His Spirit's holy comfort'). (4) It has been assumed that there are as many clauses as there are finite verbs. This assumption leads to a clause-level, rather than a sentence-level, analysis, for it prohibits the recognition of a compound predicate. Such an assumption has been made in order to facilitate any future comparison of the findings with those arrived at in essentially the same way for Old English by Shannon and Brown.22 (5) It has been assumed that the punctuation in both the manuscript and the White and Holt edition is an unreliable guide for demarcation of phrases, clauses, and clause clusters. 1.6. METRICAL -E AND OTHER DEVICES

Orm is able to achieve an amazing regularity in meter because he can avail himself of options in morphology and syntax. In morphology he can select an idiomatic form of a word in -e (usually producing a dissyllable) or an idiomatic form of the same 18 British Manuscripts Project, Ormulum, Microfilm No. 165 (2) (Ann Arbor, Univerisity Microfilms, 1948). " See Bruce Dickins and R. M. Wilson, Early Middle English Texts (London, Bowes & Bowes, 1951), p. 82. 20 See below. » See also D. 55-64. M Carlton posits a sentence for Old English, but his other findings are comparable. See Bibliography.

20

INTRODUCTION

word without -e (usually a monosyllable). He can also take advantage of the idiomatic alternation of a monosyllabic form of a preposition (e.g. 3&ri) and a dissyllabic form of the same preposition (e.g. onn^sen). In syntax he can select from among as many as three idiomatic shapes of the subordinating conjunction (e.g. all all swa summ, all swa summ, swa summ). He can also vary the order of words within a phrase (e.g. shollde pxr beon fandedd and shollde beon fandeddpier). The term "metrical" is not meant to imply here that of the contrasting forms with -e and without -e only the form without -e is representative of Orm's dialect, while the form with -e has been constructed by Orm to satisfy the demands of his meter. On the contrary, both forms must be assumed to have been current in Orm's dialect. The difference between the two forms is simply an idiomatic one. The idiomatic form in -e is used when the syllable to which the -e is allied is an even-numbered one not at the end of a first half line - in other words, when the even-numbered syllable occurs within a line or at the end of a second half line. The following contrastive pairs illustrate idiomatic forms of the noun without -e and with -e at the ends of first and second half lines, respectively: object of preposition (18739. Hu mann birrp lefenn uppo Crist / 11492. Birrp lefenn uppo Criste\ D.221. Off patt he, wiss to fülle sop / 18249. 3et ta to fülle sope·, 12143. Hu goditt wsere to pe lif I 12034. y helde himmpier to life); subject complement (18949. patt iss patt sope lihhtylem / 18835. And Godess word ... Wass ... Mannkinne lihht y lerne)·, subject (18719. Sop Godess dœrne rœd y run / ... Wass 033 occ 033 Allmahhti^ Godd / 18786. y Godess dxrne rune / Nass nohht tohhwheppre whilwendlic). Contrasts to illustrate idiomatic forms of the noun without -e and with -e inside the line as well as at the end are as follows: direct object (18565. Acc allpe werelld toe att Himm / Biginninng panne het wrohhte / 18563. Forr Godd wass sefre swa patt He / Ne toc nan biginninnge); subject, direct object (12262. Forr all pe deofless fandinng iss / O pise prime wise / 12259. Son summ he filledd haffde / All patt towarrd Crist)·, object of preposition (D.22. Wipp pohht, wipp word, fandinnge wipp dede I 11338. yse^depuss wipp worde). These contrasts illustrate that the -e ending is not signaling the syntactic status of these nouns. They throw in doubt the existence of more than one case distinction in the noun declension (genitive, non-genitive) ; for the metrical -e is found on subjects, subject complements, direct objects, and objects of prepositions alike - in contrast with the same words in the same functions without -e. Orm has an option to select from two idiomatic forms within the non-genitive case, and he takes advantage of it for metrical purposes. This conclusion also eliminates the possibility of different prepositions commanding different non-genitive case forms of the same noun, because whenever contrasting forms of a noun occur, the form with -e is always metrically oriented. In 18071. fra tun to tune we find tun without -e after fra, and tune with -e after to. But tune occurs at the end of a second half line, so a case distinction cannot be posited. Fot occurs in 18134 without -e after unnderr, and fote occurs in 11946 with -e after

INTRODUCTION

21

wipp; but the former ends a first half line and the latter a second half line, so a case distinction cannot be drawn here either. The same conclusion can be made for D. 215. forr god (end of first half line) and 426. to gode (end of second half line) ; and for 18394. wipp ... king (end of first half line) and L.274. to kinge (end of second half line). The temptation to assign non-genitive case distinctions to nouns is felt most strongly in the instance of the noun dsep(e). This noun occurs 19 times in the corpus : 14 times without -e and 5 times with -e. The 5 occurrences with -e follow the preposition o f f , and there are no instances of the noun without -e following this preposition. The form dxp occurs 9 times after purrh and till, and there are no occurrences of daepe after these prepositions. (The other 5 occurrences are as direct objects.) However, it is also true that all of the instances of daepe as the object of the preposition off occur at the end of a second half line, while all of the instances of dxp as the object of purrh or till (or as a direct object) occur either at the end of a first half line or as even-numbered syllables. Thus, what would seem to be a perfect example of complementary distribution on the basis of case after certain prepositions is really an example of complementary distribution on the basis of meter. Orm also has an option in the selection of adjective forms with or without -e - and perhaps in the choice of past participle forms. The only past participle with -e in the corpus occurs at the end of a second half line: 18861. y 033 wass i piss middelIxrd I Full sutell y full sene 'And always was in this world fully clear and fully seen.' The adjective contrasts reveal that Orm can exercise his option regardless of the position of the adjective in relation to the other modifiers of a noun head: 11378. onnanlawe / 11878. ornane wise; 18858. haepenn lif / L.274. H se pene mann; L. 144. rihht hallf / 18944. rihhte Ixfe; D.331. tiss Ennglissh writt / P. 93. piss Ennglisshe hoc; 12131. nan eorpliß kinedom / 18322. an erplike mann; 18362. hiss full nape / P. 84. all hiss fülle wille. The preposition can also assume the metrical -e when it appears at the end of a second half line after its object. The only prepositions thus treated in the corpus are inn (inne) and off {offe): 18770. patt itt iss fundenn inne; 462. pattwenu mœlenn offe.23 The forms inne and offe occur nowhere else in the corpus except at the end of a second half line. When these prepositions occur at the end of a first half line, they exhibit forms without -e: 18204. off / patt fulluhht; 529. i / pe ferpe. Orm makes use of other options to maintain the position of a word or phrase in the clause. One of them involves the prepositions onn^aen, amang, and inntill, which have the alternative short forms jsen, mang, and till for use when a monosyllabic form is needed: 18711. He se^p onn^aen hemm alle puss / 18689. He se^de 3¡en hemm alle puss; D.42. Amang Goddspelless wordess / L.239. patt ice ne beo mang wimmannkinn; D. 13. Ice hafe wenndinntill Ennglissh / D. 113. Whi icc till Ennglissh hafe wennd. Another option of a similar nature involves the subordinating conjunctions, many of which have shorter forms. Examples of contrasting shapes - not a 28 Mustanoja describes inne and offe as "emphatic variants" of inn and off: op. cit., pp. 390, 399.

22

INTRODUCTION

pair of correlatives - are as follows: 18979. All all swa summ pe sunnebsem / Bishinepp all pe blinde / 18585. All swa summ illc an operr child / ... Onnfop biginninng 1 18984. Swa summ 3e littlxr herrdenn; 11889. y purrh pati tait te lape gast / Till ure Laferrd se33de / 11787. purrh patt te lape gast himm badd. 1.7. METHOD OF ANALYSIS

The analysis has entailed the following tasks: (1) identification of finite verbs, (2) determination of concord, (3) determination of nominal and verbal phrase structure, (4) determination of phrase rank and order in the clause, (5) demarcation of clause boundaries, and (6) determination of clause relationship. These tasks have been performed without the aid of a published Modern English version of the entire corpus.24 The lexicon used was the glossary in the White and Holt edition of the Ormulum, supplemented by the Middle English Dictionary and the Oxford English Dictionary (see Bibliography). The morphological studies most often consulted during the analysis are those of Monicke, Sweet, Hall, Morris {Genesis), and Mustanoja (see Bibliography). The work on structural linguistics most often referred to was Hill, Introduction to Linguistic Structures (see Bibliography). 1.7.1. Identification of finite verbs The morphological studies indicate that the verb in the Ormulum exhibits number contrast (singular, plural), person contrast (first, second, third), tense contrast (present, preterite - also future for the verb beon), mood contrast (indicative, imperative, subjunctive), and class contrast (weak, strong). The multiple uses of some of the inflections, however, especially -enn, and the identity of the finite verb inflection -enn with the ending for all infinitives and some strong past participles make the determination of concord necessary. 1.7.2. Determination of concord Concord is the agreement in person and number of a finite verb and its subject. Such agreement is most fully exhibited in the corpus in the concord of a finite verb and a personal pronoun in the subjective case. The personal pronoun displays contrast in number (singular, dual, plural), person (first, second, third), case (subjective, objective, genitive), and gender (masculine, feminine, neuter). When the first person singular pronoun in the subjective case (icc) patterns with a verb inflected in -e (present indicative or subjunctive), -de/-te (weak preterite indicative), or no ending (present indicative or subjunctive, strong preterite indicative), concord can be said to have been established. The same can be said of the second M

A mid-nineteenth century version of the Dedication can be found in C. H. Monicke, Notes and Queries on the Ormulum (Leipzig, 1853), Part I, pp. 15-25.

INTRODUCTION

23

person singular pronoun (pu) patterning with a verb inflected in -esst, -ess, -st, -t (present or preterite indicative) or -e (present or preterite subjunctive) or no ending (strong preterite indicative). Concord also exists when a third person singular pronoun in the subjective case {he, sho, itt) patterns with a verb inflected in -epp or -p (present indicative), -dej-te (weak preterite indicative), or -e (present or preterite subjunctive), or no ending (present or preterite indicative). In the dual and plural the personal pronoun shows distinctions of person and number which the verb lacks : dual (witt), plural (we, je, pefä). All subjective dual and plural personal pronouns pattern with the finite verb inflected in -enn or -n (don, sen) unless the pronoun immediately follows the verb : 11479. mihhte we. Therefore it can be said that when a verb inflected in -enn or -n patterns with a dual or plural personal pronoun in the subjective case, concord has been established, and the verb is finite. It is now possible to extrapolate for noun, adjective, and clause subjects - which do not show the kinds of contrast that the personal pronoun shows. The noun and the adjective in the corpus are capable of distinguishing number (singular, plural) and case (genitive, non-genitive). The clause displays no contrasts. If a clause, or a singular noun or adjective in the non-genitive case, patterns with a verb in -epp, -p, -de, -te, -e, or no ending (third person singular), concord can be said to have been established. If a plural noun or adjective patterns with a verb inflected in -enn or -n, concord can also be said to have been established, and the verb can be considered finite. In the present analysis, when two eligible forms pattern with the same transitive finite verb (provided that the elements are not co-ordinated), the subject is said to be the form which could not be an object : a personal pronoun in the subjective case. If the verb is transitive and both forms could be objects, the element occurring first is said to be the subject. If the verb is intransitive and only one of the elements is a pronoun, the pronoun is said to be the subject. If the verb is intransitive and neither of the forms is a pronoun, the element occurring first is said to be the subject. If one subject is in concord with two or more verbs, only the verb closest to the subject is said to have a subject. 1.7.3. Determination of nominal and verbal phrase structure Both the finite verbs and their nominal (noun, pronoun, adjective) subjects are often the heads of structures of modification. These structures - or phrases - are endocentric: the function of the phrase is the same as that of its head. The modification of a head is expressed both morphologically and semantically. The ending -//j marks a word - an adverb - as a modifier of a verb ; and by extrapolation, anything that bears the same semantic relationship to a verb as the derived adverbs is a modifier of the verb. The ending -ess marks a word - an adjective - as a modifier if it patterns with a noun that is marked in the same way; and by extrapolation, anything that bears the same semantic relationship to a noun as an inflected adjective is a modifier of the noun.

24

INTRODUCTION

In the corpus, the verb can be modified by an adverb (derived or underived), a noun or noun-headed phrase, a prepositional phrase, a clause, or a io-infinitive. The noun can be modified by an adjective (quantitative, negative, interrogative, demonstrative, possessive, numeral, descriptive), a past participle, a pronoun, another noun (possessive, adjunctive), a prepositional phrase, a clause, or a fo-infinitive. The pronoun can be modified by an adjective, another pronoun, a noun, or a clause. The adjective can be modified by an adverb, a prepositional phrase, a clause, or a fo-infinitive. Non-finite forms of the verb - the io-infinitive and the past participle can also serve as heads of structures of modification. 1.7.4. Determination of phrase rank and order in the clause Rank can be assigned to phrases on the basis of their direct or indirect relationship to the finite verb. Directly related to the finite verb by concord is the subject phrase. Directly related to the finite verb by virtue of their case (if a personal pronoun head) or by virtue only of their patterning with a transitive verb (if a noun or adjective head) are the object phrases : the direct object and the indirect object. Directly related to the finite verb by virtue of its case (if a personal pronoun head) or by virtue only of its patterning with a copulative verb (if a noun or adjective head) is the subject complement phrase. These nominal-headed phrases - or the nomináis alone - can be ranked as major elements of the clause. Indirectly related to the finite verb are the minor elements of the clause : the "dative" object, the object complement, the "pseudo" element, the "nominative" of address, the appositive or complement, and the additional or co-ordinated element. Once the rank of elements in the clause has been established, the order of major elements can be analyzed - first on the basis of two elements at a time (SV/VS, OV/ VO, SO/OS, etc.) and then on the basis of three (SCV, SVC, YSC, etc.) and four (SVIO, SVOI, SIVO, etc.). Quantitative study reveals the configurations of highest frequency, and the analysis turns next to an accounting for the departures from these "preferred" orders. 1.7.5. Demarcation of clause boundaries The clause can now be said to consist of a finite verb - or verb phrase - plus or minus directly related (major) or indirectly related (minor) elements. The boundaries of the clause extend as far as the major and minor elements extend. In this fashion, 1697 clauses have been isolated in the corpus, implying that there are 1697 finite verbs. 1.7.6. Determination of clause relationship Once the clauses have been isolated, their relationship to one another can be studied. Clauses that function as major elements (subject, direct object) or minor elements ("pseudo" element) in another clause, or as modifiers of a nominal or verbal head

INTRODUCTION

25

in another clause, or that depend on another clause for their subject (sequence clauses), or that interrupt another clause (parenthetical clauses) are secondary or dependent clauses. The clauses that the secondary clauses are dependent on are primary clauses. Except in the instance of the parenthetical clause, dependence can be established by the identification of the uninfected and uninflectable words in the corpus - as described in the given morphology - which function as subordinators and co-ordinators. Co-ordinators indicate dependence if the co-ordinated clause lacks a subject and the verb is neither impersonal nor imperative. Subordinators often pattern together as correlatives to indicate which clause is dependent on the other, and the subjunctive mood of the verb of the dependent clause sometimes reinforces this signal. The status of a clause functioning as a major or minor element - or a modifier of a nominal head - in another clause is also reinforced by a subordinator. Co-ordination is not a signal of dependence if the clauses that are co-ordinated either have subjects within their boundaries or contain impersonal or imperative verbs. Such clauses are major clauses - not dependent on each other. Major status must also be given to two clauses which, though not co-ordinated, furnish no signals that one is a major or minor element or modifier in the other. Clauses of major status may be either simple (micro-clauses) or complex (macro-clauses), depending on their containment of other clauses. A micro-clause contains no other clauses. A macro-clause is a clause cluster consisting of a primary clause plus secondary clauses that are dependent on it. Co-ordination can exist - without dependence - between one micro-clause and another, or between a micro-clause and a macro-clause, or between two macro-clauses.25 When the investigator has determined the relationship of clauses, he has completed his structural syntactic analysis of the corpus. If he were to proceed any further, he would be engaging in discourse analysis.

1.8. ORDER OF DESCRIPTION

The order of analysis is not necessarily the order most suitable for the presentation of the findings. In the present instance, it has been thought best to reverse the order describing clause relationship first (Chapter 2), then major and minor elements of the clause (Chapters 3 and 4), and last of all verbal- and nominal-headed phrases (Chapters 5, 6, 7, and 8). Chapter 10, "Conclusions", summarizes the findings in these areas.

25 Unless the term "clause" is otherwise qualified in the following chapters, it signifies "micro-clause". The word-order studies in Chapter 3 are based on the micro-clause except when the subject or direct object is itself a clause.

2 THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

The corpus can be described as containing two kinds of discourse: quotation and non-quotation. Each of these kinds of discourse contains two major types of clauses: micro-clauses ("simple" clauses) and macro-clauses ("complex" clauses). Each of the macro-clauses contains one and only one primary ("independent") clause and one or more secondary ("dependent") clauses. 2.1. QUOTATION AND NON-QUOTATION DISCOURSE

At the discourse level, quotation consists of direct or indirect address by a source other than Orm himself. The source may be a Biblical figure (Gabriel, Zacharias, Elizabeth, the devil, Christ, John the Baptist, John's disciples, etc.) or a Gospelwriter (only Matthew, Luke, or John in this corpus) or simply "The Book" (boc se33p). Quotation can consist of direct address alone or of both direct and indirect address. The direct address can be either first hand or both first and second hand, and it can reproduce thought as well as speech. Non-quotation consists of address by Orm himself - either direct alone or both direct and indirect: direct (L.241. Her endenn twa Goddspelless puss 'Here end two Gospels thus'); both direct and indirect (L.255. piss Goddspell ses3p patt Sannt Johan / Wass her to manne streonedd 'This Gospel says that Saint John was brought forth here to man'). Illustrations of quotation discourse are as follows: direct address alone (L. 197. pa seföde Zacariass puss / ... purrh whatt mass íCC nu witenn piss 'Then Zacharias said thus: "In what way may I now know this?"'); both direct and indirect address (11341. y ure Laferrd Jesu Crist / saff sware onnjzn y sefôde; / Boc se33p patt nohht ne mass pe mann / Bi breed all ane libbenn 'And Our Lord Jesus Christ gave answer back and said, " T h e Book says that man may not live by bread all alone",)\ both first and second hand direct address (11372. y ure Laferrd Jesu Crist / saff sware onns%n y se3sde; / Boc ses3p; pe birrp wel Semenn pe / patt tu pin Godd ne fände 'And Our Lord Jesus Christ gave answer back and said, "The Book says, 7 i behooves thee to govern thyself well, so that thou do not tempt thy God""); direct quotation of thought (L.235. y tuss sho ses3de inn hire pohht / ... puss hafepp Drihhtin don wipp me 'And thus she said in her thought: " T h u s has God done with me"').

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

27

It is necessary to make a distinction between quotation and non-quotation because quotation is always a major or minor element in a non-quotation clause. Of the 33 quotation passages in the corpus, 31 function as the direct object of a finite verb in a non-quotation clause, and 2 function as an appositive to the direct object. The direct object quotations are of the type cited in the preceding paragraph. The appositive quotations are as follows: D.329. hemm bidde icc her patt tefâ / Forr me piss bede biddertn, / ... patt broperr forr hiss swinnc to lœn / Sop blisse mòte findenn Ί ask them here that they pray this prayer for me: " M a y that brother find true joy as a reward for his labor"'; 12015. Alls i f f p e Laferrd puss / Anndswere onn^xn pe deofell; / Ne wile I nohht, tu lape gast, / Don affterr patt tu Ixresst 'As if The Lord should give answer to the devil thus: " / will not, thou hateful spirit, do as thou command.'"' Because they are included in units which are major or minor elements in another clause, the 256 individual micro-clauses contained in the 33 quotation passages could be considered to be in a class subordinate to the 1441 non-quotation clauses. However, since the same relationships exist among quotation clauses as among nonquotation clauses (as will be shown in this chapter), the two kinds of clauses will be treated in the same way. The only concession will be to employ the terms "quotation micro-clause" and "quotation macro-clause".

2.2. MAJOR CLAUSE STATUS

The corpus contains 545 clauses that are not subordinate to any other clause. These clauses - some "simple" and some "complex" - are regarded as "major" clauses here. Major clauses bear a close resemblance to the sentence of Modern English, but the investigator has chosen not to employ the term because of the lack of suprasegmental data. Among the 545 major clauses are the 33 quotation passages, which contain an additional 124 clauses that are not subordinate to any other clause within the quotation. These 124 clauses can be added to the 545 in non-quotation, giving a total of 669 major clauses. Major clauses can be joined by a co-ordinating conjunction without losing their major status. In other words, conjunction of major clauses into a construction resembling the "compound sentence" of Modern English has not been recognized here - for a very practical reason. If "compound" clauses were recognized, the number of major clauses would be reduced to 201 ; and the number of clauses in a particular "complex" major clause would rise as high as 65 - an unmanageable number. For this reason the conjunctions that co-ordinate major clauses (annd, acc, oppr, forr - 486 instances: 415 in non-quotation, 71 in quotation) will be treated here as markers of the following clause. Thus, L.241. Her endenn twa Goddspelless puss, / y uss birrp hemm purrhsekenn 'Here end two Gospels thus, and it behooves us to examine them' consists of two major clauses, the second of which is

28

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

marked by the conjunction annd (y). The fact that 3 of the quotation passages begin with a conjunction is further evidence that it can be regarded as a marker of the following clause. An illustration is 18691. He se^de jsen hemm alle puss / ... y Godess Word wass a sop Godd 'He said against them all thus: 'And God's Word was always true God."' Major clauses are of two types: the micro-clause (or "simple" clause) and the macro-clause (or "complex" clause). The micro-clause consists of a single clause containing a single finite verb - not depended on by any other clause. It resembles the "simple sentence" of Modern English except for the fact that it cannot have a compound predicate. The macro-clause is a clause cluster. It contains a single nucleus clause and one or more satellite clauses. The macro-clause resembles the "complex sentence" of Modern English except for the fact that the nucleus clause cannot have a compound predicate. The corpus contains 458 macro-clauses (396 in non-quotation, 62 in quotation) and 211 micro-clauses (149 in non-quotation, 62 in quotation). Thus, 32 % of the major clauses in the corpus are micro-clauses, and 68 % are macroclauses. The likelihood of an occurrence of a micro-clause in a quotation passage (50 %) is almost twice as great as in a non-quotation passage (27 %). The major micro-clause consists of a single clause - containing a single finite verb which is neither subordinate to any other clause nor a nucleus of a macro-clause. Because, by definition, it cannot have a compound predicate, the co-ordinated finite verb without a subject within its own boundaries makes a second clause, a "sequence" clause, which is dependent on the other clause for its concord. The result is a macroclause. However, the micro-clause need not contain a subject if its verb is either impersonal or imperative - both of which types prohibit a syntactic subject. Illustrations of micro-clauses with and without subjects are as follows: subject (18541 Forr Godd iss Godd 'For God is God'); impersonal verb (18373. y swa mann birrp himm haldenn 'And it behooves man to regard Him thus'); imperative verb (11389. Ga, wiperr gast, o bacch fra me 'Go, evil spirit, in back of me'). The major macro-clause is a complex clause that is not subordinate to any other clause. It consists of a primary (or "nucleus") clause plus one or more secondary (or "satellite") clauses. It cannot be said, however, that the term "primary clause" is synonymous with the term "independent clause" from descriptions of Modern English. For example, the primary clause that contains a secondary clause as the subject of its finite verb is certainly dependent on that secondary clause. "Primary" and "secondary" are merely relative terms to be used here in the description of the interdependent relationship of clauses within the macro-clause. 2.3. MINOR CLAUSE STATUS

Clauses that are dependent on other clauses can be called "minor" clauses. All minor clauses are dependent, but some minor clauses in turn have satellite clauses. Thus, there are minor micro-clauses and minor macro-clauses. A minor micro-clause

29

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

is a simple clause that is dependent on the primary clause of a major macro-clause. An illustration is 18807. An arrke iss i pin herrte all wrohht, / patt iss pe er ä f f t o f f arrke 'An ark is in thy heart all made that is the science of the ark\ A minor macro-clause is a complex clause that is dependent on the primary clause of a major macro-clause. An illustration is 473. y he, piss Zakaryas, wass / Bitwenenn opre prestess / I patt shifftinng to serrfenn sett / patt nemmnedd wass Abya, / Affterr chilldre, / patt ta hi name an hxfedd prest tatt wass / Off Aaroness nemmnedd wass / Abyupp oppr Abyas 'And he, this Zacharias, was set among other priests to serve in that division that was named Abya, after a head priest who was of the children of Aaron, who then by name was called Abyupp or Abyas'. The corpus contains 406 minor micro-clauses and 218 minor macro-clauses. The 218 minor macro-clauses in turn contain 622 secondary clauses - giving a total of 1028 dependent clauses in the corpus, in contrast to the 669 major clauses. The minor macro-clauses range in size from 2 clauses (117 instances) through 3 clauses (58), 4 (18), 5 (16), 6 (6), 7 (1), 9 (1), to 10 (1). They are included in major macro-clauses that range in size from 2 clauses (one primary, one secondary - 200 instances) through 3 clauses (105), 4 (70), 5 (37), 6 (20), 7 (13), 8 (4), 9 (5), 10 (1), 11 (2), to 19 (l). 1 Table I, below, gives the breakdown of the 1697 clauses in the corpus into major and minor clauses.

TABLE 1

Major and minor clauses Major clauses Major micro-clauses Non-quotation . . . . Direct quotation . . . Total

Minor clauses . 149 62 . 211

Minor micro-clauses Non-quotation . . . . . . 318 Direct quotation . . . 88 Total

Major macro-clauses Non-quotation . . . . Direct quotation . . .

. 396 62

Minor macro-clauses Nucleus Satellite

Total Total major clauses . . .

. 458 669

Total . . 622 Total minor clauses . . . . 1028

Total clauses 1697 1

. . 406

Direct quotation passages are counted as a single clause in major macro-clauses.

. . 218 404

30

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

2.4. FUNCTION OF MINOR CLAUSES

The minor (secondary, dependent) clauses function as major or minor elements in another clause, as modifiers of a nominal or verbal head in another clause, or as sequential or parenthetical additions to another clause. 2.4.1. Major element of the clause The corpus contains 9 clauses that function as the subject of a finite verb and 125 clauses that function as the direct object - or co-ordinated direct object - of a finite verb. 2.4.1.1. Subject. - All of the 9 subject clauses follow the finite verb with which they are in concord, and all but one of them are introduced by the subordinator patt. The subject clause not introduced by patt does, however, follow an earlier clause with patt which is the subject of an identical finite verb: 12292. Forr alise unncweme iss G odd tatt tu / purrh gredi^nesse gillte / Alls himm iss, $iff pu gilltesst her / jsen himm purrh gluterrnesse 'For it is just as unpleasing to God that thou sin through greed as it is to Him if thou sin against Him here through gluttony. Only two other subject clauses - besides the ¡iff clause in the preceding illustration - immediately follow the finite verb. Usually they are separated from it by an adverbial or a subject complement - or by both, as in the following example: 18861. y ÖJ3 wass i piss middellserd / Full sutell y full sene, / patt Godess mahht y Godess witt / ... Wass all pwerrt üt unnsessenndlic 'And it was always very clear and well seen in this world that God's power and God's wisdom was entirely and thoroughly unspeakable'. The verb is beon in all but 4 instances: D.269. wass ... bitacnedd; 11361 (11909) writenn iss; 18006. bihallt. 2.4.1.2. Direct object, - All of the 125 direct object clauses follow the finite verb with which they are associated, and all but 25 of them are introduced by the subordinator patt. The other subordinators are off patt, forr whatt, forrwhi, whi, wheppr, whillc, whattse, hu, and whatt. Illustrations of direct object clauses with all but the last two subordinators are as follows: 1.47. Nu mihht tu sen patt tatt wass rihht 'Now thou might see that that was right'·, 11361. he / Wei hafepp se^dy cwiddedd / ... Off - patt te33 shulenn 3ernenn pe 'He has said and declared well that they shall protect Thee'', L.225. y tape33 wisstenn sone anan / Forr whatt he dwell e dd haffde 'And then they knew very soon why he had delayed'·, P.99. 3'et wile icc shxwenn 3UW forrwhi / Goddspell iss Goddspell nemmnedd Ί will show you yet why Gospel is named Gospel'·, D . l l l . y 3ijf mann wile wïtenn whi / Icc hafe don piss dede 'And if one wishes to know why I have done this deed'·, 525. Forr illc an hird wel wisste inoh, / Wheppr itt to serrfenn shollde / Prest senndenn 'For every single company knew well enough whether it should send a priest to serve' ; 470. Forr prestess panne y dxcness ec / Shifftedenn hemm bitwenenn

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

31

/ Whillc hëre shollde serrfenn firrst 'For priests then and also deacons decided among themselves which of them should serve first'; 425. Forr swa we don unnhct3herrli3 / Whattse we don to gode 'For thus we do unsuitably whatever we do for good'. The subordinators hu and whatt introduce direct object clauses in two different ways. Hu has the meaning "in what way" in 5 of its 7 occurrences, but it functions as a modifier with the meaning "to what degree" in the other clauses. Whatt occurs 4 times as a major element of the direct object clause and 2 times as a modifier of gate in a phrase meaning "in what way". Illustrations of direct object clauses with these two subordinators are as follows: L.245. Her habbe icc shaswedd$uw summ del/ Hu Sannt Johan Bapptisste / ... streonedd wass 'Here I have shown you in some part how Saint John the Baptist was begotten P. 101. y ec icc wile shxwenn 3uw / Hu mikell sawle sellpe / ... unnderrfop / ... all patt lede 'And also I will show you how much happiness of the soul all the people receive"; 18442. y herrcnepp puss / Whatt tiss bridgume bedepp 'and hearkens well to what this Bridegroom commands' ; 12318. y her icc wile shxwenn j«w / Whatt gate he wann hemm bctpe 'And here I will show you in what way he won them both'. 2.4.2. Minor element of the clause The corpus contains 49 clauses that function as minor elements of another clause as pseudo subject, pseudo direct object, pseudo dative object, or appositive or complement to a nominal element. 2.4.2.1. Pseudo subject. - There are 32 clauses in the corpus that function as a pseudo subject of a finite verb ; that is, these clauses do not establish concord with the verb but pattern with a true pronoun subject that does establish concord. Of the 32 pseudo subject clauses, 20 precede the true subject (63%), and 12 follow it (37%). If the pseudo subject clause is introduced by whase (10 instances), it precedes the true subject in this corpus. If it is introduced by patt (22 instances), it can either precede or follow. Illustrations are as follows: D.55. Forr whase mot to Izwedd folic / Larspell off Goddspell tellenn, / He mot wel ekenn mani3 word 'For whoever must tell the lore of the Gospel to ignorant people, he must well add many a word'; 18879. y tatt te deofell brohhte Crist / Uppo patt hal¡3he temmple, / patt dop uss tunnderrstanndenn wel ... 'And that the devil brought Christ upon that holy temple, that causes us to understand well ...'; 1.19. Forr patt wass mikell wrxche wiss / patt all folic fór till helle 'For that was a great vengeance, truly, that all people went to hell'. 2.4.2.2. Pseudo direct object. - There are 7 clauses in the corpus that function as a pseudo direct object - that is, as separated complements of true pronoun direct objects. These clauses are introduced by patt tatt (and appear before the true direct

32

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

object) or whatt (and appear after) orpatt (and appear either before or after). Illustrations of these occurrences are as follows: 12101. patt tatt te deofell brohhte Crist I Uppo patt h e3h e I aw e, / ... pati birrp uss lokenn hu mann birrp / Onnfon 'That the devil brought Christ upon that high hill, it behooves us to receive t h a t ' ; 11821. y tati te Laferrd nollde nohht / pe deofless wille forpenn / ... patt dide he forr to shœwenn ... 'And that the Lord would not perform the devil's will, H e did that in order to show . . . ' ; 18017. piss birrp uss lokenn allre

firrst, / Whatt itt uss wile tacnenn 'It behooves us to observe this first of all - what it will signify

deofell mass the devil

me

to us'\ 11815. patt I me sellf all all ah itt wald / patt

scrennkenn 'That I myself consider it entirely possible that

may deceive

me.'

2.4.2.3. Pseudo "dative" object. - The two pseudo "dative" object clauses in the corpus pattern with a following nominal - himm or mann - which functions as the true object. T h e clauses are introduced by whase a n d whatt mann se: D . 9 5 . y whase wilenn shall piss boc / E f f t operr sipe writenn, / Himm bidde iccpatt... ' A n d whoever shall desire to write this book afterwards another time, I ask h i m t h a t . . . ' ; 11543. What mann se wile cwemenn me, / To winnenn eche blisse, / patt illke mann birrp dra3henn himm / Fra gluterrnessess esstess ' Whatsoever man wants to please me, in order to win eternal joy, it behooves t h a t same m a n

to draw himself from gluttony's dainties'. 2.4.2.4. Object of to-infinitive. - The corpus contains 25 clauses that function as the direct object of a io-infinitive. These clauses pattern much like the clause direct objects of finite verbs : they always appear after the verbal, and they pattern with the subordinators patt, whatt, and hu. A new subordinator is 3 i f f . Illustrations are as follows: 11873. To don uss tunnderrstanndenn, / patt itt wass Godess hall$he burrh ' T o cause us t o understand that it was God's holy city'·, L.243. To lokenn whatt te33 Iserenn uss / Off ure sawle nede ' T o observe what they teach us concerning the needs of our souls'; D.341. To don3uw tunnderrstanndenn, / Hu féle sinndenn o piss boc / Goddspelless unnderr alle ' T o cause y o u t o understand how many Gospels there are in all in this book'·, 18739. tunnderrstanndenn, / Hu mann birrp lefenn uppo Crist 'to understand how it behooves one to believe in Christ'·, 12073. To cunnenn3iff he mihht himm swa / purrh gredi3nesse skrennkenn ' T o k n o w if he might thus deceive Him through greed'.

2.4.3. Modifier of nominal

Minor clauses can also function in the corpus as appositives, complements, and relative modifiers of nomináis in earlier clauses.

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

33

2.4.3.1. Appositive or complement. - The corpus contains 9 clauses that function as appositives or complements to a nominal in a preceding clause. They are introduced by patt, forrwhi, hu, or whatt. The nominal that is complemented may be a subject, a subject complement, a pseudo subject complement, a direct object, or an object of a preposition. These clauses resemble the relative clause in that both types can pattern with nomináis and be introduced by patt, but they differ in the fact that the subordinator of an appositive or complement clause cannot function as a major or minor element in that clause. Illustrations are as follows: 18343. j e wïtenn patt I barr himm wel / Wittness biforr pe lede, / patt he was Godd 'You know that I bore witness to Him well- that He was God'·, L.219. ypuhhte mikell wunnderr I Forrwhi pe preost swa laringe wass / patt da33 att Godess allterr 'And it seemed a great wonder why the priest was so long that day at God's altar'; 372. y saw ma33 ben piss illke Word / God lare hu 3uw birrp libbenn 'And this same Word may be good teaching to you - how it behooves you to live'·, 11612. pzrpurrh he wollde wurrpenn wis / Off Crist - whatt wihht he wœre 'Therefore he desired to become aware of Christ - what sort of being He might be'. 2.4.3.2. Relative clause. - The corpus contains 261 clauses that modify nomináis and are introduced by pronouns that function as major or minor elements in the clauses. The relative pronouns are patt ('who', 'which', 'that'), whatt ('which'), and whamm ('whom', 'to whom'). Only patt can serve as subject of the relative clause, but all three pronouns can function as object of a preposition. In addition, patt and whamm can function as direct object or "dative" object. Regardless of its function, the relative pronoun always appears first in its clause - even if the preposition of which it is the object appears last. The antecedent of the relative pronoun always precedes it, though in one instance not immediately and in 3 other instances not overtly. The single occurrence of a relative pronoun not immediately following its antecedent and the 3 occurrences of a relative pronoun lacking an overt nominal antecedent are as follows: 18911. y berenn wittness i pe folic / Off Godess Suness come, / patt shollde wurrpenn mann 'And bear witness to the people of the coming of God's Son, who should become man'; 442. Forr Godd itt haffde lokedd swa / patt Sannt Johan Bapptisste / patt time shollde streonedd ben / patt wsere onn3¡eness kinde 'For God had chosen it so that Saint John the Baptist at that time should be begotten, which would be against nature'; 11627. y 3iff pe Laferrd haffde pier / patt wise makedd lafess / patt himm purrh deofell beodenn wass 'And if the Lord had made loaves there that way, which was commanded of Him by the devil'·, 11677. pin egginng iss offxshess lusst,/ y nohht off sawless fode, / purrh whatt icc unnderrstanndenn ma33 / patt tu me willt biswikenn 'Thy urging is from the desire of the flesh, and not from the food of the soul - by which I may understand that thou desire to deceive Me'. A relative pronoun other than patt occurs in only 7 clauses. Whatt occurs 4 times (always as the object of the prepositions off or purrh), and whamm occurs 3 times

34

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

(once as object of the preposition o f f , once as direct object, and once as "dative" object). Illustrations are as follows: L. 123. nan mann nohht ne fand onn hemm / To txlenn ne to wre^enn, / Noff whatt menn mihhtenn habbenn nip 'No man found anything in them to blame or to accuse - nothing of which men might have malice'\ 11510. y wille iss hirepridde mahht / purrh whatt menn immess Seornenn 'And will is its third power, for which men variously yearn'; 18568. pe Sune issfrummpe offfrummpe, off Godd, / Off whamm pe Sune iss strenedd 'The Son is the beginning of the beginning, from God, from Whom the Son is generated'·, 18246. pannoffpe Laferrd Crist, whamm pe33 ¡set ta rihht nohht ne en e wen η 'Than about the Lord Christ, Whom they still then did not rightly know'·, 18268. Maestre - patt mann patt wass wipp pe / Bi^onndenn flumm i wesste, I Whamm pu barr wittness to pe folic 'Master, that man who was with thee beyond the river in the desert, of whom thou bore witness to the people.' The relative pronoun patt functions as the subject of the relative clause in 206 instances, as direct object in 35 instances, as object of the preposition in 9 instances, as subject complement in 2 instances, and as "dative" object in 2 instances. In all but one of the 9 occurrences of patt as object of a preposition, the preposition follows the pronoun at the end of the clause - sometimes with a metrical variation in form (see p. 21). In the single instance in which patt follows the preposition, the relative pronoun has the meaning 'that which'. Illustrations are as follows: 528. Wheppr itt to serrfenn shollde / Prest sendenn i pe firrste lott, / Oppr i patt co mm pxraffterr 'Whether it should send a priest to serve in the first lot or in that which came thereafter'; 430. Acc swa ne didenn nohht ta twa / patt we nu mxlenn ummbe 'But those two that we are now speaking about did not do thus'; 11818. To don summ hefis sinne / patt he me ma33 wel eggenn to 'To do some heavy sin that he well urge me toward'·, 18559. pe Faderr iss patt frummpe / patt Godess Sune, Godess word, / Wass wipp 'The Father is that beginning that God's Son, God's word, was with'. Illustrations of clauses in which the relative pronoun has a function other than as object of a preposition are as follows: subject (D.30. pa Goddspelless neh alle, / patt sinndenn o pe messeboc / Inn all pe j er att messe 'Nearly all the Gospels that are in the massbook in all the year at mass'); direct object (D.33. y 033 affterr pe Goddspell stannt / patt tatt te Goddspell menepp 'And always after the Gospel stands that which the Gospel means'); subject complement (18553. All iss itt all patt illke whatt / patt Godd iss inn himm sellfenn 'It is entirely that same thing that God is in Himself'); "dative" object (L. 179. Rihht i patt illke gode gast / ... patt Helyas shall cumenn e f f t 'Exactly in that same good spirit in which Elijah shall come afterwards').

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

35

2.4.4. The adverbial clause The minor clause in the corpus can function as a modifier of a verbal (a finite verb or fo-infinitive), an adverbial (an adverb, nominal phrase, or prepositional phrase), an intensive adjective (swillc), or an entire clause. The term "adverbial" is appropriate for this type of clause even when it is an absolute modifier of another clause, because the heart of that other clause is its finite verb. In fact, the primary clause need not contain anything more than a finite verb phrase, as the following example illustrates : 18817. y lifepp 033 / Whil pati tin lif pe lasstepp 'And always lives while thy life remains to thee'. On the other hand, it is impossible to say that the secondary clause introduced by 3¡ff in the following illustration modifies only the verb turrnepp: D. 149. y 3¡ff pe33 all forrwerrpenn itt, / Itt turrnepp hemm till sinne 'And if they completely reject it, it will turn them toward sin'. For this reason, clauses modifying either verbals alone or entire clauses will be treated together here. Occasionally it is possible to isolate the modified head within a primary clause. This is true of the intensifying adjective swillc (as in L. 202. Witt sinndenn off swillc elde nu / patt witt ne mu3henn txmenn 'We two are of such age now that we are not able to beget') and the intensifying adverb swa (as in L. 130. Forr 3ho wass swa bifundenn wif / patt 3ho ne mihhte txmenn 'For she was a woman so constituted that she might not beget'). It is also true of the descriptive adverb (such as e33whxr in D. 51. te birrp / Wei polenn mine wordess, / E33whxr pxr pu shallt findenn hemm 'It behooves thee to admit my words well, everywhere where thou shalt find them'') and of the nominal phrase functioning adverbially (such as patt time in 11537. patt ure Laferrd Jesu Crist / Himm droh fra mete i wesste, I patt time patt himm 3'ét wass ned / To met ess y to drinnchess 'That Our Lord Jesus Christ drew Himself from food in the desert, that time when there was still need for food and drink'). However, the proportion of secondary clauses that modify non-verbals is small. Of the 393 adverbial clauses in the co pus, 8 modify intensifiers, 41 modify descriptive adverbials, and 344 modify either a verbal or an entire clause. And regardless of the head, the adverbial clause appears after the primary clause much more frequently (333 instances, 85%) than before it (60 instances, 15%). 2.4.4.1. Correlation. - When the adverbial clause appears before the primary clause that it modifies, there is sometimes a correlation of the two clauses. This correlation is achieved by a repetition of part of the subordinator before the primary clause (as in 1.43. Forr all swa summ pu peowwtesst himm, / Swa shall pin sune himm peowwtenn 'For just as thou serve him, so shall thy son serve him'), by a repetition of part of the subordinator in a new compound before the primary clause (as in D.299. y forr patt hali3 Goddspellboc ¡All piss godnesse uss shxwepp, /... Forrpi birrp all Crisstenefolic / Goddspelless lare foll^henn 'And because the Holy Gospelbook shows us all this goodness, therefore it behooves all Christian people to follow the Gospel's lore'), or by the use of different correlatives (as in 11523. y 31ff pu

36

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

fezesst preo wipp preo, / pa findesst tu pxr sexe 'And if thou add three with three, then thou find there six'). Correlation does not occur when the adverbial clause follows the primary clause, and it does not always occur when the adverbial clause precedes. In both instances, however, the secondary clause can bear the subordinate portion of a correlative even though the primary clause lacks the other portion. In addition, many other single subordinators are used - especially with post-posed adverbial clauses. Illustrations of these conditions are as follows : pre-posed adverbial clause with portion of correlative (L. 131. y forr patt he wass Godess preost / ... He toe hiss reclefatt onn hand 'And because he was God's priest, he took his censer in hand'); same as above, but with single subordinator (11319. Forrprihht se Jesuss fullhtnedd wass, I He wennde himm inntill wesste 'Immediately after Jesus was baptized, He went into the wilderness') ; post-posed adverbial clause with portion of correlative (L.329. y let itt streonenn streon inoh / ... All all swa summ Ut streonedd be / Off kingess y off preostess 'And let it beget enough offspring, entirely as it would be generated from kings and priests'); same as above, but with single subordinator (L.211. y fra piss da33 pu shallt ben dumb / Till patt itt shall ben forpedd'And from this day thou shalt be mute until it shall be performed'). 2.4.4.2. Mood in adverbial clauses. - The mood of the finite verb of the adverbial clause (indicative or subjunctive) depends to some extent on the subordinator that is used. The subordinators butt iff patt or butt iff ('unless' - 6 occurrences) and alls iff or alls ('as i f - 5 instances) are always followed by a verb in the subjunctive mood in their clause. Other subordinators are sometimes followed by a verb in the subjunctive : swa patt or patt ('in order that' - 8 occurrences with subjunctive), 3iff patt or 5 i f f ('if' - 3), all all swa summ or swa summ ('just as' - 2), pohh patt ('though' - 1), till patt ('until' - 1). Still other subordinators - such as forr patt, purrh patt, fra patt, son summ, etc. - never introduce an adverbial clause with a verb in the subjunctive in this corpus. Altogether, there are only 26 adverbial clauses in which the verb is unambiguously subjunctive. All of these verbs are present or preterite singular, for there is no distinction of mood - except imperative - in the plural in the corpus. Illustrations of subordinators that always occur with verbs in the subjunctive are as follows: 12033. he munnde pser / Tobrisenn all himm sellfenn, / Butt i f f patt Godd himm hullpe pser 'He might bruise His entire person there unless God helped Him there'; 1.45. Swa shall pin sune himm peowwtenn, / Butt i f f he wurrpe lesedd ut / Off hiss peowwdomess bandess 'So shall thy son serve him, unless he become released out of his servant's bonds'; 12015. y mann ma33 unnderrstanndenn itt / jei onn an operr wise, / Alls i f f pe Laferrd 3¡efe puss / Anndswere onn3¡en pe deofell 'And one may understand it still in another way, as if the Lord gave answer thus to the devil'·, 11930. patt he droh forp all alls itt off / Crist sellfenn writenn wxre 'That he drew forth all, as if it were written concerning Christ Himself.'

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

37

Illustrations of subordinators that are sometimes followed by the subjunctive and sometimes not are as follows: 3iff patt plus subjunctive (11609. te lape gast badd Crist / pxr makenn brxdoff staness, / 3iff patt he wxre witerrlis / Crist Godess S un e 'the hateful spirit commanded Christ to make bread from stones there, if he were truly Christ, God's Son'); 3iff patt plus indicative (18095. y ernepp / Towarrd te sx wipp mikell sped, / 3iff patt itt nohht ne lettepp 'And runs toward the sea with great speed if nothing hinders it'); till patt plus subjunctive (18198. patt tálde la^he stode, / Till patt te newe wxre sett 'That the old law stood until the new one should be established'); till patt plus indicative (1.3. fra patt Adam wass / purrh Drihhtin wrohht off eorpe, / Αηάη till patt itt cumenn wass / Till Cristess dxp o rode 'From the time that Adam was created by God from earth, anon until it was come to Christ's death on the cross'). The verb of the primary clause is seldom subjunctive regardless of the mood of the verb of the adverbial clause. There are only 4 primary clauses - modified by an adverbial clause - which have a verb in the subjunctive; and in only one of them is the verb of the adverbial clause also subjunctive. The occurrences - with the last instance first - are as follows : 12037. j i f f patt he lupe dun / All skapelxs till eorpe / ... patt wxre modi^nesse 'If he should leap down completely unharmed to earth, that would be pride'; 11617. y 3iff he wollde makenn brxd, / y makenn itt ne mihhte, / pa wxre he purrh pe lusst off brxd /1 gluterrnesse fallenn 'And if He desired to make bread and could not make it, then He would be fallen into gluttony by the desire for bread'; 11625. y 3iff pe Laferrd haffde pxr / patt wise makedd lafess / ...pa wxre he pxr bikxchedd 'And if the Lord had made loaves there that way, then he would be caught'; 11633. y 3iff pe Laferrd haffde wrohht / Himm fode onn3xn hiss hunngerr, / pa wxre he purrh pe deofless croc /1 gluterrnesse fallenn 'And if the Lord had made food for Himself against His hunger, then he would be fallen into gluttony by the devil's trick'. All of these primary clauses with a verb in the subjunctive are preceded by an adverbial clause introduced by 3iff patt or 3iff. 2.4.5. The sequence clause Dependence of a different kind is found in the sequence clause - a clause that lacks a subject within its own boundaries even though its verb is neither imperative nor impersonal. Clauses of this type can justly be labeled "sequential", because they are usually linked by a co-ordinating conjunction to a preceding clause which contains the subject with which their verb is in concord. Of the 111 sequence clauses in the corpus, all but 6 are joined to the primary clause by a co-ordinator. In the 105 clauses so joined, the co-ordinator is annd in 100 instances, acc in 3, oppr in 1, and ne in 1. The 6 sequence clauses not joined to a primary clause by a conjunction appear in 2 sets of 3 clauses immediately following the primary clause. Illustrations of these methods of co-ordination are as follows: annd (D.92. patt

38

THE RELATIONSHIP OF CLAUSES

blipelike itt herenn, / y lufenn itt, y foll^henn itt 'Who joyfully hear it and love it and follow it'); acc (18581. y tati he najfde nohht ben ess te bett / Offtredenn opre sinness 'So that one may all the better tread down other sins'. 3.2.1.2. Past active subjunctive. - Finite verb plus one or two plain infinitives. The verb is shall, wïlenn, or mass in the preterite indicative. Illustrations: D.23. y forrpiserrndesst tu patt icc / piss werrcpe shollde wirrkenn 'And therefore thou desired that I should do this work for thee'; D. 17. pu pohhtesst tatt itt mihhte wel / Till mikellframe turrnenn 'Thou thought that it might well turn to much profit'; D.19. siff Ennglissh folic, forr lufe off Crist, / Itt wollde serne lernenn 'If English people, for the love of Christ, would gladly learn it'. 3.2.1.3. Present perfect indicative active. - Finite verb plus past participle. The verb is hafenn in the present indicative. Example: D.7. purrh patt witt hafenn täkenn ba / An reshellboc to fol¡3henn 'In that we two have taken a rulebook to follow'. 3.2.1.4. Past perfect indicative active. - Finite verb plus past participle. The verb is hafenn in the preterite indicative. Example: D.211. patt haffdenn cwemmd himm i piss ///'Who have pleased Him in this life'. 3.2.1.5. Present indicative passive. - Finite verb plus past participle. The verb is beon in the present indicative. Example: D.28. patt itt iss brohht till ende 'That it is brought to an end'. 3.2.1.6. Past indicative passive. - Finite verb plus past participle. The verb is beon or wurrpenn in the preterite indicative. Illustrations: D.227. pess wisstenn patt himm wass patt das3 / Summ unncup sihhpe shsewedd 'They knew that some strange sight was shown to him that day'; L. 147. y he warrp drefeddy forrdredd 'And he became troubled and alarmed'. 3.2.1.7. Past perfect indicative passive. - Finite verb plus two past participles. The verb is hafenn in the preterite indicative. The first participle is beon {ben). Example : 18232.y forr patt Crist ser haffde ben / Fullhtnedd att tes3re mas3Stre 'And because Christ had been baptized earlier by their master'. 3.2.1.8. Future perfect indicative active. - Finite verb plus infinitive and past participle. The verb is shall in the present indicative. The infinitive is hafenn. Example: D. 152. y I shall hafenn addledd me / pe Laferrd Cristess are 'And I shall have earned for myself the Lord Christ's favor'.

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

3.2.1.9. Future indicative passive. - Finite The verb is shall or m a j j in the present Illustrations: 18170. y tatt he purrh fulluhht 'And that he, through baptism, shall be mas3 itt wel / God errnde ben sehatenn good message'.

47

verb plus infinitive and past participle. indicative. The infinitive is beon (ben). shall ben / Off alle sinness clennsedd cleansed of all sins'; D.177. y forrpi 'And therefore it may well be called

3.2.1.10. Past passive subjunctive. - Finite verb plus infinitive and past participle. The verb is shall, wilenn, or mass in the preterite indicative. The infinitive is beon or wurrpenn. Illustrations: 11406. forr patt he shollde / Beon fandedd purrh pe lape gast 'Because He should be tempted by the hateful spirit'; 492. patt nan ne shollde wurrpenn / pa sett to wurrpenn prest 'So that no one shouldthen become set to become a priest'; D. 195. purrh patt he wollde ben himm sellf / Onn erpe i waterr fullhtnedd 'Because He Himself wanted to be baptized on earth in water' ; 18925. patt itt ne mihhte nsefre mar / Ben lesedd fra pe defell 'So that it might never more be freed from the devil'. Arguments can be raised both for and against the positing of such periphrastic tenses, moods, and voices. Arguments against include the following: (1) The verb wilenn retains its non-modal sense of "desire to" in D.95. y whase wilenn shall piss boc / E f f t operr sipe writenn 'And whoever shall desire to write this book afterwards another time'. (2) The verb wilenn retains its non-modal function as a transitive in D. 131. Forr patt I wollde blipelis / patt all Ennglisshe lede / Wipp ¡ere shollde lisstenn itt 'Because I would wish joyfully that all English people should listen to it with their ears'. (3) The morphological future is still evident in the verb beon, which has contrasting forms for indicative (iss), subjunctive (beo, be), and future (beop, bep) in the third person singular. Arguments in favor of positing periphrastic constructions are as follows: (1) The past participle, though it may function as a modifier in a nominal phrase, does not take adjective inflections for case, number, and gender. (2) The infinitive, though it may be accompanied by to when not part of an expanded verb, is not capable of inflection for case. (3) The plain infinitive and the past participle are never separated from the finite verb when they precede it in an expanded verb. The existence of periphrastic tenses, moods, and voices will be recognized in this paper. 3.2.2. Subjectless clauses The corpus contains 204 clauses in which the finite verb does not pattern with a subject within the boundaries of the clause. The verbs in these subjectless clauses are of two types: those which are in concord with a syntactic subject in a neighboring

48

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

clause (the verbs of "sequence" clauses - see pp. 37-38) and those for which a syntactic subject is grammatically prohibited ("impersonal" verbs and verbs in the imperative mood). Because the present study is a clause-level analysis based on the assumption that there are as many clauses as there are finite verbs (see p. 19), the sequence clause is regarded here as "subjectless". Clauses with impersonal verbs or verbs in the imperative mood would necessarily be considered subjectless in either a sentence-level or clause-level analysis. 3.2.2.1. Impersonal verbs. - The impersonal verbs in the corpus are birrp (55 occurrences - preterite birrde), rasw (5 occurrences - a preterite of reowepp), pinnkepp (4 occurrences - preteritepuhhte), and lisste (2 occurrences). These verbs are "impersonal" in the sense that they are frozen in a form resembling the third person singular and do not exhibit any other forms, whether present or preterite. Though they are grammatically prohibited from patterning with a syntactic subject, they are grammatically required to pattern with a "dative" object. 6 The dative object is either a personal pronoun in the objective case or a noun in the non-genitive case. However, because the non-genitive case is also the case for a noun subject, the status of the noun is based entirely on the pattern established by the personal pronoun. Otherwise, all of the nouns, which are singular in every instance, could be regarded as subjects. The pronoun dative object can either precede or follow any of the impersonal verbs except rœw, which it always follows in this corpus. The noun dative object, however, occurs only with birrp (or birrde), which it can either precede or follow, and rsew, which it always precedes. Thus, the function of the noun patterning with birrp or rxw is determined by the fact that the personal pronoun appears in the objective case when patterning with these verbs. Illustrations are as follows: 1.75. Forrpi ne rxw himm nohht off hemm 'Therefore it did not grieve Him concerning them'; 1.77. Acc Drihhtin rxw off mann 'But it grieved God concerning m a n ' ; 18486. Himm birrp nu forrpwarrd waxenn swa 'It behooves Him now to increase henceforward thus'; 1.97. Rihht swa summ bidell birrp ben sennd 'Just as it behooves some messenger to be sent'. Illustrations of the pronoun dative object with pinnkepp and lisste are as follows: 18631. whanne himm puhhte god 'when it seemed good to Him'; 11334. pa lisste himm affterr fade 'Then he longedfoT food'. 7 3.2.2.2. Imperative verbs. - The verb in the imperative mood is also prohibited from • A possible exception is L. 217. y allj>e folic pier úte abad, / y puhhte mikell wunnderr / Forrwhi J>e preost swa lannge wass /patt das¡ att Godess allterr 'And all the folk stayed out there, and it seemed a great wonder why the priest was so long that day at God's altar'. This verb lacks both a subject and a dative object - unless the forrwhi clause is regarded as the subject. Elsewhere in the Ormulum, outside of the corpus, the verbs reowepp and pinnkepp can pattern with a syntactic subject: 3976. Itt reowepp himm 'It grieves him'; 15667. Forr hemm itt pinnkepp scone 'For it seems beautiful to them'. ' For further discussion of the dative object, see Chapter 4, Minor Elements of the Clause.

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

49

patterning with a syntactic subject, though it may be accompanied by a "nominative" of address. The evidence that the nominative of address is not really the subject is found in the verb form, which is without inflection in the singular and bears a distinctive ending in the plural: -epp or -p. For example, in the following citation witt tu must be analyzed as a verb in the imperative singular followed by a pronoun nominative of address ; otherwise, if tu were the subject, the form of the verb would be wast (indicative) or wite (subjunctive): L.205. Witt tu patt icc amm Gabriel 'Know thou that I am Gabriel'. The corpus contains 21 clauses with a verb in the imperative mood, 6 of which also feature a nominative of address - either a noun (3 occurrences) or a pronoun (3 occurrences).8 The verbs that occur are the singular forms tacc ('take'), witt ('know'), let ('let'), do ('put'), maree ('make'), dred ('fear'), cumm ('come'), and ga ('go') and the plural forms nimepp ('take') and bep ('be').

3.3. THE DIRECT OBJECT

The direct object in the corpus consists of a personal pronoun in the objective case, or a noun or adjective in the non-genitive case, or a clause or io-infinitive - which patterns with a transitive verb. A transitive verb is one which is capable of functioning in a periphrastic passive construction (see pp. 46-47). The 775 direct objects in the corpus are of the following types : noun or noun phrase (303), pronoun or pronoun phrase (229), clause or quotation passage counted as one clause (150), io-infinitive or io-infinitive phrase (76), adjective or adjective phrase (17). The direct object is sometimes accompanied by an indirect object. The two objects could possibly be said to comprise an object phrase, which could then be treated as one unit in the tabulations. In favor of this interpretation is the fact that an indirect object cannot occur without a direct object, and therefore the former is dependent on the latter. Regarded in this way, the object phrase would resemble the expanded verb, which is not a structure of modification, though the infinitive and the past participle are dependent on the finite verb for their existence. Nevertheless, the direct object and the indirect object will be treated here as separate major elements of the clause. The justification for this treatment lies in the fact that every element of the clause is dependent on some other element. The direct object, for example, is dependent on the verb for its existence, as is the subject. The verb, in turn, is dependent on the subject for its form. No major element of the clause is independent of all of the other major elements. The predicator patterning with the direct object can be minimum (finite verb alone) or expanded (finite verb plus one or two plain infinitives or a past participle). Of the 775 clauses in the corpus with a direct object, 462 contain a predicator consisting of a finite verb alone, while 313 feature an expanded verb: 253 with a finite verb plus a plain infinitive, and 60 with a finite verb plus a past participle. The direct 8

For further discussion of the nominative of address, see Chapter 4, Minor Elements of the Clause.

50

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

object of the minimum verb will be discussed separately here from the direct object of an expanded verb, but the tabulations will always show the position of the finite verb. Illustrations of the direct object occurring with minimum and expanded verbs are as follows: finite verb alone (D. ill. patt te33 / Goddspelless hal¡3he lare / Wipp fülle mahhte fol^he9 rihht 'That they follow the Gospel's holy lore correctly, with full might'); finite verb and plain infinitive (D. 108. Forr he ne m033 nohht elless / Onn Ennglissh writenn rihht te word 'For he can not else write correctly the word va. English'); finite verb and two infinitives (11445. 3iffhe shall mu3henn 3emenn himm 'If he shall be able to protect himself)', finite verb and past participle (D. 113. Whi icc till Ennglissh hafe wennd / Goddspelless hall3he lare 'Why I have turned the Gospel's holy lore into English'). Both subjectful and subjectless clauses can contain a direct object, since a subject is not necessary to the existence of a direct object. Of the 775 clauses with a direct object, 647 contain a subject, and 128 are subjectless. The subjectless clauses represent all three types: sequence clauses (70 occurrences), impersonal-verb clauses (42 occurrences), and imperative-verb clauses (16 occurrences). Illustrations are as follows: sequence (D.92. patt blipelike itt herenn, j y lufenn itt, y foll3henn itt 'Who joyfully hear it and love it and follow it'); impersonal verb (11473. Uss birrde all eorpli3 ping forrseon 'It behooves us to avoid all earthly things')', imperative verb (11340. Macc brxd off pise staness 'Make bread from these stones'). For a nominal to qualify as a direct object in this description, it must not be the "subject" of an infinitive; it must not be a sequential member of a series of direct objects ; it must not be the object of a plain infinitive in a series ; and it must not be the object of a plain infinitive which has a "subject". Such "additional" direct objects will not be reflected in the tabulations. Illustrations of "additional" direct objects are as follows: "subject" of infinitive (11791. purrh patt te lape gast himm bada / Dun Ixpenn off pe temmple 'In that the loathsome spirit commanded Him to leap down from the temple'); 10 series of objects (1.83. He sennde uss sone hiss word, hiss witt, / Hiss Sune, hiss mahht, hiss kinde 'He sent us soon His word, His wisdom, His Son, His power, His nature')·, series of infinitives (D. 19. 3iff Ennglissh folic ... / Itt wollde 3erne lernenn, / y foll3henn itt, y fillenn itt 'If English people would gladly learn it and follow it and fill it'); object of infinitive with a subject (11607. purrh patt te lape badd Crist / pser makenn brxd 'In that the hateful spirit commanded Christ there to make bread'). A nominal direct object can be classed as an adjective if it is a member of one of the adjective order classes of the noun phrase profile (sse Chapter 7). Thus, in • The expected form with pe33 is follshenn, but the referent of the pronoun subject is folic, which is always singular. 10 The entire infinitive phrase himm ... dun Ixpenn offpe temmple is treated as the direct object, but the position of the "subject" is reflected in the tabulations.

51

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

D.38. y 3et tier tekenn mare inoh / pu shallt tseronne findenn 'And yet there, in addition, thou shalt therein find enough more' the word mare, which is the head of the phrase mare inoh, is classed among the adjective direct objects because mare is a member of order class Β ("general adjectives") of the noun phrase profile. In 551. A33 haffde />£J3 off wukess pa / Rihht fowwre y twennti^ filledd 'Then they had always filled exactly 24 weeks' the number fowwre y twennti3 is regarded as an adjective because it appears in order class D ("numeral adjectives") of the noun phrase profile. 3.3.1. Order of finite verb and direct object The normal order of occurrence of the finite verb and the direct object in the corpus is VO. This conclusion is based on the figures in Table 3, which indicate that the direct object follows the finite verb in 75 % of the occurrences (592) and precedes it in only 25% (183). Nominal and infinitive direct objects can occur either before or after the finite verb, but the clause direct object can occur only after. The infinitive and the nomináis other than the pronoun are much more likely to occur after the finite verb (87 % and 82% respectively), but the pronoun direct object is just as likely to occur before the finite verb (51 %) as after it (49%). Pronouns, therefore, have the greatest degree of freedom of occurrence in respect to the finite verb, and clauses have the least. TABLE 3

Order of finite verb and direct object Dir Obj

VO

OV

Tot. No.

%

No.

/o

No.

Noun Pron. Adj. CI. Inf.

82 49 82 100 87

249 113 14 150 66

18 51 18 0 13

54 116 3 0 10

303 229 17 150 76

Total

(75)

592

(25)

183

775

A comparison of the order of finite verb and direct object in clauses having a minimum verb (VO 76 %, OV 24 %) with their order in clauses having an expanded verb (VO 78 %, OV 22 %) reveals very similar percentages. With both types of verbs the clause direct object always follows the finite verb, and all of the others except the pronoun usually follow it. The pronoun, however, occurs before the finite verb with greater frequency in both instances: minimum verb (VO 37%, OV 63%);

52

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

expanded verb (VO 59 %, OV 41 %). A breakdown of the expanded verb into finite verb plus infinitive and finite verb plus past participle reveals that the percentage of VO is higher when the expanded verb contains an infinitive (VO 82%, OV 18%) than when it contains a past participle (VO 62%, OV 38%). The presence of a past participle in the expanded verb seems to prevent the occurrence of an adjective or infinitive direct object in the order OV (both VO 100 %), but it seems to increase the occurrence of a noun in that order (VO 68 %, OV 32 %). The presence of an infinitive, on the other hand, seems to increase the occurrence of a pronoun in the order VO (VO 63%, OV 37%). The percentage of the VO order is higher in subjectless clauses (92 %) than in subjectful clauses (73 %). All of the direct objects in clauses with a verb in the imperative mood follow the finite verb (16). In the 42 clauses with a direct object of the impersonal verb, 37 of the direct objects follow the finite verb (VO 88 %), and 5 - all pronouns - precede (OV 12%). In the 70 sequence clauses with a direct object, 66 of the direct objects follow the finite verb (VO 94 %), and 4 - 2 nouns and 2 pronouns precede (OV 6 %). The VO order is higher for every kind of direct object, regardless of the type of subjectless clause. Even the pronoun occurs more frequently in this order (VO 84 %, OV 16 %). For the infinitive and the clause, the VO order is the only one that occurs in subjectless clauses. Thus, the absence of a subject seems to increase the chances of a direct object following the finite verb. Illustrations of the different kinds of direct objects preceding (OV) or following (VO) the finite verb are as follows: noun, VO (D.259. he sahh upp inn heffne an boc 'He saw a book up in heaven'); noun, OV (P. 15. patt summ dede dop 'Who does some deed')·, pronoun, VO (D.47.patt redenn iti 'Who read it'); pronoun, OV (P.2. Orrm itt wrohhte 'Orm produced it'); adjective, VO (11524. pa fin desst tu pxr sexe 'Then thou wilt find there six'); adjective, OV (11525. J 3iff pu fowwre dost txrto 'And if thou put four thereto'); clause, VO (D. 51. y forrpi trowwe ice patt te birrp / Wei polenn mine wordess 'And therefore I believe that it behooves thee to admit my words well'); clause, OV (no occurrences); io-infinitive, VO (11593. Forr whatt he let full hsepeli3 / To lefenn 'For which he full scornfully refused to believe'); ίο-infinitive, OV (11787. te lape gast himm badd / Off staness makenn lafess 'The hateful spirit commanded Him to make loaves from stones'). 3.3.2. Order of subject and direct object The normal order for the subject and direct object in the corpus is SO. This conclusion is based on the figures in Table 4, which show that the subject precedes the direct object in 88% of the instances and follows it in only 12%. The SO order is normal for all kinds of direct objects, and for the clause it is the only order. The percentages are especially high for the io-infinitive (97 %) and the noun (95 %).

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

53

TABLE 4

Order of subject and direct object SO

Dir. Obj.

OS

Tot. No.

/o

No.

%

No.

Noun Pron. Adj. CI. Inf.

95 66 87 100 97

250 122 14 122 60

5 34 13 0 3

13 62 2 0 2

263 184 16 122 62

Total

(88)

568

(12)

79

647

Of the 393 subjectful clauses with a predicator consisting of a finite verb alone, 340 feature the order SO (87%), and 53 have OS (13%). Of the 254 clauses with an expanded verb and a direct object, 228 have the order SO (90%), and 26 have OS (10%). These sets of percentages are quite similar, but the figures for different types of expanded verbs are much less alike. Of the 199 subjectful clauses with a verb expanded by an infinitive, 185 have SO (93%), and 14 have OS (7%). Of the 55 subjectful clauses with a verb expanded by a past participle, 43 have SO (78%), and 12 have OS (22%) - although the adjective, clause, and io-infinitive do not occur as direct objects with a past participle. Thus, the presence of a past participle seems to increase the possibility of the order OS for noun and pronoun direct objects, just as it increased their chances for occurring in the order OV (see p. 52). Illustrations of the different kinds of direct objects preceding (OS) or following (SO) the subject are as follows: noun, SO (D. 199. he saff hiss a^henn lif'He gave His own life'); noun, OS (P. 103. y sawle berrhless unnderrfop / Att Goddspell all patt lede 'All those people receive salvation of the soul from the Gospel'); pronoun, SO (D. 125. whase lemepp itt 'Whoever learns it')·, pronoun, OS (D. 110. patt wite he wel to sope 'He knows that well for truth'); adjective, SO (18765. patt shop all 'Who created all'); adjective, OS (D.37. mare inoh / pu shallt tseronne findenn 'Thou shalt find enough more therein'); clause, SO (12081. pes3 Iztenn patt hemm birrp beon wel / Abufenn opre leode 'They judge that it behooves them to be well above other people'); clause, OS (no occurrences); to-infinitive, SO (12276. He cunnepppa to fandennpe 'He is able to tempt thee then'); io-infinitive, OS (18108. pzrpurrh uss dide Sannt Johan / To sen 'Therefore, Saint John caused us to see'').

54

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

3.3.3. Order of subject, finite verb, and direct object The normal order of subject, finite verb, and direct object in the corpus is SVO. This conclusion is based on the figures in Table 5, which show that the majority of subjectful clauses with a direct object feature this order (62%). No other order has a frequency higher than 14%. All of the 6 statistically possible combinations of these 3 major elements of the clause occur, though VOS occurs only once. TABLE 5

Order of subject, finite verb, and direct object SVO

sov

VSO

osv

OVS

VOS

Tot.

D.O.

%

No.

/o

No.

/o

No.

/o

No.

V /o

No.

/o

No.

No.

Noun Pron. Adj. CI. Inf.

69 35 56 82 70

182 64 9 99 45

14 25 6 0 12

38 46 1 0 8

11 5 25 18 12

28 9 4 23 8

1 24 13 0 2

3 44 2 0 1

4 11 0 0 4

10 20 0 0 2

1 0 0 0 0

1 0 0 0 0

262 183 16 122 64

Total

(62) 399

(14)

93

(11)

72

(8)

50

(4)

32

(1)

1

647

Table 5 reveals that the SVO order has the highest frequency for all kinds of direct objects, though the pronoun does not show a majority of occurrences in this order. The figures also show that not all of the kinds of direct objects can occur in all of the orders. In fact, only the noun can. The clause, of course, can occur only in SVO and VSO, for it must follow both the subject and the finite verb. The adjective occurs in all but VOS and OVS. The pronoun and io-infinitive appear in all but VOS. The single occurrence of VOS features a series of nouns as the direct object : D.175. Off all piss god uss brinngepp word / y errndey god tipennde / Goddspell'The Gospel brings us word and message and good tidings concerning all this good'. Illustrations of the orders other than VOS for the various kinds of direct objects are given in the following paragraphs : SVO: noun (D. 13. Icc hafe wenndinntillEnnglissh / Goddspelless hall^he Idre 7 have turned into English the Gospel's holy lore'); pronoun (D.53. pœr pu shallt findenn hemm 'Where thou shalt find them')·, adjective (423. y tu shallt findenn swillke nu 'And thou shalt find such now'); clause (D.77.patt tœlepp patt to lofenn iss 'Who blame what is to be praised'); io-infinitive (553.y a j j p£33 tokenn e f f t forrnon / To serrfenn wukemalumm 'And always they began soon afterwards to serve weekly').

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

55

SOV: noun (D.23. patt icc / piss werrc pe shollde wirrkenn 'That I should perform this work for thee'); pronoun ( D . 2 0 . 3 i f f Ennglissh folic ... / lit wollde Seme lernenn 'If English people would gladly learn it'); adjective (11525. 3iff pu fowwre dost teerto 'If thou put four thereto'); io-infinitive (526. Wheppr itt to serrfenn shollde/ Prest senndenn 'Whether it shouldsenda priest to serve'). VSO: noun (D.251. puss hafepp ure Laferrd Crist / Uss don godnessess seffne 'Thus Our Lord Christ has done seven goodnesses for us'); pronoun (D. 129. y txrfore hafe icc turrnedd itt / Inntill Ennglisshe spxche 'And therefore I have turned it into English speech'); adjective (11526. pa findesst tu pxr tene 'Then thou wilt find there ten'); clause (D. 51. y forrpi trowwe icc patt te birrp / Wei polenn mine wordess 'And therefore I believe that it behooves thee to admit my words well')·, io-infinitive (11588. y forrpi toe pe lape gast / To fandenn Crist 'And therefore the hateful spirit began to tempt Christ'). OSV: noun (11696. y Cristess blod tes3 hall^henn 'And Christ's blood they hallow')·, pronoun (D.263. patt he sahh ec inn heffne 'Whom he also saw in heaven'); adjective (L.253. Hu mikell god te33 Ixrenn 3UW ''How much good they teach you'); io-infinitive (18895. patt time patt hemm Drihhtin 3aff / To strenenn piss Bapptisste 'That time when God gave them to beget this Baptist'). OVS: noun (D. 185. Forr an godnesse uss hafepp don / pe Laferrd Crist onn erpe 'For the Lord Christ has done one goodness for us on earth'); pronoun (D. 110. patt wite he wel to sope 'He knows that well for truth'); io-infiniillc an ferrs tive (D.65. y te bitzeche icc off piss boc, / ... All to purrhsekenn 'And I charge thee to examine every single verse in this book').

3.4. THE INDIRECT OBJECT

The indirect object in the corpus consists of a personal pronoun in the objective case or a noun in the non-genitive case which patterns with a direct object that has a different referent. The semantic factor is necessary to the description because both the pronoun indirect object and the pronoun direct object have the same objective case form. Furthermore, when two potential objects consist of a noun and a pronoun, two nouns, or two pronouns - and the objects have different referents - the object with the personal referent is the indirect object, and the object with the non-personal referent is the direct object. The corpus does not contain a clause with two objects with different personal referents. Of the 775 clauses in the corpus with a direct object, 89 also contain an indirect object: 80 pronouns and 9 nouns. The direct object that patterns with the indirect object is a noun in 51 instances, a pronoun in 23, a clause in 14, and an adjective in 1. When a noun is the direct object, the indirect object is more likely to precede it than to follow it: 10,40 occurrences, 78%; OI, 11, 22%. When the direct object

56

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

is a pronoun, the indirect object is more likely to follow it than to precede it: OI, 22 occurrences, 96%; IO, 1, 4%. When the direct object is a clause or an adjective, the indirect object always precedes it in this corpus. Illustrations of the different combinations of a direct object and an indirect object are given in the following paragraph: IO: pronoun-noun, 35 occurrences (D. 123. all txchepp hemm / Goddspelless hall3he lare 'All of it teaches them Gospel's holy lore'); pronoun-clause, 12 (D.97. Himm bidde icc patt het write rihht Ί ask him that he write it correctly'); noun-noun, 5 (12123. He mihhtepsere shxwenn Crist / pa fowwre daless alle 'He might show Christ there all the four valleys')', noun-clause, 2 (11417. fihhtenn he wollde shzwenn swa / All mannkinn ... / Hu Cristess hird... / Birrp 3¡en pe deofell'He desired to show all mankind thus how it behooves Christ's company to fight against the devil')·, pronoun-pronoun, 1 (D. 145. siff patt I ... I Hemm hafe itt inutili Ennglissh wennd 'If I have turned it into English for them'); pronoun-adjective, 1 (11519. Her uss bitacnenn fowwre y preo / pe bodily te sawle 'Here four three signify to us the body and the soul'). OI: pronounpronoun, 21 occurrences (D. 16. patt me / Min Drihhtin hafepp lenedd 'Which My God has entrusted to me'); noun-pronoun, 10 (D.300. Αα/ij Goddspellboc / All piss godnesse uss shsewepp 'The holy Gospelbook shows all this goodness to us'); pronoun-noun, 1 (12203. patt Drihhtin sellf / Her lenepp hise peowwess 'Which God Himself lends His servants here'); noun-noun, 1 (11731. te Laferrd Crist / Swillc sware saff pe deofell 'The Lord Christ gave such an answer to the devil'). 3.4.1. Order of indirect object and direct object Table 6, below, indicates that the normal order of indirect object (I) and direct object (O) is IO. TABLE 6

Order of indirect object and direct object IO

Ind. Obj.

OI

Tot. No.

%

No.

/o

No.

Noun Pron.

78 61

7 49

22 39

2 31

9 80

Total

(63)

56

(37)

33

89

The IO order is normal for both the noun indirect object and the pronoun indirect object. The percentage of noun indirect objects occurring before the direct object

57

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

is higher than that for pronouns, but there are fewer noun indirect objects in the corpus. When the clause contains a verb expanded by a past participle (18 occurrences), only the pronoun occurs as indirect object; but both the noun and the pronoun occur with this function in the 32 clauses with a verb expanded by a plain infinitive and in the 39 clauses with a minimum verb.

3.4.2. Order of indirect object and finite verb Table 7, below, reveals that the normal order of indirect object and finite verb ( V ) is VI. The noun indirect object does not occur before the finite verb in this corpus.

TABLE 7

Order of indirect object and finite verb

Ind. Obj.

IV

VI

Tot. No.

%

No.

%

No.

Noun Pron.

100 61

9 49

0 39

0 31

9 80

Total

(65)

58

(35)

31

89

Both the percentages and the number of occurrences are the same for the pronoun indirect object in relation to the direct object (Table 6, p. 56) and to the finite verb (Table 7, above). Illustrations of the I V and V I orders for the pronoun indirect object are as follows: I V (D. 185. Forr an godnesse uss hafepp don / pe Laferrd Crist onn erpe 'For the Lord Christ has done one goodness for us on earth'); V I (D.251. puss hafepp ure Laferrd Crist / Uss don godnessess seffne 'Thus has Our Lord Christ done seven goodnesses for us').

3.4.3. Order of indirect object and subject Table 8, p. 58, indicates that the normal order of indirect object and subject - in the 86 subjectful clauses with both a direct and an indirect object - is SI. The noun indirect object does not occur before the subject in this corpus. Illustrations of the SI and IS orders for the pronoun indirect object are as follows: SI (D.23 patt icc / piss werrc pe shollde wirrkenn 'That / should produce this work for thee')', IS (1.155. y nu pe shall Elysabxp / pin wif an sune childenn 'And now thy wife Elizabeth shall bear thee a son').

58

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE TABLE 8

Order of indirect object and subject SI

Ind. Obj.

IS

Tot. No.

V /o

No.

/o

No.

Noun Pron.

100 77

7 61

0 23

0 18

7 79

Total

(79)

68

(21)

18

86

3.4.4. Order of indirect object, direct object, and finite verb Table 9, below, reveals that the order VIO occurs with greater frequency than any other order (41 occurrences), though the majority of occurrences (48) are in other orders. For the noun indirect object, however, VIO may be called the normal order: VIO 78%; OVI 22%; no other combinations. The pronoun indirect object occurs in 5 of the 6 statistically possible orders. The one not represented is VOI ; and IOV occurs only once. TABLE 9

Order of indirect object, direct object, and finite verb I.O.

VIO

OVI

IVO

OIV

IOV

VOI

Tot.

%

No.

y/o

No.

y/o

No.

%

No.

/o

No.

y/o

No.

No.

Noun Pron.

78 42

7 34

22 19

2 15

0 20

0 16

0 17

0 14

0 2

0 1

0 0

0 0

9 80

Total

(46)

41

(19)

17

(18)

16

(16)

14

(1)

1

(0)

0

89

Illustrations of the various orders for both types of indirect objects are as follows : VIO, noun D. 85. unnc birrp biddenn G odd tatt he / Forr$ife hemm hëre sinne 'It behooves the two of us to ask God that He forgive them their sins'); VIO, pronoun (D. 315. y Godd Allmahhti^$if e uss mahht 'And may God Almighty give us power'); OVI, noun (11732. te Laferrd Crist / Swillc sware 3aff pe deofell 'The Lord Christ gave such an answer to the devil'); OVI, pronoun (D.25. y icc itt hafe forpedd te 'And I have performed it for thee'); OIV, pronoun (1.11. patt hi m m / Drihhtin forrbodenn haffde 'Which God had forbidden to him'); IVO, pronoun (11729. patt itt suw mu^he berrghenn her / pe / / / ' S o

59

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

that it may save your life for you here'); IOV, pronoun (11763. uss Goddspell wrat I Mappewpe Goddspellwrihhte 'Matthew the Gospelwriter wrote us the Gos-

peF). 3.4.5. Order of indirect object, direct object, and subject Table 10, below, indicates that the normal order of indirect object, direct object, and subject is SIO. TABLE 10

Order of indirect object, direct object, and subject

I.O.

SIO

OSI

OIS

SOI

ISO

IOS

Tot.

/o

No.

/o

No.

%

No.

/o

No.

%

No.

%

No.

No.

Noun Pron.

71 51

5 40

15 19

1 15

0 13

0 10

15 7

1 6

0 7

0 6

0 3

0 2

7 79

Total

(52)

45

(19)

16

(12)

10

(8)

7

(7)

6

(2)

2

86

The order SIO has the highest frequency for both the noun and the pronoun indirect object. The noun occurs in only 2 other orders (OSI and SOI), but the pronoun can occur in all of the 6 statistically possible combinations. Illustrations are as follows : SIO, noun (12127. he mihhte Crist / ... shxwenn / ... pe kinedomess aìle 'He might show Christ all the kingdoms'1); SIO, pronoun (12209. he pzr mihhte 3ifenn himm / All middellxrdess riche 'He might give Him there the entire kingdom of the world'); OSI, noun (12203. patt Drihhtin sellf / Her lenepp hise peowwess 'Which God Himself lends his servants'); OSI, pronoun (18004. whatt tes3 Ixrenn uss 'What they teach us'); OIS, pronoun (11783.

itt writepp uss / Mappew pe Goddspellwrihhte 'Matthew the Gospelwriter writes it to us'); SOI, noun (11731. te Laferrd Crist / Swillc sware j a f f pe deofell 'The Lord Christ gave the devil such an answer'); SOI, pronoun (11811. ¡ i f f Crist itt nollde polenn himm 'If Christ did not wish to permit it of him'); ISO, pronoun (18268. Whamm pu barr wittness to pe folic 'For whom thou bore witness to the people'); IOS, pronoun (D. 175. uss brinngepp word / ... Goddspell 'The Gospel brings us word'). 3.4.6. Order of indirect object, subject, and finite verb Table 11, p. 60, reveals that the normal order of indirect object, subject, and finite verb is SVI. For the noun indirect object, SVI is the only order in the corpus.

60

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE TABLE 11

Order of indirect object, subject, and finite verb SVI

I.O.

SIV

IVS

ISV

VSI

VIS

Tot.

/o

No.

%

No.

/o

No.

%

No.

%

No.

%

No.

No.

Noun Pron.

100 48

7 38

0 18

0 14

0 18

0 14

0 11

0 9

0 4

0 3

0 1

0 1

7 79

Total

(52)

45

(16)

14

(16)

14

(10)

9

(4)

3

(2)

1

86

Illustrations of the noun indirect object in SVI and the pronoun in all of the 6 statistically possible orders are as follows: SVI, noun (D.277. swapatt itt... / ... mihhte ... I gifenn mannkinn lusst 'So that it might give mankind desire'); SVI, pronoun (1.83. He sennde uss sone hiss word 'He sent us soon His word'); SIV, pronoun (D.267. patt Crist / Uss dide purrh hiss come 'Which Christ did for us through His coming'); IVS, pronoun (D. 197. pe pridde god uss hafepp don / pe Laferrd Crist 'The Lord Christ has done the third good for us'); VSI, pronoun (12248. pa mihhtesst tu swa ... / pe winnenn heoffness blisse 'Then thou might thus win for thyself heaven's joy'); ISV, pronoun (D. 15. patt me / Min Drihhtin hafepp lenedd 'Which My God has entrusted to me'); VIS, pronoun (11783. Affterr patt tatt itt writepp uss / Mappew 'As Matthew writes it for us'). 3.4.7. Order of indirect object, direct object, subject, and finite verb Table 12, p. 61, indicates that the order of highest frequency for the indirect object direct object, subject, and finite verb is SVIO. For the noun, SVIO is the normal order; but for the pronoun, it is the order in only one third of the clauses. These 4 major elements of the clause do not appear in all of the 24 statistically possible orders. The 9 combinations that are lacking are SVOI, SIOV, VSOI, VISO, VIOS, VOSI, VOIS, ISOV, and IOSV. There are single occurrences of ISVO, IOVS, IVOS, and OVIS. The noun indirect object appears in only 3 of the oiders: SVIO, OSVI, and SOVI. The pronoun appears in these and 12 others. 3.4.8. Conclusions The indirect object normally occurs after the subject, after the finite verb, and before the direct object. A noun indirect object must follow both the subject and the finite verb, but it can either precede or follow the direct object. The pronoun indirect object has more freedom of occurrence.

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

61

TABLE 1 2

Order of indirect object, direct object, subject, and verb Noun Ind. Obj.

Pron. Ind. Obj.

Total

Order

%

No.

%

No.

%

No.

SVIO OSVI SIVO VSIO OIVS IVSO OSIV SOVI SOIV OISV OVSI ISVO IOVS IVOS OVIS

70 15 0 0 0 0 0 15 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

5 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

32 10 9 9 9 7 7 5 3 3 3 1 1 1 1

26 8 7 7 7 5 5 4 2 2 2 1 1 1 1

37 11 8 8 8 6 6 6 2 2 2 1 1 1 1

31 9 7 7 7 5 5 5 2 2 2 1 1 1 1

Total

(100)

7

(100)

79

(100)

86

3.5. THE SUBJECT COMPLEMENT

The final major element of the clause to be described is the subject complement. The subject complement in the corpus consists of a noun or pronoun that is linked by a copulative verb to a subject with the same case and referent - or an adjective or io-infinitive that patterns with a copulative verb and describes the subject. A copulative verb is one which is capable of linking a personal pronoun by gender, number, and case (subjective) to the subject of a clause: 18372. Bridgume iss he patt hafepp brid "A bridegroom is he who has a bride". By extrapolation, any form that patterns with a subject and a verb of this type is a subject complement. The copulative verb in the corpus may be either minimum or expanded. The minimum verbs are the finite forms of beon ('be'), wurrpenn ('become'), and semepp ('seems' - no infinitive). The expanded verbs are either periphrastic actives or passives (see pp. 45-47). The former consist of a finite form of hafenn ('have') plus the past participle beon (or beri)', a finite form of a modal plus the infinitive beon or wurrpenn; or the singly occurring shollde mughenn beon ('should be able to be'). The latter consist of a finite form of beon plus the past participle wurrpenn or nem mnedd ('named')

62

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

or jehatenn ('called') or makedd ('made') - or the singly occurring m a j 3 ben sehatenn ('may be called'). 3.5.1. Order of subject complement and subject Table 13, below, indicates that the normal order of subject complement (C) and subject (S) in the corpus is SC, regardless of the type of complement. For the toinñnitive, it is the only order that occurs. TABLE 13

Order of subject complement and subject SC

Comp.

CS

Tot. No.

/o

No.

/o

No.

Noun Pron. Adj. Inf.

97 58 89 100

187 7 60 5

3 42 11 0

5 5 7 0

192 12 67 5

Total

(94)

259

(6)

17

276

Illustrations of the 4 types of subject complements in the contrasting orders are as follows: noun, SC (D. 163. sop Godd wass wurrpenn mann 'True God was become man'); noun, CS (D.66. Heh wikenn alls itt semepp 'High office as it seems'); pronoun, SC (11705. whase itt iss 'Whoever it is'); pronoun, CS (11600. whatt he wsere 'What He might be'); adjective, SC (D. 121. patt sefre onn erpe iss ned 'That ever on earth is necessary'); adjective, CS (D.341. Hu féle sinndenn o piss boc / Goddspelless underr alle 'How many altogether are the Gospels in this book'); io-infinitive, SC (D.77. patt to lofenn iss 'What is to be praised'). 3.5.2. Order of subject complement and finite verb Table 14, p. 63, reveals that the normal order of subject complement (C) and finite verb (V) in the corpus is YC. This is the normal order for all types of subject complements except the pronoun, which occurs much more frequently in CV (83%). Illustrations of the 4 types of subject complements in the contrasting orders are as follows: noun, VC (D. 157. Goddspell onn Ennglissh nemmnedd iss / God word 'Gospel in English is named "good word"'); noun, CV (P.48. Alls i f f pefö karrte wzrenn 'As if they were carts'); pronoun, VC (18378. piss blisse iss min 'This joy is mine'); pronoun, CV (17992. whase itt iss 'Whoever it is'); adjective, VC

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

63

TABLE 1 4

Order of subject complement and finite verb VC

Comp.

CV

Tot. No.

%

No.

%

No.

Noun Pron. Adj. Inf.

92 17 85 80

176 2 57 4

8 83 15 20

16 10 10 1

192 12 67 5

Total

(87)

239

(13)

37

276

(D. 127. He shall onn ende wurrpi ben 'He shall be worthy in the end'; adjective, CV (L. 190. patt all rihhtwise wxrenn 'Who were entirely righteous'); toinfinitive, VC (D.72. tatt swipe wel ne be / To trowwenn 'Which is not very well to be believed'')·, io-infinitive, CV (D.77. patt to lofenn iss 'What is to be praised'). 3.5.3. Order of subject complement, subject, and finite verb Table 15, below, indicates that the normal order of subject complement (C), subject (S), and finite verb (V) in the corpus is SVC - except for the pronoun. TABLE 1 5

Order of subject complement, subject, and finite verb Comp.

SVC

VCS

scv

CSV

CVS

VCS

Tot.

%

No.

%

No.

%

No.

/o

No.

%

No.

%

No.

No.

Noun Pron Adj. Inf.

81 16 76 60

156 2 51 3

10 0 8 20

20 0 5 1

6 42 6 20

11 5 4 1

2 42 1 0

3 5 1 0

1 0 8 0

2 0 5 0

0 0 1 0

0 0 1 0

192 12 67 5

Total

(77) 212

(9)

26

(8)

21

(3)

9

(2)

7

(1)

1

276

All of the 6 statistically possible orders are represented, though VCS occurs only once - with an adjective subject complement. Illustrations of the various orders for the different types of subject complements are given in the following paragraphs:

64

MAJOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

SVC: noun (D. 184. he warrp mann 'He became man'); pronoun (18372. Bridgume iss he patt hafepp brid'A bridegroom is he who has a bride'); adjective (D.319. we motenn wurrpi ben 'We might be worthy)·, /o-infinitive (11920. all hiss pohht iss xfre / ... to brinngenn menn I tit off pe rihhte we33e 'His entire thought is always to bring men out of the right way'). VSC: noun (D. 177. y forrpi mass itt wel / God errnde ben 3ehatenn 'And therefore it may well be called "good message"'); adjective (11451. pxraffterr iss pe lape gast / 3 e r r n f u l l 'Thereafter, the hateful spirit is desirous'); toinfinitive (12189. Forr nass hiss mahhte nohht 0 pa / To gifenn 'For his power over those things was not to give'). SCV: noun (11901. ^iff patt tu Godess Sune arrt wiss 'If Thou art truly God's Son'); pronoun (11719. whase itt iss 'Whoever it is'); adjective (548. patt fowwre y twenntij wzrenn 'Who were twenty-four in number'); fo-infinitive (D.77. patt to lofenn iss'What is to be praised'). CSV: noun (P.85. y Salomon he nemmnedd iss 'And he is named Solomon'); pronoun (11762. whatt he wsere 'What He might be'); adjective (12143. Hu god itt wsere 'How good it would be'). CVS: noun (18672. y an Godd sinndenn alle 'And all are one God'); adjective (18766. y god iss all hiss shaffte 'And all His creation is good'). VCS: adjective (18861. y 033 wassipiss middellzrd / Full sut ell... ¡ patt Godess mahht ... Wass all pwerrt ut unnse33enndlic 'And it was always fully clear in this world that God's power was completely unspeakable'). 3.5.4. Conclusions The normal position for all types of subject complements is after the subject. For the noun, adjective, and /o-infinitive the normal position is after both the subject and the finite verb. For the pronoun, it is after the subject but before the finite verb. The order SVC is normal for the subject complement class as a whole, but the pronoun occurs with greater frequency in SCV (42 %) and CSV (42 %).

3.6. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

The normal position of the subject is before all other major elements of the clause. The normal position of the finite verb is after the subject and before all of the remaining major elements of the clause. The normal position of the direct object or subject complement is after the other major elements of the clause. The indirect object normally occurs after the finite verb and before the direct object.

4 MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

The minor elements of the clause in the corpus are the "dative" object, the "pseudo" element, the "additional" major element, the "nominative" of address, and the object complement. Elements of the clause that are designated as "minor" are those that are not adjacent modifiers in nominal- or verbal-headed phrases and yet do not participate in concord and are not directly determined as to case and number by the elements that participate in concord.

4.1. THE "DATIVE" OBJECT

The minor element of the clause that is designated here as a "dative"1 object includes the "dative" object of an impersonal verb, the "dative" object in a passive construction, and the objective complement of a nominal or verbal phrase. 4.1.1. The "dative" object of an impersonal verb The "dative" object has already been discussed in Chapter 3 in connection with the classification of the impersonal verb as the predicator of a subjectless clause. The paragraphs below will treat its position in the clause in respect to the major elements. Of the 66 clauses with an impersonal verb, 18 have a noun "dative" object and 48 have a pronoun "dative" object. Both types of nomináis can either precede the impersonal verb (50 instances, 76%) or follow it (16 instances, 24%). Of the 18 noun "dative" objects, 15 (or 83%) occur before the verb, and 3 (or 17%) occur after it. Of the 48 pronoun "dative" objects, 35 (or 73%) precede the verb, and 13 (or 27%) follow it. When the clause with an impersonal verb also contains a direct object (40 instances), 1

The term "dative" is not meant to imply a historical identity with the function of the Old English dative object - though the resemblance in function is great. It is also not meant to suggest an identity of form. The noun and the adjective in the present corpus distinguish only a genitive case from a non-genitive case. Even the personal pronoun - with subjective, genitive, and objective forms does not distinguish a "dative" from an "accusative". The label is used here for words that translate with "to" or "for" but pattern without a preposition.

66

MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

the "dative" object precedes the direct object in 35 instances (88%) and follows it in 5 (12%). The order of the "dative" object (D), impersonal verb (V), and direct object (O) is DVO in 27 instances (68%), VDO in 8 (20%), ODV in 3 (8%), and OVD in 2 (4%). The statistically possible orders DOV and YOD do not occur. An indirect object (I) is present in 4 of the clauses - always occurring between the "dative" object and the direct object. The order is DVIO in 3 instances and VDIO in 1 instance. Illustrations of the orders of the "dative" object and the major elements of the clause are given in the following paragraphs : "Dative" object and impersonal verb: noun, DV (1.97. Rihht swa summ bidell birrp ben sennd 'Just as it behooves some messenger to be sent'); noun, VD (no occurrence without direct object); pronoun, DY (372. God lare hu juw birrp libbenn 'Good teaching as to how it behooves you to live'); pronoun, VD (11885. y forrpi birrp pe wxpnedd beon 'And therefore it behooves thee to be armed'). "Dative" object, impersonal verb, and direct object: DVO (D.51. te birrp / Weipolenn mine wordess 'It behooves thee to admit my words well'); VDO (D.303. Forrpi birrp all Crisstene folic / Goddspelless lare foll^henn 'Therefore it behooves all Christian people to follow the Gospel's teaching')] ODV (D.35. patt mann birrp spellenn to pe folic 'Which it behooves man to preach to the people'); OVD (18016. piss birrp uss lokenn allre firrst 'It behooves us to examine this first of all'). "Dative" object, impersonal verb, direct object, and indirect object: DVIO (D.85. y unnc birrp biddenn Godd tatt he / Forr^ife hemm hëre sinne 'And it behooves us two to ask God that He forgive them their sins')·, VDIO (18160. All swa birrp Cr ist ess prest to dass I pott mann patt he primmses^nepp / Wei tsechenn all hiss Crisstenndom 'Just so it behooves Christ's priest today to teach well all of his Christianity to that man whom he prepares for baptism'). 4.1.2. The "dative" object in a passive construction The "dative" object in a passive construction2 is similar in from and meaning to the indirect object3 - though, of course, it does not pattern with a direct object and cannot be considered a major element of the clause. The following citations bear out this similarity: 18022. Galile / Bitacnepp uss flittinnge 'Galile signifies to us change'; 18056. y tiss wass all bitacnedd uss 'And this was completely signified to us'. The traditional interpretation of the "dative" object in a passive construction as a "retained" object implies a priority for the indirect object that cannot be substantiated here without the services of a native speaker. Therefore the label "retained" will not be employed for this minor element of the clause. The order of "dative" object, subject, and finite verb in the 7 clauses with a passive 2 8

For passive constructions, see pp. 46-47. Seep. 81.

MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

67

construction of this type is SDV in 3 instances, SVD in 3 others, and DVS in 1. Thus, the "dative" object occurs after the subject in 6 of the 7 clauses, and it occurs before the finite verb in 4 of the 7 clauses. The past participle (L), which is necessary to the passive construction, occurs last in all but 3 instances : SDVL, 2 occurrences ; SVLD, 2; SVDL, 1 ; SDLV, 1 ; DVSL, 1. Illustrations of the various orders are as follows: SDVL (L. 145. patt hemm wass sett purrh Godess ζ 'Which was established for them through God's law'); SVLD (18298. Butt iff patt itt be gifenn himm 'Unless it be given him'); SVDL (L.273. Tillpatt Herode wass hemm sett 'Until Herod was set over them'); SDLV (11627. patt himm purrh deofell beodenn wass ' Which was commanded to Him by the devil'); DVSL (L.227. himm wass patt dass / Summ unncup sihhpe shzwedd 'Some strange sight was shown to him that day'). 4.1.3. "Dative" complement of nominal or verbal The "dative" object can function as a complement to a nominal or verbal. 4.1.3.1. Complement of nominal. - The "dative" object can function as a separated complement to either the noun or the adjective. In this role it is not an order class modifier within the nominal phrase, however, because it is not adjacent to the nominal or to one of its modifiers (see Chapter 7). The only occurrence in the corpus of a "dative" complement of an adjective is 12290. Forr alise unncweme iss G odd patt tu I purrh gredi^nesse gillte / Alls himm iss, 3iffpu gilltesst her / 3¡en himm purrh gluterrnesse 'For it is just as unpleasing to God that thou should transgress through greed as it is to Him if thou transgress here against Him through gluttony'. Illustrations of the "dative" complement of the noun are as follows: D.321. Icc patt tiss Ennglissh hafe sett / Ennglisshe menn to lare Ί who have set down this English, as instruction for Englishmen1 ; 11539. patt time patt himm Set wass ned / To metess y to drinnchess 'That time when to Him there was need for food and drink'; 11904. himm wass wa^s y ange / Off patt he nohht ne wisste off Crist 'There was woe and vexation for him because he knew nothing about Christ'; 18971. siff patt iss patt hemm nohht niss off / To folfehenn Cristess lare 'If it is that Christ's teaching is not being followed by them'. 4.1.3.2. Complement of verbal. - The "dative" object can complement either a transitive or an intransitive verb. Illustrations of the "dative" complement of a transitive verb - not impersonal in a clause without a direct object are as follows: P. 51. alls icc hafe shxwedd jww 'As I have shown to you'·, 11735. Alls uss se33p / Mappew pe Goddspellwrihhte 'As Matthew the Gospel-writer says to us'; 18615. jxn all patt lape folic uss wrät / Johan pe Goddspellwrihhte 'Against all those loathsome people, John the Gospelwriter wrote to us'; L. 151. Ne dred te, Zacari^e, nohht 'Do not fear for thyself, Zacharias'.

68

MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

Illustrations of the "dative" complement of an intransitive verb - other than beon - with the sense o f ' t o ' or 'for' are as follows: L.200. patt itt me mu^he wurrpenn 'So that it may happen to me'; 12079. Off patt hemm weorelldahhtess spedd ΙA33 waxepp mare y mare 'In that the abundance of worldly goods increases more and more for them'; 18277. patt himm nohht ne bilimmpepp 'Which does not belong to him'·, 18516. patt dop all patt himm pinnkepp 'Who does all that seems good to Him'.

4.2. THE "PSEUDO" ELEMENT

The "pseudo" element in the corpus is a clause or nominal or io-infinitive that patterns with a tautological "dative" object, indirect object, direct object, or subject. The tautological element is a personal or non-personal pronoun, the indefinite mann ('one', 'a person'), or an abbreviation or restatement of the "pseudo" element. Although the tautological element functions as a "dummy" subject or object, serving most often as a reminder of the syntactic relationship of a long or distant construction to the clause at hand, it must be regarded as the true major element of the clause. Thus, the statistics in Chapter 3 for direct objects, indirect objects, and subjects apply to tautological objects and subjects - but not to "pseudo" subjects and objects, which are minor elements of the clause. 4.2.1. "Pseudo" indirect object and "dative" object The corpus contains a single example each of a "pseudo" indirect object and "dative" object. In both of these occurrences the "pseudo" object is a clause which precedes the tautological object. The occurrences are as follows: indirect object (D.95. y whase wilenn shall piss boc / E f f t operr Sipe writenn, / Himm bidde icc patt h'ét write rihht 'And whoever shall desire to write this book afterwards anothêr time - I ask him that he write it accurately'); "dative" object (11545. Whatt mann se wile cwemenn me, / To winnenn eche blisse / patt Ulke mann birrp dra^henn himm / Fra gluterrnessess esstess ' Whatsoever man desires to please me in order to win eternal joy - it behooves that same man to draw himself from gluttony's delicacies'. 4.2.2. "Pseudo" direct object The "pseudo" direct object can either precede or follow the tautological direct object. Illustrations of the "pseudo" direct object preceding the tautological direct object are as follows: Ό.335. pa Goddspe I less alle patt icc / Her o piss boc mass findenn, / Hemm alle wile icc nemmnenn her 'All the Gospels that I may find here in this book - I will name them all here"·, 11840. y tatt te Laferrd

69

MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

nollde nohht / pe deofless wille forpenn / ... patt dide he forr to shxwenn ... ' A n d that the Lord would not perform the devil's will - H e did that in o r d e r t o s h o w . . . ' ; 12119. Accpatt tatt Crist tzr mihhte seon / Wipp eorplis flxshess e^he, / patt mihhte wel pe lape gast ¡ Himm awwnenn pzre y shxwenn ' B u t that which Christ might see there with eyes of earthly flesh - the

hateful spirit might well show and declare that to Him there'. Illustrations of the "pseudo" direct object following the tautological direct object are as follows: L.259. Forr Godess Gast itt haffde se^d / ... patt G o de s s folle ... A33 sholldenn habbenn allderrmenn / y kingess off hemm sellfenn 'For G o d ' s Spirit h a d said it - that God's people always should have rulers and kings over themselves'·, 18016. piss birrp uss lokenn allre firrst, / Whatt itt uss wile tacnenn 'It behooves us t o examine this first of all - what it will signify to us'; 18801. y here icc wile shxwenn 3uw / piss Hike purrh an bisne, / patt alle

shafftess

sinndenn / / / ' A n d here I will show you this same thing through an

example - that all creatures

are

life'.

4.2.3. "Pseudo" subject

The clause or nominal "pseudo" subject can either precede or follow the tautological subject. Illustrations of the clause "pseudo" subject followed by the tautological subject patt are as follows: 11541. patt ure Laferrd Jesu Crist / Himm droh fra mete i wesste ... / patt wass alls i f f he se33de puss 'That Our Lord Jesus Christ drew Himself from food in the wilderness - that was as if H e said t h u s ' ; 11409. patt ure Laferrd Jesu Crist / ... / Wass ledd lit inntill wessteland I ... All patt wass don purrh Jesu Crist 'That Our Lord Jesus Christ

was led out into the desert - all that was done by Jesus Christ'.

Illustrations of a nominal "pseudo" subject followed by a tautological pronoun subject are as follows: 18767. Forr all patt xfre iss sinne y woh / All comm patt off pe defeil ' F o r all that is ever sin and woe - that comes entirely f r o m the devil'; 18553. All patt strenedd iss o f f Godd / ... / All iss itt all patt illke whatt / patt Godd iss inn himm sellfenn 'All that is generated from God - it

is entirely all that same thing that God is in Himself'; 18266. patt mann patt wass wipp pe / Bi3onndenn 'That man who was with

flumm i wesste, / ... / He takepp nu to fullhtnenn thee beyond the river in the wilderness - he

starts now to baptize'. Illustrations of the "pseudo" subject following the tautological subject are as follows: clause " p s e u d o " subject (1.19. Forr patt

wass mikell wrœche wiss / patt

all folic for till helle 'For that was a great vengeance, truly, that all people went to hell'); noun "pseudo" subject (12201. All iss itt elless skir y freo / Ut off pe deofless walde, / patt eorpli3

ping patt Drihhtin

sellfj

Her lenepp

hise

peowwess

'Otherwise it is entirely clear and free of the devil's power - that earthly thing that

God

Himself

here

lends

His

servants')·,

p r o n o u n " p s e u d o " subject

70

MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

(12093. y wel he mihhtepolenti himm / To brinngenn himm o lawe, / He patt comm. dun off heoffness œrd 'And well He might suffer him to bring Him on the hill He who came down from heaven's region'); io-infinitive "pseudo" subject (11666. ysippenn iss iti lasse swinnc / To cwennenn opre sinness 'And afterwards it is less work to quench other sins').

4.3. THE "ADDITIONAL" MAJOR ELEMENT

Also not counted in the tabulations of major elements of the clause in Chapter 3 are such "additional" elements as sequential members of a series of subjects, direct objects, or subject complements; the direct object and indirect object after a series of past participles or plain infinitives; separated appositives to the subject, direct object, or subject complement; and "subjective complements" in subjectless clauses. 4.3.1. Sequential members of a series of major elements "Additional" major elements in a series - those that occur after the first member of the series - are illustrated by the following citations: sequential subject (D.273. patt nan wihht, nan enngell, nan mann, / Ne naness kinness shaffte, / Ne mihhte purrh himm sellfenn pa / Seffne godnessess shœwenn 'That no being, no angel, no man, nor a creature of any λ in ¿/might by himself the seven goodnesses show'); sequential direct object (D.315. y Godd Allmahhti3 sife uss mahht / y lusst y witt y wille 'And may God Almighty give us power and desire and knowledge and will')·, sequential subject complement (L.343. patt streon patt wass Allmahhti,3 Godd, / y King off alle kingess, / y Preost off alle preostess ec,\y Shippennd allre shaffte,¡y lac to wurrpenn offredd A er'That offspring that was Almighty God and King of all kings and Priest of all priests also and Creator of all creatures and sacrifice to become offered here'). 4.3.2. "Additional" elements after a series of verbals The direct object alone or the direct object plus the indirect object occurs as an "additional" element when it follows a series of past participles or plain infinitives. Illustrations are as follows: D. 19. ¡iff Ennglissh folic ... / Itt wollde 3erne lernenn, / y folgern itt, y fillenn itt / Wipp pohht, wipp word, wipp dede 'If English people would willingly learn it and follow it and fill it with thought, with word, with deed'; D.293. Swa patt he mannkinn wel inoh / Off helle mihhte lesenn, / y gifenn mannkinn lufey lusst, I y mahht y witty wille 'So that He well enough might loose mankind from hell and give mankind love and desire and power and knowledge and will'; D. 11. Icc hafe don swa summ pu badd, / y forpedd te pin wille Ί have done just as thou commanded and performed for thee thy will'.

MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

71

4.3.3. Separated appositives When an appositive is separated from a subject, direct object, or subject complement, it is regarded here as an "additional" major element.4 Illustrations are as follows: appositive to subject (L.273. Till patt Herode wass hemm sett / H depene mann to kinge 'Until Herod was set over them - a heathen man as king'); appositive to direct object (D.299. y forr patt hälfe Goddspellboc / All piss godness uss shxwepp, / piss sefennfald godle^^c patt Crist / Uss dide purrh hiss are 'And because the Holy Gospelbook shows us all this goodness - this sevenfold goodness that Christ did for us through His grace'); appositive to subject complement (18885. Johan Bapptisste iss piss Johan / patt we nu mselenn ummbe, / Johan patt wass purrh Drihhtin sen nd 'John the Baptist is this John that we are now speaking about -John who was sent by God'). 4.3.4. "Subjective complements" in subject less clauses Nomináis that complement a non-existent subject in the subjectless clauses can also be regarded as "additional" elements. When they occur in sequence clauses they are truly "additional", for the subject that they complement is in the preceding clause. Illustrations of the 3 types of subjectless clauses with "subjective complements" are as follows: sequence clause (509. y off illc an off alle pa / Comm an god floe off prestess, / ... I y wass hiss hird sehatenn 'And from each one of all those came a good flock of priests - and was called his company')·, imperative-verb clause (18312. 3e wenenn wrang / Off me; bep warre y wise 'Ye think wrong about me; be aware and wise'); impersonal-verb clause (18629. patt se^denn patt Allmahhtfe Godd / Wass Faderr whanne he wollde, / y Sune whanne himm puhhte god 'That said that Almighty God was Father when He desired, and Son when it seemed good to Him'). 4.4. THE "NOMINATIVE" OF ADDRESS6

The "nominative" of address in the corpus consists of a personal pronoun in the subjective (or "nominative") case or a noun in the non-genitive case which identifies the person or persons for whom the discourse is intended. It is found in both subjectful clauses and those with a verb in the imperative mood. In the latter instance, the imperative verb agrees with the "nominative" of address in number but not in person; therefore, concord is not established. Illustrations of the "nominative" of address in subjectful clauses are as follows: D.79. pe33 shulenn Ixtenn hxpelfe / Off unnkerr swinnc, lef broperr 'They shall judge scornfully of our labor, Dear Brother'; 18283. y all he dra3hepp hemm fra pe, I Lef ma33Stre 'And He draws them entirely from thee, Dear Master'; 12017. 4

Adjacent appositives are treated in Chapter 7, The Noun-Headed Phrase. * For further discussion of the "nominative" of address with imperative verbs, see pp. 48-49.

72

MINOR ELEMENTS OF THE CLAUSE

Ne wile Inohht, tu lape gast, / Don affterrpatt tu Ixresst Ί will not, thou hateful spirit, do as thou instruct'. In this last example the "nominative" of address consists of both a personal pronoun (tu) and a noun phrase (lape gast). Illustrations of the "nominative" of address in subjectless clauses with a verb in the imperative mood are as follows: L. 15. Ne dred te, Zacari^e, nohht 'Do not fear for thyself, Zacharias'; 11679. Nu, laferrdinngess, nimepp gom / Off piss patt here iss trahhtnedd 'Now, Lor dings, take heed of this that here is expounded'; 11389. Ga, wiperr gast, o bacch fra me 'Go, evil spirit, in back of me'; 12236. y witt tu patt tut hafesst all / Sett i pe deofless walde 'And know thou t h a t t h o u hast set it all in the devil's power'.

4.5. THE OBJECT COMPLEMENT

The object complement in the corpus consists of a noun or adjective in the nongenitive case which has the same referent as a direct object in the same clause. There are only 4 instances of an object complement in the corpus : 3 nouns and 1 adjective. The order of direct object (O) and object complement (B) is the same for all 4 instances: OB. Furthermore, all 4 clauses have identical orders of subject (S), finite verb (V), direct object, and object complement: SVOB. It is because of the scarcity and inflexibility of the object complement is this corpus that it is not given its traditional status of major element of the clause. The 4 occurrences of the object complement are as follows: noun (D. 193. Forr patt he wollde uss waterrkinn / Till ure fulluhht hall^henn 'Because He wished to consecrate us waterkind until our baptism'; L. 157. y tu shallt nemmnenn himm Johan 'And thou shalt name him John'; 11591. Forr patt he sahh himm usell wihht / Inn ure mennisscnesse 'Because he saw Him as a wretched being in our human form'); adjective (11815. I me sellf all ah itt wald / patt deofell mass me scrennkenn Ί myself consider it entirely possible that the devil may deceive me').

5 THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

The verb-headed phrase in the corpus consists of a minimum or expanded verb1 at the head of a structure of modification. The minimum verb phrase consists of a finite verb plus modifiers. The expanded verb phrase consists of a finite verb plus a plain infinitive and/or a past participle - plus modifiers. The modifiers consist of the adverb or adverb phrase (A), the prepositional phrase (P), the nominal phrase (N), the clause (C), and the io-infinitive (T). The structure of modification thus formed is endocentric: the function of the phrase is the same as that of its head.

5.1. RELATIONSHIP OF MODIFIERS TO VERB HEAD

The relationship between the modifier and the verb head is established by the morphological form of the derived adverb: innwarrdjinnwarrdli^ (innwarrdlike); lihht / lihhtlis (lihhtlike); meoc/meocli3 (meoclike); modicimodi^lis (modi3liké); etc. The derived adverb can express a semantic relationship of time (da33whammlike "daily"), of place (utterlike 'outside'), or of manner (opennlike 'clearly') in respect to the verb head. By extrapolation, an underived and uninflected word in the corpus that bears the same - or a similar - semantic relationship to a verb can be described as an underived adverb : time (nu 'now'), place {her 'here'), manner (puss 'thus'). By further extrapolation, any form that bears the same - or a similar - semantic relationship to a verb head as an underived adverb can be described as an "adverbial" : time (prepositional phrase, att tiss werelldess ende 'at this world's end'; nominal phrase, operr sipe 'another time'; clause, pa pe^ye time wass all gan 'when their time was all gone'); place (prepositional phrase, i pe temmple 'in the temple'; clause, psr itt iss ekedd 'where it is added'); manner (prepositional phrase, wipp rihht 'with justice'; nominal phrase, sikerr sop 'with certain truth'; clause, 3ijf patt itt nohht ne lettepp 'if nothing hinders it' ; io-infinitive phrase,2 to forenn all till helle 'all to go to hell'). The modifier bears the same semantic relationship to the expanded verb as it does to the minimum verb: 12075. patt tacnepp wel patt ... 'That signifies well that ...'; 1 1

See pp. 45-47 for a discussion of minimum and expanded verbs. The to-infinitive expresses only manner ("cause", "purpose") - not time or place.

74

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

11487. te tale offfowwerrti3 / Full wel bitacnenn shollde / patt ... 'The number forty should signify very well that ...'; 18090. y wel mass manness kinde ben / purrh waterrflod bitacnedd 'And man's nature may be signified well through the waterflood'. Furthermore, the following 2 citations illustrate that, regardless of the order of the modifier in respect to the parts of the expanded verb, the semantic relationship is the same: P. 17. Forrpi ma33 Crist full wel ben purrh / Amminadab bitacnedd 'Therefore, Christ may be signified very well by Amminadab'; P. 65. y forrpi m 033 sop Crist ben wel / purrh Salemann bitacnedd 'And therefore Christ may be signified well by Solomon'. Modification of the verb head will be described in this chapter in terms of types of modifiers (adverb, prepositional phrase, nominal phrase, clause, io-infinitive) and privilege of succession of types of modifiers (AP/PA, NC/CN, etc.). The description of kinds of modification and the privilege of semantic succession will be given in Chapter 6, The 7o-Infinitive Phrase, for modifiers of all types of verbals. Because the minimum verb phrase illustrates modification by all types of adverbials, it will be described first below. In this way a foundation will be established for comparison with the more complicated successions in the expanded verb phrase.

5.2. MODIFICATION IN THE MINIMUM VERB PHRASE

Of the 1036 clauses in the corpus containing a minimum verb, 629 (or 61 %) feature modifiers of the verb. Of these 629 minimum verb phrases, 96 (or 15 %) contain modifiers only before the finite verb head; 421 (or 67%) contain modifiers only after the head; and 112 (or 18%) have them both before and after the verb. Thus, modifiers occur after the minimum verb head in 533 phrases (with or without modifiers before the head) and before it in 208 phrases (with or without modifiers after the verb head). Modifiers occur only before or only after the verb in 517 of the 629 phrases (82%) and in both positions in 112 (18%).

5.2.1. Modifiers occurring before the minimum verb The modifiers that occur before the single finite verb represent 4 types of adverbials : the adverb or adverb phrase, the prepositional phrase, the nominal phrase, and the clause. Of the 255 occurrences of these types of modifiers, 148 (or 58 %) are adverbs or adverb phrases; 67 (or 26%) are prepositional phrases; 37 (or 15%) are clauses; and 3 (or 1 %) are nominal phrases. Thus, the adverb, the prepositional phrase, and the clause make up 99 % of the modifiers before the minimum verb head. Illustrations of the various types of adverbials in this position are as follows: adverb (D.92. patt blipelike itt herenn 'Who joyfully hear it'); prepositional phrase (495. patt o f f / pa twe33enn prestess comenn 'Who came from those two priests')·, nominal phrase (12320. Whatt gate he wann Eve y Adam 'In what

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

75

way he won Eve and Adam'); clause (11811. 3iff Crist iti nollde polenn himm / Ne dide he nohht tati dede 'If Christ had not permitted him, he would not have done that deed'). Adverbials of different types can co-occur before the minimum verb head. Illustrations of the various combinations are as follows: adverb, prepositional phrase (D.33. y 033 ä f f t err pe Goddspell stannt / patt tatt te Goddspell menepp 'And always after the Gospel stands that which the Gospel means'); adverb phrase, prepositional phrase, adverb (D.325. y ice Orrmin full innwarrdli3 / Wipp mup y ec wipp herrte j Her bidde pa Crisstene menn 'And I, Orm, all inwardly, with mouth and also with heart, Λ e re ask those Christian people') ; prepositional phrase, nominal phrase (11462. purrh patt te33 deope sinness / Unnderr pe name off Crisstenndom / All pe33re pannkess folgern 'In that they follow deep sins under the name of Christendom, entirely of their own accord')', adverb, clause (12037. y e f f t , 3iff patt he lupe dun / All skapelses till eorpe / ... / patt wxre modi3nesse 'And afterwards, if He should leap down all unharmed to earth, that would be pride'). The adverb, the prepositional phrase, and the clause can also occur in succession of their own type before the minimum verb head. Illustrations are as follows : adverbs (18190. patt3et ta stodstafflike witt / Amang Judisskennpede 'That still then stood literal knowledge among the Jewish people'); prepositional phrases (11716. Forr patt te33 Godess lare / O Godess hallfe, i Godess hus / Till Godess leode spellenn 'Because they preach God's lore on God's behalf, in God's house, to God's people')', clauses (18288. y forr patt te33re ma33stre wass / Off hete y nip all cieñe,/... jyec forrpatt he wisste wel / patt Crist wass Godd off heffne, / He 3aff hemm sware 'And because their master was entirely free of hate and envy, and also because he knew well that Christ was God from heaven, he gave them answer'). 5.2.2. Modifiers occurring after the minimum verb The 533 clauses with modifiers after the minimum verb head feature 950 occurrences of various types of adverbials: 552 prepositional phrases (58%); 303 adverbs or adverb phrases (32%); 51 fo-infinitives (5%); 31 clauses (3%); and 13 nominal phrases (2%). The greater number of prepositional phrases than adverbs is the reverse of the situation before the head, where the latter outnumbered the former 148 to 67. Illustrations of the various types of adverbials occurring after the minimum verb head are as follows: adverb (11341. y ure Laferrd Jesu Crist / 3aff sware onn^xn 'And Our Lord Jesus Christ gave answer back'); adverb phrase (12218. patt witt tu full wel 'Thou knowest that very well')·, prepositional phrase (D.230. Fra patt he ras off dxpe 'After He rose from death')·, nominal phrase (18434. y nohht ne fallepp hefi3 fall 'And does not fall with a heavy fall')·, clause (D.271 .patt comm,

76

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

I Forr patt itt shollde tacnenn / patt... 'Who came so that it should signify that ...'); io-infinitive phrase (D.253. he to manne comm, / To wurrpenn mann onn erpe 'He came to man to become man on earth'). In the position after the minimum verb head the adverb or adverb phrase (A) combines with the prepositional phrase (P) in 120 instances (AP), with the io-infinitive (T) in 25 (AT), with the clause (C) in 10 (AC), and with the nominal phrase (N) in 2 (AN). Other combinations are as follows: PA (26), PT (17), PC (13), NP (10), PN (7), CP (5), NA (3), TP (2). These figures indicate that though the adverb appears before the clause, the clause does not precede the adverb; and though the adverb occurs before the io-infinitive, the infinitive cannot precede the adverb. Other combinations that do not occur are CI/IC, CN/NC, and TN/NT. Thus, the modifiers after the verb must include either an adverb or a prepositional phrase. There are no successions of ίο-infinitives or nominal phrases or clauses alone after the minimum verb, but the adverb or prepositional phrase can succeed itself without the presence of any other type of modifier. Illustrations of these successions are as follows: AA (11907. ypurrhpatt tatt he drohpxr forp / pe bokess lare 'and because he drew forth there the book's instruction'); PP (D.31. patt sinndenn o pe messeboc / Inn all pe 3er att messe 'That are in the mass-book in all the year at mass'). Illustrations of the combinations of two different adverbials after the minimum verb are given in the following two paragraphs : AP (D.264. patt he sahh ec inn heffne 'Whom he saw also in heaven'); PA (18557. piss Word wass wipp pe Faderr 035 'This Word was with the Father always'); AC (L.269. y swa itt wass 033 - till patt Crist / Wass borenn her to manne 'And so it was ever - until Christ was born here to man'); AT (18532. y tatt iss wel to trowwenn 'And that is well to believe'')', AN (11329. y all wipputenn mete y drinnch / Heold Crist hiss fasste pxre / Fowwerrti3 da3hess 'And entirely without food and drink, Christ held His fast there for forty days')', NA (L.233. y 3hot forhall fif monepp wel 'And she concealed it well for five months')', PC (L. 149. y Godess enngell se33de himm to / Forr patt he w oll de himm fr of renn 'And God's angel said to him, because he wished to comfort him')·, CP (P. 50 .forr patt all / Goddspelless hall3he lare / Iss - alls icc hafe shxwedd 3UW, / O fowwre Goddspellbokess 'Because all the holy teaching of the Gospels is, as I have shown you, in four Gospel-books')', PT (D. 199. purrh patt he 3aff hiss a3henn lif / Wipp all hiss fülle wille, / To polenn dxpp o rodetre 'In that He gave His own life, with all His full will, to suffer death on the croJi'); TP (D. 187. purrh patt he comm to wurrpenn mann / Forr all mannkinne nede 'Because He came to become man for the need of all mankind'); PN (1.15. y forrpi patt he bracc onn3xn / Drihhtin all hise pannkess 'And because he broke against God, entirely of his own accord')·, NP (D. 167. y off patt he wisslike ras / pe pridde da33 off dxpe 'And how he certainly rose the third day from death'). The maximum number of different types of adverbials after the minimum verb

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

77

head is 3, but the maximum number of modifiers - regardless of type - is 5. Following are 3 of the longer strings of adverbials: APPT (P.40. y farenn wide, / Fra land to land, fra burrh to burrh, / To spellenn to pe lede 'And travel widely, from land to land, from city to city, to preach to the people')·, ACCPP (D.97. Himm bidde icc patt het write rihht / Swa summ piss boc himm txchepp, / All pwerrt üt affterr patt itt iss / Uppo piss firrste bisne, / Wipp all swillc rime alls her iss sett, / Wipp all se feie wordess Ί ask him that he write it accurately, just as this book teaches him, entirely as it is in this first example, with all such meter as is set here, with just so many words'); APAPC (11739. y sette himm he^he uppo pe rof / Wipputenn bi pe wa^he, / Forr patt he wollde himm fandenn pxr 'And set Him high upon the roof, outside by the wall, because he desired to tempt Him there"). 5.2.3. Modifiers occurring both before and after the minimum verb Modifiers occur both before and after the minimum verb in 112 clauses. An adverb or a prepositional phrase before the head can pair with any of the other types of adverbials after the head. However, the pre-posed clause can pair only with a postposed adverb, prepositional phrase, or io-infinitive ; and the nominal phrase before the head can pair only with a prepositional phrase after. The io-infinitive, of course, does not occur before the minimum verb head. Illustrations of these pairings - such as Α-C, "pre-posed adverb paired with post-posed clause" - are given in the following two paragraphs: A-P (D. 155. pohh patt te^j all forrwerrpenn itt / purrh pesare modi^nesse 'Although they entirely abandon it through their pride'); P-A (18813. y purrh patt arrice ... pu wirrkess arrkess 033 'And by that ark thou makest arks ever'); A-N (L.219. Forrwhi pe preost swa lannge wass / patt da33 'Why the priest was so long that day')', A-C (435. y swa pe33 leddenn heore Iif / Till patt te33 wxrenn aide 'And thus they led their life until they were old'); C-A (12089. 3iff Crist itt nollde polenn himm, / Naffde he pzrto nan mahhte 'If Christ had not permitted it of him, he would not have had any power thereto'); A-T (D.71. Nan word tatt swipe wel ne be / To trowwenn 'No word that very well is to be believed')·, P-N (18070. y all patt he fra land to land I ... I Fór operr stund 'And in that he traveled from land to land at times'); N-P (12320. Whatt gate he wann Eve y Adam / purrh pise prinne wsepenn 'In what way he won Eve and Adam by these three weapons'); P-C (P.47. purrh swillcpe33 berenn Hselennd Crist / Alls i f f pe33 karrte wie renn 'With such they bear the Savior Christ, as if they were carts'); C-P (D. 150. y 3iff pe33 all forrwerrpenn itt, / Itt turrnepp hemm till sinne 'And if they completely cast it aside, it will turn them toward sin'). The only examples of the pairings P-T and C-T occur in a clause that also has

78

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

the only minimum verb phrase containing modifiers of 4 different types: CAP-PT (1.101. Rihht swa summ bidell birrp ben sennd, / ... / Rihht o patì wise onn^xness comm Johan / Biforenn Cristess come, / To 3arrkenn folic Crist 'Just as it behooves a messenger to be sent, exactly in that way John came before Christ's coming, to prepare people for Christ'). 5.2.4. Relative order of modifiers of minimum verb A relative order of types of modifiers in respect to each other can be established on the basis of a greater frequency of occurrence of one type of modifier before another. For example, after the minimum verb head, AP occurs 120 times, while PA occurs only 26 times. Therefore, the relative order of the adverb or adverb phrase and the prepositional phrase after the head is AP. Such a relative order can also be established for the various types of adverbials in respect to the finite verb. For example, AV occurs 148 times, while VA occurs 303 times. Therefore, the relative order of the adverb or adverb phrase and the finite verb is VA. These relative orders can then be combined to give a profile of the minimum verb phrase. The establishment of a relative order is possible only when the number of occurrences of one order is substantially greater than that of its reverse order, or when the number of occurrences of one order contrasts with a zero number of its reverse order. The number of combinations before the finite verb is so small that it is not possible to establish a relative order with any certainty. The greatest number of adverbials before the minimum verb head is 3, in only 2 phrases : AAP and CAP. APP yields 2 occurrences of AP, since an adverbial - in this case, the prepositional phrase - can be counted more than once. CAP yields 1 occurrence each of CA, CP, and AP. These figures, combined with those occurrences of only 2 modifiers before the verb, give the following order frequencies: AP 10/PA 4; AC 3/CA 28; CP 1/PC 0; PN 1/NP 0. Only the AP/PA and AC/CA figures are substantial, but CP and PN contrast with zero. Thus, the relative order of types of modifiers before the minimum verb may perhaps be CAPN. The relative order after the head is (NA)P(CT) - based on the following contrasts : AP 120/PA26; PC 13/CP 5; PT 17/TP 2; AC 10/CA 0; AT 25/TA 0; NP 10/PN 7; NA 3/AN 2. The last contrast shows such a slight difference that the order AN might establish itself with the addition of further evidence. Therefore, NA is put in parentheses to signify insufficient evidence; and CT is treated in the same way because of lack of contrast. It is quite clear, however, that the groups (NA), P, and (CT) establish a relatively stable order, and that the prepositional phrase has the least degree of freedom of occurrence. The similarities of the relative orders before and after the head are that the adverb usually occurs before the prepositional phrase, regardless of the location of the verb; the nominal phrase may occur closest to the verb ; and the clause usually occurs farthest from the minimum verb : CAPN-V-NAPC. A comparison of the number of occurrences of adverbials before and after the head

79

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

in the 112 phrases with modifiers in both positions reveals the following: AV 82/VA 47; PV 25/VP 77; NV 1/VN 5; CV 25/VC 9; TV 0/VT 11. Thus, the adverb and the clause are more likely to occur before the minimum verb than after it; and the prepositional phrase, the nominal phrase, and the fo-infinitive are more likely to occur after the verb than before it. A combination of the relative orders of adverbials in íespect to each other and to the minimum verb with modifiers on both sides gives the following phrase profile: CA-V-NPT. 5.2.5. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in respect to the minimum verb Table 16, below, gives the actual number of occurrences of modifiers of the various types (M) before the minimum verb (V) and after it - regardless of the presence of any other modifiers in the phrase. The figures show that all types of modifiers except the clause are much more likely to occur after the minimum verb head. t a b l e 16

Order of modifiers and head in minimum verb phrase Modif. Adv. Prep. Nom. Cl. 7b-Inf. Total

M-V

V-M

Tot. No.

/o

No.

/o

No.

33 11 19 54 0

148 67 3 37 0

67 89 81 46 100

303 552 13 31 51

451 619 16 68 51

(21)

255

(79) 950

1205

5.3. MODIFICATION IN THE VERB PHRASE EXPANDED BY A PLAIN INFINITIVE

The predicator can be expanded to include a finite verb of the modal or impersonal type plus one or more plain infinitives. The modals that pattern with plain infinitives are shall, wilenn, mass (mu^henn), mot, müne, and cunnenn; the impersonal verbs are birrp and lisste. The corpus contains 339 expanded verbs of this type, of which 334 have a single infinitive and 5 have a double infinitive. In all 5 verbs with a double infinitive, the finite verb is shall; and in 4 of the 5, the infinitive adjacent to it is mu^henn. All but 1 of the verbs with a double infinitive contain modifiers. Of the 334 verbs with a single infinitive, 266 have modifiers of the expanded head. Thus, there are 270 verb phrases in the corpus which contain adverbial modifiers of a verb head consisting oí a finite verb plus one or more infinitives.

80

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

5.3.1. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with a double infinitive In the 4 expanded verb phrases with a double infinitive, the order of finite verb (V) and plain infinitives (I) is VII in 3 instances and IVI in 1 instance. The single occurrence of IVI features an adverb and a nominal phrase between the finite verb and a following infinitive: D.95. whase wilenn shall piss boc / E f f t operr sipe writenn 'Whoever shall desire to write this book afterwards another time'. Of the 3 expanded verbs with VII, 1 has modifiers between the infinitives: 18046. Swa patt tes3 sholldenn mu^henn wel / Unnderr pe rihhte liefe / Wipp cieñe pohht y word y werrc / Rihht lofenn Godd 'So that they should be able to praise God well under the right belief, correctly, with clean thought and word and work'. The others are not interrupted by the modifiers : 11445. y f f he shall mushenn Semenn himm / Fra deofless dxrne wiless 'If he shall be able to protect himself from the devil's secret wiles'; 18038. Swa patt tes3, purrh hiss hellpe y hald/ Unnderr pe rihhte Isefe, / Wel sholldenn mushenn flittenn hemm / y ferrsenn fra pe defeil, / y fra pe werrldess lufe y lusst, / y fra pe flseshess wille, / To clennsenn y to bsewenn hem m 'So that they, through His help and support, under the right belief, well should be able to remove themselves and depart from the devil and from the world's love and desire and from the flesh's will, to cleanse and to purify themselves'. 5.3.2. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with a single infinitive Of the 266 expanded verb phrases with a single infinitive, 5 have the order IV and 261 VI. Of the 5 with IV, 3 have modifiers only before the verb, and 2 have modifiers only after the verb. The occurrences are as follows : M-IV (11487. te tale offfowwerrtiz I Full wel bitacnenn shollde patt ... 'The number forty should signify very well that ... '; 11897. purrh patt tatt he se3$de puss / ... / pœrpurrh mann unnderrstanndenn mass, I P°tt ··· 'Because he said thus to Christ, therefore one may understand that ...'; 11907. purrh patt tatt he droh paer forp / pe bokess lare ... / pzrpurrh mann unnderrstanndenn mass / Pait ••• 'Because he drew forth the book's lore, therefore one may understand that ...'); IV-M (11707. Swa summ himm takenn birrp pxrrwipp, / Wipp clene lif y Ixfe 'As it behooves him to receive there with, with clean life and faith') 11813. icc unnderrstanndenn mass, I 3iff ice ummbepennke, / patt ... Ί may understand, if I consider, that ...')• Of the 261 expanded verb phrases with the order VI, 173 have modifiers only before and/or after the verb, and 88 have them also between the finite verb and the infinitive. Of the former, modifiers occur only initially in 34 phrases, only finally in 119, and only initially and finally in 20. Modifiers also occur only initially and medially in 9 phrases, only medially and finally in 42, and in all of the positions in 7. Thus, 34 % of the phrases with VI have modifiers between the finite verb and the infinitive

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

81

(88 occurrences), and 66% have modifiers only elsewhere (173 occurrences). Illustrations of the various positions of the modifier (M) in respect to the finite verb (V) and the plain infinitive (I) are as follows M-VI (1.69. swa patt he pe33m / Fra pine wollde lesena 'So that He would release them from pain')·, V-M-I (D.55. Forr whase möt to Isewedd folic / Larspell off Goddspell tellenn 'For whoever must preach the doctrine of the Gospel to ignorant people'); VI-M (11999. y mann ma33 unnderrstanndenn piss / Anndswere o twinne wise 'And one may understand this answer in two ways'); M-V-M-I (D. 19. 3iff Ennglissh folic, forr lufe off Crist, I Itt wollde3erne lernenn 'If English people, for the love of Christ, would earnestly learn it'); V-M-I-M (D.57. He mot wel ekenn mani3 word / Amang Goddspelless wordess 'He must well add many a word among the Gospel's words'); M-VI-M (12119. Acc patt tatt Crist tzr mihhte seon / Wipp eorpli3 flxshess e3he 'But that which Christ might see there with eyes of earthly flesh'); M-V-M-I-M (12023. y wel pe Laferrd mihhte puss / Anndswerenn off himm sellfenn 'And well might the Lord answer thus concerning Himself'). 5.3.2.1. Modifiers before VI. - The modifiers before the expanded verb VI include all types of adverbials except the io-infinitive. Among the 83 modifiers are 39 adverbs or adverb phrases, 25 prepositional phrases, 1 nominal phrase, and 18 clauses. Different adverbials combine in only 5 instances, however, and do not furnish sufficient evidence for a relative order: PA 3/AP 2; AC 1/CA 0. Illustrations are as follows: A-VI (1.105. y her icc wile shœwenn3uw / Hu ... 'And here I will show you how ...'); P-VI (D. 133. patt all Ennglisshe lede / Wipp ¡ere shollde lisstenn itt 'That all English people should listen to it with their ears'); N-VI (445. y tait te folic all pess te bett / Hiss lare shollde folgern 'And that the people should follow His teaching all the better'); C-VI (11443. patt Cristesspeoww, / Affterr patt he beop fullhtnedd, / Shall hafenn rihht inoh 'That Christ's servant, after he shall be baptized, shall have right enough'). 5.3.2.2. Modifiers between V and I. - In the position between the finite verb and the plain infinitive, the adverb occurs 65 times, the prepositional phrase 42 times, the nominal phrase 5 times, the clause once, and the io-infinitive zero times. The combinations of adverbials are more numerous in medial position (18 phrases), but they do not point to any clear relative order: AP 10/PA 4; AN 3/NA 0; PN 1/NP 1 ; CP 3/PC 1. The relative order might be desciibed as (CA) (PN). Illustrations of the various adverbials in medial position are as follows: V-A-I (11584. Forr patt te deofell shollde / Wel wenenn patt he wxre mann 'Because the devil should think well that he might be a man'); V-P-I (11343. nohht ne ma33 pe mann / Β i brœd all ane libbenn 'Man may not live by bread entirely alone'); V-N-I (11375. te deofell wollde pser / pe p ridde sip e fandern / pe lefe Laferrd Jesu Crist 'The devil desired to tempt the dear Lord Jesus Christ there the third time'); V-C-I (18935. patt alle mihhtenn purrh hiss spell, / 3iff pe33 hemm sellf ne wolldenn, / ... / Wipp fülle trowwpe

82

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

lefenn 'So that all might believe with full faith by means of his preaching, if would not do it by themselves'').

they

5.3.2.3. Modifiers after VI. - In the position after VI the adverb occurs 76 times, the prepositional phrase 123 times, the nominal phrase 3 times, the clause 59 times, and the ¿o-infmitive 39 times. The relative order (NA)PCT is based on the following contrasts: AP 27/PA 5; AC 17/CA 0; AT 14/TA 0; PC 20/CP 0; PT 10/TP 1; NP 2/PN 0; CT 3/TC 0; NC 2/CN 0. The contrasts AN/NA and IN/NI do not occur. Illustrations of the various adverbials in final position are as follows: VI-A (D.40. Off patt tatt Cristess hall^he ped / Birrp trowwenn wel O f that which it behooves Christ's holy people to believe we IT); VI-P (459. j ho shollde childenn an / Utnumenn child to manne 'She should bring forth a distinguished child to man'); VI-C (12017. Ne wile Inohht, tu lape gast, / Don affterr patt tu Ixresst Ί will not, thou hateful spirit, do as thou instruct'); Vl-N (11484. he wollde fasstenn / Fowwerrtij da^hess 'He desired to fast for forty days'); VI-T (L.242. y uss birrp hemm purrhsekenn, / To lokenn whatt tess Ixrenn uss 'And it behooves us to examine them in order to discover what they teach us'). 5.3.3. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in the verb phrase expanded by an infinitive Table 17, below, summarizes all of the occurrences of adverbials in verb phrases containing a finite verb plus one or more plain infinitives. The parentheses around the symbols VI show that the order of finite verb (V) and plain infinitive (I) can be either VI or IV. The table indicates that all types of adverbials except the nominal occur with higher frequency in final position (VI-M) than in initial (M-VI) or medial position (V-M-I). The nominal phrase is somewhat more likely to occur in medial position. The /o-infinitive occurs only in final position, and there are more prepositional phrases and clauses in this position than in both of the others. TABLE 17

Order of modifiers and head in verb phrase with infinitive Modif. Adv. Prep. Nom. Cl. 7b-Inf. Total

M-(VI)

V-M-I

(VI)-M

Tot. No.

%

No.

/o

No.

%

No.

23 14 10 25 0

44 27 1 20 0

36 22 60 1 0

68 44 6 1 0

41 64 30 74 100

77 128 3 60 40

189 199 10 81 40

(18)

92

(23)

119

(59)

308

519

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

83

5.4. MODIFICATION IN THE VERB PHRASE EXPANDED BY A PAST PARTICIPLE

The verb head can be expanded to include one or more past participles - without an infinitive - along with a finite form of hafenn, wurrpenn, or beon. There are 298 phrases of this type in the corpus, of which 49 have the past participle before the verb and 249 have it after. When the past participle occurs before the finite verb, it is always adjacent to it; but when it occurs after, modifiers can separate the parts. Of the 298 phrases, 247 include modifiers: 41 of the 49 with the past participle first and 206 of the 249 with the finite verb first. The single occurrence of 2 past participles features modifiers both before and after the entire verb head: 18232. Crist xr haffde ben / Fullhtnedd att tesare ma^^stre 'Christ had been baptized earlier by their master'. 5.4.1. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with the past participle before the verb Of the 41 phrases with the past participle (L) before the finite verb (V), 5 have modifiers only before the expanded head, 9 have them both and after, and 27 have them only after. Before the head the adverb occurs 7 times, the prepositional phrase 7, and the nominal phrase once. The /¿»-infinitive and the clause do not occur before LV. After the head the adverb occurs 3 times, the prepositional phrase 36, the clause 7, and the /o-infinitive twice. Thus, the adverb has a higher frequency of occurrence before LV, and the prepositional phrase has a higher number after. The combinations of different adverbials before or after the head are not numerous enough to indicate a relative order: before (1 occurrence of AP); after (PA 2/AP 1 ; AC 1/CA 0; PC 1/CP 0). However, the clause does occur last among the modifiers after the head. Illustrations of the various adverbials occurring before or after LV are as follows : A-LV (18028. patt her bitacnedd iss 'Which is signified Aere'); P-LV (11929. alls itt o f f I Crist sellfenn writenn ware 'As if it were written by Christ Himself'); N-LV (547. whannse patt presteflocc, / ... / Ann sipe pewwtedd haffdenn 'Whenever that company of priests had served one time")·, LV-A (1.11. patt himm / Drihhtin forrbodenn haffde, / pzr 'Which God had forbidden him there'); LV-P (1.4. till patt itt cumenn wass / Till Cristess dxp o rode 'Until it had come to Christ's death on the cross'); LV-C (11567. patt Jesu Crist forrhunngredd wass, / Swa summ pe Goddspell kipepp, / Affterr patt all hiss fasste wass / Forpedd 'That Jesus Christ was hungered, as the Gospel makes known, after all His fast was completed'); LV-T (12021. Forrall mannkinnforrbodenn iss / To fandenn Godess mahhte 'For all mankind is forbidden to tempt God's power'). 5.4.2. Modification in the expanded verb phrase with the past participle after the verb Of the 206 phrases with the order VL, 11 have modifiers only before the expanded head, 93 only after, 36 only before and after, 20 only medially, and 46 medially and

84

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

elsewhere. Illustrations of modifiers in the various positions are as follows: M-VL (D. 101. alls her iss sett 'As is set here'); V-M-L (D.76. patt iss purrh nip forrblenndedd 'That is blinded by envy'); VL-M (D.66. he wass wrohht o f f eorpe 'He was made from earth')·, M-VL-M (D. 105. pxr itt uppo piss boc j Iss writenn 0 patt wise 'Where it is written in this book in that way'); M-V-M-L (P.81. y tuss iss Crist Amminadab / purrh gassilij witt 3ehatenn 'And thus is Christ called Amminadab through spiritual wisdom')·, Y-M-L-M (D. 191. purrh patt he wass i flumm Jorrdan / Fullhtnedd forr ure nede 'Because He was baptized in the River Jordan for our needs')', M-V-M-L-M (11875. y tier wass Godd hehlike y wel j Wurrpedd onn eorpe 'And there was God highly and well honored on earth'). 5.4.2.1. Modifiers before VL. - Before the expanded head VL the adverb occurs 41 times, the prepositional phrase 19, the nominal phrase once, the clause 11 times, and the io-infinitive zero times. Only the combination AP appears, however (2 occurrences) ; and therefore it is not possible to set up a relative order. Illustrations of the various types of modifiers before VL are as follows: A-VL (11943. Forr pxr iss sett an operr ferrs 'For another verse is written there')·, P-VL (D. 113. Whi icc till Ennglissh hafe wennd/ Goddspelless hall^he lare 'Why I have turned the Gospel's holy lore into English')·, N-VL (11781. y all patt Hike wise wass / Crist Godess Sune fandedd 'And in that very same way was Christ, God's Son, tempted'); C-VL (D. 139. y 3 i f f pe^s wilenn herenn itt, / ... / Icc hafe hemm hollpenn 'And if they will hear it, I have helped them'). 5.4.2.2. Modifiers between V and L. - In the position between the finite verb and the past participle, the adverb occurs 51 times, the prepositional phrase 35 times, the nominal phrase twice, the clause twice, and the /o-infinitive phrase once. The combinations of different adverbials indicate a relative order ANCPI, based on the following contrasts: AP 10/PA 5; AC 2/CA 0; CP 1/PC 0; PT 2/TP 0; AN 1/NA 0. Illustrations of the various modifiers between V and L are as follows: V-A-L (354. y haffde itt all forrworrpenn 'And had entirely abandoned it'); V-P-L (18587. pxr itt I Iss purrh hiss faderr strenedd 'Where it is begotten by its father')·, V-N-L (L.227. patt himm wass patt da^3 \ Summ unncup sihhpe shxwedd 'That some strange sight had been shown to him that day')·, V-C-L (D.323. Icc wassp¡er pxr 1 crisstnedd wass / Orrmin bi name nemmnedd Ί was named there, where I was Christened, Orrmin'); V-T-L (473. y he,piss Zakaryas, wass / Bitwenenn opreprestess / I patt shifftinng to serrfenn sett 'And he, this Zacharias, was set to serve in that shift between other priests'). 5.4.2.3. Modifiers after VL. - In the position after the expanded verb VL, the adverb occurs 38 times, the prepositional phrase 163, the nominal phrase 7, the clause 48, and the io-infinitive 22. The combinations of different adverbials indicate a relative

85

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

order APN(TC), based on the following contrasts: AP 24/PA 8; AC 11/CA 0; AN 2/NA 0; AT 6/TA 0; PC 31/CP 0; PN 6/NP 0; PT 16/TP 0; NC 2/CN 0. Illustrations of the various types of adverbials after VL are as follows: VL-A (11877. y forrfri wass itt nennedd ta / Drihhtiness hall^he chesstre 'And therefore it was named God's holy city then')·, VL-P (11505. y sawle iss shapenn all o f f nohht 'And the soul is formed entirely of nothing'); VL-N (11769. te Laferrd Crist / Wass fandedd ... / patt Hike wise 'The Lord Christ was tempted in that same way'); YL-C (1.31. Adam wass wurrpenn deofless peoww / purrh patt he di de hiss wille 'Adam had become the devil's servant, because he did his will'); VL-T (11690. patt jmw iss sett to foll^henn 'Which is set for you to follow'). 5.4.3. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in the verb phrase expanded by a past participle Table 18, below, summarizes all of the occurrences of adverbials in verb phrases containing a finite verb plus one or more past participles in the orders LV or VL. TABLE 18

Order of modifiers and verb in phrase with past participle Modif. Adv. Prep. Nom. Cl. Γο-Inf. Total

M-(VL)

V-M-L

(VL)-M

Tot. No.

%

No.

/o

No.

/o

No.

35 10 18 16 0

49 26 2 11 0

36 13 18 3 4

51 35 2 2 1

29 77 64 81 96

41 200 7 55 24

141 261 11 68 25

(17)

88

(18)

91

(65)

327

506

Table 18, above, indicates that all of the adverbials except the adverb are much more likely to occur in final position than initial or medial. The adverb, however, is rather evenly distributed in the 3 positions. 5.5. MODIFICATION IN THE VERB PHRASE EXPANDED BY BOTH AN INFINITIVE AND A PAST PARTICIPLE

The corpus contains 24 occurrences of an expanded verb consisting of a finite verb plus one or more infinitives plus a past participle. All but 1 of them have modifiers, the exception being L.212. Till patt itt shall ben forpedd 'Until it shall be completed'.

86

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

Of the remaining 23 expanded verb phrases, only 1 contains 2 infinitives : 447. purrh patt tatt iej3 him m sholldenn sen / Ben borenn her to manne / purrh Godess wille 'Because they should see Him be born here to man through God's will'. The other 22 phrases have the orders LVI (2 occurrences), VLI (4), or VIL (16). The combinations of different adverbials are so few in number that no relative order can be established. 5.5.1. Modification in the phrase LVI In the expanded verb phrase with the order LYI, modifiers occur only after the entire head: LVI-M. There are 3 occurrences of the prepositional phrase in this position and 1 of the io-infinitive. The 2 occurrences of phrases of this type are as follows : L.215. patt filledd shulenn ben purrh Godd / Att heöre rihhte time 'That shall be fulfilled through God at their proper time'; 18345. patt offreddshollde wurrpenn / O rodetre, forr all mannkinn / To lesenn ut o f f helle 'That should become sacrificed on the cross in order to release all mankind out of hell'. 5.5.2. Modification in the phrase VLI In the expanded verb phrase with the order VLI, modifiers occur either before and after the head (1 occurrence) or only after (3 occurrences). These four phrases contain a single occurrence of a modifier before the head (a nominal phrase) and the following occurrences of modifiers after the head: adverb, 3; prepositional phrase, 4; clause, 1. The phrases are as follows: M-VLI-M (440. patt Sannt Johan Bapptisste / patt time shollde streonedd ben / ... / patt hise frend mihhtenn off himm / All pess te mare 'That Saint John the Baptist should be begotten at that time, so that his friends might rejoice all the more over him')·, VLI-M (L. 161. he shall borenn ben / jy cumenn her to manne 'He» shall be born and come here to man'; 11573. patt mannkinn shollde lesedd beon / Ut o f f pe deofless walde 'That mannkind should be freed from the devil's power'", 11885. y forrpi birrp pe wzpnedd beon j himm e^swhœr onn eorpe, / To shildenn pe wipp all hiss lap 'And therefore it behooves thee to be armed against him everywhere on earth, to shield thee against all his hate'). 5.5.3. Modification in the phrase VIL In the expanded verb phrase with the order VIL, modifiers occur in as many as 3 of the 4 positions, but not in all 4. In the 16 phrases of this type, there are 6 occurrences of modifiers before any part of the verb head (3 adverbs, 1 prepositional phrase, 2 clauses) and 34 after the finite verb (8 adverbs, 15 prepositional phrases, 6 clauses, and 5 ίο-infinitives). Illustrations of modification in the various positions are given in the following 2 paragraphs: M-VI-M-L (18090. y wel mafä manness kinde ben / purrh waterrflod bitacnedd

87

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

'And man's nature may be signified well by the waterflood'); M-Y-M-IL-M (18965. Forr swa pe33 mare herenn y sen / Off Cristess rihhtwisnesse, / Swa shulenn pe33 purrh Jesu Crist / All purrh rihht dom ben demmde, / To dre^henn wipp pe lape gast / All pess te mare pine, / 3¡ff ... 'For as they hear and see more about Christ's righteousness, so shall they be condemned by Jesus Christ through proper judgment to draw all the more pain, if...'); M-V-M-I-M-L (P. 11. y forrpi patt Amminadab / O Latin spxche iss nemmnedd / O Latin boc Spontaneus, / ... / Forrpi ma33 Crist wel ben purrh / Amminadab bitacnedd 'And because Amminadab is named in Latin, in the Latin book, Spontaneus, therefore Christ may very well be signified by Amminadab'); V-M-IL-M (18925. patt itt ne mihhte nxfre mar / Ben lesedd fra pe defeil 'That it might not ever again be freed from the devil')·, M-V-M-IL (D.177. y forrpi ma33 itt wel / God errnde ben 3ehatenn 'And therefore it may well be called good message'); VI-M-L-M (492. patt nan ne shollde wurrpenn ¡pa sett to wurrpenn prest, butt i f f / He prestess sune wxre 'That no one should then become set to become a priest unless he were a priest's son'); YI-M-L (D. 195. purrh patt he wollde ben himm sellf / Onn erpe i waterr fullhtnedd 'In that He Himself desired to be baptized in water on earth')', VIL-M (11406. forr patt he shollde / Beon fandeddpurrh pe lape gast / pxr pxr he wollde fasstenn 'Because He should be tempted by the devil there where He desired to fast'). 5.5.4. Summary of occurrences of modifiers in the verb phrase expanded by both an infinitive and a past participle Table 19, below, summarizes all of the occurrences of modifiers in respect to the head (VIL) - regardless of whether the order is LVI, VLI, or VIL. TABLE 19

Order of modifiers and verb head in phrases with both an infinitive and a past participle Modif.

M-(VIL)

V-M-I-M-L

(VIL)-M

Tot. No.

/o

No.

%

No.

%

No.

Adv. Prep. Nom. Cl. 7b-Inf.

20 4 100 22 0

3 1 1 2 0

47 36 0 0 0

7 9 0 0 0

33 60 0 78 100

5 15 0 7 6

15 25 1 9 6

Total

(12)

7

(29)

16

(59)

33

56

88

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

Table 19 seems to indicate that the prepositional phrase, the clause, and the toinfinitive are much more likely to occur finally than initially or medially, while the nominal phrase occurs only initially and the adverb is distributed rather evenly in the 3 positions. However, the evidence is insufficient for any sound conclusions. 5.6. CONCLUSIONS ON ORDER OF MODIFIERS AND FINITE VERB

Table 20, below, summarizes the occurrences of the 5 types of adverbials in respect to the finite verb alone, regardless of the presence of plain infinitives or past participles in the expanded verb phrases. In other words, modifiers that occur after the finite verb but between parts of the expanded verb are treated in Table 20 as if they were modifiers in final position.

TABLE 2 0

Summary of orders of modifiers and finite verb Modif. Adv. Prep. Nom. Cl. 7b-Inf. Total

M-Y

Y-M

Tot. No.

%

No.

V /o

No.

31 11 18 31 0

244 121 7 70 0

69 89 82 69 100

552 983 31 156 122

796 1104 38 226 122

(19)

442

(81) 1844

2286

Table 20 indicates that the normal position of modifiers in the verb phrase - minimum or expanded - is after the finite verb. All of the different types of adverbials occur in this position with at least twice the frequency with which they occur before the finite verb. The io-infinitive occurs only post-positionally, and the nominal phrase and prepositional phrase occur much more frequently here. 5.7. CONCLUSIONS ON RELATIVE ORDER OF ADVERBIAL MODIFIERS

The relative of modifiers before the finite verb - expanded or not - is CAPN, based on the following contrasts: AP 15/PA 5; CA 28/AC 3; CP 1/PC 0; PN 1/NP 0. The relative order of modifiers after the finite verb - expanded or not - is APN(CT), based on the following contrasts: AP 198/PA 53; AC 40/CA 0; AT 45/TA 0; AN 9/NA 3; PC 68/CP 7; PT 58/TP 3; PN 14/NP 13; NC 4/CN 0. The combinations

THE VERB-HEADED PHRASE

89

CT (3) and TC (3) occur after the finite verb without establishing a relative order, and the combinations TN and NT do not occur. For further discussion of the order of adverbial modifiers - including the relative order of different types of adverbials, the absolute or relative order of adverbials of the same type, and the relative order of semantic succession - see Chapter 6.

5.8. NEGATION IN THE VERB PHRASE

The verb-headed phrase can be rendered negative in any one of the following ways : (1) by the addition of ne alone immediately before the finite verb: 11373. patt tu pin Godd ne fände 'So that thou do noi tempt thy God'; (2) by the addition of ne immediately before the finite verb and nohht immediately before «e: 12047. y nohht ne wzre he panne Godd 'And then He would not be God'; (3) by the addition of ne immediately before the finite verb and nohht after the finite verb (not necessarily immediately after): 18312. Accpatt niss nohht 'But that is not\ When nohht follows the finite verb, it can be separated from it only by a major or minor element of the clause or a past participle in an expanded verb - but not by adverbial modifiers. Illustrations of separations are as follows: subject (18314. Namm I nohht Godd Ί am not God'); direct object (18392. Ne ma$3 icc hemm nohht lesenn Ί may not release them'); indirect object (18408. tati Godd ne j a f f me nohht 'Which God did not give me'); "dative" object of impersonal verb (1.75. Forrpi ne rxw himm nohht off hemm 'Therefore it did not grieve Him about them'); "dative" complement and "nominative" of address (L. 151. Ne dred te, Zacarí^e, nohht 'Do not fear for thyself, Zacharias'); past participle (18751. patt sinne y woh / Nass shapenn nohht purrh Criste 'That sin and woe was not f o r m e d by Christ'). The negator nxfre patterns very much like nohht, occurring immediately before ne or immediately after the finite verb or a direct object. Illustrations are as follows : 11466. Off - patt te deofell nxfre / Ne blinnepp 'Because the devil never ceases'; 11638. Forr Godd ne gilltepp nxfre 'For God never sins'; 12157. patt naness kinness sinnfull lusst / Ne mihhte in nxfre unnsperrenn 'So that no kind of sinful desire might ever unlock it'. There is reason to believe that the 3 methods of rendering a verb negative are in free variation. The following citations illustrate this variation: 12011. y nohht ne birrp pe fandenn me (12006 Ne birrp pe me nohht fandenn); 12068. Acc naffde he nohht tatt mahhte (12080. Naffde he pxrto nan mahhte)', 12047. y nohht ne wxre he panne Godd (11585. Swa patt he Godd ne wxre). It is true, however, that nohht ne often follows a co-ordinating conjunction - as in the citations above, outside parentheses - and that when ne is not accompanied by nohht or nxfre after the finite verb a negative form of the adjective or noun is often present - as in 12080 above.

6 THE TO-INFINITIVE PHRASE

The ίσ-infinitive phrase in the corpus consists of a non-finite verbal with the ending -enn or -n, plus or minus an infinitive marker to, plus or minus a past participle, plus or minus adverbial modifiers, plus or minus "major" or "minor" elements of the phrase. The Jo-infinitive phrase functions as a major or minor element of the clause, as a modifier or complement of nomináis and verbals, and as a "major" element of another infinitive phrase.

6.1. IDENTIFICATION OF THE TO-INFINITIVE

The fo-infinitive can be distinguished from the preterite plural of finite verbs by the difference in bases: preterite plural (tokenn, cwemmdenn); infinitive or present plural (takenn, cwemenn). It can be distinguished from the present plural, indicative or subjunctive, by the absence of concord with a subjective case form: present plural (witt/we/3e/pe33 takenn)', infinitive (takenn, to takenn). The io-infinitive can be distinguished from the plain infinitive in an expanded verb by the presence of the marker to (forr to, off to) - either immediately preceding the io-infinitive or immediately preceding the first in a series of ίο-infinitives - or by the presence of a "subject" of the fo-infinitive (in the objective case if a personal pronoun). Of the 336 ίο-infinitives in the corpus, 314 are immediately preceded by the marker to, 6 appear without to in a series of which at least the first member has to, and 16 appear without to in a phrase containing a "subject" of the infinitive. The 6 /o-infinitives without to in a series are as follows: L.207. to lútenn himm, / To lofenn himm y wurrpenn 'To obey Him, to praise and honor Him'; 11864. To meokenn hemm y la^henn 'To humble and lower themselves'; 12279. To nittenn swipe litell, I y gredi3¡i3 to sammnenn all / y hordenn patt tu winnesst, / y litenn patt tu cwemesst Godd 'To use very little and greedily to gather all and hoard what thou winnest and to think that thou pleasest God'·, 18400. All to forrbu3henn helle wa, / y cumenn upp till heffne 'Entirely to avoid hell's woe and come up to heaven'; 18876. Topennkenn ohht off heffne, / Tosekenny to cnawenn Godd, / To lufenn Godd y pewwt enn 'To think at all of heaven, to seek and to know God, to love and serve God'.

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

91

The 16 /o-infinitives without to that have a "subject" pattern with the finite verb forms let (imperative singular or third person singular indicative of letenn 'let', 'allow') and badd (preterite third singular indicative of biddenn 'command'). Let always precedes both the "subject" and the io-infinitive, which occur in this respective order, though the "subject" and the infinitive can be separated by an adverb or an object. Badd also always precedes the io-infinitive, either immediately or at a distance; but it can be immediately preceded by the "subject". The infinitives can pattern with either a noun or a pronoun "subject". Illustrations of these occurrences are as follows: D.217. y let te posstless sen himm wel 'And (He) let the Apostles see Him well'·, 11337. y let himm staness seon anan 'And (he) let Him see stones at once'·, L.333. y let itt sippenn streonenn forp / Elysabsep to manne 'And let it later bring forth Elizabeth to man'; 11629. pe deofell badd himm makenn brœd 'The devil commanded Him to make bread'·, 11787. te lape gast himm badd I Off staness makenn lafess 'The hateful spirit commanded Him to make loaves out of stones'. The io-infinitive phrase can be expanded to include a past participle. In the 6 instances of such expansion in the corpus, the infinitive is either beon or wurrpenn, and the structure thus resulting is passive in meaning. All of these infinitives have to, and in 1 instance there are 2 past participles joined by a conjunction. None of the phrases contains a "subject". The expanded /o-infinitives are as follows: D. 128. to wurrpenn borr^henn 'To become saved' ; 347. to wurrpenn off redd her / O rodetreowwess allterr 'To become offered here on the altar of the cross'; 11416, 11440. To beon purrh deofell fandedd 'To be tempted by the devil'; 12147. To ben abufenn alle menn / Upphofenn he^he y wurrpedd 'To be raised high above all men and honored'·, 18462. To wurrpmn forr bridgume tald 'To become counted as a bridegroom'. Some of the io-infinitive phrases without a past participle can also translate as passive. The occurrences are as follows: D.71. Nan word tatt swipe wel ne be / To trowwenn y to foll^henn 'No word that is not very well to be believed and followed'·, D.77. patt tœlepp patt to lofenn iss 'That blames what is to be praised'·, L. 122, 416. patt nan mann nohht ne fand onn hemm / To txlenn ne to wre3henn 'So that no one found anything in them to be blamed or accused'·, L.313. all iss pwerrt ut sop, / y allpwerrt ut to trowwenn 'All is entirely true and entirely to be believed'·, 11593. he let full hzpelis / To lefenn y to trowwenn, / patt ... 'He allowed full scornfully to be believed and to be trusted that ...'; 18532. y tatt iss wel to trowwenn 'And that is well to be believed'·, 18971. j i f f patt iss patt hemm nohht niss off j To foll^henn Cr ist ess lare 'If it is that Christ's teaching is not being followed by them'. The io-infinitive can pattern with off in a construction that resembles a prepositional phrase except for the fact that off always immediately precedes to, just as to always immediately precedes the verbal. The resulting phrase translates as continuous or "progressive". Off can therefore be regarded as a second marker of the to infinitive

92

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

used to indicate that the phrase participates with the finite verb in a "progressive" construction. The occurrences of these infinitives - besides the citation at the end of the preceding paragraph - are as follows : 11466. te deofell nsefre / Ne blinnepp off to skrennkenn pa 'The devil never ceases deceiving those'; 11705. patt nohht niss off / To takenn wipp piss fode 'Who is not receiving this food'·, 11711, 11719. patt nohht niss off I To täkenn wipp patt lare 'Who is not receiving that teaching'. The fo-infinitive can also pattern with forr in a construction that may be regarded as a prepositional phrase. Forr need not immediately precede to, and it can occur in conjunction with another forr that takes a noun object. This construction can, however, modify a verb in conjunction with a io-infinitive without forr and translate in exactly the same way. Therefore, its status as a prepositional phrase is sometimes problematical. Illustrations are as follows: 455. patt naffde jho nan kinde pa J Onn hire forr to txmenn 'So that she had no nature in her then for generating'·, 11409. All patt wass don purrh Jesu Crist, / Forr mikell ping to tacnenn 'All that was done by Jesus Christ in order to signify many things'·, D.243. All forr pe lufe off Godd, y nohht / Forr erpli3 loff to winnenn 'Entirely for the love of God, and not for winning earthly praise'·, D.171. he shall cumenn efft / To demenn alie pede, / y forr to seldenn iwhillc mann / Affterr hiss a^henn dede 'He shall come afterwards to judge all people and to pay each man according to his own deeds'.

6.2. FUNCTION OF THE TO-INFINITIVE

The io-infinitive in the corpus can function as a major element of the clause (direct object or subject complement), a minor element of the clause ("pseudo" subject or "additional" direct object), a modifier or complement of a nominal (noun, adjective) or verbal (finite verb or another io-infinitive), or a "major" element of another io-infinitive (direct object). 6.2.1. Major element of the clause Of the 336 ίο-infinitives in the corpus, 76 function as direct object of a finite verb, and 5 function as subject complement. The subject complements, which were described in Chapter 3, pp. 61-64, always follow a form of the verb beon and occur without off or forr. An illustration is 11920. all hiss pohht iss zfre / Annd all hiss lusst to brinngenn menn / Ut off pe rihhte we33e 'All his thought is ever, and all his desire, to bring men out of the right way'. 6.2.1.1. Direct object of finite verb. - The 76 io-infinitive direct objects were described in Chapter 3, pp. 49-55. They include the 16 occurrences with let and badd - all of which have a "subject" but no marker - and 60 other occurrences with a marker,

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

93

47 of which have a "subject". In only 1 occurrence of the /o-infinitive functioning as a direct object is there also an indirect object in the same clause: 1.83. He sennde us s sone hiss word, hiss witt, / Hiss Sune, hiss mahht, hiss kinde, / To takenn ure mennisscle33c 'He sent us soon His Word, His Wisdom, His Son, His Power, His Nature to take our human form'. The fo-infinitive direct objects pattern with 25 other verbs besides letenn and biddenn, 11 of which take only infinitive objects which have "subjects", 11 only those without "subjects", and 3 either kind. The 11 verbs which take only infinitive direct objects with "subjects" are hellpenn 'help', bitxchenn 'charge', re^senn 'direct', senndenn 'send', eggenn 'urge', don 'cause', polenn 'permit', Iserenn 'teach', scrennkenn 'deceive', jifenn 'give', and tsechenn 'teach'. The 11 verbs which take only infinitive direct objects without "subjects" are täkenn 'take', blinnenn 'cease', jeornenn 'desire', litenn 'judge', dwellenn 'delay', biginnenn 'begin', forrsakenn 'shun', cunnenn 'know', addlenn 'earn', onnfon 'take', and forrlxtenn 'forsake'. The 3 verbs taking either kind of direct object are brinngenn 'bring', fandenn 'tempt', and dra^henn 'draw'. Illustrations of the verbs brinngenn, fandenn, and dra^henn taking a /o-infinitive direct object with or without a "subject" are as follows: brinngenn with "subject" (11455. he shall himm brinngenn onn / To don summ hxfedd sinne 'He shall bring him on to do some chief sin'); brinngenn without "subject" (12286. ^iff he brinngepp i pin lusst / Hiss wille swa to foll^henn 'If he brings into thy desire to follow his will thus'); fandenn with "subject" (12035. nollde he nohht swa fandenn Godd / To don pe deofless wille 'He would not thus tempt God to do the devil's will')·, fandenn without "subject" (12300. He fandepp pa to lacchenn pe 'He attempts then to trap thee'); dra^henn with "subject" (18156. he droh pe folic I To lufenn y to cnawenn /patt rihhtwisnessess lihht 'Hedrew the people to love and to know that light of righteousness'); dra^henn without "subject" (18460. patt Ine draghe nohht ome / ... / To wurrpenn forr bridgume tald 'So that I do not draw on myself to become numbered as the bridegroom'). 6.2.2. Minor element of the clause The io-infinitive can function in the corpus as a "pseudo" subject or an "additional" direct object. 6.2.2.1. "Pseudo" subject. - The io-infinitive "pseudo" subject patterns with the tautological subject itt or patt, which precedes the infinitive in the 3 occurrences. The tautological subject patterns with the verb beon and a subject complement. The illustration that follows contains the "pseudo" subject to wurrpenn and 3 "additional" "pseudo" subjects: 12143. Hu god itt wxre to pe lif / To wurrpenn riche onn eorpe, / To foll^henn all pe flœshess lusst / Onn alle kinne wise, / To beon abufenn alle menn / Upphofenn he^he y wurrpedd, / To beon all follke king inn all / piss middellxrdess riche 'How good it would be to the

94

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

life to become rich on earth, to follow all the desire of the flesh in all kinds of ways, to be raised high and honored above all men, to be king of all people in all the kingdoms of this world'. (See also Chapter 4, pp. 69-70.) 6.2.2.2. "Additional" direct object - The io-infinitive functions as an "additional" direct object in 17 clauses in the corpus, which contain 30 phrases. Of the 30 phrases, 28 are items in series after a io-infinitive direct object, and 2 pattern with a plain infinitive in series. The following illustration contains both types of occurrences: 18172. y tsechenn himm pe Laferrd Crist / To lufenn y to cnawenn, / y rihht to dredenn Godess dom / Wipp hop off Godess are, / y tepennforp to pewwtenn Crist, / To lofenn,y to wurrpenn, / y rihht to foll^henn Cristess slop 'And teach him to love and to know the Lord Christ, and properly to fear God's judgment with hope of God's grace, and thenceforth to path'. serve and praise and honor Christ, and rightly to follow Christ's (See also Chapter 4, pp. 70-71). 6.2.3. Modifier or complement of nominal or verbal The io-infinitive can function in the corpus as a modifier or complement of a nominal or verbal. There are 210 occurrences in these functions. 6.2.3.1. Modifier of verbal. - Of the 153 ίο-infinitives that modify a verbal, 148 pattern with a minimum or expanded verb, and 5 modify another io-infinitive. Illustrations are as follows: minimum verb (D.207. hiss hall^he sawle stah/Fra rode dun till helle, / To täkenn üt off helle wa / pa gode sawless alle 'His holy soul passed from the cross down to hell, in order to take out of hell's woe all the good souls'); expanded verb (D.61. y all forrpi / Shollde icc well offte nede / Among Goddspelless wordess don / Min word, min ferrs to fillenn 'And therefore, I should of necessity very often put my word among the words of the Gospel in order to fill my meter'); io-infinitive (18076. Off all patt uss wass ned to don / To berr3henn ure sawless 'Concerning all that was necessary for us to do in order to save our souls'). (See also Chapter 5.) 6.2.3.2. Modifier or complement of nominal. - Of the 57 ίο-infinitives that modify or complement a nominal, 44 pattern with a noun and 2 with an adjective. Illustrations are as follows: modifier of noun (11647. 3iff pu ne mahht nohht hebbenn mahht / To cwennkenn glutterrnesse 'If thou might not have power to quench gluttony')·, appositive to noun (11931. Forr Drihhtin hafepp sefôd y sett / Onn ennglepeod tatt wikenn, / To jernenn y to frofrenn her / pe Laferrd Cristess peowwess 'For God has said and set on the angel flock that office - to protect and to comfort here the Lord Christ's servants'); modifier of adjective (D.249. y f f

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

patt we shulenn wurrpi ben / To findenn find God's grace'). (See Chapter 7).

Godess

95

are 'If we shall be worthy to

6.2.4. "Major" element of another to-infinitive phrase The io-infinitive functions as the object of another io-infinitive in 7 phrases in the corpus, all of which also feature a "subject". Illustrations are as follows: 11924. To don hemm tunnderrstanndenn wrang / pe bokess hall^he lare 'To cause them to understand wrong the book's holy lore18147. to Ixrenn / pe folic to rihhtenn here / / / ' T o teach the people to correct their lives'. 6.3. STRUCTURE OF THE TO-INFINITIVE PHRASE

6.3.1. "Major" elements of the phrase The "major" elements of the fo-infinitive phrase, other than the verbal itself, are similar to those of the clause: the "subject", the "direct" object, the "indirect" object, and the "subject" complement. The similarity is morphological for some of the elements (the direct objects and the indirect objects) and both distributional and semantic for all of the elements. 6.3.1.1. The "subject". - Unlike the subject of the finite verb, the "subject" of the infinitive is in the objective case if it is a personal pronoun, as in the following example: 11839. he badd himm Ixpenn dun 'He (the devil) commanded Hi m (Christ) to leap down'. However, the semantic relationship between the pronoun and the verbal is similar: the devil is doing the commanding, and Christ is supposed to do the leaping. The order of the elements is also the same in this citation: subject, finite verb {he badd.)·, "subject", io-infinitive (himm Ixpenn). Nevertheless, concord is not present in the io-infinitive phrase; and therefore himm is not the morphosyntactic subject of Ixpenn. For this reason, the traditional term "subject" of the infinitive will be placed in quotation marks in the discussion to follow. Of the 59 "subjects" of the io-infinitive in the corpus, 57 precede the infinitive though they can be separated from it by the finite verb, an adverb modifying the infinitive, or a "direct" object of the infinitive. This order obtains regardless of whether the "subject" is a noun (18 instances) or a pronoun (39 instances), and regardless of the function of the io-infinitive phrase as an object or complement. The 2 phrases with the "subject" following the infinitive, one a direct object of a finite verb and the other a complement of another infinitive, are as follows: 526. Wheppr itt to serrfenn shollde / Prest senndenn 'Whether it should send a priest to serve'; 543. y ipehhtennde lott comm piss j Aby^ess hird to serrfenn, / To findenn prest hiss sefennnahht 'And in the eighth lot this Abya's company came to serve, the priest to find his week'.

96

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

6.3.1.2. The "direct" object. - Like the direct object of the finite verb, the "direct" object of a io-infinitive is in the objective case if it is a personal pronoun, as in the following examples: 11378. y brohhte himm onn an lawe 'And brought Him onto a hill'; 12C95. to brinngenn himm o lawe 'To bring Him onto a hill'. In both constructions, the object follows the verbal and it is Christ who is being brought onto the hill. Nevertheless, quotation marks will be used to distinguish the "direct" object of the /o-infinitive in the discussion to follow. Of the 195 "direct" objects (O) of a io-infinitive (T) in the corpus, 164 (or 84%) follow the infinitive (TO), while 31 (or 16%) precede it (OT). Of these 195 "direct" objects, 140 are nouns, 41 are pronouns, 25 are clauses, 7 are other io-infinitives, and 2 are adjectives. Only the noun and pronoun objects can precede the infinitive : noun (OT, 23 occurrences; TO, 117); pronoun (OT, 8; TO, 33). When the phrase also includes a "subject" of the infinitive (45 occurrences), the orders are as follows : STO, 40 occurrences (89%); SOT (3, 7%); TSO (1, 2%); OST (1, 2%). Illustrations are as follows : STO (12035. y nollde he nohht swafandenn God / To don pe deofless wille 'And he would not thus tempt God to do the devil's will'); SOT (11337. y let himm staness seon anan 'And let Him see stones anon'); TSO (545. To findenn prest his sefennnahht 'The priest to find his week'); OST (12151. piss wollde he brinngenn Crist ipohht / To willnenn 'He wanted to bring Christ to desire this in thought'). Illustrations of the orders TO and OT for the various types of 'direct' objects are as follows: TO, noun (D.317. To follshenn piss Ennglisshe boc 'To follow this English book'); TO, pronoun (18155. To clennsenn hemm off sinness 'To cleanse them from sins'); TO, adjective (12279. To nittenn swipe litell 'To use very little')·, TO, clause (L.243. To lokenn whatt te33 Ixrenn uss 'To observe what they teach us'); TO, infinitive (11923. To don hemm tunnderrstanndenn 'To cause them to understand'); OT, noun (535. Drihhtin Godd/ Topewwtenn wukemalumm 'To serve the Lord God weekly'); OT, pronoun (11994. Acc nohht forr himm to fandenn 'But not in order to tempt Him'). 6.3.1.3. The "indirect" object. — An "indirect" object is also present in 6 of the 195 io-infinitive phrases with a "direct" object. It is always a pronoun, and it always occurs between the infinitive and the "direct" object. It resembles the indirect object of the clause in respect to case (objective), position (between verbal and the other object), and meaning ('to' or 'for' someone). The order TIO occurs in 5 of the 6 phrases and OIT in 1. The "indirect" object does not occur in a phrase which also has a "subject". Illustrations are as follows: TIO (D.241. To gifenn hemm god lusst 'To give them good desire'; 12169. forr to tacnenn uss / ... / Eorplike shorrte lif 'In order to signify to us earthly short life'; 18112. To timmbrenn hemm ... / An casstell pe defell 'To build for them a castle against the devil'); OIT (L.210. piss blisse pe to kipenn 'To make known this joy to thee').

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

97

6.3.1.4. The "subject" complement. - The "subject" complement in the ro-infinitive phrase resembles the subject complement of the clause in that they both have the same referent as the "subject" of the verbal and they both appear with greater frequency after the verbal (TC, 100 % ; VC, 87 % - see Chapter 3, p. 62). The 11 "subject" complements pattern with to wurrpenn (9 occurrences - 7 nouns, 2 adjectives) or to beon (2 occurrences - 1 noun, 1 adjective). Illustrations are as follows : wurrpenn, noun (492. nan ne shollde wurrpenn / pa sett to wurrpenn prest 'No one should become set then to become a priest'); wurrpenn, adjective (12140. he shollde Seornenn / To wurrpenn riche o f f eorplij ping 'He should yearn to become rich in earthly things'')·, beon, noun (12149. To beon all follke king 'To be king of all people'); beon, adjective (521. whillc lott an ... / Himm badd ben bun hiss sefennnahht / To pewwtenn i pe temmple 'Which lot commanded him to be prepared to serve his week in the temple'').

6.4. ADVERBIAL MODIFIERS OF THE TO-INFINITIVE HEAD

Of the 336 fo-infinitives in the corpus, 170 (or 51%) are modified by adverbials. The modifiers occur only before the infinitive in 21 phrases (12%), both before and after in 7 (4%), and only after in 142 (84%). Every one of the 5 types of adverbials described in Chapter 5 (pp. 73-74) can serve as a modifier of the io-infinitive. Each can occur after the head, but only the adverb, the prepositional phrase, and the nominal phrase occur before the head.

6.4.1. Modifiers before the head The adverb occurs as a modifier before the io-infinitive head in 22 instances, the prepositional phrase in 9, and the nominal phrase in 1. When the adverb occurs before the head, the phrase can also have adverb or prepositional modifiers after the head (4 occurrences of A-P; 1 occurrence each of A-A, A-AA, and A-PPPPPPPP). The combinations of adverbials before the head - 1 occurrence each of APT and PAT give no indication of a relative order. More than 1 adverb - but not more than 1 prepositional phrase - occurs in 2 instances before the io-infinitive head. Illustrations of occurrences of adverbial modifiers only before the head are as follows: A- (12280. gredi^lis to sammnenn all 'Greedily to gather all'); AA- (12054. Forr himm 5'et tzr to fandenn 'To tempt Him yet there')·, AP- (11974. pxr / Inn idellsellp to fallenn 'To fall into idle boasting there')] P- (D. 128. purrh Godd to wurrpenn borr^henn 'To become saved by God'); PA- (18400. Wipputenn Cristess are / All to forrbu^henn helle wa 'Without Christ's grace entirely to avoid hell's woe'). Illustrations of modifiers both before and after the head are as follows: A-A

98

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

(L.333. let itt sippenn streonenn forp / pe lafdi,5 Sannte Mar$e 'Let it afterwards bring forth the Lady Saint Mary'); A-AA (11835. Forr swa to cwemenn bett y bett I Drihhtin y mare y mare 'For thus to please God better and better and more and more'); A-P (11642. firrst / To fandenn Crist purrh sete 'To tempt Christ first with food'); A-PPPPPPPP (18178. rihht to folgern Cristess slop / I chèle, i prisst, inn hunngerr, / Inn herrsummnesse, i sop, i rihht, / I lufe, i sop mecnesse 'Properly to follow Christ's path in cold, in thirst, in hunger, in obedience, in truth, in justice, in love, in true humility,).

6.4.2. Modifiers after the head In 142 ίο-infinitive phrases the modifiers occur only after the head - the adverb 65 times, the prepositional phrase 163, the nominal phrase 3, the clause 12, and the fo-infinitive 3. The adverb and the prepositional phrase combine with any of the other modifiers, including each other; but the clause and the io-infinitive combine only with the adverb and prepositional phrase, and not with each other. The relative order (NA)P(CT) is based on the following contrasts: AP 48/PA 8; AC 5/CA 0; AT 1/TA 0; AN 1/NA 1 ; PC 9/CP 0; PT 1/TP 0; NP 3/PN 0. Illustrations of selected combinations after the head are as follows: -AP (D.217. y let teposstless sen himm wel j Inn hiss mennisske kinde 'And let the apostles see Him well in His human form'); -AC (D.68. to purrhlokenn offte, / patt uponn all piss boc ne be / Nan word 3%n Cristess lare 'To look through often, so that no word against Christ's teaching will be in this entire book'); -AT(D.297. To stanndenn inn to cwemenn Godd 'To persevere ίο please God'); -PA (12147. To beon abufenn alle menn / Upphofenn he$he 'To be raised high above other men'); -PC (11444. To stanndenn 3%n pe deofell, / 3 i f f he shall mu^henn 3ernenn himm 'To stand against the devil, if he shall be able to protect himself')', -PT (505. To cumenn inntill 3errsalaem, / To serrvenn i pe temmple 'To come into Jerusalem to serve in the temple'); -ANPP (D.227. He let te posstless sen himm wel / Well offte sipe onn erpe, / Wippinnenn da^ess fowwerrtis 'He let the apostles see Him well very many times on earth within forty days').

6.4.3. Summary of occurrences of modifiers before or after the to-infinitive head Table 21, p. 99, indicates that modifiers are much more likely to occur after the io-infinitive (246, 88%) than before (32, 12%). The frequency of occurrence after the head is also greater for each type of adverbial - and for the clause and infinitive it is 100%.

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

99

TABLE 21

Summary of orders of modifiers and to-infinitive M-T

Modif. Adv. Prep. Nom. Cl. 7b-Inf. Total

T-M

Tot. No.

/o

No.

%

No.

25 5 25 0 0

22 9 1 0 0

75 95 75 100 100

65 163 3 12 3

87 172 4 12 3

(12)

32

(88)

246

278

6.5. CONCLUSIONS FOR ALL MODIFIERS OF VERBAL HEADS

Conclusions can be drawn for all modifiers of verbal heads in the following areas: (1) the relative order of the modifiers in respect to the verbal head, (2) the relative order of types of adverbials in respect to each other, (3) the absolute or relative order of members of the same class of adverbial in respect to each other, and (4) the relative order of semantic succession of modifiers. 6.5.1. Relative order of modifiers and verbal head The combined totals for adverbials of the 5 types modifying either a verb head or a io-infinitive head are given in Table 22, p. 100. This table is a summary of the totals from Table 20, p. 88, and Table 21, above. The major difference between those tables is that the clause can occur as a modifier before the finite verb but not before the io-infinitive. The major similarities are that all types of adverbials are much more likely to occur after the verbal head than before it, and that the io-infinitive occurs as a modifier only after a verbal head. It may be concluded from Table 22 that the normal order of modifier (M) and verbal head (H) is H-M. 6.5.2. Relative order of types of adverbials with each other The relative order of types of adverbials described in Chapter 5, p. 88, in connection with the verb-headed phrase can be combined with the figures given above, p. 98, for the io-infinitive phrase to produce an over-all order before and after the verbal head. The combined relative order before the verbal head is CAPN, based on the following contrasts: AP 16/PA 6; CA 28/AC 3; CP 1/PC 0; PN 1/NP 0. In this position the prepositional phrase does not precede the clause, the nominal phrase

100

THE "TO"-INFINITIVE PHRASE TABLE 2 2

Over-all order of modifiers and verbal head Modif. Adv. Prep. Nom. Cl. Γο-Inf. Total

M-H

H-M

Tot. No.

/o

No.

/o

No.

30 10 19 29 0

266 130 8 70 0

70 90 81 71 100

617 1146 34 168 125

883 1276 42 238 125

(18)

474

(82) 2090

2564

does not precede the prepositional phrase, and the io-infinitive does not combine with other adverbials. The combined relative order after the verbal head is A(NP) (CT), based on the following contrasts: AP 246/PA 61; AC 45/CA 0; AT 46/TA 0; AN 10/NA 4; PC 77/CP 7; PT 59/TP 3; NP 16/PN 14; NC 4/CN 0; CT 3/TC 3. In this position the clause does not precede the adverb or the nominal, the fo-infinitive does not precede the adverb, and the nominal and the /o-infinitive do not combine. The figures for NP/PN and CT/TC are inconclusive. 6.5.3. Order of members of types of adverbials The members of the adverb, prepositional phrase, and clause types establish either absolute (adverb and clause) or relative (prepositional phrase) orders of occurrence in respect to each other within their own type. Evidence is insufficient for describing the nominal phrase and the io-infinitive phrase in this fashion. 6.5.3.1. Absolute order of adjacent adverbs. - The order of adjacent adverbs is absolute, as described on p. 101 in Table 23. It is important to note that this absolute order applies only to adjacent adverbs in the corpus at hand. Outside of the corpus, for example, pwerrt ut can immediately precede all: 12468. purrh patt he pweorrt ut all forrsoc / To don ohht off hiss mile 'In that He throughout entirely forsook to do any of his desires'. Furthermore, the location of the verbal head is not relevant. Table 23 merely indicates that when 2 or more adverbs succeed each other, they occur in the order described. Illustrations of these successions are as follows: 11721. patt mann iss all sw a shadd fra Godd 'That man is all thus separated from God'; 413. e^perr heore sede swa / Rihht affterr Godess lare 'Each of them went so rightly according to God's teaching'; D.265. y purrh pa seffne innse^less wass / Rihht swipe wel bitacnedd / patt sefennfald goddlefôc 'And that sevenfold goodness was truly very well signi-

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

101

TABLE 2 3

Absolute order of adjacent adverbs all I swa / pwerrt üt / swipe / sefre / taeraffterr / littleer / ge33nlike rihht full wel neh anan upp " * sone 5et a33 nu inoh Pa forrnon elless efft puss offte wrang abutenn owwhar lafuliwiss (and most derived adverbs) fied through the seven seals' ; D. 61. y all forrpi / Shollde icc well off te nede / A mang Goddspelless wordess don / Min word 'And therefore I should very often, of necessity, put my word among the Gospel's words'; D.289. All swa rihht he lihhtlike inoh / ... mihhte / ... pa / Sejfne godnessess shzwenn 'All so properly he easily enough might show the seven goodnesses'; 18084. patt wass inoh ge^snlike don 'That was done conveniently enough'. 6.5.3.2. Absolute order of adjacent clauses. - The succession of adjacent clauses modifying a verbal head also reveals an absolute order according to subordinators, though the evidence derives from only 10 clauses modifying 4 different heads. The order is as follows : swa summ / forr patt or affterr patt / purrh patt / swa patt. Illustrations are as follows: P.85. y Salomon he nemmnedd iss, / Swa summ icc hafe shzwedd, / Forr patt he sette gripp y fripp / Bitwenenn heffne y erpe, ¡ ... purrh patt / patt he toe dxp o rode 'And He is named Solomon, just as I have shown, because He set peace and love between heaven and earth, because he took death on the cross'; 11971. pxrfore he brohhte Jesu Crist / Uppo patt illke sxte, / Forr patt he wollde don himm pxr / Inn idell sellp to fallenn, / purrh patt he shollde cumenn dun / purrh hiss goddcunnde mahhte, / Swa patt he nohht ne shollde hiss fòt/ Uppo pe staness hirrtenn 'Therefore he brought Christ upon that same seat, because he desired to cause Him to fall into idle pride there, in that He should come down through His divine power, so that he should not hurt his foot upon the stones'.

102

THE ' ^ " - I N F I N I T I V E PHRASE

6.5.3.3. Relative order of prepositional phrases. - Prepositional phrases do not establish an absolute order of succession as modifiers of verbal heads, but a relative order of the kind found among different types of adverbials is apparent. Because the order is relative - that is, based on contrasting frequencies - adjacency is not required. For example, in 12180. patt heold wipp Goddonn eorpe / purr h triggy trowwe lœfe, the succession wipp ... onn ...purrh yields 1 occurrence each of the combinations wipp - onn, wipp - purrh, and onn - purrh. The number of occurrences of these combinations is then contrasted with the number of occurrences of their opposites (onn - wipp, etc.) to produce an order of higher frequency (see Table 24).

TABLE 2 4

Relative order of prepositional phrases towarrd / bihinndenn / onn / wipputenn / abufenn / ajfterr biforenn to bi wipp inn amang bi^onndenn wippinnenn 3zn betwenenn

/ fra / butenn till forr purrh off upponn att unnderr inntill

The first members in the 8 columns in Table 24 maintain an absolute order in respect to each other (also bi, amang, and wippinnenn). The other members of the columns establish only a relative order in respect to these first members and to each other. Of these 26 prepositions that form phrases which modify verbals, onn, wipp, and purrh have the highest frequency of occurrence. Onn precedes 12 of the others and is preceded by 7. Wipp precedes 8 and is preceded by 10. purrh precedes 10 and is preceded by 11. Thus, these 3 prepositions are key points of sorts in the relative order. Illustrations of the relative orders by way of verbal phrases that contain 3 prepositional phrases are as follows: 400. A33 foll^henn rihhtwisnesse / Biforenn menn, bihinndenn menn, / O da^ess y o nahhtess 'Always follow righteousness, before men, behind men, in the days and in the nights'', L. 143. y Godess enngell comm himm to I O rihht hallf bi patt allterr 'And God's angel came to him on the right side by that altar'; 18620. Forr Godess Sune ankennedd I Wass a33 occ 033 wipputenn ord / Wipputenn biginninng / Wipp Faderr y wipp Halis Gast / Inn eche Goddcunndnesse 'For God's only begotten Son was ever and ever without origin, without beginning, with Father and with Holy Ghost in eternal divinity·, 18096. All swa rihht errnepp all mannkinn I Inn hiss dœpshildinesse / Fra 3er to 3er, fra da33 to da33 / Inntill hiss lifess ende 'All thus rightly all mannkind runs in his condemnation, from year to year, from day to day, into his life's end'.

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

103

6.5.4. Semantic succession among adverbials Where there is substantial frequency - that is, among adverbs alone, among prepositional phrases alone, or among all types of adverbials together - the relative order of succession of modifiers expressing time, place, and manner can be described. This type of analysis depends almost entirely on contextual meaning, because the same adverbial - the preposition inn, for example - can express time (18555. piss wass i frummpe 'This was in the beginning'), place (11717. i Godess hits 'In God's house'), or manner (11950. I pesare bodi3 dede 'In regard to the deeds of their body'), depending on the semantic content of the entire phrase. Only the toinfinitive consistently expresses manner (purpose, cause). 6.5.4.1. Semantic succession among prepositional phrases. - The succession of prepositional phrases, not necessarily adjacent, provides a slight amount of evidence for a semantic order of place/(time/manner), based on the following contrasts: place time 7 occurrences/time - place 1; place - manner 46/manner - place 29; time manner 8/manner - time 7. It is rather clear that prepositional phrases expressing place are more likely to precede those expressing time or manner than vice versa; but the time/manner contrast is too slight to be significant. 6.5.4.2. Semantic succession among adjacent adverbs. - Adverbs expressing time cannot occur adjacently to adverbs expressing place. Adverbs expressing manner (or degree) can occur adjacently to adverbs expressing time or place, but only in an intensifying role - as modifiers of the adjacent adverb, not of the verbal head itself. When an adverb ordinarily expressing manner (or degree) precedes another adverb of time, place, or manner, the first adverb functions as an intensifier of the second. The adverbs swipe and full are always intensifies, because they always precede another adverb. All, swa, pwerrt üt, wel, and rihht can be either adverbs of manner or intensifiers (all swa, swa pwerrt ut, pwerrt ut wel, wel 3eorne, rihht swipe wel, swa rihht), but rihht never intensifies alone: it is always followed by another intensifier. Adverbs of manner are accompanied only by intensifiers. Adverbs of time can be accompanied either by intensifiers or by other adverbs of time. In the latter instance the relationship is sometimes phrasal (adverb-headed): efft sóne 'soon afterwards'; nu littlzr 'a little before now' ; a j j onnon 'ever afterwards' ; txraffterr sóne 'soon afterwards' ; ¡et ta 'even then' ; nsefre mar 'never more'. The head can be in either position. The intensifiers that accompany adverbs of time are wel, swipe, and swa (wel offte, swa lannge, swipe newenri). Adverbs of place can be accompanied either by the intensifiers all and full (all üt, all abutenn,full heghe) or by other adverbs of place in a phrasal relationship: pxr ute 'out there'; owwhar elless 'anywhere else'; he^he upp 'high up'. 6.5.4.3. Semantic succession among all adjacent adverbials. - A relative order of semantic succession can be described for all adjacent adverbials, regardless of type.

104

THE "T0"-INFINITIVE PHRASE

This order, time/(manner/place), is based on the following contrasts: time - place 65/place - time 34; time - manner 36/manner - time 18; manner - place 79/place manner 72. It is relatively clear that adverbials expressing time are more likely to precede those expressing place or manner than vice versa, but the manner/place contrasts are too slight to indicate a relative order. In addition, time is more likely to be followed by place (65 occurrences) than by time itself (37) or manner (36) ; manner is more likely to be followed by manner itself (118) than by place (79) or time (18); place is more likely to be followed by place itself (132) than by manner (72) or time (34).

7 THE NOUN-HEADED PHRASE

The noun-headed phrase in the corpus consists of a noun nucleus and the modifiers of the noun that are either adjacent to it or to each other. These modifiers include adjectives of all kinds (quantitative, negative, interrogative, demonstrative, possessive, numeral, and descriptive), nouns (possessive and adjunctive), the past participle, the relative clause, the prepositional phrase, and the io-infinitive. The order of the modifiers is absolute, regardless of whether they occur before the noun head or after it. The noun-headed phrase is an endocentric structure - that is, the function of the phrase is the same as that of its head. The phrase functions as a major element of the clause (subject, direct object, indirect object, subject complement - see Chapter 3), as a minor element of the clause ("dative" object or complement, "pseudo" element, "additional" element, "nominative" of address, object complement - see Chapter 4), as an adverbial modifier of the verb (see Chapter 5) or of the io-infinitive (see Chapter 6), and as a modifier within another noun-headed phrase. The modifiers of the noun head reflect its gender, number, and case wherever possible : gender (Sannt Johan, Sannte Mar$e) ; number (allfolic, alle menrì) ; case (nan mann, naness manness). Gender agreement by inflection is possible only in the modifier Sannt(e). Number agreement can be achieved by all classes of adjectives except the numerals {piss boc, pise bokess; min word, mine wordess; an operr ferrs, opre menn; etc.); but the noun, past participle, clause, prepositional phrase, and io-infinitive cannot agree morphologically with the head in number. Case agreement is possible only in the genitive singular for the adjectives summ, nan, and an modifying a possessive noun: sumess kinness (dedess) 'deeds of some kind'; naness kinness (shaffte) 'creatures of no kind'; âness manness (gillte) 'crime of one man\ 7.1. DESCRIPTION OF THE NOUN-HEADED PHRASE

7.1.1. Configuration of the phrase Table 25, p. 106, describes the configuration of the noun-headed phrase in the corpus. This table is to be interpreted as follows : (1) The noun head (H) can be preceded, followed, or both preceded and followed by adjacent modifiers.

106

THE NOUN-HEADED PHRASE

. ε ; : δ S s a o ο "β ·§ -ο, S s

•è 8 S

2

oí tí υ

H-S 0-

"57 < m Q ω h A/•—S,

sa

•33 Λ 2 o &H Π . te -H cl,

5 1

¡=§1

§ u

s -S l iS s«af·«gÜ •S

ri